Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2017 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates 
 
 https://archive.org/details/historyofmainefr00abbo_1 
 
E T.Stixart BostorL 
 
 K/ / l x. 
 
 ■ii. 
 
THE 
 
 HISTOEY OF MAIEE, 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 EAELIEST DISCOVEEY OE THE REGION BY THE NORTHMEN 
 UNTIL THE PRESENT TIME; 
 
 • IKCLUDns'O 
 
 A NARRATIVE OF THE VOYAGES AND EXPLORATIONS OF THE EARLY 
 ADVENTURERS, THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE INDIAN 
 TRIBES, THE HARDSHIPS OF THE FIRST SETTLERS, THE 
 CONFLICTS WITH THE SAVAGES, AND THE GRADUAL 
 ADVANCEMENT OF THE STATE TO ITS PRESENT 
 ASPECT OF OPULENCE, CULTURE, AND 
 REFINEMENT. 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN S. C. ABBOTT, 
 
 Author of ‘History of the Civil War in America,” “French Revolution,” 
 “The Lives op the Presidents op the United States,” 
 
 ETC., etc. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY B. B. RUSSELL, 55 CORNHILL. 
 
 PORTLAND: JOHN RUSSELL. 
 
 1875. 
 
Copyright : 
 
 B. B. Bussell, 
 
 1875. 
 
 Boston: 
 
 Electrotyped and Printed by 
 Rand, Avery, & Co. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Maine is the native State of the writer of this volume. 
 Seventy years ago, in the year 1805, he was born in Brunswick, 
 within sound of the roar of the Falls of the Androscoggin. 
 
 His childhood was spent in Hallowell, then a small but 
 thriving hamlet upon the banks of the Kennebec. In the 
 halls of Bowdoin he received his collegiate education. 
 
 In his maturer years he ever repaired, for recreation, to the 
 parental home, then at Farmington in the beautiful and luxu- 
 riant valley of the Sandy River. 
 
 ^ In Maine he found the cradle of his infancy. There are the 
 graves of his fathers. Upon its soil he has spent the happiest 
 years of his life. To give a biographical sketch of his native 
 State, of its birth, growth and maturity, has been with him a 
 labor of love. 
 
 It is not the object of this history to search out discoveries 
 
 ' .which have hitherto eluded the scrutiny of antiquarians, or to 
 settle disputed questions which have arisen in reference to 
 \ minute details in early days. 
 
 V He wishes to give a faithful and graphic record of the 
 wondrous past, — such a record as will be read with interest at 
 -i every fireside. It is indeed an exciting story he has to tell, — 
 ^ of perilous adventures by sea and land, of struggles against the 
 hardships of the wilderness, of terrible conflicts with a savage 
 foe. 
 
 3 
 
4 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 In the rich libraries of Portland, Boston, and New Haven, 
 the writer has found ample material for his work. He has 
 endeavored to give the reader his authority for every important 
 statement he has made. Where there is irreconcilable dis- 
 crepancy in the annals of the past, he has endeavored faith- 
 fully to give each side. 
 
 The history commences with the landing of the Northmen 
 upon our shores about a thousand years ago, and closes with 
 the present grandeur of the State, when our prosperous Repub- 
 lic is about to celebrate the centennial anniversary of its ex- 
 istence as an independent nation. 
 
 The writer has only to say, in conclusion, that he feels that 
 this is one of the last labors of his long life. He has spared no 
 pains to make this history as accurate as possible ; and he now 
 commends it to the kindly consideration of the sons and daugh- 
 ters of Maine. 
 
 John S. C. Abbott. 
 
 Fair Haven, Conn. 
 
J 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN AND OTHER EARLY EXPLORERS. 
 
 •• PAGE. 
 
 Country of the Northmen — Voyages to Iceland and Greenland — Voyage of 
 Thorwald — His Death — Expedition of Thorfinn and Gudrida — Visit to 
 Buzzard’s Bay and Narraganset Bay — First Description of Neu" England — 
 
 A Mystery of History — Voyage of John Cabot — Voyage of his Son Sebas- 
 tian Cabot — French and English Claims — Caspar Cortereal — Verrazano — 
 Interview with the Indians — Este van Gomez — Norumbega — John Rut . 13 
 
 CHAPTER n. 
 
 VOYAGES OF THEVET, PRING, DE MONTS, AND WEYMOUTH. 
 
 Journal of Thevet — Pring’s Voyage — His Description of Penobscot Bay — 
 
 De Monts’ Patent — His Strange Adventures — Takes Possession in the 
 Name of the King of France— Alarm in England — 'Wejuuouth’s Expedi- 
 tion — Anchors at Mohegan and Pemaquid — Friendly Intercourse Avith the 
 Nath’’es — Infamous Conduct of Weymoutli — Kidnapping the Natives — 
 Exploration of the Kennebec — Planting the Cross — Homeward Voyage . 29 
 
 CHAPTER in. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR GEORGE POPHAM. 
 
 Fate of "Weymouth’s Captives — Formation of the Plymouth Company — 
 Disastrous Expeditions — Organization of Popham’s Colony — First Sight 
 of Land — Visit of the Indians — The Landing at Pemaquid — Suspicions of 
 the Natives — First Religious Service in Maine — Unavailing Explorations — 
 Ascending the Sagadahock — The Colony located — Search for the Penob- 
 scot — Casco Bay — The Androscoggin — Adventures with the Indians ’ . 45 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE FAILURE OF POPHAM’S COLONY, AND ITS ATTENDANT RESULTS. 
 
 Indian Etiquette — Virtues of the Indians — Scenes in the Colony — Popham’s 
 Death — Ruin in the Colony — AtrocioTis Cruelty — Revenge of the In- 
 dians — The Explosion — Fears of the Indians — The Colony Abandoned — 
 Private Adventures — Infamy of Poutrincourt — The Scenery of Mount 
 Desert — Monhegan in its Glory — Harlow the Kidnapper — Valor of the 
 Indians — Fate of the French Colonies — Adventures of Epenow — His 
 Escape — The Battle on Martha’s Vineyard 63 
 
 5 
 
6 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 John Smith’s Career — Exploring the Coast — England and France at War — 
 
 The War of the Natives, and the Plague — Zeal of Gorges — Vines’s Expedi- 
 tion — Conflicting Claims — Damariscotta and its Surroundings — Levett’s 
 Expedition — Views of Matrimony — Saco — General Lawlessness — Laco- 
 nia Company — Various Trading Posts — Pemaciuid — Tact of the French — 
 Bagaduce — Scene in the Kennehec — Testimony of Gov. Bradford . . 81 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PROGRESS OF SETTLEMENTS. 
 
 Capture at Machias — The Career of Bagnall — The Two Retaliations — Men- 
 acing Aspect of Affairs — The Twelve Provinces — Ferdinando Gorges 
 Governor of all New England — Expedition of D’Aulney — Energy of 
 Miles Standish — The Administration of William Gorges — Agamenticus — 
 Population of Maine — The New Grant to Gorges — The Province of 
 Maine — Thomas Gorges — The Constitution — Religious and Political Prin- 
 ciples — Woman’s Rights 97 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 COLONIAL JEALOUSIES AND ALIENATIONS. 
 
 Conflict between La Tour and D’Aulney — Its Strange Result — Attack of 
 Wannerton — Madame La Tour — D’Aulney attacks the Fort at St. John — 
 Heroic Defence of Madame La Tour — Her Capture and Death — Treason of 
 La Tour — Gov. Godfrey — Purchases of Indian Chiefs — Boundary Dis- 
 putes — Final Settlement — Submission of Godfrey — Ecclesiastical Condi- 
 tion — Sullivan’s Testimony — Dutch Settlers — Savage Insolence . . . 114 
 
 CHAPTER VHI. 
 
 THE PRO\HNCE OF MAINE ANNEXED TO MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Troubles on the Piscataqua — Career of La Tour — Menaces of War — Meas- 
 ures of Cromwell — Conquest of Nova Scotia — Character of La Tour — 
 Trading Post on the Kennehec — The Oath Administered — Sale of the Right 
 of Traffic — Boundaries of Kennehec Patent — Political Connection between 
 Maine and Massachusetts — Code of Laws — Northern Limits of Massachu- 
 setts — The Articles of Union — Rev. John Wheelwright — Correspondence 
 — Restoration of Charles II. — Petition of Gorges — Duke of York’s Charter . 131 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 POLITICAL AGITATIONS. 
 
 The Duke of York — The Royal Commissioners — Conflict between the Com- 
 missioners and the General Court — Their Unfriendly Report — Tyranny of 
 Charles II. — Chai'acter of George Cleaves — The Petition — Efforts of the 
 Commissioners — Treaty Avith the Indians — War between France and Eng- 
 land — National Antipathies — Baron Castine — His Character and Career — 
 French Influence over the Indians — Anarchy — Ambition of the Duke of 
 York — War between England and Holland — Jocelyn’s Description . . 149 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 7 
 
 CHAPTER X 
 
 THE FIRST ttIDIAN WAR. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 The Indians — Their Manners and Customs — Fondness for Intoxicating 
 Drinks — Scenes in the Wigwam — The Catholic Missionaries — Adventures 
 of Rasle — Indian Intelligence — Population — Philip’s War — Commence- 
 ment of Hostilities — Awful Scenes of Blood and Woe — The Truce — 
 Efforts of Mr. Shurte — The War Renewed — The Ambuscades — Folly of 
 the English — Desperation of the Indians 168 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE HORRORS OF WAR. 
 
 Dispersion of King Philip’s Forces — Falmouth Desolated — Scenes of Hor- 
 ror — Arrowsick Plundered — Treachery of Major Waldron — Munjoy’s 
 Island captured by the Savages — The Indians ask for Peace — Anecdote 
 of Mugg — The English resume the War — Increased Ferocity of the In- 
 dians — The Mohawks Allies of the English — The Ambuscade at Black 
 Point — Its Fatal Results 186 
 
 CHAPTER Xn. 
 
 WARS AND WOES CONTINXTED. 
 
 Ravages of the Indians — The Naval Expedition — Peace proclaimed — Losses 
 by the War — The Purchase of Maine by Massachusetts — The Regime of 
 Mr. Danforth — North Yarmouth incorporated — Baptist Church estab- 
 lished — Menaces of War — Employment of the Mohawks — Sir Edmund 
 Andros — Thomas Dungan — Tyrannical Acts — Attack upon Baron Cas- 
 tine — War Renewed — Fate of Waldron — Expeditions to Quebec and 
 Montreal 206 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CAMPAIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS. 
 
 Character of Indian Warfare — Expedition of Captain Church — Battle at 
 Falmouth — The Sack of Berwick — The Massacre at Falmouth — Church 
 at Pejepscot — Incidents of the Campaign — Indian Gratitude — The 
 Truce — Deplorable Condition of Maine — The Disaster at York — Heroic 
 Defence of Wells — Church’s Third Expedition — New Efforts for Peace . 224 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 KING william’s war. — QUEEN ANNE’S WAR. 
 
 Efforts of the French to reduce Fort William Henry — Cruelty of Capt. 
 Chubb — His Fate — Camden Heights — Plunder on the Bay of Fundy — 
 Major Frost — Fearful Tragedies — Consultations for Peace — Assacom- 
 buit — Impoverishment of the Province — Cruel Rumors and New Solici- 
 tudes — An Intolerant Act — Gov. Dudley — Speech of Simmo — King 
 William’s War — Policy of M. Rivieres — Shameful Conduct of English- 
 men — Third Indian War — Siege of Winter Harbor — Arrival of Capt. 
 Southack 245 
 
8 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE RIVAIi CLAIMS OP FRANCE AND ENGLAND, 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Jocelyn’s Visit — The Destruction of Black Point — The Vicissitudes of 
 War — A Naval Expedition — Merciless Ravages — Destruction at Port 
 Royal — The Expedition to Norridgewock — Exchange of Prisoners — Trea- 
 son suspected — Incidents of the Conflict — A Renewed Attack upon Port 
 Royal — Rage of Gov. Dudley — The Third Attack and its Failure — Naval 
 Battle at Winter Harbor — The Conquest of Nova Scotia — The Commis- 
 sion to Quebec — Exchange of Menaces 265 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BRITISH AND INDIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 Enthusiasm of the British Government- — The Fleet for the Conquest of 
 Canada — Utter Failure of the Enterprise — Daily Perils — The Bridal 
 Party — Treaty of Utrecht — The Ravages of War — Character of the 
 Younger Castine — State of the Ministry — The Pejepscot Purchase — An- 
 cient Dominions — Rearing the Forts — The Council at Arro wsic — Gloomy 
 Prospects — Character of Father Rasle 282 
 
 CHAPTER XVH. 
 
 THE VICISSITUDES OP WAR. 
 
 The War Renewed — Resolve of the British— Westbrook’s Attempt on an 
 Indian Village — An Indian Fort — Expedition to Oldtown — Attempt 
 upon Norridgewock — Beauty of the Village — Savage Depredations — 
 Father Rasle and his Chapel — His Letters — Murder of Bomaseen — 
 Slaughter at Norridgewock — Death of Rasle — Tribute to His Memory — 
 
 Cap t. Love well’s Achievement — Drake’s Narrative 300 
 
 CHAPTER XVIH. 
 
 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF LOVEWELL’s WAR. 
 
 Encampment at Great Ossipee — Serious Contest — Death of Lovewell — Of 
 Fr3’^e — Fate of the English in Lovewell’s War — Government Measures — 
 Native Honor — Indian Distresses — Incorporation of Orono — Heath’s Expe- 
 dition — Attack upon Young Castine — The Dummer Treaty — Indian Let- 
 ters — Cost of Indian Wars — Peace concluded 319 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE DOOM OF THE INDIAN. 
 
 French Influence — Gov. Dummer — His Wise Policy — The Trading-Houses — 
 
 Life at Falmouth — Govs. Burnet and Belcher — Act against Duelling — 
 Encroachments of the English — Conference at Falmouth — Gov. Shirley — 
 Visit of Whitefleld — Council at St. George — The Indians desire Peace — In- 
 dians refuse to fight their Brethren — The Capture of Louisburg — War 
 Proclaimed against the Indians — Peace — Subsiding Billows — New Claims 
 of the English — Fort at Teconnet 337 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 9 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE OLD FRENCH WAR, AND THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION COMMENCED. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 The Upper Kennebec Explored — New Forts Bnilt — War with the Indians 
 Renewed — English Atrocities — War between France and England — 
 Feebleness of the Indians — Incorporation of Towns — Efforts of England 
 to enslave America — The Stamp Act — The Tea Tax — Battle of Lexing- 
 ton — Patriotism of the People of Maine — Scenes in Falmouth — Visit of 
 the British Sloop-of- War — Capture of Capt. Mowatt — His Threats . . 354 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION: FALMOUTH IN ASHES. 
 
 The British Fleet — The Doom Announced — The Conference — The Bom- 
 bardment — The Expedition to Quebec — The Repulse — Frendliness of the 
 Indians — New Towns Incorporated — Tlie British Repulsed at Machias — 
 Anecdote of John Adams — Arrival of the French Fleet — The Foe estab- 
 lished at Biguyduce — Terrible Naval Disaster to the Americans — Barbar- 
 ism of the English — Capture of Gen. Wadsworth — His Brave Defence — 
 
 His Escape 377 
 
 CHAPTER XXn. 
 
 THE WAR OF 1812, AND THE SEPARATION. 
 
 Expenses of the War — The Question of Separation — Increase of Towns — 
 Counties Formed — Bowdoin College Chartered — The Farmington Schools — 
 Lewiston — Augusta and its Institutions — Waterville — Gardiner — The 
 War of 1812 — Causes of the War — Incidents of the Conflict — Increase of 
 Population and Towns — The Penobscot Valley Ravaged — General Alarm — 
 Scenes in Castine — Peace — The “Ohio Fever” — The Separation — Maine 
 an Independent State 397 
 
 CHAPTER XXm. 
 
 PEACE AND PROSPERITY. 
 
 William King— William D. Williamson — The Maine of Half a Century 
 Ago — A Journey to Boston — Succeeding Governors — The Aroostook 
 War — Origin of the Difficulty — Warlike Measure — Interesting Incidents — 
 
 The Truce — Final Settlement 426 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIAN EVUVnORATION. 
 
 Origin of the Movement — The Plan Adopted — Mission of Mr. Thomas to 
 Sweden — Wise Measures triumphantly Successful — The Voyage of the 
 Immigrants — Their Hospitable Reception — New Sweden — The Primeval 
 Forest — Labors of the Colonists — Their Industry and Prosperity — Increas- 
 ing Immigration — Interesting Letter from Sweden — Present State of the 
 Colony — Future Prospects 436 
 
10 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE PICTURESQUE ATTRACTIONS OF MAINE. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Portland and Casco Bay — Seashore Resorts — Isles of Shoals — The Beaches 
 — Cape Arundel and Old Orchard — Bath to Rockland, and up the Penob- 
 scot — Mount Desert — Lake Sehago — Mt, Pleasant and the Saco — The 
 Valley of the Androscoggin — Rangeley Lakes and Sandy River — The 
 Kennebec Valley — Moosehead Lake and the Aroostook 446 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION. 
 
 Military Condition of Maine — Proclamation of the President — Prompt 
 Action — The Greeting in Xew York — 'Welcome in "Washington — Stove- 
 Pipe Artillery — Testimony of Gen. Sickles — Gen. Hiram G. Berry — The 
 Liquor Shops — The Seventh Maine Complimented — Sufferings of Camp- 
 Life — Colored Regiments — Testimony of Gen. Naglee — Gen. Dow — Toils 
 of a Campaign — The Sharp-shooters — Lieut. Hill — Batteries of Light 
 Artillery — Courage of Xew Recruits 408 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, CONTINUED. 
 
 Battle of Cedar Mountain — Bivouacking in the Rain — Testimony of Gen. 
 Burnside — Scenes at Port Hudson — Arlington Heights — Campaigning in 
 the South — Patriotism of the Twenty-Seventh Regiment — Toilsome 
 March — Battle at Marianna — Ravages of Sickness — Summary of the Ef- 
 forts of Maine — Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg — Major-Gen. 
 Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee 483 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Maine, its Location and Size — Mountains — Katahdin — Temperature — Agri- 
 cultural Products — Various Industries — Ship-Building — Railroads — Slate 
 Quarries — Little Blue Quarry — Water-Power — Annual Rain -Fall — Manu- 
 facturing Facilities — The Saco Basin — The Androscoggin — The Kenne- 
 bec — The Penobscot Valley — The St. Croix — The St. John — The Salubri- 
 ous Climate — Prospects of Emigration 499 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 
 
 Normal School in Farmington — Normal School in Castine — Maine Central 
 Institute — Oak Grove Seminary — Commercial College — State College of 
 Agriculture — Winthrop Grairimar School — Kittery District School — Intel- 
 lectual, Social, and Physical Advantages of Maine 518 
 
ILLUSTEATIONS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Portrait of Author Frontispiece. 
 
 Old Stone Tower, Newport 20 
 
 Pejepscot Falls, Brunswick . 229 
 
 Garrison House at York 234 
 
 Monument of Rasle, Norridgewock 316 
 
 Sergeant Larrabee’s Garrison, Kennebunk 318' 
 
 Oldtown Falls 328 
 
 Ticonic Falls, Waterville 362 
 
 Battle of Lexington 371 
 
 Last Blockhouse of Fort Halifax 376' 
 
 Lower Falls, East Machias 385 
 
 View of Portland 396- 
 
 Maine Wesleyan Seminary 399' 
 
 Bowdoin College, Brunswick 402 
 
 Western Normal School, Farmington 404 
 
 Scenery at Abbott Family School, Farmington .... 405 
 
 Mansion, Abbott Family School, Farmington .... 406 
 Family School for Girls, at “The Willows,” Farmington . 408 
 
 Lewiston Falls 410 
 
 Kennebec Dam, Augusta 413 
 
 Cobbossee Contee Falls, Gardiner 416 
 
 State House, Augusta 428 
 
 Insane Hospital, Augusta 430 
 
 Portland Observatory 447 
 
 City Hall, Portland 448- 
 
 Custom House, Portland 449’ 
 
 Post Office, Portland 450' 
 
 The Cliffs, Cape Arundel 451 
 
 Boston and Maine Railroad Bridge, Saco 452' 
 
 Old Orchard Beach 454' 
 
 Whitehead Cliffs 455 
 
 Lake Sebago 459 
 
 Bonny Eagle Falls, Buxton 460 
 
 11 
 
12 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Lisbon Falls 461 
 
 Upper Falls, Rumford 463 
 
 Lower Falls, Rumford 464 
 
 Livermore Falls 465 
 
 Cascade at West Waterville 466 
 
 The National Home for Disabled Soldiers 496 
 
 Cumberland Mill Falls 509 
 
 North Channel Dam 511 
 
 Madison Bridge Falls 512 
 
 Carratunk Falls 513 
 
 Upper Dam, Ellsworth 514 
 
 Westbrook Seminary 522 
 
 Residences of Col. Ebenezer Webster and Others . . . 524 
 
 District Schoolhouse 525 
 
 State Agricultural College 526 
 
 Grammar Schoolhouse . 527 
 
 Maine UtEneral Hospital 529 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 VOYAGES OF THE NORTHMEN ^ AND OTHER EARLY EXPLORERS. 
 
 Country of the Northmen — Voyages to Iceland and Greenland — Voyage of ^ 
 Thorwald — His Death — Expedition of Thorfinn and Gudrida — Visit to 
 Buzzard’s Bay and Narraganset Bay — First Description of New England — 
 
 A Mystery of History — Voyage of John Cabot — Voyage of his Son, Sebas- 
 tian Cabot — French and English Claims — Caspar Cortereal — Verrazano — 
 Strange Interview with the Indians — Estevan Gomez — Norumbega — John 
 Rut. 
 
 E vents contemplated through the lapse of a thousand 
 years must be dim. In ancient times the region of north- 
 ern Europe, which now comprehends Denmark, Sweden, and 
 Norway, was called Scandinavia. The hardy people who dwelt 
 in that frigid clime were called Northmen. They were a sea- 
 faring people, regarded mainly as pirates. Shores far distant 
 were ravaged by their plundering expeditions. 
 
 It is said, that, ten centuries ago, one of these Northmen, Nad- 
 dod, who was called the sea-king, driven by storms, discovered 
 Iceland. It was, ere long, settled by a colony from Denmark. 
 
 It is said, that, about seventeen years after the discovery of Ice- 
 land, a storm drove another vessel from that island across to 
 Greenland, a distance of but about four hundred miles. This 
 was in the extreme north-eastern portion of the North Ameri- 
 
 1 For the following account of the voyages of the Northmen, I am mainly 
 indebted to the celebrated work entitled, “ Antiquitates Americanje, Hafnie. 
 Copenhagen, 1839. By C. C. Rafn.” So far as it is possible to obtain any accu- 
 racy upon this subject, the authority of Mr. Rafn is unquestionable. 
 
 13 
 
14 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 can Continent. Thus, according to this report, the Northmen 
 discovered America more than six hundred years before Column 
 bus approached our shores. 
 
 About ten years after this, another Northman, by the name 
 of Biarne, seeking Greenland, was driven by fierce gales far to 
 the south. It is surmised, from his vague descriptions, that he 
 must have caught sight of Cape Cod, and that he thence 
 coasted north-easterly, back along the shores of Maine and Nova 
 Scotia, to Greenland. 
 
 As the story goes, four years after this, in the year 1000, 
 a man by the name of Leif took another vessel, and set 
 out on an exploring expedition. He touched at dreary, deso- 
 late Newfoundland; leaving the coast of Maine unseen far away 
 on his right, he directed his course south-west, till he reached 
 the head of Cape Cod. Sailing around the Cape, and turning 
 to the west, he entered a large bay, which it is supposed was 
 Narraganset, and landed, probably not far from the present 
 site of Newport in Rhode Island. 
 
 They found the climate so mild, the region so delightful, the 
 fruit so abundant, that they decided to spend the winter there. 
 As rich grapes abounded, they named the country Vineland. 
 In the shortest day of winter they recorded that the sun rose at 
 half past seven, and set at half past four. This would quite 
 decisively indicate that they were in the region of southern New 
 England. 
 
 In the 3^ear 1002 a brother of Leif, by the name of Thor- 
 wald, set out on another exploring tour to these newly dis- 
 covered and attractive realms. Following his brother’s track, 
 he reached the same bay in which Leif had wintered, and 
 occupied the same cabins which he had reared. In the spring 
 he sent out the long boat with a party of sailors, to examine 
 the coast west and south. We know nothing of the results of 
 this expedition. 
 
 It is inferred, from the accounts which are still quite vague, 
 that Thorwald spent another winter in Narraganset Bay, and 
 that he named the spot Leifsbuder, or Leifshouse. In the spring 
 he set sail in liis ship, to follow the coast back to Greenland. 
 ‘Sailing around Cape Cod, which he named Naeset, he turned 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 15 
 
 the bows of his ship due west, towards the main land, and came 
 to anchor not improbably in what is now Boston Harbor. He 
 was so delighted with the aspect of the wooded hill, and the 
 green vales, and the charming expanse of the bay studded with 
 islands, that he exclaimed, “ Here it is beautiful ; here I should 
 like to spend my days ! ” 
 
 While at anchor here, they discovered three small canoes, each 
 containing three natives. These barbarian Northmen, with 
 cruelty which would have disgraced savages, pursued the 
 harmless natives, and killed eight of them. One only escaped. 
 The fiend-like deed roused the tribe. Soon a fleet of canoes, 
 filled with Indian warriors, seemed to cover the bay. But their 
 puny arrows could make no impression upon the oak-ribbed 
 ship of their foes. The Northmen, sheltered by planks, could 
 bid defiance to the assaults of these justly exasperated natives. 
 The assailants, seeing the futility of their efforts, retired. 
 
 They knew not that one barbed arrow, God-directed, had 
 entered the vitals of Thorwald, piercing him just beneath the 
 arm. He was the only one injured. As the deeply imbedded 
 arrow adhered to the wound, and the blood gushed forth, he 
 had only time to say, — 
 
 “ This is my death-blow. I advise yon to depart as soon as possible ; 
 but first take my body to the shore, and bury it upon the promontory 
 before you. There I had intended to make my abode : I shall now dwell 
 there forever. Place two crosses at my grave, — one at the head and one 
 at the foot; and let the spot, in all future time, be called Krossanaes.” ^ 
 
 This event took place, as is supposed, near Boston Harbor. 
 It was the first conflict between the native Americans and the 
 Europeans. In this encounter the Europeans were palpably 
 and outrageously in the Avrong. Thorwald’s men returned to 
 Narraganset Bay, where they spent the Avinter. We have no 
 account of their having any intercourse with the Indians. They 
 probably set traps for beaver and other animals. It is stated 
 that in the spring they set sail for Greenland Avith a cargo of 
 wood and furs. 
 
 It would seem, from this account, that ThorAvald and his men 
 
 1 The Promontory of the Crosses. 
 
16 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 were upon the Rhode Island shore for two years. They made 
 sundry explorations, both east and west. The remarkable head- 
 land, now called Cape Cod, they minutely described. They 
 gave it the name of Naeset, or the Nose. It is worthy of notice, 
 that when our Puritan fathers landed at the head of the Cape, 
 after the lapse of eight hundred years, the Indians called it 
 Nauset, there being the change of but a single letter in the 
 name. 
 
 Erik had a third son, Thorstein. With fraternal affection, the 
 young man decided to fit out an expedition to Vineland, as the 
 country was then called, that he might obtain the remains of 
 his brother, and bury them by the graves of his fathers. He 
 fitted out the same ship in which Thorwald had sailed, and took 
 with him a crew of twenty-five picked men. His wife, Gudrida, 
 who is represented as a woman of remarkable prudence and 
 energy, accompanied him. 
 
 The ship encountered a series of terrible storms, and was 
 driven far away to sea, they scarcely knew where. Turning 
 homewards, they did not reach the ice-bound shores of Green- 
 land until early in December, 1005. They landed at one of 
 these cheerless settlements, greatly exhausted by the tempests 
 against which they so long had struggled. Here Thorstein was 
 taken sick and died, with many others of his crew. It is prob- 
 able that the ship was frozen in, for she did not leave her 
 dreary anchorage until the spring. The heart-stricken widow 
 then returned to her friends. 
 
 A year passed away, and Gudrida was married again to a gen- 
 tleman of Iceland, by the name of Thorfinn. He was a wealthy 
 man, of illustrious birth, and distinguished for his virtues and 
 his energy. Our own New England, the Vineland of the Ice- 
 landers, was to them, in comparison with their icy abode, the 
 land of fruits and flowers, of genial clime and sunny skies. 
 Thorfinn, influenced, it is said, by the glowing description he 
 had received from the lips of his wife, of these favored realms, 
 fitted out another exploring expedition. It was probably his 
 intention to establish a colony, for he took three ships and one 
 hundred and sixty men. 
 
 The expedition set out from one of the southern ports in 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 17 
 
 Greenland, in the summer of 1008. They sailed along the 
 coast of Nova Scotia, then called Markland ; and then, keeping 
 the land, of what is now called Maine, ever in sight, cruised 
 along the shore until they reached Cape Cod. It does not 
 appear that they landed at any point. 
 
 They sailed around Cape Cod, being much impressed with its 
 long and sandy beaches. Passing the group of the Elizabeth 
 Islands, with which they were much charmed, and where they 
 saw water-fowl in such wonderful abundance that they could 
 scarcely step upon the shore without treading upon their eggs, 
 they cast anchor in Buzzard’s Bay. 
 
 From this point a small party was sent out on an exploring 
 tour to the north. The ships, with the remainder of the men, 
 sailed westward, and again entered the beautiful sheet of water 
 which their countrymen had previously visited, the Narraganset 
 Bay. It may be doubted whether there is anywhere a more 
 genial climate than that of southern New England. Farther 
 north the winters are too cold; farther south the summers are 
 too hot. In this temperate region there is perhaps as desirable 
 a blending of heat and cold as can anywhere else be found. 
 
 Thorfinn was delighted with the spot. He found grapes in 
 rich clusters, wheat growing wild. Through the winter no 
 snow fell, and the cattle fed in the open fields. The natives, 
 who may not have heard of the infamous assault of Thorwald 
 in Massachusetts Bay, gathered around in large numbers and 
 with the most friendly feelings. They brought in furs and 
 skins, which they were eager to exchange for the knives, hatch- 
 ets, and beads, which the strangers brought. The little hamlet 
 of log huts which Thorfinn erected on the shore, he called 
 Thorfinn’s Buder, or Thorfinn’s Building. 
 
 The Icelandic chronicler of this enterprise writes that the 
 natives valued very highly the red cloth the strangers brought. 
 They would give furs of the richest fibre for a piece not broader 
 than a finger’s breadth, which they bound around their heads 
 like a crown. 
 
 We have mentioned, that, at Buzzard’s Bay, an exploring party 
 had been sent out to visit the region north and east. This 
 company consisted of eight men, led by an Icelander of very 
 2 
 
18 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 enterprising spirit, named Thorhall. He is represented as a 
 man of very dark complexion, of stout build, and great physical 
 strength. They embarked in a large boat, sailed along the 
 eastern coast of Cape Cod, and then struck across Massachu- 
 setts Bay, north-westerly towards the coast of Maine. 
 
 On this passage he encountered a north-west wind of such 
 fury and continuance, that, according to the almost incredible 
 statement, he was driven entirely across the Atlantic Ocean to 
 the coast of Ireland. As the story goes, he and his men, upon 
 landing, were made slaves. 
 
 At the Narraganset settlement dissensions arose between the 
 Northmen and the natives. Battles ensued. The Northmen 
 were worsted in the conflict, as probably they deserved to be. 
 Impartial history must declare, that, perhaps without exception, 
 in the battles waged in this country between the Europeans 
 and the natives, the Europeans were the aggressors. The 
 natives seem invariably to have fought to avenge some wrongs 
 previousl}^ received. 
 
 The Northmen, who were but little better armed than the 
 natives, and far outnumbered by them, found their position very 
 perilous. Thorfinn decided to break up his colony and return 
 to Greenland, but he had heard no tidings from Thorhall : he 
 therefore took one of his ships, and sailed in search of him. 
 The rest of his company he left on the shore at Buzzard’s Bay. 
 
 It is supposed that he reached the coast of Maine. There he 
 cast anchor at the mouth of a river. Endless forests were 
 spread out before him, with scarcely any open space. Thorfinn, 
 disappointed in his search for Thorhall, returned to his com- 
 panions whom he had left at Buzzard’s Bay, and there he passed 
 the winter. It was his third winter in Vineland. 
 
 In the spring of 1011 he again spread his sails, and returned 
 to Greenland. There are some indications in the narrative, that 
 a few men were left in the colony at the bay; this is, however, 
 uncertain. Thorfinn took with him two native boys. Whether 
 they were carried away by stealth, or of their own free will, is 
 not known. The report he gave of the climate and its produc- 
 tions, and the exhibition he made of its furs and skins, and of 
 rare varieties of wood, inspired others with the desire to visit 
 these regions of so much promise. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 19 
 
 It was then supposed that Vineland belonged to Europe, — 
 that it was merely an extension of the coasts of Norway and 
 Sweden. They called the natives Skrellings, or little men,^ the 
 same name which they had given to the Esquimaux of the 
 extreme north. In a very celebrated work, Avritten about that 
 time by Adam of Bremen, entitled “ Ecclesiastical History of 
 the North of Europe,” we find the following curious passage: — 
 
 “ Siieno, King of Denmark, to whom I paid a visit, described to me, in 
 conversation on the northern countries, among many other islands, one 
 which had been called Vineland, because the vine would grow there without 
 any cultivation, and because it produced the best sort of wine. Plenty of 
 fruits grow in this country without planting. This is not mere rumor. I 
 have this news from very authentic and trustworthy relations of the Danes. 
 Beyond this land, however, no habitable country is found. On the con- 
 trary, every thing to the north is covered with ice and eternal night.” 
 
 This is the first description of New England which is given 
 to the reading public of Europe. It is supposed, from inciden- 
 tal allusions which are found in the annals of those days, that 
 after this there Avere many commercial expeditions to Vineland, 
 to obtain furs, skins, wood, and other commodities, for the 
 Greenland and Iceland markets. Of these no special record 
 was made. 
 
 As it is stated, that, in the year 1121, a bishop by the name 
 of Erik Ausited Vineland on a Christian mission, it is proba- 
 ble that there Avas some colony on the coast, or perhaps scat- 
 tered colonies, Avhere Northmen Avere engaged in trading with 
 the natives, fishing, and Avood-cutting. The beauty, salubrity, 
 and fertility of the country, compared Avith Greenland and 
 Iceland, must have presented strong inducements to visit the 
 sunny realm, and to remain there. 
 
 In NeAvport, R.I., there are the ruins of a stone tower, 
 which have evidently been battered by the storms of ages. As 
 the origin of the building is entirely lost in the haze of dis- 
 tance, it is by many supposed that the tower Avas built by the 
 hands of the Northmen. The architecture is neither above nor 
 below their capabilities. The building might have been con- 
 
 1 Tins is probably the signification of the term, tliough various other interpre- 
 tations have been suggested. 
 
20 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 structed as a citadel of defence, or for industrial purposes. In 
 view of the facts contained in these pages, it is not unreasona- 
 ble to suppose that the venerable tower remains a memorial of 
 
 One or two hundred 5^ears 
 of silence pass away. The 
 storms of winter wail through 
 the forests of Vineland. The 
 suns of summer clothe the 
 extended landscape in verd- 
 ure, opening the flowers, and 
 ripening the grapes. Indian 
 hunting-bands, of unknown 
 name and language, wander 
 through the solitudes in pur- 
 suit of the bear, the deer, the 
 moose, and, after life’s brief and joyless dream, vanish in death. 
 But from these awful solitudes no voice reaches us. We have 
 no record of the joys or griefs of these benighted children of 
 the forest. We simply know that everywhere upon this globe, 
 — this residence of fallen humanity, — man is born to mourn. 
 In the wigwam of the savage, as in the palace of the monarch, 
 eyes must weep, and hearts must bleed. 
 
 As we have mentioned, the Northmen called Nova Scotia 
 Markland, or, “ The Country of the Woods.” As there were 
 no definite boundaries then conceived of, this name included 
 the northern portion of Maine, as Vineland included its south- 
 ern portion. An Icelandic geographer, in his descrip tionyof the 
 globe, writes, his language being translated into modern 
 terms : — 
 
 ‘ ‘ From northern Russia, the land extends northerly to uninhabited des- 
 erts, until Greenland commences. Thence, towards the south, lie New- 
 foundland, Nova Scotia, and Vineland. It is supposed that Vineland 
 stretches out towards Africa. England and Scotland, form one island. Ice- 
 land is a large island on the north of Ireland. All these countries are in 
 that part of the world called Europe.” 
 
 The fact must forever remain inexplicable, why the North- 
 men, after having discovered and partially colonized the fair 
 
 the Northmen’s visit. 
 
 OLD STOXE TOWER, OR MILL, NEWPORT. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 21 
 
 realms of Vineland, should have abandoned them entirely, 
 while they continued their settlements in the dreary regions 
 of Greenland and Iceland. They called the region “ Vineland 
 the Good.” They extolled, in merited praise, the capacious 
 harbors and the beautiful rivers wdth which this goodly land 
 w^as blessed. Here the purple grapes hung in clusters; apples, 
 pears, peaches, and an innumerable variety of plums, grew in 
 orchards Which Nature’s hand had planted. Indian corn waved 
 gracefully in spontaneous growth. They found pure water, 
 fertile fields, and sunny skies. Wood was in abundance, for 
 buildings, to cheer the wdnter fireside, and for the mechanic 
 arts. Yet all this they abandoned for bleak and frigid realms 
 in the neighborhood of the north pole. 
 
 The Northmen, as we have said, did not consider Vineland a 
 new world. They thought it only a continuation of their own 
 Scandinavian land. Iceland became quite' a noted republic. 
 Thriving colonies rose on the icebound coasts of Greenland ; 
 and yet Vineland was left, for several hundred years, to the 
 undisturbed possession of its savage inhabitants. 
 
 The centuries passed slowly away, and Vineland was forgot- 
 ten.' The colonies in Greenland perished. Iceland, far away 
 amidst arctic seas, was isolated, and scarcely known to exist by 
 Southern Europe. When, in 1492, Columbus discovered the 
 islands of the West Indies, he supposed himself to be upon the 
 coast of Asia. Five years after this, Henry VH. fitted out an 
 expedition from Bristol, England, supposing that China might 
 be reached by crossing the Atlantic in very high latitudes. 
 The command of this expedition was probably intrusted to 
 John Cabot.” 1 
 
 This renowned voyager had three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and 
 Sancius, all of whom seem to have inherited in a degree the nau- 
 tical taste and the love of adventure of their father. Sebastian, 
 in particular, subsequently attained world-wide renown. A fleet 
 of five ships sailed from Bristol, England, in the spring of 1497. 
 
 1 There has been much clfscussion by antiquarians in reference to the voyages 
 of John Cabot and his son Sebastian, which it would be out of place to introduce 
 here. Those who feel interested in that question will find it f ullj'- presented in 
 the Documentary History of Maine, by William Willis, vol. i. I give the narra- 
 tive here as it is generally received. 
 
22 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 John Cabot was intrusted with the command J His three sons 
 accompanied him. In the instructions furnished by the king, 
 he was authorized to sail under the royal banner to all parts, 
 in search of islands or countries unknown to Christians. He 
 was to plant that banner, and to reign over the countries he 
 might discover, as the king’s vassal. In this patent, as it 
 was called, the voyage was to be directed to the east, west, or 
 north ; it being understood that the south belonged to Spain and 
 Portugal, as the first discoverers. Cabot and his associates 
 were to provide every thing for the expedition at their own 
 cost. They had nothing from the king, but the royal authority 
 and protection as their passport. 
 
 We know but little in respect to this voyage. Sebastian 
 wrote an account of it ; but his manuscript is lost.^ It is con- 
 jectured that the Cabots caught the first sight of the North- 
 American Continent, on the coast of Labrador, on the 24th of 
 June, 1497.^ Some contend that the land which they first 
 made was the Island of Cape Breton. Having run along the 
 coast, we know not whether north or south, three hundred 
 leagues, they returned to Bristol early in August, 1497. The 
 Cabots were received with great joy ; for it was supposed that 
 they had discovered the empire of China. 
 
 We hear nothing more of John Cabot. He probably soon 
 died. One year after this, in 1498, Sebastian Cabot sailed with 
 two ships from Bristol, in the month of May. It is said that 
 he touched the coast of Labrador far in the north. Finding it 
 intensely cold, even in July, with vast islands of ice floating 
 around, and the land trending to the east, he directed his 
 course to the south. ^ Coasting the southern shores of Lab- 
 rador, he cast anchor at Newfoundland. He was seeking a 
 passage to India. As he cruised along, he kept the coast 
 constantly in view on his right. Leaving behind him the forest- 
 crowned cliffs of Nova Scotia, he entered what is called the 
 
 1 Some aiithorities say that there were but four vessels, and that the vessel 
 which hore Admiral Cabot was called “The Mathew.” It is also said that not 
 John Cabot, hut his son Sebastian, had the command, 
 
 2 See Biddle’s Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 221. London, 1832. 
 
 8 Biddle’s Memoir, p. 52. 
 
 * Galvano’s Discoveries of the World, p. 88. London, IGOl. 
 
TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 23 
 
 broad Gulf of Maine, eagerly examining all the indentations 
 of its sublime, jagged, solitary shores. 
 
 The highlands of Maine can be seen at a great distance on 
 the ocean. There was a continuous line of coast reaching out 
 before him. It is supposed that he continued his voyage along 
 the whole length of the coast of Maine, and across Massachu- 
 setts Bay, until he found himself land-locked, as it were, by the 
 long curvature of Cape Cod.^ Rounding this hook of sand, his 
 hopes were probably greatly revived by seeing the open ocean, 
 extending far away to the west. Whether he discovered the 
 harbor of New York can never be known. Finding, to his dis- 
 appointment, the land taking a southern turn, and his provisions 
 falling short, after reaching the latitude of Cape Hatteras he 
 entered upon his homeward voyage. 
 
 Great was his disappointment at this result of his voyage. 
 Instead of finding the rich and populous realms of China, he 
 encountered only uncultivated and savage wilds, blocking up his 
 way. He was the first to recognize that the new world was a 
 vast barrier between Western Europe and Eastern Asia.^ 
 
 It was this voyage of Sebastian Cabot, along so large a por- 
 tion of the coast of the North American Continent, upon which 
 England founded her claim to the possession of the country 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific shore. The breadth of the 
 continent was then entirely unknown. It was a received law 
 of nations, that the discovery of a coast entitled the nation by 
 whom the discovery was made to the possession of that terri- 
 tory, to the exclusion of the right of any other European power. 
 It was also an acknowledged principle of national law, that the 
 discovery and exploration of a river entitled the nation, by 
 which this exploration was made, to the territory which that 
 river and its tributaries drained. 
 
 English explorers were the first to behold the coast of these 
 limitless and unexplored realms. Their flag was the first to 
 wave over these waters. Hence England claimed the continent 
 for nearly its whole extent. 
 
 1 Documentary History of the State of Maine, by William Willis, vol. L p. 141, 
 
 2 New York Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 23. 
 
 3 Asher’s Life of Heni'y Hudson. London, 1860. 
 
24 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 But France discovered the St. Lawrence, the series of majes- 
 tic lakes ; and her flag first floated upon the Mississippi, from its 
 source to its mouth. Hence France claimed the Valley of the 
 Mississippi, in its then unknown grandeur of expanse, — almost 
 a world in itself. These conflicting claims led to the clash of 
 arms, to demoniac battles, to horrors of blood, misery, and death, 
 which can never adequately be told. 
 
 Soon after the expedition of the Cabots, the Portuguese sent 
 vessels to explore the coast of North America. In the year 
 1500 Caspar Cortereal, a man of a noble famil}^, left Lisbon with 
 two ships. It is said that the first land he made was the east 
 coast of Newfoundland. Following the shore towards the 
 south, he came probably to the coast of Maine. He describes 
 the country as abounding in forests, well adapted for ship-build- 
 ing, with large rivers, and a sea-coast well stocked with fish of 
 various kinds, especially with codfish. 
 
 With villany, which even the moral darkness of those days 
 cannot extenuate, he enticed fifty-seven of the natives, men and 
 boys, on board his ship, and, luring them below deck, closed the 
 hatchways upon them, and carried them off to sell as slaves in 
 Spain. Fifty of these he had on board his own vessel. Seven 
 he put in his consort. But an avenging God decided that he 
 should not return to Spain to sell, in her slave-marts, the victims 
 he had stolen. In some fearful, ocean tragedy, which no eye 
 but that of God beheld, the ship, its guilty commander, and 
 all its inmates were ingulfed.^ 
 
 The Venetian ambassador at Lisbon witnessed the arrival, in 
 the Portuguese capital, of the seven Indians placed in the con- 
 sort. In a letter which this Venetian, M. Pasqualigo, wrote, 
 describing their appearance, he says, — 
 
 “ These natives are tall, well-built, and in color, stature, and aspect, 
 strongly resemble the Gypsies of Europe. They are admirably calculated 
 for labor, and will make the best slaves I have ever seen.” ^ 
 
 1 History of the East Coast of North America. By Dr. J. G. Kohl. Bremen, 
 Germany. 
 
 2 This letter was published in Vicenza, Italy, 1507. It was entitled, “ Presi 
 Novamenti lletrovati et NovaMondo,” {The Country newly discovered^ and called the 
 New World). 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 25 
 
 About twenty years passed away when Francis I., king of 
 France, fitted out an expedition of four ships to explore the 
 coast of North America. The enterprise was intrusted to the 
 command of an Italian from Florence, by the name of Giovanni 
 da Verrazano. We have not a very full account of this voy- 
 age. The most careful investigation has led to the opinion, 
 that the little fleet sailed from France in the autumn of 1523. 
 In a storm two ships were separated from the rest. Whether 
 they were lost, or returned to France, we know not. , We hear 
 of them no more. 
 
 After various adventures and delays, it is supposed that Ver- 
 razano, on the 10th of March, 1524, caught sight of the land at 
 Cape Fear, on the coast of what is now North Carolina. He 
 sailed about thirty leagues south ; finding no good harbor, he 
 turned back to the north. He cast anchor, as is supposed, near 
 New River Inlet, about sixty miles west of Cape Lookout. The 
 following is his account of that region, as he then beheld it, 
 and as it still appears : — 
 
 “ The first line of the coast is sandy. Behind this bar, there are small 
 rivers and arms of the sea, that enter at certain creeks, and wash the shore 
 on both sides. Beyond this, there is seen a country rising in height above 
 the sandy shore. It has many fair fields and plains, with forests of gigantic 
 trees. The water is shallow, and the shore without harbors.” 
 
 Continuing his cruise, he sailed around Cape Hatteras, and, at 
 the distance of about one hundred and fifty miles north, cast 
 anchor near the land. A French ship had been wrecked in 
 this vicinity, and one poor boy was washed ashore. The In- 
 dians nursed bim as if he were their own child. They re- 
 ceived Verrazano with the greatest hospitality. He requited 
 them by enticing a little Indian boy on board his ship, and 
 stealing him.^ 
 
 Continuing to sail along in sight of the eoast, coming to 
 anchor every night, he reached, as is supposed. New York Har- 
 bor. It can scarcely be doubted, that, in the following descrip- 
 tion which he gives, he alludes to that region, and that the 
 hills were the hisjhlands of Neversink. 
 
 O 
 
 1 Expedition of Verrazano ; Documentary History of the State of Maine, 
 vol. i. p. 225. • 
 
26 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “We anchored at a very pleasant spot among prominent hills. In the 
 midst of these there ran down to the sea a great body of water. It was so 
 deep at its mouth, that any heavily-laden vessel might pass into it.” 
 
 Sailing along the southern shore of Long Island, he again 
 cast anchor, it is supposed, in the beautiful Narraganset Bay. 
 He remained here, probabl}^ in Newport Harbor, a fortnight. 
 The Indians, having forgotten the outrages of the Northmen, 
 and not knowing what a treacherous man they had to deal with, 
 received him confidingly, and welcomed him to their hospitable 
 wigwams. He made several excursions into the interior, and 
 was everywhere greeted with friendl}^ words and deeds. Dur- 
 ing this visit, it is pjrobable that he kept the stolen boy carefully 
 concealed. 
 
 Verrazano was the first European, after the Northmen, who 
 entered this lovely bay. It is interesting to observe how singu- 
 larly his description accords with theirs in his allusions to the 
 beauty of the scenery, the fertility of the soil, and the luxuri- 
 ance of its vines and grapes. 
 
 On the 5th of May he again spread his sails. Coasting along 
 the shores of New England, a distance of four hundred and 
 fifty miles, keeping the land ever in view, he must have entered 
 the great gulf of Maine. He gives quite a minute report of 
 the coast of Maine, and of his intercourse with its inhabitants.^ 
 
 He found the region mountainous, with dense forests of pines, 
 hemlocks, spruce, firs, and such other trees as flourish in cold 
 climates. He did not know that his predecessor in visiting 
 that coast, Caspar Cortereal, had practised, but three or four 
 years before, villany upon the natives even surpassing his own ; 
 for, while he* had stolen but one boy, Cortereal had kidnapped 
 fifty-seven of the unoffending Indians. He was therefore sur- 
 prised to find that the Indians of Maine did not receive him 
 with smiles of welcome. He writes, — 
 
 “ They seem very different from the other Indians we have met. The 
 others were very courteous and gentle. But these are rude and hostile. 
 They are so barbarous, that by no efforts could we induce them to have 
 any traffic with us. They clothe themselves with the skins of beasts. 
 Their food, so far as we could perceive, was obtained from hunting and 
 
 i Hakluyt’s Voyages, vol. iii. p, 295. London, IGOO. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 27 
 
 fishing, with certain fruits and roots which grew spontaneously. They had 
 no grain, and we saw no sign of tillage. They would sometimes come to 
 the seashore, and stand upon craggy rocks, while we approached in our boats 
 beneath. They would let down a rope with whatever they were pleased to 
 offer, demanding, in return, knives, fishhooks, and tools. They took no 
 account of our courtesy, but kept a careful watch, that we should not be 
 permitted to land. When we had nothing more to exchange, and departed, 
 they showed all the signs of hatred which it was possible to invent. We 
 went on shore with twenty-five armed men. They shot at us with their 
 bows, made great outcries, and fled to the woods.” ^ 
 
 There is something truly affecting in the account thus 
 given of the dread with which these outraged Indians regarded 
 the kidnapping Europeans. Everywhere in the New World, 
 where the Europeans first landed, they were received with 
 truly brotherly kindness by the natives. They manifested no 
 hostility until they became exasperated by the most atrocious 
 wrongs. 
 
 During these years there were many private expeditions 
 fitted out from England, France, Spain, and Portugal, of which 
 no record has been made. It is certain that many of these 
 unprincipled and reckless adventurers cheated, robbed, and 
 insulted the Indians without any mercy. 
 
 Verrazano returned to the port of Dieppe, in France, in July, 
 1524. In his report to the king, he had the assurance to say 
 that he had discovered a new country which had never been 
 seen by any one in ancient or modern times. ^ 
 
 About a year after the voyage of Verrazano, which we have 
 described, the Emperor Charles V. of Spain sent an expedition 
 to the north-east coast of North America to search for a pas- 
 sage to the East Indies. Estevan Gomez was placed in command. 
 He sailed from Corunna on the 10th of February, 1525. We 
 know but little of his voyage, except that he entered many of 
 the bays and ports of New England ; that he named the terri- 
 tory, of which Maine is a part, the “ Country of Gomez ; ” and 
 
 1 Tt is supposed that this landing could not have been many leagues from 
 Portsmouth. But whether it was within the present bounds of Maine, or New 
 Hampshire, cannot be known. 
 
 2 The Italian historian, Bamusio, says that Verrazano' made another voyage 
 to the New World, where he was killed in a battle with the natives. Others say 
 that he was taken by the Spaniards, and hanged as a iDirate. 
 
28 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 that he was guilty of the enormous crime of “ catching as 
 many Indians as he could take on board his small vessels, and 
 carrying them to Spain.” We are not told how these poor cap- 
 tives were taken. But it seems probable that he conveyed 
 them to Cuba, a Spanish colony, where he sold them as slaves. 
 
 The French had given the territory, then claimed and par- 
 tially occupied by Spain, the Indian name of Norumbega. The 
 limits of the region were exceedingly undefined. At one time 
 it included the whole coast to the southern extreme of Florida. 
 Then it was restricted to New England, afterwards to Maine, 
 and finally to the region of the Penobscot alone. The Penob- 
 scot they called The Great River of Norumbega.^ 
 
 We have very vague accounts of an English expedition to the 
 coast of Maine in a ship “ The Mary of Guilford,” commanded 
 by John Rut. This was in the year 1567. It is said that he 
 frequently landed, with parties of his men, to explore the in- 
 terior. The account which we have of this enterprise is 
 meagre in the extreme. This was the second English expedi- 
 tion after that of Sebastian Cabot. Though Northmen, French- 
 men, and Spaniards had previously landed on the coast of New 
 England, this is the first occasion upon which we are distinctly 
 informed that the feet of Englishmen pressed our soil. 
 
 1 Tlamusio, tom. iii. fol. 433. See also Charts of French Discoveries, Maine 
 Historical Collection, vol. i. p. 231. Damnsio writes, “ Going beyond the cape 
 of the Bretons, there is a country which extends west south-west to Florida, a 
 good five hundred leagues. The inhabitants of this country are a very pleasant, 
 tractable, and peaceful people. The country is abounding with all sorts of fruit. 
 There grow oranges, almonds, wild grapes, and many other fruits of odoriferous 
 trees. The country is named by the inhabitants Norumbega. Between it and 
 Brazil there is a gi*eat gulf, in which are the islands of the West Indies.” 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 VOYAGES OF THEVET, PRING, DE MONTS, AND WEYISIOUTH. 
 
 Journal of Thevet — Pring’s Voyage — His Description of Penobscot Bay — De 
 Monts Patent — His Strange Adventures — Takes Possession in the Name 
 of the King of France — Alarm in England — Weymouth’s Expedition — 
 Anchors at Mohegan and Pemaquid — Friendly Intercourse with the 
 Natives — Infamous Conduct of Weymouth — Kidnapping the Natives — 
 Exploration of the Kennebec — Planting the Cross — The Homeward 
 Voyage. 
 
 I N the year 1556, a French gentleman by the name of Andre 
 Thevet, a scholar and a writer of much repute, desiring to 
 see the New World, took passage in a vessel which sailed along the 
 entire east coast of both South and North America.^ - Thevet 
 visited the coast of Maine, and gives the following description 
 of the Penobscot River ; — 
 
 “ Here we entered a river which is one of the finest in the whole world. 
 AVe call it Norumbega. It is marked on some charts as the Grand River. 
 The natives call it Agoncy. Several beautiful rivers flow into it. Upon 
 its banks the French formerly erected a small fort, about ten leagues from 
 its mouth. It was called the Fort of Norumbega, and was surrounded by 
 fresh water. 
 
 “Before you enter this river, there appears an island surrounded by 
 eight small islets. These are near the country of the Green Mountains. 
 About three leagues into the river, there is an island four leagues in cir- 
 cumference, which the natives call Aiayascon.^ It would be easy to plant 
 on this island, and to build a fortress, which would hold in check the whole 
 surrounding country. Upon landing, we saw a great multitude of people 
 
 1 Thevet gave a very interesting account of this voyage in a work entitled, 
 “Les Singularites de la France Antarctique, autrement nomme Ame'rique.” 
 {The Singularities of Antarctic France, otherwise called America.) 
 
 2 Islesborough. ^ 
 
 29 
 
30 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 coming down upon us in such numbers that you might have supposed them 
 to be a flight of starlings. The men came first, then the women, then the 
 boys, then the girls. They were all clothed in the skins of wild animals. 
 
 “ Considering their aspect, and mode of advancing, we mistrusted them, 
 and retired on board our vessel. They, perceiving our fear, made signs of 
 friendship. The better to assure us, they sent to our vessel several of their 
 principal men, with presents of provisions. We returned a few trinkets of 
 little value, with which they were highly pleased. The next morning, I, 
 with some others, was commissioned to meet them, to see if we could obtain 
 more provisions, of which we stood in great need. As we entered the house 
 of the chief, who was called Peramick, we saw several slaughtered animals 
 hanging on the beams. 
 
 “ The chief gave us a hearty welcome. To show his affection he ordered 
 a fire to be built, on which meat and fish were placed to be roasted. Upon 
 this some warriors came in, bringing to the chief the dissevered heads of 
 six men whom they had taken in battle. The sight terrified us. Fearing 
 that we might suffer in the same way, we, towards evening, secretly retired 
 to our ship, without bidding our host good-by. 
 
 “ This greatly displeased him. In the morning he came to the ship with 
 three of his children. His countenance was very sad, for he thought he 
 had offended us. lie said to me, in his own language, — 
 
 “ ‘ Go back on land with me, my friend and brother. Come and eat and 
 drink such as we have. We assure you upon oath, by heaven, earth, moon, 
 and stars, that you shall not fare worse than we do ourselves.’ 
 
 “ Seeing the good affection of this old man, twenty of us went again on 
 land, all well armed. We went to his house, where we were feasted, and 
 presented with whatever he possessed. Meanwhile large numbers of his 
 people arrived. They all greeted us in the most affectionate manner, de- 
 claring that they were our friends. Late in the evening, when we wished 
 to retire, they all entreated us to remain through the night. But we could 
 not be persuaded to sleep with them. And so we retired to our vessel. 
 Having remained in this place five days, we weighed anchor, and, parting 
 from them w'ith a marvellous contentment on both sides, went out upon the 
 open sea.” ^ 
 
 Nearly half a century passes away before we have any other 
 tidings of importance in reference to Maine. There were many 
 expeditions to other parts of the New World, an account of which 
 would not be in place here. In the year 1602 an English naviga- 
 tor, Bartholomew Gosnold, crossed the Atlantic ; and it is said by 
 some, while it is disputed by others, that he touched the coast of 
 
 1 Mass. Hist. CoU., vol. vii. p. 243. 
 
TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 31 
 
 Maine near Mount Desert.^ The next year (1603) Martin Pring, 
 with two vessels, “ The Speedwell ” and “ The Discover,” sailed 
 from Milford Haven, with clothing, hardware, and trinkets, to 
 trade with the natives for furs and for sassafras, which was 
 deemed an herb of great medicinal value. 
 
 On the 7th of June, Pring entered Penobscot Bay. He gives 
 a glowing account of the almost unrivalled scenery there pre- 
 sented. They found excellent anchorage, and fishing-ground 
 never surpassed. The majestic forests deeply impressed them. 
 Upon one of the islands they saw a number of silver-gray foxes. 
 This led them to give the name of Fox Islands to the grotip. 
 Sailing along the coast in a south-easterly direction, they passed 
 by the beautiful islands which stud Casco Bay, and entered a 
 river which was probably the Saco. This they ascended about 
 six miles. It seems probable that they also entered the Kenne- 
 bunk and York Rivers. Finding no natives to trade with, they 
 sailed farther south, where they obtained quite a valuable cargo.^ 
 
 The same year (1603) Henry IV. of France issued a patent 
 granting to De Monts the region of North America between the 
 fortieth and forty-sixth degrees of latitude ; that is, all the terri- 
 tory between the island of Cape Breton and the mouth of the 
 Hudson River. There was no western boundary but the Pacific 
 Ocean. He was entitled to the exclusive trade with the natives, 
 and was authorized to colonize and rule this vast territory accord- 
 ing to his discretion. This realm of truly imperial territorial 
 grandeur was called Acadia, a corruption of Arcadia in Greece.^ 
 
 De Monts, first made the land near the present site of Liver- 
 pool in Nova Scotia. It was on the 6th of May, 1604. Sailing 
 around Cape Sable, he entered the Bay of Fundy, and, cruising 
 along the eastern shore, found an admirable harbor, encircled by 
 protecting hills, and yet opening to fertile valleys. This place 
 
 * 1 Mr. Rufus King Sewall, in his valuable book entitled “ Ancient Dominions of 
 Maine,” argties that Norumbega was not a province, but a large Indian town at 
 the mouth of the Damariscotta River, between the Kennebec and the Penobscot. 
 See the question fully discussed pp. 31-35. 
 
 2 A Brief Narration of the Original Undertakings for the Advancement of Plan- 
 tations in America. By Sir Ferdinando Gorges. London, 1G58. 
 
 8 British Dominion in America, book iii. i^art ii. 246. Some have argued that 
 the name was derived from an Indian tribe. 
 
32 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 was selected for the location of a small colony, and it received 
 the name of Port Royal. Subsequently, upon the province 
 being ceded to England, the name was changed to Annapolis, 
 in honor of the British queen Anne. This was in the extreme 
 west of the present province of Nova Scotia. 
 
 De Monts, leaving a companion, M. Poutrincourt, in charge of 
 the colony, continued his voyage.^ Crossing the Bay of Fundy 
 to what is now New Brunswick, he discovered a large river, to 
 which he gave the name of St. John, which name it still retains. 
 He then continued his course to Passamaquoddy Bay, now the 
 extreme eastern border of the State of Maine. He explored this 
 bay, and ascended the St. Croix and Schoodic Rivers to an island 
 containing about fifteen acres. It being late in fall, De Monts 
 decided to pass the winter there. Selecting a spot easy of 
 defence, in the midst of a grand forest which afforded shelter 
 from the piercing northern winds, he built several log-cabins for 
 his men. 
 
 The winter was very severe, so that they kept much of the 
 time within their dwellings. Occasionally savages were seen ; 
 and it would appear that De Monts stood in great fear of them. 
 He planted cannon to command the approaches, kept a constant 
 watch night and day, and seems to have discouraged all advances 
 on the part of the Indians. He was probably unwilling to have 
 them know his weakness. His people suffered terribly from 
 the scurvy. Out of a ship’s company of about eighty, thirty-six 
 died during the winter.^ 
 
 It was not until the middle of May that the survivors were 
 able to re-embark in search of a milder climate. Coasting west- 
 wardly, they entered Penobscot Bay. Thence, continuing their 
 cruise, they cast anchor at the mouth of the Kennebec. Here 
 De Monts raised a cross, and took possession of the country in the 
 name of the King of France. He traversed Casco Bay, occa- 
 sionally casting anchor at attractive spots along the silent 
 shores, which seemed to invite a settlement. But his company 
 being greatly diminished, and the Indians being manifestly 
 
 1 In reference to this settlement, see Holmes’s Am. Ann., p. 148. 
 
 2 History of De Monts’ Voyages, par Mark L’Escarbot, translated in Churchill’s 
 Coll., p. 796. L’ Escarbot accompanied De Monts on this expedition. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 33 
 
 unfriendly, as well they might be, after going as far south as 
 Cape Cod, he returned to Port Royal. 
 
 Here De Monts found another ship from France, and an acces- 
 sion of forty men to strengthen the colony. He constructed a 
 fort, built several log-houses, and, having given minute direction 
 for the management of affairs, returned to France. Four 
 gentlemen of much distinction were left to administer the 
 government of the colony, and to explore the country. 
 
 Rumors of these important movements reached the British 
 government. The immensity of the territory which France 
 claimed, and the eiJorts of the French to colonize those countries, 
 created alarm. The Earl of Southampton, with Lord Arundel and 
 others, under the patronage of the crown, fitted out a ship to 
 visit these coasts. The object proclaimed was to find a north- 
 west passage to India. The real object was to watch the 
 proceedings of the French, and to prepare the way for the 
 establishment of English colonies. 
 
 A thoroughly-built, well-furnished ship, “ The Archangel,” 
 sailed from the Downs on the 31st of March, 1605. Capt. 
 George Weymouth was in command. On the 12th of May the 
 white sands of Cape Cod hove in sight. He directed his course 
 northerly toward the coast of Maine. On the 17th he came to 
 an island about six miles from the shore, and about noon cast 
 anchor upon its north side. 
 
 The island, to his eyes weary of gazing upon the drear 
 expanse of the ocean, appeared very beautiful. He judged the 
 island to be about six miles in circumference, embracing an area 
 of a thousand acres. The anchorage was good, and cod and had- 
 dock were caught in abundance. Waterfowl in large flocks 
 were hovering over the cliffs. Weymouth went on shore in his 
 long-boat, and took possession of the island in the name of King 
 James I., King of England. He also erected a cross, in token 
 that the Christian religion was to be there established. He soon 
 after gave a very terrible exhibition of his practical piety. From 
 his mast-head he discerned far away in the distance the peaks 
 of a ridge of mountains. To the island he gave the name of St. 
 George. It is now generally admitted that this was the present 
 island of Monhegan. 
 
 3 
 
34 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 After a tarry here of two days, taking in wood and water, on 
 Sunday the 19th Weymouth again spread his sails, and, passing 
 several other islands, reached the mainland at the distance of 
 about nine miles. Rosier, the historian of the voyage, writes : 
 “ It pleased God to send us, far beyond our expectations, in a 
 most safe berth, defended from all winds, in an excellent depth 
 of water for ships of any burden, and which was named Pente- 
 cost Harbor.” 
 
 Weymouth, with a well-armed party, explored the shores : 
 others engaged in fishing. They obtained an abundance of 
 delicious salmon, and other fishes in great variety. They also 
 feasted upon lobsters and other shell-fish. Wild currants were 
 found, and luxuriant vines which promised an abundance of 
 grapes. They found the soil to be very rich. Digging a gar- 
 den, they planted pease, barley, and other seeds, which in sixteen 
 days grew up eight inches. This was the first attempt made 
 by Europeans to cultivate the soil of Maine. 
 
 Fourteen well-armed men were sent out in a boat on an 
 exploring tour. From the account given, it is supposed that 
 they visited Squirrel Island and Cape Newagen. In accordance 
 with the custom of the times, Weymouth raised a cross upon 
 every important point at which he touched. On the 30th of 
 May, Capt. Weymouth, leaving fourteen men in charge of the 
 ship, which was carefully moored, took thirteen men, in the 
 pinnace, to survey the channels and the adjoining region. 
 
 About five o’clock in the evening of this day three canoes 
 were seen, in a distant part of the harbor, moving towards the 
 ship. They landed upon a point not far from the anchorage, 
 and the men built a fire. The crew of “ The Archangel ” tried to 
 make friendly signs, and beckoned them to come on board. Soon 
 a canoe, with three men, put off from the shore. Drawing 
 near, one of the men, standing up in the canoe, hailed frhe crew 
 in a loud tone of voice, but in language which they could not 
 understand. 
 
 The crew exhibited knives, hatchets, beads, and other trin- 
 kets, to lure them on board. But the Indians had doubtless 
 heard of the fiendlike treachery which previous European vis- 
 itants had practised. They dared not trust themselves with 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 35 
 
 men who had been guilty of kidnapping crimes, at which even 
 savages might blush. But the bribe presented was almost 
 resistless. Cautiously they paddled alongside. A few articles 
 were tossed to them, which they received with evident delight ; 
 but nothing could induce them to go on board the ship. They 
 soon returned to their companions on the shore. 
 
 This canoe was of birch-bark. The Indians were men of 
 ordinary size, and of very symmetrical forms. Their bodies 
 and faces were painted with various colors. They were very 
 slightly dressed, with mantles of neatly tanned deer-skin fas- 
 tened around the neck, and hanging nearly to the knees ; a flap 
 of beaver-skin covered the loins ; and their feet were shod with 
 leather buskins. The hair on the top of the head was long, 
 and bound in a tuft. 
 
 The next morning, apparently the same men came alongside 
 again. They were finally induced to come on board. They 
 ate heartily of the food which was presented, and gazed with 
 astonishment upon the various objects which met their eyes. 
 Being informed, by signs, that the object of the expedition was 
 to open a friendly trade with the Indians, exchanging with 
 them hatchets, knives, and other articles, for skins and furs, 
 they seemed much pleased, and returned to their companions 
 on the shore in a very happy frame of mind. 
 
 It is inferred, from the narrative, that Weymouth, in his 
 pinnace, ran along the coast to the north-east about sixty miles, 
 that he entered Penobscot Bay, and ascended the river as far 
 as Camden Heights, there they landed, and spent a day in hunt- 
 ing. They then followed up the stream as far as Belfast Bay. 
 Here they erected a cross ; “ which,” Rosier writes, “ was a 
 thing never omitted by any Christian travellers.” 
 
 . The charms of Penobscot Bay and River, as witnessed in the 
 illumination of bright June mornings, seem to have delighted 
 these voyagers as they had others who preceded them. The 
 scenery is described as beautiful in the extreme, with luxuriant 
 forests and verdant meadows. The river was wide, deep, and 
 of crystal purity. A great variety of birds of varied plumage 
 flitted through the groves, and their songs filled the air. There 
 were many sheltered groves, with grassy banks, luring the voy- 
 
36 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 agers to the shore. In glowing phrase the journalist of the 
 expedition writes, — 
 
 “Many who had been travellers in sundry countries, and in most famous 
 rivers, affirmed them not comparable to this. It is the most beautiful, rich, 
 large, secure-harboring river that the world affordeth.” 
 
 The shallop returned to the ship. There is some diversity 
 of opinion as to the spot of this anchorage. Some have supposed 
 it to be at what is now called Townsend Harbor in Boothbay ; 
 others think that the vessel was moored in the harbor of what is 
 called Fisherman’s Island. 
 
 The Indians began to regain confidence, and soon twenty- 
 eight appeared. Gradually they went on board the ship. 
 Quite a brisk trade was carried on in the exchange of knives, 
 beads, and such articles, for the skins of the beaver, the otter, 
 and the sable. The natives were quite astonished at the process 
 of writing, and watched with intense curiosity the writing 
 down the names of the articles bought and sold. The captain 
 excited their amazement by magnetizing the point of his sword, 
 and then taking up with it needles, knives, and other such 
 articles. 
 
 Two of the Indians were invited to sup with the captain ; 
 and they remained to attend the evening religious service. 
 They behaved with the utmost decorum. Very modestly, and 
 with kind regard for their wives and daughters, which was 
 hardly to be expected, they asked the favor that a portion of a 
 delicious dish of pease might be sent to the ladies It was 
 given to them in pewter dishes, which in their eyes were more 
 splendid than plates of gold to their entertainers. The dishes 
 were all carefully brought back. 
 
 Some of the ship’s company visited the little Indian encamp- 
 ment on the shore. They were treated with all the hospitality 
 which could possibly be shown. A large fire was built, around 
 which the Indians silently and respectfully gathered. Seats 
 were carefully prepared for the guests, with cushions of deer- 
 skin. The Indians had no delicacies with which to feast them, 
 but they offered pipes and tobacco. The interview was a very 
 pleasant one, though it could only be carried on by signs. The 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 37 
 
 bows, arrows, and javelins of the Indians were examined. The 
 bows were very strong: a feeble arm could scarcely bend them; 
 but sinewy muscles would throw an arrow to a great distance. 
 The javelins were very skilfully made of wood, which had 
 almost the toughness and flexibility of steel. They were barbed 
 with some very hard bone. 
 
 One of the ship’s company, Owen Griffin, was left on shore 
 for the night. He was watchfully to observe every movement, 
 to see if there were any indications of treachery. Three of 
 the Indians were taken back to the ship as hostages for the 
 safety of Griffin. The sumptuous couch prepared for the sav- 
 ages was a mattress of old sails spread on what is called the 
 orlop deck. There were one or two dogs on board. It would 
 seem that these Indians were not very kindly received by the 
 fierce dogs of the English : they stood in great terror of them, 
 and feared to move about until the dogs were tied up. 
 
 The Indians, of course, knew nothing of the sabbath. On 
 Sunday morning five or six canoes came out, as usual, for traffic. 
 Apparently the news of the arrival of the ship was spreading 
 back into the country, and daily new parties of Indians were 
 arriving at their encampment. Capt. Weymouth waved a 
 signal for the canoes to retire. Though the reason must have 
 been a great mystery to them, they all obeyed promptly, and 
 did not return to the ship again during the day. 
 
 But it was a picturesque scene, as, in the sunlight of that 
 calm June sabbath, the voyagers gazed upon the panorama 
 which encircled them. The ship was at anchor upon the mir- 
 rored waters of a solitary cave, far away in the New World. 
 Bays, inlets, and islands were opening in all directions behind 
 them. Birch canoes filled with Indian men, women, and chil- 
 dren, driven by the paddle, were gliding from shore to shore. 
 Not far from the ship, on the land, were the few frail wigwams 
 which the Indians had reared. The fire at which the women 
 were cooking, the ascending smoke, the groups gathered around, 
 all combined to present a picture as novel as it was attractive. 
 
 Early the next morning, June 3, the canoes of the natives 
 again approached the ship. Capt. Weymouth understood 
 them to signify, by their signs, that their chief, with many of 
 
38 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 his followers, was at a little distance up the bay, with many 
 furs. The captain manned one of his boats with eight strong 
 rowers. First they rowed towards a point of land where the 
 smoke of Indian fires was seen. 
 
 There was a birch canoe, propelled by but three paddles, 
 which brought the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit 
 the chief. It was noted that the Indians, apparently with the 
 greatest ease, could outstrip the boat, notwithstanding the 
 utmost efforts of the rowers. The savages would run ahead, 
 drop behind, circle round the boat, and play all manner of simi- 
 lar antics. Capt. Weymouth, who soon after proved himself 
 capable of committing the most atrocious acts of treachery, 
 naturally suspected treachery on the part of the Indians. He 
 therefore sent Owen Griffin on shore in the canoe, while he 
 retained one of the Indians in the boat as a hostage. Griffin 
 was carefully to reconnoitre the encampment of the chief, and 
 to bring back his report. 
 
 The Indians seemed to attempt no disguise. There were two 
 hundred and eighty with the chief. They all had, as a matter 
 of course, bows and arrows. There were dogs and tamed 
 wolves with them. It did not seem that they had any furs at 
 the point of land for traffic ; but they urged him to go farther 
 up the stream now called Little River, where they said that 
 their articles were stored. Griffin did not dare to go. But he 
 was just as much in their power at the point as half a mile far- 
 ther back ; and the Indian hostage was still in the boat. Had 
 the Indians any thing to conceal, they would hardly have invited 
 him to a more thorough examination of their strength and 
 resources. 
 
 Griffin returned to the boat with the report which his timidity 
 suggested. Under these circumstances Capt. Weymouth did 
 not think it safe to land. There seems to have been no proof 
 whatever of treachery : still, as the Indians might not be more 
 reliable than the Europeans were, it was necessary to practise 
 the utmost caution. The boat returned to the ship. 
 
 That day the crew caught, from the ship’s side, a large num- 
 ber of cod and haddock. They also took many large lobsters. 
 A party was sent on shore for water, and returned with their 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 39 
 
 cask filled from a clear crystal spring. Mussels abounded 
 among the rocks, and in many of them they found small 
 pearls. 
 
 It appears that the natives, from some unexplained reason, 
 had their suspicions again aroused, that Capt. Weymouth might 
 prove a foe in disguise. Two canoes, containing six men, cau- 
 tiously approached the ship. They seemed afraid to go on 
 board. At length two ventured to ascend the ship’s side. 
 Capt. Weymouth endeavored to lure the rest on board, but in 
 vain. He exhibited to them a plate of savory pease, of which 
 they were very fond : still they shook their heads. He gave 
 them the pease. Rapidly they paddled ashore, and ate them. 
 Having finished their repast, one of the Indians, a very hand- 
 some, athletic, bold youth, returned with the can to the ship. 
 He was lured to join the two in the cabin below, where they 
 were entertained with food, and the exhibition of articles to 
 excite their wonder. They know not that the cabin-door was 
 locked against them, and that, by the foulest treachery, they 
 were kidnapped. 
 
 Capt. Weymouth was not satisfied with but three victims. 
 He manned one of his boats with a crew of eight of his 
 stoutest men, and sent them on shore, as if to traffic with the 
 natives. There were but three Indians on the shore. It 
 will be remembered that three were already locked up in 
 in the cabin. As the boat touched the land, one of the Indi- 
 ans withdrew into the woods. The kidnappers approached the 
 other two with signs of friendship, and, as proof of their 
 brotherly intentions, sat down with them around their fire, and 
 presented them with another can of pease. They all ate to- 
 gether in the most friendly manner. 
 
 Watching their opportunity, and dividing their force, suddenly 
 four of the crew sprang upon each one of their victims. The 
 poor Indians made the most frantic resistance, and raised loud 
 outcries for help. Their struggles were in vain. Their light 
 clothing was soon torn from them. Naked, in the grasp of the 
 men-stealers, they were dragged to the boat, and rowed to the 
 ship. Here the convulsive struggles and shrieks were renewed. 
 But the Indians were seized by the hair of the head, and 
 
40 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 dragged on board. “ Thus,” writes Rosier, the historian of the 
 voyage, “ we shipped five savages and two canoes, with all 
 their bows and arrows.” ^ 
 
 Edmund Burke says, that to speak of atrocious crime in mild 
 language, is treason to virtue. Every honest man’s blood 
 should boil with indignation in contemplating a crime so 
 utterly atrocious and inexcusable as this. These young men 
 had come from their homes at Pemaquid to visit the strangers, 
 the tidings of whose arrival had reached them. One of them 
 was a chief. They were all men of rank. 
 
 The first Indian who visited the Pilgrim Fathers at Ply- 
 mouth, was Squantum, one of these unhappy captives. Fortu- 
 nately he fell into kind hands in England, and, forgetting the 
 crime of the men who stole him, became the warm friend of 
 those who proved his benefactors. By them he was restored to 
 his native country. It is believed that he became a sincere 
 Christian. His final career is quite fully given in the Life of 
 Miles Standish, as given in the “ Pioneer and Patriot ” series. 
 With dying breath he prayed that the Lord would receive him 
 to the Englishman’s heaven. 
 
 Scarcel}’' had these captives been made secure below, when, 
 about one o’clock at noon, two large and highly decorated 
 canoes were seen approaching. They composed a royal embassy 
 sent by the head chief of the Pemaquid tribes. They were 
 painted and dressed in the highest style of the barbarian court. 
 One of them wore a very ingeniously constructed coronet, indi- 
 cating that he was of royal blood. They came with an invita- 
 tion for Capt. We3^mouth to visit, with his ship, the home of 
 their chief, which was distant but a few leagues. Little did 
 they imagine, as they trod the deck of “ The Archangel,” bear- 
 ing this kind invitation to the strangers, that five of their 
 noblest men were languishing in a dark dungeon in the 
 hold. 
 
 Weymouth, who was now anxious to get away from the region 
 as soon as possible, before the knowledge of his villany should 
 be spread abroad, declined the invitation. He allowed the 
 
 1 2 Belk. Biog., 135. Smith’s Hist., p. 18. Prince’s Ann., p. 15. Ancient 
 Dominions, p. G8. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 41 
 
 embassy to retire unmolested. Probably he had not room 
 enough, in his small and crowded ship, for more than five 
 captives. 
 
 Immediately he made all sail, directing his course westerly. 
 There are nowhere on the North- American continent, shores of 
 more picturesque and sublime beauty than on the coast of Maine. 
 No description can do justice to the wonderful variety of scenery 
 presented by islands, craggy promontories, forest-crowned cliffs, 
 inlets, bays, and coves. In the pleasant summers of Maine, there 
 can be found no region on earth more delightful. 
 
 Through these charming views “ The Archangel ” moved cau- 
 tiously along about twenty-six miles, until the mouth of the 
 Kennebec, then called the Sagadahock, was reached. It appears 
 that the Kennebec and the Androscoggin in the days of the 
 Indians were considered as terminating at what is now called 
 Merrymeeting Bay. The outlet from that bay to the ocean, now 
 called the Kennebec, was then called the Sagadahock. The 
 Androscoggin, from Lewiston Falls to Merrymeeting Bay, was 
 formerly called the Pejepscot.^ 
 
 Prince says that Weymouth entered the Sagadahock through 
 Pemaquid River. This is a small stream but fourteen miles in 
 length from its source in Pemaquid Pond to its mouth.^ Thus, 
 by what may be called an inland passage, he reached the solitary 
 waters of the river which may now be considered the second in 
 importance in Maine. The historian gives a glowing account 
 of the grandeur of the scenery continually opening before them. 
 It was the season of pleasant June. The richest verdure 
 crowned the banks and headlands. The winding stream 
 presented many lovely coves and soft green meadows. Far 
 in the distance the summits of towering mountains were 
 seen. 
 
 “ The river,” he writes, “ as it runneth up into the main very nigh forty 
 miles, toward the great mountains, beareth in breadth a mile, sometimes 
 three quarters, and a half at the narrowest. And you shall never have 
 under four or five fathoms water hard by the shore, and on both sides, 
 every haK mile, very gallant coves.” 
 
 1 Williamson’s Hist, of Maine, vol.i. pp. 42-46. 
 
 2 New England Chron., p. 15. 
 
42 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Soon after entering the river, “ The Archangel ” cast anchor ; 
 and the captain took a boat, and, with a crew of seventeen well- 
 armed men, rowed several miles up the stream. Then, touch- 
 ing the shore, six men were left to guard the boat, while the 
 remaining eleven, the captain included, set out to explore the 
 country in the direction of some hills which they had seen from 
 the ship, but which proved to be at a much greater distance than 
 had been supposed. They travelled five miles inland, through a 
 region which seemed to them exceedingly beautiful. The his- 
 torian writes, in the quaint style of ancient days, — 
 
 “In our march we passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, fit 
 for pasture, having but little wood, and that oak ; Hke stands, left in the 
 pastures of England, good and great, fit timber for any use. 
 
 “ And surely it did all resemble a stately park, wherein appear some old 
 trees with high withered tops, and others flourishing with living green 
 boughs. Upon the hills grew notable high timber trees, masts for ships of 
 four hundred tons.” 
 
 Such was the appearance of the primitive forest and the wide- 
 spread fields, two hundred and seventy years ago, in the vicinity 
 of the present beautiful and thrifty city of Bath. Soon after the 
 boat returned from this exploring expedition to the ship, an 
 Indian canoe appeared, rapidly approaching from one of the 
 numerous inlets on the east. It was propelled by the paddles 
 of many men, and contained the royal ambassador who had con- 
 veyed the invitation to Capt. Weymouth to visit the head chief. 
 He had heard of the captain’s treachery and of the captivity of 
 his friends. Eager eyes had watched the course of the ship. 
 This Indian prince had followed in her track, that he might, if 
 possible, rescue his kidnapped countrymen ; and, if that were 
 impossible, that he might warn other families, of the fiends who 
 were hovering along their coasts. 
 
 Their tears and supplications were all in vain. They were as 
 powerless as the lamb in the jaws of the wolf. With wailings 
 they returned to the families of the kidnapped men with the full 
 conviction that the white man was a demon more to be dreaded 
 than the most ferocious beast or the most venomous reptile ; 
 and that it was the consequent duty of the Indian to kill the 
 white man whenever and wherever he could. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 43 
 
 Weymouth had been sent to this country by good men. They 
 wished to establish colonies here, to introduce friendly relations 
 with the Indians, their brother men ; to do them good in all 
 respects, and to engage in traffic with them which should be 
 mutually advantageous. And such were the astounding meas- 
 ures which Weymouth pursued for the promotion of these 
 objects. 
 
 The lapse of a century could not efface from the minds of the 
 Indians a sense of the outrage of which they had been the vic- 
 tims. The story descended from father to son. Desire for ven- 
 geance burned in the Indian’s breast. The very name of English- 
 men became hateful. The sight of an Englishman, with his long 
 and glittering sword and his death-dealing bullet, appalled them. 
 If Weymouth had intended to render all future friendly inter- 
 course with the Indians impossible, he could not have adopted 
 measures better adapted to accomplish his ends. 
 
 To add to his infamy, he embarked iii a boat, with a well- 
 armed band, and ascended the river to the mouth of the Andros- 
 coggin. There, with religious ceremonies, he planted the cross, 
 the affecting emblem of Jesus Christ, — of that religion whose 
 fundamental principle is that God is our common father, and all 
 men are brothers. Thus he said to the Indian, “ It is in the 
 name of Jesus Christ that I have kidnapped your friends. It is 
 Christianity which authorizes these deeds. Some of my coun- 
 trymen will soon appear to teach you to embrace this religion.” 
 
 Weymouth now made preparations to return to England. 
 Early in the morning of the 14th of June, just as the dawn was 
 reddening the horizon over the headland of Arrowsic, he weighed 
 anchor. The tide, but not the wind, was in his favor. Two 
 boats ahead towed “ The Archangel ” down the stream until 
 noon, when the anchor was again cast. The next day, the wind 
 favoring, ‘‘ The Archangel ” ran back to her former anchorage. 
 On Sunday, June 16, 1605, Weymouth, with his captives, spread 
 his sails for England. 
 
 There has been much discussion respecting the precise locality 
 of these operations. The question will probably never be set- 
 tled to the entire satisfaction of all the curious in antiquarian 
 research. It is however safe to say, that it is not improbable 
 
44 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 that “ The Archangel ” entered its anchorage from Monhegan 
 by Pemaqnid Point between Liniken’s Neck and Fisherman’s 
 Island. Anchor was then cast between this and Squirrel’s 
 Island. It was probably on the beach of this latter island, that 
 the natives first appeared at their camp-fires. The two who 
 were captured by violence were probably taken from the side 
 of the cliff of Fisherman’s Island. The Pentecost Harbor of 
 Weymouth was the Townsend or Boothbay Harbor. This is 
 situated between the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers.^ 
 Weymouth on his homeward voyage, when about one hun- 
 dred miles from land, found the water gradually shoaling. 
 From one hundred fathoms it dwindled to twenty-four fathoms. 
 One day he was becalmed. As his vessel rolled upon the 
 mighty swells of the Atlantic, one of the sailors, Thomas King, 
 cast out a hook. Almost instantly he drew up a very large fat 
 codfish. Other hooks were cast out, and the fishes were taken 
 almost as fast as the lines could be thrown and drawn. Thus 
 those banks were discovered, swarming with the treasure of the 
 deep, which have subsequently proved such a blessing to man- 
 kind. Some time before this, continental fishermen had visited 
 the coasts of Maine. 
 
 1 Ancieut Dominions of Maine, p. 73. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR GEORGE POPHAM. 
 
 Fate of Weymontli’s Captives — Formation of the Plymouth Company — Disas- 
 trous Expeditions — Organization of Popham’s Colony — First Sight of 
 Land — Visit of the Indians — The Landing at Pemaquid — Suspicions of 
 the Natives — First Religious Service in Maine — Unavailing Explorations — 
 Ascending the Sagadahock — The Colony located — Search for the Penob- 
 scot — Cruise through Casco Bay — Exploring the Androscoggin — Adven- 
 tures with the Indians. 
 
 U PON the return of Weymouth to England, the report of 
 his discoveries excited wide-spread and deep interest. It 
 was indeed a glowing account which he could give ; for the sun 
 shines not upon more lovely baj^s and islands, hills and vales, 
 than Maine presents when reposing beneath the genial skies of 
 June and July. No one seemed disposed to question him too 
 closely respecting his mode of capture of the Indian nobles. 
 They were all men well-formed, good-looking, and of much 
 native dignity of demeanor. The interest they excited was 
 universal ; and it is certain that some of them, if not all, were 
 very kindly treated. 
 
 Three of them were received into the family of Sir Ferdi- 
 nando Gorges, immediately upon the arrival of the ship at 
 Plymouth. Gorges, whose name subsequently obtained much 
 renown, was governor of that important naval depot. He was 
 a young man but thirty years of age, and his conduct develops 
 a very noble and truly Christian character. Sympathizing 
 deeply in the wrongs the captives had suffered, he did every 
 thing in his power to convert their calamity into a blessing. 
 The account which he gives of the character which these untu- 
 tored savages developed, is interesting and valuable. He 
 writes : — 
 
46 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ After I had those people some time in my custody, I observed in them 
 an inclination to follow the better sort. In all their carriages there were 
 manifest shows of great civility, far from the rudeness of our common peo- 
 ple. The longer I conversed with them, the better hope they gave me of 
 those parts where they did inhabit, for our uses, especially when I learned 
 what goodly rivers, stately islands, and safe harbors those parts abounded 
 with. These Indians were all of one nation, but of several families. This 
 accident must be acknowledged to be the means of God of putting on foot 
 and giving life to all our plantations.^ ’ ^ 
 
 The names of these captives from the shores of Pemaquid 
 were Nahanada, Skitwarroes, Assecomet, Tisquantum, and 
 Dehamida.2 The region which Weymouth had visited became 
 a subject of all-absorbing interest in England. It was deemed 
 the fairest clime in the New World, the most desirable spot for 
 the location of colonies. It was said that nowhere on earth 
 could be found more sunny skies, a more genial clime, or more 
 fertile soil. The forests were of unspeakable grandeur, the 
 water of crystal purity, and it was a luxury to breathe its salu- 
 brious air. 
 
 Speedily an association of English gentlemen was formed to 
 plant colonies in this newly found Eden. The hypocrisy of the 
 nominal Christian Weymouth, by no means proves that there 
 might not be other true Christian men, influenced by principles 
 of heartfelt piety. The religion which Jesus taught undeniably 
 is, that, to please God, men must try to do every thing that is 
 right, and to avoid every thing that is wrong. There were 
 many English gentlemen of the highest worth, who desired to 
 send the glad tidings of the gospel to these their benighted breth- 
 ren in the wigwam and the forest. 
 
 Several of these men associated themselves into a band called 
 the Plymouth Company. They were intelligent and far-see* 
 ing men, who believed that religion and civilization must go 
 hand in hand. They would send to the shores of Pemaquid 
 and the Sagadahock, the farmer, the carpenter, and the school- 
 master, with the Bible, the Christian teacher, and the organized 
 church. 
 
 James I. made a grant to this company of all the territory 
 
 1 See Drake’s Book of the Indians, chap, ii. p. 3. 
 
 2 Voyage of Weymouth, by John McKeen, Esq., p. 332. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 47 
 
 between the thirty-fifth and the forty-fifth degrees of north lati- 
 tude, including all the islands within one hundred miles of the 
 coast. There was at the same time another company organized, 
 called the Colony of Virginia. 
 
 feoth companies were united under the supervision of a 
 committee of thirteen men residing in England. They were 
 appointed by the crown, and took the name of the Council of 
 Virginia. The government of each colony, or its interior 
 affairs, was conducted by a council of thirteen select men 
 residing in the colony. These rulers could coin money, import 
 British goods free of duty, could lay taxes, and expel disorderly 
 persons- or intruders. 
 
 Lord Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges were prominent 
 members of the Plymouth Colony. The first effort which was 
 made to colonize seems to have been very feeble. A large ship 
 .was provided and well supplied, but carrying only thirty-one 
 men, including the crew. Henry Chalons was the captain. 
 This was indeed a small number to establish a colony. Two of 
 Weymouth’s captives, Dehamaida and Assecomet, were also 
 placed on board this ship, to be returned to their native land. 
 The destination of the expedition was the mouth of the Saga- 
 dahock. The ship sailed from Bristol in the year 1606, prob- 
 ably in the month of May.^ 
 
 England was then at war with Spain. The ship fell in with 
 a Spanish fieet, and was captured. The Spaniards were in the 
 habit of making slaves of the Indians as they could catch them. 
 The ship, with all its inmates, was carried as a prize to Spain. 
 
 The Plymouth Company, uninformed of the disaster which 
 had befallen their ship, very soon sent out another, under 
 ' Thomas Hanham. This ship bore a number of additional 
 colonists with fresh supplies. It would seem that Hanham, 
 upon reaching the Sagadahock, and hearing no tidings of Cha- 
 lons, returned to England. “ He did nothing more,” writes 
 Williamson, referring to the authority of Prince, “ than to new- 
 vamp and repeat the encouraging accounts of the country, and 
 thereby enliven and perhaps invigorate the spirit of adventure.” 
 
 1 Strackey, the historian of the voyage, says May. Williamson, giving Prince’s 
 Annals as his authority, says August. 
 
48 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Lord John Popham, the most conspicuous member of the 
 Plymouth Company, was chief justice of England, a man of 
 wealth and of the highest rank. The next year, two vessels were 
 fitted out to make another attempt to plant a colony at the 
 mouth of the Sagadahock. One of these, called “The Gift of 
 God,” was commanded by George Popham, a brother of Lord 
 Popham. Raleigh Gilbert, a nephew of Popham, was captain 
 of the other, which was called “ The Mary and John.” One 
 hundred and twenty “planters” were taken out in these ships, 
 and a large supply of needful tools and provisions. There are 
 some trivial diversities as to the details which are given of 
 these operations. 
 
 Gorges says that there were three ships in the expedition. 
 Others say, that, in consequence of some disappointment, two 
 only were equipped. The vessels sailed from Plymouth, the 
 31st of May, 1607. Their course was directed to the island of 
 Monhegan. The voyage was long but propitious. On the 
 Banks they stopped to fish three hours. In that time they 
 caught nearly two hundred large codfish, and said that they 
 could have filled their ships in a ’s^ry short time. 
 
 About noon of the 31st of July they came in sight of 
 some island on the coast of Maine, where they cast anchor. 
 About two hours afterward a boat was seen approaching from 
 the shore, containing eight Indian men and a boy. They Avere 
 many leagues distant from Pemaquid. It is not probable that 
 these Indians had heard of the kidnapping crimes of Wey- 
 mouth. At first they were very unwilling to trust themselves 
 on board. They rowed around the ships, gazed upon them with 
 much curiosity, but kept at a safe distance. 
 
 After this careful examination, the}^ began to return towards 
 the land. Soon they stopped, held a short consultation, and 
 then, turning, slowly paddled back to the ship. Three of them 
 ventured on board. The other six made^ for the shore, having 
 by signs intimated that they would return the next day. The 
 next day they came back, in another and larger boat, laden 
 with beaver-skins. Several women were also on board. It 
 would seem that Popham and Gilbert were very different men 
 from Weymouth. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 49 
 
 We infer from the brief narrative, that the natives were 
 honorably treated, and the trade fairly conducted. It was a 
 fraternal traffic. The ship’s company was enriched by the 
 furs ; and the natives retired delighted with they articles they 
 had received in return. 
 
 As the sun of that blessed day was sinking in its serene 
 glory, the moon rose full and unclouded in the east. The 
 happy Indians returned to their lowly homes, rejoicing at the 
 coming of the white men. The voyagers spread their sails, and, 
 gliding over a moon-illuminated sea, cruised along the shore 
 towards the south-west. ‘ The morning of the 3d of August, 
 1607, dawned beautifully upon them. They were swept gently 
 along through enchanting scenery of islands, bays, and forest- 
 crowned cliffs, which it would seem that God’s hand had 
 fashioned for the abode of peace and happiness. 
 
 The next morning they came to a headland, which they thus 
 described : ‘‘ The cape is low land, showing white, like sand. 
 But yet it is all white rocks ; and a strong tide goeth in there.” 
 
 It is supposed that this promontory seen in the west was 
 what is now called Cape Sftiallpoint, the extreme western 
 terminus of the town of Phippsburg. This is one of the 
 boundaries of Sagadahock Bay. The ebb and flow of the tides 
 are here remarkably strong. They cast anchor under the lee of 
 an island, a few miles east of the cape, and near Pemaquid.^ ■ 
 
 It appears from Strackey’s narrative, that Skitwarroes, one of 
 the Indians kidnapped by Weymouth, was on board “ The Mary 
 and John,” to be returned to his friends. He was undoubtedly 
 familiar with all the localities of this region. Capt. Gilbert 
 manned a boat with fourteen men, and, taking Skitwarroes as a 
 guide, rowed across the bay, ten or twelve miles, to Pemaquid. 
 Skitwarroes conducted them to a village of Indian wigwams 
 containing about a hundred men, women, and children. 
 
 It will be remembered that two of Weymouth’s captives, 
 Nahanada and Assecomit, had been placed under the care of 
 Capt. Chalons, to be restored to their native land. The ship 
 was taken by the Spaniards, and they were carried to Spain. In 
 
 4 
 
 1 Ancient Dominions, p. 34. - 
 
50 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 those days there were many private expeditions fitted out to 
 the American coast for fishing and trading. In some unknown 
 manner Nahanada had found his way back to his childhood’s 
 home. He was a chief of high rank, and chanced to be at that 
 time in this little village. It is supposed that this was within 
 the limits of the present town of Bristol. 
 
 As soon as the Indians caught sight of the white men they 
 were terror-stricken. The women and children shrieked and 
 ran ; the men seized their arms. The dispersion was like that 
 caused by the leap of the wolf into the fold. The kidnapping 
 Weymouth had taught them that the strangers were as much to 
 be feared as demons from the world of woe. The terrified 
 Indians did not recognize Skitwarroes in his European garb, 
 and in the tumult did not distinguish his voice, calling out to 
 them not to be alarmed. 
 
 But Nahanada caught sight of his fellow-captive, and the two 
 instantly recognized each other. The most impressible white 
 men could not have manifested more joy than these two Indian 
 chiefs displayed, in thus unexpectedly meeting again. They 
 threw themselves into each other’s arms, and the fabled stoicism 
 of the Indian entirely disappeared. The influence of the two 
 soon restored tranquillit}^ 
 
 Both of these outraged chiefs had received in England the 
 kindest treatment. They had fallen into the hands of true 
 Christians, who fed them, clothed them, and instructed them. 
 Ever}^ thing was done which could be done to repair the wrong 
 which they endured. They had forgotten the crime of Wey- 
 mouth in gratitude for the favors which had been lavished upon 
 them in London. Thus the title of Englishmen became a pass- 
 port to their hearts. 
 
 Two happy hours were passed in the interchange of cordial 
 greetings, and the reception by the strangers of such hospitali- 
 ties as the Indians could furnish. The boat’s crew then returned 
 to the ship, and all hearts were serene and joyous. 
 
 The next day was the sabbath. It was the 9th of August, 
 1607. It was a memorable day ; for it was probably the first 
 time since the world’s creation that God, as revealed to us in 
 the person of Jesus Christ his Son, was worshipped upon that 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 51 
 
 portion of the globe’s surface now called Maine. Gloriously 
 that sabbath morning’s sun rose over the magnificent expanse 
 of islands, promontories, and bays of a yet unexplored world. 
 
 Boats were manned from both of the ships, conveying a party 
 of fifty men to the shore. They were all well armed. The 
 point of land to which they directed their boats is supposed to 
 have been what is now called Parker’s Island ; though they soon 
 after disembarked on Stage Island, but a short distance to the 
 east.^ At this point Weymouth had raised one of his crosses. 
 
 When the natives saw so formidable an armed force approach- 
 ing, their fears were very naturally again aroused. But two 
 years had passed since Weymouth, with protestations of friend- 
 ship and the foulest treachery, had torn five of their countrymen 
 from their homes. Two only had returned. To what fate the 
 other three had been doomed they knew not. 
 
 Nahanada had also learned, during his residence in London, 
 that nominal Christians might be the greatest villains in the 
 world. His apprehensions were excited in seeing the boats 
 approaching the shore, manned with bands so formidable in 
 numbers and so thoroughly armed. It is intimated that Wey- 
 mouth’s crew outraged the wives and daughters of the Indians 
 most infamously. In this liamlet of one hundred natives, there 
 might have been twenty men, with bows and arrows only for 
 their weapons, which were powerless against the bullets of the 
 white men. The remainder were women, with little boys and 
 young girls. 
 
 Well might the Indians, after the experience they had passed 
 through, recoil from such an irruption of British sailors into their 
 wigwams. The boats were steered directly towards the little 
 village. It appears that either the suspicions of Nahanada were 
 excited, or that he wished to persuade the strangers to pursue 
 a course less menacing in its aspect to his friends. He could 
 speak and understand English perfectly well. 
 
 Capts. Popham and Gilbert were both in the boats. As they 
 neared the land, Nahanada came down upon the beach, and, hail- 
 ing them, begged them not to come on shore in such strong 
 
 1 Williamson, vol.i. p. 198. 
 
 
52 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 military array, for the natives were greatly alarmed. The two 
 captains seem to have been very judicious and excellent men. 
 They were visiting the shore for divine worship. The crews 
 were weary of the long voyage. The land, with its green 
 mounds and cool springs and shady groves, seemed like an Eden 
 in their view, as it was illumined with all the splendors of the 
 early autumnal sun. It would have been a great and cruel 
 disappointment to them to have been forbidden to land. 
 
 The boatmen rested upon their oars, and an hour was spent 
 in negotiations. Then it was agreed that the crew might land, 
 but all the Indians prudently withdrew into the forest. Even 
 Skitwarroes went with them. He might have feared that the 
 sailors would be guilty of outrages which their captains could 
 not restrain. Or it might have been his object to assure his 
 friends that their alarm was groundless, and that these white 
 men could be safely trusted. It would seem that Capt. Pop- 
 ham’s suspicions were now aroused. He knew not how numer- 
 ous the Indians might be in that vicinity. The distrust 
 shown by the natives, and their entire withdrawal, led him to 
 fear that they might have gone for re-enforcements, and that a 
 band of hundreds of warriors might come rushing upon him. 
 He, however, ventured to land. Religious services were held 
 beneath the cross which Weymouth had reared. Rev. Richard 
 Seymour, the chaplain, preached the sermon. Thus it was an 
 Episcopal clergyman from the shores of England, who first 
 preached the gospel of the Son of God upon the shores of Maine. 
 It was an occasion to have raised a man’s soul. Deep must 
 have been the emotions excited, as the melody of their hymns 
 blended with the soft voice of the wavelets rippling upon the 
 beach, and the pensive whisperings of the breeze through the 
 fibrous-leaved pines. 
 
 After tliis service Popham re-embarked his crews, and rowed 
 to the other side of the water, where he encamped. Sewall 
 thinks that this was probably the Boothbay shore, near Hodg- 
 don’s Mills. ^ But it is impossible to extricate the details which 
 are given, from some entanglement. This might have been a 
 
 1 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 10. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 53 
 
 prudential movement to guard against attack. It is, however, 
 more probable that it was intended to relieve the natives from 
 their painful apprehensions. Popham might have made the 
 compromise, with Nahanada, that he would land his crew for 
 religious service only, beneath the cross of Weymouth, and that 
 then they would retire. 
 
 The whole of the 10th and 11th was spent at this encamp- 
 ment, while a party explored the Damariscotta River in search 
 of a suitable location for the establishment of their colony. In 
 the evening of the 11th, the boats returned to the ships, which 
 were still riding at anchor under, what they called St. George’s 
 Island. 
 
 The morning of the 12th, the ships weighed anchor, and set 
 sail to enter the mouth of the Sagadahock. The next morning 
 found them south of Seguin, at the distance of but three miles. 
 There was a dead calm, and they could move in no direction. 
 At midnight a fierce storm arose. “ Off Seguin ” is notoriously 
 a rough point. The gale was blowing directly upon the shore. 
 In the darkness of the night, amidst the roaring of the tempest 
 and the dashing of the waves, they were in imminent peril of 
 shipwreck. There was no anchorage there, and no harbor into 
 which they could run. During the hours of this tempestuous 
 night they stood off and on, momentarily fearing that they 
 might be driven upon the rocks. The morning of the 14th 
 dawned luridly upon a storm-tossed sea. With its earliest rays 
 they looked for some spot where they could thrust in the ships 
 to save their lives. 
 
 Putting up the helm, they stood in for the shore, where they 
 soon saw two small islands. Under the shelter of oim of them, 
 perhaps at George’s Island Harbor, they found good anchorage. 
 The St. George’s Islands consisted of a group of about twenty, 
 many of them mere rocks. ' The storm ere long ceased, and the 
 wind came in fair. A party took a boat, and cruised around 
 among these islands. All were very rock}^ and on most of 
 them there was a dense growth of hemlock, spruce, firs, and 
 pines. Upon one they found four natives, one of them being a 
 woman. 
 
 The next morning, the 15th, though the wind was rather 
 
54 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 unfavorable, “ The Gift ” worked its way into the mouth of the 
 Sagadahock. A calm ensued. Capt. Popham sent his boats, 
 and, aided by the tide, towed in “ The Mary and John,” and 
 anchored her by the side of “ The Gift.” This occupied the 
 day. 
 
 The autumnal sun rose bright and clear the next morning, 
 the 16th. Capt. Popham took thirty men in his pinnace, and 
 Capt. Gilbert eighteen in his long-boat, and commenced row- 
 ing up the stream, between the banks of the silent, solitary, 
 beautiful Sagadahock. They ascended the deep and “gallant” 
 river, as they termed it, far into the interior. They passed 
 many goodly islands and branches of inlets and mouths of 
 streams or bays opening into the river. In the evening the 
 boats returned, having found no place for the establishment of 
 the colony which they deemed more favorable than the one 
 before them. 
 
 Accordingly the next morning, the 18th of August, 1607, all 
 went on shore to select a spot for their plantation, and to com- 
 mence their works. The point chosen seems to have been near 
 the mouth of Sagadahock, at the south-western extremity of the 
 peninsula called Phipsburg. Williamson says — 
 
 “ The Indians called this promontory Sabino, from the chief whose 
 authority was recognized there. They selected a pleasant and convenient 
 site on the south-east side of a creek, near what is now called Atkins Bay; 
 which stretches west into the land half a league, and forms a peninsula at 
 the southerly corner of the present town of Phipsburg. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 The critical reader will perceive that the date of the landing 
 here given differs from the dates in some other histories. The 
 cause of this discrepancy probably is, that the landing at the dif- 
 ferent points, to which we have already alluded, has been con- 
 founded with this final landing. The recently discovered man- 
 
 ^ Coolidge and Mansfield say, in their valuable History of New England, that 
 some suppose that the landing was made at Parker’s Island, others at Arrowsic, 
 and others at Georgetown, hut that the recent discovery of the MS. of William 
 Strackey leaves scarcely room for doubt that they landed on the Phipsburg 
 Peninsula. 
 
 The narrative given in the text is doubtless the correct one. There w^ere sev- 
 eral landings, and the final one was on the peninsula. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 55 
 
 uscript of William Strackey seems to render it almost certain 
 that the chronology here given is correct.^ 
 
 The settlement took the name of the Sagadahock Colony. 
 The inauguration of the colony was solemnized by religious ser- 
 vices. Rev. Richard Seymour, of whom we have before spoken, 
 preached on the occasion. The promontory contained one or 
 two hundred acres. The Plymouth Company had given sealed 
 directions containing the general laws they wished to have 
 established, and a list of the rulers they had appointed to exe- 
 cute them. This colony was organized under the influence of 
 the British nobility. They were fully satisfied with the mon- 
 archy of their native land. The idea of establishing a repub- 
 lican government they had not even remotely cherished. The 
 company represented the crown ; and all the laws were enacted, 
 and the officers selected, by the company. Capt. George Pop- 
 ham was appointed governor ; and seven men were designated 
 as his assistants, with the several titles of admiral, master of 
 ordnance, commander of the militia, marshal, commander of the 
 fort, secretary of the colony, and searcher. 
 
 While thus laying tjie foundations of their little settlement 
 far away in the solitudes of a world as yet but little known 
 and slightly explored, three canoes full of natives were seen on 
 the distant waters. Cautiously the Indians gazed upon the 
 strange spectacle thus opening before them, but they did not 
 venture to draw nigh. They soon vigorously plied their pad- 
 dles, and were lost to sight beyond the reaches of the river. 
 
 All hands were now summoned to work. They commenced 
 operations about the same time upon a fort, a large storehouse, 
 several log-cabins, and a small vessel to cruise along the coast, 
 and explore the rivers. The name of “ Virginia ” was given to 
 this first vessel built upon the shores of Maine. Her size was 
 thirty tons. The governor was invested with almost absolute 
 power, and he superintended all the works. They called the 
 fort St. George. The settlement also was frequently called by 
 the same name. 
 
 ^ Messrs. Coolidge and Mansfield date the landing on the 8th ; Williamson 
 places it on the 11th ; Varney, in his pleasant History of Maine for young people, 
 places it on the 29th. But to my mind the evidence is conclusive that the land- 
 ing was on the 18th, as given by Sewall in his very accurate “ Ancieni Domin- 
 ions of Maine.” 
 
56 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 On the 28th of the month Capt. Gilbert took a boat’s 
 crew, and set out on a voyage of discovery towards the west. 
 He sailed through Casco Ba}^, admiring, as well 4ie might, its 
 cluster of beautiful islands, and anchored his shallop at night 
 . under a headland which the Indians called Semiamis, but 
 which is now known as Cape Elizabeth. He inferred that the 
 land must be very fertile, from the gigantic growth of trees 
 which sprung from the soil. 
 
 During the day several native canoes were seen; but the 
 Indians carefully avoided approaching the shallop. They had 
 * doubtless heard of the treachery of Weymouth, and regarded 
 the Avhite man as a fiend, to be avoided and resisted at every 
 hazard. After an uneventful cruise of three days, the shallop 
 returned to Fort George, again traversing the beautiful Ba}^ of 
 Casco, and sailing by “ many goodly and gallant islands.” 
 
 Had it not been for the crime of Weymouth, any number of 
 Indians might have been hired to work upon the fort, to draw 
 timber from the forest, and to aid with spade and hoe in break- 
 ing up the ground for seed. A hatchet or a knife would repay 
 an Indian amply for many days’ labor. The French in Canada 
 treated the Indians as brothers ; and they found no difficulty in 
 securing their services to bear burdens, and to toil in the field 
 and the ship-yard. But Weymouth’s crime so appalled the 
 Indians of Maine, that not one was willing to lift his hand to aid 
 the white men. No smiles, no kind words, no hospitality, could 
 efface the impression which the kidnapper had cut deep into 
 their hearts. 
 
 About noon of the 30th of August nine canoes, filled with 
 forty Indians, were seen approaching the fort from Pemaquid, 
 which was distant but a few leagues on the east. Several of 
 these natives were women and children. Without an}^ hesi- 
 tancy, they paddled to the beach, and all landed. The mystery 
 of this apparent boldness was soon explained. The little fleet 
 was led by the Pemaquid chief Nahanada. He had also with 
 him Skitwarroes, and another subordinate chief, Sasanoa. 
 
 Gov. Pophain received them with the greatest hospitality, 
 and did every thing in his power to dispel their suspicions. 
 The Indians remained for three hours ; but nothing could in- 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 57 
 
 duce them to leave themselves in the power of such dangerous 
 visitors through the night. As the sun was sinking behind the 
 pine-crowneti islands of Casco Bay, they nearly all entered 
 their canoes, and paddled across the water to the eastern 
 bank of the Sagadahock. Here they reared their frail shelters, 
 built their tires, and encamped. 
 
 Skitwarroes, and one or two other Indians, remained in the 
 fort. Capt. Gilbert, to show the Indians that he reposed con- 
 fidence in them, and perhaps emboldened by the conviction that 
 there were two or three Indians in the fort, who would be held 
 as hostages for his safe return, took a boat, and with two others 
 of the governor’s council, Robert Davis, commander of the 
 militia, and Ellis Bert, marshal, rowed across the river, and 
 passed the night in the native encampment. 
 
 It was, however, very evident that the cautious Indians did 
 not deem it safe to enter into any very intimate relations of 
 friendship with the Englishmen. Early the next morning they 
 all took to their canoes, and returned to Pemaquid. 
 
 A week of energetic labor upon fort and dwellings passed 
 away; and on the 8th of September Capt. Gilbert again took 
 the shallop, and, with twenty-two men, set out on another 
 exploring tour, toward the east in search of the Penobscot River. 
 It would seem, so far as we can judge at this distance of time, 
 that the affairs of this colony were conducted with a great want 
 of wisdom. The location was on a sandbank, bleak and bar- 
 ren, with no surrounding region of fertility. The experience of 
 one winter led them to report, that ‘‘ the country is intolerably 
 cold and sterile, unhealthy, and not habitable by our English 
 nation.”^ It is difficult to imagine what object they could have 
 had in sending off these exploring expeditions, when, having 
 selected the location of their colony, they needed the energies 
 of every man in rearing their buildings, cutting and housing 
 wood for the winter, and in breaking the hard soil in preparation 
 for putting in seed in the spring. 
 
 The explorers in the shallop were retarded by calms and 
 head winds, and did not reach Pemaquid until early in the 
 
 1 Prince’s Annals, p. 35. 
 
58 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 morning of the 11th of September. They found the Indian 
 village entirely deserted, and nothing remained but silence and 
 solitude. It is probable that the natives who had visited Fort 
 George were alarmed by the fortifications which were rising 
 there, so massive in their eyes, and by the other indications 
 of a strong and permanent settlement. They deemed it safe to 
 retire back into the country, that they might be at a greater 
 remove from neighbors whom they deemed so dangerous. 
 
 For several days the voyagers cruised along, exploring many 
 bays and inlets of this wonderfully indented coast, but search- 
 ing in vain for the mouth of the Penobscot. They did not 
 return from their fruitless expedition until about the 20th. 
 On the 23d Capt. Gilbert again embarked in the shallop, tak- 
 ing with him nineteen men to ascend the Sagadahock to Merry- 
 meeting Bay, and thence to explore the Kennebec to its 
 navig^able source. 
 
 The party reached the bay on the 24th, and turning to the left, 
 instead of the right, entered the Androscoggin River, instead of 
 the Kennebec. Early the next morning they reached the falls 
 at Brunswick. Their description of the country, and of the 
 low flat island about a quarter of a mile below the falls, can- 
 not be mistaken. The falls then consisted mainly of a series 
 of rapids, through which, by aid of a strong rope, they with 
 difficulty drew their boat. Rowing up the river about three 
 miles beyond these rapids, they landed, and camped for the 
 night. 
 
 As they were constructing their camp, and kindling their fire, 
 they heard the shouts of Indians on the opposite bank of the 
 river. The Englishmen responded ; but the shouts on both 
 sides were alike unintelligible. The next morning a canoe 
 crossed the river, bearing an Indian chief by the name of 
 Sebenoa, and four natives. The chief was a friendlj^ cour- 
 teous man, but deemed it necessary to guard against treachery. 
 He would not land, and thus place himself in the power of the 
 strangers, until they placed one of their men in his canoe as a 
 hostage. 
 
 The report whicli is given of the subsequent conduct of the 
 Indians, if we credit it precisely as given, is utterly incompre- 
 
THE niSTOEY OF MAINE. 
 
 59 
 
 hensible. It would seem that there must have been some great 
 misunderstanding on the part of the English in their interpreta- 
 tion of facts which are unquestionable. If the report of the 
 historian is to be accepted as accurate in all its bearings, it 
 would prove that the Indians behaved lil^e idiots, — a character 
 which they never developed before. 
 
 As soon as the hostage was received into the canoe, and 
 Sebenoa the chief, had by invitation taken a seat in the shallop, 
 where, it will be remembered, he was surrounded by nineteen 
 white men, the four Indians began to paddle very rapidly up the 
 river. The annalist assumes that they treacherously were mak- 
 ing an effort to run away with the hostage as their captive. 
 
 The supposition is absurd. The Indians surely would not 
 surrender their chief in exchange for a common man. The 
 chief himself would not consent to so silly a sacrifice. Neither 
 could four men hope to escape from the pursuit of nineteen, 
 whose guns could throw the death-dealing bullet so great a 
 distance. The tidings of the power of the white man’s musket 
 had spread far and wide among the tribes. 
 
 Unquestionably the chief had invited the white men to visit 
 his encampment. As they could converse only by signs, his 
 invitation had not been understood by Capt. Gilbert. But the 
 Indians supposed that it was understood and accepted. Imme- 
 diately upon the friendly exchange having been made, the white 
 man being in the canoe, and the chief in the shallop, the In- 
 dians commenced paddling up the river toward their village. 
 The birch canoe, light as a bubble, was driven with great rapid- 
 ity over the waters. It was with difficulty that the heavily 
 laden shallop could keep up with it. 
 
 We are informed that great care was taken that the hostage 
 chief should not leap overboard ; but there is no intimation that 
 he made any such senseless attempt. What could one poor 
 man do, struggling in the water, with nineteen men at hand to 
 brain him with their oars ? Escape under those circumstances 
 was impossible. 
 
 Apparently Sebenoa sat in the shallop with tranquil mind, 
 entirely unconscious of the alarm which his hospitable invita- 
 tion had given. The canoe led the way. A few rods behind 
 
60 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 came the shallop. Having ascended the river about three 
 miles, the canoe landed. The four Indians, with their one 
 white companion, entered a trail which led back to their village. 
 
 Capt. Gilbert hurriedly ran his boat upon the shore. Leav- 
 ing nine men to guard the shallop, he took the other nine with 
 him, and followed rapidly along the trail to rescue the man 
 whom he supposed the Indians had kidnapped. Sebanoa min- 
 gled with them, giving no sign that he suspected that he was 
 watched, or that he was thought to be practising treachery. 
 The well-trodden, narrow path led picturesquely around the 
 forest-crowned hills of the Androscoggin, for a distance of 
 about a league. Here they came upon the little hamlet of the 
 chief. The white hostage was there unharmed. The whole 
 village was, of course, thrown into great commotion by so sin- 
 gular an event. The historian writes: — 
 
 “ Here we found near fifty able men, very strong and tall : such as their 
 like before we had not seen. All were newly painted, and armed with bows 
 arrows.” 
 
 As there were fifty warriors, the village must have contained 
 about two hundred and fifty inhabitants. They could not have 
 been armed in anticipation of this visit ; for they had no more 
 reason to expect it, than they had to think that angels would 
 descend among them from heaven. They had made no collec- 
 tion of furs for trade ; for the idea of such a chance for trade 
 had not entered their minds. 
 
 But here were nine men, three miles from their boat, surrounded 
 by fifty well-armed and very powerful warriors. If treachery had 
 been intended, nothing could have been more easy than to cut 
 them off. They had no longer any hostage ; for Sebenoa was in 
 his own home, and at the head of his band. There were many 
 opportunities for lying in ambush among the rocks and forest- 
 trees and thickets which fringed the narrow trail. Thus every 
 white man could have been pierced with arrows, with scarcely 
 the opportunity to make any resistance. And yet not one of 
 these “ very strong, tall savages ” gave the slightest indication 
 of hostility. There was not a frown seen, not a menacing word 
 h'ard, not an arrow was placed upon the bowstring. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 61 
 
 On the contrary, the reception was hospitable in all respects. 
 We are told that “peaceful overtures prevailed, and proposals 
 for trade were made.” After a brief visit, the whole party 
 returned to the boat. Not the slightest attempt was discovered 
 to molest the strangers, as in single file they threaded the narrow 
 pass, where the Indians, outnumbering them five to one, could 
 so easily in ambush, with one volley of their arrows, have struck 
 every man down. 
 
 A few moments after reaching the shallop, sixteen of the 
 natives appeared, apparently lured by curiosity to see them off. 
 We are simply informed that they were “ natives ; ” and it is rea- 
 sonable to infer that they were men, women, and children. 
 It is very certain, that, if there had been any hostile intent, 
 fifty Avarriors would never have deputed sixteen of their num- 
 ber to attack a band of nine white men, Avhile the remainder 
 lounged indolently in their wigwams within half an hour’s 
 distance of the scene of conflict. 
 
 The treachery of the white man had become proverbial. 
 The crime of Weymouth had infused suspicion into the mind 
 of ever}^ Indian. Fire-arms had then been but recently in- 
 vented. The musket which the white man bore was the an- 
 cient matchlock. It was a clumsy weapon, and rested upon a 
 support. It could only be discharged by applying a match or 
 torch to the touchhole. Just as the boat was leaving the shore 
 Avhere the camp-fire was burning, one of the men lighted a 
 torch to fire the guns. 
 
 An Indian standing by, undoubtedly feared that it Avas the 
 intention of the boatmen, as soon as they Avere at a little dis- 
 tance from the shore, to fire upon the group left behind. The 
 lighting of the match, under those circumstances, Avas a men- 
 ace, a hostile act. What other possible motive could there be 
 for thus making ready to fire their guns ? Upon the impulse 
 of the moment, he sprang towards the shallop, seized the 
 lighted match, and thew it into the Avater. The crew instantly 
 grasped their guns ; and a man, at the command of Gilbert, 
 leaped on shore to get more fire. Thus suddenly did a Avar 
 tempest seem to burst upon the band. The terrified Indians, 
 noAv convinced that hostilities Avere threatened, seized the rope 
 
62 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 of the boat, and tried to prevent its putting off. But as the 
 men presented their muskets, ready to apply the glowing torch, 
 they dropped the rope, and the whole company fled precipitately 
 into the forest. As they fled, not a single arrow was thrown 
 back. 
 
 This was indeed an untoward termination of Gilbert’s visit 
 to Sebenoa. The shallop immediately withdrew to the opposite 
 side of the river. In this misadventure the natives certainly 
 appear to great advantage. It is recorded, — 
 
 » 
 
 “ A canoe followed to excuse the hostile bearing of the natives. Gilbert 
 kindly entertained the messages of peace, but made the best of his way 
 back to the settlement and the fort.” 
 
 These events took place on the 26th of September, 1607. 
 Capt. Gilbert expresses his admiration of the magnificent 
 spruce-trees he passed on the way, suitable “ to mast the great- 
 est ship his majesty hath.” Clusters of ripe grapes hung upon 
 the vines which festooned the trees, and the waters seemed to 
 abound in fishes of great variety. The next day, in a dismal 
 storm of rain and fog, the shallop returned to Fort George. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE FAILURE OF FOPHAM’s COLONY, AND ITS ATTENDANT 
 
 RESULTS. 
 
 Indian Etiquette — Virtues of tlie Indians — Scenes in the Colony — Pophaui’s 
 Death — Rum in the Colony — Atrocious Cruelty — Revenge of the Indians — 
 The Exidosion — Fears of the Indians — The Colony Abandoned — Private 
 Adventures — Infamy of Poutrincourt — The Scenery of Mount Desert — Mon- 
 hegan in its Glory — Harlow the Kidnapper — Valor of the Indians — Fate of 
 the French Colonies — Adventures of Epenow — His Escape — The Battle on 
 Martha’s Vineyard. 
 
 WEEK passed away. On the 3d of October, Skitwarroes 
 
 came to the fort in a canoe, with two or three other 
 Indians. The native princes seem to have had their rules of 
 courtly etiquette, quite as distinctly defined as those wdiich pre- 
 vail at Windsor Castle or Versailles. It would seem that there 
 were, in that region, several tribes under one head chief, who 
 was recognized as supreme, and was called Bashaba. 
 
 Skitwarroes and his companions had come as envoys from the 
 Bashaba, to inform Gov. Popham that their sovereign had 
 sent his brother (Williamson says his son) as an ambassador to 
 visit the chieftain of the white men, and that he was on the 
 other side of the river, awaiting the white chieftain’s pleasure. 
 The envoy was immediately invited over, and was received with 
 the distinction due to one of his rank. He spent the sabbath 
 at the fort, and with his retinue attended public worship, both 
 morning and evening. It is recorded that they all conducted 
 reverentially, and with much decorum. 
 
 The object of this mission was to establish friendly relations 
 with the new-comers, and to open a trade which might be 
 exceedingly beneficial to both parties. It would seem that 
 Nahanada and Skitwarroes had made such representations to 
 
64 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the Bashaba, that he generously overlooked the infamous con- 
 duct of Weymouth, and presented the hand of reconciliation 
 and friendship to these new-comers. Every historian has ad- 
 mitted that the conduct of the Indians in this respect was very 
 noble. There is no authentic record, thus far, of any act of 
 treachery, violence, or deceit on their part. The Indian wars, 
 which eventually ensued, were the undeniable result of outrages 
 inflicted by individual white men, who were beyond the re- 
 straints of law, and who, in utter godlessness, had no more 
 regard to future retribution than had the wolves and the bears. 
 The Indians were honest in their dealings, and manifested 
 much gratitude for any favor conferred upon them. 
 
 On one occasion a straw hat and a knife were given to an 
 Indian, by the name of Ameriguin, as a present. He immedi- 
 ately, in return, presented the giver with a rich beaver mantle, 
 which was then worth from ten to fifteen dollars in London. 
 
 The works in the settlement were driven so vigorously, and 
 the style of architecture was so simple, that by the 6th of 
 October, only seven weeks from the time of landing, the fort 
 was completed, intrenched, and twelve cannon were mounted. 
 The storehouse was also finished, and fifty log-cabins were 
 reared. With such imposing ceremonies as the occasion could 
 furnish, the town was named St. George.^ 
 
 Winter came early, and with unusual severity. Storms of 
 sleet and snow swept the bleak expanse which had been so 
 unwisely selected for their home. Discontent arose, and, with 
 the discontent, quarrels among the colonists. Many cursed the 
 day in which they left their cottages in England, for abodes so 
 chill and drear and comfortless. They had made no suitable 
 preparation for winter. They had only green w'ood to burn. 
 Their cabins were frail, and filled with smoke. 
 
 It was a miserable winter to all. With wise foresight, and a 
 Christian spirit, the months of snow and wind and rain might 
 have passed even agreeably away. Their cabins might have 
 been warm and cheerful. Wood was abundant. They could 
 have laid in ample stores, and quite well seasoned. An abun- 
 dant supply of furs could have been obtained of the Indians for 
 
 1 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 268. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 65 
 
 clothing and bedding, and couches around the brightly blazing 
 fireside. The Indians wished to be friendly. They would 
 gladly have brought in stores of corn and fish and game, had 
 they been kindly treated. But sin reigned in the camp ; and 
 where there is sin there must be sorrow. 
 
 Gov. Popham died. It was, perhaps, fortunate for him. 
 His heart would have broken, could he have lived to witness the 
 ruin of his colony. As the world was receding from his view, 
 and the sublimities of eternity opening before him, he said, 
 cheered by the hope that he had planted a colony which would 
 last while time endures, — 
 
 “ I die content. My name will be always associated with the first 
 planting of the English race in the New World. My remains will not be 
 neglected away from the home of my fathers and my kindred. ’ ’ 
 
 His expectations were not realized. His colony perished. 
 No friendly hand conveyed his remains to England, that they 
 might repose amidst the graves of his fathers. No monument 
 has ever been reared to his memory. We now search in vain 
 for the spot, amidst the sands of the ocean shore, where his 
 body awaits that judgment trump at whose peal the dead shall 
 rise. The wail of the tempest, and the dash of the surge, have 
 been for two hundred years his mournful requiem. 
 
 There was no one left in the colony capable of filling the 
 place of Popham. His death was followed by that of three 
 other of the most prominent men. Comparative anarch}^ 
 reigned. The Indians were grossly and wantonly maltreated. 
 They have not been able to tell their own story ; but the 
 records of the white man’s historians testify fully to this fact. 
 The colonists seem to have been selected, or accepted, without 
 any reference to moral character. In those days, there prob- 
 ably could not have been found on earth a more fiendlike set 
 of men than the average crew of a British man-of-war. Ap- 
 parently many of the colonists were reckless seamen, picked 
 up from the wharves of the seaports of England. One of their 
 outrages would seem incredible ; but we know not that the story 
 has ever been contradicted. 
 
 It is said that a large number of natives landed on one occa- 
 
 5 
 
66 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 sion, at the little settlement, with a few furs and skins for sale. 
 They wandered peacefully around, gazing with much interest 
 upon the new objects which everywhere met their eyes. They 
 were new-comers from the interior, and every thing was strange 
 to them. Some of the men thought they would amuse them- 
 selves in seeing how the Indians would be astonished and terri- 
 lied at the report of one of their cannons. They loaded one of 
 the largest almost to the muzzle, but with powder only. They 
 attached two drag-ropes to the heavy gun, and requested the 
 Indians, as a favor, to help them draw the ponderous weapon 
 from one part of the grounds to another. 
 
 Joyously, with shouts and merriment, the obliging natives 
 manned the two ropes, in lines directly before the muzzle of 
 the gun. As they were rushing it along, one of these colonists 
 applied the match to the touch-hole. A terrible explosion, 
 with lightning flash and thunder peal, took place. Several of 
 the natives were killed outright ; others were horribly burned 
 and mangled. 
 
 The survivors returned to their homes, scattering in all di- 
 rections the story of the horrible outrage. This was a fitting 
 sequel to the kidnapping crimes of Weymouth. It is not 
 strange that the heathen Indians should have thought that the 
 Christian white men were fiends. Universal indignation was 
 excited. The Indians met in large numbers, resolved to exter- 
 minate the colonists who had thus brought blood and misery 
 and death to their lowly homes. They made an attack — the 
 “treacherous Indians,” as they were called — upon the settle- 
 ment. They captured the storehouse which contained all the 
 merchandise and provisions of the colony. 
 
 They drove the garrison, which was greatly diminished by 
 sickness and death, out of the fort. One man was killed ; the 
 others took refuge in a sort of citadel at some distance from the 
 magazine. As the ignorant Indians were rioting through the 
 captured fort, they knocked open some barrels containing some 
 kind of grain, of small, dark kernels, such as they had never 
 seen before. It was not corn ; it was not wild wheat, nor rye. 
 It was powder. The grains were scattered over the floor. Ac- 
 cidentally they were ignited. A terrific explosion of the whole 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 67 
 
 magazine ensued. It was a phenomenon of thunder roar, and 
 of volcanic ruin, which would have appalled any community. 
 Timbers, cannons, merchandise, and the mangled bodies of the 
 Indians, were blown high into the air, but to fall back into a 
 crater of devouring flame. 
 
 The ignorant, superstitious Indians were appalled beyond 
 all conception by this carnage. Had fiends come to the aid of 
 their brethren the white men? Was the Great Spirit angry 
 with the Indians for their attack upon the colony ? and had he, 
 in consequence, sent this terrible punishment upon them ? They 
 were bewildered, terrified. 
 
 They had not been struck down by bullet or arrow or club. 
 It was a supernatural, miraculous power, which had assailed 
 them. They had conquered the white man ; and then this new, 
 invisible, resistless ally had overwhelmed them with destruction. 
 They could not contend against thunderbolts, and upheaving 
 earthquakes, and bursting flames. It mattered not to them, 
 whether these tremendous energies were wielded by bad spirits 
 or good : their only safety was in immediate flight. They took 
 to their canoes, and paddled swiftly from the settlement, with 
 no disposition to approach it again. 
 
 Such is the story which has descended to us. It may not be 
 true in all its details. It unquestionably is true in its essential 
 features. We have found no historian who discredits it. “It 
 is certain,” Williamson says, “ that it was believed to be true 
 by the ancient and well-informed inhabitants on Sa^adahock 
 River.” ' 
 
 The colonists, who had thus sown the wind, were now, in 
 the righteous judgment of God, reaping the whirlwind. There 
 were, doubtless, good men among them, men of philanthropy 
 and piety, who mourned and wept over these calamities. But 
 sin is a far more potent agent of action than holiness. A few 
 drops of poison will destroy the most vigorous frame. The life 
 which God’s love has gradually developed through the long 
 years of infancy, childhood, and youth, to mature manhood, the 
 dagger of the assassin may destroy in an instant. The city 
 which the industry of a century has reared, the torch of the 
 incendiary may lay in ashes in a few hours. 
 
 1 See Supplement to King Philip’s War, 1675, p. 76. 
 
68 
 
 THE HISTORY OF 31 AIN E. 
 
 There may have been even a majority of the colonists good 
 men. But, were one-third of their number thoroughly bad, they 
 could have thwarted all the measures of the good. They could 
 cheat the Indians, rob them, shoot them, insult their wives and 
 daughters, and thus inflict an amount of injury which all the 
 efforts of the true Christians could not repair. One kidnapping 
 Weymouth can arouse an hostility which many honest voyagers 
 may vainly endeavor to appease. 
 
 The colonists were now freezing, starving, and quarrelling 
 among themselves. In those dreary log-cabins there was no 
 happiness. Frowns were upon every brow, murmurs upon all 
 lips, gloom in every heart. It is to be inferred from the brief 
 narrative we have, that the two vessels which had conveyed the 
 colonists to the Sagadahock had returned to England. These 
 ships could have carried back only the tidings of the successful 
 landing of the colony. The Plymouth Company promptly fitted 
 out another ship, with supplies. Early in the spring this ship 
 cast anchor before the already dilapidated, impoverished, decay- 
 ing town of St. George. The colonists, instead of landing the 
 supplies, rushed on board the ship, determined with one accord 
 to return to England. 
 
 The Indians, bitterly hostile, could not be induced to venture 
 into their settlement with any provisions. It was only at the 
 imminent peril of their lives that the English could leave their 
 rampart of logs, to penetrate the interior on foraging expedi- 
 tions. Their storehouse was burned. They had no articles 
 left for traffic. Whatever they obtained they would be com- 
 pelled to grasp with robber hands. 
 
 Thus influenced, they all abandoned the colony. Their 
 return to England excited the surprise and the deep regret of 
 the Plymouth Company. They carried back the most deplora- 
 ble report of the character of the country, its climate, its soil, 
 and especially of its inhabitants. “ The native Indians,” they 
 said, “ are the outcasts of creation. They have no religion, but 
 are merely diabolical. They are the very ruins of mankind ; 
 the most sordid and contemptible part of the human species.” 
 
 On the other hand, the French, who, not many years after, 
 established a settlement among the Indians of the upper Ken- 
 
TUB HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 69 
 
 nebec, and who lived with them not only on terms of peace, 
 but of strong personal friendship, wrote of them, — 
 
 “ The Indians are docile and friendly, accessible to the precepts of 
 religion, strong in their attachment to their friends, and submissive to the 
 rites and ceremonies of the Catholic faith.” ^ 
 
 The disastrous issue of this attempt to establish a settlement 
 in Maine checked the spirit of colonization for several years. 
 There were still many private expeditions to these waters for 
 the benefits of the fishery, and to purchase furs of the natives 
 along the coast. Lord Popham,'the most prominent member 
 of the Plymouth Company, died ; but his son. Sir Francis 
 Popham, for several years sent a ship annually to the coast 
 of Maine, for fishing and traffic. He, however, was not suc- 
 cessful, and at length abandoned such operations. But it is 
 confidently asserted that other adventurers were frequently 
 visiting the coast, though no record was made of these private 
 voyages.^ 
 
 The French were in Canada prosecuting a very successful fur- 
 trade with the Indians. There was a strange sort of telegraphy 
 by which the Indians conveyed tidings of important events to 
 the remotest tribes. Unquestionably the Indians of Massachu- 
 setts had heard accounts of the conduct of the English in 
 Maine. 
 
 A Frenchman, by the name of Poutrincourt, was in command 
 of the French trading post and mission at Port Royal, now 
 Annapolis, Nova Scotia. It must be remembered that at that 
 time there were no distinct territorial lines drawn. The whole 
 of this region was called Acadia. Poutrincourt seems to have 
 * been a very reckless, passionate man, with but little regard for 
 Christian principle. He quarrelled with his clergy, and said 
 fiercely to them, “ It is my part to rule you while on earth, and 
 it is your part to guide me to heaven.” 
 
 The clergy had a difficult part, in this respect, to perform, if 
 all reports are true respecting the conduct and character of 
 Poutrincourt. He went on an exploring and trading tour, along 
 
 1 History of Horridgew'ock, by William Allen, p. 12. 
 
 2 Hubbard’s New England, p. 37; Prince’s Annals, p. 25. 
 
70 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the coasts of what are now Maine and Massachusetts, as far 
 south as Cape Cod. There he fell into an altercation and a 
 fight with the natives. We know not who was the aggressor, 
 or what was the cause of the conflict. Poutrincourt does not 
 inform us, and the Indians had no one to tell their story. Two 
 of the Frenchmen were killed, and others wounded. What 
 slaughter was inflicted upon the Indians we know not. Pou- 
 trincourt continued his cruise several leagues farther, until he 
 cast anchor where the natives had mot heard of his battle with 
 the Indians. Five of these innocent, unoffending men came 
 confidingly on board his vessel, and offered some furs for sale. 
 He seized them, and put them all to death, probably hanging 
 them at the yard-arm. This was his retaliation. There is 
 implanted in the bosom of most men a sense of justice, which 
 leads them, in view of such crimes, to find some degree of com- 
 fort in the thought, that there is a day of judgment to come, 
 and that the wicked shall not go unpunished. It is recorded 
 that this circumstance led Poutrincourt to form a very unfavor- 
 able opinion of the disposition of the Indians. 
 
 After such an occurrence it is not strange, that when, a few 
 years later, our Pilgrim Fathers landed upon Cape Cod, they 
 should have been attacked by the natives.^ It is thus that one 
 bad man can inflict an amount of injury which many good men 
 cannot repair. Poutrincourt returned to Port Royal, where he 
 and his companions lived in such revelry, probably outraging 
 the Indians in various ways, that the clergy, who were sincerely 
 devoted to the welfare of the natives, refused to remain in the 
 settlement. Biencourt, the son of Poutrincourt, was even worse 
 than his father. Ruling in the place of his father, who had 
 gone to England, his conduct was infamous. Annoyed by the 
 rebukes and remonstrances of the missionaries, he threatened 
 them with corporal punishment. They abandoned Port Royal, 
 and removed to Mount Desert, where they were received by the 
 natives as friends and brothers. The names of these two good 
 men, Messrs. Biard and M'uss^, deserve to be perpetuated. ^ 
 
 Mount Desert is the largest, and certainly the most beautiful 
 
 1 See narrative of the first encounter in the Life of Miles Standish. 
 
 2 Baird’s llelation, L’Escarbot’s Histoire, Charlevoix’s Histoire. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 71 
 
 island on the coast of Maine. It has, indeed, but few rivals on 
 this globe. The island is fifteen miles long, and seven miles in 
 average breadth, containing sixty thousand acres. The scenery 
 is surpassingly beautiful. The towering mountains of the 
 interior raise their forest-crowned brows so high, that they can 
 be discerned at the distance of sixty miles at sea. Separated 
 from the main land but by narrow serpentine creeks, which 
 were sheltered from winds and waves, and were abounding with 
 fin and shell fish, it had been, for centuries which no man can 
 count, a favorite resort for the Indians. 
 
 The sublimity and loveliness of the scenery pleased the eye 
 of the natives. Here they reared their comfortable cabins, and 
 lined them with furs. Wood was abundant for their winter 
 fires. There was a great amount of game in the mountains, 
 consisting of bears, raccoons, foxes, rabbits, and fowls of various 
 kinds. The marshes and meadows were stocked with beaver, 
 otter, and musquash. The sunny valleys, walled in by moun- 
 tains and forests, were rich in verdure, and blooming with 
 flowers. They often waved with harvests of golden corn. Over 
 the placid Avaters of numerous creeks and inlets and bays, the 
 buoyant canoe of the native could glide in perfect safety. 
 There Avere many lakelets open to the sea, to which the ale- 
 Avives in the spring resorted in enormous numbers, to deposit 
 their spaAvn. It has been Avell said, — 
 
 “Mount Desert is remarkable for its size, its singular topography, its bold 
 and wild scenery, and still more for its wilder and stranger history. Who- 
 ever Ausits it, if he is familiar with its earliest records and legends, will, as 
 he sits upon some bold pinnacle of its mountains, and glances over its sea- 
 cradled islands, its sun-burnished creeks, its mountain lakes, and its Alp- 
 like ravines, almost expect to see the savage emerge from some glen, or to 
 see, lying at anchor, the rude shallop of two hundred years ago ; or, stranger 
 still, to behold some Avanderer from England, France, or Spain, in the habil- 
 iments of his time, with steeple hat, peaked beard, slashed doublet, and 
 sword bj’- his side, climbing the sea Avail thrown up by the ocean, to seek his 
 rude cabin on the shore.” ^ 
 
 There is a large cluster of islands here, separated but by 
 narroAV channels, the intricacy of Avhose Avaters it Avould be 
 
 1 History of Ncav England, by Coolidge and Mansfield. 
 
72 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 difficult to describe. These islands, Great Cranberry, Little 
 Cranberry, Lancaster, and Duck, contain from fifty to six hun- 
 dred acres each. Several families now reside upon them. Be- 
 tween Great Cranberry and Lancaster Islands there is a fine 
 harbor called The Pool, which affords excellent anchorage. 
 Here, it is supposed, Messrs. Biard and Masse located themselves 
 in the year 1609. The ruins of an old settlement at this place 
 are still visible.^ In the solitudes of this profound wilderness, 
 those self-denying men reared their lowly huts, cultivated their 
 little garden, and, uncheered by the presence of wife or child, 
 living upon Indian fare, and conforming to Indian customs, 
 labored with untiring zeal for five years, to instruct the Indians, 
 and to lead them to the Lamb of God which taketh away the 
 sins of the world. These men were Christians. It matters not 
 to what denomination they belonged. “ By their fruits shall 
 ye know them.” 
 
 The disastrous result of Popham’s colony seemed, for a time, 
 almost entirely to extinguish the desire to form settlements in 
 this part of the New World. But Sir Ferdinando Gorges soon 
 recovered from the blow. Probably his investigations convinced 
 him that the failure was entirely owing to the folly of the 
 colonists, and that Maine Avas a goodly land, yet destined to be 
 the abode of wealth and culture. He wrote, — 
 
 “ As to the coldness of the climate, I have had too much experience in 
 the world, to be frightened with such a blast. Many great kingdoms and 
 large territories more northerly seated, and by many degrees colder, are 
 plentifully inhabited; divers of them being stored with no better commodi- 
 ties than these parts afford, if like industry, art, and labor be used.” ^ 
 
 Gorges purchased a ship, employed Richard Vines as captain, 
 but sought in vain for colonists. The region was now in such 
 bad repute that none wished to seek in it a neAv home. There 
 was much solicitude in the English court, lest the enterprising 
 French should plant their settlements along the coast, and 
 obtain the entire control of the country. Their colony at Port 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 79. The Cranberry Islands were so called because 
 those berries vere so abundant there. Duck Island swarmed with those birds. 
 
 2 Gorges’ Narrative, p. 22. 
 
TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 73 
 
 Royal was for a time quite successful. The colonists were 
 carrying on a very profitable trade with the Indians in furs, 
 and were supplied by them with an abundance of corn and 
 venison. 
 
 Gorges seems to have found but little difficulty in hiring 
 men as sailors, to visit the coast for the purposes of fishing, and 
 purchasing furs of the natives. Many such voyages were made 
 by the agents of Gorges and others. Some of these enterprises 
 proved very successful. These adventurers, the common 
 sailors, were generally rude, unprincipled men, more brutal far 
 than the natives whom they contemptuously called savages. 
 
 Monhegan became the prominent point for traffic on the 
 coast of Maine. At this island the vessels first made the 
 land. Here they cast anchor, and established their rendezvous. 
 In the quaint language of the times, this was described as, — 
 
 “ The remark ablest isle and mountains for landmarks, a round high isle, 
 with little Monas by its side, betwixt which is a small harbor, where our 
 ships can lie at anchor. ’ ’ 
 
 A man by the name of Abraham Jennings claimed to have 
 purchased this island of some Indians. It is not probable that 
 his title-deed would bear any very close investigation. He 
 was a fish-merchant from Plymouth, Eng., and was in partner- 
 ship with Abner Jennings of London. They had opened quite 
 a lucrative trade in this coast, employing many vessels 
 annually in cod-fisheries and the purchase of furs. These men 
 had stations on the neighboring mainland of Pernaquid, and 
 probably also on some of the islands which encircle and thus 
 create Boothbay Harbor. 
 
 These stations amounted merely to points which they period- 
 ically visited in the summer months, to dry their fish, and to 
 trade with the Indians. Thus Monhegan became not only 
 the prominent landmark for voyagers, but the important depot 
 for all the fishing and trading vessels. 
 
 In the year IGll Samuel Argal, who subsequently became 
 governor of South Virginia, while on a voyage to that colony 
 was driven, by a series of gales, far away to the north. Find- 
 ing himself near tlie coast of Maine, he decided to visit the 
 
74 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 fishing-grounds of Monhegan, of which he had heard much. 
 He first made the land in the vicinity of Penobscot Bay : there 
 he found a small island so abounding in seals that he called it 
 Seal Rock. This name it still retains. He was in the vicinity 
 of Mount Desert. We know but little more respecting this 
 voyage ; but the familiarity he thus gained with these waters 
 enabled him, three years later, successfully to prosecute one of 
 the most important expeditions of the times, whatever may be 
 the verdict as to its justification. We shall soon allude to this 
 enterprise. 
 
 About the same time Capt. Edward Harlow was sent to 
 explore Cape Cod and its surroundings. He directed his course 
 first to Monhegan, and took shelter in its snug harbor. The 
 natives were now in the habit of visiting the island in large 
 numbers, eager to traffic with the newly-arrived ships. This 
 man, without any provocation whatever, villanously enticed 
 three Indians on board his ship, and seized them as captives. 
 One of the three, Peckmo, being a very strong man, after a 
 desperate struggle broke away, and, plunging overboard, swam 
 to the shore. 
 
 Immediately he aroused all the Indians around to the rescue. 
 The valiant men, with arrows alone for their weapons, put off 
 in their canoes to rescue their friends thus treacherously im- 
 prisoned in the oak-ribbed ship. Their heroic efforts were, of 
 course, unavailing. The long-boat of the ship was floating at 
 its stern. The Indians, sweeping the deck with a shower of 
 arrows, succeeded in cutting away the boat, and carrying it 
 ashore. As they knew that Harlow would make an effort to 
 recover it, they filled it with sand, having placed it in a position 
 where with their arrows they could defend its approaches. 
 
 Harlow sent an armed band on shore to recover the boat. 
 The exasperated natives fought with desperation. We know 
 not how many Harlow succeeded in killing ; but we are happy 
 to know that the natives drove Harlow off without his boat. 
 In this conflict, so disgraceful to Harlow, three of his men were 
 sorely wounded. The kidnapper, however, carried off two of 
 his captives. Monopet and Peckenine. Then, spreading his sails 
 for Cape Cod, the miscreant repeated the crime there. Three 
 
THE HISTORY OF 31 AIN E. 
 
 75 
 
 unoffending Indians, who had come from a distance to the 
 anchorage, were lured to ascend his deck, with offers of traffic. 
 The unsuspecting victims were enticed into the cabin, and the 
 oaken doors were locked against them. Escape was as impossi- 
 ble as from the stone and iron dungeons of the Tower. These 
 three unhappy victims of villany were called Sackaweston, 
 Coneconum, and Epenow. 
 
 All five were carried to London. Harlow exhibited Epenow 
 as a show, as if he had been a monkey or a gorilla. The Cape 
 Cod Indians and the natives from Monhegan, with abodes so 
 widely apart, could not understand each other’s language. 
 Upon their arrival in England they were distributed in dif- 
 ferent places. Some of them found Christian friends who 
 sympathized deeply with them in their wrongs. Sir Ferdinando 
 Gorges interested himself in their welfare. He rescued Assa- 
 comet, one of the victims of Weymouth’s perfidy, who had then 
 been seven years in England ; and it would seem that he 
 and Epenow were both taken under his protection.^ 
 
 According to the narrative which has descended to us, 
 Epenow was a very shrewd man. Perceiving in what high 
 estimation gold was held by the English, he thought, that, if he 
 could make the English believe that he knew of a gold-mine in 
 his own country, he might be employed to accompany a party 
 to his native land, that he might guide them to the pretended 
 mine. He communicated his plan to Assacomet. We know 
 not why this man had been detained in England so long, when 
 vessels were every year sailing to the North- American coast. 
 Both of these men agreed in their story about the gold-mine. 
 Thus a decided impulse was given to the interest in the region 
 from which they came. The reader will be interested in the 
 account which Sir Ferdinando Gorges gives of Epenow. 
 
 “ While I was laboring, by what means I might best continue life in my 
 languishing hopes, there came one Harlow unto me, bringing with him a 
 native of the island of Capawick, a place seated to the southward of Cape 
 Cod, whose name was Epenow. He was a p>erson of goodly stature, strong 
 and well proportioned. This man was taken upon the main, by force, with 
 
 1 Prince’s Annals, p. 73; Belknap’s Biography, p. 356. 
 
76 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 some twenty-nine others,^ by a ship of London, which endeavored to sell 
 them as slaves in Spain. But it being understood that they were Ameri- 
 cans, and unfit for their uses, they would not meddle with them. This 
 Epenow was one of them whom they refused; wherein they expressed more 
 worth than those that brought them to the market. 
 
 ‘ ‘ How Capt. Harlow came to be in possession of this savage I know 
 not ; but I understood by others how he had been shown in London for a 
 t\^onder. It is true, as I have said, that he was a goodly man, of a brave 
 aspect, stout and sober in his demeanor, and had learned so much English 
 as to bid those that wondered at him, ‘ Welcome, welcome ! ’ ” 
 
 In the mean time the English were watching, with great 
 jealousy, the advance of the French colony at Port Royal, now 
 Annapolis. There was a French lady of deep religious feel- 
 ing, Madame de Guercheville, who was strongly moved with 
 the desire to send the glad tidings of the gospel to these 
 benighted Indians. She was a lady of wealth, and of infiaence 
 at court. Having obtained from De Monts a surrender of his 
 royal patent, which it will be remembered granted him the 
 whole territory called Acadia, extending from the fortieth to 
 the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, she had the title of 
 this truly imperial territory confirmed to her by a charter from 
 the French monarch. 
 
 Thus this lady became nominally the possessor of the whole 
 seacoast, from the latitude of Philadelphia to the distance of 
 more than a hundred miles north of Halifax. The region 
 extended indefinitely into the interior. It had no limits but the 
 Pacific Ocean." In the spring of 1613 Lady Guercheville sent 
 her agent, M. Suassaye, to take possession of the land in her 
 name, and to set up her arms. He made a visit to Port Royal, 
 and thence sailed for Mount Desert. Here he landed, with 
 twent 3 '-five colonists, and built a small fort and several log-cabins. 
 The crew of the vessel which brought over this colony consisted 
 of thirty-five men. They all co-operated with great energy in 
 rearing the habitations. They planted a cross, and named the 
 place St. Saviour. 
 
 1 It is supposed that Gorges here confounds those stolen by Harlow with those 
 soon after seized, with equal villany, by Hunt, in the region of the Sagadahock. 
 
 2 The wliole of this remarkable grant, or patent, will be found, in French, in 
 Hazard’s Historical Collection, vol. i. p. 45. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 77 
 
 It is uncertain whether this settlement was on the eastern or 
 southern portion of the island. The lonely missionaries, Biard 
 and Masse, had reared their huts, as it will be remembered, 
 upon the southern shore. The intelligence of this movement 
 was speedily communicated to the magistrates of the Virginia 
 colony. They determined to expel these Frenchmen, as intrud- 
 ers upon soil which the English claimed. Eleven vessels were 
 equipped, manned by sixty soldiers, and with an armament of 
 fourteen pieces of cannon. It was a formidable army for such 
 an enterprise, and entirely resistless by the feeble colony. 
 
 The French were taken quite by surprise, as this war-fleet 
 entered their harbor. Their cannon were not in position ; and 
 most of the men were absent, engaged in the various industrial 
 employments their situation demanded. There were two French 
 vessels riding at anchor. They were both taken without resist- 
 ance. The English landed. In the confusion, one of the 
 French missionaries was shot ; a few others were wounded. The 
 small number who were in the fort escaped through a private 
 passage, and fled into the woods. The victors tore down the 
 French cross, and erected another, upon which they inscribed 
 the name and the arms of the King of England. The next day 
 all of the French colonists came in, and surrendered themselves 
 and their stores to the English. 
 
 Terrible must have been their disappointment in finding their 
 anticipations thus suddenly and unexpectedly blighted. Capt. 
 Argal allowed his prisoners their choice, either to return to 
 France in the French vessels, or to go with him and join the 
 colony in Virginia. Fifteen decided to go with him, including 
 one of the missionaries. 
 
 Argal, thus victorious, directed the course of his fleet east- 
 ward, and, having crossed the Bay of Fundy, cast anchor in the 
 harbor of Port Royal. Here again the French, unconscious of 
 any danger, were found unprepared for any conflict. They 
 were busily employed in felling trees, rearing buildings, and 
 preparing the soil for crops. The sight of eleven war- vessels 
 suddenly entering their harbor astounded them. No resistance 
 was attempted. Argal sent his armed boats ashore, applied the 
 torch, and in two hours the whole flourishing village was in 
 
78 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 ashes. The colonists, impoverished and utterly ruined, were 
 left to starve, or to find their way back to France as best they 
 could. Argal took a French pinnace, which was in the harbor, 
 and loading his vessels with the cattle, the provisions, and such 
 other articles of value as he had rescued from the flames, 
 returned to Virginia. 
 
 There was, at that time, no war between France and Eng- 
 land. There seems to have been no effort to settle the disputed 
 claims by friendly conference. The only reason assigned for 
 these deeds of violence, conflagration, and blood, was, that the 
 French were trespassing upon territory which England claimed. 
 Many condemned the transaction as not only inflicting need- 
 lessly great suffering, but as contrary to the law of nations.^ 
 
 The next 3^ear (1614) Captain Hobson, in the employ of 
 Gorges, set sail in June for Cape Cod. He took with him 
 Epenow and Assacomet, as guides t.o the gold-mine of which 
 they had spoken. There was a third Indian captive, who 
 accompanied them, by the name of Wanope, who died on ship- 
 board. 
 
 It would seem, from Gorges’ narrative, that Epenow and 
 Assacomet were held as prisoners. When the ship arrived at 
 the harbor to which Epenow guided them, they were carefully 
 watched, lest they should make their escape. As soon as the 
 anchor was dropped, the principal inhabitants came crowding 
 on board. Some of the brothers of Epenow Avere Avith them. 
 The captain treated them all kindly, but kept a vigilant eye 
 upon his captives that they should not go on shore. In the 
 evening the little fleet of canoes left the ship ; the natives 
 promising to return the next day, and to bring articles for trade. 
 Gorges the younger, Avho accompanied this expedition, Avrites, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ But Epenow privately had contracted with his friends how he might 
 make his escape Avithout performing what he had undertaken. For that 
 cause I gave the captain strict charge to endeavor, by all means, to prevent 
 his escape. And for the more surity, I gave order to have three gentlemen, 
 of my own kindred, to be ever at hand with him ; clothing him with long 
 garments fitly to be laid hold of, if occasion should require. 
 
 1 This subject is quite fully discussed in Prince’s Annals, Smith’s History, Belk- 
 nap’s Biography, British Dominions in North America. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 79 
 
 “ Notwithstanding all this, his friends being all come at the time ap- 
 pointed, with twenty canoes, and lying at a certain distance with their bows 
 ready, the captain calls to them to come on board. But, they not moving, 
 he speaks to Epenow to come unto him where he was in the forecastle of the 
 ship. Epenow was then in the waist of the ship, between the two gentle- 
 men that had him in guard. Suddenly he starts from them, and, coming 
 to the captain, calls to his friends in English, to come on board. In the 
 interim he slips himself overboard. 
 
 “ And although he were taken hold of by one of the company, yet, being 
 a strong and heavy man, he could not be stayed. He Avas no sooner in the 
 water, but the natives, his friends in the boats, sent such a shower of 
 arrows, and came, withal, desperately so near the ship, that they carried him 
 away in despite of all the musketeers, who were, for the number, as good as 
 our nation did afford. And thus were my hopes of that particular voyage 
 made void and frustrate. ” 
 
 It cannot be denied that this was an heroic achievement of 
 the Indians, in rescuing one of their friends from the kidnap- 
 pers. We learn, from other sources, that the musketeers killed 
 several of the natives, and wounded more. How great their 
 loss in this action so unjust on the part of the English, we do 
 not know ; but it is distinctly stated that Capt. Hobson and 
 many of his men were wounded.^ 
 
 It is supposed that Capoge, the native place of Epenow, was 
 what is now called Martha’s Vineyard, and that the events here 
 recorded took place there. It may be well to state, in this con- 
 nection, that five years after this, in 1619, Capt. Dermer, in the 
 employ of Sir Ferdinand Gorges, visited this island. He met 
 Epenow, who could speak English, and who rather triumphantly 
 told him of the manner of his escape. Dermer had come on 
 shore with a well-armed boat’s crew. Epenow and his friends, 
 in some way, had received the impression that Dermer’s object 
 was again to seize him, and carry him back to England. A bat- 
 tle ensued. The captain was severely wounded, and, with his 
 crew, was driven back to the ship. This was the last conflict 
 which took place upon that beautiful island, between the native 
 inhabitants and the adventurers from the Old World. It is said 
 that Squantum, whom Weymouth had stolen and carried to 
 England, and who the next year became the friend and inter- 
 
 1 Smith’s New England; Morton’s New England Memorial, pp. 58, 59. 
 
80 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 preter of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, was with Capt. Dermer on 
 this occasion, and saved his life. The captain writes, — 
 
 “ The Indians would have killed me, had not Squantum entreated hard 
 in my behalf. Their desire of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman 
 who, having many of them on board, made great slaughter of them with 
 their murderers and small shot, when, as they say, they offered no injury on 
 their parts.” ^ 
 
 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book ii. pp. 8-18. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 EXPLORATIONS AND SETTLEMENTS. 
 
 Jolin Smith’s Career — Exploring the Coast — England and France at War — 
 The War of the Natives, and the Plague — Zeal of Gorges — Vines’s Expedi- 
 tion — Conflicting Claims — Damariscotta and its Surroundings — Levett’s 
 Expedition — Views of Matrimony — Saco — General Lawlessness — Laconia 
 Company — Various Trading Posts — Pemaquid — Tact of the French — The 
 Sack of Bagaduce — Scene in the Kennebec — Testimony of Gov. Bradford. 
 
 P ROBABLY all our readers are in some degree familiar 
 with the history of Capt. John Smith, whose life was 
 saved by Pocahontas, the daughter of the Indian chief Pow- 
 hatan. In the year 1614 Capt. Smith sailed from England for 
 the Sagadahock, with two vessels, a ship and a bark. The 
 object of his voyage was to explore the country, and to engage 
 in the whale-fishery, and in traffic with the natives. 
 
 Smith was but thirty-five years of age. He had already 
 obtained much renown as a traveller. Six years before this time, 
 he had been president of the colonial council of Virginia. The 
 two vessels sailed from London on the 3d of March, 1614, car- 
 rying but forty-five men. Smith commanded the ship, and 
 Capt. Thomas Hunt the bark. The two vessels reached Mon- 
 hegan the latter part of April, and soon after continued their 
 course to the mouth of the Kennebec. Making this anchorage 
 his central station, he sent out his boats in all directions, to fish 
 and trade. In Penobscot Bay one of his boats came into col- 
 lision with the natives. We know not what introduced the 
 strife. Several of the English were slain, and probably many 
 more of the natives. The voyage proved profitable. Capt. 
 Smith says, — 
 
 G 
 
 81 
 
82 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ We got, for trifles, eleven thousand beaver, one hundred martens, and 
 as many otters. We took and cured forty thousand fish, corned or in 
 pickle.” 1 
 
 The net proceeds of this expedition, to the proprietors, 
 amounted to about seven thousand dollars. This was a very 
 handsome sum in those days, when a dollar was worth as much 
 as several now. Capt. Smith says that he made these purchases 
 with mere “ trifles.” It is a suggestive fact, that he states that 
 his “ trifles ” were not much esteemed in the region of the 
 Penobscot ; and the reason assigned was, that the French 
 traders there paid the Indians much more liberal prices for 
 their furs. 
 
 The captain himself engaged in these trading excursions, in a 
 boat with eight men. It was lovely summer weather. The 
 climate of the sea-coast of Maine at that season is delight- 
 ful. The mas^nificent headlands and Eden-like islands were 
 crowned in all their glory. I have wandered much over this 
 world, but I have seen no region which, in picturesque beauty, 
 surpasses the islands, bays, and promontories of Maine, when 
 glowing with the verdure of June and July. 
 
 Capt. Smith visited along the coast, between the Sagadahock 
 and what is now the southern part of Massachusetts, forty 
 Indian villages. He enumerates twelve somewhat distinct 
 tribes. They all, however, differed but little in language, cus- 
 toms, and condition. The treachery of the white men had 
 inspired them generally with dread. They were in continual 
 fear of being shot or kidnapped, and consequently conducted 
 the traffic with the utmost caution. On one occasion there was 
 a skirmish, in which several of the Indians Avere killed. 
 
 In July, 1614, Capt. Smith returned with his well-freighted 
 ship to England. He left the bark at the mouth of the Ken- 
 nebec, under the command of Capt. Thomas Hunt. He was 
 instructed, as soon as he had freighted his vessel with fish and 
 furs, to sail for Spain, and to dispose of his cargo there. Hunt 
 proved to be a consummate villain. Capt. Smith seems to have 
 been a very worthy man, and to have done every thing in his 
 
 1 Description of New England by Capt. John Smith. London, 1616. 
 
THE nr STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 83 
 
 power to win and to merit the confidence of the natives. He 
 writes, — 
 
 “ One Thomas Hunt, the master of this ship, when I was gone, thinking 
 to prevent the intent I had to make a plantation there, and thereby to keep 
 this abounding country still in obscurity, that only he and some few mer- 
 chants might enjoy wholly the benefits of the trade and profit of this 
 country, betrayed four and twenty of tliose poor savages aboard his ship, and 
 most dishonestly and inhumanly, for their kind treatment of me and all our 
 men, carried them with him to Malaga, and sold them.” 
 
 These poor creatures were caught, in small numbers, at 
 different points ; several of them were taken on the Kennebec. 
 They were all sold in Spain for one hundred dollars each. Capt. 
 Smith, in his history of his adventures, gave the country the 
 name of “ New England.” It was supposed to comprehend the 
 whole region between the Hudson River and Newfoundland. 
 
 The pecuniary success of these enterprises to the coast of 
 New England revived a general interest in the countr}^ The 
 zeal of Gorges was roused anew. The next year (1615) he and 
 some of his friends equipped two ships for these shores. They 
 were placed under the command of Capt. Smith. He took with 
 him sixteen colonists, with directions to establish a settlement 
 on some favorable point which he might select. 
 
 But in this sad world war had again broken out. The mil- 
 lions of England and the millions of France were grappling 
 each other. They were killing, burning, and destroying as 
 best they could. Smith and his companions were captured by 
 a French ship, and carried prisoners to France. The savages 
 were no better than the Christians. They also decided to 
 summon all their energies to destroy one another. 
 
 The Penobscot Indians were arrayed against the Kennebec 
 Indians. Of the origin of this war we know nothing ; of 
 its details, very little. The Indians had no historians. We 
 simply know that murderous bands prowled through all the 
 forests. The hideous war-whoop resounded far and wide. 
 Tomahawks gleamed, barbed arrows tore their way through 
 quivering nerves, villages blazed, blood flowed, and women and 
 children shrieked beneath the war-club. Now the waves of 
 
84 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 ruin and woe surged in one direction, and again in another. 
 Everywhere misery and death held high carnival. 
 
 “ ’ Tis dangerous to ronse tlie lion, 
 
 Deadly to ci-oss the tiger’s path; 
 
 But the most terrible of terrors 
 Is man himself in his wild wrath.” 
 
 This desolating war almost depopulated the realms of New 
 England. No seeds were planted ; no harvests were gathered. 
 The men could neither hunt or fish. All their energies were 
 employed in attack or defence. Their families, driven from 
 their blazing cabins, wandered in wretchedness through the 
 forests. Nearly all the warriors, on both sides, were slain. 
 
 Famine and pestilence, as is frequently the case, followed the 
 ravages of human passion. A fearful plague, one of the most 
 dreadful recorded in history, swept over the whole region. 
 Many tribes were quite annihilated. This terrible scourge 
 flapped its malarious wings from the Penobscot River to Narra- 
 ganset Bay. There were not enough left living to bury the 
 dead. For many years their bones were seen bleaching around 
 the ruins of their homes. No one knows what this disease was. 
 Many have supposed it to have been the small-pox, since it was 
 described as very loathsome. Others have believed it to have 
 been something like the yellow fever, as it was said that the 
 sick and dead, in color, resembled saffron. Morton writes, 
 respecting this almost miraculous destruction of the Indians, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ A short time after, the hand of God fell heavily upon them, with such 
 a mortal stroke that they died in heaps. As they lay in their houses, the 
 living, who were able to shift for themselves, would run away, and let them 
 die, and leave their carcasses above ground without burial. In places where 
 many inhabited, there hath been but one left alive to tell what became of 
 the rest ; the living being not able to bury the dead. They were left for 
 crows, vermin, and kites to prey upon; and the bones and skulls, upon the 
 several places of their habitations, made such a spectacle, after my coming 
 into those parts, that, as 1 travelled in that forest, it seemed to me a new- 
 found Golgotha.” ^ 
 
 1 lUorton’s New English Canaan. Amsterdam, 1837. (He came over to this 
 country in 1022.) 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 85 
 
 It so happened that Capt. Richard Vines, with a vessel’s crew, 
 passed this winter near Saco. He had been bred a physician, 
 and was in command of one of Gorges’ trading vessels. It is 
 singular, that, while the natives were dying all around him, his 
 ship’s company enjoyed perfect health. 
 
 “Though the mortality,” Gorges writes, “was the greatest that ever 
 happened within the memory of man, yet not one of them ever felt their 
 head to ache, so long as they staid there.” ^ 
 
 Capt. Vines named the place Winter Harbor. He had been 
 directed by Gorges to pass the winter there, that he might 
 report respecting the climate. Gorges had no faith in the 
 gloomy accounts of Popham’s colonists, who represented Maine 
 as unfit for human habitation. It is manifest that Vines was 
 well pleased with both the country and the climate, for he sub- 
 sequently took up his residence there. His dwelling was reared 
 upon a beautiful location on the west side of Saco River, in 
 what is now the town of Biddeford. 
 
 In the year 1620 the Pilgrims from England landed upon 
 Plymouth Rock, and commenced their colony, now world- 
 renowned, and whose fame can never die. That same year 
 seven English ships made voyages to the coast of Maine, for fish 
 and furs. The limits of the territory granted to the Plymouth 
 company by the crown had not been very clearly defined. 
 Through the influence of Gorges, a new patent was obtained, 
 increasing the powers and privileges of the company. 
 
 The new charter was issued Nov. 3, 1620. Forty noblemen, 
 knights, and gentlemen constituted its corporate members. 
 The territory conferred upon them consisted of the whole sea- 
 coast extending from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of 
 north latitude, and running back “ from sea to sea,” that is, 
 from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores. Thus their domain 
 extended, according to this grant, from the latitude of Philadel- 
 phia to the mouth of the St. Lawrence, and swept across the 
 whole breadth of the continent, about three thousand miles. ^ 
 
 1 America Painted to the Life, by Ferd. Gorges, Esq. 4to. London, 1050. 
 
 2 Hubbard’s History of New England, p. 620; Williamson’s History of Maine, 
 
86 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The breadth of the continent was, however, at that time, 
 entirely unknown. 
 
 It was well known that France laid claim to a large portion 
 of this territory, and had many flourishing trading posts within 
 its limits. Perhaps on this account it was stipulated that no 
 Catholic should be permitted to settle here. The company had 
 the exclusive right to trade and to the fishery within these ter- 
 ritorial limits, and the power to expel all intruders.^ 
 
 About twenty miles north-west from Monhegan, on the main, 
 there is a short but broad and deep river, almost an arm of the 
 sea, called the Damariscotta. It is navigable for large ships 
 for a distance of about twelve miles. A little south-west from 
 the mouth of this river, there is a group of five or six small 
 islands, which have become quite noted in history, called the 
 Damariscove Islands. One of these. Fisherman’s Island, contains 
 about seventy acres. There was a very good harbor here, and 
 it was considered an important rendezvous in conducting the 
 fisheries. About a mile south there is a larger island, called 
 Wood or Damariscove Proper. It is two miles long, and half a 
 mile wide. 
 
 During the year 1622 thirty English vessels, engaged in 
 fishery and the fur-trade, cast anchor at the Damariscove 
 Islands. One of these vessels, “ The Swallow,” sent its shallop 
 to visit the Pilgrims at Plymouth. Gov. Winslow also repaired 
 to the island to obtain supplies for his famishing colonists. He 
 wrote, — 
 
 “I found kind entertainment and good respect, with a willingness to 
 supply our wants, which was done so far as was able, and would not take 
 any bills for the same, but did what they could freely.” ^ 
 
 This region was, at that time, far more conspicuous and impor- 
 tant than Plymouth, in its silence and solitude, with its feeble 
 and apparently perishing colony. During the summer months 
 quite a fleet of vessels rode at anchor in its waters. Well- 
 manned boats were gliding in all directions among the islands 
 and along the shores. Notwithstanding the great depopulation 
 
 i Belknap’s Histqry of New Hampshire. 2 Young’s Chronicles, p. 293. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 87 
 
 of the country by the plague, there were the remnants of many 
 tribes left. From the borders of Canada, and from scores of 
 miles in the west, they came, eager to exchange their furs for 
 the hatchets, knives, and iron kettles of the strangers. 
 
 The account which Winslow gives, certainly indicates that 
 there was an enterprising and thrifty population gathered here. 
 Their log-cabins were scattered around upon the islands and 
 the shores of the mainland. They were, however, all mere 
 adventurers, coming and going, with no attempt at a permanent 
 settlement. When the storms of winter began to sweep those 
 bleak cliffs, they had all disappeared with the robins and the 
 swallows. 
 
 At the south-western extremity of Damariscove Island, there 
 is a deep, sheltered bay, which is entered by a narrow channel, 
 bounded by precipitous rocks. This bay afforded an admirable 
 harbor for fishing-vessels. It is said that, on the south-eastern 
 slope of the island, there may still be found the remains of for- 
 tifications which were reared in those days. There were at this 
 time two prominent points, where these trading and fishing ves- 
 sels rendezvoused, and from which they pushed out in their 
 various excursions. These were the region around Monhegan, 
 which included Pemaquid and the Damariscove Islands ; and 
 next in importance came the mouth of the Sagadahock. 
 
 In the year 1623 Capt. Levett sailed along the coast in search 
 of a place to establish a colony. He landed at Pemaquid. 
 There he met an Indian chief, one of the lords of Pemaquid, 
 by the name of Samoset. The intelligent reader will remember 
 that this man is renowned in the annals of the Plymouth Colony. 
 He had been stolen by the kidnappers, and carried to England. 
 Thus he had been saved from the ravages of war and from the 
 plague. In England he met with Christian friends, who treated 
 him with the utmost kindness, and finally restored him to his 
 country. In gratitude he became the warm friend of the Eng- 
 lish colonists. 
 
 But a few miles west of Damariscotta River there is Sheep- 
 scot River, with bays and inlets, sprinkled with islands. The 
 whole region presents an aspect of wonderful picturesque 
 beauty. It is doubtless destined, in the future history of this 
 
88 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 countiy, to attain great celebrity. The whole sea-coast, from 
 the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the capes of Florida, can 
 present no scenery to rival it. 
 
 Capt. Levett carefully explored this region. There were, at 
 that time, nine ships anchored near together in these waters, 
 engaged in fishing. He remained there four days, and was 
 visited by many of the natives with their wives and children. 
 A man by the name of Coke had established what we should 
 call a country store, at the head of one of the coves. Here he 
 carried on a brisk trade with the sailors and the natives. 
 Several of the chiefs gathered about Capt. Levett ; and he dealt 
 so honorably with them as to win their full confidence. 
 
 Several of these chiefs brought some very rich beaver robes 
 for sale. The sailors stole them. Levett made every possible 
 effort to detect the thieves, and recover the goods. He ran- 
 sacked the cabins and the chests, but all in vain. The good- 
 natured chiefs bore their disappointment with great equanimity. 
 Convinced that the captain had done all that could be desired 
 to recover the stolen furs, they tried to comfort him, saying, 
 “Well, you cannot find them. The rogues have carried them 
 off into the woods, and hid them.” 
 
 They were so much pleased with Capt. Levett that they 
 urged him to remain and settle in their country. The follow- 
 ing characteristic dialogue took place, as given in intelligible 
 English. Three or four of the chiefs came to him and said, — 
 
 “ Why will you go back to your own country ? Why can 
 you not remain with us ? ” 
 
 “ My wife,” Capt. Levett said, “ will not come here unless I 
 go back to fetch her.” 
 
 “ The dogs take your wife ! ” they exclaimed. “ If she will 
 not obey your message, and come, give her a good beating.” 
 
 “ But God,” Capt. Levett replied, “ would be displeased with 
 me were T to do that.” 
 
 “ Then,” said they, “ leave her alone, and take another wife 
 here. If you will remain,” one of them continued, “your son 
 and mine shall be brothers, and there shall be friendship between 
 us until Death comes to take us to his wigwam.”^ 
 
 1 Levett’s Voyage. Maine Hist. Soc., vol. ii. p. 8G. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 89 
 
 Levett coasted slowly along the shore, until he came to a* 
 small Indian settlement then called Quack, now York. It would 
 seem that he had inspired the natives with so much confidence 
 in him that they had no fears of being kidnapped. He writes, — 
 
 “ The next day the wind came fair; and I sailed for Quack with the king’, 
 queen, and prince, bow and arrows, dog and kitten, in my boat. His noble 
 attendants rowed by us in their canoes.” 
 
 Much as Levett was pleased with the picturesque beauty of 
 the region about Pemaquid, he did not deem it a suitable loca- 
 tion for the establishment of a colony. The soil was evidently 
 not fertile ; and the forests, composed mainly of evergreen trees, 
 did not afford suitable timber for ship-building. 
 
 It is said, that, during the year 1623, Richard Vines and others 
 commenced a permanent settlement at Saco. John Oldham, a 
 gentleman of property and high position, took up his residence 
 there with his servants. During the next six years he trans- 
 ported many colonists to that place at his own expense.^ 
 
 It is probable, that, during the year 1623, individuals com- 
 menced a permanent residence upon Arrowsic Island, near the 
 mouth of the Sagadahoc, and upon the mainland, at the entrance 
 of the river at Sheepscot, at Damariscotta, at Pemaquid, and at 
 St. George’s River.^ Seven years after this, it was reported that 
 eighty-four families, besides fishermen, were residing along the 
 coast in this region. 
 
 These men were generally reckless adventurers. Some were 
 runaway seamen, some fugitives from justice, and some those 
 vagrants of civilization, who, by a strange instinct, seek seclu- 
 sion from all civil and religious restraints. The state of society 
 was distinguished for its lawlessness. Every man followed his 
 own impulses unchecked. The grossest immoralities prevailed. 
 The Indians were cheated and outraged in every way to which 
 avarice, appetite, or passion could incite depraved hearts. 
 There was no sabbath here ; no clergy to proclaim the gospel 
 of Jesus Christ, with its alluring promises and its fearful retribu- 
 tions. Some royal commissioners were sent out to investigate 
 affairs. Their report was appalling. This led the Plymouth 
 
 i Sullivan, p. 219. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 228. 
 
90 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Company to adopt vigorous measures to reduce society to some 
 condition of law and order. 
 
 Three gentlemen Avere sent over, — Robert Gorges as governor, 
 Francis West as admiral, and Rev. William Merrill, invested 
 Avith authority to manage public affairs. Their power seems 
 quite absolute. They Avere instructed ‘‘ to do what they should 
 think just and fit in all cases, capital, criminal, civil, and mil- 
 itary.” Rev. William Merrill, an Episcopal clergyman, Avas 
 commissioned to endeavor to establish the institutions of religion 
 among this rude people, avIio were more difficult to be influenced 
 than the Indians. Mr. Merrill met Avith such a reception, 
 that he soon abandoned the effort as hopeless, and returned to 
 England in disgust. 
 
 It Avas probably during this year that Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
 established a colony on his OAvn account, at the mouth of York 
 River, AAdiich was then called Agamenticus. He purchased 
 tAventy-four thousand acres of land, one-half on each side of 
 the river, and sent out a company of mechanics and farmers, 
 Avith oxen and all needful tools. The management of the 
 colony Avas intrusted to his grandson, Ferdinando Gorges, a 
 young man of rank and superior abilities, and to another young 
 man. Col. Norton, Avhose achievements had already Avon for 
 him considerable renown. The settlement was commenced on 
 the eastern side of the river, near the sea.^ 
 
 It Avas just before this, that Avhat Avas called the Company of 
 Laconia Avas organized. The Plymouth Company made a grant 
 to Gorges, Mason, and a number of others, Avho Avere Avealthy 
 British merchants, of the Avhole territory between the Kenne- 
 bec and the Merrimack Rivers. The region Avas called Laco- 
 nia. The Avealthy proprietors gave a very glowing description 
 of this country. It Avas in their vieAv an earthly paradise. The 
 climate, midway betAveen tropic heat and arctic ice, was perfect. 
 The soil Avas fertile, rewarding the slight labor of the husband- 
 man Avith abundant harvest. The forests Avere magnificent, 
 furnishing the best ship-timber in the Avorld, and Avere filled 
 Avith game. The bays and rivers SAvarmed Avith fish of every 
 variety, including an abundance of the most delicious of all 
 
 1 Belknap’s Biog., a'oI. ii. p. 322. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 91 
 
 fishes, the trout and the salmon. The atmosphere was invigor- 
 ating and healthy in the highest degree, and the skies outrivalled 
 in splendor the far-famed skies of Italy. It is not strange that 
 such representations, spread broadcast over the land, should 
 greatly have revived the zeal for emigration.^ 
 
 Settlements began rapidly to iu^rease along the coast, and to 
 spread inland. The Pilgrims at Plymouth established a trad- 
 ing house on the Penobscot, and another at the mouth of the 
 Sagadahoc near the site of Popham’s settlement. They se- 
 cured land on both sides of the river, which seemed then to be 
 called both Kennebec and Sagadahoc. A few miles up the 
 river they established a post, where they kept a store of corn 
 and merchandise in deposit. Quite a lucrative trade was car- 
 ried on with the natives for furs. The celebrated “ wampum ” 
 was introduced as the representative of money, or the currency 
 medium. This consisted of belts, very gorgeously embroidered 
 with blue and white shells. Subsequently brilliantly colored 
 beads were substituted for shells.^ 
 
 It is difficult, if not impossible, to fix with precision the dates 
 of operations, thus gradual in their inception and growth. It 
 was probably in the year 1628 that these movements were 
 vigorously commenced upon the Kennebec.^ 
 
 At this time Pemaquid was probably the most busy spot upon 
 the New England coast. Two British merchants had purchased 
 it, on condition that they would, at their own cost, transport 
 colonists there, and establish a settlement. A court was ere 
 long established. Thus Pemaquid became the centre both of 
 law and trade. It is said that it was then a more important 
 port than Quebec, the capital of Canada. Its population was 
 estimated at five hundred souls.^ 
 
 The situation of Pemaquid, which was the most eligible 
 mainland site near Monhegan, was very alluring. The harbor 
 
 1 Hubbard’s New England, p. 616; Belknap’s Biography, vol. i. p. 396; Wil- 
 liamson’s Maine, vol. i. p. 225. 
 
 2 Yoiing’s Chronicles, p. 14; Sewall’s Ancient Dominions, p. 113. 
 
 3 It is not certain whether this trading-house was at the mouth of the Kenne- 
 bec or just above Merry meeting Bay. See Prince’s Chronological History of 
 New England, p. 169. 
 
 4 Thornton’s Pemaquid, p. 65. 
 
02 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 was a small circular basin, formed by tlie gentlj^ flowing river, 
 before its waters entered the ocean through a channel but a 
 hundred and fifty feet wide. This bay was many fathoms deep. 
 It Avas encircled on the west by rocky eminences, with a clump 
 of trees upon the extreme outmost point. This point was the 
 site of the ancient town and harbor of Pemaquid. Mr. Sewall 
 writes, — 
 
 “ The peninsula has evidently, at some period, been entirely circumval- 
 lated with water, and thus separated from the main, with which it was prob- 
 ably connected by an artificial way. It has also been walled in. The 
 outline of its defences can still be traced. Its streets were paved with peb- 
 ble-stones, and many of its buildings were of like material. The principal 
 street, passing longitudinally between the extremes of this peninsula north 
 and south, was paved, and is still to be traced, though nearly overgrown with 
 grass or covered with earth. The outlines of the fort, and the position of 
 its tow^er, in the south-westerly extreme of the peninsula, and immediately 
 fronting the harbor’s entrance, are, in distinct detail, traceable in every 
 curve and square, amid mouldering lime and rock, the fragments of its 
 masonry.” ^ 
 
 It is indeed an interesting locality, not only from its rugged 
 and p)icturesque scenery, where the ocean, broken into lakelets, 
 and where islands and headlands, add charms to the view, but 
 from the historic associations which meet the visitant at almost 
 every footstep. The Avriter, with a party of gentlemen inter- 
 ested in antiquarian research, visited, a few years ago, this 
 locality, by far the most memorable upon the coast of Maine. 
 A luxuriant moAving-field now covers the ground, Avhere, tAvo 
 hundred and fifty years ago, the hamlets stood, in Avhose streets 
 the moccasin ed Indian and the European adventurer met in 
 eager traffic. There is a small space enclosed Avhere the ashes 
 of the dead repose. 
 
 “ Life’s labor done, securely laid 
 In tliis their last retreat, 
 
 Unheeded o’er their silent dust 
 The storms of life shall beat.” 
 
 With eloquence Mr. Se Avail Avrites of this region, now so 
 silent and solitary : — 
 
 “ About this devoted spot, armies have gathered like eagles to the carcass, 
 and the din of war, in all its accumulated horrors of blood and carnage, has 
 
 1 Ancient Dominions of Maine, p. 115. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 93 
 
 raged. The ships of contending nations have tinged its waters with human 
 gore, and poured their iron hail in destructive broadsides upon its fortified 
 places, till the ruthless storm has swept its streets, and crushed out at once 
 the life and energy of its defenders. Here the red man with a howl of defi- 
 ance, and the white man with the subdued voice of prayer, have bitten the 
 dust together, amid the shrieks of forlorn women and helpless children.” 
 
 This region having passed into the proprietorship of Brit- 
 ish merchants, rapidly increased in population ; and a better 
 class began to appear than the rude sailors of former years. 
 Mechanics and farmers came. The Pilgrims at Plymouth were 
 gaining strength, and their fields were waving with corn. A 
 brisk trade was opened between Plymouth and Pemaquid, shal- 
 lop-loads of corn being exchanged for furs. 
 
 There was peace between the settlers and the natives. Still 
 there was no cordial friendship. With the French in Canada it 
 was different. They lived, in general, with the natives, affec- 
 tionately as brothers. They sold powder and fire-arms to the 
 Indians as freely as any other articles. They travelled among 
 them as confidingly as they would have journeyed through the 
 provinces of France. But the English did not dare to trust 
 the natives with pistols and muskets. They seldom ventured 
 any distance from their fortresses unarmed. Even a royal 
 proclamation was issued, forbidding the sale of fire-arms to the 
 natives.^ 
 
 Any attempt to describe the various grants at this time, made 
 to individuals and companies, would but weary the reader. The 
 Saco settlement was prosperous, and had the reputation of being 
 highly orderly. In the year 1630 a patent was obtained grant- 
 ing a territory called Lygonia. It is said to have extended from 
 Kennebunk on the west, to Harpswell on the east. Three Lon- 
 don gentlemen were tlie proprietors. To encourage emigration, 
 they published very glowing accounts of the region. In scene- 
 ry, climate, soil, timber, fish, and game, it was every thing that 
 was desirable. Thus influenced, a company of emigrants landed 
 in Casco Bay, at some point now not with certainty ascer- 
 tained.^ They remained but a year, when, dissatisfied with the 
 country, they scattered and disappeared. 
 
 1 'VVillianison, vol. i. p. 234. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 239; Sullivan, p. 305; Hubbard’s New England, G16. 
 
94 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 About the same time another patent was issued, which subse- 
 quently attained much note as the Waldo Patent. It covered 
 a region of thirty square miles, and extended from the Muscon- 
 gus to the Penobscot. Its principal object was to confer the 
 right of exclusive trade with the Indians.^ The various patents, 
 granted by the Pl3unouth Council, extended along the whole sea- 
 board, from the Piscataqua to the Penobscot, excepting the small 
 region between the mouth of the Kennebec and Damariscotta. 
 
 The territory of Sagadahoc, extending from the mouth of 
 the Kennebec to Damariscotta, was about fifteen miles in width. 
 All along the coast, emigrants were gradually pushing their way 
 back into the country. There was a region called “ Sheepscot 
 Farms,” where fifty families were gathered. In what is now 
 called Boothbay and in Woolwich, many fishermen had reared 
 their huts. Various incidents of minor importance must be 
 omitted in a narrative covering so much space as is included in 
 this history. One event occurring at this time merits especial 
 notice. 
 
 A trading port had been established on the Penobscot at a 
 point called Bagaduce, now Castine.^ A very lucrative trade 
 was carried on with the Indians, mainly in furs. It will be 
 remembered that there was a dispute as to the proprietorship of 
 this region, it being claimed alike by the French and the Eng- 
 lish. A small French vessel entered the bay, and, finding the 
 port defenceless, plundered it of all its furs, which were esti- 
 mated to be worth two thousand dollars. Gov. Bradford, 
 of Plymouth Colony, gives the following description of this 
 event : — 
 
 “ It was in this manner: the master of the house, and part of the com- 
 pany with him, were come with their vessel to the westward, to fetch a 
 supply of goods, which was brought over for them. In the mean time comes 
 a small French ship into the harbor, and amongst the company Avas a false 
 Scot, dliey pretended that they were newly come from the sea, and knew 
 not where they were, and that their vessel w:^s very leaky, and desired that 
 they might haul her ashore, and stop her leaks; and many French compli- 
 ments they used, and conges they made. 
 
 1 'Williamson, vol. ii. p. 243. 
 
 2 Some spell this Biguyduce, deriving the name from a Frenchman who once 
 resided there. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 95 
 
 “In the end, seeing but three or four simple men that were servants, and 
 by this Scotchman understanding that the master and the rest of the com- 
 pany were gone from home, they fell of commending their guns and muskets 
 that lay upon racks by the wall-side. They took them down to look at 
 them, asking if they were charged. And, when they were possessed of them, 
 one presents a piece ready charged against the servants, and another a pis- 
 tol, and bid them not stir, but quietly deliver up their goods. They carried 
 some of the men aboard, and made the others help to carry away the goods. 
 And, when they had taken what they pleased, they set them at liberty, and 
 went their way with this mockery, bidding them tell their master, when he 
 came, that some of the Isle of Rye gentlemen had been there.” 
 
 It would seem that such acts of piracy were not infrequent 
 in those lawless days. A miscreant, by the name of Dixy Bull, 
 gathered a piratic gang, and, raising the black flag, ravaged the 
 coast of Maine, capturing several vessels, and plundering the 
 unprotected plantations. The freebooters attacked Pemaquid. 
 Though one of the gang was shot from the palisades, still they 
 succeeded in rifling the port. 
 
 For several months Bull continued his ravages along the east- 
 ern coast. Four vessels, with forty armed men, were sent out 
 in search of him. Bull, thus pursued, fled from those waters, 
 and continued his piracies farther south. At length his gang 
 dispersed, and he returned to England quite enriched. But 
 there he was arrested, tried, and executed.^ 
 
 Another very serious difficulty occurred this year, on the Ken- 
 nebec River, between the “ Plantation of Piscataqua ” and the 
 “ Plymouth Colony.” This latter colony claimed the Kennebec 
 River, and the exclusive right to trade with the Indians, for a 
 distance of fifteen miles on each side. A man by the name of 
 Hocking, or as some spell it Hoskins, from Piscataqua, entered 
 the Kennebec with a boat-load of goods to exchange for furs. 
 Sailing directly by the two trading ports of the Plymouth peo- 
 ple, one of which was at the mouth of the river, near the 
 ancient Popham fort, and the other, as we have mentioned, 
 probably just above Merrymeeting Bay, he ascended the river 
 to Cushnoc, or Cushenoc, as it is sometimes spelled.^ This was 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 252; Ancient Dominions, p. 118; Varney’s History of 
 Maine, p. 03. 
 
 2 See Williamson, p. 253. 
 
96 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 where Augusta now stands. The importance of the trade of 
 this region may be inferred, from the fact that forty hogsheads 
 of beaver-skins were taken from the river during this year. 
 There is some discrepancy in the details which are given of this 
 transaction, but none whatever in the general facts. A boat 
 with armed men was sent up the river, to expostulate with 
 Hocking upon his illegal act. We cannot give the result more 
 accurately than in the language of Gov. Bradford : — 
 
 “ But all in vain. He could get nothing of him but ill words. So he 
 considered, that now was the season for trade to come down, and that, if he 
 should suffer Hocking to take it from them, all their former charge would 
 be lost, and they had better throw all up. So consulting with his men, who 
 were willing thereto, he resolved to put him from his anchors, and let him 
 drift down the river with the stream; but commanded the men, that none 
 should shoot a shot upon any occasion, except he commanded them. 
 
 “ He spoke to him again, but all in vain. Then he sent a couple in a 
 canoe to cut his cable, the which one of them performs. But Hocking takes 
 up a piece which he had laid ready, and, as the bark sheered by the canoe, 
 he shot him close under her side, in the head, so that he fell down dead 
 instantly. One of his fellows, who loved him well, could not hold, but with 
 a musket shot Hocking, who fell down dead, and never spake a word.” ^ 
 
 This event caused a great deal of trouble. It was finally set- 
 tled without the clash of arms. LoHls Say and Brook wrote to 
 the governor of New Plymouth: — 
 
 “ We could, for the death of Hoskins, ^ have despatched a man-of-war, 
 and beat down your houses at Kennebec about your ears. But we have 
 thought another course preferable. Let some of the Massachusetts magis- 
 trates, and Capt. Wiggin, our agent in Piscataqua, review the whole case, 
 and do justice in the premises.” ^ 
 
 The case was brought before the Court of Colonial Assistants 
 in Boston. It was decided that the Plymouth Colonists had 
 the exclusive right of sale within their patent. It was adjudged 
 that the act of shooting Hocking, though in some degree a vio- 
 lation of the sixth commandment, was, on the whole, excusable 
 homicide. ^ 
 
 1 History of Plymouth Plantation; also Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. v. p. 109, 2d 
 series. 
 
 2 They so spelled it, while Bradford spelled it Hockins. 
 
 3 Winthrop’s Journal, p. 04; Hubbard’s H. E., p. 108. 
 
 4 Williamson, vol. i. p. 253. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PROGRESS OF SETTLEINIENTS. 
 
 m 
 
 Capture at Maclii as — The Career of Bagnall — The Two Retaliations — Men- 
 acing Aspect of Alfairs — The Twelve Provinces — Ferdinando Gorges Gov- 
 ernor of all New England — Expedition of D’Aulney — Energy of Miles 
 Standish — The Administration of William Gorges — Agamenticus — Popu- 
 lation of Maine — The New Grant to Gorges — The Province of Maine — 
 Thomas Gorges — The Constitution — Religious and Political Principles — 
 Woman’s Rights. 
 
 I N the year 1633 the English established a trading-post east 
 of the Penobscot, near where Machias now stands. The 
 station was on the west bank of the river, a little above Cross 
 Island. Mr. Vines of Saco was one of the principal owners 
 of the merchandise collected there. The property was placed 
 under the guard of five or six well-armed men. In establishing 
 this post, it was doubtless one of the objects of the colonial 
 proprietors to hold possession of the country. 
 
 Claude de la Tour, the French commandant at Port Royal, 
 considered this movement as a trespass upon territory which 
 had been granted to him by the king of France. He made a 
 descent upon the place, and captured it after a slight defence, 
 in which two of the English were killed. With his prisoners, 
 and booty amounting to about twenty-five hundred dollars, he 
 returned to Port Royal. The Plymouth Colony sent an agent, 
 Mr. Allerton, to that place, to endeavor to recover the prisoners 
 and the property, and to ascertain whether La Tour acted 
 under the authority of the French Government. He defiantly 
 replied, — 
 
 “ I have taken them as lawful prize. My authority is from the king of 
 Franco, who claims the coast from Cape Sable to Cape Cod. I wish the 
 7 97 
 
98 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 English to understand, that, if they trade to the eastward of Pemaquid, I shall 
 seize them. My sword is all the commission I shall show. When I want 
 help I will produce my authority. Take your men, and be gone.” 
 
 Whether the prisoners were released, or were sent to France, 
 is uncertain.”^ Many of the traders were very worthless char- 
 acters, who deemed it no sin to cheat an Indian. There is, in 
 Casco Bay, but a short distance from Cape Elizabeth, an island 
 called Richmands, sometimes spelled Richman’s Island. It is 
 about three miles in circumference, and contains about two 
 hundred acres of pretty godd land. In the year 1628 an Eng- 
 lish emigrant, by the name of Walter Bagnall, took possession 
 of this island without any title. His sole object seems to have 
 been to trade with the Indians. “ Bagnall,” writes Winthrop, 
 “ was a wicked fellow, and had much wronged the Indians.” ^ 
 
 He had several boon companions with him, and became quite 
 notorious, under the nickname of ‘‘Great Walt.” In a three- 
 years’ trade he had amassed what was then considered a large 
 amount of property. The Indians became much enraged by 
 the wrongs inflicted upon them by this unscrupulous gang. In 
 the year 1631 a chief, by the name of Squidrayset, or as some 
 call the name Scitteiygusset, with a few warriors, went to the 
 island, killed the Englishmen, plundered the house, and, apply- 
 ing the torch, left behind them but smouldering ruins. The 
 savages, who had committed this crime, or, as they considered 
 it, performed this act of justice, retired with their booty. 
 
 Walter Neal was the agent of the London proprietors. Gor- 
 ges, Mason, & Co. He had two residences. One was at Kit- 
 tery Point, and the other at Portsmouth, then called Strawberry 
 Bank. Five men were associated with him. They carried on 
 quite extensively the business of trade, fishing, salt-making, and 
 farming. 
 
 , As soon as Neal heard of the assassination of Bagnall and his 
 gang, he sent a party to the island in pursuit of the murderers. 
 They found a solitary Indian there, whom they seized, and hung 
 by the neck till he was dead ; with no evidence that he had 
 any thing whatever to do with the murders. The perpetrators 
 
 1 Hubbard’s New England, p. 163; 'Winthrop’s Journal, p. 57. 
 
 2 Winthrop’ s Journal, p. 30. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 99 
 
 of the crime were probably then far away on the mainland. It 
 is not strange that the unenlightened Indians should, soon after, 
 have seized upon an innocent English traveller, wandering upon 
 the banks of the Saco, and, in retaliation, have put him to 
 death.^ But these outrages, far more excusable on the part of 
 the ignorant Indians than on the part of enlightened Europeans, 
 were rapidly engendering a bitter hostility between the two. 
 
 The following is the account which Drake gives of this trans- 
 action. It illustrates the difficulty of ascertaining the minute 
 details of many of these events, where the general facts are 
 undisputed. We give the narrative slightly abbreviated : — 
 
 “ Manataliqua, called also Black William, was a sachem and proprietor 
 of Nahaut. Out of his generosity this Indian duke gave this place to the 
 plantation of Saugus. He was a great friend of the whites. There was a 
 man by the name of Walter Bagnall, a wicked fellow who had much wronged 
 the Indians, who was killed near the mouth of Saco River, probably by some 
 of those whom he had defrauded. This was in October, 1631. As some 
 vessels were upon the eastern coast, in search of pirates, in January, 1633, 
 they put in at Richmand’s Island, where they fell in with Manatahqua. 
 This was the place where Bagnall was killed about two years before. But 
 whether Manatahqua had any thing to do with it does not appear, nor do I 
 find that any one, even his murderers, pretended that he was in any way 
 implicated. But, out of revenge for Bagnall’s death, these private hunters 
 hanged Manatahqua. On the contrary, it was particularly mentioned that 
 Bagnall w^s killed by Squidrayset and his men, some Indians belonging to 
 that part of the country. This Squidrayset, or Scittergusset, for whose act 
 Manatahqua suffered, was the first sachem who deeded land in Falmouth, 
 Me.” 2 
 
 The tribes, in the extreme eastern part of the State were 
 intimately associated with the French, and shared with them 
 their hatred of the English. They were much enraged with 
 those in the vicinity of Piscataqua, accusing them of acts 
 of hostility, and of sheltering themselves in a cowardly manner 
 under the protection of the English. At one time they fitted 
 out a fleet of forty war canoes to attack the Piscataqua Indians. 
 This was in the year 1632. There were several conflicts. Af- 
 fairs were daily becoming more and more complicated, and war- 
 
 ^ Williamson’s History, vol. i. p. 251; Hubbard’s History of Hew England, 
 p. 142; Winthrop’s Journal, p. 30. 
 
 2 Drake’s History of the Indians, book ii. p. 53. 
 
100 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 clouds were rising in all directions. Thoughtful men among 
 the settlers, were filled with anxiety in view of the increasing 
 perils. The Indians were becoming more and more unfriendly. 
 The French Avere exerting all their influence to drive the 
 English out of Maine. 
 
 English pirates were sweeping the coast. Robbery and vio- 
 lence were everywhere. Gorges became greatly disheartened. 
 His long-continued enterprises had brought him no returns. 
 He testified before the Commons of England in the following 
 terms : — 
 
 “ I have spent twenty thousand pounds of my estate, and thirty years, 
 the whole flower of my life, in new discoveries and settlements upon a 
 remote continent, in the enlargement of my 'country’s commerce and domin- 
 ions, and in carrying civilization and Christianity into regions of savages.” 
 
 Ill the year 1635 the vast territory of the Plymouth Council 
 Avas divided into twelve provinces. The first four of these Avere 
 Avithin the territory of the present State of Maine. The first 
 division embraced the country between the St. Croix River and 
 Pemaquid. From the head of Pemaquid, the shortest line Avas 
 to be struck to the Kennebec, and thence to folloAv up that river 
 to its source. The second Avas a small division, extending only 
 from Pemaquid to the Sagadahoc River. The third embraced 
 the region betAveen the Kennebec and the Androscoggi-n Rivers. 
 We suppose that both these rivers Avere then considered as ter- 
 minating at Merrymeeting Bay. The Sagadahoc connected 
 that bay Avith the ocean. The fourth extended from the Sagada- 
 hoc ‘River to the Piscataqua. It embraced the previous dis- 
 tricts of Lygonia, Saco, and Agamenticus. Thus the Avhole 
 territory of Avhat is noAv the State of Maine Avas districted 
 from the St. Croix, its north-eastern boundary, to the Piscat- 
 aqua at its south-Avestern terminus.^ 
 
 On the 25th of April, 1635, the Plymouth Council held its 
 last meeting. In surrendering its charter to the king, it entered 
 upon its books the following melancholy record : — 
 
 “We have been bereaved of friends, oppressed with losses, expenses, and 
 troubles; assailed before the privy council with gi'oundless charges, and 
 
 ^ Chalmers’ Political Annals, p. 472; Hubbard’s Nan-ative, p, 294; William- 
 son’s History, vol. i. p. 24G. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 101 
 
 weakened by the French and other foes without and within the realm. 
 What remains is only a breathless carcass. We now therefore resign the 
 patent to the king, first reserving all grants by us made, and all vested 
 rights ; a patent we have holden about fifteen years. 
 
 The king appointed a new company to superintend colonial 
 affairs. It consisted of eleven of his privy councillors, and 
 they were entitled “ Lords Commissioners of all His American 
 Plantations^ This new company appointed Ferdinando Gor- 
 ges governor of the whole of New England. There were eight 
 divisions, extending south-west along the coast to near the fortieth 
 degree of north latitude. Thus, according to this arrangement, 
 New England began near the Raritan River, in the present State 
 of New Jersey, and was bounded on the north-east by the River 
 St. Croix. Its northern boundaries were quite indeterminate. 
 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges was a vigorous, energetic man of sixty 
 years. He decided to take up his abode in the extended realms 
 over which he was appointed to rule. A man-of-war was in 
 preparation to convey him to his domains. By an accident in 
 launching, the ship fell upon the stocks, and was badly broken. 
 This delayed the voyage, and the feet of Gorged never pressed 
 the soil of that new world which had absorbed so many of the 
 energies of his long life. 
 
 It is said that Gorges never took much interest in New Eng- 
 land affairs, save in the four districts in the State of Maine ; 
 two of the most important of which he could almost regard as 
 his own personal propert}^ In his interesting “ Brief Narration 
 of the Advancement of Plantations in America,” he writes very 
 sensibly and somewhat sadly, in view of past mistakes, — 
 
 “ We have been endeavoring to found plantations in a wilderness region, 
 where men, bred up in villages and farms and plenty, could hardly be hired 
 to stay; or, if they were induced to become residents, they must be fed in 
 idleness from their master’s crib, yet with few or no returns. We have 
 made the discoveries, and opened the fields for others to take the harvest. 
 Trade, fishery, lumber, — these have been phantoms of pursuit; while there 
 has been a criminal neglect of husbandry, the guide to good habits, the true 
 som'ce of wealth, and the almoner of human life.” ^ 
 
 1 This document is given in full in Hazard’s Historical Collections. See also 
 Hutchinson's Collections of State Papers. 
 
 2 Gorges’ Narrative, pp. 48, 49. 
 
102 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The French possessions in North America were called by the 
 general name of New France. Acadia, or Nova Scotia, was 
 under the military command of Gen. Razilla, or Rosillon, as the 
 name is sometimes given. In the summer of 1635 he sent a 
 man-of-war, under Capt. d’Aulney, to take possession of the 
 Penobscot region, and to drive out the English.^ This man 
 seemed anxious to redeem his character from the imputation of 
 piracy, and to have it distinctly understood that he was acting 
 as the agent of his home government. He broke up the set- 
 tlement, and drove away the settlers, giving them a schedule of 
 the property he had seized. It would seem that he claimed for 
 France the whole New England coast. As he dismissed the 
 plundered traders, he said to them, — 
 
 “ Go and tell all the plantations southward to the fortieth degree, that a 
 fleet of eight ships will be sent against them, within a year, to displace the 
 whole of them. And know that my commission is from the king of 
 France.” ^ 
 
 Razilla established a garrison here of eighteen men. The 
 colonists at New Plymouth sent a large ship and a bark to drive 
 out these invaders. Capt. Girling, who was intrusted with the 
 command, was promised a sum amounting to about two thou- 
 sand dollars, if he should succeed in the enterprise. But he 
 found the French firmly intrenched. After an unavailing bom- 
 bardment, in which he expended all his ammunition, he retired 
 discomfited.^ 
 
 There is considerable diversity in the details of many of these 
 events which occurred two hundred years ago, when there were 
 
 1 “ In 1G2G the Plymouth Colonists erected a trading-house at a place called hy 
 them Penobscot, hy the French Pentagoit, and by us Bagaduce and Castine. In 
 1G35 they were dispossessed by the French, under D’Aulney de Chaniisray, com- 
 monly called D’Aulnay by the English, — a lieutenant under the Acadian gov- 
 ernor Razilla.” — The Centennial Celebration of Bangor, p. 23. 
 
 2 Hubbard’s New England, p. 1G2. 
 
 3 “The reason, undoubtedly, why France at this time extended her claims no 
 farther south than the fortieth parallel, was a fear of exciting the jealousy and 
 hostility of the Spaniards. Spain, at that time, was the great military and naval 
 power of Europe. There can be no doubt that the limiting of De Mont’s charter 
 to the fortieth parallel of latitude, seven degrees short of all her previous claims, 
 was induced by a dread of Spanish interference.” — Memorial Volume of Popham's 
 Celebration, p. 78. 
 
THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 103 
 
 but few scholars in the land, and when the narratives were 
 vague and hastily written. In the annals of New Plymouth we 
 find it stated, that the ship of about three hundred tons was 
 called the “ Great Hope.” The name of the commander is 
 given as Golding. Capt. Miles Standish, with twenty men, was 
 in command of the Plymouth bark. He was to render all the 
 aid he could in the recovery of the post, and was intrusted with 
 seven hundred pounds of beaver-skins to be delivered to Gold- 
 ing, or Girling, as soon as he should have accomplished his task. 
 If Girling failed he was to receive nothing. 
 
 Capt. Standish led the way into the harbor. He Avas one of 
 the most impetuous of brave men. Had he held the supreme 
 command, he would have made short work of it. But Girling, 
 without any summons to surrender, much to the indignation of 
 Standish, kept at a great distance, and unavailingly bombarded 
 the earthworks of the French, until he had not another shot to 
 throw. He then would have seized upon the beaver-skins 
 which he had not earned, but Standish spread his sails, and 
 returned to Plymouth. The French kept the port, and Plym- 
 outh kept its beaver-skins.^ 
 
 It is difficult to reconcile the someAvhat contradictory accounts 
 Avhich are given of this transaction. From some narratives we 
 should infer that Girling’s vessels remained impotently moored 
 for a considerable length of time, before the French ramparts. 
 At length a very polite official communication was sent by the 
 French officers to the Plymouth colonists, stating that they 
 would claim no territory west of Pemaquid. For many years 
 the Penobscot remained the tacitly admitted boundary between 
 the French and English possessions.^ 
 
 The following is the account which Gov. Bradford gives of 
 the attempt of the New Plymouth colonists to regain the port 
 at Castine : — 
 
 “ Girling would take no advice; would neither summon the enemy, nor 
 permit Capt. Standish to do so ; neither would he have patience to bring his 
 ship where she might do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a 
 madman, and did them no hurt at all. The which, when those of the plan- 
 
 1 Hubbard’s New England, p. 1G2. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 164. 
 
104 
 
 THE BISTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 tation saw, they were much grieved, and went to him, and told him he would 
 do no good, if he did not lay his ship better to pass, for she might lie within 
 pistol-shot of the house. At last, when he saw his own folly, he was per- 
 suaded, and laid her well, and bestowed a few shot to good purpose. 
 
 “ But now, when he was in a way to do some good, his powder was gone. 
 So he could do no good, but was fain to draw off again; by which means the 
 enterprise was made frustrate, and the French encouraged. For, all the while 
 he shot so unadvisedly, they lay close under a work of earth, and let him 
 consume himself. He advised with Capt. Standish how he might be sup- 
 plied with powder, for he had not to carry him home. So Capt. Standish 
 told him he would go to the next plantation, and do his endeavor to procure 
 him some; and so he did. But understanding by intelligence that Girling 
 intended to seize on the bark, and surprise the beaver, he sent him the pow- 
 der, and brought the bark and beaver home. But Girling never assaulted 
 the place more, but went his way. And this was the end of this business.” ^ 
 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges had obtained what was considered an 
 absolute property in the territory between Piscataqua and the 
 Sagadahoc, called New Somersetshire. He sent his nephew, 
 William Gorges, over as governor of this province. He was an 
 intelligent, upright man, of much executive ability. 
 
 Saco was then the most flourishing settlement in the province ; 
 and Gov. Gorges selected it as his residence. It is estimated 
 that at that time the population of the place amounted to about 
 one hundred and sixty. The first court was opened the 28th of 
 March, 1636. It was held in a dwelling-house near the shore 
 on the east side of the river. Six commissioners aided in the 
 administration of justice. This court continued its sessions for 
 about three years.^ 
 
 There were then five settlements embraced in the province 
 of New Somersetshire. The first was Agamenticus, or, as some- 
 times called, Accomenticus. About eight miles north-west from 
 the present harbor of York, there was a commanding eminence 
 thus called by the Indians. It was a noted landmark for sea- 
 men, as it was the first height caught sight of in approaching 
 
 1 Gov. Bradford’s New Plymouth, p. 208. “The government of Massachusetts 
 Bay had given Plymouth some encouragement that it would assist them to regain 
 their trading-house; hut when called upon it had various excuses for declining. 
 Plymouth was in the wi'ong: the French had merely taken possession of their 
 own territory.” — Centennial Celebration of the Settlement of Bawjor, p. 24. 
 
 2 Chalmers’ Political Annals, p. 472; Folsom’s Saco and Biddeford, p. 49. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 105 
 
 that region from the sea. It was a majestic swell of land, 
 covered with a dense forest. From its summit one commanded 
 a view of the Atlantic coast from Cape Ann to Cape Elizabeth.^ 
 
 There was a short salt-water river here, affording at its mouth 
 a safe harbor. Gorges, pleased with the description of the 
 place, had obtained, about the year 1624, a grant of twenty- 
 four thousand acres of land extending on both sides of the 
 river. Here a small agricultural colony commenced its labors. 
 The precise time of this settlement is not known.^ 
 
 At Kittery Point there was another rambling settlement, 
 called the Piscataqua Plantation. The inhabitants were scat- 
 tered along the shore, and were mainly engaged in fishing and 
 in the lumber business. 
 
 The third was called the Black Point settlement. It was a 
 very feeble colony, consisting of but few families in the present 
 town of Scarborough. Capt. Thomas Commock, or as some- 
 times spelled Cammock, with Henry Joscelyn, had obtained a 
 grant here of about fifteen hundred acres. The settlers, too 
 poor to purchase lands, were generally their tenants. 
 
 The Lygonian Plantation, so called, embraced Richmand’s 
 Island, and a considerable extent of territory on the mainland. 
 The population consisted principally of fishermen, hunters, and 
 traders.^ 
 
 There were, at the same time, on the Androscoggin, on both 
 sides of the falls, a few scattered hamlets called the Pejepscot 
 settlement. 
 
 The Pemaquid Plantation had been quite flourishing for five 
 or six years ; and in various other parts of the territory now 
 called Maine, settlers were scattered.^ 
 
 The colonies of Massachusetts, NewT^lymouth, Connecticut, 
 and even of New Hampshire, were in a more flourishing condi- 
 
 » Williamson’s Maine, vol. i. p. 96. 
 
 2 Gorges’ New England, p. 16; Belknap’s Biography, vol. ii. p. 378. 
 
 8 Sullivan’s History, p. 305; Hubbard’s Narrative, p. 294. 
 
 Williamson gives the following estimate of the probable population of Maine 
 at that time : — 
 
 Piscataqiia settlement, 200; Agamenticus, 150; Saco, including Black Point, 175; 
 Casco, or Lygonia Patent, and Pejepscot, 75; Kennebec Patent, 100; Sagadahoc, 
 Pemaquid, Sheepscot, St. Gorges, and islands, 500: Isles of Shoals and other places, 
 290: total, 1,400. 
 
 Possibly the whole number might have been fifteen hundred. — Vol. i. p. 267. 
 
106 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 tion than the Province of Maine. Gorges was anxious to induce 
 gentlemen of wealth and influence to emigrate to his domains. 
 
 In July, 1637, he made a grant of eight thousand acres of 
 land in the present town of Bowdoinham, to Sir Richard Edge- 
 combe. The troubles then existing in England, in both Church 
 and State, caused many to seek civil and religious freedom b}^ 
 emigrating to the New World. It is estimated that during ten 
 years, more than twenty-one thousand had sought a retreat on 
 these shores. Even Oliver Cromwell had formed the resolve 
 to take refuge in New England from the tyranny of king and 
 court. The king became alarmed at the amount of emigration, 
 and issued a decree that no one should leave his realms without 
 taking the oath of allegiance to him, and of obedience to the 
 decrees of the English Church. 
 
 On the 3d of April, 1639, King Charles L issued a provin- 
 cial charter to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, conferring upon him still 
 more extensive territory in what is now Maine, with extraordi- 
 nary powers and privileges. The region embraced in this char- 
 ter commenced with the mouth of the Piscataqua River, and 
 ran north-easterly along the Atlantic coast to the mouth of the 
 Sagadahoc ; it then ascended through that river and the Ken- 
 nebec, in a north-westerly direction, a distance of a hundred and 
 twenty miles, which would make its northern boundary near 
 the mouth of Dead River ; it then ran south-westerly across the 
 country to near a point on Urnbagog Lake ; there it met a line 
 running north from Salmon Falls River, a tributary of the Pis- 
 cataqua, a distance of a hundred and twenty miles. Such were 
 the limits of this province, so far as we can now ascertain from 
 the descriptions of the charter. It also included the islands on 
 the coast within five leagues of the main.^ 
 
 The region was designated the Province or County of Maine. 
 It contained about one-sixth of the present area of the State. 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his heirs were lord proprietors of the 
 province. They were bound to take the oath of allegiance to 
 the crown, and a few unimportant claims were reserved by the 
 king. 
 
 » Holmes’ Annals, vol. i. p. 299. 
 
 2 This charter is given in full in Hazard’s Collections, vol. i. p. 442. 
 
THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 107 
 
 “ The articles of faith and forms of ecclesiastical government, used by 
 the Church of England, were established; and to the proprietary was given 
 the patronage of all churches and chapels, and the right of dedicating them 
 according to Episcopal usages.” ^ 
 
 There are two reasons assigned for the name of Maine, which 
 was given to this Province. The queen of England had inher- 
 ited a province of that name in France ; and, again, there were 
 so many islands in that region, that it was common to speak of 
 the main land, or the Maine.^ 
 
 Thomas Gorges was deputy governor. He was a young man 
 of accomplished education and of great social and moral worth. 
 He was assisted by seven councillors ; the state officers, properly 
 so called, consisted, in addition to the governor, of a chancellor, 
 or chief justice; a marshal, who commanded the militia; a treas- 
 urer ; an admiral, who had charge of the naval force ; a master 
 of ordnance, to whom military stores were intrusted ; and a 
 secretary. The latter office the governor took upon himself. 
 He, with his six councillors, constituted a supreme court of 
 judicature, and also, with eight deputies chosen by the several 
 counties, formed a legislative assembly. Such, in brief, was the 
 constitution adopted under the charter of the Province of Maine.^ 
 
 The Kennebunk Fiver divided the Province into two dis- 
 tricts, — the east and the west. The first “general court” was 
 opened at Saco on the 25th of June, 1640. But four council- 
 lors were present. It is worthy of notice, that one John Win- 
 ter, a trader, was indicted for charging a profit of more than five 
 per cent upon the cost of the goods he sold. 
 
 Packs of wolves were howling through the forest. A tax of 
 twelve pence wag assessed upon every family between Piscata- 
 qua and Kennebunk, to be paid in bounties for each wolf killed. 
 All parents in the western district were also ordered to have 
 their children baptized under penalty of being summoned to 
 appear before the court, and answer for the neglect.^ 
 
 ^ Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 273. 
 
 2 Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 277. 
 
 8 See this Constitution more minutely developed by Williamson, vol. i. p. 281, 
 and in Sullivan’s History of Maine. 
 
 ^ “Wolves then abounded all along the coast. The town of Wells was infested 
 with them. Their hideous bowlings made night terrible to the settlers. The lit- 
 
108 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Sir Ferdinando Gorges had looked with special interest upon 
 the pleasantly located little settlement at Agamenticus. On 
 the 10th of April, 1641, he organized a territory here, which, 
 from the description, we infer to have been six miles square, 
 into a town, or borough. The inhabitants were allowed to elect 
 a mayor and eight aldermen, and to manage their own internal 
 affairs. About a year after this, on the 1st of March, 1642, he 
 erected the borough into a city, extending the charter over a 
 region embracing twenty-one square miles. This forest city 
 was on the north side of the river. It had an ocean front of 
 about three miles, and extended seven miles back from the 
 river’s mouth. ^ He called this city Gorgiana. 
 
 The officers of the city government were, a mayor, twelve 
 aldermen, and twenty-four common councilmen. It is estimated 
 that at this time there were seventy-seven Christian ministers 
 in New England who had been driven from home by persecu- 
 tion ; and there were about fifty towns or villages.^ The rela- 
 tions with the Indians were' continually growing more threat- 
 ening. This was mainly caused by unprincipled traders and 
 wretched vagabonds, who were ranging the coast and country 
 in all directions beyond the reach of law, inflicting the most 
 intolerable outrages upon the natives. The governors of the 
 colonies, and the many good Christian men in the settlements, 
 were anxious to do every thing in their power to secure just 
 treatment for the Indians ; but it was impossible for them to 
 restrain the reckless adventurers who crowded to these shores. 
 
 In addition to the danger to which the colonists were exposed 
 from the angry attitude assumed by the Indians, there were also 
 continual disputes arising in respect to boui\daries, with the 
 Dutch in New York, and the French in Canada. Influenced by 
 
 tie stock on tlie farms was always in peril, and every precantion was necessary to 
 gnard against their attacks. They were the worst enemies that the pioneers had 
 to encounter. Hitherto they had had free access to the coast; and it was impos- 
 sible to drive them away from the old ground, while new temptations were offered 
 to them in the Hocks of sheep and cattle whiidi were i-apidly being introduced into 
 their territories. Every settler was interested in their extermination, and at this 
 court it was ordered that every family should pay twelve pence for every wolf 
 that should be killed.” — History of Wells and Kennebunk^ by Edioard E. Bourne, 
 LL.I). 
 
 ^ Hazard’s Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 480. 
 
 2 Collections Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. i. p. 247. 
 
THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 109 
 
 these considerations, the colonists of Massachusetts, Plymouth, 
 Connecticut, and New Haven, entered into a confederacy in the 
 year 1643.^ The Province of Maine was not a member of this 
 confederacy. It is said that this was in consequence of the 
 strong royalist and Episcopal tendencies of its rulers. 
 
 The French called their dominions in North America, includ- 
 ing Canada, Acadia, and Louisiana, the general name of New 
 France. For its government. Cardinal Richelieu formed an 
 association called the Company of France.^ It was estimated 
 that about sixteen thousand souls had emigrated to these re- 
 gions. The intolerance of the court in England had roused the 
 Commons to an appeal to arms. This at once checked the tide 
 of emigration. The people, who had been fleeing from the 
 tyranny of the crown, were now disposed to remain at home, 
 and fight the battles of freedom on their own soil. So many 
 returned to England, that during the next twenty years the 
 New England colonies lost more from returning emigrants than 
 they gained by accessions from the mother country 
 
 The people of these colonies were generally republicans in 
 their political principles, and dissenters from the Established 
 Church of England in their ecclesiastical relations. Their sym- 
 pathies were consequently warmly with the Commons in its war- 
 fare against the Crown. The Commons, in gratitude, voted, in 
 the year 1642, that the merchandise of either country should be 
 exchanged free of duty.'^ 
 
 Jealous of the power of the king, and of the grants or patents 
 which he had conferred upon his favorites, the}^ appointed the 
 Earl of Warwick, governor-general, and high admiral of all 
 the American Plantations. He was to be assisted hy a board 
 of sixteen commissioners. They were enjoined to watch with 
 care that the colonists were protected in the true Protestant 
 religion and in the exercise of all their political rights. 
 
 Gov. Gorges, a partisan of the king, was* much annoyed by 
 the attitude which public affairs were assuming. He determined 
 to leave the Province of Maine, and return to England. The 
 
 1 "Wintlirop’s Journal, p. 270; Hubbard’s New England, p- 465. 
 
 2 History of tlie French Dominions, by Thomas Jeffreys, p. 101. 
 
 8 History of New England, by Daniel Neal, p. 218. 
 
 * Hist. Coll, by Ebeu. Hazard, p. 494. 
 
110 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 administration of affairs was intrusted to George Cleaves, as his 
 deputy. Cleaves selected Portland for his residence, then called 
 Casco Peninsula.^ 
 
 He speedily summoned a court at Casco, that he might inform 
 himself more minutely respecting the affairs of the Province ; 
 but he found himself at once in conflict with the government 
 Gorges had established. Richard Vines convened a council at 
 Saco. In the controversy which arose. Cleaves sent a friend, 
 Mr. Tucker, to Saco, to propose submitting the questions in dis- 
 pute to the magistrates of the Massachusetts colony. Vines 
 assailed the envoy with abusive language, threw him into 
 prison, and did not release him until he gave bonds to appear 
 at the next court at Saco.^ 
 
 Though Sir Ferdinando Gorges had now reached his three 
 score years and ten, his zeal for the crown was such, that, 
 in the civil war then raging, he joined the royalist army of 
 Prince Rupert during the siege of Bristol. The great events 
 transpiring in England threw British affairs everywhere into 
 some degree of confusion. It would only bewilder the reader 
 to endeavor to explain all the entanglements. There seems to 
 have been for some time quite a conflict between Cleaves at 
 Portland and the court at Saco. 
 
 In the year 1647 Richard Vines had returned to England. 
 At a session of the court holden by Mr. Cleaves, the Piscataqua 
 plantations were formed into a town called Kittery. Its ter- 
 ritory, at that time, embraced not only the present town of 
 Kittery, but also North and South Berwick, and Elliot. It 
 would seem, from the following curious memorial presented to 
 the court at that time, that “woman’s rights” were not then 
 very highly respected : — 
 
 “ The humble petition of Richard Cutts and John Cutting, showeth, that 
 contrary to an act of court which says, ‘ No woman shall live on the Isles of 
 Shoals,’ John Reynolds has brought his wife hither with an intention to live 
 here and abide. He hath also brought upon Ilog Island a great stock of 
 goats and swine, which, by destroying much fish, do great damage to the 
 petitioners and others; and also spoil the spring of water upon that island, 
 rendering it unfit for any manner of use. 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s History, vol. i. p. 1G3. 
 
 2 Hubbard’s History of New England, p. 3G9. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Ill 
 
 “ Your petitioners therefore pray, that the act of court may be put in 
 execution for the removal of all women from inhabiting there ; and that said 
 Reynolds may be ordered to remove his goats and swine from the island 
 without delay.” 
 
 The court ordered the removal of the SAvine, but decided, as 
 to the complaint against the wife, “ It is thought fit by the 
 court, that, if no further complaint come against her, she may 
 enjoy the company of her husband.”^ 
 
 Ferdinando Gorges died two years before the execution of 
 his royal master, Charles I. In the year 1635 Razilla, governor 
 of Acadia, died. Two of his subordinate officers struggled to 
 succeed him in the command. One of these, Charles de la 
 Tour established himself at the mouth of the River St. John.^ 
 The other, D’Aulney de Charnisy, took his residence about a 
 hundred and fifty miles west, on the eastern side of the Penob- 
 scot, at the point now called Castine. 
 
 The valleys of these two rivers Avere inhabited by tAvo quite 
 powerful Indian tribes. The king of France, involved in a Avar 
 Avith Spain, paid but little attention to the quarrels of two offi- 
 cers in the wilderness of the New World, separated from France 
 by an ocean three thousand miles in width. The strife betAveen 
 the officers Avas imbittered from the fact that D’Aulney Avas a 
 Catholic, and Avas sustained by the poAverful influence of the 
 Jesuits. La Tour Avas a Protestant, and looked for countenance 
 and aid to the Puritans of New England. 
 
 He sent from his settlement on the St. John, an agent, 
 M. Rochet, to propose free trade between the colonies, and the 
 co-operation of Massachusetts in the endeavor to drive D’Aulney 
 from the Penobscot. The result Avas, that free trade was intro- 
 duced, but the military alliance was postponed.^ 
 
 The Jesuit influence was such that the Protestant, La Tour, 
 had no chance of obtaining support of the throne of France, in 
 his conflicl with his Catholic competitor. The Jesuits succeeded 
 ere long in obtaining a royal edict, Avhich denounced La Tour 
 
 1 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol.-vii. p. 250. 
 
 2 There are two De la Tours mentioned in this history, — Claude, the father, and 
 Charles, the son. 
 
 3 Hazard’s Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 198; Journal of John Winthrop, 
 p. 265. 
 
112 
 
 THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 as an outlaw and a rebel. Thus encouraged, D’Aulney fitted 
 out an expedition against his opponent, of four vessels, with five 
 hundred men. He blockaded the harbor of La Tour, cut off all 
 his communications, and reduced the garrison to the greatest 
 ^ distress. 
 
 In the night of the 12th of June, La Tour and his wife 
 escaped from the blockaded port, and proceeded in a vessel to 
 Boston. He was a man of persuasive address, and he exerted 
 all his powers to induce the government of the colony to aid 
 him with a military force. There was quite a division of senti- 
 ment in the colony, upon this subject. Some were warml}^ in 
 favor of espousing his cause ; for he showed them his commission 
 from the French cabinet, appointing him the king’s lieutenant- 
 general in Acadia. La Tour’s friends in the Massachusetts 
 Colony urged that he was the legitimate ruler, and that their 
 commercial interests, and their religious principles, alike de- 
 manded that they should support his claims. 
 
 But the opponents urged, that they could not be certain as to 
 the exact justice of the case ; that the French cabinet had man- 
 ifestly vacillated ; that it was to be feared that La Tour’s Prot- 
 estantism was mainly the absence of all religion ; and that it 
 was not for the honor of Massachusetts to engage in war, as the 
 followers of a French adventurer.^ 
 
 All the settlements in the Province of Maine were much agi- 
 
 O 
 
 tated by this question. The deputy governor wrote, from his 
 residence at Kittery Point, to Gov. Winthrop of Massachusetts, 
 under date of June 28, 1643. In this letter he says, — 
 
 “ Right worthy Sir, — I understand by Mr Parker, j’^ou have written 
 me by Mr. Shurt, which, as yet, I have not received. It cannot be un- 
 known to you what fears we are in, since La Tour’s promise of aid from you. 
 For my part, I thought fit to certify so much unto you; for I suppose that 
 not only these parts which are naked, but all north-east, will find D’Aulney 
 a scourge. lie hath long waited, with the expense of near eight hundred 
 pounds per month, for an opportunity of taking supplies from his foe; and, 
 should all his hopes be frustrated through your aid, you may conceiv'e wdiere 
 he will seek for satisfaction. 
 
 “ If a thorough work could be made, and he be utterly extirpated, I 
 should like it well: otherwise, it cannot be thought but that a soldier and a 
 
 ‘ See these arguments in full, Haz. Coll., vol. i. p. 502-516. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 113 
 
 gentleman will seek to revenge himself, having five hundred men, two ships, 
 a galley, and pinnaces well provided. But you may please conceive in what 
 manner he now besieges La Tour. His ships lie on the south-west part of 
 the island, at the entrance of St. John’s River, within which is only an 
 entrance for ships. On the north-east lie his pinnaces. It cannot be con- 
 ceived but he will fortify the island, which will debar the entrance of any 
 of your ships, and force them back, showing the will, not having the power 
 to hurt him. 
 
 “ I suppose I shall sail for England in this ship; I am not yet certain, 
 which makes me forbear to enlarge at this time, or to desire your commands 
 thither. 
 
 “ Thus in haste I rest your honoring friend and servant, 
 
 “Thomas Gorges.” ^ 
 
 After much deliberation, the Massachusetts magistrates in- 
 formed La Tour, that, though they could take no active part in 
 the conflict, he might purchase or charter ships, and enlist as 
 many volunteers as he pleased. It was all, however, to be done 
 at his own expense. He at once chartered four vessels for two 
 months, at the price, for the four, of two thousand six hundred 
 dollars. One hundred and forty-two men, sailors, and seamen 
 were placed on board, with thirty-eight pieces of ordnance. 
 The little fleet was well furnished with provisions and ammuni- 
 tion. 
 
 To raise the needful money, he mortgaged his fort at St. 
 Johns, with all its ammunition and stores, and also all his real 
 and personal estate in Acadia. The squadron, thus equipped, 
 sailed on the 14th of July, 1643. It would seem that he had 
 five vessels in his fleet; the “Clement,” in which he had entered 
 Massachusetts Bay, and the four vessels he had chartered, 
 namely, “ The Seabridge,” “ The Philip and Mary,” “ The In- 
 crease, ” and “ The Greyhound.” ^ 
 
 It will be perceived that this trouble took place in Acadia a 
 3^ear or two before some of the events in Maine, which we have 
 already described. 
 
 1 Hazard’s Hist. CoU., vol. i p. 498. 2 Hubbard’s History, vol. i. p. 150. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 COLONIAL JEALOUSIES AND ALIENATIONS. 
 
 Conflict between La Tour and D’Aulney — Its Strange Eesult — Attack of 
 Wannerton — Madame La Tour — D’Aulney attacks tlie Fort at St. John — 
 Heroic Defence of Madame La Tour — Her Capture and Death — Treason of 
 La Tour — Gov. Godfrey — Purchases of Indian Chiefs — Boundary Disputes 
 — Final Settlement — Submission of Godfrey — Ecclesiastical Condition of 
 Maine — Sullivan’s Testimony — Dutch Settlers — Savage Insolence. 
 
 I T would seem that La Tour made a sudden and furious 
 attack upon the vessels of D’Aulney, and drove them from 
 their station, and chased them into the Penobscot.^ Here 
 
 D’Aulney ran two of his vessels aground, and quite a brisk 
 action took place, in which several Frenchmen w'ere either 
 killed or Avounded on each side ; but not a man from the Massa- 
 chusetts Colony was hurt. The chartered vessels returned to 
 Boston within the allotted time. La Tour brought with him a 
 ship of D’Aulney’s, which he had captured, freighted with val- 
 uable furs.2 
 
 D’Aulney was very indignant in view of the aid the Massa- 
 chusetts Colony had rendered La Tour. He wrote a very angry 
 letter, to which the governor replied, — 
 
 “ Had we been molested in the right of free trade, as you thi-eatened us, 
 we should not have been backward to do ourselves justice. But the colony 
 government of Massachusetts has, in fact, taken no measures, nor gi’anted 
 any commission, against you. To admit La Tour to enlist and hire forces 
 with his own money, violates no sound political rules. It is a mere attri- 
 bute of our independence, while the laws of Christian duty require us to 
 relieve all distress. Yet surely nothing would be more grateful to our Avishes 
 than reconciliation andjDeace.” ^ 
 
 1 So say both Sullivan and Hutchinson. Winthrop says they were driven to 
 Port Royal. 
 
 2 Hubbard’s Now England, p. 483. 
 
 8 Williamson, vol. i. p. 314, See also Hubbard’s New England, p. 483. 
 
 114 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 115 
 
 D’Aulney applied to tlie court of France for aid, to take 
 revenge upon Massachusetts. He represented that the French 
 colonies in Acadia were in danger of destruction, from an 
 expedition which Massachusetts was fitting up against them ; 
 he also resolved to put a stop to all intercourse whatever be- 
 tween Massachusetts and La Tour. Situated as he was, between 
 them on the Penobscot, he could, with his ships, easily inter- 
 cept any vessels passing along the coast. 
 
 Three gentlemen of distinction from the English colonies 
 embarked for La Tour’s port on the St. John River, to settle 
 some pecuniary claims. These were Vines of Saco, Shurt of 
 Pemaquid, and Wannerton (or Wanerton as Winslow spells the 
 name) from New Hampshire. When they reached the Penob- 
 scot, D’Aulney caused their arrest and imprisonment. It was 
 with much difficulty, that, after several days of confinement, 
 they obtained their release. Neither of these gentlemen had 
 any connection with the Massachusetts Colony. They were 
 detained simply as Englishmen. 
 
 Wannerton was an impetuous man, who was thrown into a 
 fever of passion by the outrage. The envoys continued their 
 vo3^age to the St. John. There they learned that D’Aulney’s 
 garrison at Castine, or Biguyduce as the place was then called, 
 was very feeble. Wannerton engaged a party of twenty men 
 to accompany him to the Penobscot, and take vengeance upon 
 D’Aulne}^ They were all thoroughly armed. D’Aulney had 
 a well-stocked farm about five miles from his fort. The aven- 
 gers landed in their boat, and marched to the buildings, which 
 were not far distant from the shore. It was a time of piracy and 
 robbery of every kind. 
 
 It would seem that the laborers saw the approach of the 
 armed band, and rushed into the house for defence. Wanner- 
 ton led his party, and knocked at the door. It was opened, and 
 immediately a volley of bullets was discharged from within 
 upon the assailants. Wannerton fell mortally wounded ; 
 another of his party was struck b}" a bullet, and one was shot 
 dead. The men in the house, having offered this resistance, 
 threw down their arms, and surrendered. 
 
 The torch was applied. The house and all the outbuildings. 
 
116 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 with the furniture, the tools, and the farming stores, were laid 
 in ashes. All the animals were killed. Nothing was left 
 behind but smouldering ruins and utter desolation. Tlie 
 destruction was entire. The proud avengers scorned to take 
 any booty. ^ 
 
 D’Aulney’s rage passed all bounds; though Wannerton acted 
 solely upon his own responsibility, taking individual vengeance 
 for the affront he had received, D’Aulney breathed threatenings 
 and slaughter against all the English. He proclaimed loudly, 
 that he would make prize of every English colonial vessel he 
 could find east of the Penobscot River ; and he issued commis- 
 sions to that purport. The governor at Boston addressed to 
 him a letter of remonstrance. After reminding^ the enragjed 
 Frenchman of many acts of aggression of which he had been 
 guilty, he added, — 
 
 “ Yet I inform you that no hostile act against either French or Dutch is 
 allowed. La Tour cannot expect anymore succors from this place. A mer- 
 chant’s trade is permitted between us and St. John; and rest assured it will 
 be protected.” ^ 
 
 That Avhich is done in a passion is seldom well done. D’Aul- 
 ney soon became convinced that he had committed a blunder. 
 The French Government was not disposed to enter into a war 
 with England, upon the issue which their irate officer, in the 
 wilds of Nova Scotia, had raised. D’Aulney was mildly re- 
 buked by the French cabinet, and was ordered to maintain 
 friendl}^ relations with all the English.^ 
 
 But, on the other hand, the French Government gave its sup- 
 port to the Catholic D’Aulney, in opposition to the Protestant 
 J^a Tour. The latter and his wife were denounced as traitors, 
 and orders were given for their arrest. Madame La Tour was 
 apparently a woman of sincere piety, and conscientiously a 
 Protestant. She was then in Boston, having recently arrived 
 there on her way from France to St. John. 
 
 On the 4th of October, 1644, D’Aulney sent an envoy, M. 
 Marie, with an imposing retinue of ten attendants, to negotiate 
 
 ^ Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, p. 125. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 315. 3 Winthrop’s Journal, p. 356. 
 
THE nr STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 117 
 
 a treaty with the government of Massachusetts. Gov. Win- 
 throp endeavored to bring about a reconciliation between the 
 two antagonistic French parties, and to secure a safe return 
 of Madame La Tour to her husband. But M. Marie angrily 
 replied, — 
 
 “No! nothing biit submission will save La Tour’s head if he be taken; 
 nor will his wife have any passport to St. John. She is known to be the 
 cause of his contempt and rebellion. Any vessel which shall admit her as 
 a passenger will be liable to arrest.” 
 
 Under these circumstances the governor decided to stand 
 entirely neutral. It is, however, evident that his sympathies 
 were with La Tour. A commercial treaty was signed, and both 
 parties agreed to abstain from all hostile acts.^ 
 
 The inhabitants of Maine greatly rejoiced over this result. 
 They were quite defenceless, and were in much fear that the 
 reckless, passionate D’Aulney would seize their vessels, and 
 plunder their settlements. Capt. Bayley, the master of the 
 ship which brought Madame La Tour from France, had engaged 
 to leave her at St. John. Instead of this, he had landed her 
 at Boston. She could now return to St. John only by equip- 
 ping a force which would enable her to cope with the enemy. 
 She prosecuted for damages. The court, after a four-days’ 
 trial, granted her a verdict for ten thousand dollars. With this 
 sum she chartered three London ships, and proceeded safely to 
 her home. 
 
 D’Aulney was exceedingly chagrined. He had fully ex- 
 pected to make her his captive. His anger against the Massa- 
 chusetts Colony was renewed. He denounced the governor as 
 having violated the treaty by allowing the ships to be chartered. 
 He obtained information that La Tour was absent on a cruise 
 in the Bay of Fundy ; that there were but fifty men left in gar- 
 rison, and that they had but a small supply of food and ammu- 
 nition. 
 
 Early in the spring, when winter breezes still lingered, and 
 snow covered the ground, he took a ship to capture the works 
 at St. John. He sailed, with his well-equipped war-vessel. 
 
 1 Journal of John Winthrop, p. 357. 
 
118 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 from the Penobscot. Soon he overtook a New England vessel 
 which was bound to the St. John with supplies. Regardless 
 of the commercial treaty, he seized the vessel, landed the crew 
 in an open boat upon a desolate island, and in his cruel rage 
 abandoned them, without even leaving them the means of kind- 
 ling a fire. Very thinly clad, they succeeded in constructing a 
 miserable wigwam, where they suffered severely from cold and 
 hunger. Here they remained ten days, until they were taken 
 off, and sent home in an old shallop. 
 
 D’Aulney entered the harbor at St. John, moored his ship 
 opposite the fort, and opened a vigorous fire. But Madame La 
 Tour was already there. She was a true heroine. Her intre- 
 pidity was sufficient to quadruple the strength of the feeble 
 garrison. She caused the fire to be returned, and with so much 
 skill, that, in a short time, the deck of D’Aulney’s vessel ran 
 red with blood, and was strewed with the mangled bodies of 
 the dead and dying. Twenty were killed and thirteen wounded. 
 Every shot from the fort struck the ship. Her hull was shat- 
 tered. The water was rushing in at the shot-holes ; and still 
 the deadly fire was kept up without intermission, while the gar- 
 rison behind strong ramparts remained unharmed. 
 
 D’Aulney was effectually repulsed. To save his ship from 
 sinking, he hastily warped her under shelter of a bluff, beyond 
 the reach of cannon-shot. Having repaired his damages, buried 
 his dead, and dressed the terrible wounds inflicted by cannon- 
 shot, he spread his sails, and, greatly crestfallen, returned to 
 Castine. 
 
 Massachusetts was justly incensed at the gross violation of 
 the treaty in seizing a New England vessel. An envoy was 
 promptly sent to D’Aulney demanding explanation and satisfac- 
 tion. There Avas an angry and unsatisfactory interview. The 
 enraged Frenchman, losing all self-control in his reckless 
 charges, said, — 
 
 “ You have helped my mortal enemy in aiding La Tour’s wife to return 
 to St. John. You have burned my buildings; you have killed my animals. 
 I warn you to beware of the avenging hand of my sovereign.” 
 
 The envoy with dignity replied, — 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 119 
 
 ‘ ‘ Your sovereign is a mighty prince ; he is also a prince of too much 
 honor to commence an unjustifiable attack; but, should he assail us, we trust 
 in God, who is the infinite Arbiter of justice.” 
 
 The only result of the conference was the establishment of a 
 sort of truce until the next spring. It was evidently impossible 
 to maintain peace and free trade with both of these French 
 generals, who were so bitterly hostile to each other. A little 
 more than a year passed away, with occasional diplomatic cor- 
 respondence. Tn September, 1646, three commissioners arrived 
 in Boston from D’Aulney, and demanded four thousand dollars 
 damages for losses which he professed to have received from the 
 English. The governor and. his magistrates, on the other hand, 
 deemed, a larger sum due to them. 
 
 While this diplomacy was in progress, the shrewd and implaca- 
 ble Frenchman was gathering his forces for another attack upon 
 St. John. It is said, that, through the treachery of the Cath- 
 olic priests, he kept himself carefully informed of the precise 
 condition of affairs there. Taking advantage of La Tour’s 
 absence on a cruise to obtain supplies, he suddenly entered the 
 harbor with a strong naval force, and assailed the fort by a can- 
 nonade from his ships, and by storming it, at the same time, on 
 the land side. The walls were scaled, and with the loss of 
 twelve men killed and many wounded, on the part of the assail- 
 ants, the fort was taken. 
 
 All the inmates were mercilessly put to the sword, with the 
 exception of La Tour’s wife, who was taken captive. The 
 plunder which the victor seized, consisting of materials of war, 
 plate, jewels, and household goods, exceeded fifty thousand dol- 
 lars in value. This ruin of La Tour caused great loss to many 
 New England merchants to whom he was indebted. 
 
 The fate of the virtuous and heroic Madame La Tour was 
 very sad. She was a beautiful and accomplished lady, of un- 
 blemished i)iety. Catholic persecution had driven her from 
 her native land, and from the many friends who*surrounded her 
 there. Her new home in Acadia was now in ruins. All her 
 estate had vanished. Her husband was outlawed and a wan- 
 derer, without the slightest prospect of ever again regaining his 
 fortunes ; and she was a captive in the hands of a proud and 
 
120 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 implacable enemy. Her heart was crushed. Day after day she 
 drew visibly nearer the grave. In three weeks her spirit took 
 its flight, and entered, we trust, that world where the weary 
 are at rest. 
 
 We regret to add that La Tour subsequently proved himself 
 to be a man utterly devoid of principle. He went to Boston. 
 The tale of his impoverishment and his woes excited the sym- 
 pathies of the kind-hearted Bostonians. Several of the mer- 
 chants furnished him with a vessel, and with goods to the value 
 of about two thousand dollars, to enable him to trade with the 
 natives along the coast. They manned the vessel with a crew 
 of Englishmen and Frenchmen. It was a generous deed of 
 charity. 
 
 In midwinter of 1647, La Tour sailed from Boston. When 
 he arrived off Cape Sable, in Nova Scotia, the ingrate conspired 
 with his own countrymen, and, seizing the vessel and cargo, 
 drove the English ashore. In the conflict La Tour, with his 
 own pistol, shot one of the Englishmen in the face. These 
 unhappy men, thus turned adrift upon the rocky and ice-bound 
 coast, would inevitably have perished but for the humanity of 
 those whom we call savages. 
 
 After fifteen days of awful suffering they chanced to meet a 
 small band of Mickmac Indians. These barbarians treated them 
 with all the kindness which Christianity enjoins. They took 
 the shivering, starving creatures to their wigwams, warmed 
 their half-frozen limbs, and fed them with delicious cuts of ven- 
 ison. The Indians, having thus taken in the strangers, and 
 given food to the hungry, and drink to the thirsty, and clothing 
 to the naked, furnished them with a pilot to guide them along 
 the sinuous coast to their distant home. This was in May, 
 1646.' 
 
 La Tour, with his stolen vessel, disappeared. No one knew 
 where he went. For two years he was not heard from. The 
 
 1 “If they had not, hy special providence, found more favor at the hands of 
 Cape Sahlc Indians than of those French Christians, they might all have perished; 
 for, having wandered lifteen days Tip and down, they, at the last, found some I nr 
 dians who gave them a shallop with victuals, and an Indian pilot; hy which means 
 they came safe to Boston about three months after.” — Hubbard's New England, 
 p. 498. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 121 
 
 fortress of D’Aulney on the Penobscot, was, at that time, the 
 most prominent resort of the Roman Catholic missionaries from 
 France, D’Anlney was zealous in that cause, and for some 
 time was the undisputed ruler of Acadia. After three years 
 he died. In one year after his death. La Tour returned, and 
 married his widow, and entered upon the possession of his rich 
 inheritance ; a striking illustration of the truth of the oft-quoted 
 remark, that the romance of fact is more strange than that of 
 fiction. 
 
 La Tour was now re-instated in all his former possessions ; 
 and yet he made no effort to pay his former creditors. He 
 seemed to surrender himself to a life of conviviality. He sel- 
 dom left his province. Several children were born to him. The 
 French were at this time in occupancy of settlements at Pen- 
 obscot, Mount Desert, Machias,^ and St. Croix ; but none of 
 these settlements were in a flourishing condition. 
 
 It will be remembered that the Province of Maine was 
 divided into four political sections. Gorges’ region extended 
 from the southern border to the Kennebunk ; then on the east 
 came Ligonia ; beyond that was the Sagadahoc territory ; on 
 the extreme east came the region between the Penobscot, and 
 Passamaquoddy Bay, which was called Penobscot. Civil war 
 was raging in England. All political matters were in a state 
 of the greatest uncertainty. The people of Maine were much 
 discouraged. 
 
 Under these circumstances a general court was convened at 
 Wells in October, 1648. Edward Godfrey was re-elected gov- 
 ernor, and four councillors were appointed. The government, 
 thus organized, addressed an earnest petition to England for 
 directions in their political affairs. A year elapsed before any 
 answer came. The only tidings they received were, that Sir 
 Ferdinando Gorges was dead, and that no instructions could be 
 
 1 “Mount Desert was so named by Champlain, in 1005. The English named it 
 Mount Mansell, in honor of one of their distinguished naval officers. It has, how- 
 ever, retained the name of Mount Desert. The island has ever been celebrated 
 for the boldness of its shores, the beauty of its scenery, and the excellence of its 
 harbor. The French Jesuits, Avho landed there in 1G13, called it St. Saviour.” — 
 Memorial of Popham Celebration, p. 74.” 
 
122 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 expected from the parent country while distracted with the 
 tumult of civil ward 
 
 Gov. Godfrey was a very peculiar man ; bombastic, yain, and 
 arrogant. He usually prefaced his proclamations or addresses 
 with these words : “To all Christian people to whom these 
 presents shall come, greeting in our Lord God everlasting.” 
 
 “ Still,” writes ]\Ir. Bourne, “ Gov. Godfrey is worthy of commendation 
 for the persevering and indomitable spirit which he manifested in what he 
 considered to be right, and for his courage in seating himself down in York, 
 an entire wilderness, with none to whom he could look, in his solitude, for 
 any help which the emergencies of his condition might require. He located 
 himself there in 1630, building the first house in that place. He was the 
 founder of York. What his motive was in making such a selection for a 
 habitation does not appear. Possibly the fishing business might have 
 tempted him to the adventure. No location could have been better for that 
 purpose. His house was on the north side of the river. But thus away 
 from the intercourse and business haunts of men, he would be but little 
 likely to grow in the virtues of social life, or in the necessary qualifications 
 for gubernatorial authority.” ^ 
 
 For three years the affairs of the Province were administered 
 by the provincial government as above organized. One tribunal 
 was legislative, judicial, and executive. Pemaquid, which had 
 been settled a quarter of a century, was the principal plantation 
 of the Sagadahoc territory. It was the great resort of fishing 
 and trading vessels as they ran up and down the coast. Indi- 
 viduals were very bus}^ in purchasing large tracts of land from 
 Indian chiefs. They were not particular in their inquiries as to 
 the riffht of the chiefs to sell these extensive tracts. 
 
 O 
 
 John Brown, in 1625, purchased of two chiefs, on the eastern 
 shore of Pemaquid, a region extending along its southern bor- 
 der from Pemaquid Falls to Brown’s house, and running back 
 into the country twenty-five miles. It embraced nearly the 
 
 ^ “The nature of Gorges was generous, and his piety sincere. He sought 
 pleasure in doing good; fame, by advancing Christianity among the heathen; a 
 durable monument, by erecting houses, villages, and towns. When the wars in 
 England broke out, the septuagenarian royalist buckled on his armor, and gave 
 the last strength of his gray hairs to the defence of the unfortunate Charles.” — 
 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 429, 
 
 2 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 21. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 123 
 
 whole of the present towns of Bristol, Nobleborough, Jefferson, 
 and a part of New Castle. 
 
 About the 5 ^ear 1662, three other chiefs sold Walter Phillips 
 a large portion of the same lands, and all the land on the west 
 bank of the Kennebec, froniAVinnegance Creek to the sea, and 
 west to Casco Bay. Christopher Lawson purchased of a chief 
 nearly the whole of the territory now covered by the town of 
 Woolwich. Thomas Clark and Roger Spencer bought of a 
 chief the whole of Arrowsic Island ; John Richards bought 
 of a chief the whole of Jeremisquam Island. Such sales were 
 continually made.^ 
 
 We know not what right the chiefs had to sell these extended 
 territories, or what price was paid for them, or the circum- 
 stances under which the chiefs were induced to sell. During a 
 period of sixteen years all the lands on both sides of the Ken- 
 nebec, and all the islands in the vicinity of the mouth of that 
 river, were bought of Indian chiefs. Such purchases were 
 obviously liable to great abuses. Both the Massachusetts and 
 Plymouth Colonies had very judiciously prohibited such traffic, 
 without the license of the legislature. There were no such 
 restrictions in Maine. 
 
 In these pretended sales by the chiefs, the same lands were 
 often embraced in different deeds. The boundary-lines inter- 
 sected each other. The same lands were sold by different 
 chiefs. Inextricable confusion ensued. There were conten- 
 tions and lawsuits innumerable. The state of things was 
 deplorable. There were scarcely any legal titles, and no courts 
 were organized with powers to adjust these difficulties. 
 
 The Penobscot region, it will be remembered, was claimed 
 both by the French and the English. The French called it a 
 part of Acadia ; the English called it a part of New England. 
 La Tour, who succeeded D’Aulney, governed this region with 
 military absolutism, establishing no civil tribunals. 
 
 The Massachusetts Colony brought forward a new claim to 
 all the land in Maine, south of a point near Portland. This 
 was by virtue of her charter, which conferred upon her all the 
 territory within the space of “ three English miles northward 
 
 ^ Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 330. 
 
124 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 of the river Merrimack, and to the northward of any part 
 thereof.” Now, it was found that the source of the Merrimack 
 was far north among the hills of New Hampshire, and that a 
 line running from that point due east to the ocean would strike 
 the coast not hir from where Portland now stands. This led 
 to a very serious dispute between the two Provinces. Massa- 
 chusetts appointed commissioners to ascertain with the greatest 
 accuracy the northernmost head of’ the Merrimack River, and to 
 run a line thence due east to precisely the same latitude on the 
 Atlantic coast. 
 
 These commissioners testified upon oath that they found, on 
 the 1st of August, 1652, the head of the Merrimack, where it 
 issued from the lake called “ Winnepuseakik,” ^ in the latitude 
 of 43°, 40', 12". The three additional miles extending into the 
 lake would allow three additional minutes to the distance.^ 
 
 Against this claim Gov. Godfrey, of the Province of Maine, 
 entered an indignant remonstrance. In his protest to the Gen- 
 eral Court of Massachusetts, he wrote, — 
 
 “ An attempt to hold the Province of Maine under your charter, or by 
 any other legal title, without the pretence of purchase, prior possession, or 
 anterior claim, and also without the people’s consent, is the height of injus- 
 tice. Hitherto you have declared yourselves satisfied with your own pos- 
 sessions, as bounded on a line parallel with the Merrimack, three miles distant 
 from its source and its northerly bank, following its meanders to its mouth; 
 whereas you are now bursting your bounds, and stretching your claims 
 across provinces to which till lately no man, however visionary, so much as 
 imagined you had any right.” 
 
 To this the General Court of Massachusetts replied, — 
 
 “ WonsiirPFUL Sir, — Our patent by divine Providence continues to be 
 firmly established under the great seal. Though the grand patent of Plym- 
 
 1 Williamson suggests that this was probably Lake Winnipiseogee. It may 
 have been what is now called “Newfound Lake,” with which the latitude would 
 more nearly correspond. 
 
 2 Hazard’s Collections, vol. i. p. 571. 
 
 The report of the commissioners of survey, given at the May session of the 
 General Court, was in the following words : — 
 
 “At Aquahattan, the head of the Merrimack, w^here it issues out of the lake 
 called Winnepuseakik, on the 1st of August, 1052, we found the latitude of the 
 place 43°, 40', 12", besides those minutes allowed for the three miles farther north, 
 which extend into the —Historical Collections hij Ehenezer Hazard^ \o\. i. 
 
 p. 511. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 125 
 
 outh has been dissolved, ours, sanctioned by a royal charter, has success- 
 fully encountered every attack. Nor do we now claim an acre beyond its 
 true limits. And, had you attentively examined its articles, you must be 
 satisfied with the correctness of our construction. For several years the 
 extent of our jurisdictional rights was not fully understood; and so long as 
 doubts remained we were disposed to forbear, though we have never aban- 
 doned the pursuit of our utmost claim and right. 
 
 “ In your resistance, probably a majority of the provincial inhabitants are 
 your opponents; for they are greatly desirous of being united with us, and 
 they richly deserve our protection and assistance. We are bound to inform 
 you that the inhabitants and lands over which you claim to exercise author- 
 ity are within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and that we demand our 
 rights. If, however, neither rights nor reasons will induce you to hearken, 
 we shall continually protest against aU further proceedings of yours, imder 
 any pretended patent or combination whatever.” ^ 
 
 Such, in brief, was the reply of Massachusetts. It will give 
 the reader a clear idea of the nature of the conflict which had 
 arisen. Gov. Godfrey angrily replied. This led to the appoint- 
 ment by the Massachusetts government of three commissioners 
 to confer with Gov. Godfrey and his council. They met at 
 Kitteiy Point. Reconciliation was impossible, as both parties 
 were inexorable. The commissioners then issued a proclama- 
 tion to the people of Maine, informing them that Massachusetts 
 would extend her jurisdiction over that portion of the territory 
 which she claimed, and promising them full protection in their 
 estates and all other rights. 
 
 Gov. Godfrey and his council issued a counter proclamation, 
 denouncing the conduct of Massachusetts in the severest terms. 
 Still the General Court at Boston, in its October session of this 
 year, declared its northern boundary or limit to commence 
 three miles north of the head of the Merrimack River ; to extend 
 directly east on that parallel, passing above the northern sources 
 of Piscataqua or Salmon Falls River ; thence crossing the Saco 
 near the mouth of Little Ossipee, which was about twenty miles 
 from the sea, it touched the most southerly bend of the Pre- 
 sumpscot, and terminated at Clapboard Island, about three 
 miles eastward of Casco peninsula. 
 
 In the prosecution of this claim, the General Court of Massa- 
 
 1 Hazard’s Collections, vol. i. p. 564. 
 
126 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 chusetts sent two experienced shipmasters to ascertain the pre- 
 cise latitude sought for on the coast. They fixed the point 
 upon the northern extremity of the little island we have men- 
 tioned in Casco Bay. Here they marked the letters M. B. on 
 several trees, and also chiselled them into a rock about a quarter 
 of a mile from the sea.^ Six gentlemen were appointed to 
 organize a government in the country south of this line.^ On 
 the 15th of November, 1652,^ four of them met at Kittery, and 
 sent out their summons to the inhabitants to meet the next 
 morning at the house of William Everett, for the purpose of 
 establishing a court of justice. There was much diversity of 
 opinion respecting the adverse claims of Maine and Massachu- 
 setts. Negotiations were protracted through four days, during 
 which angry passions were excited, and there was much mutual 
 recrimination and abuse. At length forty-one persons were 
 induced to subscribe to the following declaration : — 
 
 “ We, whose names are under written, do acknowledge ourselves subject 
 to the government of Massachusetts Bay, in New England.” 
 
 The commissioners, having thus triumphed, announced to the 
 people that their rights would remain untouched, and that they 
 were entitled to all the privileges of citizens of Massachusetts 
 without being required to take the oath of submission. They 
 then proceeded to Agamenticus, which in their report they 
 spelt Accomenticus. The inhabitants were summoned to appear 
 at the house of Nicholas Davis to assume the responsibilities, 
 and to be invested with the rights, of citizens of Massachusetts. 
 
 The meetino;- was held on the 22d of November. A few 
 were obstinate in their resistance, and a spirited controversy 
 ensued. Gov. Godfrey, who resided at this place, led the 
 opposition. But, when a formal vote was called for, a large 
 majority was found in favor of seeking the protection of the 
 salutary laws of Massachusetts. It was very certain they had 
 nothing to lose by the change, and something, at least, to gain. 
 The governor, finding himself entirely outvoted, yielded, and 
 
 1 llecords, Uesolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. ii. p. 240. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 150. 
 
 8 Williamson, vol. i. p. 343. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 127 
 
 with fifty others took the oath of allegiance to the government 
 of the Massachusetts Colony. ^ 
 
 The territory o/ Maine, thus annexed to Massachusetts, was 
 called “ The County of Yorkshire.” Agamenticus received the 
 name of York, from that city in England, which, twelve years 
 before, had been surrendered by the royalists to the parliamen- 
 tary forces, after one of the most bloody battles of the civil 
 war. A county court was established, to be held alternately at 
 York and Kittery. 
 
 It was universally admitted that the Massachusetts commis- 
 sioners had discharged their duties with admirable wisdom, and 
 with triumphant success. They were richly rewarded for their 
 services, received a vote of public thanks, and a valuable present 
 of wild lands. At the next general court of elections at Bos- 
 ton, two deputies from Maine represented the county of York- 
 shire. Other towns rapidly came into this arrangement, such 
 as Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise. 
 
 The energy of the Massachusetts government soon began to 
 develop itself. The inhabitants of the three last-named towns 
 were required within a year to construct a road wide enough 
 for the passage of carts from house to house, within the tdwn 
 limits ; and also to connect their several towns with paths suf- 
 ficient for woodmen or horses. 
 
 The ecclesiastical condition of the Province of Maine was at 
 that time very discouraging. There was no ordained ministry. 
 Though there were probably many individual Christians, who, in 
 their humble, unostatentious lives, were developing the spirit of 
 that gospel whose fundamental tenet is, “ to do justly, love 
 mercy, and walk humbly with God,” yet the clamor of noisy 
 disputants and turbulent fanatics filled the land. Any brazen- 
 faced man, however ignorant, however immoral, however atro- 
 cious the sentiments he promulgated, could assume the position 
 of a religious teacher. Ecclesiastical anarchy reigned. There 
 was freedom of speech which no law restrained. 
 
 ^ “ One town after another, yielding in part to menaces and armed force, gave 
 in its adhesion. Great care was observed to guard the rights of property; every 
 man was contirmed in his possessions; the religious liberty of the Episcopalians 
 was left unharmed; the privileges of citizenship were extended to all inhabitants; 
 and the whole eastern country gradually, yet reluctantly, submitted to the neces- 
 sity of the change.” — Bancroft, vol. i. p. 431. 
 
128 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 It would seem that the good sense of the majority of the 
 people condemned these revolting proceedings of a bold and 
 vagabond minority. The General Court of Massachusetts passed 
 a law prohibiting any one from publicly preaching, without the 
 approbation of the four neighboring churches. Each town was 
 also required to support a pious ministry. It is supposed that 
 the population of the towns which thus came under the juris- 
 diction of Massachusetts amounted to about two thousand one 
 hundred. There were many bitterly opposed to this “ subjuga- 
 tion,” as they called it; but the minority was not strong enough 
 to present any serious obstacle to the measure.^ 
 
 The year 1651 opened, on the whole, favorably for the inhab- 
 itants of New England. By fishing, agriculture, and hunting, 
 the settlers obtained a competent support. The laws and 
 human rights began to be more respected. Still there was a 
 very radical difference in the ecclesiastical and political princi- 
 ples of the early settlers of Maine and Massachusetts. Gorges 
 and Mason were the avowed enemies of both the civil and 
 religious views of the Massachusetts Puritans. They detested 
 republicanism, and were strong advocates of the Church of 
 England. With candor and truthfulness Mr. Sullivan says, — 
 
 “ Gorges and Mason had been considered before the yeaiT640 as enemies 
 in principle, to the New England Colonies. They were both anti-republi- 
 cans, and were strong Episcopalians. They settled no orthodox clergyman, 
 according to what the neighboring colonies called orthodoxy; nor did they, 
 indeed, before that year, establish or support any kind of government, or 
 even attempt to establish any form of worship ; nor did they pay any atten- 
 tion to public schools. It was very evident that they held all the Puritan 
 regulations in contempt. Their government over their servants, vassals, 
 and tenants, from a want of those regulations, became weak and inefficient. 
 We therefore find constant complaints of their being plundered by their 
 servants, cheated by their agents, and of being deserted by their vassals. 
 
 “ Gorges wishing to have the other colonies annihilated, and to have a 
 general government over the whole country, urged the point of the king’s 
 re-assuming the lands granted by his ancestor, and making new grants of the 
 whole; and according to this idea, he and Mason having surrendered their 
 title, he took the charter in the year 1G39, for the Province of Maine.” ^ 
 
 ^ Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 356. 
 
 * History of the District of Maine, by J ames Sullivan, p. 141. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 129 
 
 It was this underlying hostility between the Puritan and the 
 Cavalier, which led the government of the Massachusetts Colony 
 to take advantage of the civil war raging in England, to extend 
 their charter so far to the east as to embrace the whole territory 
 included in the Gorges and Mason patents. The political 
 storms raging in Europe raised billows whose surges dashed 
 against the rock-bound coast of the New World. 
 
 There was a little group of Dutchmen at the mouth of the 
 Hudson River. There were a few English hamlets scattered 
 along the coast of Massachusetts and Maine. Be 3 ^ond the Pen- 
 obscot were the straggling settlements, few and feeble, of the 
 French. Vast realms, boundless and unexplored, spread out 
 towards the west, whose grandeur the imagination was ex- 
 hausted in the attempt to explore. One would have thought 
 that these few impoverished people, struggling alike against the 
 hardships of the wilderness, might have lived in peace as broth- 
 ers, helping and cheering one another. They thus might have 
 had happy lives, notwithstanding all the ills that flesh is heir 
 to. Instead of this, a large portion of their energies were 
 expended in shooting one another, burning the houses, devas- 
 tating the plantations, and filling the land with the wailings of 
 widows and orphans. Thus clouds and darkness ere long be- 
 gan to overshadow the sky, and storms to arise, which put an 
 end to all hopes of happiness. The English, the French, and 
 the Dutch claimed the same territory, and were disposed to 
 fight for its possession. 
 
 In the 3 ^ear 1657 the alarming report was circulated that the 
 Dutch upon the Hudson were arming the savages of New Eng- 
 land, and inciting them to a combined attack of extermination 
 against the English settlements along the coasts of Maine and 
 Massachusetts. The Indians of Maine were at this time quite 
 numerous. They had obtained, both from the French and Eng- 
 lish, guns and ammunition. Many of them had become skilful 
 marksmen. Being as well armed as the white men, and con- 
 scious of a great superiority in numbers, they became bold, very 
 exacting, and often insolent. Not unfrequently a gang of half 
 a dozen savages on the hunt would approach the log hut of 
 some lonely settler. With swaggering air they would take pos- 
 
130 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 session of the premises, feast themselves to satiety, occupy the 
 cabin for the night, and in the morning go on their way, without 
 saying so much as “ I thank you.” 
 
 The menacing attitude of the savages became alarming, and 
 their depredations intolerable, and the more intolerable, since it 
 was fully believed that they were stimulated to these outrages 
 by the Dutch authorities at the mouth of the Hudson. The 
 public agitation became so great, in view of these facts and 
 these rumors, that a convention was held of the commissioners 
 of the United Colonies, on the 19th of April, 1653, to take the 
 subject into consideration. It was apprehended that the French 
 on the east, and the Dutch on the west, were conspiring to crush 
 the English between them. The reports were carefully inves- 
 tigated. Indians were summoned before the court to give their 
 testimony ; and then a very earnest letter was written to the 
 Dutch governor requiring an explanation. Indignantly the 
 governor replied, — 
 
 “ There is not one word of truth in the scandalous report raised about 
 my conduct. I marvel much at the novel course pursued in placing any 
 confidence in the testimony of an Indian. I am ready at any time to make 
 explanations, and to any extent within my power.” 
 
 This denial of the governor did not satisfy the commissioners. 
 Though they separated without declaring war against the Dutch, 
 all friendly intercourse between them was interrupted. Indeed, 
 the New Haven Colonists were under such apprehensions that 
 the Dutch were about to bring down the powerful nation of 
 the Mohawks against them, that they sent a petition to Crom- 
 well, then Lord Protector of England, that he would aid them 
 with a fleet and well-armed troops.^ 
 
 * Hutcliinson’s History of Massacbusetts, vol. i. p. IGG. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE PROVINCE OF MAINE ANNEXED TO IMASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Troubles on the Piscataqua — Career of La Tour — Menaces of War — Measures 
 of Cromwell — Conquest of Nova Scotia — Character of La Tour — Trading 
 Post on the Kennebec — The Oath Administered — Sale of the Right of 
 Traffic — Boundaries of Kennebec Patent — Political Connection between 
 Maine and Massachusetts — Code of Laws — Northern Limits of Massachu- 
 setts — The Articles of Union — Rev. John Wheelwright — Correspondence 
 — Restoration of Charles II. — Petition of Gorges — Charter to the Duke of 
 York. 
 
 I T will be remembered that the Piscataqua River was the 
 south-west boundary of the Province of Maine. This region 
 was one of the favorite resorts of the Indians. Early in the 
 spring of 1653, just as the settlers were about to put their seed 
 in the ground, the alarming rumor ran along the coast, that more 
 than a thousand Indian warriors were upon the upper waters 
 of the Piscataqua, resolved to lay all the defenceless settle- 
 ments in ashes. It was -still supposed, though probably very 
 unjustly, that the Dutch governor on the Hudson was instigat- 
 ing this movement. The government of the New Haven Col- 
 ony despatched agents to England, to implore the protection of 
 Oliver Cromwell, who was then in power. The Massachusetts 
 Colony promptly ordered Major-Gen. Dennison, with twenty- 
 four well-armed men, to reconnoitre the strength and position 
 of the foe.^ 
 
 La Tour, whose life had been as varied and eventful as the 
 imagination of a romancer could fancy, was now residing at St. 
 John, with Madame D'Aulney as his bride. Upon receiving 
 his Catholic wife, he had renounced his Protestantism, and thus 
 he gathered around him the powerful influences of the French 
 
 ^ Hutebinson’s History of Massachusetts, p. 156. 
 
 131 
 
132 
 
 THE HI STORY. OF MAINE. 
 
 court and the Papal Church. He was a wild, bold, reckless 
 adventurer, but slightly influenced by any consciousness of right 
 or wrong. The Catholic missionaries had attained a wonderful 
 ascendency over the minds of the Indians. It was strongly 
 suspected that La Tour was combining the Indians of Canada, 
 Nova Scotia, and Maine, to sweep away the English settle- 
 ments, and thus vastly to extend his realms. Under these cir- 
 cumstances, the General Court of Massachusetts prohibited all 
 commercial intercourse with the French on the east, and the 
 Dutch on the west, under penalty of the forfeiture of both ves- 
 sel and cargo. 
 
 This plunged La Tour and his colonies into great distress. 
 They had done but little towards raising food by cultivating 
 the land. The savages lived a half-starved life, upon the little 
 corn they harvested, esculent roots, fish, and clams. They had 
 no provisions to sell. The French, with their trinkets, pur- 
 chased the furs of the Indians, which were then in great 
 demand. With these they had obtained ample supplies of food 
 from the more highly cultivated regions of Southern Maine, 
 Massachusetts, and Connecticut. This virtual blockade of their 
 ports doomed them to starvation. La Tour, assuming that he 
 was unjustly accused of conspiring against the English, bitterly 
 remonstrated against this unfriendly act, when there was peace 
 between the two nations. 
 
 It did seem to be a very harsh measure, for the Court acted 
 upon suspicion alone without any convincing proof. For a time 
 the General Court seemed disposed to change its policy. It 
 occurred to some, that by treating the French kindly, and win- 
 ning their friendship through intimate commercial intercourse, 
 the Catholic priests among them might restrain and disarm the 
 ferocity of the savage. They therefore loaded a vessel with 
 flour and other provisions, and sent it to the St. John River. 
 
 In the mean time the energetic Oliver Cromwell had sent 
 three or four war-vessels to Boston, with orders to raise there a 
 volunteer force of about five hundred men, for the reduction 
 of the Dutch colony on the Hudson. Secret orders were also 
 issued, for this military expedition, which was very powerful 
 for the time and region, immediately upon the conquest of 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 133 
 
 Manhattan, to turn its arms against the French on the north- 
 east, and make an entire conquest of the Province of Nova 
 Scotia. Measures were in vigorous operation in Massachusetts, 
 for organizing the naval and land force to strike these two col- 
 onies by surprise, when the news reached Boston, on the 23d 
 of June, 1654, that articles of peace had been signed between 
 the English and the Dutch courts, and that hostilities against 
 the Dutch colony were immediately to cease. 
 
 The energies of the expedition were turned towards Nova 
 Scotia. By the treaty of St. Germain, executed twenty-two 
 years before, this country had been surrendered to the French. 
 It was one of the arbitrary acts of Charles I. ; but still, accord- 
 ing to the laAvs of nations, it was a legitimate transaction. As 
 England and France Avere at peace, it would be difficult to jus- 
 tify the conduct of Cromwell in sending, without any declara- 
 tion of war, a military expedition to regain the territory. But 
 the Lord Protector assumed that the king had no right to cede 
 this territory, in violation of patents which he had granted his 
 subjects ; and he affirmed that the purchase-money, of five 
 thousand pounds sterling, promised by the French government, 
 had never been paid.^ 
 
 The expedition, having set sail, touched at the Penobscot, and 
 then proceeded to the St. John, where La Tour had his prin- 
 cipal fortress. The force was so strong that at neither place 
 was any resistance offered. Indeed, La Tour seemed quite 
 indifferent in view of the prospect of the change of European 
 masters, so long as his territorial possessions and his personal 
 property were respected. The English speedily took possession 
 of the whole Province, and placed over it Capt. Leverett, one 
 of the leaders of the expedition, as temporary governor. The 
 French court complained of this operation, and for some time 
 it was the subject of a diplomatic controversy. The English 
 held the region for thirteen years, when, by the treaty of Breda, 
 it Avas re-surrendered to the French.^ 
 
 ^ Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 261. Williamson presents several 
 authorities to substantiate these statements. 
 
 2 Holmes’s American Annals, vol. i. p. 301; Hubbard’s History of New Eng- 
 land, p. 550. 
 
134 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Soon after this La Tour died. His character was as strange 
 as his singular and tumultuous career. He was a man of con- 
 siderable ability, of good personal appearance, and of very 
 plausible address. Sometimes rich, sometimes poor, sometimes 
 a denounced outlaw, and again in favor with the court, he 
 seemed quite devoid of any sense of honor, as almost of any 
 distinction between right and wrong. Religion Avas with him 
 like a glove, which was to be put on and taken off at his pleas- 
 ure. His first Avife Avas apparently a noble Avoman ; in faith a 
 Protestant, and in heart and life a sincere Christian. 
 
 D’Aulney battered down the fortress of La Tour, took his 
 wife a prisoner, and kept her in captivity until her death. Upon 
 the death of D’Aulney, La Tour rebuilt his fortress, married 
 the Catholic widow of his deadly antagonist, surrounded him- 
 self with Catholic priests, regained the patronage of the court, 
 and lived in com’parative power and splendor until he died. He 
 left one child, Stephen de la Tour, to Avhom he bequeathed a 
 very large landed estate, leaving many debts unpaid. Crom- 
 well confirmed Stephen de la Tour in the possessions he inher- 
 ited from his father. He, however, claimed no territory south 
 of Passamaquoddy Bay.^ 
 
 The Province of Nova Scotia was considered as of great 
 value. The French finally ceded the country to England, and 
 CroniAvell appointed Sir Thomas Temple its governor. He 
 entered upon his office in 1657, and discharged its duties with 
 much ability, and Avith the courtesies of an accomplished gen- 
 tleman, for ten years. When the Massachusetts government 
 Avas condemning Quakers, he sent them Avord that any of the 
 Quakers they Avished to get rid of, he Avould cheerfully welcome 
 to his Province, and would defray all the expenses of their 
 removal. 
 
 It Avill be remembered that the Colony of Noav Plymouth 
 had established an important trading-post on the Kennebec 
 River. For a time the traffic Avas very lucrative. The Indians 
 brought in large quantities of valuable furs, Avhich they sold 
 for mere trifles. But gradually the number of traders increased. 
 
 * Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 190; Williamson’s History 
 of Maine, vol. i. p. 1G2. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 135 
 
 Competition arose. The Indians became better acquainted with 
 the value of their furs. Unprincipled adventurers crowded in, 
 defrauding the Indians ; and the colony at Plymouth was too 
 remote energetically to extend its laws over the distant region. 
 A question also arose as to the title of New Plymouth to any 
 territory on the Sagadahoc, between Merrymeeting Bay and 
 the sea. Indian chiefs were also going through the farce of 
 selling lands to individuals, to which the purchasers knew that 
 those chiefs had no title. 
 
 It was indeed a chaotic state of society, and the seeds of 
 innumerable lawsuits were being sown. JPressed by such em- 
 barrassments, the Plymouth Colony decided to sell the right of 
 traffic with the Indians on the Kennebec possessions. Five 
 prominent gentlemen of the colony purchased this right for the 
 term of three years, for the annual sum of about one hundred 
 and fifty dollars.^ These gentlemen were Gov. Bradford and 
 Messrs. Winslow, Prince, Millet, and Paddy. But there was 
 no end to the complaints with which they were assailed, and to 
 the annoyances which they encountered. Still the purchasers 
 struggled on, breasting these difficulties, and at the expiration 
 of their lease obtained its extension for three years more. By 
 the terms of this renewal it was required that some one of the 
 lessees should continually reside within the patent. It was 
 deemed necessary to summon the inhabitants of that region, and 
 require them to take the oath of allegiance to the new govern- 
 ment established in England, and to the laws enacted by the 
 New Plymouth Colony. 
 
 A v/arrant was issued to the inhabitants on the Kennebec, to 
 assemble on the 23d of May, 1654, at the house of Thomas 
 Ashley, near the banks of Merrymeeting Bay. Mr. Prince, as 
 commissioner, met sixteen men there, and administered to them 
 the following oath : — 
 
 “You shall be true and faithful to the state of England as it is now 
 established; and, whereas you choose to reside within the government of 
 New Plymouth, you shall not do, nor cause to be done, any act or acts di- 
 rectly or indirectly, by land or water, that shall or may tend to the destruc- 
 tion or overthrow of the whole or part of this government, orderly erected 
 
 ^ Morton’s New-England Memorial, p. 135. 
 
136 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 or established ; but shall contrariwise hinder and oppose such intents and 
 purposes as tend thereunto, and discover them to those who are in place for 
 the time being, that the government may be informed thereof with all con- 
 venient speed. You shall also submit to and observe all such good and 
 wholesome laws, ordinances, and officers, as are or shall be established within 
 the several limits thereof. So help you God, who is the God of truth, and 
 punisher of falsehood. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 A brief code of laws was also established by the convention. 
 All capital crimes, such as treason and murder, were to be tried 
 b}^ the General Court at New Plymouth. Minor offences, such 
 as theft, drunkenness, profaning the sabbath, and selling intox- 
 icating drink to the Indians, came within the jurisdiction of the 
 local commissioner’s court. Fishing and fowling were declared 
 to be free. All civil suits, not involving an amount exceeding 
 one hundred dollars, were to be tried before a jury of twelve 
 men.2 
 
 The value of the exclusive right of the fur and peltry trade 
 with the Indians was continually decreasing. With the increase 
 of population, game was becoming scarce. The Indians grew 
 more shrewd in trade, and demanded higher prices. For three 
 years, after 1656, the trade was let for an annual rent amount- 
 ing to about one hundred and fifty dollars ; and even this 
 small sum the lessees declared, on the fourth year, that they 
 were unable to pay. At length the monopoly was offered at a 
 premium of fifty dollars a year. 
 
 The original patent, granted by the Council of Plymouth in 
 England, to the Colony of New Plymouth, consisted of “ all 
 that tract of land or part of New England in America, which 
 lies between Cobbossecontee, now Gardiner, which adjoineth 
 the river Kennebec, towards the the western ocean, and a place 
 called the Fails of Neguamkike, and a space of fifteen miles on 
 each side of the Kennebec.” 
 
 It will be perceived that these boundaries were exceedingly 
 indefinite. The location of Neguamkike Falls is uncertain. It 
 is supposed that they were about sixteen miles above Cobbos- 
 secontee River, near North Sidney.® Mr. Williamson writes of 
 this patent : — 
 
 » Records of Plymoutli Colony. 2 Hazard’s Historical Collections, vol. i. p. 586. 
 
 8 Hist, of New England by Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 1G8, note. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 137 
 
 “Its limits, as ultimately settled, were in the north line of Woolwich, 
 below Swan Island, on the eastern side of the Kennebec, through the south 
 bend of the river Cobbossecontee, on the western side, and fifteen miles in 
 width on either side of the main river, to an easterly and westerly line which 
 crosses Wessarunsett River, in Cornville, a league above its mouth; contain- 
 ing about one million five hundi'ed thousand acres. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 This grant conferred the exclusive right of trade with the 
 natives, and at all times an open passage down the river to the 
 sea. For some time the proprietors claimed the whole territory 
 to the ocean. This led to litigation, an account of which would 
 only weary the reader. In the year 1661 the whole patent 
 was sold to a company, for a sum amounting to about two 
 thousand dollars. Soon after this the company erected a fort 
 at Maquoit.2 
 
 Years passed slowly away, while the affairs of this remote 
 and dreary trading-post continued to languish. No attempt 
 was made to establish a plantation there for agricultural pur- 
 poses. The government was chaotic, and but little respect was 
 paid to laws or rulers. Emigration, for a time, was flowing 
 back from the New World to the Old ; and New Plymouth had 
 no surplus population to send to the banks of the Kennebec. 
 
 But the political connection now formed between Maine and 
 Massachusetts continued, with some slight interruptions, for a 
 period of one hundred and sixty-seven years. The salutary 
 laws of Massachusetts were gradually accepted by the people. 
 The Massachusetts government was administered by a gov- 
 ernor, a deputy governor, a council of eighteen, and a house 
 of deputies. It was truly a republican government, the rulers 
 being chosen by the people. The towns elected the represen- 
 tatives. Ten freemen entitled the town to one deputy ; twenty, 
 to two. None could have more than two. No one could be a 
 deputy “ who was unsound in the main points of the Chris- 
 tian religion, as held foi'th and acknowledged by the generality 
 of Protestant orthodox writers.” ^ Under the colonial charter, 
 Maine was never represented by more than five deputies at one 
 time. The reader who is interested in the details of the politi- 
 
 1 'Williamson, vol. i. p. 237. 
 
 2 Greenleafs Reports, vol. iii, p. Ill; Sullivan, p. 118. 
 
 8 Records of Massaclinsetts Government, vol. ii. p. 238. 
 
138 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 cal, ecclesiastical, and military administration, will find them 
 quite fully presented in Williamson’s excellent History of 
 Maine. 
 
 The people who were religiously disposed were encouraged 
 by law to congregate and embody themselves into a church 
 estate, to elect and ordain their officers, to admit and to disci- 
 pline or to excommunicate their members. And yet it was 
 declared that no church censure was ever to affect any man’s 
 property, civil dignity, office, or authority. It must be admitted 
 that the practice was not alwa3"s in accordance with these 
 avowed principles. The connection between Church and State 
 was so intimate in England, that the colonists in their new home 
 could not entirely dissever them. 
 
 By a law enacted in 1644, it was declared, that to affirm that 
 man is justified by his own works, and not by Christ’s righteous- 
 ness ; or to deny the immortality of the soul, the resurrection 
 of the body, the sacredness of the sabbath, or the authority of 
 the magistracy, — tended to subvert the Christian faith, and to 
 destroy the souls of men. It was also enacted, in 1646, that it 
 was highly penal for men to withhold their children from bap- 
 tism. It is a sad comment upon the times, that many were 
 severely punished by fines, whipping, and banishment, and some 
 few were even executed, for neglecting the baptism of their 
 children.^ 
 
 Eveiy ecclesiastic of the order of Jesuits, as “ devoted to the 
 religion and court of Rome,” was ordered into banishment, 
 unless he came as a public messenger ; even then he was to be 
 banished if he behaved oflFensively. 
 
 The Quakers were vehemently attacked. They were de- 
 nounced as a cursed sect of heretics, pretending to be immedi- 
 ately sent from God, and inspired to write blasphemous opinions, 
 despising government, reviling magistrates, speaking evil of dig- 
 nities, and seeking to turn people from the true faith.^ Their 
 books were ordered to be burned by the hangman ; they them- 
 selves were to be banished, and, if they returned, to be put to 
 death. 
 
 The denial of the inspiration of the books of the Old and 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 380. ^ Colonial Laws, p. 121. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 139 
 
 New Testaments was punished, first by fine or whipping, and, 
 if repeated, by imprisonment and even death. 
 
 There can be no doubt of the sincere desire of the early col- 
 onists to establish just laws, and such as would promote the 
 public welfare. We must not blame them too severely for not 
 being wise above their generation. The progress of the world, 
 in the direction of freedom and toleration, has been very slow. 
 Many of the enactments were humane; and, in the general prin- 
 ciples of freedom, the colonists were far in advance of most of 
 the governments in the Old World. 
 
 In every town a record was ordered to be kept of newly 
 arrived emigrants and their business prospects. All strangers 
 who were in want, the towns were bound to relieve. The help- 
 less poor were to be provided for. All cruelty to brute animals 
 was strictly forbidden. Laws were passed to protect the Indians 
 in their fishing and hunting grounds. Every town of fifty 
 householders was required to employ a teacher to instruct the 
 children in reading and writing ; and every town containing a 
 hundred families was required to establish a grammar-school, 
 where boys might be fitted for college. Heads of families were 
 ordered to instruct their servants every week in the principles 
 of the Christian religion. It is sad to record that on the statute- 
 book torture was allowed, to compel a convicted criminal to 
 disclose his confederates. But no such instance of torture is on 
 record. It was a law which disgraced the statute-book, but 
 which was apparently never enforced. 
 
 The inhabitants of Maine accepted these laws from Massa- 
 chusetts. They took but little interest in political questions, 
 save as they had a direct practical bearing upon their daily 
 lives. Perhaps a large proportion of the Massachusetts Colon- 
 ists were men of intelligence and deeply fixed principles, who 
 had crossed the ocean that they might enjoy the civil and reli- 
 gious institutions which were so dear to them. When they had 
 made such immense sacrifices to secure these privileges for 
 themselves and their children, it is not strange that they should 
 have Avished to shut out from their wilderness homes those who 
 would bring across the ocean those antagonistic civil and reli- 
 gious views, which would promote controversy, discord, and 
 strife. 
 
140 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 But most of the early inhabitants of Maine had been lured 
 to that region for purposes of traffic. “ I came here,” said one 
 of them, “ not to worship God, but to purchase furs and pel- 
 tries.” Thus Maine became distinguished for what is often 
 absurdly called liherality. but which is, rather, indifference. 
 Influenced by such considerations, religious toleraticn was 
 exercised here. Noble as is that spirit, it must be admitted that 
 it was then not so much a virtue as the result of circumstances 
 which caused men to care for none of those things. Maine 
 became the asylum of fugitives driven from the other colonies 
 by persecution.^ 
 
 It was in the year 1652 that Messrs. Sherman and Ince re- 
 ported that the northern limit of the Massachusetts patent was 
 in latitude 42^^, 43', 12". In accordance with this report, the 
 next summer two experienced shipmasters, Jonas Clark and 
 Samuel Adams, were sent to ascertain where this line would 
 touch the Atlantic. They found, as we have mentioned, that it 
 was at the northern point of an island in Casco Bay, called the 
 upper Clapboard Island. Here they cut the marks of the 
 Massachusetts boundary on several trees, and also chiselled it 
 into a large gray rock. A line running due west from this 
 point on the Atlantic, to the Pacific Ocean, then called the 
 South Sea, was supposed to be the northern limit of the Massa- 
 chusetts patent. 
 
 Unwearied efforts were made to induce the people, on the 
 eastern portion of this territory, to yield to the government of 
 Massachusetts, as those on the western portion had quite 
 readily done. But several men, of commanding influence in 
 the vicinity of Saco, were very determined in their resistance. 
 The Massachusetts Court tried all the efforts of conciliation 
 and menace, for a time in vain. Gradually a number yielded to 
 the conviction that their interests would be promoted by the 
 annexation. Others were arrested, and were made willing by 
 the perils of fine and imprisonment. In 1658 a Massachusetts 
 commission opened a session in Lygonia, at the house of Robert 
 Jordan in Spur wink. Here most of the male population 
 
 ' 'Williamson, vol. i. p. 385. 
 
THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 141 
 
 appeared, and took the oath of allegiance^ The articles of 
 union were in substance as follows : — 
 
 I. All the people in these parts shall be exonerated from their alle- 
 giance to Massachusetts, whenever a supreme or general governor shall 
 arrive from England. 
 
 II. All their opposition and other past wrongs shall be pardoned and 
 buried in oblivion. 
 
 III. The same privileges shall be secured to them as are enjoyed by 
 other towns, particularly Kittery and York. 
 
 IV. Appeals shall be allowed in all cases to the General Court, when 
 sufficient indemnity is offered for the payment of costs. 
 
 V. None of the privileges hereby granted and secured shall ever bo 
 forfeited by reason of any differences in matters of religion. 
 
 VI. A transcript of the rights and privileges, generally possessed by 
 other towns, shall be sent to these plantations and inhabitants. ^ 
 
 The towns of Scarborough and Falmouth were also organized. 
 
 O O 
 
 Falmouth had a sea border extending from Spurwink River to 
 Clapboard Island, and it ran back eight miles into the country. 
 
 The union of Lygonia to Massachusetts was thus effected, 
 apparently to the satisfaction of all parties. It was unques- 
 tionably a blessing to the inhabitants of Maine.^ 
 
 On the 27th of October the inhabitants of York, Kittery, 
 Wells, Saco, and Cape Porpoise, presented to Cromwell, then 
 
 ^ “ After passing the ancient plantations of Kittery, York, Wells, and Saco, we 
 come to Scarborough, which has never changed its name since its lirst incorpora- 
 tion. It extends towards the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the mouth 
 of Spurwink Kiver, which seems to cut off, as it hounds, the eastwardly corner 
 of the town. 
 
 “ SpiTrwink settlement was and is in the southerly angle of the town towards 
 Spurwink Kiver.” — Williamson, vol. i. pp. 29, 30. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 392. 
 
 3 Hon. William Willis, one of the most discriminating and accurate annalists, 
 expresses the opinion that Massachusetts had no claim over the jurisdiction of 
 Maine. He Avrites, — 
 
 “Massachusetts, taking advantage of the triumph of her principles in Eng- 
 land, and dreading and hating the Episcopal power in Maine, under a forced 
 construction of the language of her charter, assumed title and jurisdiction OA^er 
 all the territory southerly of a line from Lake Winnipiseogee to Casco Bay. She 
 was not long in asserting her pretended title. 
 
 “ This usurpation of the Bay Colony corresponded with that of the Parlia- 
 ment at home; and, thoiigh successful, it had no foundation in right. I AA'ill not 
 say that it Avas not eA’entually best for the people here; it resulted in giving them 
 a good and permanent goAmrnment, and stable and just laAvs.”— A History of The 
 Laws, The Courts, and the Lawyers of Maine, by Willmm Willis, p. 23. 
 
142 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Lord Protector, the following very expressive memorial. It 
 was a document testifying to their satisfaction with their annex- 
 ation to Massachusetts, and praying for its continuance. 
 
 “ Our numbers,” they said, “ are few ; and our dissensions, which have 
 been many, owing principally to malecontent loyalists, are happily quieted 
 by wholesome laws and watchful rulers. Through their provident care, 
 godly persons have been encouraged to settle among us; our affairs have 
 become prosperous, and a barrier is opposed to an influx upon us of delin- 
 quents and other ill-affected persons, 4he fugitives from x^unishment. Our 
 pious and reverend friend, Mr. John Wheelwright, some time with > us, is 
 now in England, whose thorough knowledge of our affairs he will, at your 
 highness’s command, be happy to communicate.” ^ 
 
 Rev. John Wheelwright, to whom reference is here made, 
 was a man of undoubted piety, an eloquent preacher, but very 
 zealous in the enforcement of doctrinal peculiarities, which few 
 could fully understand. He affirmed, that the “ Holy Spirit 
 dwells personally in a justified convert, and that sanctification 
 can in no wise evince to believers their justification.’’ 
 
 It seems a pity that the good man could not have been per- 
 mitted to indulge to his heart’s content in such harmless specu- 
 lations. But the. authorities of Massachusetts declared these 
 views to be Antinomian, denounced them as heretical, and 
 banished him from the State in the year 1636. Mr. Wheel- 
 wright, at first, removed from Braintree to Exeter, N.H., where 
 he settled on land obtained from the Indians, and gathered a 
 church ; but, as Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over 
 the territory upon which he had settled, he removed to Wells, 
 in Maine, in 1643.^ He died at Salisbury, Mass., probably 
 in 1679, at the age of eighty years. 
 
 The following letter from Mr. Wheelwright throws much 
 light upon the nature of the ecclesiastical conflicts of those 
 
 ^ Ilutchinson’s Collection of State Papers, p. 396. 
 
 2 “ New Hampshire was about submitting to Massachusetts, in which case 
 Wlieelwright and his companions would be exposed immediately to a new 
 banishment. Gorges had assumed the authority over Maine; and they could not 
 fail to be assured that, under him, they might land a refuge which would not be 
 exposed to the spiritual tyranny of Massachusetts.” —i^oume’s History of Wells 
 and Kennchunky p. 12. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 143 
 
 days, and certainly reflects credit upon both parties in the 
 unhappy contention : — 
 
 “Right Worshipful, — Upon the long and mature consideration of 
 things, I perceive that the main difference between yourselves, and some 
 of the reverend elders and me, in point of justification and the evidencing 
 thereof, is not of that nature and consequence, as was then presented to me 
 in the false glass of Satan’s temptations, and my own distempered passions, 
 which makes me unfeignedly sorry that I had such a hand in those sharp 
 and vehement contentions raised thereabouts, to the great disturbance of 
 the church of Christ. It is the grief of my soul, that I used such vehe- 
 ment censorious speeches, in the application of my sermon, or in any other 
 writing, whereby I reflected any dishonor upon your worships, the reverend 
 elders, or any of contrary judgment to myself. 
 
 “ It repents me, that I did so much adhere to persons of corrupt judg- 
 ments, to the countenancing and encouraging of them in any of their 
 errors or evil practices, though I intended no such thing; and that in the 
 synod I used such unsafe and obscure expressions, falling from me as a 
 man dazzled with the buffetings of’ Satan; and that I did appeal from 
 misapprehension of things. I confess that herein I have done very sinfully, 
 and do humbly crave pardon of your honored selves. If it shall appear to 
 me, by scripture light, that in any carriage, writing, word, or action, I have 
 walked contrary to rule, I shall be ready, by the grace of God, to give 
 satisfaction. Thus hoping that you will pardon my boldness, I humbly 
 take my leave of your worships, committing you to the good providence 
 of the Almighty, and ever remain your worships’ in all service to be com- 
 manded in the Lord. 
 
 “ J. Wheelwright.” ^ 
 
 To this letter, the governor gave a very courteous response, 
 assuring Mr. Wheelwright that the court was inclined to release 
 him from his banishment. He also sent him a safe-conduct, 
 that he might make his appeal to the court in person. Mr. 
 Hubbard wyites, — 
 
 “ But the next court released his banishment without his appearance; 
 and so, if they had overdone in passing the sentence, it might in part help 
 to balance it, that they were so ready to grant him a release. Soon after 
 this he removed his dwelling; and being invited to the pastoral office in the 
 church of Hampton, after Mr. Batchelour’s deposition, he accepted the callj 
 and tarried with them until his removal to England not long after, where 
 
 'We give this letter, as recorded by Hubbard in his General History of New 
 England, p. 336. There are several verbal variations in the copy as preserved 
 by Wintlu’op. 
 
144 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 he tarried many years, till, upon the turn of times, he came back to New 
 England again ; after which he was called to Salisbury, where he accepted 
 of the pastoral office, in which he continued till the day of his death, which 
 happened about the year 1681.”^ 
 
 The government of Massachusetts was the more inclined to 
 deal leniently with Mr. Wheelwright, since he was a zealous 
 Puritan, and a high-minded and earnest republican. Upon 
 visiting England, he was very cordially received by Oliver 
 Cromwell. 
 
 The political changes taking place in England were very 
 sensibly felt through the remotest colonies of the kingdom. 
 The restoration of Charles II., which was one of the most 
 memorable events in history, took place in May, 1660. The 
 Church of England and the crown of England were so insepar- 
 ably united, that the royalists and Episcopalians formed one 
 party. The republicans were almost invariably dissenters. It 
 is estimated that the population of the English colonies in 
 America then amounted to a little more than eighty thousand 
 souls. Of these about five thousand were in the Province of 
 Maine ; thirty-eight thousand were in the more southerly parts 
 of New England ; in Maryland and Virginia there were about 
 forty-three thousand. ^ 
 
 It will be remembered that Ferdinando Gorges was an 
 earnest loyalist. He died while in arms in defence of Charles 
 II., about two years before the execution of that unfortunate 
 monarch. His eldest son, John, succeeded to the titles and 
 estates of his father ; but after a few years John died, and the 
 succession passed to his eldest son Ferdinando. 
 
 It may be well supposed that Charles H. had no S3'mpathy 
 with the dissenters and republicans of Massachusetts. Gorges, 
 with several associates, petitioned the king that the grant of 
 land in Maine, conferred upon his grandfather and others, 
 might be restored to the original proprietors. These petitioners 
 consisted of the representatives of Gorges, Mason, Godfrey, 
 and others. 
 
 In their petition to the king and royal parliament, they 
 
 1 Farmer says he died Nov. IG, 1G79. 
 
 2 See Williamson, vol. i. p. 398. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 145 
 
 stated, that, by a grant from the crown, extensive territory in 
 Maine had been conferred upon Gorges, Mason, and Godfrey ; 
 that they had expended large sums of money in settling and 
 improving the realm ; that the government of Massachusetts, 
 by menaces and armed forces, had seized the Province, and 
 compelled the inhabitants to submit to its jurisdiction ; and 
 that the Massachusetts government was strenuously and per- 
 sistently endeavoring to organize institutions independent of 
 the crown, and hostile to its interests^ 
 
 To counteract these representations, a delegation of several 
 gentlemen appeared from the towns of Maine, stating that they 
 had enjoyed, under the government of Massachusetts, great 
 prosperity and contentment ; and that the attempt to substitute 
 for the laws of Massachusetts the rule of men of inexperience 
 in government and doubtful abilities, would surely introduce 
 dissensions and anarchy, and would imperil all their interests. 
 In the year 1661 the General Court had incorporated the Isle 
 of Shoals into a township by the name of Appledore. Though 
 the towns of Maine, including those in this organization, were 
 entitled to send ten or eleven representatives to the General 
 Court, in the spring of 1662 not one was returned. Many 
 prominent men were denouncing the administration of the 
 Massachusetts government. 
 
 Gorges had returned to the Province, where he had previously 
 been deputy-governor. Though he had taken the oath of alle- 
 giance to Massachusetts, and had accepted office under her 
 government, he entered upon measures decidedly hostile to her 
 claims.^ He even appointed several men to office, and, in con- 
 junction with others, transmitted a petition to the king, urging 
 him to send over a governor-general for all of New England, 
 including New York.^ 
 
 These measures somewhat alarmed the General Court of 
 Massachusetts. William Phillips of Saco was appointed com- 
 mander-in-chief of the provincial militia. The following proc- 
 lamation was also sent to the inhabitants of the county of York- 
 
 ^ Belknap’s History Kew Hampshire, vol. i. p. 300. 
 
 2 Collection of State Papers, by Thomas Hutchinson, p. 322. 
 
 8 Hutchinson’s History of New England, p. 234. 
 
 10 
 
146 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 shire, as the portion of Maine subject to Massachusetts was 
 then called : — 
 
 “TO THE INHABITANTS OF YOEKSHIKE. 
 
 “ You and every of you are required in his Majesty’s name to yield 
 faithful and true obedience to the government of this jurisdiction, estab- 
 lished among you, according to your covenant articles, until his Majesty’s 
 pleasure be further known.” 
 
 A court was also instituted, consisting of three commission- 
 ers, who were instructed to appoint or confirm in office any one 
 in whom they could repose confidence ; and also to punish 
 every one who pretended to hold office independently of the 
 General Court, unless he derived his authority directly from 
 the king.^ 
 
 Several persons were punished by this court, for opposition 
 to the Massachusetts government. Among others of note and 
 influence was Rev. Robert Jordan, the Episcopal clergyman at 
 Spurwink. He was arraigned by the grand jury fcr saying, 
 “ The governor of Boston is a rogue, and all the rest thereof, 
 rebels and traitors against the king.” ^ 
 
 The radical difference in both civil and religious views, be- 
 tween the tyrant Charles II., and the republican General Court 
 of Massachusetts, could, by no possibility, be compromised. 
 While maintaining the semblance of courtesy, each regarded 
 the other with distrust and alienation. The king had no confi- 
 dence in the loyalty of the colonists, and they knew full well 
 that he was eagerly watching for opportunities to curtail their 
 privileges. The ear of the king was always on the alert, to 
 listen to charges against them, while he was generally too busy 
 to attend to any defence which they might offer against their 
 accusers. 
 
 “ So violent and successful w’ere the persecutions against the rights and 
 claims of Massachusetts in j)articular, that she not only feared the loss of 
 New Hampshire and Maine, but began to be apprehensive of having her 
 own charter taken from her. Therefore the General Court appointed a 
 
 1 Tlecords of Massachusetts Government, vol iii. j). 59. 
 
 2 History of Saco and Biddeford, p. 92. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 147 
 
 committee of both branches, to keep it and the duplicate in separate 
 places, thought by them most safe and secure.” ^ 
 
 The apprehensions of the General Court of Massachusetts, 
 in reference to the hostility of the king, were soon realized. 
 On the 11th of January, 1664, a royal missive to the General 
 Court was granted to Gorges, ordering that court immediately 
 to restore to him the Province of Maine, or to assign the reasons 
 for declining to do so. It was also rumored, at the same time, 
 that several armed ships were about to cross the ocean to enforce 
 the authority of the king, and to convey to New England a 
 governor-general of his appointment. 
 
 The exultant court of Charles II., then triumphant over the 
 spirit of religious dissent and the opposition to royalty, had 
 conceived the project of forming a grand empire, to consist of 
 twelve provinces, on the shores of the New World. In the 
 accomplishment of this plan, the king intended to seize the pos- 
 sessions of the Dutch on the Hudson, and to bring all the east- 
 ern provinces of New England under his complete control. In 
 those days might was right. On the 12th of March, 1664, 
 Charles II. granted to his brother James, who enjoyed the title 
 and emoluments of Duke of York and Albany, all the territory 
 held by the Dutch upon the River Hudson and upon Long 
 Island. The vast territory was called, in honor of the Duke’s 
 English possessions. New York. 
 
 The duke was a greedy man. Looking eagerly into the 
 ancient patents which had been conferred and annulled, he 
 decided that there was no valid grant for the territory between 
 the River St. Croix and Pemaquid. He therefore induced his 
 royal brother to include this region, of thousands of acres, in 
 the charter conferred upon him. The boundaries of this por- 
 tion of his grant are described as follows ; — 
 
 “ The region includes all that part of the mainland of New England be- 
 ginning at a place known by the name of St. Croix, next adjoining to New 
 England, thence extending along the seacoast to a place called Pemaquid, 
 
 ^ This remarkable fact is fully sustained by the Eecords, Eesolves, and Jour- 
 nals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. iii. p. 89; also in Hutchinson’s His- 
 tory of Massachusetts, p. 210; and Political Annals of the United Colonies, by 
 George Chalmers, p. 254. 
 
148 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 and up the river thereof to its farthest head, as it tends to the northward; 
 thence up the nearest to the River Kennebec, and so upward to the shortest 
 route to the river Canada northward. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 This domain, truly princely in extent of territory, has been 
 denominated ‘‘ The Duke of York’s Property,” “ The Territory 
 of Sagadahoc,” “ New Castle,” and “ The County of Corn- 
 wall.”^ Charles II., by thus making his brother James the 
 territorial proprietor of such immense possessions on the Hud- 
 son, and also on the eastern borders of New England, was 
 shrewdly preparing the way for constituting him viceroy not 
 only of those realms, but of all the domain between. 
 
 1 History of Connecticut, by Benjamin Trumbull, vol, i. p. 266. 
 
 2 Summary of British Settlements in Korth America, by William Douglas, 
 vol. i. p. 381. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 POLITICAL AGITATIONS. 
 
 The Duke of York — The Eoyal Commissioners — Conflict between the Com- 
 missioners and the General Court — Their Unfriendly Report — Tyranny of 
 Charles 11. — Character of George Cleaves — The Petition — Efforts of the 
 Commissioners — Treaty with the Indians — War between France and Eng- 
 land — National Antipathies — Baron Castine — His Character and Career 
 — French Influence over the Indians — Anarchy in Maine — Ambition of 
 the Duke of York — War between England and Holland — Jocelyn’s De- 
 scription of Maine. 
 
 T he Duke of York, who subsequently became King James 
 the Second, retained jpossession of his Sagadahoc ter- 
 ritory about twenty-five years. The duke was the second son 
 of Charles I. Upon the death of his brother Charles IL, he 
 ascended the throne, where he developed the character of a 
 thorough despot, and of a still more inexorable fanatic. When 
 subsequently driven from the throne by William, Prince of 
 Orange, he repaired to France, and his American possessions 
 reverted to the British crown. 
 
 The region of Maine made but slow advances under the rule 
 of its new proprietor, whether duke or king. The duke was an 
 intense Catholic, and, when he attained the crown, was un- 
 wearied in his endeavors to bring England again under the 
 ecclesiastical sway of the papal court. The Protestant religious 
 principles of the Dutch, who were established at the mouth of 
 the Hudson, excited strongly his jealousy and antagonism. He 
 co-operated with his unscrupulous brother Charles H. in send- 
 ing an expedition of four frigates and about three hundred 
 armed men, to wrest the colony at Manhattan from the Dutch. 
 The feeble garrison was quite unable to resist so formidable a 
 force, and promptly capitulated. This was on the 27th of 
 
150 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 August, 1664.^ Col. Richard Nichols, who with Sir Robert 
 Carr had command of the expedition, took the control of affairs 
 as deputy governor, declaring, at the same time, that he was 
 authorized to exercise the same command over the territory of 
 his royal highness at Sagadahoc.^ 
 
 A commission of four men was appointed to investigate the 
 state of affairs in the New England Colonies. Col. Nichols was 
 at the head of the commission. He was a frank, genial, cour- 
 teous man ; and, though of course an advocate for royalty and 
 episcopacy, his integrity and candor rendered him generally 
 popular. 
 
 Sir Robert Carr, the next on the list, was a man of violent 
 temper, who hated both republicanism and any dissent from the 
 principles of the Church of England. His haughty and domi- 
 neering spirit quite unfitted him for the delicate task in which 
 he was employed. It is said that he prepared a report filled 
 with the most bitter accusations against the colonists. Fortu- 
 nately he died soon after his return, and his philippics perished 
 with him. 
 
 George Cartwright, another of the commissioners, was en- 
 dowed with strong mental powers ; but he was unamiable, 
 morose, and suspicious in his disposition. He was a bitter foe 
 of the republican colonists, and drew up a very unfriendly 
 report to be presented to the king. Here again God seemed to 
 interpose in behalf of the feeble settlements. He was captured 
 by a Dutch ship, on his way home, and lost his report beyond 
 recovery. 
 
 1 We read with some surprise the following statement from Hubbard: “Di- 
 vine Providence seemed to favor the design, in that so considerable a place of 
 strength, and so easily tenable, was so speedily reduced without the loss of one 
 man’s life; and, without doubt, the right and title of the English to the place was 
 beyond all exception, which possibly made the former possessors unwilling to 
 dispute it with their swords’ iDoint.” — General History of New England, by Rev. 
 William Hubbard, p. 578. 
 
 2 “The county (of York) embraced all the settlements between the Kennebec 
 and Penobscot Rivers, over which the governor of New York exercised almost 
 despotic jurisdiction. Quite a large commerce was carried on with Europe, and 
 the other English colonies on the coast, of which masts, himber, furs, and fish 
 constituted the principal exports, and for which wines, liquors, coin, and various 
 kinds of merchandise, were received in exchange.” —//isiory of Laws, &c., of 
 Maine, by William Willis, p. 33. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 151 
 
 Samuel Maverick was the fourth of the commissioners. He 
 is represented as a stubborn royalist, implacable in his hostility 
 -to the political and religious principles of the Pilgrims. He 
 had for some time resided in Massachusetts, and was grievously 
 offended because the high merit, which he supposed himself to 
 possess, was not recognized by the people in conferring upon 
 him offices of dignity and influence. He was apparently watch- 
 ing for an opportunity to strike the colonists a deadly blow.^ 
 
 When the appointment of these commissioners was made 
 known, it created great anxiety. Early in May, 1665, they 
 entered upon their task at Boston.^ As was to have been 
 expected, there speedily arose a downright altercation be- 
 tween that body of royalists and the republican General Court. 
 The commissioners demanded an answer to the question, “ Do 
 you acknowledge the royal commission to be of full force for all 
 the purposes contained in it? ” 
 
 The court evaded a categorical answer, saying, “ The civil 
 power is conferred upon this colony through his Majesty’s 
 charter. We prefer to abide by that.” 
 
 The dispute ran high, and even violence was menaced. The 
 commissioners, unsustained by any popular support, dissolved 
 their session. Col. Nichols returned to his gubernatorial chair 
 in New York, and the others departed to investigate affairs in 
 New Hampshire and Maine. They, however, threw a parting 
 shot upon the government of Massachusetts, threatening them 
 with the doom due to rebels and traitors. 
 
 The events which we are now recording took place, it will 
 be perceived, before the death of Charles H. and the accession 
 of James. When Charles had become firmly seated upon his 
 throne, he issued a decree, denouncing the act of the General 
 Court of Massachusetts in extending its jurisdiction over the 
 Province of Maine, and demanding its restoration to the heirs of 
 
 1 The commission is given entire in the Appendix to Hutchinson’s History of 
 Massachusetts. See also, for the character of the commissioners, Williamson’s 
 History of Maine, vol. i. p. 409. 
 
 2 This commission was procured by the earnest solicitation of the proprietors 
 of Maine and New Hampshire, supported by the exertions of all the enemies of 
 Massachusetts, and was aimed at the power and influence of that colony . — History 
 of Portland, by William Willis, p. 151. 
 
152 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Ferdinando Gorges. The General Court replied, defending its 
 course in receiving the provincials of Maine under the govern- 
 ment of Massachusetts. They also boldly declared that they 
 would not surrender the jurisdiction of Maine until the king’s 
 will were more distinctly known. 
 
 The three commissioners who repaired to Maine commenced 
 operations in the settlements at the mouth of the Piscataqua 
 River. There were quite a number of royalists here, who were 
 desirous of being taken again under the government of the 
 king.^ 
 
 In a letter from Charles II. to the inhabitants of the Province 
 of Maine, dated June 11, 1664, he wrote, — 
 
 “ Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the grandfather of the present proprietor, and 
 a generous promoter of foreign plantations, obtained a royal charter of 
 Maine, and expended in settling it more than twenty thousand pounds; and 
 yet was wholly prevented from reaf)ing the fruits of his expenditures and 
 labors by the unhappy civil w'ars, wherein he, though advanced in age, 
 bravely engaged in his master’s service. 
 
 “In the mean time his opponents, intoxicated with success, as we under- 
 stand, and deaf to the voice of justice, have given countenance to measures 
 by which the provincials have been brought within the jurisdiction of Mas- 
 sachusetts Bay, and the proprietary deprived of all the issues and profits of 
 his property.” 
 
 In conclusion, this royal mandate of the 11th of June, 1664, 
 said, — 
 
 “ Since the restoration, he, by his commissioners, has endeavored to 
 repossess himself of his province, and, two years since, proclaimed his 
 INIajesty king, established courts, and gave to many the oaths of allegiance. 
 But tJie government of Massachusetts prohibited all further proceedings of 
 those commissioners till they had orders from the supreme authority of the 
 kingdom. 
 
 “ We liave therefore taken the whole matter into our princely considera- 
 tion, and have thought fit to signify our pleasure in behalf of Ferdinando 
 Gorges the present proprietor, and do require you to make restitution of 
 the Province to him or his commissioners, and deliver him or them peaceable 
 possession thereof; or otherwise, without delay, show us reasons to the con- 
 trary.” 2 
 
 1 “Now, it must he minded that, as to the Province of Maine, there were two 
 sorts tliat pretended a ri^ht to the government thereof; one that derived tiieir 
 power from Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ title, the other derived theirs from the Gen- 
 eral Conrt of Massachusetts.” — Ilahbarcl's History of New England, p. 584. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s Collections of State Papers, p. 386. 
 
THE BISTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 153 
 
 The commissioners visited Kittery in June, 1665. The peo- 
 ple were assembled, and were informed that if they persisted 
 in adhering to the government of Massachusetts they would be 
 punished with the utmost severity, as rebels and traitors. We 
 have not space to enter into the details of the measures which 
 were adopted. They were arbitrary and tumultuous. It was 
 a reign of terror. Oaths were administered, and many were 
 induced to petition the king for a new colony charter. But 
 still the measures of the commissioners were exceedingly un- 
 popular. The people generally were well satisfied with the 
 virtual republic which they enjoyed. The commissioners seemed 
 disposed to gather all power into their own hands. 
 
 George Cleaves of Casco, whose name is sometimes spelled 
 Cleve and sometimes Cleeves, was one of the most distinguished 
 men of these clays. He was an ardent royalist, and was warmly 
 attached to the Church of England. But he was very ambi- 
 tious and self-reliant. The despotic course pursued by the 
 royal commissioners was offensive to him. He enjoyed a higher 
 degree of liberty under the institutions of Massachusetts, than 
 under the iron rule which the commissioners would introduce. 
 He therefore, with twenty-one of his neighbors, drew up a 
 petition to the king. This petition is one of the most import- 
 ant documents of the times, as it throws so much light upon 
 the political aspect of affairs. The petition, slightly abbrevi- 
 ated, was as follows : — 
 
 “ The humble petition of the inhabitants of Casco, in the State of Maine, 
 represents, agreeably to your Majesty’s command, our several reasons why 
 we could not submit to Mr. Gorges. 
 
 “ But first, to our most gracious father, we, your humble subjects, in- 
 habiting a wilderness in the northern parts of your dominions, would return 
 our most dutiful and hearty thanks for your princely care of us and of our 
 children, llequired by your Majesty to render submission to Mr. Gorges, 
 or assign our reasons for declining it, we are frank to say we have no dis- 
 position to oppose his government, whenever our obedience is expressly com- 
 manded by your Majesty. 
 
 “ In our union, however, with Massachusetts, we all pledged our alle- 
 giance to her government, till our royal sovereign should otherwise determine 
 and direct. Yet we have found by happy experience, as your Majesty very 
 justly intimates, that her maxims of policy, prudence, and moderation, and 
 her principles of amity and justice, so much the causes of her own eminence, 
 
154 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 have, since our short connection with her, been the means of our content- 
 ment and prosperity, far beyond what we have enjoyed during any former 
 period of the same length. 
 
 “ The commissioners, nevertheless, forbid our submission to her govern- 
 ment and likewise to Mr. Gorges. And in return she (the Massachusetts 
 government) withholds our allegiance from them. So unhappily situated, 
 we humbly entreat your Majesty not to believe us disloyal because our 
 names are not found on the petition for a change of government or rulers, 
 as we have no just complaint either against Mr. Gorges or Massachusetts, 
 being taught by the best authority, that ‘ obedience is better than sacrifice,’ 
 and contentment is our duty wherever the allotment of God in his provi- 
 dence, and your Majesty’s commands, shall cast us. 
 
 “ Threatened as we are for not signing the petition, and submitting to 
 the commissioners, we beseech your Majesty to take these reasons and our 
 case under your fatherly eye, and give us directions ; for it is the design of 
 our hearts to act correctly and uprightly, and we would rather submit to 
 whatever government may be appointed over us, than to contend or direct 
 what it should be.” ^ 
 
 The commissioners spent about two months, mostly at York, 
 Scarborough, and Falmouth, making energetic efforts to revo- 
 lutionize the government. They then followed along the coast 
 to the Duke of York’s territory at Sagadahoc, or, as it was 
 then frequently called. New Castle. About this time several 
 Dutch families moved from New York, and settled upon the 
 banks of the Sheepscot and the Damariscotta.^ 
 
 The commissioners opened their court on the 5tli of Septem- 
 ber, 1665, at the house of John Mason, on the east bank of the 
 Sheepscot River. They organized the territory into a county, 
 which they called Cornwall. The inhabitants were summoned 
 to appear and take the oath of allegiance to the new govern- 
 ment. But twenty-nine presented themselves. The county of 
 Cornwall was limited on the west, by the Sagadahoc. It, how- 
 ever, included twenty or thirty families upon the island. 
 
 It seems to have been the decision of all subsequent jurists, 
 that the commissioners proved themselves utterly incapable of 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s Historical Collections, p. 397. 
 
 2 “ The government under the duke had never much energy or force in it, and 
 would very soon have been subverted by the Massachusetts, if the measures pur- 
 sued in England in order to take away the colony charter, and the hostility of 
 the natives in this country, had not prevented it.” — History of the District of Maine^ 
 hy James Sullivan^ p. 29. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 155 
 
 discharging the duties which had devolved upon them. No 
 provision was made for the enactment of laws, for the imposi- 
 tion of taxes, for education or religious instruction, or for the 
 public defence. 
 
 It is supposed that there were about three hundred families 
 within the county, and some of the settlements were forty years 
 old. The commissioners spoke of the settlers in very contempt- 
 uous terms, underrating their numbers, and describing them as 
 mere fishermen and fugitives from justice, who were entirely 
 unaccustomed to the restraints of government.^ 
 
 In justice to the commissioners, it should be stated that they 
 entered into a very judicious treaty with the chiefs of the 
 neighboring tribes. The Indians had been atrociously wronged 
 by vagabond and unprincipled white men. It could not be con- 
 cealed that these wrongs were goading them into a hostile 
 attitude. 
 
 It was agreed between the commissioners and some of the 
 Indian chiefs, that, if any wrong were inflicted upon an Indian 
 by one of the English, the Indian, instead of taking private 
 revenge, should appeal to the courts for redress. If, on the 
 other hand, an Englishman were injured or defrauded by an 
 Indian, he should make his appeal to the Indian chiefs. 
 
 Contemptuously as the commissioners spoke of the settlers in 
 the region of the Sagadahoc, they gave a very glowing account 
 of the attractiveness of the country 
 
 “The islands, harbors, and outlets upon the coast,” they wrote, “are 
 richly stored with great fish, oysters, and lobsters. The interior abounds 
 with ducks, geese, deer, and other game, and also with strawberries, rasp- 
 berries, gooseberries, barberries, and several sorts of bilberries, in their sea- 
 
 This report maybe found in full in Thomas Hutchinson’s Collection of State 
 Papers, p. 424. 
 
 2 “ In its native wildness the peninsula of Sagadahoc must have been a spot 
 of singular beauty. An open forest of mighty towering pines below, and hilltops 
 of overgi’own beech and oak above, and on either side fringed with a clear, broad, 
 and grassy margin, terminating in a sand beach, sweeping from point to point on 
 its landward and sheltered northern point, must have commended the place as a 
 favorite camping-ground to the savages, as well as a site to the earliest English 
 colonists as a home. The indications are decisive that this peninsula was ever a 
 place of distinguished attraction to the natives .” — Address of Rufus K. Bewail, 
 Esq., at the Popham Celebration, p. 137. 
 
156 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 son. We found also many kinds of oaks and pines, and the chestnut and 
 walnut trees, sometimes for four or five miles together.” ^ 
 
 Soon public attention was absorbed on both sides of the At- 
 lantic, by the war which broke out between France and Eng- 
 land. Very extensive preparations were made by the British 
 cabinet, for the conquest of Canada.^ Massachusetts was not 
 reluctant to engage in this enterprise. The militia of Massachu- 
 setts, at this time, amounted to four thousand foot and four 
 hundred horse. The enlistments for the conquest of Canada 
 were not made until October. It was then deemed too late in 
 the season to attempt a northern campaign. The war was short, 
 and mostly waged in other regions. But, in its results, it was 
 very unsatisfactory to New England. The treaty of Breda was 
 concluded on the 31st of July, 1667, with both France and 
 Holland. England received the Dutch colony on the Hudson, 
 but resigned Nova Scotia to the French. 
 
 The English Protestants brought with them to this New 
 World a very strong antipathy to that bigoted Catholicism 
 which had been the bane of the Old World. They did not love 
 their French neighbors, and they were greatly annoyed at the 
 recession of the Acadian provinces to France. The troubled 
 times very speedily obliterated all the traces which the king’s 
 commissioners had left behind them. 
 
 England was far away. The attention of her contemptible 
 king, Charles H., to the remote colonies, was spasmodic and 
 transient. It was to Massachusetts alone, that the widely scat- 
 tered inhabitants of Maine could look for sympathy in time of 
 peace, or for aid in war. 
 
 There were no bonds of union between the Catholic French 
 of Nova Scotia, and the Puritans of New England. They dif- 
 fered in language, religion, and in all the habits of social life. 
 Those very traits of character, which admirably adapted the 
 French to win the confidence of the Indians, excited the repug- 
 nance of the English. The pageantry of their religious wor- 
 ship, which the strong-minded Puritans regarded as senseless 
 
 1 Ilutcliinson’s Collections of State Papers. 
 
 2 American Annals, by Abiel Holmes, vol. i. p. 489. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 157 
 
 mummery, was well adapted to catch the attention of the child- 
 ish savages. The Frenchman would build him a wigwam, 
 marry an Indian wife, perhaps two or three ; adopt the dress 
 of the tribe, and, in all the habits of his life, step at least half 
 way down to meet the savage. Thus the French and the Indi- 
 ans lived far more harmoniously together than did the Indians 
 and the English. 
 
 In illustration of these views we may mention the case of 
 Jean Vincent, Baron of St. Castin or Casteins, as some spell 
 the name. He was a gentleman of wealth and rank, born in 
 Bearn, at the foot of the Pyrenees. Naturally fond of adven- 
 ture, he had entered the army, and had served with distinction 
 against the Turks.^ When about twenty-one years of age he 
 came to this country, and joined a tribe of Indians called the 
 Abenakis.2 He lived with them twenty years, adopting their 
 dress, and apparently conforming in all respects to their savage 
 habits. But his superior intelligence, his tact, and his adapta- 
 tion of himself to all their prejudices, so won their regard, that 
 they considered him as more than human, or, to use the lan- 
 guage of his biographer, “ comme leur Dieu tutelaire.’’^ 
 
 He acquired their language perfectly, and married the daugh- 
 ter of Madokawando, one of the most distinguished chiefs. 
 Some say that, according to the Indian custom, he took several 
 wives. He seemed perfectly contented with his lot, declaring 
 that he greatly preferred the forests of Acadia to the valley of 
 Pyrenees, where he was born. His French biographer writes, — 
 
 “ For the first years of his abode with them, he lived in such a manner 
 as to secure their esteem to a higher degree than words can describe. They 
 made him their grand chief, which constituted him sovereign of the nation. 
 By degrees he accumulated a fortune, which any other person would have 
 appropriated to his own benefit, by retiring with two or three hundred thou- 
 sand dollars in solid gold coin. 
 
 “ Nevertheless Casteins made no other use of this wealth than to buy 
 merchandise, which he presented as gifts to his brother savages, who, return- 
 ing from their hunting expeditions, presented him with beaver skins of triple 
 
 1 Martin’s History of France, vol. i. p. 2G3. 
 
 2 We give the name as spelled by the French. It was often spelled by the 
 English, Abenaquis. It is said that they belonged to broken tribes who had with- 
 drawn from Saco, the Androscoggin, and the Kennebec to Canada. 
 
158 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 their value. The governor-generals of Canada courted his favor, and the 
 rulers of New England feared him. He had many daughters. They were 
 all advantageously married to Frenchmen, and each one received ample 
 dowries. 
 
 “He never changed his wife. By this he wished to teach the savages 
 that God does not love inconstant people. ^ It is said that he endeavored to 
 convert these poor natives, but that his words were without effect. It was, 
 then, of no avail that the Jesuits preached to them the Christian religion. 
 But these fathers were not discouraged, for they considered the baptism of a 
 single dying child worth many times more than the pain and the suffering 
 of dwelling with this people.” ^ 
 
 The Indians, who were under the influence of the French, 
 readily imbibed their dislike for the English. There was, con- 
 sequently, a growing animosity between the eastern and the 
 western tribes. There were no very definite boundary limits to 
 most of the territories portioned out in those days. In the ces- 
 sion of “ all Acadia ” to France, mention was made of St. 
 Johns, Port Royal, La Heve, Cape Sable, and Pentagoet, as 
 the French then called Penobscot.^ The French took possession 
 of the whole country, from Cape Breton to Penobscot, and 
 erected stockaded forts at the most important points. 
 
 The political affairs of Maine fell into lamentable confusion. 
 By the action of the commissioners, the Province was sundered 
 
 1 This certainly seerns to indicate that Casteins had but one Avife; but Drake 
 writes, “We do not apprehend that tins amounts to a denial that he had but one 
 wife. His not changing his wife might be true in the plural, if he had several, as 
 some authors state.” — Drake's History of the Indians, book hi. p. 104. 
 
 2 Memoirs de V Am^rique par Lahontan, 1. ii. p. 29. 
 
 “ The site of the town of Castine is one of as much natural beauty as exists 
 anyAvhere in New England. With its beauty is connected a harbor of great capa- 
 city", and entire security for ships of any supiAosable size. This town was the first 
 in the State that received i^ermanent settlers, on the eastern shore of Penobscot 
 Bay. 
 
 “ It had been occupied in the seventeenth century by Baron Castine, a French 
 gentleman, througli thirty or forty years, as a temporary place of traffic with In- 
 dians, by exchanging some cloths and trinkets of small A^alue, for beaver and 
 other furs. By means of this business he became very rich, and left the fort, 
 which had been erected by him at large expense, and which had ju-otected him 
 against hostile attacks of Indians when dnink, as well as against phinderers of 
 his goods and moneys at otlier times,” — History of the Law, the Courts, and the 
 Lawyers of Maine, hy William Willis, p. 189. 
 
 It will be perceived, that, while there is a. slight discrepancy in the statement of 
 the details of this man’s career, there is none as to the prominent facts. 
 
 3 British Empire in America, vol. i. p. 22. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 159 
 
 from its connection with Massachusetts. And then, without 
 any sufficient government being organized, it was virtually 
 abandoned. Gorges became interested in other matters, and 
 the people generally doubted the validity of the justices ap- 
 pointed by the commissioners. For three years no representative 
 from Maine appeared in the General Court of Massachusetts. 
 The General Court did not hesitate to denounce the action of 
 the commissioners in the following severe terms : — 
 
 “ While the inhabitants were choosing to be under our charter, they were 
 deprived of their invaluable privileges, and thrown into the depths of dis- 
 order by commissioners who were rather the destroyers than promoters of 
 his Majesty’s interests and the people’s good; men who have cast malignant 
 aspersions on our government, and have been the authors of transactions 
 for which they had, in fact, no lawful authority.” 
 
 Under these circumstances the General Court issued a procla- 
 mation, declaring, that, as the people of Maine were in peril of 
 being reduced to a confused state of anarchy, the court counted 
 it its duty to God to extend its jurisdiction over the county of 
 York as formerly. The transfer was easily made. The last 
 court held under the authority of the king’s commissioners sat 
 in Saco on the 29th of May, 1668.^ 
 
 Col. Richard Nichols, governor at New York, was greatly 
 disturbed by these proceedings. It will be remembered that he 
 had been appointed deputy governor at New York and Sagada- 
 hoc, under His Royal Highness the Duke of York. He wrote 
 an angry letter to the governor of Massachusetts. The follow- 
 ing extracts will show its spirit : — 
 
 “ I am not a little surprised to find that you are preparing to usurp again 
 the government of Maine. You possess power enough, it is true, to compel 
 a submission of your weaker neighbors. And you may feel in duty bound 
 to re-establish your courts of law, in answer to the petition of a few unquiet 
 spirits, and under a plausible pretence of restoring order and peace. But I 
 ought not to be silent in view of measures so directly contraiy to the injunc- 
 tions of his Majesty’s letter. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Do you presume so much upon his forbearance and clemency as to sup- 
 
 1 Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. 432. 
 
 “Saco may have contained a hundred and fifty inhabitants when the first 
 court ever duly organized on the soil of Maine was held within its limits.” — 
 Bancroft, vol. i. p. 337. 
 
160 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 pose that he will never stretch forth an arm of power to defend his subjects 
 from usurpation? Unable myself to visit you before I leave these parts, I 
 must express to you my fearful apprehensions , that if you compel an altera- 
 tion of government in the Province of Maine, by subverting the present 
 establishments, you may, and probably will, be the cause of bitter quarrels 
 and even bloodshed. For it is a dictate of reason, it is nature’s law, for men 
 to defend their rights against all officious invaders. ^ 
 
 This letter produced no change in the measures adopted by 
 the Government.^ Four commissioners were sent to restore the 
 County of Yorkshire to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.^ A 
 military escort accompanied them to York, which place they 
 reached on the 6th of July, 1668. Here some officers, who had 
 been appointed by the king’s commissioners, met them^with a 
 remonstrance. They stated that there were not more than four 
 or five men in a town, of any character, who were in favor of a 
 return to Massachusetts, and that they were resolved to main- 
 tain the authority with which they had been invested. 
 
 The Massachusetts commissioners, who, according to some 
 accounts, “ entered the Province in a hostile manner, with horse 
 and foot,” replied, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ All your papers and powers om' General Court have too thoroughly 
 considered to require any re-perusal by us. Those under whom you aspire 
 to act, never lawfully possessed the authority which they assumed ‘to exer- 
 cise. His Majesty directed Massachusetts either to resign the Province to 
 Mr. Gorges, or to assign to him our objections. It is well known we have 
 chosen the latter alternative. 
 
 “The cause is still under his royal consideration. And when have we 
 been required by our common sovereign, to surrender the administration of 
 justice to your commissioners? By the returns we shall soon ascertain what 
 is the public sentiment; and, according to our ability, we shall discharge 
 the trust committed to us. If we are opposed, we shall advise upon meas- 
 ures which wiU not be inefficient. ’ ’ 
 
 The commissioners repaired to the meeting-house, where they 
 read their commission to the assembled people, and explained 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 212 ; Chalmers’ Political An- 
 nals, p. 38G. 
 
 2 See the letter in full in Thomas Hutchinson’s Collection of State Papers, p, 484. 
 
 8 The commissioners appointed were Major John Leverett and Mr. Edward 
 
 Ting, with Mr. llichard Waldron and Major Eobert Pike as assistants. — Iluh- 
 dard's New Enyland, j). 5‘J3. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 161 
 
 the purposes of their visit. There was some slight opposition 
 manifested by the justices appointed by the royal commission- 
 ers.^ The returns were brought in from five towns. It was 
 said that two towns had been prevented from voting by the jus- 
 tices. The antagonism between the two parties caused great 
 excitement, and several persons were arrested by the Massachu- 
 setts officers ; and at length quite angry feelings were elicited, 
 and the justices, who had become noisy in their opposition, were 
 driven out of the house by an armed force.^ 
 
 In the afternoon they re-appeared, and again entered into 
 conference with the commissioners. They requested permission 
 to read a letter from the king, dated April 10, 1666, in which 
 the king gave directions to his commissioners as to what they 
 were to do until further commands were received from him. 
 The commissioners replied, — 
 
 “We are commissioned to hold a court, and settle the peace and order of 
 the Province. What we have begun, God willing, we shall finish. We are 
 fully aware of the irregularities occasioned throughout these eastern towns 
 and plantations, in 1665, by the king’s commissioners, who were so bold as 
 to charge Massachusetts with treachery and rebellion, and to threaten her, 
 before the year’s end, with the dreadful retributions of our sovereign’s 
 severity. But through the divine assistance, and his Majesty’s power, she 
 yet possesses authority, by royal charter, to assert her rights of government; 
 and we fear not to compare her acts of justice and clemency with the words 
 of those who can make words only their boast.” 
 
 The government was then organized, and the commissioners 
 returned to Massachusetts with their report. They received a 
 vote of thanks, and ample remuneration for their services.^ In 
 May, 1669, three deputies from Maine took their seats in the 
 General Court of Massachusetts, and the restoration of the 
 Province seemed to be permanently settled. Gorges made but 
 slight if any efforts to recover his inheritance. Williamson says 
 that the eastern planters, being generally republican and Puritan 
 in their principles, were well satisfied with the change.^ 
 
 1 See the details in Hubbard’s History of New England, p. 597. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s Collection of State Papers, p. 52G. 
 
 8 The Pteport will be found in Hubbard’s New England, p. 596. 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. i. p. 440. 
 
 11 
 
162 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 But in this world there is no end to troubles. Scarcely was 
 this question settled, when a new and portentous difficulty 
 arose. The French, being in full possession of Nova Scotia, 
 and the territory now of Maine as far as the Penobscot, laid 
 claim to the region as far west as the Kennebec River. It was 
 suspected that the Duke of York, who was an intense Catholic, 
 and who detested the political and religious principles of the 
 Puritans, favored these claims.^ 
 
 It was seriously apprehended in Massachusetts, that the crown 
 might sell the entire eastern patent to the French. A new sur- 
 vey was ordered. The most popular measures were adopted to 
 win the cordial support of the inhabitants of the Province. 
 The surveyors reported that a line running due east from the 
 most northern source of the Merrimac, to which, by the patent, 
 three miles still farther north was to be added, would cross the 
 Kennebec or Sagadahoc near where Bath now is, and that it 
 would strike White Island in Penobscot Bay. 
 
 But again war was declared between England and Holland. 
 The two angry nations were clutching each other by the throat. 
 The Dutch, in July, 1673, recovered the fort at New York. 
 With renewed activity, and with boldness ever characteristic of 
 Massachusetts, the government re-organized the militia, and 
 endeavored, in all ways, to consolidate the inhabitants of the 
 Province, that they might not be sold to Papal France. 
 
 In 1674 a new treaty of peace was signed between England 
 and Holland, and New York was restored to the British crown. 
 Again prosperity seemed to dawn upon the inhabitants of 
 Maine, scattered along the seacoast from Piscataqua to the 
 Penobscot. The French occupied the eastern side of the Pen- 
 obscot Bay. The English, in large numbers, had reared their 
 dwellings, and were improving their lands, upon the western 
 banks of the bay, and westerly to the River Sagadahoc. 
 
 Capt. John Jocelyn, in the year 1670, visited the Province of 
 Maine. The next year he published a record of his voyage. It 
 contains by far the most minute account of the condition of the 
 Province at that time, which has descended to us. From this 
 narrative we make the following interesting extracts — 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. i. p. 441. 2 gee Jocelyn’s Voyages, pp. 200-212. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 163 
 
 “ Towns there are not many in this Province. Kittery, not far from Pas- 
 cataway, is the most populous; next to that, eastward, is Gorgeana (York).i 
 Farther to the eastward is the town of Wells. Cape Porpus is eastward of 
 that, where there is a town of the same name, the houses scatteringly built. ^ 
 All these towns have store of salt and fresh marsh, with arable land, and all 
 well stocked with cattle. 
 
 “ About eight or nine miles to the eastward of Cape Porpus is Winter 
 Harbor, a noted place for fishers. ^ Here they have many stages. Saco 
 adjoins to this, and both make one scattering town of large extent, well 
 stored with cattle, arable land and marshes, and a saw-mill. Six miles to 
 the eastward of Saco, and forty miles from Gorgeana, is seated the town of 
 Black Point (Scarborough).^ It consists of about fifty dwelling-houses, 
 and a magazine, scatteringly built. They have store of neat (cattle) and 
 horses ; of sheep near upon seven or eight hundred ; much arable and marsh 
 salt and fresh, and a corn-mill. To the southward of the point, upon which 
 are stages for fishermen, lie two small islands. Beyond the point, north- 
 eastward, runs the Kiver Spurwink. 
 
 “ Four miles from Black Point, and one mile from Spurwink River, east- 
 ward, lieth Richmond Island. It is three miles in circumference, and hath 
 a passable and gravelly ford on the north side, between the main and the 
 sea at low water. Here are found excellent whetstones, and here, likewise, 
 are stages for fishermen. 
 
 “ Nine miles eastward of Black Point lieth scatteringly the town of Cas- 
 co,® upon a large bay. It is stored with cattle, sheep, swine, abundance of 
 marsh and arable land, a corn-mill or two, with stages for fishermen. Far- 
 
 1 “ Actuated by these generous designs, lie (Gorges) determined now to erect 
 the borough into a city, and accordingly executed another and more perfect char- 
 ter, March 1, 1642, by which he incorporated a territory of twenty-one square 
 miles, and the inhabitants upon it, into a body politic, which he, evidently in otfun- 
 pliment to his own name, called Gorgeana. The whole lay in the form of a paral- 
 lelogram, on the northern side of the River Agamenticus, extending up seven 
 miles from its mouth, and one league upon the seashore.” — WilliamsorC s History 
 of Maine, vol. i. p. 288. 
 
 2 Cape Porpoise, or Porpus as Jocelyn spells it, was but two and a half miles 
 from Wells. — Williamson, vol. i, p. 26. 
 
 3 The celebrated place called Winter Harbor, so called after an ancient inhabit- 
 ant there by the name of Winter, is at the head of the tide, six miles below Saco 
 Bridge. See Williamson, vol. i. p. 21. 
 
 4 “ After passing the plantations of Kittery, York, Wells, and Saco, we come 
 to Scarborough, which has never changed its name since its first incorporation. It 
 extends towards the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the mouth of Spur- 
 wink River, which seems to cut off, as it bounds, the eastwardly corner of the 
 town. This part is called Black Point.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 29. 
 
 5 What is now called Portland was first called Cleeves’ Neck, then Munjoy 
 Neck, and sometimes Casco, or Old Casco, from its position on Casco Bay. The 
 first settlement was made by George Cleeves and Richard Tucker, who settled 
 near the mouth of Spurwink River, in the year 1630. — History of Neio England, by 
 Coolidge and Mansfield, vol. i. p. 267- 
 
164 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 ther eastward is the town of Kennebec, seated upon the river. Farther yet 
 eastward is Sagadahoc, where there are many houses scattering, and all 
 along stages for fishermen. These, too, are stored with cattle and corn 
 land. 
 
 “From Sagadahoc to Nova Scotia, is called the Duke of York’s Prov- 
 ince. Here are Pemaquid, Montinecus, Mohegan, Capeanawhagen, where 
 Capt. Smith fished for whales; all are filled with dwelling-houses and stages 
 for fishermen, and have plenty of cattle, and arable land, and marshes. 
 
 “ The people of the Province of Maine may be divided into magistrates, 
 husbandmen or planters, and fishermen. Of the magistrates, some be royal- 
 ists, the rest perverse sj^irits. The like are the planters and fishers. They 
 have a custom of taking tobacco, sleeping at noon, sitting long at meals, 
 sometimes four times a day, and now and then drinking a dram. The fisher- 
 men take yearly upon the coast many hundred quintals of cod, hake, had- 
 dock, and pollock.” ^ 
 
 Capt. Jocelyn speaks of the inhabitants as indolent, and many 
 of them as very intemperate. Having earned a little money, 
 they eagerly spent it for strong drink, and could not be again 
 induced to work as hired laborers until their money was ex- 
 pended. 
 
 It is estimated that the whole white population scattered 
 along the coast of Maine, between Piscataqua and the Penob- 
 scot, amounted to between five and six thousand souls.^ Chal- 
 mers, in his Political Annals, states that the population of all 
 New England comprised about a hundred and twenty thousand 
 souls. Hutchinson places the number as high as a hundred and 
 fifty thousand. There were, in the year 1675, a hundred and 
 fifty-six families east of the Sagadahoc, and about a hundred 
 fishing vessels.^ 
 
 In the year 1675, the deplorable war commenced between the 
 Indians under King Philip and the Plymouth Colony, — a war 
 fraught Avith woes beyond all computation. Through the im- 
 
 1 Mr. 'VVilliainson spells the name Joscelyn, and says that his account ends in 
 1(573. Mr. William Willis, one of the most accurate of men, spells the name in his 
 History of Portland as we have given it in the text. He says that the period to 
 which Jocelyn’s narrative relates is 1070, and that Jocelyn returned to England 
 in 1071. — History of Portland hy William Willis, p. 882. 
 
 2 Willia}nson, vol. i. p. 447. He estimates that the whole Province, including 
 the Duke of York’s domain, could furnish about a thousand soldiers. 
 
 3 vStatement to the Massachusetts Assistants in 1075, by Sylvanus Davis. Mr. 
 Willis estimates that there were then four hundred families in Falmouth. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 165 
 
 prudence of well-meaning men, and the wickedness of the reck- 
 less and the vile, the Indians of Maine were soon induced to 
 unite with those of Massachusetts in the attempt to extermi- 
 nate the white man. Before entering upon the details of the 
 dreadful war which ensued, we Avill give a brief description of 
 the Indians of Maine. ^ 
 
 The generic name, given to the several tribes between the 
 Penobscot River and the vicinity of the Piscataqua was Aben- 
 agues.^ The Indians, dwelling in the valley of the Penobscot, 
 are called by most of the ancient historians, Tarratines. Though 
 the Abenagues and the Tarratines had lived on friendly terms 
 until about the year 1615, a deadly war then broke out between 
 them. Each tribe of the Abenagues had its chiefs, though 
 there was one sovereign chief, called the Bashaba, who seemed 
 to wield a sort of imperial authority over the confederate 
 tribes.^ 
 
 His principal abode was near Pemaquid ; his extended do- 
 mains were called Moasham,^ and he could lead to the field 
 several thousand warriors. There were four tribes of the 
 Abenagues : — 
 
 1. The Sokokis, dwelling in the valley of the Saco River. 
 
 2. The Anasagunticooks,^ a powerful tribe, who claimed the 
 territory and waters of the Androscoggin, from Merry meeting 
 Bay upwards, and on the west side of the Sagadahoc to the 
 sea. Their headquarters were at Brunswick Falls, called then 
 Pejepscot. This spot became the central rendezvous, where the 
 eastern and western tribes held their councils, and conspired for 
 the extermination of the English. They had a large fort near 
 the falls. By fishing, hunting, and the culture of their fields, 
 they obtained an ample supply of food. But the early injuries 
 they had received from the whites had so exasperated them, 
 
 ^ There is much diversity with regard to the spelling of these Indian names by 
 the annalists of those days. The Abenagues are called Abenakis, Wabenakies, 
 and Wapanachkis, There is the same diversity in the spelling of the names of 
 nearly all the tribes. 
 
 2 See Smith, Purchas, 'Winthrop, Prince, and Hubbard. 
 
 3 Gorges’ Description of Xew England, pp. 17, 54. Belknap calls his domains 
 Mavooshen, Biog. 149. Purchas writes it Maivooshen, p. 939. 
 
 4 Hutchinson gives this tribe the name of Aresagunticooks ; Douglass, Arouse- 
 gunticooks; Hubbard, Amerascoggan ; Smith, Amarascoyen. 
 
166 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 that they were never cordially friendly, and at the first sound 
 of war they eagerly grasped both gun and tomahawk. 
 
 3. The Canibas. This tribe was found quite numerous upon 
 the Kennebec when the river was first discovered. It seems to 
 have been a conglomerate tribe, consisting of several branches 
 or families. The chief sachem, Kennebis, occupied a delightful 
 situation on Swan Island. The territory claimed by this tribe 
 extended from the sources of the Kennebec River to Merry- 
 meeting Bay, and included the islands on the eastern side of the 
 Sagadahoc River to the sea.^ 
 
 One of the favorite locations of this tribe was at Norridge- 
 wock, opposite the mouth of the Sandy River. Here the first 
 French missionary, Gabriel Dreuillettes, was stationed. It seems 
 difficult to imagine any motive sufficiently powerful to induce 
 a gentleman of refinement and culture to spend his days in the 
 wigwams of the savages, endeavoring to teach them the religion 
 of Jesus, but a sincere desire to serve God. 
 
 4. The Wawenocks^ possessed the region east of the Sagada- 
 hoc, as far as St. Georges River. Their territory was small in 
 its limits, and the tribe not large. The headquarters of the 
 tribe were on the westerly side of the River Sheepscot, near the 
 falls. Hubbard, in his History of the Indian Wars, speaks of 
 them as the Sheepscot Indians.^ The personal appearance and 
 habits of these Indians are thus described by Capt. Smith : — 
 
 “ The name of Wawenock signifies fearing nothing. They were of comely 
 proportion, and quite athletic. They would row their canoes faster with five 
 paddles than my own men could their boats with eight oars. They had no 
 beards, and thought ours counterfeits. Their women, though of lower stat- 
 ure, were fleshy and well favored; all habited in skins like the men.” ^ 
 
 There was another powerful tribe, called the Etechemins, 
 occupying the region between the Penobscot and the St. Johns, 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. i. p. 400. Drake writes, “Kennebis was a sachem from 
 v'liom it has been supposed that the Kennebec Kiver derives its name. But 
 whether there were a line of sagamores of this name from whom the river was 
 so called, or whether sachems were so called from their living at a certain place 
 upon it, is uncertain.” — Book of the Lilians, b. iii. p. 08. 
 
 2 This name is also written by different annalists, Waweenecks, Weweenocks, 
 and AVewenocks. 
 
 3 Hubbard, p. 301. 
 
 4 Journal of Thomas Sjuith, p. 19. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 1C7 
 
 including the valleys of both those rivers. There is some diver- 
 sity of statement in reference to the definite boundaries of this 
 tribe. Williamson represents them as composed of three tribes, 
 — the Tarratines, the Openangos, and the Marechites. They 
 could bring six thousand warriors into the field. The Abena- 
 gues he estimates could bring five thousand. This would fur- 
 nish them with an army of eleven thousand men.^ .Probably 
 all were accustomed to the musket, and were good marksmen. 
 They could obtain ample supplies of ammunition from the 
 French. This was a terrific power to be brought against the 
 settlers scattered through the forests of Maine. 
 
 The above estimate of the number of Indian warriors is given 
 for the year 1615, when it is supposed that the whole Indian 
 population of Maine amounted to about thirty-seven thousand. 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. i. p. 483. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE FIRST INDIAN WAR. 
 
 The Indians — Their Manners and Customs — Fondness for Intoxicating Drinks 
 — Scenes in the Wigwam — The Catholic Missionaries — Adventures of 
 Easle — Indian Intelligence — Population — Philip’s War — Commencement 
 of Hostilities — Awful Scenes of Blood and Woe — The Truce — Efforts of 
 Mr. Shurte — The War Renewed — The Ambuscades — Folly of the English 
 • — Desperation of the Indians. 
 
 I T is important to perpetuate a correct idea of the numbers, 
 condition, and character of the native inhabitants of Maine. 
 They have nearly all passed away. The few remnants which 
 remain have lost all resemblance, in character and habits of life, 
 to their ancestors of two centuries ago. 
 
 The Indians of Maine were of ordinary stature, very erect, 
 and of great muscular strength. Their hair was long, very 
 black, and coarse. Their complexion was peculiar, with a red- 
 dish tinge, which, at a glance, enabled one to distinguish them 
 from the negro, the mulatto, or the most dark-skinned European. 
 Though, in the South, a corpulent Indian was sometimes found, 
 it is said that none such were seen in Maine, neither was a de- 
 formed Indian, or one dwarfed or cross-eyed, ever met with.^ 
 The men were beardless. But, strange as it may appear, the 
 question is not yet settled whether this were a provision of 
 nature or the effect of art. Smith, in his history, says that they 
 had no beards ; others have said that the young men plucked 
 out their beards until the roots were entirely destroyed. Still 
 others say that the Indians anointed their bodies with an unc- 
 tion, as a protection against flies and vermin, which prevented 
 the growth of the beard. 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. 484. 
 
 1C8 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 169 
 
 Trained from infancy to acute perceptions, the Indian could 
 traverse the most dense and intricate forests without the slight- 
 est fear of losing , his way. Notwithstanding their liardships, 
 many of them lived to extreme old age. 
 
 Both men and women were fond of gay colors in their cloth- 
 ing. Their dress consisted of furs in winter, and in summer of 
 skins from which the fur had been removed. Many were very 
 slightly clad in summer, and not unfrequently one was met 
 entirely naked. They were all exceedingly fond of ornaments, 
 and decorated their persons with gorgeously colored plumes, 
 shells, beads, and wings. An Indian chieftain, in full dress, 
 would outshine any of his brother lords in Windsor or Ver- 
 sailles. 
 
 Among themselves the Indians were remarkably honest. 
 They had no locks, bolts, or bars. In trade they were fair, and 
 often expressed astonishment at the mean tricks to which the 
 white trader would resort. They were proverbial for their hos- 
 pitality, being ever ready to share their last morsel of food with 
 the stranger who entered the wigwam. They were grave and 
 taciturn in their ordinary demeanor, and seemed never to forget 
 a kindness or an injury. 
 
 With no ambition to acquire property, no stimulus to exertion, 
 with nothing to rouse their energies but the chase and the occa- 
 sional excitements of war, they were generally indolent. With 
 but little thought of the morrow, they were content with the 
 food and clothing of to-day. The atrocities of Weymouth, 
 Harlow, and Smith, in kidnapping the Indians, the cheating 
 practised by unprincipled traders, and the infamous conduct 
 of getting chieftains drunk, and then obtaining a deed of exten- 
 sive territories for mere trifles, were sufficient to rouse the 
 indignation of the most patient people. The Indians have had 
 no historians. But, according to the testimony of white men, 
 their wrongs were unendurable, and their savage natures were 
 goaded, by the crimes of individual white men, to the most 
 dreadful acts of retaliation. 
 
 Their thirst for ardent spirits seemed to be an irrepressible 
 appetite. They would drink the strongest rum, unmixed, until 
 roused to the most dreadful degree of frenzy. They then 
 
170 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 appeared more like demons than men, and were capable of any 
 crime. 
 
 The Indians generally lived in small villages. The writer 
 spent many an hour, sixty years ago, in the wigwams of the 
 Penobscot Indians. To his boyish eye, in a cold winter day, 
 the interior often presented an aspect peculiarly attractive. The 
 hut, built of boughs of trees and of bark, was always in the 
 majestic forest. It was sometimes circular, enclosing a space 
 about fifteen feet in diameter. Again, it was oblong in shape, 
 and about thirty feet in length and ten in width. 
 
 The floor was always carpeted with the green and fragrant 
 twigs of the hemlock. The walls generally afforded ample pro- 
 tection against both wind and rain. From a bright fire, burn- 
 ing in the centre, the smoke would generally rise through a hole 
 in the roof, leaving the atmosphere within the hut quite pure. 
 The indolent men would be lying around, sleeping or dozing. 
 The women were always busy. They sat easily upon the floor, 
 braiding their baskets, and chatting in low, musical, monotonous 
 tones, with rarely a smile. 
 
 As one day 1 came near sitting down upon an apparent 
 cushion, which proved to be a cradle in which a babe enveloped 
 in furs was sleeping, it excited a general smile from the squaws 
 seated around, but not a sound was heard. I always took with 
 me, as a gift, some tobacco, which insured me a warm welcome. 
 The emotions excited in my young mind during those silent 
 hours, in the wigwam of the friendly Indian, can never be 
 forgotten. 
 
 Nothing like what we call furniture was ever seen in the hut. 
 There was neither chair, stool, nor table. They had no regular 
 meals. They ate when hungry. One great and revolting de- 
 fect of the Indiaios was their utter want of cleanliness. Appar- 
 ently they never washed even their faces or hands, or their 
 clothes and cooking utensils. But, to my eye, the interior of 
 their cabins always appeared neat and alluring. Still in a dark, 
 easterly storm, with drenching rain and moaning wind, filling 
 the cabin with suffocating smoke, the interior must have been 
 extremely dismal. 
 
 The young girls were graceful in figure, and often possessed 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 171 
 
 pleasing countenances. Had they been cleanlj^ many of them 
 would have been deemed quite beautiful. All domestic and 
 farm labor devolved upon the women. They planted and hoed 
 the corn, gathered in the harvest, took care of the fish and 
 game, and cooked the food. 
 
 Chriistianity was first taught the Indians by the Catholic mis- 
 sionaries from France. As early as 1608, Biard and Masse com- 
 menced their self-denying labors at Mt. Desert.^ Gabriel 
 Dreuillettes was the first missionary who settled upon the banks 
 of the Kennebec. In 1646 he built a chapel at Old Point, 
 Norridgewock, and for many years taught the Indians, win- 
 ning their highest regard. In the French war of 1674, the 
 British laid his station in ashes. Upon the return of peace, the 
 Massachusetts government sent workmen to replace the rude 
 chapel which was destroyed, by another, far better, of hewn 
 timber. Dreuillettes was a highly educated and eloquent man. 
 
 Dreuillettes, or Dreuelettes as some spell the name, was suc- 
 ceeded in the mission at Norridgewock by two brothers, Vin- 
 cent and Jaques Bigot. The}^ were of illustrious lineage, being 
 the sons of Baron Bigot of France. These young men, cradled 
 in ancestral halls, and educated in the universities of Europe, 
 forsook all the attractions of cultured society, luxurious homes, 
 and ambitious aspirations, to spend their whole lives in savage 
 wilds, toiling to lift up the ignorant and the degraded to the 
 knowledge of salvation through faith in Jesus Christ. 
 
 They lived in a state of comfort but little above that of the 
 savages around them ; Avith a Avigwam of bark for their home, 
 Avith a bear-skin for a bed, and Avith only such food as the 
 coarse fare of the Indians could supply.- 
 
 Sebastian Basle ^ succeeded the Bigots in the mission to Nor- 
 ridgeAvock. He Avas a gentleman by birth, education, and cul- 
 
 ^ This was in 1G09. It is supposed the place of residence selected hy the mis- 
 sionaries was on the western side of the Pool. Here they constructed a habita- 
 tion, planted a garden, and dwelt five years. AVith never-failing zeal they entered 
 upon tlie lifelong work of teaching the natives the principles of Christianity. 
 See AVilliamson, vol i. p. 20G. 
 
 2 The History of Norridgewock, by AVilliam Allen, p. 28. 
 
 3 The name is variously spelled, Easle, Easles, Ealle, Eale. "We give it as in- 
 scribed ui)on his monument by Bishop Penwick. 
 
172 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 tnre. Religious zeal incited him, also, to leave the endearments 
 of a home of opulence and congenial companionship, and to 
 spend thirty-five years in the then unbroken wilderness of 
 Maine. His remarkable character deserves more particular 
 notice. 
 
 He sailed from Rochelle, in France, in the summer of 1689, 
 and, after a three-months’ voyage, landed at Quebec. Having a 
 well-disciplined mind, and writing Latin with classical purity, 
 he found but little difficulty in acquiring the simple languages 
 of the natives. After spending several months in the diligent 
 study of the Indian tongue, he was first stationed in a village 
 of the Abenagues nation, in Maine. Here he found about two 
 hundred Indians, who, from the labors of previous missionaries, 
 were professing Christianity. 
 
 After spending two years in this village, he received an order 
 from his ecclesiastical superiors, to go far away into the depths 
 of the savage wilderness, to a mission among the Indians of 
 Illinois. Without a murmur, in August of 1691, he prepared 
 for this journey of two thousand four hundred miles, through 
 trackless wilds, towards the setting sun. Repairing to Quebec, 
 he there, with a few companions and Indian guides, set out on 
 his long and perilous journey, in the birch canoe. 
 
 They ascended the winding and rapid current of the St. Law- 
 rence ; carried their canoe and its freight on their shoulders, 
 around the portages by which they passed the rapids. After 
 traversing the whole length of Lake Ontario, and threading the 
 forest around Niagara Falls, they again launched their canoe 
 upon Lake Erie. Weary days and nights of storm and sun- 
 shine passed as they paddled along the shores of this inland 
 sea, through the straits, expanding in their centre into Lake 
 Clair, traversed Lakes Huron and Michigan, crossed the portage 
 to the upper waters of the Illinois River, and descended that 
 stream, to their destination amidst the thronged villages of the 
 Indians, situated upon its banks. 
 
 Every night they landed, built their camp-fire, cooked their 
 supper, performed their devotions, while the silent forest echoed 
 their vespers ; and, commending themselves to God, they enjoyed 
 that sleep which he gives to his beloved. Often, when it 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 173 
 
 rained, the upturned canoe afforded them their only shelter. Fre- 
 quently they suffered from hunger, and eagerly devoured the 
 lichens which grew upon the rocks. Here Sebastian Rasle 
 spent two years in teaching the Indians. He was then recalled 
 by his superior, and stationed at Norridgewock on the Ken- 
 nebec. We shall often have occasion to refer to this extraordi- 
 nary man in the progress of this narrative.^ 
 
 It can hardly be said that the Indians had any religious opin- 
 ions. There were vaguely floating through their minds some 
 shadowy and inoperative ideas of a Great Spirit, and of hunt- 
 ing-grounds beyond the grave. They had perhaps a more prac- 
 tical faith in an evil spirit than in God. The machinations of 
 this malignant demon they greatly feared. The Catholic mis- 
 sionaries gave them much more elevated views of religion and 
 of personal responsibility. Their teachings put an end to the 
 horrid orgies of the Indian pow-wows.^ 
 
 Their government was of the simplest form. The authority 
 of the chiefs seems to have been mainly that which superior 
 intelligence and energy give. It was like the power which is 
 exerted over a New England village by a prominent man of 
 education, wealth, and enterprise. When the first settlers 
 reached the coast of Maine, there was one sovereign chief of 
 the Wawenoc tribe. These Indians occupied the valleys of the 
 Sheepscot, the Pemaquid, and the St. George’s Rivers. 
 
 The Bashaba, as he was called, extended his nominal sway 
 over the western tribes as far as Agamenticus or York.^ Each 
 
 ^ “ Father Easle lived among this people over thirty years. His influence was 
 very extensive, and deserved, not less for his zeal and entire devotion to their ser- 
 vice, than for his learning and talents. The French writers place him among the 
 saints, while his English contemporaries give him a place the very opposite.” — 
 History of Portland, hy William Willis, p. 349. 
 
 2 Williamson writes, “ So often had his (Rasle’s) malignity, pride, and officious 
 interference awakened among the Indians new complaints, that the people of the 
 Province, for good reasons, regarded him ‘ among the most infamous villains,’ and 
 would have given more for his head than for a hundred scalps of the natives.” — 
 History of Maine, vol. ii, p. lOG. 
 
 Williamson also writes, “He was a man of talents and learning; and by his 
 condescending manners, religious zeal, and untiring perseverance, he had gi*eatly 
 endeared himself to the tribe. He had resided with them, and been their tutelar 
 father, thirty years, and many of them he had taught to read and write.” — His- 
 tory of Maine, vol. ii. p. 102. 
 
 3 Mr. 'Williamson suggests that the Camden Hills were the probable boundary 
 of Bashaba’s dominions on the east. — Vol. i. p. 95. 
 
174 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 tribe had a head chief called a sagamore, and subordinate 
 chiefs, like the secondary nobility in Europe, called sachems. 
 The chiefs were chosen by the men of the tribe, and the office 
 continued for life. The successful candidate was often inducted 
 into office with great barbaric pomp. Representatives from 
 other tribes generally assisted at the ceremonies. 
 
 For fifty years the planters and traders of Maine carried on 
 their intercourse with the Indians without any open outbreak. 
 The Indians were often subjected to great wrongs at the hands 
 of individuals, and bitter complaints were not infrequent. As 
 the English grew more powerful, they became more arrogant 
 and domineering ; while the natives, crushed and irritated, were 
 ready to embrace any opportunity for direful revenge. But 
 there were some truly good men among the English adventur- 
 ers, who treated the Indians with humanity, and won their af- 
 fection. Thus there were two parties among the Indians, — the 
 friendly and the unfriendly; but the latter, in numbers, far 
 exceeded the former. 
 
 Many of the Indians possessed much higher intelligence, and 
 had clearer conceptions of their wrongs, than has generally been 
 supposed. They often argued their cause against the white 
 men with great shrewdness and invincible logic. Their amuse- 
 ments consisted mainly of foot-races, wrestling, pitching quoits, 
 and bat and ball. They had no schools, and had no idea whatever 
 of reading, writing, or arithmetic. Heckewelder says, that, in 
 their first endeavor to pronounce the word “ they 
 
 uttered the sound “ Yengees,” which is the origin of the term 
 Yankees.^ 
 
 King Philip’s war broke out in June, 1675.^ There were 
 then, according to the usual estimate, thirteen settlements, more 
 or less scattered, in Maine.^ The English population of Maine 
 
 1 Writings as to the Indians, by John Heckewelder. 
 
 2 “ This war has been ascribed to various causes. It has been represented, 
 with soine spleen as well as truth, that the English were the aggressors. The 
 generous treatment and welcome they first received from the natives had been 
 repaid, as accusers say, by kidnapping their benefactors, by disturbing their hunt- 
 ing grounds and fisheries, and by a shameful mismanagement of the fur and pel- 
 try trade.” — Williamson^ vol. i. p. 517 ; Mather's Magnalia, vol. ii. p, 493. 
 
 8 These were, 1, Kitteiy; 2, York; 3, Wells; 4, Cape Porpoise; 5, Saco; 6, Scar- 
 borough; 7, Falmouth; 8, Pejepscot; 9, Sagadahoc and Kennebec; 10, Sheepscot; 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 175 
 
 was about six thousand souls. They were widely disperse\l in 
 many small villages and lonely farmhouses, and almost in the 
 worst possible condition for either aggressive or defensive Avar. 
 
 The excitement rapidly spread among the tribes, from Pl^^m- 
 outh to Sagadahoc. The hunting gun had become to the In- 
 dian almost necessary to his existence. The General Court 
 sent commissioners, Avith full military poAvers, to Maine, who 
 Avere directed to see that neither guns, poAvder, knives, nor lead, 
 should be sold to any Indian who was not fully knoAAUi to be 
 friendly. They were also ordered, as far as possible, to disarm 
 the Indians, by taking from them their guns and knives.^ 
 
 A more oppressive measure of hostility could hardly have 
 been inflicted upon the Indians. Just across the line, in Can- 
 ada and Nova Scotia, the French sold every thing to the Indi- 
 ans just as freely as to one another. They had no more fear of 
 a rising of the natives against them, than they had of an insur- 
 rection on the part of their OAvn brethren. Under these circum- 
 stances Ave can easily imagine AA^hich party Avould secure the 
 sympathies of the Indians. 
 
 There was quite a renoAvned Indian chief, by the name of 
 Squando, Avho resided near Saco. He had been a friend of the 
 Avhite men. One day his wife was ascending the Saco River in 
 a canoe Avith an infant babe in her arms. There Avere some 
 brutal British sailors on the banks. They had heard that Indian 
 babes could SAvim naturally, like puppies or ducks.^ To try the 
 experiment, they overset the canoe, plunging mother and child 
 into the river. The babe sank like lead. The mother, diving, 
 and groping along the bottom, at length found it, and brought 
 it to the surface. But the child soon died. This outrage roused 
 Squando, and he consecrated his tireless energies in the en- 
 deavor to combine the Indians against the English.^ 
 
 11, Damariscotta; 12, Peraaqiiicl; 13, Moiihegan. The country between the Pen- 
 obscot and Passamaqnoddy Bay had but few habitations. — Williamson, vol. i. 
 p. Glo. 
 
 1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. iv. p. 29; see also Hubbard’s 
 Indian AA^ars, p. 301. 
 
 2 “They can swim naturally, striking their paws under their throats like a 
 dog, and not spreading their arms as we do.” — Jocelyn's Voyage to New England, 
 p. 142. 
 
 8 “ The whites did not believe that the death of the child was owing to its im- 
 mersion; still 'we must allow the Indians to know as well as they.” — Drake's 
 Book of the Indians, b. iii. p. 99. 
 
176 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Thomas Purchas resided about six miles below the Falls, at 
 Brunswick. He was a sharp trader, and had acquired a. large 
 estate, though he had rendered himself verj^ unpopular with 
 the Indians. Early in September, 1675, a party of twenty 
 Indians approached his house, apparently for purposes of trade. 
 Purchas and his son chanced both to be absent. 
 
 The Indians robbed the house of guns, ammunition, and such 
 liquors as they could carry away. They killed a calf and several 
 sheep, and enjoyed a luxurious feast. In the midst of the rev- 
 elry, a son of Mr. Purchas appeared on horseback. Terrified at 
 the spectacle, he fled for life, putting the horse to his utmost 
 speed. An Indian, with a gun hid under his blanket, pursued 
 him for a short distance, but soon gave up the chase. Neither 
 Mrs. Purchas nor any members of the household were subjected 
 to any violence, though the Indians said, in retiring, “ Others 
 will soon come, and you will fare worse.” ^ 
 
 This was the first hostile act here, indicating that war had 
 actually commenced. In Falmouth, on the east bank of the 
 Presumpscot River, there was an old man residing, by the name 
 of Thomas Wakely. His lonely cabin, containing nine inmates, 
 was far removed from any neighbors. Mr. Wakely and wife, 
 his son John and his wife, and three children, were tomahawked. 
 Two were carried away as captives.^ 
 
 Lieut. George Ingersoll resided on Casco Neck, now Portland. 
 From his cabin he saw the flame and the smoke. The next 
 morning, with a small party of well-armed neighbors which he 
 had collected, he proceeded to the spot. Awful was the spec- 
 tacle which met his eye. The body of old Mr. Wakely was 
 half consumed by the fire. Nothing remained of his wife and 
 son but their charred and blackened bones. The wife of his 
 son, who was near her confinement, had been cut down by the 
 tomahawk, and her body was mangled in the most shocking 
 manner. The bodies of three little children, whose brains had 
 been dashed out, were partially buried in the ruins. Of the two 
 children who were carried into captivity, one was never heard 
 
 1 When complained of for this depredation, they (the Indians) attempted to 
 justify themselves on the ground that Ihirchas had injured them in their trading. 
 — IlUitory of Portland, by William Willis, p. 195. 
 
 2 History of Portiand, hy William Willis, p. 197. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 177 
 
 of more. The other, Elizabeth, the youngest daughter of Mr. 
 Wakely, about eleven years of age, was eventually rescued.^ 
 
 The poor orphan child, in the endurance of physical suffer- 
 ings from cold, hunger, and weariness, which were almost in- 
 tolerable, and of the most dreadful mental anguish from the 
 horrid scenes which she had witnessed, was retained in captivity 
 nine months. In June of the next year, she was released 
 through the kind interposition of Squando.^ Not long after 
 this, the son of Lieut. Ingersoll was killed, and his house and 
 those of his neighbors were burned.^ 
 
 The Indians having thus lapped blood, their savage natures 
 were roused. In small, demoniac bands, they scattered over 
 the whole Province of Maine, from the Piscataqua to the An- 
 droscoggin. A large number of Indians were ravaging the 
 dwellings at the head of New Meadows River, near Brunswick. 
 A party of twenty-five Englishmen, in a sloop and two boats, 
 attacked them. There was a hotly contested battle. The Eng- 
 lish were defeated, and driven back to their sloop. Many were 
 severely wounded. The victors uttered yells of triumph which 
 resounded through the forests. 
 
 On Saturday morning. Sept. 18, two dwelling-houses at Saco 
 were attacked. One was occupied by Mr. John Bon}' thon. It 
 stood on the east of the river, about a mile below the Lower 
 Falls. A neighboring Indian, who was friendly to Mr. Bony- 
 thon,^ came to him privately, and said, — 
 
 “ Some stranger Indians, from the west, have been at my wigwam. They 
 have endeavored to persuade us all to raise the tomahawk against the white 
 people. They have gone farther east, and will probably soon come back 
 with many warriors.” 
 
 ^ According to Sullivan, this event took place in July, 1675. But 'Williamson,, 
 following Hxibhard’s account, assigns it to the 12tli of September of that year. 
 
 2 “When the family of old Mr. 'Wakely was murdered, a young woman wash 
 carried away captive. Squando was tlie means of her being set at liberty. She,, 
 having been carried up and down the country some hundreds of miles, as far as 
 Narragansett fort, was, this last June, returned back to Major Waldron’s, by one- 
 Squando, the sagamore of Saco; a strange mixture of mercy and cruelty.” — 
 Drake's Book of the Indians, b iii. p. 100. 
 
 3 Williamson, vol. i. p. 521. 
 
 4 We lind frequent reference, in the York Eecords and other writings of the 
 early annalists, to John Bonighton of Saco, and infer that, in those days, the 
 name was sometimes so spelled. Still the allusion may be to some other person. 
 There was then great want of uniformity in the spelling of proper names. 
 
178 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Thus warned, Mr. Bonython spread the alarm as far as he 
 could, and, with his neighbors, fled for refuge to the house of 
 Major William Phillips, who lived on the west side of the river, 
 and “ near the corner where the traveller turns to go to the 
 bridge.”^ He was a military man, and his house was tolerably 
 well fortified. 
 
 The next morning Bonython’s house was seen to be in flames. 
 
 As Major Phillips looked from his chamber window, a lurking 
 Indian, hid behind a fence, shot at him. The ball struck him 
 on the shoulder, inflicting a severe wound. Had he not provi- 
 dentially, at the moment, changed his position, he must have 
 been killed. 
 
 The Indian, supposing that he had accomplished his purpose, 
 gave a triumphant yell. It was the signal for a large number 
 of savages to leap from their ambuscade, and commence an at- 
 tack upon the house. The Indians numbered about a hundred.^ 
 Within the house, protected by the thick walls, there were ten 
 well-armed and resolute men, who were accustomed to throw 
 the bullet with unerring aim.^ 
 
 For an hour the battle continued. The Indians, as was in- 
 variably the case, were very wary as to the exposure of their 
 persons. They hid behind trees, stumps, rocks, and the angles 
 of out-houses, watching their chances to strike the foe. But 
 ere long they became convinced that they could not capture or 
 kill the inmates except by stratagem. They set fire to an im- 
 portant mill, and to a small house in the vicinity, and endeavored 
 by insults and taunts to provoke the garrison to come out from 
 their fortification. Many of the Indians could speak English. 
 As the flames arose they shouted, “ Come out, you coward Eng- 
 lish dogs ! Come and put out the fire if you dare ! ” 
 
 At last night came. The moon went down, and it was very 
 dark, and still the murderous savages filled the night air with 
 their bowlings. They took a cart, which they loaded with 
 straw, birch-bark, and other combustibles. Planks were arranged 
 to protect them from the musketry of the house. This engine 
 
 1 'Williamson, vol. i. p. 522, 
 
 2 History of Saco and Biddeford, “by George Folsom, p. 155. 
 
 3 History of Portland, by AVilliam Willis, p. 197. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 179 
 
 tliey endeavored to push back against the dwelling, whose walls 
 of logs, baked in the summer and autumnal sun, were in the 
 hio’hest decree inflammable. It was a fearful instrument of 
 
 o o 
 
 attack. Upon the application of the torch, when the cart was 
 pushed against the house, the flames would envelop the build- 
 ing beyond all possibility of extinguishment. 
 
 But the savages, as in their eagerness and in the darkness 
 they were running the fire-cart back, struck a gutter, into which 
 one of the wheels sank deeply, and such a sudden turn was 
 given to the vehicle, that, as it whirled round, the whole party 
 pushing it was exposed. The vigilant garrison instantly opened 
 a deadly fire. No bullets were wasted by these keen marks- 
 men. Six fell dead ; fifteen more were wounded. This, to the 
 Indians, was a dreadful loss. With yells of rage they retired.^ 
 The number within the dwelling, including women and chil- 
 dren, was about fifty. None were killed. Two or three only 
 were wounded. Two days after this, on the 20th of Septem- 
 ber, a band of savages entered Scarborough, burning houses, 
 and killing men, women, and children. Twenty-seven houses 
 were burned. From many of them the families had escaped 
 but to meet a doom more dreadful than death, — poverty, home- 
 lessness, friendlessness, and the storms of approaching winter. 
 
 It would require a volume, instead of the few pages which 
 can here be devoted to the subject, to describe the individual 
 scenes of violence, misery, and death, which ensued. For the 
 protection of the distressed inhabitants of Saco, sixteen volun- 
 teers, under Capt. Wincoln, landed at Winter Harbor. They 
 were attacked by a hundred and fifty Indians. Two or three 
 of the English were soon killed. The rest, taking a stand be- 
 hind a breastwork of logs, kept up so deadly a fire upon their 
 foes, that the savages were soon glad to retire, taking with them 
 many who were slain, and many more who were wounded.^ 
 Hearing the report of the guns, twelve men from Saco hur- 
 ried forward to the aid of those who had come to their rescue. 
 They were drawn into ambush, and were all shot down. De- 
 moniac bands swept the valley of the Piscataqua, and laid many 
 of the dwellings of Wells in ashes. 
 
 » Williamson, vol. i. p. 523, 2 Hubbard’s Indian Wars, p, 310. 
 
180 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 A man by the name of John Tozier had a house and some 
 mills at Salmon Falls. He had left his family, consisting of fif- 
 teen women and children, to join the company of Capt. Win- 
 coin. During his absence a band of Indians, led by two of 
 their most renowned warriors, — one called Andrew, from Saco, 
 and the other Hopegood, from the Kennebec, — attacked his 
 house. It was within the limits of what is now Berwick. 
 
 A 3^oung girl of eighteen, discovering their approach, gave 
 the alarm. While the family were escaping by a back way, to 
 the garrison, this heroic maiden fastened and held the door, till 
 the savages had cut it down with their tomahawks. They 
 rushed in, and madly struck her down, with repeated blows, 
 until they supposed that she was dead. Pursuing the flying 
 fauiily, they caught t\\ o of tue youngest children, one of whom, 
 being but three years old, they instantly killed ; and the other 
 they took with them, and held as a captive six months. The 
 heroic maiden recovered, and lived for many years. It is 
 to be regretted that her name has not been transmitted to 
 us.^ 
 
 A larger party joined these Indians the next day. They 
 burned Capt. Wincoln’s house, and his barns, containing more 
 than a hundred bushels of corn. A company of the English 
 set out to pursue them ; but nothing was accomplished. There 
 was the interchange of a few unavailing shots, but the fleet- 
 footed Indians escaped. 
 
 Every day the animosity of the two hostile parties increased 
 in virulence. The fiend-like deeds of the savages so exasper- 
 ated the English, that they were ready to shoot down an Indian 
 as they Avould a wolf or bear, without stopping to inquire 
 whether he were friendly or hostile. On both sides it was a 
 war of extermination. Under such circumstances men often 
 become fiends. Neither party could accuse the other of ex- 
 ceeding it in cruelty. The inhabitants of Monhegan offered a 
 bounty of five pounds for every Indian’s head that should be 
 ])rought to them. 
 
 1 Drake writes, in reference to this event, “Fifteen persons, all women and 
 cliildren, were in the house; and Hopegood, one only beside himself , Andrew 
 of Saco, thought to surprise them.” — Book of the Indians, b. iii. p. 109. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 181 
 
 Mr. Abraham Shurte ^ was then the chief magistrate at Pem- 
 aquid. He seems to have been a sagacious and good man, and 
 to have won the confidence of the Indians. He induced several 
 of the sagamores to visit him for a friendly conference. In 
 this interview he said, “ I have urged our committee of war to 
 issue orders forbidding everybody to harm, or even threaten, a 
 peaceable Indian. I am determined to see all the wrongs you 
 have suffered fully redressed.” 
 
 The Indians manifested no disposition for the horrors of bat- 
 tle in which all lost and none gained. They were appeased by 
 these conciliatory words. A treaty of peace between these two 
 parties was the result. The Indians promised to do all in their 
 power to induce others to cease their depredations. This, how- 
 ever, was but an individual act on the part of Mr. Shurte. In 
 other parts of Massachusetts and Maine, different counsels pre- 
 vailed. In the desultory warfare, desperate white men wreaked 
 vengeance upon the Indians, their wives and children, which no 
 savages could exceed. 
 
 The General Court of Massachusetts was disposed to try the 
 effect of humane measures. Quite a large sum was ordered from 
 the public treasury for the relief of those friendly Indians 
 whose harvests had been trampled down, and whose cabins had 
 been burned. A vessel was also sent to Maine, with military 
 stores and provisions, and a detachment of fifty soldiers, under 
 Lieut. Scottow. These were dark days throughout New Eng- 
 land, — daj's ‘‘of terror, conflagration, tears, and blood.” The 
 7th of October, 1675, was generally observed as a day of fasting 
 and prayer. 
 
 On that day a man and two boys were shot at Berwick. On 
 the 16th a party of a hundred Indians assailed the cabin of 
 Richard Tozier, burned it to the ground, killed him, and carried 
 his son into captivity. This was all done within sight of the 
 garrison house, where most of the inhabitants had fled for 
 protection. Lieut. Roger Plaisted, who was in command, 
 despatched a party of nine picked men to reconnoitre the foe. 
 
 ^ Mr. Willis spells the name Shnrt. He writes, “Sliurt was about forty-four 
 years old when he came over, and was living in 1002, aged aboxit eighty.” This 
 would have made him a very old man in 1075. It is, however, possible that the 
 Shurt alluded to in the text may have been the son of the one to whom Mr. Wil 
 lis refers. 
 
182 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 It is with amazement that we read of the readiness with 
 which the English, year after year, for more than a century, 
 would march into the ambuscades of the Indians. These war- 
 riors made themselves merry in recounting the stupidity with 
 which the British officers would lead their men into the snares 
 which the Indians had set for them. Braddock and St. Clair, 
 in subsequent years, when they ought to have learned wisdom 
 by many a bloody lesson, manifested a degree of stupidity which 
 rendered them the laughing-stock of the savage chieftains. 
 
 After the terrific defeat of St. Clair, in Ohio, the Indian 
 chiefs amused themselves with a sham fight, in which they re- 
 enacted the folly of St. Clair in marching into the trap in which 
 the Indians virtually annihilated his army. Even the women 
 united in the shouts of derisive laughter which the foolishness 
 of St. Clair elicited. 
 
 The nine men despatched from the garrison by Lieut. Plais- 
 ted walked deliberately into an ambuscade. Three were in- 
 stantly shot down ; the others, with difficulty, effected their 
 escape. The next day Plaisted sent out a team with twenty 
 armed men, to bring in the dead bodies. Plaisted himself led 
 them. He knew that there were more than a hundred sav- 
 ages, whose cunning was proverbial, lurking around ; and yet, 
 apparently, he had taken no precautions against their wiles. 
 The cart was drawn by oxen. Just as they had placed in it 
 one gory body, a party of a hundred and fifty savages rose from 
 behind a stone wall, amidst logs and bushes, and opened upon 
 them a deadly fire. The oxen terrified, and probably struck by 
 balls, ran frantically towards the garrison. A few of the men 
 escaped. Lieut. Plaisted, one of the most fearless of men, 
 fought with desperation, until he was surrounded by the Indi- 
 ans, and cut down by the tomahawk. Two of his intrepid sons 
 perished with their father.^ One of them, mortally wounded, 
 lingered a short time before he died. 
 
 The exultant Indians burned houses, barns, and mills, in all 
 directions. The wretched inhal)itants were compelled to seek 
 shelter in the garrison-houses. Just before this terrible disaster 
 Roger Plaisted and a Mr. Broughton had sent a despatch to 
 Dover, then called Cocheco, for aid. 
 
 ^ Sullivan’s History of Maine, p. 250. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 183 
 
 “ These are to inform you,” they wrote, “ that the Indians are just now 
 engaging us with at least a hundred men, and have slain four of our men 
 already. Sirs, if ever you have any love for us and the country, now show 
 yom’selves with men to help us, or else we are all in great danger to be slain, 
 unless our God wonderfully appears for our deliverance.” ^ 
 
 At Sturgeon Creek they burned a house, and shot two men. 
 Capt. Frost was caught at some distance from his house. As he 
 fled, ten bullets were fired at him. There were but three little 
 boys in his house. With singular presence of mind he shouted 
 out, as if there were a whole garrison there, ordering them to 
 prepare to repel the foe. The Indians took the alarm, and did 
 not venture within gunshot. 
 
 The English settlements were scattered along the seacoast. 
 The Indian bands followed this line, burning and killing, ever 
 ready to vanish beyond pursuit in the interior forest, whenever 
 they encountered an overpowering foe. Many persons were 
 killed at Wells, and much property destroyed.^ No man could 
 move a few rods from the garrison-houses, where the inhabitants 
 were generally huddled together, without danger of being shot 
 down by a lurking savage. 
 
 Winter came, with deep snow and great severity of cold. 
 Even the Indians found it needful to abandon their extended 
 forays, and hover around their wigwam fires. They could 
 purchase ammunition only of the French. It required long 
 journeyings, through almost pathless forests, to reach their 
 trading-posts. 
 
 The English seemed to act upon the impression that the 
 Indians had no more sense of right or wrong dealing, than had a 
 dog, a horse, or a cow. They Avould violate their most solemn 
 pledges, maltreat them in various ways, and then express sur- 
 prise that their victims retaliated with savage vengeance. The 
 Indians had become weary of a conflict in which they received 
 
 1 'Williamson, vol. i. p. 528. 
 
 2 “In this terrible posture of affairs, the governor appointed a general fast. 
 Had the English invariably acted upon the Christian principle of doing to all as 
 they would have all do unto them, this appalling calamity would never have 
 come upon them. It requmes a wonderful boldness at the throne of grace, to 
 pray to be saved from the consequences of our own iniquities.” — Histonj of Wells 
 and Kennehunk^ by Edward E. Bourne, p. 143. 
 
184 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 blows almost as bard as those which they gave. A truce was 
 entered into. 
 
 “ This armistice,” writes Mr. Bourne, “ might have resulted in a lasting 
 treaty, had it not been for new acts of folly and wickedness on our part. 
 Some had set in motion whispers of new enterprises on the part of the na- 
 tives; and the fears of the people, from the scenes which they had just passed 
 through, prompted them to seize those who had been active in the war. 
 Under the authority of precepts for this purpose, some were seized near 
 Pemaquid, carried off, and sold as slaves in foreign countries; a barbarity, 
 on the part of civilized man, fully a counterpoise for the Indian enormities. 
 And thus the fire was again kindled to sweep over the Province.” ^ 
 
 Two vile kidnappers, in their vessels, ran along the eastern 
 coast, and caught several Indians, whom they carried into for- 
 eign parts, and sold as slaves. Some of these poor captives 
 were Mickmaks from Cape Sable. Mr. Shurte, at Pemaquid, 
 remonstrated against these outrages in vain. The Mickmaks 
 were thus induced to join the eastern tribes in their avenging 
 warfare.^ 
 
 There is something very touching in the imploring cry of the 
 Indians against these wrongs. They evidently desired peace, 
 and were goaded to war by intolerable grievances. Mr. Shurte 
 had won their confidence. A delegation waited upon him, and 
 said, — 
 
 “Your people frightened us away last fall, from our cornfields about 
 Kennebec. You have withheld powder and shot from us. We are thus 
 unable to kill either fowl or venison. Some of our Indians, last winter, 
 died of hunger.”. 
 
 Mr. Shurte assured them of his sympathy, of his utter detes- 
 tation of the conduct of the kidnappers. He encouraged them 
 with the hope that the government would take prompt measures 
 to rescue the captives, and to restore them to their homes. The 
 Indians expressed themselves as very much gratified by this 
 parley. They delivered up a captive boy, and presented Mr. 
 
 1 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, p. 145. The truce 
 into which the sagamores entered included, according to Hubbard, only the In- 
 dians between Piscataqua and Casco. — Hubbard’s IndianWars, p. 346. 
 
 2 Hubbard, pp. 332-344. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 185 
 
 Shurte with a belt of wampum. Arrangements were soon made 
 for the assembling of an important council at Teconnet, near 
 where Waterville now stands. 
 
 Messrs. Shurte and Davis represented the white men. Five 
 prominent sagamores represented the Indians. But there was 
 a difficulty between them which no human wisdom could solve. 
 The Indians must have powder and shot. It had become with 
 them almost a necessity of life. But the western Indians were 
 in deadly hostility to the whites. If ammunition were freely 
 sold to the eastern Indians, it would inevitably soon reach those 
 in the west. The English commissioners were embarrassed, and 
 gave evasive replies. At length one of the chieftains, Madock- 
 awando, became impatient of the distrust which was manifested. 
 He rose, and with much dignity said, — 
 
 “ Do we not meet here on equal ground? We ask, where shall we buy 
 powder and shot for our winter’s hunting? Shall we leave the English, and 
 apply to the French for it? Or shall we let our Indians die? We have 
 waited long to hear you tell us. Now we want Yes, or No.” 
 
 Thus driven to a decisive answer, one of them replied, though 
 still, as will be seen, rather evasively, — 
 
 “You may have ammunition for necessary use. But you yourselves say 
 that there are many western Indians who do not choose peace. Should you 
 let them have the powder which we sell you, what do we better than cut our 
 own throats? This is the best answer we are allowed to return you, though 
 you wait ten years.” ^ 
 
 The council was held in a larg^e wio^wam. The Enolish were 
 entirely at the mercy of the Indians. But the savages, though 
 they took much umbrage at this reply, and broke up the council, 
 were guilty of no treachery. 
 
 “ It is not our custom,” they proudly said, “ to seize messengers coming 
 to us. We certainly never do as your people once did with fourteen of our 
 Indians sent to treat with you. You took away their guns, and set a guard 
 over their heads. Keep your arms. It is a point of honor. You are at 
 liberty. ’ ’ 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. i. p. 532; Hubbard’s Indian Wars, p. 340. Drake gives an 
 interesting account of this council. “ Here,” he says, “as might reasonably have 
 been expected, ended the negotiation; and massacres and bloodshed soon after 
 desolated that part of the country.” — Book of the Indians^ book iii. pp. 100, 101. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE HOKRORS OF WAR. 
 
 Dispersion of King Philip’s Forces — Falmouth Desolated — Scenes of Horror 
 
 — Arrowsick Plundered — Treachery of Major Waldron — Munjoy’s Island 
 captured by the Savages — The Indians ask for Peace — Anecdote of Mugg 
 
 — The English resume the War — Increased Ferocity of the Indians — The 
 Mohawks Allies of the English — The Ambuscade at Black Point — Its Fatal 
 Results. 
 
 K ing PHILIP was hunted down and killed in August, 
 1676. It is said, that, just before the commencement of 
 the war, the governor of Massachusetts sent an ambassador to 
 him, to inquire why he was making hostile preparations. The 
 Indian chief haughtily replied, “ Your governor is but a sub- 
 ject of King Charles of England. I shall not treat with a 
 subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. 
 When he comes, I am ready.” ^ 
 
 The death of Philip did not terminate the war : it only scat- 
 tered his forces. Many of his warriors retreated to Maine, and 
 joined the savage bands who were burning and plundering there. 
 Squando was particularly active. He professed to have received 
 a divine revelation, urging him to the conflict.^ Three of these 
 warriors, men of much shrewdness and energ}^ took the Eng- 
 lish names of Simon, Andrew, and Peter. They were desperate 
 
 1 The Indian name was Pometacom. It is various spelled. In familiar con- 
 versation the fir.st syllable was frecpiently dropped, and he was called Metacom. 
 Hubbard says that he was nicknamed King Philip, in consequence of his bold and 
 commanding spirit. — Drake's Book of the Indians, book iii. pp. 13 — 24. 
 
 2 “ Squando pretended that God appeared to him in the form of a tall man in 
 black clothes, declaring to him that he was God, and commanded him to leave 
 his drinking of strong li(]uor.s, and to pray, and to keep sabbaths, and to go to hear 
 the Word preached; all which things the Indian did for some years, with great 
 seeming devotion and conscience, observe.” — Drake's Book of the Indians, book 
 iii. p. ‘jy. 
 
 IfcG 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 187 
 
 men. The terror of their deeds spread far and wide. Simon, 
 who was called by his associates the Yankee killer., boasted that 
 he had shot many a white man, and that he had never failed but 
 once in striking his victim to the ground. 
 
 Early in August, 1676, this Simon, with a party of savages, 
 entered the house of Anthony Brackett, in Falmouth. They 
 seized all the weapons in the house, and bound Mr. Brackett, 
 his wife, five children, and a negro servant. Mrs. Brackett’s 
 brother, Nathaniel Mitten, made some slight resistance, and they 
 instantly killed him. The unhappy captives were all carried 
 away by the savages. Circumstances indicate that Mr. Brack- 
 ett had, by his fair dealings, won the confidence of the Indians, 
 and therefore they spared his life and the lives of the members 
 of his family. 
 
 Brackett occupied a large farm at Back Cove. He had several 
 neighbors, whose cabins were scattered in the clearings around. 
 It was a pleasant, sunny day, the 11th of August, 1676. Eden 
 could enjoy no more delightful climate than does Maine in that 
 summer month. It was the custom of the settlers, in much of 
 their farm work, to unite, helping each other. Two of these 
 neighbors, Humphrey Durham and Benjamin Atwell, were as- 
 sisting Robert Corbin to get in his hay. This was round the 
 cove at Presumpscot River. 
 
 The riotous savages shot them all down. The report of the 
 guns was heard in the several cabins. The terrified inmates 
 knew too well its import. The women and children, in one of 
 the houses which was near the water, ran to a canoe, and es- 
 caped across the cove. The other families were ‘taken captive. 
 And thus the Indians, encountering no resistance, proceeded 
 from cabin to cabin, killing, burning, and taking prisoners, 
 according to the suggestions of their capricious natures. 
 
 Atwell and Corbin were brothers-in-law. They lived on 
 adjoining farms. Durham’s lot was on the other side of the 
 river. Richard Pike, with another man, chanced to be in a 
 canoe on the river, a little above Mr. Corbin’s house. They 
 heard the fire of musketry, and immediately saw a little boy, 
 running terror stricken towards the river, pursued by the yell- 
 ing savages. They were discharging their guns at him, and the 
 bullets whistled over the heads of the men in the boat. 
 
188 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Simon himself soon appeared upon the bank, and called upon 
 them to come ashore. But they plied their paddles with the 
 vigor which the peril of death inspired, shouting the alarm to 
 several houses upon the banks, and calling upon all to run, with 
 the utmost speed, to the garrison-house. 
 
 On the extreme east of the promontory then called Cleeves’ 
 Neck, but which is now covered with the dwellings of Portland, 
 there was a beautiful swell of land, which rose about a hundred 
 and sixty feet above the level of the sea. Upon the southern 
 slope of this charming spot, commanding a view of the sea 
 interspersed with islands, and wide reaches of the land, in all 
 their pristine luxuriance, the first settlers of Portland reared 
 their homes. Here also they erected their garrison-house to 
 protect them from a foe more to be dreaded than sickness or 
 famine or cold, or the most ferocious beasts of the forest.^ 
 
 But the terror was so great, and those who had escaped to 
 the garrison were so few and feeble, that they dared not await 
 an attack from foes so numerous and merciless. The smoke of 
 their burning dwellings was ascending all around. These woe- 
 stricken fugitives, huddled into canoes, sought refuge upon one 
 of the islands near the mouth of the harbor. This spot is now 
 called Bangs’ Island. A messenger was immediately despatched 
 across the water to Scarborough, then called Black Point, for 
 help. 
 
 In the panic of their flight, they had left behind them a con- 
 siderable quantity of ammunition. This was essential to their 
 defence. It would also greatly strengthen the savages should it 
 fall into their hands. In the darkness of the night, a small 
 party of brave men paddled stealthily across the harbor, and suc- 
 ceeded in recovering much of the powder which had escaped 
 the scrutiny of the ransacking Indians. 
 
 During the next day several of the English settlers succeeded 
 in effecting their escape, and in joining the fugitives on Bangs’ 
 
 ^ “ The situation had advantages of utility and beauty. It vras open to the 
 sea by a small and handsome bay, accessible to tishing boats, and near the islands, 
 while it was protected from the north winds by the hill in the rear of it. Hei'e 
 the first settlers cultivated the soil, and pursued their traffic with the natives, for 
 a number of years, holding the laud by a mere possessory — History of 
 
 Portland, hy WLlliain Willis, p. 47. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 189 
 
 Island. They saved, however, only their lives. Their homes, 
 and all they contained of food, clothing, farming and domes- 
 tic utensils, were left to he plundered and destroyed by the 
 savages. It is difficult for the imagination to conceive the des- 
 titution and the woes to which these sufferers were doomed. 
 
 Thus the peninsula of Cleeves, or Casco Neck, was laid deso- 
 late. Thirty-four persons were either killed, or carried into 
 captivity.^ The amount of property destroyed was the all of 
 these humble settlers. The loss was irreparable. These fami- 
 lies were left in the wilderness, utterly destitute, with the blasts 
 of a Maine winter rapidly gathering in the north. 
 
 Upon the receipt of these tidings in Boston, the General 
 Court immediately sent a vessel- with fiffeen hundred pou'ids 
 of bread, to the starving, houseless fugitives on Bangs’ Island, 
 which was then called Andrews Island. The following extract 
 of a letter from Portsmouth, dated Sept. 26, 1676, will give the 
 reader some conception of the terror of those days. It was 
 addressed to Major-Gen. Denison, at Ipswich : — 
 
 ‘ ‘ This serves to cover a letter from Capt. Hathorn, from Casco Bay, in 
 which you will understand their want of bread, which want I hope is well 
 supplied before this time; for we sent them more than two thousand weight, 
 which I suppose they had last Lord’s Day night. The boat that brought 
 the letter brings also word that Saturday night the Indians burnt Mr. 
 Munjoy’s house and seven persons in it. On sabbath day a man and his 
 wife, one Gouge, ^ were shot dead and stripped by the Indians at Wells. 
 Yesterday at two o’clock. Cape Nedick^ was wholly cut off; only two men 
 and a woman, with two or three children, escaped. So we expect now to 
 hear of farther mischief every day. They send to us for help, both from 
 
 1 Hubbard’s Indian Wars, pp. 339 — 369. See also a very carefully prepared ac- 
 count of this tragedy, in the History of Portland, by William Willis, pp. 204, 205. 
 
 ■2 Mr. Williamson gives this name as Gooch, vol. i. p. 540. Mr. Bourne, in his 
 History of Wells and Kennebunk, writes, “As the people were returning to their 
 homes, Mr. James Gooch and his wife were attacked. He was shot and she was 
 cut to pieces by the hatchet,” p. 145. 
 
 Again he widtes, referring to the same date and locality, qtioting from a letter, 
 “ On sabbath last, a man and his wife, namely one Gouge, were shot dead and 
 stripped by the Indians, at Wells, about two or three o’clock,” p. 146. 
 
 It can scarcely be doubted that both of these accounts refer to tho same event. 
 
 3 This is usually spelled Neddock. Sullivan spells it Neddick, p. 241. There 
 w^as here a very attractive coast region, about four miles from York River, 
 fringed with a beautiful beach of white sand. — Williamson' s History of Maine, vol. 
 i. p. 24. 
 
190 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Wells and York; but we had so many men out of town, that we know not 
 how to spare any more. 
 
 “ Sir, please send notice to the council that a supply be sent to the army 
 from the Bay; for they have eaten us out of bread, and here is little wheat 
 to be gotten, and less money to pay for it. The Lord direct you and us in 
 the great concerns that are before us; which dutiful service presented, in 
 haste I remain, sir, your servant, “ Richard MARTm.” 
 
 The Indians, under the exasperation of the war, were grow- 
 ing more and more barbarous. The massacre at Cape Neddock 
 was attended with savage cruelty hitherto unpractised. Some 
 dead bodies were wantonly hewn to pieces with the tomahawk. 
 Forty persons were slain, or carried into captivity. Some of the 
 atrocities were too dreadful to be narrated. A nursing mother 
 had her brains dashed out. Her infant was fastened to her 
 bosom, and was thus found living, striving to draw nutriment 
 from the cold breast.^ 
 
 The Indians, with their captives, proceeded to the Kennebec 
 River, where they divided into two bands. Eleven ascended the 
 river ; the remainder followed down the stream to attack the 
 settlements near its mouth. They took the fort upon Arrowsic 
 Island by surprise, and killed manj^ of the inhabitants. This 
 island, which was quite celebrated in the early history of Maine, 
 was separated from Pittston by a channel about half a mile in 
 breadth. It contained four thousand acres, and about fifty 
 dwellings had been reared upon its shores. 
 
 The battle here was desperate. One wearies of reading the 
 appalling account of these scenes of slaughter. But few escaped. 
 The little settlement had been in a high state of prosperity. 
 Capt. Lake, one of the opulent proprietors, had erected upon 
 the island a large and beautiful mansion, a strong fortress, with 
 mills and outbuildings, at the expense of many thousand 
 pounds. 
 
 The Indians, about a hundred in number, came to the island 
 stealthily, by night, landing upon the south-eastern point, and 
 secreted themselves in those hiding-places which they knew so 
 well how to search out. The people were taken entirely by 
 surprise. The Indians crept in at the fort gate by stratagem, 
 
 1 Sullivan’s History of Maine, p. 241. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 191 
 
 closed the port-holes, and with hideous yells proclaimed them- 
 selves masters of the garrison. Terrible was the consternation. 
 For a few moments there was a hand-to-hand struggle ; but 
 Capts. Lake and Davis, finding themselves overpowered, fled, 
 with a few others, by a rear portal, and, seizing a canoe, en- 
 deavored to escape to another island. 
 
 The Indians closely pursued them, and, firing upon them in 
 the boat, killed Capt. Lake, and with a severe wound utterly 
 crippled Capt. Davis. He, however, landed, and, creeping pain- 
 fully along upon the shore, hid among the rocks. Here he re- 
 mained, in dreadful suffering, for two days. He then succeeded 
 in reaching the mainland. About a dozen other persons, in 
 various ways, escaped from this midnight attack. Thirty-five 
 were either killed or carried into captivity. The torch was 
 applied to all the buildings, and, as the savages retired, the 
 island presented a scene of utter desolation. 
 
 The inhabitants throughout all this region were thrown into 
 a state of dismay. They generally abandoned their homes, and 
 many of them fled to Monhegan, where they thought that they 
 could more effectually defend themselves than on the main land. 
 A Avatch of twenty-five men was appointed to patrol the shores 
 by night. Clouds of smoke were seen ascending over the burn- 
 ing dwellings of Pemaquid, New Harbor, Corbin’s Sound, and 
 from many of the islands. At length the woe-worn fugitives 
 took a vessel, and in utter destitution crowded on board, and 
 sailed for Piscataqua and Salem. ^ 
 
 In the course of about five weeks, sixty miles of the coast 
 eastward of Casco Bay were ravaged and depopulated. Many 
 of the inhabitants were killed, many carried intd captivity, and 
 some escaped in the extreme of terror and wretchedness. 
 Mountjoy’s^ Island is about six miles from the mainland. There 
 
 ^ Hubbard’s Narrative of tbe Indian Wars, pp. 351-360. 
 
 2 The name is so spelled by Williamson, vol. i. p. 537. Mr' Willis spells it 
 Munjorj. He writes, “ Cleeves, on the 28th of Deceinber, 1637, leased for sixty years, 
 to Michael Mitton who married his only child Elizabeth, the island at the mouth 
 of the harbor, now called Peaks. In the deed it was declared that this was called 
 Pond Island, and is subsequently to be known by the name of Michael’s Island, 
 from Mitton. It was afterward successively called, from the owners or occu- 
 pants, Munjoy’s, Palmer’s, and Peak’s Island. — History of Portland, p. 50. 
 
192 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 was here an old stone house where several families, abandoning: 
 their homes, sought refuge. 
 
 These tragic events are alluded to in the following extract 
 from a letter addressed to the governor and council of Massa- 
 chusetts. It was written by Brian Pendleton of Saco, and was 
 dated, “Winter Harbor, at night, Aug. 13, 1676.” 
 
 “ I am sorry my pen must be the messenger of so gi’eat a tragedy. On 
 the 11th of this instant, we heard of many killed of our neighbors, in Fal- 
 mouth, or Casco Bay. On the 12th instant, Mr. Joslin sent me a brief let- 
 ter, written from under the hand of Mr. Burras (Burroughs) the minister. 
 He gives an account of thirty-two killed and carried away by the Indians. 
 
 “ Himself escaped to an island, but I hope Black Point men have fetched 
 him off by this time, — ten men, six women, sixteen children. How soon it 
 will be our portion, we know nor. The Lord in mercy fit us for death, and 
 direct your hearts and hands to acknowledge and do what is most needful in 
 such a time of distress as this! Thus, in haste, I commit you to the guid- 
 ance of our Lord God, and desire your prayers for us.^ 
 
 Some of the fugitives escaped to Jewell’s Island, where there 
 was a partially fortified house, and did not return to their deso- 
 late habitations until the peace of Casco was made April 12, 
 1678. The Indians, elate with their many victories, pursued in 
 a fleet of canoes. The plumed warriors landed, not secretly, 
 but with the shrill warwhoop shouting the battle-cry. It was 
 the 2d of September. It seems almost incredible that these peo- 
 ple could again have allowed themselves to be taken by surprise. 
 The women were at some distance from the house, washing at a 
 brook. The children were scattered along the beach. The men 
 were absent fishing. No sentinel was stationed to announce the 
 approach of the foe.^ 
 
 The Indians landed and rushed towards the house, thus cut- 
 ting off the retreat of the women and children, and leaving to 
 
 ^ “ The original of this letter is in the family of John Palmei’, Esq.” — History 
 of Portland^ by Mr. Willis, j). 200, note. 
 
 2 At the coinniencenient of the first Indian war, 1075, there were in Falmouth 
 forty-six families: viz., on the east side of the Presumpscot, nine; on the west side 
 of the river, seven; around Back Cove, ten; at Capissic, toward Strand water, 
 five; on the Neck, four; in Purpoodic, nine; at Spurwink, two; forty houses, 
 eighty militia, and four hundred inhabitants. In Aug. 11 of that year the town 
 was assailed i)y the Indians, when thirty-four of the inhabitants were slain, and 
 seventeen taken prisoners. 
 
THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 193 
 
 the men no alternative but to return to almost certain death, or 
 to abandon Avife and child and escape only with life. 
 
 There was a brave boy in the house. The little fellow fired 
 two guns, and shot two Indians. Thus the alarm was given to 
 the men in the boats. Mrs. Potts was washing, with several 
 children around her. The burly savages seized them all but 
 one. A small boy, seeing his father rapidly approaching in his 
 boat, rushed towards him. A savage gave chase, and grasped 
 the child just as he reached the shore. The distracted father, 
 seeing his whole family in the hands of the Indians, could easily 
 have shot the savage, but he was restrained through fear of kill- 
 ing his child. It is difficult to imagine the anguish with which 
 he Avas compelled to seek safety in flight. From the brief 
 account Ave have, it seems probable that he fled to Richman’s 
 Island to call for aid. 
 
 The other men, as intrepid as they were imprudent, landed 
 from their boats, cut their way through the Indians, who pru- 
 dently never alloAved themselves to be exposed to the guns of 
 the English in the open field, and regained the fortress. But 
 in the desperate movement two were killed, and five, probably 
 wounded, Avere made priso^iers. The assailants did not venture 
 to approach Avithin the reach of the bullets of these sharp shoot- 
 ers. They soon retired, Avith their captives, across the bay to 
 Spui'Avink. Soon after, a government vessel arrived, and took 
 those of the English Avho remained, to a place of safety.^ 
 
 Here again Ave regret to record an act of perfidy on the part 
 of the English. It Avas treachery governmental in its nature. 
 The General Court sent an army of a hundred and thirty Eng- 
 lish and forty friendly Indians, from Natick, to the assistance of 
 the people of Maine. Upon reaching Dover, they Avere em- 
 bodied Avith the troops under Major Waldron. 
 
 The major invited four hundred Indian; Avarriors to come to 
 Dover for a friendly conference, to see if they could not agree 
 upon terms of peace. He pledged his honor for their safety. 
 Promptly they came. It is probable that they really desired 
 peace. But, Avhen the English soldiers saw these savages, the 
 memory of past massacres, burnings, and tortures rose so vividly 
 
 ^ History of Portland, by AVilliam "AVillis, p. 208; AA^illiamson, vol. i. p. 229. 
 
194 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 before them, that it was with very great difficulty Major Wal- 
 dron could restrain them from falling upon the warriors in mer- 
 ciless slaughter. He pleaded with the soldiers that his honor 
 was at stake, for that he had given his sacred word that they 
 should come and go in safety. 
 
 Harassed by the determination of his men, the major at last 
 shamefully consented to a deed of infamy. He invited the 
 Indians to unite with the English in a sham fight. During the 
 manoeuvres, at a given signal, there was to be a grand discharge 
 of all the guns. The English soldiers were secretly instructed 
 to load their muskets with balls, and not to fire. The Indians, 
 unsuspicious of treachery, discharged their guns. Thus ren- 
 dered helpless, they were all seized and disarmed. 
 
 Some of these Indians had ever been friendly. So far as 
 known, they were picked out and set at liberty. Two hundred 
 of the rest were sent prisoners to Boston. All who were con- 
 victed of taking life were executed. The remainder were sent 
 to foreign parts, and sold into lifelong slavery. 
 
 There were many in the community who denounced this atro- 
 cious deed. There were many who applauded it; but, worst of 
 all, the government sustained it.^ 
 
 The next day these troops proceeded to Falmouth in a vessel, 
 touching at Wells, Winter Harbor, Black Point, and Spurwink. 
 On the way they killed one Indian, and captured another, who 
 soon after, aided, it is said, by the friendly Indians, effected his 
 escape. At Casco they established a garrison, and remained 
 there three weeks. Under this protection several of the inhab- 
 itants returned.^ 
 
 On the 23d of September seven men went to Munjoy’s 
 
 ^ “ The retribution for this iniquity was not long delayed. The Indian heart 
 felt very deeply any wrong to which they Avere s^^bjected; and civilized man was 
 thus laying up Avrath against the day of Avrath. All teachings of that character, 
 received by these Avild men, took deep root in their untutored souls; and, until so 
 reduced in numbers that all resistance to the encroachments of the AA’hite man 
 were in A^ain, they continued to bring forth, for nearly a century, their terrible 
 — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D. p. 145; see 
 also Williamson, vol. i. p. 538. 
 
 2 There is some diversity of statement in reference to the sequence of some of 
 these eA’ents, which it is not easy to disentangle; but, as to the main facts, all the 
 annalists of those days are agreed. 
 
TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 195 
 
 Island to kill a few sheep which had been left there. They 
 were attacked by the Indians, and, after a desperate defence, 
 were all killed. They were prominent men, heads of families, 
 and their loss was bitterly deplored.^ 
 
 The Indians were very wary, and, without difficulty, kept 
 themselves at a safe distance from the troops. On the 12th of 
 October the English returned to the region of the Piscataqua. 
 On the second day after they passed Black Point, a hundred 
 and twenty Indian warriors made a furious attack upon the gar- 
 rison which was left behind.^ We have the list of sixty men 
 who were in the garrison, which was said to be very strong. 
 An Indian chief of much renown, by the name of Mugg, led 
 the savages. Henry Jocelyn commanded the garrison. Mugg 
 proved himself to be far the abler captain of the two. He 
 summoned the inmates of the fortress to surrender, promising 
 that all should be permitted to retire from the island unharmed, 
 with their goods. Mugg must have had a good reputation; for 
 Capt. Jocelyn 2 left the fort to hold a conference with him, thus 
 placing himself in the power of the Indians. 
 
 No treachery was practised. He returned unmolested to the 
 fort. But there he found, greatly to his surprise, that, during 
 his absence, all within the walls, except the members of his 
 own household, availing themselves of the offer to retire with 
 their goods, had hastily seized their effects, hurried to the boats, 
 and had already put out from the shore. As Jocelyn had not 
 accepted the proffered terms, finding himself thus utterly help- 
 less, he was compelled to surrender at discretion. 
 
 A naval expedition was sent to Richman’s Island to rescue 
 the inhabitants and the property there. As the sailors were 
 removing the property, a part of them being on shore and a 
 part on board the vessel, they were attacked by so overpower- 
 ing a force of Indians, that those on shore were immediately 
 shot or captured. Those on the deck were, by a deadly fire of 
 
 1 Mr. Willis thinks that this sad event occurred on what is now called House 
 Island. — History of Portland, p. 209. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 540. .Mr. Willis writes, “They left this part of the coun- 
 try in the beginning of October; and, about a week afterwards, the Indians rallied 
 their forces, a hundred strong, and, Oct. 12, made an assault upon Black Point.” 
 — History of Portland, p. 210. 
 
 3 Mr. Willis spells this name Jocelyn; Mr. Williamson spells it Joscelyu. 
 
196 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the savages, driven below. The assailants approached the vessel 
 in their canoes, and cut the cables. A strong south-east wind 
 drove the vessel ashore. 
 
 Capt. Fryer, who was in command of the English party, had 
 been struck by a bullet, and was lying upon the cabin floor, 
 helplessly wounded and bleeding. The Indians shouted out to 
 them, that unless they surrendered they would set the vessel 
 on fire, and all should be burned to death. There were eleven 
 in the hold. They agreed to surrender upon condition that 
 they should be permitted to ransom themselves, by the payment 
 of a stipulated amount of goods within a given time. 
 
 Two of the prisoners were released to fetch the ransom. 
 They returned with the goods before the appointed time had 
 elapsed. But those Indians, who had agreed to the terms of the 
 capitulation, were absent on a new expedition. Other Indians 
 held the nine remaining captives. These savages killed one 
 of the bearers of the ransom, took the goods, and refused to 
 release the prisoners. “A true specimen this,” Williamson 
 writes, “of Indian faith.” 
 
 Winter came, with its fierce blasts and drifting snows. Still 
 the war raged. Cabins and wigwams blazed. Everywhere 
 terror and misery reigned. The Indians and the English were 
 alike homeless and starving. The chieftain, Mugg, was dis- 
 j)leased with the treachery of the vagabond Indians in refusing 
 to surrender the captives upon the receipt of the ransom. He 
 ventured as an ambassador of his superior sagamore, Madocka- 
 wando, to visit Piscataqua, in the endeavor to negotiate, if 
 possible, a peace. He made no attempt to disguise his earnest 
 desire for the cessation of hostilities. 
 
 Mugg took with him, and restored to his friends, Capt. Fryer, 
 who was dying of his wounds. He declared himself greatly 
 mortified and indignant that the other captives had not been 
 restored, and promised that they should speedily be set at lib- 
 erty. According to Williamson, Mugg “ was favored with an 
 immediate passage to Boston, where he, in behalf of Madocka- 
 wando and Cheberrind, negotiated a treaty.” ^ 
 
 1 Mr. Drake, in liis valuable Book of tlie Indians, gives a less pleasing account 
 of this affair. He writes, “ General Gendall of Massachusetts, being there, forced 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 197 
 
 The treaty was certainly as favorable to the English as they 
 could have desired. Indeed, it seems impossible that the Indi- 
 ans could have fulfilled its stipulations. It was agreed that all 
 hostilities should cease ; that all captives, and all vessels and 
 goods, which had been seized by the Indians, should be restored ; 
 that the English should receive full satisfaction for all the dam- 
 ages they had experienced ; that the Indians should purchase 
 ammunition only of agents appointed by the government ; and 
 that certain Indians accused of crime should be surrendered 
 for trial and punisliment.^ In conclusion of the treaty, this 
 man, whom we call a savage, said, — 
 
 “ In attestation of my sincerity and honor, I place mjself a hostage, in 
 your hands, till the captives, vessels, and goods are restored; and I lift my 
 hand to heaven in witness of my honest heart in this treaty.” ^ 
 
 Two war vessels were sent to the Penobscot to obtain from 
 Madockawando the ratification of the treaty. All the articles 
 received the sanction of the sagamore, and fifty or sixty cap- 
 tives were restored to their desolated homes. But again we 
 come upon contradictory statements which cannot be recon- 
 ciled. Several of the tribes were much displeased with the 
 terms of the treaty, in which every thing seemed to have been 
 surrendered to the English. 
 
 With considerable apparent apprehension, Mugg decided to 
 visit the Canibas tribe at Teconnet, opposite the present site of 
 Waterville, to persuade those disaffected warriors to consent to 
 the peace, and to release their captives. In departing, he said 
 
 Mugg on board his vessel, and carried him to Boston ; for which treacherous act 
 an excuse was pleaded, that he was not invested with sufficient authority to treat 
 with him. Madockawando’s ambassador, being now in the power of the English, 
 was obliged to agree to such terms as the English dictated.” — Book iii. p. 102. 
 
 1 This treaty is given entire in the History of New England, by Daniel Neal, 
 vol. ii. p. 403. 
 
 2 “ Mugg was the prime minister of the Penobscot sachem, an active and a 
 shrewd leader, but who, by his intimacy with the English families, had worn off 
 some of the ferocities of the savage character.” — History of Portland, by William 
 Willis, p. 217. 
 
 “Mugg was a chief among the Androscoggins, and very conspicuous in the war 
 of 1676-7, into which he seems to have been brought by the same cause as Madock- 
 awando, already stated. He had been very friendly to the English, and had lived 
 some time with them.” — Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 105. 
 
198 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 to Capt. Moore, “ If I do not return in four days, you may con- 
 clude that I am certainly bereft of my life or my liberty.” 
 
 For some unexplained reason he did not return. , Capt. 
 Moore, after waiting a week and hearing no tidings from him, 
 sailed back to Boston. Mr. Hubbard, however, states that it 
 was afterward reported that Mugg said boastfully to the Indians 
 at Teconnet, “ I knowhow we can even burn Boston, and drive 
 all the English before ns. But we must go first to the fishing 
 islands, and take all the vessels of the white men.”^ 
 
 We feel bound to record this speech, though it does not seem 
 to be at all in accordance with the character of Mugg, and rests 
 only upon the foundation of rumor. The following incident is 
 much more characteristic of this chief, and is sustained by 
 ample evidence : — 
 
 Among the captives found at Penobscot, there was a young 
 man by the name of Cobbet. He was the son of a Christian 
 minister at Ipswich. Having been disabled by a musket wound, 
 he was seized and bound. In the division of the captives, it 
 was his unfortunate lot to be assigned to one of the most bru- 
 tal, drunken, and cruel of the savages. His sufferings were 
 terrible. Several times he narrowly escaped having the knife 
 of the savage plunged into his bosom. Just before Mugg’s 
 departure to Teconnet, the friendly chief chanced to meet this 
 victim of demoniac cruelty, and to recognize him as one whom 
 he had seen before. He called him by name, and said, “ I saw 
 your father in Boston. I promised him that his son should be 
 returned to him. You must be released, according to the 
 treaty.” 
 
 Madockawando and Capt. Moore were both standing by. 
 The sagamore feared the fiendlike ferocity of the captive’s 
 master, and that Cobbet would certainly be killed if he were 
 released without a ransom. ^ He therefore turned to Capt. 
 INIoore, and begged him to give as a ransom a showy military 
 
 1 Narrative of the Indian Wars, h}' William Hubbard, p. 38G. 
 
 2 “ Madocka-vvando demanded a ransom, probably to satisfy the owner of the 
 captive, fearing to be killed by him if he yielded him up, without he were there 
 to consent; for he was, he said, a desperate man if crossed, and had crumbed 
 (killed) two or three in that way.” Drake's Book of the Indians^ book hi. p. 102. 
 This may imply that Madockawando feared for his own life. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 199 
 
 coat which he had in the vessel. The request was granted, 
 and young Cobbet saw his master no more.^ 
 
 Still there was no settled peace. jNIany of the Indians were 
 dissatisfied. Though active hostile operations had ceased, there 
 were rumors of threats to break the treaty, and it was said that 
 some captives had not yet been returned. The General Court 
 fitted out a naval expedition of two vessels to visit Casco, and 
 ascend the Kennebec River. There were ninety Englishmen 
 and sixty friendly Natick Indians on board the vessel. They 
 were instructed “ to subdue the Indians in those parts, and to 
 deliver the English captives detained in their hands.” Majors 
 Waldron and Frost commanded the two vessels. 
 
 This ill-starred expedition was as injudiciously conducted as 
 it was unwisely commenced. The troops landed first upon 
 Mare Point, in Brunswick, about three miles below Maquoit. It 
 was then, in Maine, mid-winter. Freezing blasts shook the 
 forests, and deep snow covered the ground. As a party stepped 
 on shore, a small band of Indians met them, accompanied by’ 
 Squando and the ferocious Simon, the “ Yankee-killer.” After 
 a short parley, in which Simon declared that they sincerely 
 desired peace, and that they sent Mugg to the English for that 
 purpose, theTndians retired, and were seen no more until noon 
 of the next day. 
 
 A fleet of fourteen canoes was then seen ascending the bay ; 
 and, propelled by paddles, they were rapidly approaching the 
 shore near the spot where the vessels were anchored. Soon 
 after, a log house was seen in flames. It was naturally supposed 
 that the Indians had recommenced their work of conflagration 
 and massacre. An armed band was immediately landed, and a 
 battle ensued, in which several of the Indians were killed and 
 many wounded. The English commenced the attack by firing 
 upon the Indians. At length a flag of truce was raised, and 
 the leaders of the two parties met. 
 
 “ Why,” Major Frost demanded of the chiefs, “ have you not 
 returned all the captives ? Why have you set the white man’s 
 house on fire ? And why have you challenged us to fight? ” 
 
 ' See Williamson, vol. i. p. 544, and Drake, book iii. p. 102. “The historians 
 of the war,” writes Drake, “ have all observed that the prisoners, under Madock- 
 awando, were remarkably well treated.” 
 
200 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The sagamores replied, ‘‘ The captives are a great way off. 
 The weather is so cold, and the snow so deep, that we could 
 not bring them in. We did not set the house on fire : it took 
 fire accidentally. It was no deed of ours. Your soldiers fired 
 at us first, and we did but return the fire. This is our answer.” 
 
 Assuming that this statement were true, as it probably was, 
 it must be admitted that, though the Indians were worsted in 
 the battle, they had the best of the argument. The English 
 having only exasperated the natives, and provoked them to 
 revenge by the sight of their dead and their wounded comrades, 
 again spread their sails, and, pressed by wintry blasts, traversed 
 the icy seas to the -mouth of the Kennebec. They landed on 
 the western shore, opposite the foot of Arrowsic Island. Here 
 they commenced building a block-house for the establishment 
 of a garrison. It was the latter part of February, 1677. One- 
 half of the men were set diligently at work there. 
 
 On the 26th of February, Major Waldron, with the remainder 
 of his company in the two vessels, sailed to Pemaquid to meet 
 two or three sachems, who were accompanied by Indians from 
 several tribes. It was arranged that a council should be held 
 the next day, each party repairing to the rendezvous unarmed. 
 The council met. Major Waldron complained cff the hostile 
 spirit still manifested by the Indians, that several captives had 
 not yet been returned ; and he demanded that the tribes, then 
 represented, should enter into an alliance with the English to 
 attack the other Indian tribes Avhich yet remained hostile. 
 
 An aged sagamore replied, “ Only a few of our young men, 
 whom we cannot restrain, wish to enter upon the war-path. 
 All the captives with us were intrusted to our keeping by the 
 Canabas Indians. For the support of each one of them there 
 is due to us twelve beaver-skins and some good liquor.” 
 
 The liquor was promptly supplied, and ample ransom offered ; 
 and yet but three captives were delivered. We have not been 
 informed whether there were others so far away that they could 
 not be delivered up in so short a time. 
 
 The council adjourned, to meet again in the afternoon. Major 
 Waldron was suspicious of treacher3^ In eagerly looking around 
 he discovered some hidden weapons, and, seizing a lance, he 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 201 
 
 branclislied it in the air exclaiming, “ You perfidious wretches ! 
 you intended to rob us of our goods and then to kill us, did 
 3mu?”i 
 
 A tumult ensued. The Indians, in consternation, fled. A 
 well-armed party from the vessels hurried up, and pursued the 
 unarmed Indians, shooting them down. Two of the chiefs and 
 five of the Indians were killed by the bullet. Several of the 
 savages rushed to a canoe. The boat was capsized ; five were 
 drowned, the remainder were captured. One of the chiefs, 
 Megunnaway, was dragged by Major Frost and an English 
 sailor on board one of the vessels, and shot.^ Among the cap- 
 tives there was a sister of INIadockawando. It will be remem- 
 bered that one of the daughters of this renowned chieftain had 
 married Baron Castine.® 
 
 In addition to the slaughter and the wounds thus inflicted 
 upon the unarmed Indians, the English plundered them of their 
 goods and of their provisions, amounting to a thousand pounds 
 of beef. In allusion to this event, Mr. Williamson, who was by 
 no means disposed to palliate the crimes of the Indians, has 
 very justly remarked, — 
 
 “ The chastisement partook of a severity which the provocation by no 
 means justified; nor could it be dictated by motives of sound policy. It 
 must have reminded the Indians of the mock fight at Dover, and served to 
 increase their prejudices.” ^ 
 
 From this inglorious entei'prise. Majors Waldron and Frost 
 returned to Arrowsic. There they captured and shot two In- 
 
 1 “In February, 1677, Major Waldron and Capt. Frost, with a body of men, 
 were sent into the eastern coast to observe the motions of the Indians who still 
 remained hostile. At Pemaqnid they were invited on shore to hold a treaty, but 
 the English, finding some weapons concealed among them, thought it a sufficient 
 umbrage to treat them as enemies. A considerable fight ensued, in which many 
 of the Indians were killed, and several taken prisoners.” — Drake's Book of the In- 
 dians, book iii. p. 102. 
 
 2 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 110. 
 
 3 Madockawando was chief of the Penobscot tribe. Some mischief had been 
 done by the Androscoggin Indians. The English, following the example of those 
 whom they so much reprobated, retaliated on any Indians that fell in their way. 
 Madockawando was not an enemy ; nor do we learn that his people had com- 
 mitted any depredations until after some English had spoiled his corn and other- 
 wise done him damage.” — Drake, book iii. p. 100. 
 
 4 Williamson, vol. i. p. 547. 
 
202 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 dians wliom they found upon the island. They also captured 
 an Indian woman, whom they sent up the Kennebec River to 
 Teconnet, to demand an exchange of prisoners. Taking some 
 anchors and large guns which had been left there, they returned 
 to their garrison on the main land. Leaving forty men for the 
 defence of the works, they returned to Boston, reaching that 
 2 Dort on the 11th of March. It was their boast that they had 
 not lost a single man during the enterprise. But, by their folly, 
 they had enkindled anew the flames of horrid war, in which 
 multitudes of men, women, and children were to be consumed. 
 
 The Mohawk Indians had the reputation of being the most 
 powerful and ferocious of all the savage tribes. The govern- 
 ment authorities in Massachusetts sent Majors Pinchon and 
 Richards to the country of the Mohawks, to enlist them in the 
 war against the eastern Indians. Many opposed this measure 
 as barbarous ; others defended it on the ground that it was law- 
 ful to make use of any advantage which Providence might place 
 in their hands. 
 
 Eagerly a band of Mohawks rushed to attack the Indians 
 against whom they had no ground of quarrel. Their first ex- 
 ploit was to fall recklessly upon a small party of friendly natives 
 whom they chanced to meet, who were the allies of the Eng- 
 lish. They pursued them hotly, and all but two or three were 
 killed, or wounded and captured. Among the slain there was a 
 noted chief, who, from the loss of an eye, was called Blind 
 Will. He was grievously wounded, and crept away into the 
 woods, where he perished miserably.^ 
 
 The news of the arrival of the Mohawks, as the hireling sol- 
 diers of the English, spread rapidly through the tribes in Maine, 
 and roused them to tlie higliest pitch of exasperation. Imme- 
 diate and vigorous measures were adopted by them to attack 
 York, AVells, and the garrison at the mouth of the Kennebec. 
 Indeed, nearly all the other important points in Maine had 
 already been laid desolate. 
 
 1 “The death of Blind Will was the less lamented because of his supposed du- 
 plicity, though his general conduct had always been in consistency with his pro- 
 fessions. In any point of view the event was unfortunate, as the introduction of 
 the Mohawks to our assistance was altogether impolitic.” — Williamson, vol. 1. p. 
 548. See also Truinhull’s History of Connecticut, vol. i. p. 320; Hubbard’s Plis- 
 tory of New England, p. 030; Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 130. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 203 
 
 A party of English, from the garrison, visited Arrowsic. 
 The Indians fired upon them from ambush, and shot down nine 
 upon the spot. Three or four only succeeded in recovering 
 their boat and escaping. This so disheartened and alarmed the 
 survivors, that the post was abandoned, and the men were sent 
 to other points. 
 
 Savage bands, breathing threatening and slaughter, now 
 pressed down from the northern and eastern portions of the 
 Province, where they had no foes to encounter, to ravage the 
 few trembling settlements in the vicinity of the Piscataqua. 
 Seven men were at work in a field at York. The prowling 
 savages shot them all down. 
 
 Wells seemed doomed to utter destruction. The savages 
 were as stealthy in their movements as the wolf in his midnight 
 prowlings. No man could leave his cabin door in the morning, 
 or go a few rods from his house into the field, without the 
 apprehension that a savage might be concealed behind every 
 rock, stump, or tree. The cattle were sure to be shot by an 
 invisible foe unless carefully housed. 
 
 On the 14th of April, a band of Indians, led by the cele- 
 brated sagamore Simon, crossed the Piscataqua River to the 
 Portsmouth side. They burned a house, and took a mother, 
 with an infant child, and a young girl, captives. There was an 
 aged woman in the family. Simon said that she should not be 
 harmed, because in former years she had been kind to his grand- 
 mother. He also gave the infant child to her to tend. It is 
 difficult to reconcile the contradictory reports about this strange 
 man. Sometimes he is represented as a demon ; and again he 
 develops traits of character remarkably humane. He was one 
 of the “ praying Indians,” so called, and seems certainly to 
 have known the better way if he did not always follow it.^ 
 
 ^ It is said that on one occasion Simon sat with an English justice to decide 
 upon a criminal case. Several women, Simon’s wife among the rest, had com- 
 mitted some offence. Judge Almy thought that they should be punished with 
 eight or ten stripes each. 
 
 “No,” said Simon, “four or five are enough. Poor Indians are ignorant. It 
 is not Christian to punish as severely those who are ignorant as those who have 
 knowledge.” 
 
 This judgment prevailed. But then J Tidge Alray inquired, “ How many stripes 
 shall your wife receive? ” Simon promptly replied, “Double, because she had 
 
204 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 On the IGtli of IVIay the Indians attacked with great boldness 
 the garrison at Black Point. Lieut. Tappan defended it. For 
 three days there was almost a constant battle. Three of the 
 English were shot. One was captured, and was put to death 
 with horrible torments. 
 
 In this conflict the chieftain Mugg was struck by a bullet, 
 and fell dead. This so disheartened the assailants that they 
 retired. They left, by water, in two bands. One fleet of eleven 
 canoes paddled to the eastward. The other band, in five canoes, 
 proceeded towards York and Wells, killing and burning as they 
 had opportunity.^ 
 
 A new force was raised, by the General Court, of two hundred 
 Natick Indians and ninety white men, consisting principally of 
 those whom the Indians had driven from Maine. Capt. Ben- 
 jamin Swett and Lieut. Richardson, two very brave and very 
 imprudent men, were placed in command. They reached the 
 fort at Black Point in high spirits, on the 28th of June. The 
 shrewd savages, Avho, in large numbers, were hovering around, 
 began as usual to prepare their ambuscade. The English offi- 
 cers, as usual, commenced their march into it. 
 
 The Indians sent out their decoy. The ninety ‘white men 
 rushed out upon them. The Indians feigned a retreat. Their 
 victims followed. With pell-mell inconsiderateness, the English 
 pursued their foes till they were entirely in the trap. There 
 was a dense forest on one side, a swamp, covered with an im- 
 penetrable thicket, on the other. Both sides were filled with 
 Indian warriors, laughing at the folly of the white men. There 
 was a volley of musketry from an invisible foe, followed by a 
 
 knowledge to have done better.” Judge Almy, out of regard to Simon, remitted 
 his wife’s punishment entirely. Simon seemed much disturbed; but at the time 
 he made no reply. Soon afterwards, however, he remonstrated very severely 
 against the decision of the judge. 
 
 “To what purpose,” said he, “do we preach a religion of justice, if we do 
 unrighteousness in judgment? ” — Drake's Book of the Indiaiis, book i. p. 22. 
 
 This anecdote may be apocryphal ; but, if fabricated, it shows the reputation 
 he enjoyed as a man of discretion. It is said that this event took place when 
 Simon was an aged man, and when, by the power of Christianity, his character 
 may have been greatly changed. 
 
 1 “ Mugg had alternately brightened and shaded his own character until the 
 most skilful pencil would tind it difficult to draw its just portrait. His address 
 was inspiring, and his natural good sense and sagacity partially inclined him to 
 be an advocate for peace.” — Williamson^ vol. i. p. 650. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 205 
 
 continuous, rapid discharge. The dead and the wounded were 
 dropping in all directions. Lieut. Richardson was one of the 
 first shot down. 
 
 It was an awful scene of tumult and slaughter. The hideous 
 yells of the Indians almost drowned the rattle of musketry. 
 Capt. Swett, as brave as he was reckless, fought like a lion. 
 Slowly he commenced a retreat of two miles, endeavoring to 
 carr}^ his wounded with him. The savages, flushed with their 
 victory, hung upon his rear, manifesting even more than their 
 ordinary ferocity. In their outnumbering strength they so 
 crowded the fugitives that there were frequent hand-to-hand 
 fights. In this terrible retreat Capt. Swett received twenty 
 wounds. At length, when exhausted by fatigue and the loss 
 of blood, he was seized by a burly savage, hurled to the ground, 
 and was literally hewn in pieces by the tomahawk. Sixty of 
 his men perished in this terrible disaster. It sent lifelong woes 
 to many families, whose cup of misery seemed already full to 
 the brim. Capt. Swett had won universal respect by his bravery 
 and his many virtues. His death was deeply lamented.^ 
 
 There can be no question that the responsibility of this war 
 rests mainly with the white men. The Indians desired peace ; 
 but, when goaded tohvar by intolerable wrongs, they conducted 
 the conflict in accordance with the dictates of their own savage 
 natures. Mr. Bourne very truthfully says, — 
 
 “ The wickedness of man was about to bring its deadly influences to the 
 ruin of the peace and progress of the settlement. King Philip, believing 
 himself wronged in his intercourse with the white man, and ruminating on 
 the cruel kidnappings of his brothers and the English usurpation of his 
 domains, determined to destroy the cruel intruders. His intellectual power 
 was far in advance of the generality of the sachems. lie claimed to have 
 free communication with the Great Spirit, and to derive from this inter- 
 course, instructions as to his manner of life; and he told the tribe that the 
 white men were bent on driving them from their possessions, and called 
 upon them, as with the voice of the great Father, to destroy them from off 
 
 the land.” 2 
 
 1 “ There were slain at this time soraeAvhat above forty of the English and 
 twelve of the frhindly Indians that assisted ; very few escaping, hut were either 
 killed right oiit or dangerously wounded.” — Hubbard's Ilistor]/ of Neio England, 
 p. 034, See also Belknap’s History of Kew Hampshire, vol. i. p. 128; Collections 
 of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. vi. p. 203. 
 
 2 History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. Bourne, LL.D., p. 138. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 WAES ASTD WOES CONTINUED. 
 
 Ravages of the Indians — The IS'aval Expedition — Peace proclaimed — Losses 
 by the War — The Purchase of Maine by Massachusetts — The Regime of Mr. 
 Danforth — North Yarmouth incorporated — Baptist Church established — 
 Menaces of War — Emidoyment of the Mohawks — Sir Edmund Andros — 
 Thomas Dungan — Tyrannical Acts — Attack upon Baron Castine — War 
 renewed — Fate of Waldron — Expeditions to Quebec and Montreal. • 
 
 T he savages were now sweeping all opposition before them. 
 
 They ravaged the coast from Casco Bay to Wells. Prowl- 
 ing into the harbors by night, they seized twenty fishing vessels. 
 Most of these were from Massachusetts. Each of these vessels 
 had on board four or five men and boys. Taken by surprise at 
 midnight, as a dozen Indian warriors leaped from their canoes 
 upon the deck, they could make no resistance. 
 
 Immediately a vessel of war was despatched, manned with 
 forty seamen, to pursue and capture the foe. This was indeed 
 like chasing a flea upon the mountains. They recovered most 
 of the fishing vessels, which the savages had abandoned with- 
 out burning them C ^ut not a solitary Indian was anywhere to 
 be found. It was feared that the French would take advantage 
 of these calamities to extend their swaj^ to the Kennebec. Sir 
 Edmund Andros sent a military force from New York to 
 Pemaquid, to take possession of the country, and erect a fort. 
 He was quite successful in securing the confidence of the natives 
 in the immediate region around, and a beneficial traffic was 
 
 ^ “ Tlie Indians, finding their inability to manage such kind of vessels, much 
 too heavy for them to -wield with paddles, grew soon weary of that sport, and 
 were pretty willing to return the vessels to the English, after they had pillaged 
 out of them what was for their turn.” — IlabharcVs History of New England, p. G35. 
 20G 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 207 
 
 introduced. They brought in fifteen captives, and surrendered 
 several vessels which they had taken. Thus pleasantly, in fra- 
 ternal intercourse, the autumn and winter passed away at 
 Pemaquid. Other tribes heard of these blessings of peace, and 
 desired to share in them. Three English commissioners met 
 Squando, and the sagamores of the Kennebec and the Andros- 
 coggin tribes, on the 12th of August, 1678, at Casco. ^ 
 
 The articles of peace were few and simple. All hostilities 
 were to cease. Every English family was to pay one peck of 
 corn annually, as a quit-rent for the land they had gained from 
 the Indians. Major Phillips of Saco, who had very extensive 
 possessions, was to give one bushel each year. All captives on 
 each side were to be surrendered without ransom. Some of 
 the English regarded these conditions as humiliating to them ; 
 but all considered them as preferable to the continuance of the 
 warfare which was desolating the colonies. King Philip’s war 
 was thus, ere long, brought to a close in Massachusetts as well 
 as Maine. It was generally admitted that the sagamores were 
 not unjust in their demands. 
 
 The Indians had certainly a possessory right to the country 
 which the English had invaded. Large tracts of territory had 
 been obtained from them by purchases of very questionable 
 legality. In many cases there was no question as to the fraud 
 by which the English title-deed had been gained. In the war, 
 the success of the Indians in Maine had been so remarkable 
 as to warrant them in assuming the tone of victors. Under 
 these circumstances their exactions were by many deemed mod- 
 erate.2 
 
 Tlie losses sustained during the war, by the inhabitants of 
 Maine, were enormous. Two hundred and sixty were killed, or 
 carried into captivity from which they never returned. There 
 were, undoubtedly, many others who thus perished, of whom no 
 record was made. The numbers severely wounded have never 
 been counted. The settlements at Cape Neddock, Scarbor- 
 ough, Casco, Arrowsic, and Pemaquid, were laid in ashes. One 
 
 1 Keal’s History of New England, p. 407. See also History of New Hamp- 
 shire, by Jeremy Belknap, vol. i. p. 129. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 553. 
 
208 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 hundred and fifty men, women, and children, were taken captive, 
 who, after months of often terrible sufferings, were finally 
 restored to their friends. It is estimated, that, in the several 
 colonies, six hundred men were killed, twelve hundred houses 
 burned, eight thousand cattle destroyed, and seven hundred 
 and fifty thousand dollars expended in military operations. 
 The immense losses by the ravages of the war cannot be cal- 
 culated.^ 
 
 The purchase of Maine by the Colony of Massachusetts 
 greatly annoyed the tyrannical king of England. The dissolute 
 monarch was intending to make a transfer of the territory of 
 Maine and New Hampshire, to his son the Duke of Monmouth, 
 who was not of legitimate birth. He wrote angrily to the 
 Colonial Government, — 
 
 “ We were much surprised, while listening to the complaints of Mr. 
 Gorges, that you should presume, without asking our royal permission, to 
 purchase his interest in the Province of Maine, acquainted, as you know we 
 are, with some of the effects of the severe hand you have holden over our 
 subjects there.” ^ 
 
 The Province of Maine, purchased by Massachusetts, was 
 supposed to contain about nine thousand six hundred square 
 miles. Its measurement was eighty by one hundred and twenty 
 miles.^ The question as to the government of the Province 
 was involved in many difficulties. Civil power, it was said, 
 could not be bought and sold ; and a public functionary could 
 not delegate authority which he had received from the king. 
 
 It was finally decided to frame a civil code in conformity 
 with the royal charter granted Sir Ferdinando Gorges. A 
 president was to be chosen annually. There was to be a legis- 
 lature consisting of two branches. The upper house was to 
 consist of the president’s council, of eight members. The lower 
 house was to be composed of representatives chosen by the 
 towns. The legislative body Avas to meet once a year. 
 
 1 Records of IMassacliusetts Government, vol. 4, pp. 147-3o9. See also, Hutch- 
 inson’s Collection of State Papers, p, 493. 
 
 2 Idem, p. 451. 
 
 8 Summary of Briti.sli Settlements in North America, by William Douglass, 
 vol. i. p. 389. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 209 
 
 Mr. Thomas Danforth of Cambridge, deputy governor of 
 Massachusetts, was appointed president. He was a gentleman 
 of accomplished education and great moral worth. An English- 
 man by birth, he had in early life come to this country, and 
 had filled many offices of influence and honor. He was a firm 
 republican in his principles, and was ever ready to resist the en- 
 croachments of arbitrary power. ^ 
 
 Pres. Danforth found many difficulties to be encountered. 
 There were, in Maine, many staunch royalists ; and all such 
 were warm advocates of the ecclesiastical polity of the Church 
 of England. These people were very unwilling to become the 
 subjects of republican Massachusetts ; and bitter were the com- 
 plaints which they were continually sending to the crown. The 
 king threatened even to reclaim the Province. He wrote to the 
 General Court, — 
 
 “ It is marvellous that you should exclude from office, gentlemen of good 
 lives and estates, merely because they do not agree with you in the congre- 
 gational way; especially since liberty of conscience was the principal motive 
 of your first emigration. Nor is this the only thing to be noticed. The 
 title-deeds of Maine, we expect, will be surrendered to the crown, on the 
 advancement of the purchase money and interest. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 An active and implacable minority may raise outcries which it 
 is very difficult even for a large majority to silence. Agents 
 were sent over from England to spy out defects, and to manu- 
 facture complaints. One Edward Randolph was despatched 
 upon this mission, as searcher ; and he was particularly active in 
 the service. He hunted up all individual outrages, exaggerated 
 them, and ascribed them all to criminality of the government. 
 Tliese malignant aspersions were scattered broadcast throughout 
 England. In response, the General Court with dignity re- 
 plied, — 
 
 “ Our lives and our treasures have been unsparingly sacrificed to rescue 
 Maine from the utter ruin attempted by a barbarous and bloody enemy; 
 
 1 Biographical Dictionary of Rev. Dr. Allen, article Danforth, Thomas. 
 
 2 This important letter is given entire in Hutchinson’s Collection of State 
 Papers, pp. 519-522. 
 
 Hutcliinson says that the price paid was twelve hundred pounds. The York 
 Records represent it as twelve hundred and fifty pounds. 
 
 14 
 
210 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 sacrifices for which we have never received nor requested of the provincials 
 the least remuneration. We have, from many of them, the fullest assur- 
 ances of their past satisfaction with our course, and of their desire still to be 
 connected with us, and their unwillingness to hazard a change. And as we, 
 without the least shadow of disloyalty, obtained title to the Province a 
 twelvemonth after his majesty had decided it to be in Gorges, it is our duty 
 to favor the inhabitants, and provide them with a free systematic admin- 
 istration. ’ ’ 1 
 
 Upon the southerly shore of Casco Neck, there was a fortress 
 called Fort Loyal. It was situated near the end of what has 
 since been called King’s Street. It had a small garrison, under 
 command of Capt. Edward Tyng,^ and was well provided with 
 the munitions of war. In August, 1680, Pres. Danforth, with 
 Mr. Samuel NoweF and Mr. Nathaniel Saltonstall, as assistants, 
 accompanied by sixty soldiers, sailed for Fort Loyal.^ 
 
 On the 22d of September, the township of North Yarmouth 
 was established. It took its name, probably, from Yarmouth, 
 England. Its boundaries then embraced Freeport, Pownal, 
 and Cumberland. This was the eighth town established, if we 
 except Appledore, which embraced the Isle of Shoals, and 
 which was incorporated in 1661, but which did not long retain 
 its name. The history of Yarmouth is one of rather peculiar 
 interest. There is a small stream here called Royall or Weste- 
 custego River, about fifteen miles in length, taking its rise in 
 New Gloucester. It has a good harbor at its mouth, where the 
 ancient settlements were commenced. William Royall came 
 over in 1630, and purchased this region of Gorges in 1643. In 
 1658 he settled on the east side of the river, and erected a 
 fort; but in the year 1676 the Indians laid all things waste. 
 In 1680 the settlement was revived. 
 
 In June, 1681, Pres. Danforth and his council met in general 
 assembly. It is not now known how many representatives were 
 sent from the towns. Four years after, there were twelve rep- 
 
 1 Records of Massachusetts Government, vol. iv. p. 4G9. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 5G3. 
 
 8 Rev. Samuel Nowel had been a Christian minister. He was a man of supe- 
 rior mind and attainments, was universally respected for his virtues, and was 
 ardently devoted to republican principles of government. — Hutchinson’ s Collec- 
 tions, vol. i. p. 538. 
 
 * Sullivan, p. 182; Williamson, p. 401. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 211 
 
 resentatives. Among other very judicious laws which were 
 enacted, one imposed a fine of twenty shillings for every pint of 
 intoxicating drink any one should sell to the Indians. 
 
 It seems probable that the Episcopal denomination Avas then 
 the leading one in the State. In the year 1681 the Baptists 
 first commenced operations. Several were baptized by immer- 
 sion, in Kittery, and Rev. William Screven became their reli- 
 gious teacher. He Avas born in England in 1629, and in early 
 life emigrated to this country. He appears to have been truly 
 a good man, of accomplished scholarship, and endoAved with 
 unusual poAvers of eloquence. 
 
 His preaching Avas successful, and converts Avere multiplied. 
 The attention of the magistrates Avas arrested. Mr. Screven 
 was summoned before them, charged with preaching without 
 governmental authorization. He was fined ten pounds, and 
 ordered no more to hold any religious service. His refusal to 
 obey was deemed contempt of his Majesty’s authority. It was 
 therefore ordered, that — 
 
 “Mr. Screven, in future, forbear from his turbulent and contentious 
 practices, give bonds for his good behavior, and stand committed until the 
 judgment of the court be complied Avith.” 
 
 It is humiliating to record such intolerance on the part of 
 our forefathers ; but it should be remembered that it Avas the 
 intolerance of the age, rather than of the individuals. Notwith- 
 standing this persecution, a church of eight members Avas 
 organized, and in September of 1682 they emigrated to Cooper 
 River in South Carolina. It is pleasant to state, that, so far 
 as is known, no other instance of religious intolerance has ever 
 been laid to the charge of the government of Maine.^ 
 
 Prosperity Avas rapidly reviving throughout the Province. 
 Scarborough had risen from its ashes, so that it contained fifty- 
 six ratable polls, many well-cultivated fields, and eighty cows. 
 A tax Avas assessed, by the General Assembly, of two shillings 
 on every one hundred acres of woodland, provided they Avere 
 beyond the limits of any corporate tOAvn. It is said that thus 
 
 1 ArVilliamson, vol. i. p. 570. 
 
212 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 originated the custom of taxing unimproved lands at a lower 
 rate than other property. It is estimated that the population of 
 the Province in 1682 amounted to between six and seven 
 thousand. New Hampshire contained about four thousand.^ 
 
 On the 16th of February, 1685, the infamous king of England, 
 Charles II., died. His brother succeeded him, as James H. 
 A little before this, a very important purchase was made of the 
 Indians, which was called the Pejepscot Purchase. By this 
 transaction Wavumbee and five other sagamores conveyed to 
 Richard Wharton a territory, as was supposed, containing 
 about five hundred thousand acres, embracing not only the 
 present towns of Brunswick, Topsham, and Harpswell, but ex- 
 tending east to the Kennebec River. The boundaries were, 
 however, so indefinite, as to cause subsequently much litiga- 
 tion.^ 
 
 Under Pres. Danforth, the legislative body had annual meet- 
 ings ; and, for six years, the government was administered to 
 the general acceptance of the inhabitants. A pretty strong 
 garrison was maintained at Fort Loyal. Much attention was 
 paid to securing to proprietors a legal title to their lands. 
 Fort Loyal became the jail for Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, 
 and North Yarmouth. 
 
 In the spring of 1685, the Indians of Maine were thrown into 
 a terrible panic by the rumor that the English were preparing 
 to send an army of ferocious Mohawks for their utter extermi- 
 nation. The terror was profound and universal. The saga- 
 more of the Penacook tribe wrote imploringly to the governor 
 of New Hampshire, saying, — 
 
 “ If you will not let the Mohawks come and kill us, we wiU be submissive 
 to your worship forever.” 
 
 1 Political Annals of the United Colonies, by George Chalmers, p, 404. 
 
 2 Wharton was a Boston merchant. He affirmed that the line extended from 
 the Upper Falls of the Androscoggin, which he declared to be Lewiston Falls, 
 entirely across the country, in a north-east line, to the Kennebec; and that it in- 
 cluded all land between the two rivers, as far south as Merrymeeting Bay. On the 
 west it embraced territory four miles -wide down to Maquoit. It also inchided the 
 land on the west side of the Kennebec, south of Merrymeeting Bay, down to 
 Cape Small Point; and on the eastern side of the Sagadahoc, to the ocean, in- 
 cluding Arrow'sic, and several other islands. — Summary of British Settlements in 
 North America, vol. i. p. 230. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 213 
 
 Suspicion led to animosity on both sides, and to various un- 
 friendl}^ acts. Even the panic-stricken flight of the Indians 
 was ‘deemed an indication that they were preparing for another 
 war. Capt. Hook of Kittery wrote to Capt. Barefoot of Ports- 
 mouth, under date of the 13th of August, 1685, saying, — 
 
 “ From information received by a foot-post, there are just grounds for 
 apprehending some designs of the heathen against us. ‘They have,’ he 
 says, ‘ lately been guilty of affronts in the vicinity of Saco, threatening the 
 people, and killing their dogs; and, within the last three days, they have 
 gathered up all their corn, and moved off, bag and baggage.’ ” 
 
 A council was held, which was promptly attended by the 
 sagamores, who declared that they had no desire for war, and 
 wished only for the continuance of peace. 
 
 The sagamore of Penacook, Kankamagus by name, usually 
 called John Hawkins, or Hoykins, was present. He had written 
 the letter to Gov. Cranfield of New Hampshire, to which we 
 have above referred ; and it was signed by fourteen of his princi- 
 pal men. He lived upon the Androscoggin, with another dis- 
 tinguished chief by the name of Worombo,^ or Worombos. 
 
 The chiefs of four tribes were present at the council. They 
 not only manifested no antagonistic spirit, but seemed ready to 
 assent to any terms which the English might dictate. They 
 even yielded to the following extraordinary demand, that — 
 
 “ Whenever the Indians shall remove with their wives and children, with- 
 out giving timely notice to the English, they may be apprehended, or war 
 may be made upon them tiU the sagamores shall render satisfaction.” ^ 
 
 1 “Kankamagus was a faithful man as long as he could depend upon the 
 English for protection. But when Gov. Cranfield of New Hampshire used his 
 endeavors to bring down the Mohawks to destroy the eastern Indians, in 1084, 
 who were constantly stirred up by the French to commit depredations upon the 
 English, Kankamagus, knowing the Mohawks made no distinction where they 
 came, fled, and joined the Antlroscoggins. Before he fled his coiintry, he addressed 
 several letters to the governor, which discover his fidelity as well as his fears, 
 and from which there is no doubt that he would always gladly have lived in his 
 own country, and on the most intimate and friendly terms with the English, — to 
 whom he had become attached, and had adopted much of their manner, and 
 could read and write, — but for the reasons just stated.” — Drake's Book of the 
 Indians, book iii. p. 106. 
 
 2 History of New Hampshire. By Jeremy Belknap, vol. i. p. 186. See, also, 
 Hutchinson’s History, vol. i. p. 316- 
 
214 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Affairs in Massachusetts were in rather a chaotic condition. 
 The king had annulled the Colonial Charter, had put an end to 
 the General Court, and had appointed Joseph Dudle}^ president 
 of Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. 
 Dudley was a graduate of Harvard College, a man of superior 
 abilities, and of boundless ambition. 
 
 After a brief but unpopular administration of but about five 
 months, he was superseded by Sir Edmund Andros. The local 
 government in Maine now ceased, and was not resumed until 
 1820, when Maine was finally separated from Massachusetts.^ 
 
 Andros, it will be remembered, had been the appointed gov- 
 ernor of the Duke of York, now James IL, over the colonies at 
 the mouths of the Manhattan and the Sagadahoc Rivers. He 
 was the fitting servant of his master, imperious and tyrannical. 
 He turned his special attention to his Sagadahoc province. 
 He took formal possession of the country, and made preparations 
 to defend it against any enemy, whether Indians, French, or 
 Dutch. Nothing of especial interest marked his administration. 
 He was arrogant and tyrannical, and was very unpopular. 
 
 In 1683 Andros was succeeded by Col. Thomas Dungan. 
 He was a much better man, and cherished far more elevated 
 views of human rights, and still he was at a very considerable 
 remove from the Massachusett’s principles of republican equality. 
 In New York he convoked a legislative assembly; but, at Sag- 
 adahoc, he appointed two commissioners, John Palmer and 
 John West, whom he invested with plenary powers. 
 
 In 1686 they repaired to Pemaquid. Many of the inhabitants, 
 who had been driven from their homes by the horrors of the 
 war, had returned. The region was at that time called the 
 County of Cornwall. The commissioners proved to be despotic 
 men, “ arbitrary as the Grand Turk.” ^ They contrived, in vari- 
 ous ways, to extort enormous taxes from the impoverished and 
 war-stricken people. They took especial care of themselves 
 and friends, appropriating from six to ten thousand acres of 
 land to each.3 jg enough to make one’s blood boil with 
 
 ^ * History of Portland, By William Willis, p. 258. 
 
 2 Mather’s Maj^ialia, vol. ii. p. 510. 
 
 8 Hutcliinson’s Collection, p. 517. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 215 
 
 indignation to contemplate the leaseholds they forced from the 
 people, and the rents they imposed upon them for the occupa- 
 tion of their own homesteads. Thus they wrested from these 
 settlers nearly three thousand dollars a year. 
 
 Mr. Sullivan gives us a copy of one of these leaseholds, in- 
 flicted upon poor John Bailing of Monhegan, who had returned 
 penniless to his burnt cabin and wild lands. It is drawn up with 
 much legal formality, in the name of “ Our most gracious sove- 
 reign lord, James II., by the grace of God King of England, 
 Scotland, France, and Ireland.” After a ludicrously detailed 
 account of the premises, John Balling is authorized to plant 
 his corn there, upon condition of — 
 
 “Yielding and paying therefor yearly, and every year, unto our sove- 
 reign lord the king, his heirs or successors, or to such governor or other 
 officer as from time to time shall be by him or them appointed to receive the 
 same, on every twenty-fifth day of March forever, as a quit rent, or acknowl- 
 edgment for the said land, one bushel of merchantable wheat, or the value 
 thereof in money. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 Bungan claimed the country as far east as the River St. Croix.^ 
 A shipmaster from Piscataqua, not aware of this claim, and 
 supposing that the region beyond the Penobscot belonged to 
 the French, sent a cargo of wines there. As they were landed, 
 without having paid duties at Pemaquid, Palmer and West 
 seized and confiscated the cargo. This roused, not only the 
 indignation of the French, but that, also, of the Massachusetts 
 people. The clamor rose so loud, that the wines were restored. 
 
 Bungan’s administration lasted five years. He influenced 
 several Butch families to emigrate to the Sagadahoc. In 1688 
 Sir Edmund Andros was appointed captain-general and vice- 
 admiral of New England, New York, and the Jerseys. He 
 formed a council of twenty-five members, five of whom consti- 
 tuted a quorum. All legislative, judicial, and executive func- 
 tions were blended in this department. There were no consti- 
 tutional limits. The governor and his council did as they 
 pleased.^ 
 
 1 Sullivan’s History of Maine, p. 163. 2 Hutchinson’s Collections, p. 548. 
 
 8 “ But a few months before, he had been appointed governor of Massachusetts, 
 Connecticut, New blampshire, Maine, Plymotith, Pemaquid, and Narragansett, or 
 llhode Island .” — Summary of British Settlements in North America, hy William 
 Douglass, p. 374. 
 
216 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The governor soon developed all the execrable traits of a 
 despot. He seldom convened more than seven or eight of his 
 council, and they were all the pliant instruments of his will. 
 
 The Church of England was recognized as the only legal form 
 of worship ; and all who assembled for congregational religious 
 service were threatened with the confiscation of their meeting^- 
 houses. Freedom of the press was restrained. The land-titles, 
 generally, were declared to be invalid ; and it was proclaimed 
 that new title-deeds must be obtained. The annoyances to 
 which the people were exposed were innumerab e, and vexatious 
 in the extreme. 
 
 Andros was alike greedy of wealth and of despotic power. 
 The king, James II., from whom he derived all his authority, 
 was an avowed Papist. But the people of England were not in 
 sympath}^ with their monarch. Desiring to take military pos- 
 session of the Penobscot and the St. Croix, Andros repaired to 
 Pemaquid, where he had ordered the frigate “ Rose ” to be pre- 
 pared for his expedition. The frigate, having sailed, cast anchor 
 near the habitation of Baron Castine, at Biguyduce.^ 
 
 The baron, with his family, fled into the woods, abandoning 
 every thing. The ignoble governor plundered his house of all 
 its valuables ; but he left untouched the Catholic chapel, with 
 all its rich adornments. 
 
 Andros returned to Pemaquid, where he had invited the 
 neighboring sagamores to meet him. They met in council. 
 Andros, addressing the most prominent chief, a Tarratine^ sag- 
 amore, said, — 
 
 “I warn you never to follow the French, or to fear them. Be quiet, live 
 in peace, and we will protect you. Tell your friend Castine, that, if he 
 will render loyal obedience to the King of England, every article taken from 
 him shall be restored.” 
 
 Andros was delighted with Pemaquid and its surroundings. 
 He took an excursion among the islands, and ascended the 
 Kennebec several leagues. He thought that Pemaquid was 
 destined to be the chief mart for all the eastern country, and 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s Collection of State Papers, p. 5G2. 
 
 2 It will be remembered that the Tarratines occupied the valley of the Penob- 
 scot. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 217 
 
 made an effort to have an account taken of all the white in- 
 habitants between the Penobscot and the St. Croix. They 
 amounted to less than fifty, counting men, women, and chil- 
 dren.^ 
 
 Andros returned to New York in 1688, having appointed 
 Nicholas Manning chief magistrate in the “ Province of the 
 Duke of York, called Sagadahoc, or the County of Cornwall.” 
 
 Baron Castine was a man of great influence, not only with 
 his countrymen, the French, but with all the neighboring Indian 
 tribes, with whom he had so thoroughly identified himself. His 
 indignation was, of course, aroused, and that of all his friends, by 
 the wanton plunder of his estate. He appealed to the Indians. 
 War-clouds soon began to darken the sky. Castine declared 
 that he would never submit to the domination of the English. 
 
 Andros began to enlist soldiers, and to erect forts at many 
 important points between Piscataqua and Penobscot. Hostilities 
 were commenced in August. It is impossible to follow, with 
 chronological accuracy, the details. The Indians killed the 
 cattle in the eastern settlements, and insulted and threatened 
 the inhabitants. At Saco, the magistrates unjustly seized fifteen 
 or twenty unoffending Indians, and held them as hostages for 
 the good behavior of the rest.. The Indians retaliated by seiz- 
 ing some Englishmen. 
 
 Andros, then in New York, wishing to try the effect of con- 
 ciliatory measures, ordered the Indian prisoners to be set at 
 liberty. He issued a pacific proclamation. But all was in vain. 
 The inhabitants of Maine generally took refuge in garrison 
 houses. Stockades were constructed in North Yarmouth, on 
 each side of Royall River. A party engaged in constructing 
 these works under Capt. Gendall. A band of seventy or eighty 
 Indians attacked him. He repelled them, after a severe con- 
 flict, in which several were slain on each side. This was the 
 first blood which was spilled in what was called the second 
 war. In the evening, after the skirmish, Capt. Gendall and his 
 servant fell into an ambuscade, and were both killed. John 
 Royall was taken captive ; but he was kindly ransomed by 
 Baron Castine.^ 
 
 1 Collections of Massacliusetts Historical Society, vol. i p. 82, 3d ser. 
 
 2 History of Portland, by William W’'illis, p. 273. 
 
218 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Early in November, seven hundred English soldiers were sent 
 to Pemaquidd About one hundred and fifty-six men were left 
 here to garrison the fort. Garrisons were also established at 
 several other places along the coast. Five hundred and sixty 
 soldiers were east of the Kennebec. The troops suffered severely 
 on this campaign, while they encountered not a single Indian^ 
 
 Gov. Andros became increasingly unpopular ; and his author- ’ 
 ity in the distant Province of Maine was subverted by a popu- 
 lar uprising in April, 1689, in Boston, which threw the governor 
 and thirty of his most obnoxious partisans into prison. The 
 troops revolted from their officers, and many abandoned their 
 posts. The consequence was, that the French and Indians cap- 
 tured the fort, and almost depopulated the country. The same 
 disaster took place at New Castle and Falmouth. ^ 
 
 At Saco the Indians were repelled ; but they took Dover 
 by surprise, and cruelly slaughtered many of the inhabitants. 
 We have no reason to doubt the accuracy of the following 
 account of this disaster, given by Samuel G. Drake : — 
 
 “ The Indians rushed into Waldron’s house in great numbers; and, while 
 some guarded the door, others commenced the slaughter of all who resisted. 
 Waldron was now eighty years of age; yet, seizing his sword, he defended 
 himself with great resolution, and at first drove the Indians before him, 
 from room to room, until one, getting behind him, knocked him down with 
 his hatchet. They now seized upon him, and, dragging him into the great 
 room, placed him in an armed chair, upon a table. 
 
 “ While they were thus dealing with the master of the house, they obliged 
 the family to provide them with a supper, which when they had eaten, they 
 took ofi his clothes, and proceeded to torture him in the most dreadful man- 
 ner. Some gashed his breast with knives, saying, ‘ I cross out my account.’ 
 Others cut off jomts of his fingers, saying, ‘ Now will your fist weigh a 
 pound ? ’ ” 4 
 
 1 Willis, following Belknap, says seven hundred ; Holmes, Am. Ann. p. 474, 
 says eight hundred ; Eliot states the number at a thousand. 
 
 2 “ All this was merely a military movement, or display, neither the resiilt of 
 wisdom, experience, nor sound judgment. Had he been in the least acquainted 
 with the habits of the Indians, or listened even to the statements of hunters, he 
 would have known that these tenants of the forest rethe in the autumn from 
 the seaboard, and pass the winter upon their hunting-berths in the interior of the 
 wilderness.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 590. 
 
 Williamson gives a list of eleven settlements along the coast, at which these 
 troops were distributed. 
 
 3 Massachusetts Historical Collections, 3d ser. p. 85. 
 
 4 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 108. 
 
TUB n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 219 
 
 After continuing this torture for some time, they let him fall 
 upon liis own sword, and thus put an end to his misery. Wal- 
 dron had the reputation of being one of the most perfidious and 
 unscrupulous cheats in his treatment of the Indians. When 
 they paid him what was due, he would neglect to cross out their 
 accounts. In buying beaver-skins by weight, he insulted the 
 intelligent Indians by insisting that his fist weighed just one 
 j^ound. The day of retribution came ; and the savages wreaked 
 their utmost vengeance upon their victim. They held the place 
 till morning. Then, with twenty-nine captives and all the 
 plunder they could carry away, they set out for Canada. The 
 French ransomed the prisoners ; and they were eventually re- 
 turned to their friends.^ 
 
 Upon the overthrow of Andros, the assembled people ap- 
 pointed a council of thirty-seven men to secure the public safe- 
 ty. A few weeks after this great revolution, the joyful tidings 
 reached Boston, that the tyrant James II. had been driven from 
 his throne and his kingdom, and had been succeeded by William, 
 Prince of Orange. 
 
 Maine was in a deplorable condition. Her people .were with- 
 out any settled government, and were involved in a war from 
 which they could reap nothing but disasters ; for victory could 
 bring them no gains. The Council of Safetj^ apparently with 
 the cordial assent of the people of Maine, assumed the super- 
 vision of the Ducal Province. 
 
 The illustrious chieftain Madockawando, whose daughter, it 
 will be remembered, married Baron Castine, visited Boston, ac- 
 companied by several sachems, in the endeavor to secure peace. 
 Their bearing was not that of savages, but that of uneducated 
 men of strong common sense, who thoroughly understood the 
 true posture of affairs. The chief, Madockawando, was the 
 principal speaker. The substance of his communication was as 
 follows : — 
 
 1 “The seizure at that place (Dover), of four hundred Indians, more than 
 tv'elve years before, was a transaction never to he forgotten, never to he forgiven, 
 hy savages. Lapse of time had only wrought their resentment into animosities, 
 malice, and rage; and an opportunity now offered to satiate their revenge.” — 
 Williamson^ vol. i. p. 610. 
 
220 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ Baron Castine was deeply offended by the unprovoked attack upon his 
 house, and the plunder of his premises. The French, his countrymen, re- 
 garded it as. a national insult and a proclamation of war. The Indians who 
 had adopted Baron Castine into their tribe, and made him a chief, considered 
 it no less an act of hostility against them. Thus a terrible war must rage, 
 unless terms of peace can be agreed upon.” 
 
 The government treated the distinguished Indian envoys with 
 great courtesy, assuring them of its entire disapproval of the 
 conduct of Andros, whom the people had ejected from office. 
 They loaded the chiefs with presents, and conveyed them home 
 in a colony sloop. They sent, also, a very conciliatory letter to 
 Baron Castine. But storms of war were rising in Europe, which 
 dashed angry billows upon the shores of the New World. 
 
 The Papist, James II., had fled to Catholic France, where he 
 was received with open arms. War was the consequence, 
 imbittered not only by the hereditary hatred between English- 
 men and Frenchmen, but by the still more virulent antagonism 
 which arose between Protestantism and Catholicism. France 
 and England entered with equal alacrity upon the deadly strug- 
 gle.^ The patriotic pride, and the religious fanaticism, of the 
 French in Canada, were aroused to drive the heretical English 
 out of Maine. It was not difficult for them to rally the majority 
 of the Indians around their standards. French privateers were 
 promptly upon the coast, capturing the colonial vessels. It is 
 said, we know not upon what authority, that the French mis- 
 sionaries exerted all their powerful influence to rouse the Indi- 
 ans to drive the English out of Maine. It is estimated that the 
 French in New France then numbered over eleven thousand. 
 
 The General Court, which had received the cordial sanction 
 of the new king, William of Orange, promptly prepared an 
 expedition to regain Nova Scotia, and capture Quebec. Seven 
 vessels, manned by seven hundred men, sailed from Boston in the 
 spring of 1690. Sir William Phips took the command. 
 
 This remarkable man was a native of Maine, being one of the 
 youngest of his mother’s family of twenty-six children, twenty- 
 
 1 “War was declared by England against France on tlie 7th of May, 1089; but 
 tidings of the proclamation did not reach Boston until Dec. 7.” — Universal History ^ 
 vol. xli. p. 47. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 221 
 
 one of whom were sons. He was born upon the Sheepscot, in 
 the town of Woolwich, on the 2d of February, 1650. His father 
 died when he Avas young ; and he remained Avith his mother, in 
 the homestead, until he Avas eighteen years of age. 
 
 Favored Avith but a limited education, he learned the trade 
 of a ship-carpenter. The ravages of the Indians drove him 
 from home ; and he entered upon the roving life of a sailor. Ac- 
 cidentally he heard that a Spanish ship, richly laden Avith bars 
 of silver from the mines, had been wrecked upon one of the 
 Bahamas. He succeeded in communicating this intelligence to 
 the Duke of Albemarle. An expedition vras fitted out to re- 
 cover the treasure. After sundry disappointments, extraordinary 
 success crowned the endeavor. Thirty-four tons of silver, be- 
 sides gold, pearls, and jewels, were raised from a depth of nearly 
 fifty feet. The estimated value was one million, three hundred 
 and fifty thousand dollars. 
 
 The share of William Phips amounted to seventy thousand 
 dollars. The Duke of Albemarle presented Mrs. Phips a golden 
 cup worth four thousand dollars. The King of England con- 
 ferred upon the successful adventurer the honor of knighthood, 
 and appointed him high sheriff of New England. James II. 
 was then king of England; and Sir Edmund Andros was in 
 power.i 
 
 The fleet sailed from Boston on the 29th of April. It con- 
 sisted of a frigate of forty guns, tAVO sloops-of-Avar (one carry- 
 ing sixteen, and the other eight guns), and four ketches, which 
 were small vessels, schooner rigged, of about two hundred tons’ 
 burden.2 The squadron proceeded first to Port Royal. The 
 garrison there Avas in no condition to resist so powerful a force, 
 and surrendered at discretion.^ 
 
 Sir William took, as prisoners-of-war, the military governor, 
 
 1 Mather’s Magnalia, vol. ii. pp. 151-208. Collection of State Papers. By 
 Thomas Hutchinson, p. 353. 
 
 2 Universal History, vol. xl. p. 62. 
 
 * “Dn Mont, having received a commission as lieutenant-general of France, 
 fitted out an expedition, with which he sailed along the coast of Maine, formed a 
 temporary settlement at the mouth of the lliver St. Croix, where his company 
 spent one winter, and then established a colony on the other side of the Bay of 
 Fundy, at a place which they named Port Eoyal, and now called Annapolis. 
 This was in the year 1601.” — History of Portland^ hy William Willis, p. 10. 
 
222 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 M. Maneval, and thirty-eight soldiers. He then ran back, 
 south-westerly along the coast of Maine toward the Penobscot, 
 capturing all the French posts on the way, and taking possession 
 ©f the islands. He appointed a governor over the province so 
 easily conquered, and returned to Boston with his prisoners, and 
 with sufficient plunder, as he judged, to defray all the expenses 
 of the expedition.^ 
 
 The French population of the subjugated province was sup- 
 posed to be between two and three thousand souls.^ They hated 
 the English ; and the tribes under their influence sympathized 
 with them in these hostile feelings. 
 
 Flushed with victory. New England and New York combined 
 to root out all the French colonies in Nova Scotia and Canada. 
 Four thousand men were easily enlisted to enter upon the pop- 
 ular enterprise. Sir William Phips, promoted to the rank of 
 commodore, commanded the fleet, containing two thousand 
 men. Quebec was its point of destination. Tlie other half 
 of the army, under Major-Gen. John Winthrop of Connecticut, 
 marched across the country to attack Montreal. 
 
 The fleet sailed on the 19th of August, 1690. It was not until 
 the 5th of October, that the vessels cast anchor before Quebec. 
 Count Frontenac, a haughty but able French nobleman, was 
 governor. To a summons to surrender, he returned the singular 
 reply, — 
 
 “ You and your countrymen are heretics and traitors. New England and 
 Canada would be one, had not the friendship been destroyed by your revolu- 
 tion. ’ ’ 3 
 
 In this he referred to the revolution in England, which had 
 driven the Papist, James H., into France, and had placed the 
 Protestant, William of Orange, on the throne, and had thus 
 inaugurated the war. A landing was effected about four miles 
 below the town. Both the naval and the land forces commenced 
 a furious cannonade. But the French fought with courage and 
 
 1 Mather s Magnalia, p. 522. 
 
 2 Hutcliinson’.s Historical Collections, vol. ii. p. 13. Holmes, in his American 
 Annals, vol. i. p. 474, estimates the number at between three and four thousand. 
 
 8 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. i. p. 35G. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 223 
 
 skill, and were greatly aided in their attack upon the land-force 
 by their Indian allies. 
 
 The troops were defeated, and were driven precipitately on 
 board the ships. Quebec was found far better armed with 
 heavy guns than had been supposed. The fleet suffered more 
 than the French works from the cannonade. A general feeling 
 of depression spread through the English troops. The enter- 
 prise was abandoned ; and the vessels spread their sails to return. 
 To add to their disasters, the elements seemed to combine 
 against them. A violent tempest struck the fleet. Several 
 vessels, as they were emerging from the mouth of the St. Law- 
 rence, were sunk, and others blown out to sea. 
 
 It was not until the 19th of November, that the residue of the 
 shattered squadron reached Boston. Between two and three 
 hundred men were lost by the casualties of war during this 
 unfortunate expedition.^ 
 
 Gen. Winthrop was equally unsuccessful. Led by forty Mo- 
 hawk warriors, he struggled through the forest to the shores of 
 Lake Champlain. Here, finding himself unable to transport 
 his army across the lake, he also abandoned the enterprise, and, 
 with his humiliated army, returned, having accomplished noth- 
 ing.2 
 
 In the mean time, the war with the Indians and French com- 
 bined was raging throughout Maine ; and the land was filled 
 with lamentation and mourning^. 
 
 O 
 
 1 According to Mather’s Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 522, the fleet consisted of thirty- 
 two sail. 
 
 2 Trumbull’s History of Connecticut, vol. ii. p. 383. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CAISIPAIGNS IN THE WILDERNESS. 
 
 Character of Indian Warfare — Expedition of Capt. Church — Battle at Fal- 
 mouth — The Sack of Berwick — The Massacre at Falmouth — Church at 
 Pejepscot — Incidents of the Campaign — Indian Gratitude — The Truce — 
 Deplorable Condition of Maine — The Disaster at York — Heroic Defence of 
 Wells — Church’s Third Expedition — New Efforts for Peace. 
 
 I T will be remembered, that, in the year 1678, Massachusetts 
 had purchased of Mr. Gorges the Province of Maine, for 
 the sum of twelve hundred and fifty pounds sterling. King 
 James II. protested against this sale. It was, however, ratified, 
 in the year 1691, by King William, in a charter which included 
 not only what had been called the Province of Maine, but also 
 the more easterly provinces of Sagadahoc and Nova Scotia. ^ 
 
 We must now retrace the time for a few months. There 
 were many intelligent men among the Indians ; and they saga- 
 ciously succeeded in forming a very remarkable union of the 
 several tribes. 
 
 The Indians always proved to be a prowling, skulking foe, 
 never venturing to meet their adversaries in the open field. 
 They hid behind fences, stumps, rocks, and, waylaying the Eng- 
 lish, would shoot them down, strip off their scalps, and dis- 
 appear in the forest. They would watch all night to shoot a 
 settler as he came from his cabin in the dawn of the morning. 
 Four young men went out together ; and the invisible Indians 
 shot them all down at a single fire. A well-armed party of 
 twenty-four went out to bury them. The Indians rose from 
 ambush ; and after a severe conflict, having shot down six, the 
 
 2 Willis’s History of Portland, p. 222 
 224 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 225 
 
 savages fled into the woods. The activity of these people was 
 ' so great, and their depredations so incessant and terrible, that 
 nearly all the settlements, and even garrisons, east of Falmouth, 
 were abandoned; and many of the inhabitants sought refuge in 
 the stronger fortresses upon the Piscataqua. 
 
 For the protection of the despairing people of Maine, Massa- 
 chusetts sent to their aid an army of six hundred men. The 
 troops were rendezvoused at Berwick, then called Newichawan- 
 nock. There ’were ninety Natick Indians in the party. Major 
 Benjamin Church, a man who subsequently gained great renown 
 in those wars, joined a detachment of these troops at Falmouth, 
 with two hundred and fifty volunteers, a part of whom were 
 friendly Indians. 
 
 The report came, that seven hundred Indians,^ with many 
 Frenchmen associated with them, were on the march to attack 
 Falmouth. Major Church, who was well acquainted with the 
 Indian mode of fighting, landed his troops secretly, in the night, 
 and concealed them in a thick growth of bushes, about half a 
 mile from the town. A severe battle soon took place, after the 
 Indian fashion, in which both parties displayed great skill and 
 bravery. The Indians finally retreated, after having killed or 
 wounded twenty-one of their assailants,^ six of whom were In- 
 dians in alliance with the English. The loss sustained by the 
 Indians is not known. Major Church wrote to the governor of 
 Massachusetts, under date of Sept. 27, 1689,^ — 
 
 “ We know not yet what damage we did to the enemy in our last engage- 
 ment. But several things that they left behind them on their flight, we 
 found yesterday; which were gun-cases and stockings, and other things of 
 
 1 “ Such was the statement of Mrs. Lee, a daughter of Major Waldron, who had 
 just been ransomed from the Indians. Sullivan also says seven hundred. Mr. 
 Willis thinks this number overestimated. Capt. Davis of Falmouth states the 
 number to have been between three and four hundred.” — History of Portland^ by 
 William Willis, p. 277. 
 
 2 Church’s Expedition, pp. 80, 106. 
 
 3 “There is no account of this action, excepting what Church gives in his His- 
 tory. He has described the place where it happened, in such a manner, that it is 
 very difficult now to fix upon it with any degi-ee of certainty. It is clear that the 
 Indians must either have gone up Fore Fiver, and landed above the town, or have 
 gone up Back Cove, and landed at the head of it. The latter may be believed the 
 most probable,” — Sullivan’s History of Maine, p. 202. 
 
 15 
 
226 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 some value, together with other signs, that make us think that we did them 
 considerable damage.” ^ 
 
 From this point, Major Church advanced, in his vessels, to the 
 Kennebec, which he ascended for some distance. He visited 
 several garrisons, and, returning, left sixty soldiers at Fort 
 Loyal, and then sailed for Boston. Capt. Hall was left in com- 
 mand of the garrison. The terror-stricken people, apprehen- 
 sive that the savages would return with increased numbers, and 
 inflict terrible vengeance, entreated Major Church to take them 
 away in his transports. But he persuaded them to remain, with 
 the assurance that efficient aid should be promptly sent them 
 from Boston. Upon his arrival there, he labored hard, but in 
 vain, to redeem his pledge. 
 
 Berwick had revived, and contained about twenty-seven 
 houses. Early in the spring of 1690, a party of French and 
 Indians, having laid waste the settlement at Salmon Falls, made 
 an attack upon Berwick. The assailants consisted of fifty-two 
 men, twenty-five being Indians, and the remainder Frenchmen.^ 
 As usual, the attack was commenced by surprise, in the earliest 
 dawn of the morning. The Indians were led by a renowned 
 chief, called Hopehood.^ The French commander was a Cana- 
 dian officer of distinction, by the name of Artel, or Hartel as it 
 is sometimes spelled. 
 
 The English fought with the energies of despair. When 
 almost every man (thirty-four in number) had been shot down, 
 the women and children were compelled to surrender. The 
 victors wantonly shot the cattle, laid all the buildings in ashes, 
 and with fifty-four captives, and all the plunder they could 
 carry, retreated. 
 
 A force of a hundred and fifty men, hastily collected, at- 
 
 1 Willis’s History of Portland, p. 280, quoting from Hutchinson Papers. 
 
 2 Mather writes, “Being half one, and half t’other; half Indianized French, 
 and half Frenchified Indians.” 
 
 3 “Hopehood was a celebrated chief of the tribe of the Kenneheks, generally 
 known as the Nerigwoks (Norridgewock). His Indian name seems to have been 
 Wohawa.” — Z>ro^-e’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 109. 
 
 “Many of the natives had both an Indian and an English name. Hopehood was 
 a son of the celebrated Negusset sagamore, called Robinhood, but whose Indian 
 name was Ilamegin.” — Drake, book iii. p. 97. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 227 
 
 tracted by the smoke of the burning village, pursued the united 
 band of civilized and uncivilized savages. The plunderers, 
 encumbered with booty and prisoners, were overtaken as they 
 were attempting to cross a small stream called Wooster River. 
 A fierce battle ensued, which lasted till the darkness of night 
 set in. Several were slain on each side. But it would appear 
 that during the night the marauders escaped.^ 
 
 In May the French and Indians organized another expedition 
 against Falmouth. Between four and five hundred men com- 
 menced the attack of the 16th of May, 1690. Prowling bands 
 had been for some time seen around, which led to the suspicion 
 that the foe was preparing to strike them by surprise. 
 
 Thirty young men volunteered to march out on a reconnois- 
 sance. Lieut. Thaddeus Clark led them, and led them into an 
 ambush. They climbed Munjoy’s Hill, when suddenly a volley 
 of bullets was discharged upon them by invisible assailants, 
 concealed behind a fence. That one discharge cut down nearly 
 half their number, including their commander. The remainder 
 fied in consternation to their fortifications, pursued by the 
 French and Indians, filling the air with yells. 
 
 There were, in addition to Fort Loyal, four garrison-houses 
 in the town. All the people who were unable to effect a retreat 
 to one of these fortresses were either killed or captured. The 
 assailants, after plundering the houses, set them on fire. They 
 then combined all their energies to storm the forts. For four 
 days and four nights, they kept up almost a constant fire, dis- 
 playing much military skill in their approaches. We give the 
 
 1 In this case, as usual, there is a slight discrepancy in the details, as given by 
 the early annalists. Drake writes, — 
 
 “Hopehood had joined twenty-two Frenchmen, xxndex Hertel, with twenty-five 
 of his warriors. They attacked the place, as soon as it was day, in three places. 
 The people defended themselves as well as they were able, in their consternation, 
 until about thirty of their best men were slain, when they gave themselves up to 
 the mercy of the besiegers. Sixty-four men Avere carried away captive, and much 
 plunder. They burned all the houses, and the barns with the cattle in them. The 
 number of buildings thus destroyed is unknown, but was perhaps thirty, and 
 perhaps two hundred head of cattle.” — Drake, book iii. p. 109. 
 
 Charlevoix, in his History of New France, says that two thousand cattle were 
 burnt in the barns. 
 
 I give the narrative in the text as recorded by Belknap, vol. i. p. 207, and the 
 very accurate Williamson, vol. i. p. 619. 
 
228 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 result, not in the words, but in accordance with the facts con- 
 tained in the official report of Capt. Davis; which document is 
 on file in the Massachusetts office of State. 
 
 The conflict commenced with the dawn of the 16th. It raged 
 until the afternoon of the 20th. Nearly all the inmates of the 
 garrison were then slain. Either the French were dressed as 
 Indians, or had so concealed themselves, that the English could 
 not tell whether there were any of that nation in the savage 
 band assailing them. They, therefore, sent a flag of truce, that 
 they might ascertain whether they could, by a surrender, hope 
 to save the lives of the survivors. Thus they learned that there 
 were many Frenchmen in the party; and they were promised, 
 that, as a condition of surrender, the lives of all should be 
 spared, and that they should be conducted, under guard, to the 
 next English town, where they should be set at liberty. The 
 French commander took a solemn oath, by the ever living God, 
 that the articles of the capitulation should be sacredly per- 
 formed.^ 
 
 The gates were thrown open, and the savages rushed in. 
 Awful was the scene which ensued. Mons. Burneffe had prob- 
 ably lost all control over his ferocious allies. No respect what- 
 ever was paid to the terms of the surrender. There were 
 seventy living men within the garrison, many of whom were 
 wounded, and a large number of women and children. Nearly 
 all were slaughtered, and many with inhuman tortures. 
 
 The French rescued Capt. Davis, and succeeded in saving 
 the lives of, some say fifty, others say a hundred prisoners. It 
 seems to have been a custom among the Indians to put to death 
 as many of their captives as they themselves had lost in the 
 conflict.^ The whole village was laid in ashes. The dead were 
 
 1 “The French and Indians were under the command of M. Burneffe, a Cana- 
 dian ofiicer. His lieutenant Avas M. Corte de March. Most of the French troops 
 were from Quebec, under Capt. M. de Portneuf. The Indians were led by Baron 
 Castine and his son-in-law, Madockawando. They came to Casco Bay in a lara:e 
 fleet of canoes. Charlevoix gives the command of the expedition to Portneuf, 
 and dates the surrender on the 27th. In both of these statements he is doubtless 
 incorrect.” — See Letter of Capt. Davis in Collections of Massachusetts Historical So- 
 ciety, vol. i. 3 ser., p. 104. 
 
 2 “When the prisoners marched out of the fort, fifty in all, the savages raised 
 a shout, fell upon them with hatchet and sword, and killed all except four; and 
 these were wounded.” —//isiofl-e et Disc. Gen de la Noiivelle France, par Pere de 
 Charlevoix, vol. iii. p. 78. 
 
PEJEPSCOT FALLS, BRUNSWICK AND TOPSHAM, ME. 
 
230 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 left unburied. The number slain in this awful massacre is not 
 known. The French, after participating in this demoniac deed, 
 commenced their march back to Canada. 
 
 “ I must say,” writes Capt. Davis, “ they were kind to me in 
 my travels through the country. Our provisions were very 
 short, — Indian corn and acorns. Hunger made it very good, 
 and God gave it strength to nourish.” 
 
 Davis was a prisoner-of-war in Quebec for four months, 
 when Sir William Phips effected his exchange fora Frenchman. 
 The capture of Falmouth was a terrible disaster. The victori- 
 ous Indians scattered in all directions, perpetrating the most 
 horrible deeds of cruelty and crime. Many of them were 
 demons in character, and recoiled from no horror. The cruel- 
 ties they often committed are too revolting to be described. 
 Even the recital brings torture to the soul. 
 
 From all the feebler garrisons the people fled in dismay, west- 
 ward, and took refuge in Storer’s strong garrisons at Wells.^ 
 The government sent them re-enforcements, with directions to 
 make a stand there, and resist all attacks. 
 
 The valiant Major Church was despatched with another expe- 
 dition, of three hundred men, to visit Casco and Pejepscot, to 
 chastise the Indians, and regain captives, if possible. This was 
 early in September, 1690. He landed at Maquoit, and marched 
 at night across the country to Pejepscot ^ Fort, which, it will be 
 remembered, was located west of the Androscoggin, at the 
 Pejepscot Falls. The Indians held possession of the fort. The 
 accompanying illustration shows the appearance of these cele- 
 brated falls, after the lapse of nearly two centuries. 
 
 A watchful eye discerned the coming, and spread the alarm. 
 The savages fled in all directions, leaving several English cap- 
 tives behind. One Indian man was taken, with a few women 
 and several children. The horrors perpetrated by the savages 
 had created great exasperation against them. Church’s men 
 
 1 “ No other town in the province was so well provided with hoiises of refuge 
 as Wells. This was due to the prudent foresight of Storer and Wheelwright. 
 There were here seven or eight garrisons, some of them huilt in the best manner, 
 against assaults from without, and for the protection and comfort of those with- 
 in.” — History of Wells and Kennebnnk, by Edward E. Bourne^ LL D. p. 196. 
 
 2 Williamson spells tliis both Pejepscot and Pegypscot, pp. 37, 724. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 231 
 
 were about to put the man to death, when the female white 
 captives, who had thus been rescued, earnestly pleaded for his 
 life. They said that he had ever been kind to them, and had 
 several times saved them and others from death. 
 
 The wives of two of the distinguished sagamores, Kankama- 
 gus^ and Worumbee, were among the prisoners. As they 
 promised that eighty English captives should be surrendered 
 for their ransom, their lives were spared, and they were sent to 
 the garrisons at Wells. The sister of Kankamagus was slain. 
 Worumbee’s two children were carried, with their mother, into 
 captivity. Mr. Drake quotes the following statement from a 
 manuscript letter written at that time by Major Church, and 
 addressed to Gov. Hincklej^ of Plymouth : — 
 
 “We left two old squaws that were not able to march; gave them victuals 
 enough for one week, of their own corn, boiled, and a little of our provis- 
 ions; and buried their dead, and left clothes enough to keep them warm, 
 and left the wigwams for them to lie in; gave them orders to tell their friends 
 how kind we were to them, bidding them to do the like to ours. Also, if 
 they were for peace, to come to Goodman Small’s at Berwick, within four- 
 teen days, who would attend to discourse them.” ^ 
 
 This capture upon the Androscoggin took place on Sunday, 
 Sept. 14, 1690. The victors retired with five English captives, 
 whom they had rescued, and nine Indians prisoners. 
 
 Major Church and his victorious party, about forty in num- 
 ber, ascended the Androscoggin seven miles, to another Indian 
 fort. There he killed twenty-one Indians, took one a prisoner, 
 and rescued seven English captives. The torch was applied, 
 and the works laid in ashes. The single savage whose life was 
 spared was a gigantic fellow, Agamcus, who w^as nicknamed 
 
 1 “ Kankamagus, commonly called Hoykins, Hawkins, or Hakins, was a Pen- 
 nacook sachem. He was faithful to the English as long as he could depend upon 
 them for j>rotection. When the terrible Mohawks were sent to destroy tbe east- 
 ern Indians, he fled westerly to the Androscoggin. Here he and another sachem, 
 called Worumbee, lived with their families. He could speak and write English. 
 His several letters to Gov. Canfield prove Ms fidelity. There can be no doubt that 
 he would have been true to the English, had they been true to him.” — Drake's 
 Book of the Indians, book iii. p. lOG. 
 
 2 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 108. 
 
232 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 Great Tom.^ On the march he escaped, and carried to the 
 Indians such reports of the strength and prowess of Major 
 Church’s troops, that they retired far back into the interior 
 wilderness.^ 
 
 Church sailed along the coast, touching at various points, and 
 inflicting all the injury he could upon the Indians. It was, 
 however, not often that they gave him an opportunity to strike 
 a blow. On the 21st of September, he landed three companies 
 on Purpooduck.3 Here a strong band of Indians fiercely as- 
 sailed him. He repelled them with the loss of five of his own 
 men, after having slain eight or ten Indians, and taken thirteen 
 canoes. Major Church afterwards learned, from a returned 
 captive, that the savages put just as many English prisoners to 
 a cruel death as they had lost in the conflict. 
 
 In October, ten sagamores went to Wells, where the captive 
 women and children were restored to them. They expressed 
 unbounded gratitude in view of the kindness with which they 
 had been treated, and declared their earnest desire for peace. 
 “We are ready,” they said, “at any time and place you may 
 appoint, to meet your head men, and enter into a treaty.” 
 
 On the 29th of November, a truce between the Massachu- 
 setts commissioners and six sagamores was signed. It would 
 appear that there was much difficulty in agreeing upon the 
 terms on which hostilities should cease. The Indians had even 
 abandoned the council, and retired to their canoes, before terms 
 were offered them which they were willing to accept. The 
 truce was to continue through the winter, until the 1st of May, 
 when the}^ promised to visit Storer’s garrison, in Wells, to bring 
 
 1 We hope that the follo\Aong statement made by Mr. Williamson is a mistake. 
 “ The wives of the two sagamores and their children were saved. But it is pain- 
 ful to relate, and no wise creditable to the usual humanity of Major Church, that 
 the rest of the females, except two or three old s(piaws, also the unoffending chil- 
 dren, were put to the tomahawk or sword.” — Vol. i. p. 025. 
 
 2 “ Many Indians bore the name of Tom. Indian Hill in Newbury was owned 
 by Great Tom. He is supposed to have been the last Indian proprietor of lands 
 in that town. In written instruments he styles himself, — ‘I Great Tom, In- 
 dian.’” — Drake, bookiii. p. 114. 
 
 8 The first inhabitants of Cape Elizabeth, which is separated from the penin- 
 sula by Fore River, seated them.selves opjiosite to the harbor, upon Purpooduck 
 Point; from which the plantation, commencing forty-four years jjrior to King 
 Philip’s war, derived its name.” — Williamson, vol. ii. i). 377. 
 
TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 233 
 
 in all the English captives they held, and to establish a perma- 
 nent peace. 
 
 The condition of Maine at this time was deplorable in the 
 extreme. All the settlements were devastated, but four. Those 
 were Wells, York, Kittery, and the Isle of Shoals. At the 
 appointed time. Pres. Danforth, with quite an imposing reti- 
 nue on horseback, repaired to the strong garrison. But, for 
 some unexplained reason, the sagamores did not appear.^ Some 
 attributed it to the influence of the French. It is more proba- 
 ble that they feared treachery. During the winter, the English 
 had been preparing to strike heavy blows, should the war be 
 renewed. The wary Indians, through their scouts, kept them- 
 selves informed of every movement. 
 
 Capt. Converse, who had command of the troop of horse, 
 sent out a detachment, who brought in a few of the neighbor- 
 ing chiefs. To the inquiry why the sagamores did not come in, 
 according to the agreement, to ratify the treaty, they returned 
 the unsatisfactory reply, — 
 
 “We did not remember the time. But we now bring in and deliver 
 up two captives. We promise certainly to surrender the rest within ten 
 days.” 2 
 
 The chiefs were permitted to return to their homes. Ten 
 days passed away ; but no Indians appeared. Apprehensive 
 that an attack was meditated. Pres. Danforth returned to York, 
 and sent a re-enforcement of thirty-five soldiers to strengthen 
 the garrison at Wells. They arrived on the 9th of June, 1692. 
 It was none too soon. 
 
 In one half-hour after their arrival, a band of two hundred 
 savages made a fierce but unsuccessful attack upon the garrison. 
 Tire only account we have of this battle is the following : — 
 
 “We have intelligence that the eastward Indians and some French have 
 made an assault upon the garrisons in and near the town of Wells, and have 
 
 1 “The reason of this we cannot explain, unless the warlike appearance of the 
 English deterred them. After waiting a while, Capt. Converse surprised some of 
 them, and brought them in by force. Having reason to believe the Indians pro- 
 voked by this time, he immediately added thirty-five men to their (his) force.” 
 — Drake, book iii. p. 102. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. i. p. 627. 
 
234 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 killed about six persons thereabout. They drove the cattle together, and 
 killed them before their faces.” ^ 
 
 The savages, thus baffled, retired, threatening soon to come 
 again. At Cape Neddock, in York, they burned several houses, 
 and attacked a vessel, killing most of the crew. Indian bands 
 continued to range the country, shooting down all they could 
 find, and inflicting all the damage in their power. 
 
 Another dreary summer passed away, and another cheerless 
 winter came. The Indians seldom ventured to brave the cold 
 and the storms of a Maine winter in their campaigns : conse- 
 quently the inhabitants of York remitted their vigilance at that 
 time. The Indians, with the military skill they were accus- 
 tomed to display, selected this season for their attack. 
 
 The little village was scattered along the eastern bank of the 
 Agamenticus River. There were several strong block-houses, 
 in which the inhabitants could take refuge in case of an alarm. 
 The accompanying illustration faithfully represents the struc- 
 ture of one of those houses. 
 
 GABRISON-HOUSE AT YORK, BUIET ABOUT 1645. 
 
 1 Letter of Gov. Stoughton of New York, dated June 24, 1691. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 235 
 
 Early on a dark, cold morning of February, 1692, a band of 
 between two and three hundred French and Indians, having 
 traversed the wilderness from Canada on snow-shoes, made a 
 furious attack upon different portions of the hamlet. The peo- 
 ple were as much taken by surprise as if an army had descended 
 from the clouds. 
 
 A scene of terror, carnage, and woe, ensued, which can 
 neither be described nor imagined. In one half-hour seventy- 
 five of the English were slain, and more than a hundred taken 
 prisoners, many of them wounded and bleeding. All the un- 
 fortified houses were in flames. Those within the walls of 
 the garrison fought with the utmost intrepidity. The assail- 
 ants, despairing of being able to break through their strong 
 walls, and fearing that re-enforcements might come to the aid 
 of the English, gathered up their plunder, huddled the dis- 
 tracted, woe-stricken prisoners together, and commenced a 
 retreat. 
 
 Awful were the sufferings of these captives, — wounded men, 
 feeble women leaving the gory bodies of their husbands behind 
 them, and little children now fatherless. The French and the 
 savages co-operated in these demoniac deeds. The victors com- 
 menced their march over the bleak, snow-drifted fields, towards. 
 Sagadahoc. 
 
 With the exception of the garrison-houses, the whole village 
 was destroyed. One-half of all the inhabitants were either 
 killed, or carried into captivity. Rev. Shubael Dummer was the 
 excellent pastor of the little church there. He was about sixty 
 years of age, a graduate of Harvard College, a man of devoted 
 piety, and greatly beloved. He was found dead upon the snow. 
 His wife, a lady from one of the first families, aAd distinguished 
 for her social accomplishments, and her mental and moral cul- 
 ture, was seized, and dragged away with the crowd of captives. 
 But the massacre of her husband, the scenes of horror which 
 she had witnessed, and the frightful prospect opening before 
 her, soon caused her to sink away in that blessed sleep which 
 has no earthly waking. But few of those thus carried into 
 captivity, amidst the storms of an almost arctic winter, ever 
 saw friends or home again. 
 
236 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 One pleasing event which occuri'ed is worthy of especial 
 record. The Indians selected from their prisoners several aged 
 women and several children, just the number, and about the ages, 
 of those whom Major Church had treated kindly in the capture 
 of the Pejepscot Fort. These were safely returned, with ex- 
 pressions of gratitude, to one of the English garrison-houses.^ 
 A party from Portsmouth, N.H., set out in pursuit of the 
 Indians ; but they could not be overtaken. 
 
 In Wells, there were but fifteen men in garrison. They were 
 commanded by Capt. Converse. Two sloops and a shallop, 
 manned by fourteen sailors, were sent to them with supplies. 
 Before the dawn of the morning of June 10, 1692, an army 
 of five hundred French and Indians, under Mons. Burneffe, 
 attacked the place. The Indians were led by four of theh* most 
 distinguished sagamores. As usual, the assault was commenced 
 with hideous yells. The military science of the French was 
 combined with the ferocity of the savages. The strength of 
 the assailants was such, that they had not the slightest doubt of 
 success. Mather writes, — 
 
 “ They fell to dividing persons and plunder. Such an English captain 
 should be slave to such an one. Such a gentleman should serve such an 
 one, and his wife be a maid of honor to such or such a squaw. Mr. Wheel- 
 wright, instead of being a worth}^ counsellor, as he now is, was to be the ser- 
 vant of such a Netop.” 
 
 John Wlieelwright was widely known. He was the most 
 prominent man in the town. His capture would have been 
 deemed an inestimable acquisition. The assailing army ap- 
 proached the feeble garrison, according to European, not Indian 
 tactics. It appears that Capt. Converse had in the garrison 
 about thirty armed men. Probably half of these were inhabit- 
 ants of the place. They had fled to that retreat in consequence 
 of suspicions that Indians were skulking around. We know 
 
 1 Collections Maine Historical Society, vol. i. p. 104. 
 
 It is extremely difficult to ascertain with accuracy the course which Major 
 Church pursued at Tejepscot. The accounts are very contradictory, Mr. Drake, 
 in his valuable Book of the Indians, represents him as acting with shocking inhu- 
 manity, “ knocking women and children in the head.” But this fact seems to 
 imply that ho was guilty of no such atrocities. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 237 
 
 not how many women and children had taken refuge there. 
 Converse ordered his men to keep carefully concealed, and not 
 to fire a gun until they were sure of their aim. One of the 
 garrison, terror-stricken in view of the formidable array ap- 
 proaching, tremblingly said, “We cannot resist. We must 
 surrender.” 
 
 “ Repeat that word,” Capt. Converse replied sternly, “ and 
 you are a dead man.” The assailants opened fire. The garri- 
 son returned it with several small cannon as well as musketry. 
 The women assisted in bringing powder, and in handling the 
 guns. The bullets, thrown with cool and accurate aim, created 
 great havoc in the ranks of the enemy. This was not the 
 Indian mode of fighting. Instead of admiring what was called 
 the gallantry of the French in thus exposing their lives, they 
 regarded them as fools in thus, as it were, courting death. Cot- 
 ton Mather, in his description of the battle, writes, “ They kept 
 calling to surrender ; which ours answered with a laughter and 
 with a mortiferous bullet at the end of it.” 
 
 There is probably more poetry than prose in that statement. 
 We apprehend that there was little time for laughter on that 
 dreadful day, when the feeble little garrison was struggling 
 against a foe outnumbering it nearly twenty to one. They 
 believed that it was the determination of the Indians, incited 
 by the French, to destroy every vestige of the English settle- 
 ments, and to put to death, or drive from the land, all the Eng- 
 lish inhabitants. 
 
 Capt. Converse had but fifteen men in what was called the 
 Storer’s garrison. ^ The battle of the first day was mainly 
 directed against the garrison. But brave hearts behind strong 
 defences beat off the foe. The sloops were anchored in a nar- 
 row creek, which was bordered with high banks. The vessels 
 were so near the shore, that the Indians, from their hiding- 
 
 1 “ TVe know not whether the little hand on hoard the vessels, or the nohle men 
 and women within the garrison, are entitled to the higher meed. History speaks 
 of lifteen soldiers within the latter; hut we think there may have heen thirty. 
 Whether the latter or the former is the true number, the victory over the assail- 
 ants was one that entitles not only these soldiers, hut all who were within the 
 walls of the fort, to the grateful remembrance of those who have entered into 
 their labors.” — Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 216. 
 
238 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 places, could easily throw stones on board. They built a breast- 
 work of planks, over which they cautiously took aim. With 
 fire-arrows they succeeded several times in setting the vessels 
 on fire. But the sailors extinguished the flames with mops on 
 the end of long poles. 
 
 At length the Indians built a breastwork on a cart. This 
 they pushed within fifty feet of one of the vessels. Not a 
 shot could strike them. As they were carefully pressing it 
 forward, one of the wheels entered a rut. It could not be 
 extricated without exposure. A gallant Frenchman sprung to 
 the wheel, and was instantly shot down. Another Frenchman 
 took his place : he, also, fell, pierced by a bullet. The Indians 
 did not regard this as sensible warfare, but fled as fast as possi- 
 ble. 
 
 The next morning was Sunday. The enemy combined all 
 their energies in a renewed attack upon the garrisons ; but 
 their bullets produced no effect upon the strong block-houses. 
 Not a man was wounded. Many of the Indian chiefs could 
 speak English. They often called upon Capt. Converse to sur- 
 render. To these summons he returned defiant answers. One 
 of the chiefs shouted, “ Since you feel so stout. Converse, why 
 do you not come out into the field and fight like a man, and not 
 stay in a garrison, like a squaw ? ” 
 
 “ What a pack of fools you are ! ” Converse replied. “ Do you 
 think that I am willing, with but thirty men, to fight your five 
 hundred ? But select thirty of your warriors, and, with them 
 only, come upon the plain, and I am ready for you.” 
 
 “ No, no!” the chief replied in broken English. “ We think 
 English fashion all one fool, — you kill me, me kill you. Not 
 so. We lie somewhere, and shoot ’em Englishmen when he no 
 see. That’s the best soldier.” 
 
 Another Indian exclaimed, “We will cut you into pieces as 
 small as tobacco, before to-morrow morning.” 
 
 “ Come on, then,” the brave captain retorted ; “ we are all 
 ready for work.” 
 
 Finding their efforts unavailing, the combined foe of French 
 and savages again turned their attention to the two small sloops 
 which were anchored close together. There were but seven or 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 239 
 
 eight sailors on board.^ An army of five hundred men attacked 
 them. Small, comparatively, as were the contending forces, it 
 is indeed true that a more heroic defence history has seldom 
 recorded. The savages constructed a raft about twenty feet 
 square, upon which they piled all kinds of combustibles, — dried 
 branches, birch-bark, and evergreen boughs. Applying the 
 torch, they converted it into an island of fire, the forked tongues 
 of flame rising twenty or thirty feet high. 
 
 The destruction of the sloops now seemed sure. Five hun- 
 dred yells of triumph pierced the air, as the fire-raft swung 
 from its moorings, and floated down on the current towards the 
 apparently doomed vessels. No skill, no courage, could avail 
 against such a foe. But they were saved by a more than human 
 power. The wind changed ; and the floating volcano was driven 
 to the opposite shore, where it was soon converted to ashes. 
 
 One of the French commanders, Labocree, was shot through 
 the head. Many others of the French and Indians were either 
 killed or wounded. Thus baffled, the foe retreated, after inflict- 
 ing all the damage in their power, in burning the dwellings, and 
 shooting the cattle. In the dusk of the evening they with- 
 drew ; and silence and solitude reigned where the hideous clangor 
 of battle had so long resounded.^ But one man of the English 
 was killed. He was shot on board one of the vessels. 
 
 One unhappy Englishman, John Diamond, was taken captive. 
 The savages, in revenge for their losses, put him to death with 
 the most horrible tortures which their ingenuity could contrive. 
 Capt. Converse,^ for his heroic defence, was promoted to the 
 
 1 “Oiir sloops were sorely incommoded by a turn of the creek, where the ene- 
 my could be so near as to throw mud aboard with their hands. Other accounts 
 make their distance from them sixty yards.” — Mather's Magnolia, vol. ii. p. 532. 
 
 2 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p, 103. See also Mather’s Magnalia, 
 vol. ii. p. 532; and Bourne’s History of Wells and Kennebunk, p. 215. 
 
 3 “The courage of the brave and intrepid Converse kept that of all his com- 
 rades from waning. He knew how miich depended on his own resolution and 
 firmness: his noble manliness amidst the storm was the inspiration of all about 
 him. 
 
 “ History does not record a struggle more worthy of perpetual remembrance. 
 The names of those noble men, Gooch and Storer, should never be forgotten by 
 the townsmen of Wells. We know not who else was on board these vessels. 
 But, known or unknown, the whole crew were more worthy of monumental re- 
 membrance than the thousands of more modern times whose memory is sanctified 
 in the hearts of their countrymen.” — Bourne's History of Wells and Kennebunk, 
 
240 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 important position of commander- in-cliief of all the forces in 
 Maine. For seven years this dreadful war desolated the State. 
 Hundreds of terrible tragedies, of burning, scalping, torturing, 
 have never been recorded. It is heart-rending to contemplate 
 the woes into which so many families were plunged. No theol- 
 ogy or philosophy can fully explain why God should allow the 
 depravity of man to inflict such misery upon his brother. 
 
 In the spring of 1692 a new administration commenced ; and 
 Sir William Phips was appointed, by the sovereign of England, 
 governor of Massachusetts. A legislature was convened at 
 Boston on the 8th of June. Eight representatives were re- 
 turned from Maine. War always spreads a demoralizing influ- 
 ence throughout the whole community. Pirates and freeboot- 
 ers ravaged the unprotected shores of the Province. It was the 
 great object of the French, in the war in which France was 
 involved with England, to annex the territory between the Sag- 
 adahoc and Nova Scotia to their domains. 
 
 In August, Gov. Phips, with a force of four hundred and 
 fifty men, repaired to a spot about three miles above Pemaquid 
 Point, on the east side of the river, where he built quite a mas- 
 sive fort of quadrangular form, seven hundred and forty-seven 
 feet in measurement. While the fort was in process of con- 
 struction, Major Church was despatched farther east, with a 
 strong force, to search out the enemy. The fort, which was 
 named William Henry, was built of stone, at an expense of 
 about a hundred thousand dollars. It was garrisoned by sixty 
 men, and mounted eighteen cannon, six of which were eighteen- 
 pounders. This armament showed that they were preparing to 
 repel not savages merely, but the well-equipped armies of 
 France. 
 
 The expense of building and maintaining such a garrison was 
 great for those times, and excited much discontent. But the 
 Indians, who, unseen, watched all the movements of their enemy, 
 could not be caught sight of. They found scattered through 
 the wilderness the lonely cabins of two or three Frenchmen who 
 had married Indian wives. It does not appear that these people 
 were molested. Two or three vagrant Indians were, by chance, 
 caught; and a small amount of plunder was taken, of corn and 
 beaver-skins. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 241 
 
 Capt. Church, upon his return to Pemaquid, ascended the 
 Kennebec as far as Teconnet (Winslow). But the fleet-footed 
 savages very prudently avoided a battle. There were a few 
 guns discharged in the vicinity of Swan Island ; but we can- 
 not learn that anybody was hurt. At Teconnet the savages, as 
 they saw the English troops approaching, set fire to their huts, 
 and, like- a covey of frightened partridges, vanished in the 
 woods. ^ 
 
 The French organized a strong expedition to batter down the 
 walls of Fort Heniy. About two hundred Canadians were sent 
 to the Penobscot to be united with an equal number of Indians 
 under Madockawando. Two French frigates — one of thirty- 
 eight, and the other of thirty-four guns — were to co-operate. 
 But, Avhen this powerful land and naval force reached Pemaquid, 
 an English man-of-war w.as riding at anchor, under the guns of 
 the fort ; and the works were found too strong to be attacked. 
 Thus the enterprise was abandoned. 
 
 The starving Indians, without homes or harvests, and living 
 in constant terror, were in great distress, and longed for peace. 
 On the 12th of August, 1692, eighteen sagamores, representing 
 nearly all the tribes from Passamaquoddy Bay to Saco, came to 
 the fort at Pemaquid, and proposed terms of peace. Three 
 commissioners met them. 
 
 The sagamores renounced subjection to France, and pledged 
 loyalty to the erown of England. They also agreed to release all 
 their captives without ransom, to leave the English unmolested 
 in all their claims to possessions and territory, and to traffic only 
 at the trading-houses which should be regulated by law. All 
 controversies were to be settled in English courts of justice. 
 Five Indians, of high rank, were delivered to the English as 
 hostages to secure the fulfilment of the treaty.* 
 
 Thus terminated the second Indian war. Still the Indians 
 could not be cordial and happy with the hard conditions im- 
 posed upon them. They were treated as a subjugated people. 
 The Protestant English and the Catholic French were never 
 
 1 Benjamin Clmrcli’s Third Expedition, p. 131. 
 
 2 Mather’s Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 542, contains entire this treaty, so humiliating to 
 the Indians. 
 
 16 
 
242 
 
 THE n I STORY OF 31 AIN E. 
 
 friendly. Occasionally they would cease to quarrel ; but that 
 was all. Religious differences imbittered national animosities. 
 It is said that the French were continually endeavoring to rouse 
 the Indians against the English, just as the English, a few years 
 afterwards, were unwearied in their endeavors to rouse the 
 savages against the Americans. 
 
 It is said that the Catholic missionaries were ever striving to 
 incite the savages to renew the war, incessantly preaching that 
 “.it is no sin to break faith with heretics.” That these self- 
 denying ecclesiastics, toiling in the wigwams to elevate and 
 instruct the Indians, were patriotic to their own country, when 
 war was raging between France and England, cannot be 
 doubted. But no man can read the record of their toils and 
 sufferings without the conviction that they were truly good 
 men, endeavoring, according to the best of their knowledge, to 
 seek and to save the lost. 
 
 Father Rasle, at Norridgewock, was denounced with peculiar 
 severity. “ His entire devotion,” writes Williamson, “ to the 
 religious interests of the Indians, gave him an unlimited ascen- 
 dency over them.” ^ Frontenac, governor of Canada, appointed 
 Mons. Villieu resident commander at Penobscot. He succeeded 
 in enlisting two hundred and fifty Indians, under Madockawan- 
 do, to accompany a French force in an attack upon Dover. 
 Having destroyed the place, on the 18th of July, 1693, they re- 
 turned across the Piscataqua to Maine. They killed four men 
 near York, and took one lad captive. On the 25th of August, 
 the}^ killed eight men at Kittery, and, with the hard-heartedness 
 of fiends, scalped a little girl. The child was found the next 
 morning, bleeding, and apparently djdng. The scalp was torn 
 from her head, and her skull broken in by a blow from a tqma- 
 liawk ; still, strange to say, the child recovered. 
 
 This was considered such a violation of the treaty as to jus- 
 tify any retaliatory acts. There was a Frenchman by the name 
 
 ^ “After many attempts on tlie part of the English to induce the savages, hy 
 bribes, and by promises the most flattering, to deliver the missionaries to them, 
 they offered a re\A'ard of a thoiisand pounds sterling to any one who Avould bi’ing 
 them the head of Rasle. Les Anglais mirent sa tete a pris, et promirent mille 
 livre sterling a celui qid la leur porterait.” — Jlistoire de la Nouvelh France, par 
 Fere la Charlevoix, ii. p. 385. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 243 
 
 of Robert or Robin Doney, who had adopted the Indian style 
 of living, had become a chief among them, and had signed the 
 treaty at Pemaquid. He expressed great regret for the rupture, 
 and, with three companions, hastened to the new fort at Saco, 
 to seek some adjustment of the difficult}". He and his compan- 
 ions were seized and imprisoned.^ 
 
 Soon after this, an Indian chief, by the name of Bomaseen, 
 accompanied by two Indians of high rank, visited the garrison 
 at Pemaquid. Bomaseen, or Bomazeen as Drake spells it, was 
 a sachem of the Canibas tribe at Norridgewock. He was a 
 friend of the English, and had communicated to them informa- 
 tion respecting the designs of the French. It was known that 
 he had saved the life of a woman, Rebecca Taylor, whom a 
 savage was endeavoring to hang.^ The three were immediately 
 seized and incarcerated upon the suspicion that they were en- 
 gaged in the rupture.® 
 
 It is humiliating to record that the government did not re- 
 pudiate this bad faith. But there were many individuals who 
 denounced it with great severity, declaring it to be as impolitic 
 as it was unjust. It is reported by Williamson that the follow- 
 ing conversation took place in Boston, between Bomaseen and 
 an English clergyman. The chief, speaking of the religious 
 instruction he had received from the priests, said, — 
 
 “ The Indians understand that the Virgin Mary was a French 
 lady. Her son, Jesus Christ, the blessed, was murdered by the 
 English. But he has risen from the dead, and gone to heaven. 
 All who would gain his favor must avenge his blood.” 
 
 The English clergyman replied, taking a glass of wine, “ Jesus 
 Christ gives us good religion, like the wine in this glass. God’s 
 
 1 “Two years after this, in 1693, Eohin Doney became reconciled to the Eng- 
 lish, and signed a treaty with them at Pemaqnid. Bnt, within a year after, he 
 became suspected, whether with or without reason, we know not, and coming to 
 the fort at Saco, probably to settle the difficulty, was seized by the English. 
 What his fate was is rather uncertain ; hut the days of forgiveness and mercy 
 were not yet.” — Drake's Book of the Indians, hook iii. p. 116. 
 
 2 Drake, hook iii. p. 111. 
 
 3 “In 1694 he (Bomazeen) came to the fort at Pemaquid Avith a flag of truce, 
 and was treacherously seized by those who commanded, and sent prisoner to Bos- 
 ton, where he remained some months in a loathsome prison.” — Drake, book iii. 
 p. ID. 
 
244 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 book is the Bible, which holds this good wine. The French 
 put poison in it, and then give it to the Indians. The English 
 give it to them pure ; that is, they present them the Bible in 
 their own language. French priests hear you confess your sins, 
 and take beaver for it. The English never sell pardons. Par- 
 dons are free, and come from God only.” 
 
 To this Bomaseen replied, “ The Indians will spit up all 
 French poison. The Englishman’s God is the best God.” ^ 
 
 The English retained the five hostages whom the chiefs had 
 placed in their hands, and also closely imprisoned Bomaseen 
 and his companions for the winter. Pestilence and famine were 
 raging among these unhappy perishing natives. Starvation 
 drove many to acts of plunder. 
 
 In May, 1695, the English sent one of their hostage chiefs, 
 Sheepscot John, to confer with the eastern Indians upon peace. 
 He induced the sagamores to come in a fleet of fifty canoes, 
 and meet him at Rutherford’s Island, which was about three 
 miles from fort William Henry. There was a friendly confer- 
 ence. A truce was agreed upon ; eight English captives were 
 released ; and the sagamores promised, at the end of thirty days, 
 to meet commissioners at the garrison of William Henry, and 
 conclude an abiding peace. 
 
 The commissioners met at the appointed time and place. 
 The sagamores were also prompt to their engagements. The 
 English, Messrs. Phillips, Hawthorne, and Converse, refused to 
 surrender their hostages, and yet demanded that the Indians 
 should surrender their prisoners before they would even treat 
 upon the subject of peace. We must respect these chiefs for 
 resenting such an indignity. They replied, — 
 
 “ You have not brought us our friends, and yet you demand that we shall 
 bring to you yours. This is not fair. We will talk no more.” 
 
 Abruptly they rose and departed. Thus the truce ended. 
 Again the storms of war spread their desolations far and wide. 
 It was a miserable warfare on each side, shooting individuals 
 whenever they could be found, burning cabins and wigwams, 
 and capturing and scalping without mercy. 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. i. p. Gil. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 KING william’s WAK, — QUEEN ANNE’s WAK. 
 
 Efforts of the French to reduce Fort William Henry — Cruelty of Capt. 
 Chubb — His Fate — Camden Heights — Plunder on the Bay of Fundy — 
 Major Frost — Fearful Tragedies — Consultations for Peace — Assacomhuit 
 — Impoverishment of the Province — Cruel Rumors and New Solicitudes — 
 An Intolerant Act — Gov. Dudley — Speech of Simmo — King William’s 
 War — Policy of M. Rivieres — Shameful Conduct of Englishmen — Third 
 Indian War — Siege of Winter Harbor — Arrival of Capt, Southack. 
 
 HE renewal of the dreadful war must be attributed to the 
 
 -A- folly of the English. During the month of June, 1696, 
 more than twenty persons were shot in the vicinity of the 
 Piscataqua, and many houses were burned. The French 
 resolved to reduce Fort William Henry. In their view, it con- 
 trolled all of Western Acadia. 
 
 Capt. Iberville was sent from Quebec, with two men-of-war, 
 and two companies of soldiers. At Port Royal he was to take 
 on board fifty Indians ; and at Castine he was to be joined by 
 Baron Castine and a large additional number. Charlevoix says 
 that there were two hundred savages in the expedition.^ Cas- 
 tine, with his retinue, accompanied the ships along the shore in 
 canoes. 
 
 Tlie troops were landed without opposition, and the batteries 
 raised. By the 14th of July, 1696, the fort av^s invested. 
 Capt. Chubb, who was in command of the garrison, had fifteen 
 guns and ninety-five men, with an ample supply of food and 
 ammunition. Iberville, having placed his cannon and mortars 
 in position simply to show what he could do, sent a summons 
 for surrender. Chubb was particularly obnoxious to the Indians, 
 
 1 Hist. Gen. de la Nouv. Fr., t. iii. p. 2G0. 
 
246 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 who never forgot a wrong. Only five months before, on the 
 16th of February, 1696, he lured two sachems, Edgeremet and 
 Abenquid, into his fort, and put them both to death. “ It was 
 a horrid and cold-blooded act,” writes Drake. “ Few are the 
 instances that we meet with in history, where Indian treachery, 
 as it is termed, can go before this.” ^ To the demand for a sur- 
 render, Chubb returned the spirited reply, “ I shall not give up 
 the fort, though the sea be covered with French vessels, and the 
 land with wild Indians.” 
 
 The bombardment Avas commenced with great energy. 
 Bombshells, those most terrible thunderbolts of war, fell thick, 
 with death-dealing explosions, within the enclosure. Baron 
 Castine, Avho seems to have been a humane man, some say a 
 religious man, convinced that the fort could not withstand the 
 cannonade, and knowing, from the antagonism of the Indians to 
 Chubb, that, should the fort be carried by storm, no earthly 
 power could restrain the ferocity of the savages, succeeded in 
 sending to him the following message : “ If you delay to surren- 
 der till the works are carried by assault, an indiscriminate 
 massacre of the c^arrison is inevitable.” 
 
 Conscious guilt probably made Chubb cowardly. The white 
 flag Avas raised ; and the terms of capitulation Avere soon agreed 
 upon. All the garrison Avere to be conveyed to Boston, and, in 
 exchange for them, just as many French and Indian prisoners- 
 of-Avar were to be returned. The gates of the fort Avere thrown 
 open ; and the conquerors entered, unfurling the French flag 
 upon the captured battlements. 
 
 But the Indians found one of their people in irons. Fie had 
 a deplorable story to tell of the cruel treatment he had received 
 from Chubb. This so exasperated them, that, before Capt. Iber- 
 ville could effectually interpose, several of the English were 
 
 1 Drake, book iii. p. 112. “Cotton Mather records the crime in language qnite 
 unworthy of liim. lie writes, ‘ Jvnow, then, reader, that, Capt. March petitioning 
 to he dismissed from his command of the fort at Pemaqnid, one Chnhh succeeded 
 him. This Clinhh found an opportunity, in a pretty Chubbed manner, to kill the 
 famous Edgeremet and Ahenquid, a couple of principal sagamores, with one or 
 two other Indians, on a Lord’s Day. Some, that well enough liked the thing 
 which was now done, did not altogether like the manner of doing it; because 
 there was a pretence of treaty between Chubb and the sagamores, whereof he 
 took his advantage to lay violent hands upon them.' Mather' s 3Ia[/nalia, 
 hook vii. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 247 
 
 massacred ; but, by the aid of the French soldiers, he rescued 
 the rest, and removed them, with Chubb, to a small neighbor- 
 ing island, where they were placed under a strong guardd 
 Both French and Indians regarded this conquest as a great 
 achievement.. The fleet returned to the Penobscot; and, flushed 
 with victory, new efforts were made by the French to enlist all 
 the tribes as allies in the renewal of the war. 
 
 The capture of Fort William Henry created much anxiety in 
 Boston. It was feared that the fleet would sweep the whole 
 coast, from the Penobscot to the Piscataqua, burning and 
 destro3dng. Five hundred men were promptly raised, and sent 
 to the Piscataqua, under the command of Capt. Church. But 
 no enemy appeared there. 
 
 Three British men-of-war, with a smaller vessel of twenty 
 guns, and a fire-ship, sailed from Boston for the Penobscot, to 
 attack and destroy the French squadron ; but the fleet was just 
 visible, far away in the distant horizon, on its return to Quebec. 
 Though it was pursued for a few hours, it was soon entirely 
 lost sight of in a dense fog. The English vessels, on their way 
 back to Boston, captured a small French shallop, commanded 
 by Capt. Yilleau, with twenty-three French sailors on board. 
 
 Major Church embarked a portion of his division in a small 
 well-armed vessel, and sailed along the coast until he cast 
 anchor at the Island of Monhegan. He then boldly pushed on 
 to Penobscot Bay, and ascended, until abreast Camden Heights.^ 
 
 1 “ 'SVe will now iiifonn tlie reader of the wretched fate of Capt. Pasco Chnhb, 
 It was not long after he had committed the bloody deed of killing the Indian 
 sagamores, before he and the fort were taken by the French and the Indians. He 
 was exchanged, and returned to Boston, where he suifered much disgrace for his 
 treachery with the Indians. He lived at Andover, in Massaclmsetts, where the 
 Indians made an attack, in February, 1098, in which he was killed. ‘ When they 
 found that they had killed him, it gave them as much joy,’ saj^s Hutchinson, ‘as 
 the destruction of a whole town, because they had taken their beloved vengeance 
 of him for his perfidy and barbarity to their countrymen.’ They shot him 
 through several times, after he was dead.” — Drake, book iii. p. 113. 
 
 2 “Camden Heights are about ten miles overland from Owl’s Head. There are 
 five or six of them, in a range from north-west to south-east; and they are clothed 
 with forest-trees to their tops. Mount Batty, which is about three-quarters of a 
 mile from Camden Harbor, is about nine hundred feet high. In our second war 
 with England, an eighteen-pounder was placed upon its summit. 
 
 “These are probably the mountains seen by Capt. We.ymouth in 1605, and by 
 Capt. Smith in 1611, when they explored Penobscot Bay.” — See Williamson' s History 
 of Maine, vol. i. p. 95. 
 
248 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The pilot, who was familiar with that region, and who had once 
 been a captive there in the hands of • the Indians, informed 
 Capt. Church, that, about sixty miles up the river, tliere was 
 a small island, which was a place of general resort by the 
 Indians. 
 
 It is supposed that this was the ancient Lett, or Oldtowii 
 Island. There was a village here, which, for a long time, con- 
 tinued to be one of the most memorable of the Indian towns. It 
 was situated on the southerly end of an island, containing about 
 three hundred and fifty acres of very rich soil. Church as- 
 cended the river in his vessel as far as Avhat is called the Bend, 
 where Eddington now stands.^ Small vessels could usually 
 ascend nearly to this point. Here Church cast anchor. Land- 
 ing a portion of his force, he commenced a march up the west 
 bank of the river. 
 
 It was the month of August. The region was beautiful, and 
 the climate in that latitude, at that season, charming. Ascend- 
 ing a few miles, they passed many spots which the Indians had 
 formerly inhabited, but which were then abandoned. It was 
 the custom to hunt Indians as one would hunt wolves. Often 
 no respect was paid to sex or age. The men succeeded in kill- 
 ing four or five of the natives, and in wounding several. A 
 shattered bone must be a terrible calamity to a poor Indian, who 
 can liave no surgical aid. 
 
 The adventurers, having inflicted this amount of damage, 
 returned to their vessel, and sailed for the Bay of Fundy. A 
 few French emigrants had their scattered cabins on the northern 
 shores of tliis bay, where their wives and children lived, in the 
 extreme of poverty. They raised a few bushels of corn, caught 
 a few fishes, and occasionally trapped a beaver, or shot a bird. 
 Tlieir comfortless homes were scarcely a remove above the wig- 
 wam of the savage. 
 
 In terror, the inmates of these hovels fled into the wilderness. 
 Capt. Church burned their houses, destroyed their little har- 
 vests, and plundered them of their furs and skins, and of what- 
 
 1 “From the re-iiiiion of the Penobscot with the Stillwater, at the foot of 
 Marsh Island, the river flows south-westerly three miles to the head of the tide at 
 Ihe Bend, where its usual ebb and flow are two feet.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 68. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 249 
 
 ever else was worth carrying away.^ As he was sailing home- 
 wards with his slender booty, he met, in the waters of 
 Passamaquoddy Bay, an English squadron of three vessels, from 
 Boston. Col. HaAvthorne was in command. Capt. Church, 
 thus superseded, was directed to join the fleet, and accompany 
 them to an attack upon St. John. The enterprise was unsuc- 
 cessful, and the vessels returned to Boston. 
 
 The inhabitants of Maine, the English, and the savages, were 
 now alike wretched. No man could leave his door without 
 danger of being shot. No family could la}^ down to sleep at 
 night without being liable to hear the horrible war-whoop 
 before the morning, and of being subjected to the awful tragedy 
 of conflagration, scalping, and massacre. Stern Nature seemed 
 in harmony with the cruelty of man. The winter was one of 
 unprecedented cold ; and storms of sleet and snow howled 
 through the tree-tops, and swept all the dreary fields. Many, 
 both Indians and English, were starved to death. Nine Indians, 
 who were out hunting, after eating their dogs, were found dead, 
 the victims of famine.^ 
 
 Major Charles Frost was in command at Kittery. He was 
 peculiarly obnoxious to the Indians, as they accused him of 
 several acts of treachery.^ A plan was formed to kill him. 
 Several Indians hid behind a large log, about five miles from 
 his house, to shoot him on his way to church. It was Sunday 
 morning, June 4, 1697. Apparently, his wife was riding 
 behind him, on a pillion ; and some one was walking by the side 
 of the horse. There was a simultaneous discharge of the guns 
 of the savages ; and all three fell to the ground in the convul- 
 sions of death. 
 
 \ 
 
 ^ “ Among the settlements on the north shore of that hay, he made great 
 destruction, and took considerable plunder,” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 040. 
 
 2 Mather’s Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 556. 
 
 3 “We have, in narrating the events in the life of Modokawando, noticed the 
 voyage of Major Waldron to the eastern coast of Maine. How much treachery 
 was manifested at that time by the Indians, which caused the English to massa- 
 cre many of them, we shall not take upon us to declare. Yet this we cannot but 
 bear in mind, that we have only the account of those who performed the tragedy, 
 and not that of those on whom it fell. Capt- Charles Frost of Kittery was with 
 Waldron upon that expedition, and, next to him, a prmcipal actor in it.” — Drake, 
 book hi. p. 109. 
 
 / 
 
250 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Two young men who were hurrying with the tidings to the 
 garrison at Wells were shot by the lurking Indians. Five sol- 
 diers, who had ventured a little distance from the garrison at 
 York, were found scalped, and with their bodies pierced with 
 bullets. One unhappy man, who had incurred the rage of the 
 savages, was roasted to death at a slow fire. A few men from 
 Wells went upon Cow Island for fuel. A man and his two 
 sons were stationed to keep watch. The lurking savages seized 
 them, and carried them off in a canoe. There were several 
 canoes. Lieut. Larabee was out on a scout. He caught sight 
 of the little fleet, and shot three of the Indians, rescuing one 
 captive. The other two were carried away. Doubtless the 
 Indians, in revenge, tortured them to death. 
 
 The French raised an army of fifteen hundred French and 
 Indians to recapture Nova Scotia, and ravage all the coasts of 
 New England. This was a prodigious force for this country, in 
 those days. It created great alarm. At a vast expense of 
 money and labor, all the fortifications w^ere strengthened and 
 supplied. Five hundred soldiers, under Major March, were 
 pushed forward to the forts in Maine. Ranging parties were 
 sent in all directions to intercept the Indians. 
 
 Major March cast anchor, with his troops, at Damariscotta.^ 
 A band of Indians had discerned his approach. They knew 
 where he would attempt a landing, and concealed themselves in 
 ambush. Scarcely had the troops placed their feet upon the 
 shore of the silent and apparently solitary wilderness, when 
 there came a loud report of musketry, a volley of bullets swept 
 through their ranks, and their ears were almost deafened by 
 the shrill war-whoop. Nearly thirty were killed or wounded. 
 The English, now well accustomed to Indian Avarfare, rallied 
 for a vigorous defence. The savages fled, probably with but 
 very slight loss. It was their great aim to strike a blow, and 
 ^ then run before the blow could be returned.^ 
 
 Two days after this, on the 11th of September, 1G97, peace 
 
 ^ “ Damariscotta is navigable for large sliips aboiit twelve miles from the sea. 
 It is about half a mile wide. Jlutlierford’s Island, a mile long, is at its mouth.” — 
 Willio.mson, vol. i. p. oG. 
 
 2 IMather’s Magnalia, vol. ii. p. 553. 
 
 \ 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 251 
 
 between France and England was concluded by the famous 
 Treaty of Ryswick. Tidings of the happy event did not reach 
 Boston until the 10th of December. The Indians, unaided by 
 the French, could accomplish but little, though there were 
 occasional assassinations and plunderings. Early in the summer 
 of 1698, the savages sent in their flags of truce to our outposts, 
 imploring peace. 
 
 A conference was held at Penobscot on the 14th of October, 
 1698. Two commissioners from Massachusetts met six saga- 
 mores, accompanied by a large retinue of Indians. The Indians 
 were very sad. Mournfully they sang requiems for the dead. 
 War to them had brought famine, and famine had brought 
 pestilence. A terrible disease was sweeping away hundreds of 
 their people. Many of their most illustrious men, the revered 
 Madockawando ^ being of the number, were included among its 
 victims. The English commissioners insisted, that, in addition 
 to the return of all the captives, the Indians should drive all the 
 Catholic missionaries out of their country. It certainly speaks 
 well for the influence which these teachers had exerted upon 
 the minds of the savages, that the sagamores, as with one voice, 
 should have replied, “ The white prisoners will be free to go 
 home, or stay with their Indian friends. But the good mission- 
 ari^ must not be driven away.” 
 
 Another conference was held at Marepoint, now in the town 
 of Brunswick, in January, 1699. Major Converse and Col. 
 Phillips met the sagamores of most, if not all, the tribes between 
 the Piscataqua and the Penobscot. Here a previous treaty was 
 signed and ratified, with additional articles. The dreadful war 
 had lasted ten years, impoverishing all, enriching none. The 
 woes it had caused, no finite imagination can gauge. It is esti- 
 mated that between five and seven hundred of the English were 
 killed, and two hundred and fifty were carried into captivity, 
 many of whom perished. One Indian warrior, Assacombuit,^ 
 
 1 “Madockawando and Squando were the most powerful chiefs during this 
 war. They are described by Hubbard as ‘ a strange kind of moralized savages, 
 gi*ave and serious in their speech, and not without some show of a kind of 
 religion.’ ” — IViZh’s’s History of Portland, p. 213. 
 
 2 “This sachem was known among the French by the name of Nescainhiouit; 
 hut among the English he was called Assacamhuit and Assaconihuit. He was as 
 
252 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 boasted, and probably truthfully, that he had killed or captured 
 a hundred and fifty men, women, and children^ 
 
 It is a remarkable fact, but well authenticated, that, in many 
 cases, young children captured by the savages, and brought up 
 among them, were often very unwilling to leave the wigwam, 
 and return to civilized life. The attachment between them and 
 the members of the Indian families became very strong. Very 
 affecting were the partings Avhich sometimes took place. Even 
 in the present case, Mr. Williamson testifies, that “ a few who 
 were captured in their childhood, becoming attached to the 
 society of the savages, chose to remain with them, and never 
 would leave the tribes.” 
 
 It will be remembered that the royal charter of William and 
 Mary, dated Oct. 7, 1691, included essentially the territory of 
 the present State of Maine, in two great divisions. One of 
 these, extending from Piscataqua to the Kennebec River, was 
 called the Province of Maine ; the other, which included the 
 region between the Kennebec and the St. Croix, was denomi- 
 nated the Province of Sagadahoc.^ 
 
 Maine became virtually a province of Massachusetts, and so 
 continued for a hundred and thirty years.^ The administration 
 of Sir William Phips continued about two and a half years. 
 He died in London in the year 1694. Mr. Williamson pays the 
 following well-merited tribute to his memory:^ — 
 
 “ lie was a man of benevolent disposition and accredited piety, though 
 sometimes unable to repress the ebullitions of temper. He was not only 
 
 faithful to the French as one of their own nation. In 170G he sailed for France, 
 and was presented to his Majesty Louis XiV., at Versailles. Here, among other 
 eminent personages, he became known to the historian Charlevoix. The king 
 having presented him an elegant sword, he is reported to have said, holding up 
 his hand, — 
 
 “ ‘ This hand has slain a hundred and forty of your Majesty’s enemies in New 
 England.’ 
 
 “ Whereupon the king forthwith knighted him, and ordered that henceforth a 
 pension of eight livres a day (about $1.50) he allowed him for life.” — Drake, book 
 iii. p. 130. 
 
 1 See Mather’s ISIagnalia, vol. ii. p. 558; History of New England, by Daniel 
 Neal, vol. ii. p. 544; Williamson, voL i. p. G50. 
 
 2 This region was inserted in the charter, without any specific name, though it 
 waa usually called as we have mentioned. — Summary of British Settlements in 
 North America, hy William Douylass, vol. i. p. 332. 
 
 3 William.son, vol. ii. p. 10. 
 
 ^ AVilliamson, vol. ii. p. 23. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 253 
 
 energetic and exceedingly persevering in his purposes, but he possessed good 
 abilities, unsullied integrity, and strong attachments. His unremitting as- 
 siduities to promote the best interests of Maine, the Province of his nativity, 
 and to enforce measures devised for its defence and relief, are evidences 
 monumental of his patriotism, and his high sense of obligation and duty.” 
 
 Massachusetts, in assuming the government of Maine, re- 
 signed to the crown of England all jurisdictional rights to Nova 
 Scotia. The community there consisted mainly of a mixed 
 breed of Canadians and Indians. They had been mostly under 
 French influence, were generally Roman Catholics, and their 
 sympathies were with France. The people of all Maine had 
 become essentially one with the people of Massachusetts in 
 their social habits, their political views, and their religious 
 observances. Massachusetts had ever been to Maine a kind and 
 sympathizing friend. 
 
 The impoverishment of the inhabitants of Maine at the close 
 of the war was dreadful, almost beyond comprehension. 
 Houses, barns, and mills, with all the implements of agriculture, 
 had been consumed by the flames.^ The people of York wished 
 for a grist-mill. They were unable to build one. They offered 
 a man in Portsmouth, if he would put up a mill, a lot of land 
 to build it upon, liberty to cut such timber as he needed, and 
 their pledge to carry all their corn to his mill so long as he kept 
 it in order. 
 
 The worn and wasted people gradually returned to the deso- 
 lated spots which had once been their homes. Log-cabins again 
 began to arise in the solitudes of Falmouth, Scarborough, and 
 at various other points, over which pitiless war had rolled its 
 billows. In this state of affairs, some malicious persons set the 
 cruel report in circulation, that the colonists were making 
 preparation to fall upon the Indian tribes, and exterminate them. 
 It was said that this rumor originated with the French, who 
 were still anxious to extend their possessions farther west, and 
 to avail themselves of the aid of the savages.^ 
 
 The Indians, greatly frightened, began to withdraw from the 
 
 1 “No mills, no enclosures, no roads, but, on the contrary, dilapidated habita- 
 tions, vide wasted fields, and melancholy ruins.” — Willicmison, vol. ii. p. 31. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s History of Massachiisetts, vol. ii. p. 113. 
 
254 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 English settlements. This alarmed the English ; and they com- 
 menced preparations for defence, apprehending that the Indians 
 were again to attack them. These hostile demonstrations con- 
 firmed the Indians in their fears ; and in all probability they 
 began to draw nearer to the French. This confirmed the suspi- 
 cions of the English, and led to measures whose tendency was 
 only to exasperate. 
 
 The militia was ordered to be in constant readiness. At 
 York, Wells, and Kittery, well-armed soldiers were posted. A 
 proclamation was issued, which, while it cautioned the people 
 against giving any just provocation to the Indians, ordered them 
 to be constantly on the watch to guard against treachery.^ 
 Guards were appointed to patrol the towns every night, from 
 nine till morning. This state of affairs necessarily put an end 
 to all peace of mind and to all friendly intercourse. 
 
 It would seem as though man was doomed to make his brother- 
 man miserable. The religion of the Son of God, that is the 
 religion which recognizes God as our common Father, and all 
 men as brethren, and whose fundamental principle is that "we 
 should do to others as we would that others should do to us, 
 would have made Maine, from the beginning, almost a paradise. 
 But what an awful tragedy does its history reveal ! And such 
 has been, essentially, the history of all the nations. Such has 
 been life upon this planet from the fall of Adam to the present 
 hour. 
 
 To add to these calamities, menaces of war began again to 
 arise between France and England. Unfortunately, by the 
 Treaty of Ryswick, the boundaries between the English and 
 French possessions on this continent had not been clearly de- 
 fined. Both courts still claimed the territory between the Sag- 
 adahoc and the St. Croix. The English said that they had 
 resigned Nova Scotia to France, but nothing more. 
 
 In 1099 Lord Bellamont arrived in Boston, appointed by the 
 king as governor of New York, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
 and Maine. He was an excellent man, intelligent and cour- 
 teous, with enlarged views of both civil and religious liberty.^ 
 
 ^ Ptecords, Pesolves, and Journals of the ^Massachusetts Government, vol. vi. 
 p. 57. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 82. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 255 
 
 James II. of England, who had been driven from the throne by 
 an indignant people, to give place to his son-in-law, William, 
 died at St. Germain, in France, on the 16th of September, 1701. 
 His son, called the Pretender, a zealous Catholic, claimed to be 
 the legitimate King of England. The Catholic court of France 
 supported his claim. Six months after, on the 8th of March, 
 King William died, deeply lamented. His wife, it will be 
 remembered, was Mary, a daughter of James H. She had a 
 sister Anne. She was declared by the British parliament to be 
 the legitimate successor of William. She ascended the throne 
 on the 4th of May, 1702. War was immediately declared 
 against France, whose court was maintaining a rival for the 
 crown. 
 
 The war-cloud instantly threw its shadow upon our shores. 
 The British ministry claimed the whole Province of Sagada- 
 hoc, and the right, in common with France, to the fisheries, on 
 all these northern seas.^ Both of these claims France resisted. 
 Queen Anne appointed Joseph Dudley governor of her New 
 England provinces. “ He manfully applied,” writes William- 
 son, “ his splendid abilities, his courtly manners, and his exten- 
 sive knowledge, to render all the acts of his administration 
 acceptable to every class of people.” 
 
 The war between France and England assumed very much 
 the aspect of a religious war, a conflict between Protestantism 
 and Catholicism. 2 
 
 It was generally believed that the Catholic missionaries in 
 Maine were endeavoring to seduce the Indians from their alle- 
 
 1 “The English people engaged in the Newfoundland fisheries were making 
 great voyages. About twenty -seven hundred fishermen, and two hundred and 
 twenty vessels, were employed this single year (seventeen hundred and one). 
 They took and cured two hundred thousand quintals of fish, besides four thou- 
 sand hogsheads of train and liver oil.” — Williamson^ vol. ii. p. 32. 
 
 2 GoA^ Bellauiont, in one of liis addresses to the General Court of Massachu- 
 setts, said, “Divine providence, in bringing to pass the late happy. and won- 
 derful revolution in England, has been pleased to make King William the glorious 
 instrument of our deliverance from the odious fetters and chains of Popery and 
 despotism, which had been artfully used to enslave our consciences, and subvert 
 all our civil rights. It is too well known what nation that king (James II.) 
 favored, of what religion he died, and no less what must have been the execra- 
 ble treachery of him who parted with Acadia or Nova Scotia, and the noble fishery 
 on that coast.” 
 
25G 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 giance to the British crown, and to enlist their sympathies in 
 behalf of France. A legislative act was therefore passed, as 
 early as March, 1700, which ordered the Catholic missionaries to 
 leave the State before the tenth day of the next September, 
 under penalty of exemplaiy punishment. 
 
 This was an act of intolerance. But if it were true, as the 
 legislature fully believed, that these missionaries were endeavor- 
 ing to incite the savages to renew their horrible scenes of con- 
 flagration, scalping, and murder, this was the mildest punishment, 
 ■which, under the circumstances, could have been inflicted upon 
 them. 
 
 Gov. Dudley arranged to hold a council personally with the 
 sagamores of the eastern tribes, that he might learn their 
 disposition and intentions. The assembly met at Falmouth, on 
 the Casco peninsula, the '20th of June, 1703. It was evident 
 that the sagamores did not feel that it was safe for them to rely 
 upon the honor of the English. They came, prepared to defend 
 themselves, if treachery were to be practised upon them. 
 
 Eleven sagamores appeared, representing five of the most 
 important tribes in Maine. Gov. Dudley, aware of the effect 
 of imposing appearances upon the savages, came in almost regal 
 pomp. A numerous retinue of gentlemen from Massachusetts 
 and New Hampshire accompanied him. 
 
 But the Indians, in the splendor of the occasion, quite eclipsed 
 their white brethren. The sagamores entered the fine harbor 
 of Portland in the balmy sunshine of a June day, with a fleet 
 of sixty-five canoes, containing two hundred and fifty plumed 
 and painted warriors, in their richest display of embroidered and 
 fringed and gorgeously-colored habiliments. They were all 
 well armed ; and the beholders were much impressed by their 
 martial appearance.^ 
 
 The governor had brought a large tent, sufficiently capacious 
 to accommodate his suite and the Indian chiefs. When all had 
 assembled, the governor arose, and said, — 
 
 “I have come to you commissioned by the great and good Queen of Eng- 
 land. I \YOuld esteem you all as brothers and friends. It is my wish to 
 reconcile every difficulty whatever that has happened since the last treaty.” 
 
 1 History of the Indian Wars, by Samuel Penhallow; Coll, of N. H. Hist. Soc., 
 vol. i. p. 20. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 257 
 
 A Tarratine chief, called Simmo, rose to reply. With great 
 dignity of manner he said, — 
 
 “ We thank you, good brother, for coming so far to talk with us. It is a 
 gi’eat favor. The clouds gather, and darken the sky. But we still sing 
 with love the songs of peace. Believe my words. So far as the sun is 
 above the earth, so far are our thoughts from war, or from the least desire 
 of a rupture between us. ’ ’ 
 
 Presents were then exchanged, and, with some simple yet 
 solemn ceremonials, professions of friendship were ratified. The 
 council continued in session for two or three days. Several 
 subjects were discussed. Bomaseen, of whom we have before 
 spoken, is reported, during the conference, to have said, — 
 
 “ Although several missionaries have come to us, sent by the French, to 
 break the peace between the English and us, yet their words have made no 
 impression upon us. We are as firm as the mountains, and will so continue 
 as long as the sun and moon endure.” ^ 
 
 Professions of cordial frendship were uttered on both sides. 
 Every thing seemed to indicate a settled peace. The fraterniza- 
 tion was rather French in its character than English ; for there 
 was feasting, shouting, dancing, and singing, according to the 
 most approved measures of French jollification. 
 
 The joyful tidings spread rapidly, and lifted a very heavy bur- 
 den from the hearts of the people, who were appalled in con- 
 templating the horrors of another Indian war. Many were 
 preparing to flee again to the safer regions of Massachusetts. 
 But now they were encouraged to remain. A gentle tide of 
 emigration began also to flow in, influenced by the cheapness of 
 the land, the richness of the soil, the abundance of valuable 
 timber, and the fisheries, which were yielding such valuable 
 returns.^ 
 
 Some suspected the Indians of having treacherous intentions 
 at this council. And this was simply because, in firing a salute 
 in celebration of the conclusion of peace, their guns were found 
 loaded with balls. But the Indians never thought of loading 
 
 1 Drake, book iii. p. 117. 
 
 2 Penhallow’s History of the Wars of Hew England, p. 5. 
 
 17 
 
258 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 their guns with powder only. They had often been betrayed. 
 They had many not unreasonable suspicions, that the proposed 
 council was merely a trap, in Avhich the treacherous English 
 were plotting to seize all their principal sagamores. They, 
 therefore, came prepared to defend themselves, should it be 
 necessary to do so.' 
 
 “King Pliilip’s War,” so called, lasted but three years; but 
 they were years fraught with inconceivable woe. Even civilized 
 men in war gradually lose all humane attributes. The average 
 savage becomes a perfect demon. The second conflict was 
 usually called “ King William’s War.” It originated in dissen- 
 sions between the courts of France and England, which plunged 
 the two nations into hostilities. The French endeavored to 
 weaken her foe by the capture of her New England colonies. The 
 savages were not reluctant to engage in their service as allies ; 
 for they had a chance of thus recovering their county from 
 settlers whom they began to dislike and dread. This dreadful 
 war, in which savage ferocity received a new and terrible 
 impulse from French science and supplies, lasted ten years. 
 
 John Bull has never been a favorite in any land where he has 
 placed his foot. The Indians never loved the English. There 
 were individual exceptions ; but the English, generally, were 
 only tolerated by the natives. An air of melancholy now per- 
 vaded the minds of all the reflecting sagamores. They saw 
 their tribes fast dwindling, while the English were increasing in 
 numbers and power. Extensive territory, formerly the undis- 
 puted hunting-grounds of the tribes, was now claimed by the 
 invaders, either as theirs by the right of conquest, or by purchase, 
 which both parties knew to be fraudulent. The English were 
 arrogant, domineering, apparently regarding the Indian as one 
 who had no rights which an Englishman was bound to respect. 
 The French had identified themselves with the Indians, married 
 into their families, taught them many arts of war, and abundantly 
 supplied them with the best of arms and ammunition. They 
 
 * “ Bomaseen, a sachem of a tribe of the Kennebecs, whose residence was at an 
 ancient seat of the sagamores, called Norridgewock, in 1094, came to tlie fort at 
 I*enia(iuid, with a flag of truce. He was treacherously seized by those who com- 
 manded, and sent prisoner to Boston, where he remained some months in a loath- 
 some prison.” — Drake, p. 111. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 259 
 
 had very zealously imbued their minds with the principles of 
 the Catholic religion, whose ceremonies were peculiarly calcu- 
 lated to captivate the untutored savage. They had also, in 
 some degree, transferred to their minds the Frenchman’s hered- 
 itary hatred of the Englishman. Mr. Williamson, in his admira- 
 ble “ History of Maine,” fairly represents the prevailing English 
 feeling with regard to the Indians. He writes, — 
 
 “ They agreed with the French in their aversion to the English, and in a 
 hatred of their free politics and religious sentiments. And when such pas- 
 sions, in minds undisciplined, are influenced by fanaticism, they know 
 neither restraints nor limits. All their acquaintance with the arts of civil- 
 ized life seemed rather to abase than elevate their character. 
 
 “They made no advancements in mental culture, moral sense, honest 
 industry, or manly enterprise. Infatuated with the notion of Catholic indulr 
 gences, they grew bolder in animosity, insolence, and crime. Their enmity 
 was more implacable, their habits more depraved; and a keener appetite 
 was given for ardent spirits, for rapine, and for blood. Dupes to the French, 
 they lost all regard to the sanctity of treaty obligations. Indian faith, among 
 the English, became as proverbially bad as Punic among the ancient Ro- 
 mans.” ^ 
 
 M. Callieres, governor at Montreal, whatever may have been 
 his motives, in fact adopted a very different policy from that of 
 the English. He sent envoys to the broken and despairing 
 remnants of the tribes in Maine, inviting them to emigrate to 
 Canada. He set apart for them large and inviting tracts of 
 land on the banks of the Becancourt and the St. Fran9ois, 
 — streams which flow into the St. Lawrence, from the south, 
 eighty or ninety miles above Quebec. On each of these rivers, 
 clusters of wigwams arose. The villages were pleasantly situ- 
 ated, each with a church and a parsonage house. A ferry was 
 also established for the convenience of the Indians in crossing 
 the St. Lawrence to Trois Rivieres, on the opposite shore.^ 
 
 With such difi'erent treatment, there can be no question as to 
 the side to which the Indian would incline in case of hostilities. 
 The remnants of four tribes repaired to the spot to which they 
 
 1 ’Williamson, vol. ii. p. 40. 
 
 2 History of the French Dominions in North and South America, by Thomas 
 Jeffreys, pp. 9-11; Topographical Description of Canada, by Joseph Bouchette, 
 p. 338. 
 
260 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 were thus hospitably invited, and blended into a new tribe, called 
 the St. Francois Indians. It is interesting to see how differently 
 precisely the same facts may be presented according to the views 
 of the writer. The very candid Mr. Williamson writes, and 
 perhaps with truth (for who can read the human heart ?), “ At 
 these places, designed to be the rendezvous of the natives, the 
 French intended to command their trade and plunder, to plan 
 their excursions, and direct their motions against the English 
 frontiers.” ^ 
 
 Baron Castine had returned to France from his extensive 
 landed estate on the Penobscot. He had left behind him, in 
 possession of the large property, his son and heir, called Castine 
 the Younger. He was the child of Castine's Tarratine wife, 
 who, it will be remembered, was the daughter of the renowned, 
 and at least partially-civilized, sagamore, Madokawando. A 
 riotous band of worthless Englishmen met at the house of 
 young Castine, under pretence of making him a friendly visit. 
 
 Regarding their host as half Indian, they treated him with 
 every indignity. Rioting through his house like veritable 
 savages, they plundered it of every thing which they deemed 
 worth carrying away. It was one of the basest acts of treachery, 
 and was so regarded by all respectable men.^ The government 
 denounced it in severe terms, promising M. Castine restitution, 
 and assuring him that the offenders, if they could be arrested, 
 should be severely punished. The event was the more deeply 
 deplored, since there were indications of another war between 
 France and England. Such a war would inevitably involve the 
 colonies ; and Indian warriors, led by French ofiQcers, might 
 inflict an incalculable amount of injury. 
 
 Soon Fi'ance and England again grappled in what was called 
 “ Queen Anne’s War,” and, in the New England colonies, the 
 “ Third Indian War.” All over the world, Frenchmen and 
 Englishmen deemed themselves enemies, who were bound to do 
 each other all the injury in their power. A special effort was 
 
 1 'SVilliamson, vol. ii. p. 40. 
 
 •2 “ Outrapjeoiis, ]io\vever, as it 'vvas, the well-minded sufferer only complained 
 and expostulated, without avenging himself; for, in policy and sentiment, he was 
 the friend of tranquillity.” — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 42. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 2G1 
 
 to be made in the New World, by the English, to wrench colonies 
 from the French, and, by the French, to wrest them from the 
 English. Unfortunately, the savages were far more ready to 
 rally beneath the banners of France than beneath those of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Early in August, 1703, a body of five hundred French and 
 Indians entered upon the eastern frontiers of Maine. These 
 well-armed troops had but feeble foes to encounter. They 
 divided into six or seven parties, of about seventy-five men 
 each, to attack the infant settlements, where scarcely any resist- 
 ance was to be anticipated. On the same day, the 10th of 
 August, Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scarborough, Spurwink, 
 Purpooduck, and Casco were assailed. The consternation and 
 destruction were such, that no detailed record was made of 
 the awful scenes which ensued. In Wells, thirty-nine of the 
 inhabitants were either killed, or carried into captivity.^ This 
 is all we know of the terrible tragedy. What dwellings were 
 burned, what scenes of individual anguish and suffering oc- 
 curred, must remain untold, till, at the day of judgment, all the 
 secrets of this fearful drama of time and sin shall be revealed. 
 
 Mr. Bourne, in his valuable “ History of Wells and Kenne- 
 bunk,” after tireless research, has collected a few interesting 
 traditionary narratives, which are probably founded in fact, and 
 which are but a repetition of those scenes of horror with which 
 the reader is already familiar. 
 
 A few fishermen only resided at Cape Porpoise. The demo- 
 niac assailants plundered their humble homes, laid them in ashes, 
 and carried the inmates, all whom they could seize, off as prison- 
 ers. At Winter Harbor ^ there was a small garrison. They 
 fought for a short time bravely ; but after having several killed 
 
 ‘ “ The horrors of that day cannot be depicted, — families broken up, hus- 
 bands, wives, or children taken from the home circle. Almost every one had lost 
 a friend dear to his heart. IVfany were wounded, barely escaping death or cap- 
 tivity. Valuable citizens, on whom reliance was placed for protection and support 
 in this terrible crisis, were either killed, or carried away, exposed to the relentless 
 cruelty of the savage enemy.” — History of Wells and Kennebunk, by Edward E. 
 Bourne, p. 245. 
 
 2 “The celebrated place called ‘Winter Harbor,’ after an ancient inhabitant 
 there by the name of Winter, is above Wood Island, six miles below Saco bridge, 
 and the head of the tide.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 2G. 
 
262 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 and wounded, and being overpowered by numbers, the survivors 
 were compelled to surrender themselves to captivity. Eleven 
 were killed, and twenty-four were captured. 
 
 The people of Scarborough seem to have received some inti- 
 mation of the approach of the foe ; and all, hurrying into the 
 garrison, prepared to defend themselves to the last extremity. 
 A flag of truce was sent to the fort by a captive. The bearer 
 was detained, and no answer returned. After a “ long siege,” 
 when the men were completely exhausted, and were on the 
 point of capitulating, re-enforcements arrived, and the baffled 
 foe retired. Undoubtedly every thing outside of the garrison 
 was destroyed. 
 
 In Spurwink,^ twenty-two were killed, or taken captive; and 
 the little settlement was laid entirely desolate. Purpooduck 
 contained but ninexlog-cabins. The families were taken entirely 
 by surprise. It so happened that all the men were away. Only 
 women and children were left behind. The savages, allies of 
 men who called themselves Christians, burned down the dwell- 
 ings, butchered twenty -five of the helpless inmates, and carried 
 away eight as prisoners. The horrid spectacle of mangled 
 bodies which they left behind is too revolting to be recorded. 
 
 The little settlement at Casco, ^ where there was a garrison, 
 was the most remote eastern frontier. A new fort had been 
 constructed here, which was placed under the command of 
 Major John March, with a garrison of thirty men. The three 
 Indian chiefs who led the assailing party were Moxus, Wanun- 
 gonet, and Assacombuit, all sagamores of great renown. The 
 last will be remembered as the cliief who was knighted by 
 Louis XIV., and received from him the present of an elegant 
 sword. 
 
 * Scarborough extends toward the east, six miles in width on the coast, to the 
 month of Spurwink River, which seems to cnt off, as it bounds the eastwardly 
 corner of the town.” — William, soriy vol. i. p. 24. 
 
 2 “ The old Indian name ‘Casco ’ continued to be used all the first centuiy after 
 the settlement, notwithstanding the town had received from Massachusetts the 
 corporate name ‘Falmouth,’ as early as 1(558. The plantation upon the Neck7and, 
 indeed, all others in the bay, were called by the general name of ‘ Casco ’ or ‘ Casco 
 Bay.’ No boundaries were defined; but, when a particular spot was designated, 
 the local terms, bori'owed principally from the Indians, were u.sed.” — History of 
 Portland, by William Willis, pp. 49-96. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 263 
 
 It is said, we know not by what authority, that the three 
 sagamores sent a flag of truce, inviting Major March to a con- 
 ference. Though he suspected treachery, he went out upon the 
 plain to meet them, unarmed, and taking with him only two 
 very aged and infirm men. The chiefs saluted him with civility, 
 and then, drawing their tomahawks from beneath their robes, 
 the three fell furiously upon Major March ; wliile his two com- 
 panions, Messrs. Phippen and Kent, were shot down by Indians 
 in ambush.^ March, being a very strong man, wrested a toma- 
 hawk from one of his assailants, and valiantly defended himself 
 against the three. All this could scarcely have occupied one 
 single minute of time ; and yet, at that very minute. Sergeant 
 Hook arrived, with a file of ten men, from the fort, and rescued 
 the major from his peril. This story seems so very improbable, 
 that it is impossible to give it full credence.^ 
 
 The siege continued six days and six nights. There was no 
 repose for the inmates of the garrison, as every moment an 
 assault was expected from overpowering numbers. At the close 
 of the six days, the enemy received a re-enforcement, increasing 
 their number to about five hundred.^ The new arrivals con- 
 sisted of detachments flushed with victory. M. Bobassin, a 
 French officer, then assumed command. He brought with him 
 a sloop and two shallops, which he had captured, and also 
 much plunder. Scientifically he went to work in an attempt 
 to undermine the fort on the water-side. As the fort was situ- 
 ated on a high bank, this could be done without exposure to 
 any fire from the garrison. Their force was so superior to that 
 of the English, that they had nothing to fear from a sally. 
 
 They were advancing in this engineering very rapidly and 
 prosperously, and were on the eve of the capture, when an 
 armed vessel, commanded by Capt. Cyprian Southack, came to 
 the aid of the despairing garrison. Probably the vessel was 
 armed with cannon, which the assailants, having muskets only, 
 could not resist. The tide of victory was turned. The French 
 
 1 Penliallow, in liis history of Indian wars, writes, “ Phippen and Kent, being 
 advanced in years, were so infirm, that 1 might say of them, as Jn venal said of 
 Priam, ‘ They had scarce blood enongh to tinge the knife of the sacrifice.’ ” 
 
 2 Willis’s History of Portland, p. 314. 
 
 8 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 42. • 
 
264 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 and Indians, abandoning every thing, fled precipitately. This 
 magnificent bay was full of indentations, into which the canoes 
 of the savages could glide. Capt. Southack recaptured the 
 sloop and two shallops ; but the French and Indians, having a 
 flotilla of two hundred birch canoes, effected their escape. 
 
 ^ The soldiers of the garrison now came out to view the deso- 
 lations which this savage warfare had caused. Every thing 
 which would burn was reduced to ashes. Nothing remained but 
 shapeless ruins. When Major March was appointed to the com- 
 mand of this post, he moved there with his family. Being a 
 gentleman of considerable means and great energy, he was soon 
 in possession of a very thrifty farm. He wrote to the General 
 Court, that he had lost, by the attack, a sloop and its furniture, 
 eighty-nine head of sheep and cattle, five acres and a half of 
 wheat, six acres of excellent pease, and four acres and a half of 
 Indian corn. His whole loss exceeded five hundred pounds.^ 
 It is estimated, that, in this brief campaign, the enemy killed or 
 ^ captured one hundred and fifty of the inhabitants of Maiue.^ 
 
 ^ Bourne’s History of Wells and Kennebimk, p. 314. 
 
 2 “To arm a force sufficient to repel their cntel invaders, government deemed it 
 necessary to call to its aid the avarice of the people; and they offered a bounty of 
 forty pounds for every Indian scalp that should be brought in. This excited a 
 ^ spirit of enterprise in the inhabitants, which made them endure incredible hard- 
 ships in pursuing the enemy through the forests, in the depths of winter, to 
 procure this valuable merchandise.” — History of Portland^ by William Willis, 
 p. 319. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE EIVAL CLAIMS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND. 
 
 Jocelyn’s Visit — The Destruction of Black Point — The Vicissitudes of War — 
 A Naval Expedition — Merciless Ravages — Destruction at Port Royal — The 
 Expedition to Norridgewock — Exchange of Prisoners — Treason suspected 
 — Incidents of the Conflict — A Renewed Attack upon Port Royal — Rage 
 of Gov. Dudley — The Third Attack and its Failure — Naval Battle at Winter 
 Harbor — The Conquest of Nova Scotia — The Commission to Quebec — 
 Exchange of Menaces. 
 
 T his sudden outburst of savage violence threw the whole 
 region into a state of terrible confusion. Many fled ; others 
 assembled their families in the crowded and consequently com- 
 fortless garrison-houses, and went armed, and in bands, to their 
 work. Massachusetts, with her customary energy, sent prompt 
 aid. A troop of horsemen was quartered at Wells. Three 
 hundred and sixty men were marched to Pegwacket,^ which was 
 one of the principal resorts of the Indians. Another well-armed 
 band was sent to Ossipee Ponds.^ 
 
 The hostile bands of French and Indians continued to ravage 
 the seacoast, apparently resolved to destroy every garrison, to 
 lay every settlement in ruins, and entirely to depopulate the 
 country of its English inhabitants. There was a region called 
 Black Point, then quite noted, which was a portion of the 
 
 1 “Betwteen Fryeburg Academy and Saco River is the celebrated Lovell’s 
 Pond, half a league in length, though less than a mile in width at any place. This 
 beautiful section of country was anciently called Pegwacket (Peckwalket, Pe- 
 guawett), one of the principal and most favorite lodgements of the Sokokis tribe, 
 and also the theatre of a desperate battle with the Indians. Here are curious 
 mounds of earth, one sixty feet in circumference, artificially raised by them, of 
 which no tradition nor conjecture can give any satisfactory account.” — William- 
 son, vol. i. p. 28. 
 
 2 The Ossipee River, one of the principal tributaries of the Saco, takes its rise 
 among these ponds, a few miles across the line in New Hampshire. 
 
 2G3 
 
2G6 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 present town of Scarborough. Capt. Jocelyn, to the record of 
 whose voyages we have before referred, touched at this place, 
 in the year 1638, to visit his brother Henry, who then resided 
 there. In his journal he writes, — 
 
 “ Having refreshed myself for a day or two at Noddle’s Island, I crossed 
 the bay in a small boat to Boston, which was then rather a village than a 
 town, there being not above twenty or thirty houses. The 12th of July I 
 took boat for the eastern part of the country, and arrived at Black Point, in 
 the Province of Maine, which is a hundred and fifty miles from Boston, the 
 fourteenth day; the country all along, as I sailed, being no other than a 
 mere wilderness, here and there, by the seaside, a few scattered plantations 
 with as few houses.” ^ 
 
 Here the families were collected in the garrison-house. On 
 the morning of the 6th of October, 1703, most of the men, 
 nineteen in number, all well armed, went out together to work 
 in the meadows. Lieut. Wyatt and eight men were left to guard 
 the garrison. Two hundred Indians rose from ambush upon 
 the working-party, and either killed or captured all but one. 
 The victors then attacked the fort. There chanced to be two 
 small vessels in the harbor. The crews, alarmed by the report 
 of the guns, hastily repaired to the aid of the garrison. They 
 made a bold resistance. At length, seeing evidence that the 
 fort must fall into the hands of the overpowering assailants, 
 they all succeeded in escaping to the vessels. 
 
 The savages, with hideous yells, applied the torch to all the 
 dwellings, and, like fiends, danced around the flames. The ves- 
 sels bore their melancholy freight, many of them widows and 
 orphans, to some place of safety, where they could be fed and 
 clothed by the hand of charity. A gang attacked Arthur Brag- 
 don’s house in York, and tomahawked himself, his wife, and five 
 children. Mrs. Hannah Parsons (a widow) and her daughter 
 were carried into captivity. It is said, that, returning to Canada, 
 the savages came near starvation. In this great extremity, they 
 were about to kill the child, and built a fire to roast and eat her, 
 when a dog fell in their way, and supplied the place of the little 
 girl.^ At Berwick, two houses were burned, one man was killed, 
 
 1 Jocelyn’s Voyages, pp. 18, 20. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, voL ii. p. 149. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 267 
 
 one wounded, and three carried into captivity. They attacked 
 the garrison, but were repulsed. In their rage they bound one 
 of their prisoners, Joseph Ring, to a stake, and tortured him to 
 death with every device of demoniac cruelty. They danced 
 around their victim, responding to every groan with shouts and 
 yells of delight. 
 
 Major March of Casco, with three hundred men, pursued a 
 band of the retiring foe as far as Pegwacket, where he suc- 
 ceeded in' killing six, in capturing six, and in recovering consid- 
 erable plunder. It is said that this was the first loss which the 
 savages experienced in this desolating campaign. The liberal 
 reward offered by the legislature for Indian scalps, which in- 
 cluded a bounty of twenty pounds for every Indian child under 
 ten years of age, induced Capt. Tyng and several others to 
 organize hunting-parties to traverse the wilderness on snow- 
 shoes, in mid-winter, to hunt down the savages ; but all these 
 expeditions were unsuccessful. 
 
 During this melancholy winter, the government expended 
 nearly a thousand dollars in establishing a strong garrison near 
 the falls in Saco. Spring came, with its sunny skies and swell- 
 ing buds, only to renew the terror of the people. This was the 
 season for the savages to re-open their campaigning. The 
 French, in Canada, had furnished their allies with ample sup- 
 plies. 
 
 Major Mason, with nearly a hundred friendly Indians, belong- 
 ing to the Pequods and Mohegans of Connecticut, was stationed 
 at Berwick. Still the prowling savages succeeded in shooting 
 several persons, and, in expression of their hatred, horribly 
 mangled their remains. In addition to these marauding-parties, 
 plundering, burning, and murdering on the land, French pri- 
 vateers swept the coast. Not a fishing-boat could leave a bay 
 or inlet without danger of capture. It is often said that an 
 offensive is the best defensive- war. It was decided -to be expe- 
 dient to attack the French in Canada and Nova Scotia. Thus 
 the desolations of war would be removed from Maine into the 
 regions of the enemy, and the French would be constrained to 
 retain their forces at home for the protection of their own fire- 
 sides. 
 
268 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 An expedition was intrusted to Major Benjamin Church, who 
 had obtained much renown in Indian warfare. He was invested 
 with the title of colonel ; and five hundred men were placed 
 under his command. Three vessels-of-war convoyed his little 
 fleet of fifty-one boats, of various sizes. One of the war-ships 
 carried forty-eight guns, the other thirty-two. The third was a 
 province galley. The fleet sailed from Boston the 21st of May, 
 1704. 
 
 The vessels first cast anchor at the Island of Metinicus, just 
 out of Penobscot Bay. Two armed boats were sent to a neigh- 
 boring island, where they captured a French family and a 
 Canadian Indian. The captives were not disposed to be com- 
 municative. But threats extorted from them the information 
 that there were several other cabins along the shores in the 
 vicinity, and that some French officers were building a fort at 
 Passamaquoddy. The prisoners were compelled to act as pilots 
 in conducting several armed boats to the dwellings of their 
 friends. 
 
 These were not days of forbearance and mercy. The atro- 
 cities which had been perpetrated by the French and Indians 
 were such, that the avengers were ready to shoot down men, 
 women, and children as pitilessly as if they had been so many 
 wolves. Still it was expedient to take as many captives as pos- 
 sible, that they might be used as ransom for English prisoners. 
 
 Quite a number of both French and Indians were killed ; and 
 several captives were taken. Among the latter was a daughter 
 of Baron Castine with her children, we know not how many. 
 Her husband, a gentleman of wealth and culture, was then on 
 a visit to France. 
 
 Again the fleet spread its sails. After a brief tarry at Mount 
 Desert, the party proceeded to Passamaquoddy Bay, in whose 
 lonely waters a secret place of anchorage was sought.^ A 
 squadron of whale-boats was despatched, led by Col. Church 
 
 * “ Passamquodd V Bay lies partly in the State of Maine, and partly in the 
 British Province of New Brunswick. It is six miles wide, and twelve miles long. 
 It has a sufficient depth of water for the largest vessels, and is never closed by ice. 
 It abounds with cod, mackerel, herring, and other fish. The boundary of the 
 United States passes through it, on its west side, into St. Croix Biver, which 
 enters its north-west part.” — McCulloch's Geographical Dictionary. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 269 
 
 himself, to explore the shores. That the settlers in the lonely 
 cabins might not be apprised of his approach, and thus escape 
 into the woods, he rowed by night, and kept concealed by day. 
 Orders were given, that not a gun should be fired, even to shoot 
 an Indian, if he could possibly be killed, or taken, in any other 
 way. 
 
 Thus he succeeded in capturing, one after another, four 
 French emigrant families. They were all poor, and there was 
 but little plunder in their log-cabins worth taking ; but, such 
 as it was, it was seized, and placed in the boats. One of the 
 captures consisted of the family of a poor French widow, with 
 her orphan-children. Col. Church was energetic and merciless. 
 The scenes of horror he had witnessed had roused his soul to 
 the higliest pitch of rage, and had hardened his heart. The 
 readiness with which he would retaliate upon helpless ones, no 
 matter how innocent, the wrongs which demoniac men had in- 
 flicted upon the dwellers in Maine, drew down upon him severe 
 censure, and has materially dimmed the splendor of his other- 
 wise great exploits. He then ravaged the surrounding region 
 with the indiscriminate mercilessness of the tornado. The 
 widow and the orphan were alike the victims of his fury.^ 
 
 From Passamaquoddy Bay, the armament sailed out into the 
 Bay of Fundy, that immense sheet of water which separates 
 New Brunswick from Nova Scotia, and renders the latter prov- 
 ince so nearly an island, that it is entered by a neck of land 
 only about twenty miles wide. Here the avenging squadron 
 divided. The ships, with several of the boats, crossed the bay, 
 a distance of about sixty miles, to Port Royal (Annapolis). 
 
 The day before the arrival of the fleet, Castine the Younger, 
 with about sixt}^ Canadian soldiers, had re-enforced the garrison 
 in their strong works. The fort was deemed too formidable to 
 be a‘ttacked.2 But the troops in garrison could not venture 
 beyond the protection of their ramparts. 
 
 Col. Church made terrible havoc of all the settlements around. 
 Many persons were killed ; and utter desolation took the place 
 
 » Collections of New Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. p. 32-35; Hutchin- 
 son’s History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 133. 
 
 2 Universal History, vol. xl. p. 152. 
 
270 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 of peaceful homes and smiling fields. Gov. Dudley, in his ad- 
 dress to the legislature, proposing a vote of thanks as a reward 
 for these services, said, “ Col. Church has destroyed all the set- 
 tlements in the vicinity of Port Royal, and taken a hundred 
 prisoners and a large amount of plunder, with the loss of only 
 six men.” 
 
 The whale-boats ran along the shores, destrojdng all the 
 remoter settlements, killing, plundering, capturing, and burn- 
 ing. The triumphant fleet returned to Boston, having been 
 absent but about three months. “ War,” says Gen. Sherman, 
 “is cruelty : you cannot refine it.” This dreadful, woe-commis- 
 sioned expedition accomplished the purpose for which it was 
 intended. Terrible as was its infliction upon the Acadians, it 
 averted from the humble homes of Maine a doom still more 
 dreadful. By the English, captives were at least treated with 
 ordinary humanity, and were never put to the torture. But 
 what imagination can gauge the misery of a Christian family, 
 consisting of father, mother, and little children, dragged by 
 brutal savages through the wilderness for hundreds of miles, 
 and doomed, perhaps, to see a husband, a father, or a son tor- 
 tured to death for a savage holiday ! ^ 
 
 The fort at Winter Harbor, not far from the mouth of Saco 
 River, was placed in the best condition for defence during the 
 winter of 1705. At the same time Col. Hilton, who had 
 accompanied Col. Church as major in his late expedition, was 
 sent, with a force of two hundred and seventy men, to attack 
 the Indian village and French missionary station at Norridge- 
 wock. Twenty friendly Indians were included in this party ; 
 and they all travelled, in dead of winter, through the wilderness, 
 on snow-shoes. Each soldier took, in a pack upon his back, 
 food for twenty days. Their fare must indeed have been frugal. 
 
 Immediately upon the proclamation of war between France 
 and England, the governor of Canada sent the tidings to Nor- 
 ridgewock. A council was held ; and the Indians decided to 
 become the allies of the French. The French missionaries 
 must, of course, have had much influence in this decision. 
 There were about two hundred and fifty warriors who met there 
 
 * Cliurcli’s Fifth Expedition, p. 158. 
 
J'HE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 271 
 
 in this council. The priest, as usual, appointed religious ser- 
 vices, that the hearts of the savages might he inspired by the 
 sanctions of religion.^ 
 
 The Indians were not often taken by surprise. Their scouts 
 kept vigilant watch. When the little army reached Norridge- 
 wock, after tlieir long and painful tramp, there was no one 
 there: all had fled. A large chapel, with a vestry, was standing, 
 and a cluster of very comfortable Indian wigwams. These the 
 soldiers laid in ashes. Being much disappointed in not finding 
 either captives, food, or plunder, they commenced their march 
 home through drifting snows and wintry gales. 
 
 In war, blows must be received as well as given. Gov. Suber- 
 case of Nova Scotia gathered an army of five hundred and 
 fifty French and Indians ; the savages being led by the noted 
 Assacombuit. He made terrible havoc among all the English 
 settlements within his reach. An uncounted number were 
 slain ; a hundred and forty were taken prisoners ; and a large 
 amount of plunder was seized. He exacted conflagration for 
 conflagration, prisoner for prisoner, blood for blood. At length 
 the prisoners had so accumulated on both sides as to be quite a 
 burden. Gov. Vaudreuil of Canada sent one of his captives, 
 Capt. Hill, to negotiate an exchange. Many of the friends of 
 the lost did not know whether they had been killed, or had 
 been made prisoners. William Dudley, a son of the governor, 
 was sent to Canada with seventy prisoners, to receive an equal 
 number in return. He could however, obtain but sixty. Mr. 
 Williamson writes, — 
 
 “ Guilty of detestable hypocrisy, Vaudreuil pretended that the Indians 
 were an independent and freeborn people, and that he had no riglit or power 
 to demand their captives ; whereas they were in fadt well known to be 
 entire dupes and vassals to his will. ’ ’ ^ 
 
 In point of fact, the statement of the French governor was 
 undoubtedly true. The Indian chiefs regarded the captives, 
 whom their own war-parties had taken, as exclusively their 
 own, and entirely beyond any control of the French. They 
 
 1 History of Norridgewock, by William Allen, p. 34. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 50. 
 
272 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 kept them to exchange for their own captive warriors. The 
 French could obtain possession of these victims only by paying 
 for them a high ransom. 
 
 Young Dudley protracted his discussions as long as possible, 
 under various pretexts. While the negotiations were under 
 consideration, there was a virtual truce. He thus, in some 
 degree, prevented the excursions of hostile war-parties upon the 
 English frontiers. 
 
 It is mournful to contemplate how little confidence, at times, 
 man can repose in his fellow-man. Capt. William Rowse was 
 twice sent in a vessel, with a flag of truce and twenty-four 
 prisoners, to Nova Scotia, to effect an exchange of captives. 
 He was accused of treacherously being an accomplice with two 
 merchants of Boston, and Samuel Vetch, subsequently the Eng- 
 lish governor of Nova Scotia, in carrying arms, ammunition, and 
 other military supplies, to the enemy. Thus the love of gain in- 
 fluenced them to take advantage of the flag of truce, with which 
 they had been intrusted by their own government, to supply 
 the Indians with the means of ravaging, with conflagration and 
 slaughter, the settlements of the English. They were thrown 
 into prison, and condemned by the legislature. The neglect of 
 the queen to give her signature to the verdict averted their 
 doom. 
 
 More deplorable still. Gov. Dudley himself was suspected of 
 being engaged in this nefarious traffic. Though not proved 
 guilty, and perhaps he was entirely innocent, still the imputa- 
 tion rested upon him. Gov. Dudley was aristocratic in his 
 tastes, and was by no means a cordial advocate of a republican 
 form of government. He was consequently unpopular; and 
 several of the measures which he urged upon the legislature 
 were frowned down. 
 
 During the summer of 1705, French privateers and English 
 cruisers were continually running up and down the coasts of 
 Maine. The French succeeded in capturing seven of the Eng- 
 lish vessels. It will be remembered that the garrison at Port 
 Royal had driven off their English assailants. And, though the 
 English ravaged all the region around, the banners of the French 
 still floated from the ramparts of the strong fort. Small war- 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 273 
 
 bands of savages, sometimes united with a few French, con- 
 tinued to prowl about, killing, capturing, and burning, as they 
 could find opportunity. 
 
 In Kittery, five were killed, and a number of captives were 
 taken. Among these was Mrs. Holt, an accomplished lady of 
 high connections. For such a person to be a prisoner in the 
 hands of brutal savages must be awful beyond conception. 
 There were several cases of the utter ruin of families in assas- 
 sination and capture. A band of eighteen Indians, rushing from 
 the forest near York, seized four little children belonging to the 
 family of Mr. Stover. One, being too young to travel, they 
 knocked in the head. As one of their own warriors had been 
 shot in their retreat with the children, these demoniac men took 
 vengeance by putting a little boy to death with awful tortures. 
 
 On the 29th of April, a party sprang from ambush, at Kit- 
 tery, and seized Mr. Shapley and his son. The wretches, to 
 gratify their love of cruelty, gnawed o:ff the first joint of each 
 finger and thumb of the unhappy young man, and stopped the 
 bleeding by inserting the mangled stumps into the bowl of 
 tobacco-pipes, heated red hot. This seems to have been one of 
 their favorite modes of torture. Much havoc was perpetrated 
 this year, in the unprotected settlements of Massachusetts and 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 The war had continued three years ; and the Indians, ever 
 fickle, never persistent, began to grow weary of it. Terrible as 
 had been the suffering they had caused, they had reaped but 
 little benefit for themselves. The French, in Canada, proposed 
 neutrality. While the courts of France and England continued 
 to carry on the war, they proposed that the French and English 
 colonies, struggling against the hardships of the wilderness in 
 this new world, should stand aloof from the conflict.^ 
 
 From this peace-offer. Gov. Dudley, we must think very un- 
 wisely, dissented. He thought and said that the only way to 
 secure a permanent peace was to drive the French entirely out 
 of Acadia, and to take possession of the whole country in the 
 name of the Queen of England.^ 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 53. 
 
 2 Histoire de la ISIouvelle France, par Charlevoix, vol. ii. p. 313. 
 
274 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Thus the dreary year of 1706 passed away, with continued 
 burnings, assassinations, and captures. In January, 1707, Col. 
 Hilton was sent in a vessel to Casco, with supplies for the garri- 
 son there. There were two hundred and twenty men stationed 
 at that point, with orders to range the country as they could, in 
 pursuit of Indians. This was necessary but inglorious warfare. 
 One day a party struck upon an Indian trail, Avhich they fol- 
 lowed until they came upon a wigwam, where there were four 
 Indian men, with a middle-aged woman and a babe. They shot 
 the men, and took the woman and child captives. They then 
 compelled the woman, by threats of death, to conduct them to a 
 spot where eighteen of her companions were encamped. They 
 were all asleep, unsuspicious of danger. It was just before the 
 dawn of the morning. A well-aimed volley of bullets instantly 
 killed all but one, and he was captured. 
 
 This event caused great rejoicing. The Indians were so wary, 
 that it was with the utmost difficulty that any of them were 
 caught. In the spring of 1707 another naval expedition, of 
 more tlian a thousand men, wa:s fitted out against Port Royal. 
 Col. March was placed in command. Numerous transports and 
 whale-boats were convoyed by a well-armed vessel of war.^ 
 
 But to attack a scientifically-constructed French fort, defended 
 by veteran French soldiers, with formidable cannon frowning 
 through the portholes, was a very different undertaking from 
 that of burning the cabins of poor settlers, and shooting Indians, 
 either asleep in their encampments, or running in terror before 
 their foes. A thousand men were disembarked. The inhabit- 
 ants around all fled into the fort for protection. A council of 
 war decided that the fort was too strong to be taken by the 
 raw troops encamped before it. 
 
 The troops were re-embarked in haste, and returned to several 
 of the English garrisons along the coast. The chagrin of Gov. 
 Dudley manifested itself in undignified violence of speech. He 
 denounced March as unfit for command, and declared, that, if 
 another vessel of the squadron should return to Boston, he 
 would put to death every man who should step on shore. 
 
 1 “ He (Gov. Dudley) was exceedingly anxious to see Port Royal reduced, as 
 such an event would complete the entire conquest of Nova Scotia, and convert it 
 into an English province.” — Williamson^ vol. ii. p. 63. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 275 
 
 Another armament was speedily organized. Gov. Dudley 
 was encouraged, in this operation, by the promise that England 
 would send an efficient fleet to co-operate with him in the com- 
 plete conquest both of Nova Scotia and Canada. Col. March 
 was so popular, notwithstanding the tirades which had been 
 launched against him, that the governor did not venture to 
 supersede him. He, however, appointed three members of his 
 council to be the colonel’s associates in command. 
 
 These troops relanded before the fort at Port Royal, on the 
 lOth of August, 1707. In the mean time, the French had been 
 strengthening their works, and increasing their numbers. Sick- 
 ness had invaded the little army of Col. March. Even inexpe- 
 rienced soldiers could see that the works presented an impreg- 
 nable front against any force they could bring against it. All 
 were alike disheartened. In ten days, having accomplished 
 nothing, the troops returned to their vessels, and sailed back to 
 Casco, Boston, and other English ports. 
 
 The French took advantage of this signal defeat to rouse the 
 Indians to new endeavors to drive the invading English from their 
 hunting-grounds. There were now but six English settlements 
 surviving in Maine, — those of Kittery, Berwick, York, Wells, 
 Casco, and Winter Harbor. Towards all of these the Indians 
 marched in wolfish bands. They fell upon a house in Kittery, 
 and massacred all the inmates. Four men, with a lady, Mrs. 
 Littlefield, were caught on the road between York and Wells. 
 They were probably hastening to some garrison-house. Mrs. 
 Littlefield had two hundred dollars in money with her. A 
 volley from savages in ambush shot them all down but one man. 
 He escaped. The dead were scalped and plundered, and left 
 in their blood. 
 
 The Indians in their canoes lurked around all the spots to 
 which fishing-vessels were likely to resort. These vessels had 
 usually two or three men and a boy on board. Half a dozen 
 canoes, filled with armed savages, and darting out like arrows 
 from the land, easily captured them. 
 
 On the 21st of September, 1707, a hundred and fifty Indians 
 made an attack upon Winter Harbor. They came in a fleet of 
 fifty canoes, three warriors in each canoe. Two shallops were 
 
276 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 in the harbor, manned by eight very determined men. They 
 knew that the vessels would be first attacked. Unintimidated 
 by the fearful odds of one hundred and fifty to eight, they 
 made preparations for a desperate defence. Concealing them- 
 selves behind bulwarks of plank, they made every gun ready for 
 rapid discharges. The fleet came swarming on, while the 
 savages rent the air with their hideous yells. 
 
 The English waited till the canoes were so near, that every 
 bullet was sure to strike its target. All then fired at once. A 
 few canoes were disabled, and their inmates thrown into tem- 
 porary confusion ; but the rest pressed undaunted on. They 
 would soon surround the small vessels, and in resistless num- 
 bers be leaping over their sides. The English abandoned one, 
 and, entering the other, cut the cables, spread a sail, and en- 
 deavored to put out to sea. The Indians seized the forsaken 
 shallop, and, raising her mainsail, commenced the pursuit. 
 
 A slight breeze caused both vessels to move, though they 
 crept along slowly. The English had taken the best vessel ; 
 and the Indians were unskilled mariners. When the savages 
 saw that they were falling astern, they placed a dozen canoes 
 ahead to tow their vessel along, with fishing-cords for tow-lines. 
 The English, also, got out oars. The pursuers and the pursued 
 were often so near each other, that the Indians endeavored to 
 grapple the blades of the oars of the English. A perpetual 
 firing of musketry was kept up. Both parties were ingenious 
 in devices to avoid exposure to the bullet. This singular en- 
 gagement was continued for three hours. The Indians lost, in 
 killed and wounded, about thirty. Only one man, Benjamin 
 Daniel, was killed on board the vessel. His last words were, 
 “ I am a dead man ; but give me a gun to kill one more before 
 I go.” The loaded gun was placed in his hand, but he had no 
 strength to fire it. 
 
 The people around, warned of the approach of the Indians by 
 a cannon fired at the fort, hurried to the garrison. The savages, 
 disheartened by their losses, did not venture an attack.^ 
 
 Soon after this, two men at Berwick, returning from public 
 
 1 Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 55; Bourne’s History of Wells and 
 Kennebuuk, p. 2GG. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 277 
 
 worship, were shot down by the Indians. The neighbors pur- 
 sued and overtook them, and, by an unexpected fire, threw 
 them into such consternation, that they dropped their packs, 
 and fled. Some plunder was regained, and three scalps. 
 
 This was a year of great suffering throughout Maine. The 
 inhabitants, often with a very small supply of food, were very 
 inconveniently crowded into narrow garrison-houses. No man 
 could pass a few rods from the door of the garrison, without 
 danger of being shot down. Not a rod of land could be safely 
 tilled beyond reach of the sentry-box. As to lumbering and 
 fishing, those pursuits had to be entirely abandoned. Thi^s 
 passed the fifth summer of this desolating war, in which man’s 
 inhumanity inflicted untold misery upon his fellows. 
 
 The next year, 1708, was, in Maine, a season of general 
 paralysis. No industrial pursuits could be undertaken. The 
 settlers kept carefully huddled together in the garrisons. Scouts 
 and spy-boats were continually vigilant. The French made an 
 effort to unite all the northern tribes to exterminate the English ; 
 but various obstacles thwarted their plans. Gov. Dudley also 
 endeavored to organize another expedition against Port Royal ; 
 but it proved an entire failure.' 
 
 In February of 1709, Gov. Dudley sent a scout of one hun- 
 dred and fifty men to visit all the old settlements of the Indians, 
 and see that they were laid utterly desolate. He said that it 
 was his object to teach the Indians that the French, whom they 
 had so zealously served, were unable to protect them from the 
 punishment they so richly merited, from the avenging hands of 
 the English. “ We shall never,” the governor added, “be long 
 at rest, until Canada and Nova Scotia constitute a part of the 
 British empire.” 
 
 In the summer of this year, the Indians of the Kennebec sent 
 a flag of truce to Boston to sue for peace. But it is quite evi- 
 dent that the English were not in favor of peace with France, 
 until, at least. Nova Scotia should be wrested from the French 
 crown. The sufferings of a few hundred poor emigrants in 
 Maine they deemed too trivial to be thought of in these great 
 national issues. 
 
 1 Massachusetts Eecords, vol. viL p. 42(5. 
 
278 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 In 1710 a new effort was made for the conquest of Port 
 Royal, in which the British Government took an active jDart. A 
 fleet of thirty-six sail, warships and transports, conveyed a for- 
 midable armament and twelve hundred men to the Bay of 
 Annapolis. The troops were landed safely on the 24th of 
 September, excepting one transport, containing twenty-six men, 
 which was wrecked, and all were drowned. 
 
 The French governor, Subercase, had but two hundred and 
 sixty men in garrison. The assailing batteries were soon raised, 
 and a heavy cannonading commenced. The next day Subercase 
 found himself compelled to capitulate. The fortress and all its 
 stores were surrendered to the crown of England. All the 
 inhabitants within a league of the fort, four hundred and eighty- 
 one in number, were to be protected, upon condition of their 
 taking the oath of allegiance to the British Government. The 
 soldiers taken in the garrison were to be sent to France, or to 
 be permitted to remove to Canada.^ 
 
 In honor of Queen Anne, the name of the place was changed 
 from Port Royal to Annapolis Royal. Thus Nova Scotia 
 passed into the hands of the English. Col. Samuel Vetch was 
 appointed governor of the conquered Province ; and a garrison 
 of four hundred and fifty men was left under his command. 
 
 Major Levingston and young Castine were sent as English 
 commissioners to Gov. Vaudreuil, in Canada, to inform him that 
 Acadia, as they termed it, had fallen into the hands of the 
 English ; that, consequently, all the French inhabitants of that 
 region, excepting those who had taken the oath of allegiance, 
 were prisoners-of-war ; and that any barbarities practised by 
 savages under the control of the French would be followed by 
 severe reprisals upon the French inhabitants of Nova Scotia. 
 
 It was nearly midwinter when the commissioners set out on 
 tlieir arduous journey through the wilderness, to Quebec. 
 Tney crossed the Bay of Fundy to the Penobscot, and remained 
 several days at Castine’s beautiful residence at Biguyduce (Cas- 
 tine). Here Mr. Levingston received from the attractive family 
 of liis host the most hospitable and warm-hearted attentions. 
 
 1 I’enliallow’s Indian Wars ; Hutchinson’s History, vol. ii. p. 1C7; Hallibur- 
 ton’s Nova Scotia, vol. i. p. 88. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 279 
 
 On the 1st of November, they took a canoe, and, with three 
 Indian guides, paddled up the Penobscot River. About eight 
 miles above the present city of Bangor, they came to an island 
 called Lett. Here, probably where the village of Oldtown now 
 stands, they found a cluster of Indian wigwams, containing 
 about one hundred inhabitants, with fifty canoes upturned upon 
 the greensward. 
 
 The Indians were not disposed to let them go any farther. 
 They detained them for several days. Mr. Levingston would 
 undoubtedly have lost his life, but for the interposition of Mr. 
 Castine, whom the savages regarded as an adopted Indian, 
 the child of the daughter of one of their most illustrious chiefs, 
 and their friend. 
 
 The journey was resumed on the 4th of November ; the com- 
 missioners, with several Indian guides, still ascending the river 
 in two canoes. On the second day Levingston’s canoe was 
 overset, an Indian guide was drowned ; and he lost his gun and 
 all his personal effects. The ice was making fast. The other 
 canoe soon became torn and leaky, so that it had to be aban- 
 doned. 
 
 For forty days these hardy men travelled through the wilder- 
 ness on foot, guided by the compass alone. The weather was 
 so stormy, or they were enveloped in such dense fogs, that, for 
 nineteen days, they did not see the sun. They waded through 
 snow, knee deep, crossed as they could unbridged and icy 
 torrents, forced their way through swamps encumbered with 
 almost impenetrable entanglements of spruces, cedars, and 
 underbrush. A week before they reached any human habita- 
 tions, they had consumed all their food. They then lived upon 
 the rinds of trees, and such dried and withered berries as the 
 wintry gales had not yet torn from the branches. 
 
 They reached Quebec on the 16th of December, where they 
 remained about two months, accomplishing but little. Indeed, 
 their mission seemed to be one rather to utter threats than to 
 propose terms of peace. The governor of Canada, in response 
 to the menacing letter sent him by the English authorities, 
 replied, — 
 
280 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ Never have the French, and seldom have the Indians, treated their 
 English captives with inhumanity. The French are, in no event, accounta- 
 ble for the behavior of the Indians. A truce, and even a neutrality, might 
 long ago have terminated all these miseries of war, had the English been 
 willing to accept sueh neutrality. If the English adopt any retaliatory 
 measures, they will be amply avenged b}’- the French.” 
 
 The conquest of Nova Scotia settled many disputed questions 
 as to boundaries. Though the ravages of war were slackened, 
 there still was no confirmed peace. More than a year before, 
 the sagamores had sent a flag of truce to Boston, supplicating 
 peace. But the English, intent upon seizing Nova Scotia, and 
 perhaps still hoping to gain Canada, were certainly not eager 
 to accept the olive-branch : consequently, a desultory warfare 
 was kept up ; marauding bands of savages inflicting occasional 
 deeds of awful individual suffering, while nothing of victorious 
 result was accomplished. In August a man and woman were 
 shot in the vicinity of York, and two men were carried away 
 captive. In Saco three persons were killed, and six captured. 
 There were two cases of barbarity, which should be recorded. 
 One was on the part of the Indians. They wantonly skinned 
 one of the English, whom they had killed, and cut up his skin 
 into belts. 
 
 The other was on the part of the English. Col. Walton, 
 with one hundred and seventy men on a reconnoitring tour, 
 had reached Sagadahoc. By a decoy he seized a sagamore, 
 with his wife, and several other Indians. Because the sagamore 
 was not, as he thought, sufficiently communicative in betraying 
 his friends. Col. Walton allowed the savages, who 'were of his 
 own party, to amuse themselves in cutting him to pieces with 
 their tomahawks. 
 
 Soon after this, Walton captured, at one time three, and 
 again five prisoners. It is not known whether he killed them, or 
 carried them away as captives. On the other hand, the Indians, 
 having captured a man by the name of Ayres, treated him 
 kindly, and sent him, with a flag of truce, to Fort Mary, again 
 soliciting that peace which had so long been denied them.^ 
 
 While Nova Scotia was in the hands of the French, they 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. G2. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 281 
 
 claimed possession as far west as the Kennebec, and actually 
 held the country as far as the Penobscot. This dispute, as to 
 boundaries, being now settled, the English were intensely 
 desirous of extending their conquest over the whole of Canada. 
 In this design, the men in power were not to be thwarted by. 
 the moans ascending from a few log-cabins in the Avilderness of 
 Maine : consequently the appeals, both of the Canadian French 
 and the Indians, for peace, were alike unheeded. 
 
 Col. Nicholson, returning to Boston triumphant from the con- 
 quest of Nova Scotia, repaired to England to solicit the efficient 
 aid of the government for the new enterprise. He took with 
 him five Mohawk sagamores. These plumed and painted war- 
 riors, the bloodhounds of the human race, were allies of the 
 English. They were ready to fight on any side which would 
 pay them the highest wages. 
 
 In England these barbaric chieftains, in their gorgeous ap- 
 parel, attracted great attention. Immense crowds followed 
 them whenever they appeared in the streets of London. The 
 highest of the nobility called upon these their brother aristo- 
 crats. Queen Anne’s husband,- Prince George, had recently 
 died ; and the court was in mourning. At the royal charge, the 
 Indian chiefs were all richly clad in robes of black broadcloth, 
 with scarlet cloaks edged with gold fringe. 
 
 Thus prepared for presentation to royalty, they were con- 
 ducted to the palace of St. James, in two regal coaches, with 
 all the emblazonry of courtly splendor. The lord-chamberlain 
 introduced them to her Majesty the queen. One of the saga- 
 mores, addressing Anne, and speaking in behalf of his com- 
 panions, said, — « 
 
 “ Should you capture the Canada country, and put the French under your 
 feet, it would give us great advantage in hunting and in war. Let your 
 princely face shine upon us. We are yoiu* allies. We v/ill never turn our 
 backs. We will all stand firm. Nothing shall move us. ” 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BRITISH AND INDIAN DIPLOMACY. 
 
 Entliusiasm of the British Government — The Fleet for the Conquest of Cana- 
 da — Utter Failure of the Enterprise — Daily Perils — The Bridal Party — 
 Treaty of Utrecht — The Ravages of War — Character of the Younger Cas- 
 tine — State of the Ministry — The Pejepscot Purchase — Ancient Dominions 
 — Rearing the Forts — The Council at Arrowsic — Gloomy Prospects — 
 Character of Father Rasle. 
 
 T he English Government, cheered by the conquest of Nova 
 Scotia, and animated by the presence of the Mohawk 
 chiefs, who, it was said, could bring a large number of warriors 
 into the field, engaged with enthusiasm in fitting out an expedi- 
 tion for the conquest of Canada. A fleet was speedily equipped, 
 consisting of fifteen ships-of-war, forty-three transports, and six 
 store-ships. Seven veteran regiments of the Duke of Marl- 
 borough’s army were placed on board, with a fine train of heavy 
 artillery. Admiral Walker, an officer of established reputation, 
 was intrusted with the command. When this powerful arma- 
 ment arrived in Boston, six hundred and fifty provincial troops 
 were added to the force. 
 
 On the 30th of July, 1711, the fleet sailed from Boston for 
 the capture of Quebec. But God seemed to frown upon the 
 enterprise. In entering the mouth of the St. Lawrence, eight 
 transports were wrecked, and a thousand men sank beneath the 
 waves. It was an awful spectacle as viewed from the other 
 vessels of the fleet. The loss was so terrible, both of men and 
 the munitions of war, that the energies of officers and crew 
 seemed alike paralj^zed. Overwhelmed with disappointment 
 and chagrin, they, with one accord, abandoned the enterprise. 
 Returning to Boston, they were greeted only with condemna- 
 tion and obloquy. 
 
 282 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 283 
 
 Expeditions were still sent out from the Massachusetts colo- 
 nies, to cruise along the shores of Maine in pursuit of Indians ; 
 but the savages were on their guard, and could not be found. 
 Prowling bands of Indians succeeded in shooting a few of the 
 English who had here and there ventured into the fields. Dur- 
 ing the next summer (that of 1712), twenty-six of the English 
 settlers were killed or captured in the vicinity of York, Kittery, 
 and Wells. The settlers were completely disheartened. They 
 could not move without danger of assassination. A child could 
 not play upon a doorsill without being exposed to seizure by 
 some burly savage, and dragged screaming, before the eyes of 
 its agonized parents, into the forest. The Indians became 
 increasingly bold in these petty acts of warfare. 
 
 Still England, intent upon the conquest of Canada, did not wish 
 for peace. And, while there was war between France and Eng- 
 land, it could not but be that the savages would be enlisted on 
 the one side or the other. The Indians, though invisible, seemed 
 to be everywhere. Not a movement escaped their notice. A 
 scouting-party was marching from the garrison at York towards 
 Cape Neddock. It was on the 14th of May, 1712. Suddenly, 
 from the silent wilderness, a band of thirty savages sprang up, 
 and poured in upon them a deadly fire. One, the leader. Ser- 
 geant Nalton, was instantly killed : seven others, probably 
 struck down and crippled by wounds, were captured. The 
 survivors fled precipitately, and, with the utmost difficulty, suc- 
 ceeded in regaining the fort. Mr. Pickernel, at Spruce Creek, 
 alarmed by the rumor of the vicinity of the Indians, was leaving 
 his door, with his family, to take refuge in the garrison, when a 
 bullet from a concealed savage struck him dead. His wife was 
 also wounded, and his little child scalped. The poor child, left 
 for dead, recovered from the dreadful wound. There were 
 several similar individual acts of suffering and death. 
 
 A very exciting event took place at Wells, on the 16th of 
 September. There was a large bridal party held at the garri- 
 son. Elisha Plaisted, a young man of Portsmouth, was to be 
 married to Hannah Wheelwright, a beautiful girl of eighteen, 
 a daughter of one of the first families. The family connection 
 was large, and the acquaintance extensive. Prominent guests 
 
284 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 were invited from Portsmouth and other adjacent settlements. 
 Some came by water ; others, in well-armed bands, on horseback. 
 Plaisted was accompanied by quite an escort of his young 
 friends from Portsmouth. 
 
 A band of nearly two hundred Indians came uninvited to the 
 wedding. Threading their way in the dark, with the stealthy 
 tread of the tiger, through the obscurities of the forest, they 
 placed themselves in ambush to cut off all the divisions of the 
 bridal party, by whatever paths they might set out on their 
 return to their homes. It was evident that they were not only 
 perfectly familiar with all the region, but that, in some way, 
 they had gained an acquaintance with the number of the guests, 
 and with the general arrangements for the occasion. 
 
 The nuptials were celebrated ; and in feasting and frolic the 
 hour of midnight had passed, and it is probable that the morn- 
 ing had dawned. Some of the friends were preparing to leave, 
 when it was found that two of the horses were missing. Three 
 young men — Joshua Downing, Isaac Cole, and Sergeant Tucker 
 — went out to find them, apparently without any thought of 
 Indians. They had not proceeded far, when, from the perfect 
 silence and solitude of the forest, a volley of musketry assailed 
 them. Two fell dead. Tucker, severely wounded, was cap- 
 tured by the ambushed savages. 
 
 The report of the guns instant!}^ conveyed the terrible tidings 
 to the garrison. The most able and the bravest men of the 
 region were there, and nearly all with military titles. Totally 
 unaware of the number of their foes, with singular imprudence, 
 but with chivalric braver}^ they rushed out to grapple with 
 them. They sprang upon their horses, and, in small bands, rode 
 in different directions to cut off the retreat of the Indians. 
 
 But the wily savages had placed themselves in ambush on 
 each of these paths, and were quietly awaiting the approach of 
 their victims. The bridegroom, a very heroic young man, led 
 one of these parties of seven or eight men on horseback. Soon 
 they fell into an ambush. At one discharge, every horse was 
 shot down ; one man was killed ; and young Plaisted, in his 
 bridal attire, was seized by the savages leaping from their con- 
 cealment : the others, in the darkness, escaped. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 285 
 
 The savages seemed to understand perfectly the enterprise in 
 which they were engaged. Plaisted was, in their view, the son 
 of a rich father. They wished, if possible, to capture him, that 
 they might extort a heavy ransom. It was this desire which 
 probably led them to shoot down the horses, instead of the men. 
 In their great eagerness to secure him, the others were allowed 
 to escape. 
 
 The Indians, having accomplished their purpose, rapidly fled. 
 A party of seventy soldiers was immediately mustered to pursue 
 them. They came up with the foe in a forest, where every 
 Indian could take his station behind a tree. The English soon 
 found that they were outnumbered by the Indians more than 
 two to one. After a brief skirmish, in which one only was 
 killed on each side, the English ceased firing, and sent forward 
 Lieut. Banks, with a flag of truce, to ascertain on what terms 
 young Plaisted could be ransomed. Six Indian chiefs met the 
 flag. Among them was the noted Bomaseen, of whom we have 
 before spoken.^ 
 
 The chiefs were not prepared to make an immediate arrange- 
 ment. They wished for more time to consider the matter. 
 They promised to bring their captives, in five days, to Richman’s 
 Island, where they would be ready to settle the question. Not- 
 withstanding the large force at the Indians’ disposal, they at- 
 tempted no further raids, but immediately retired. Plaisted 
 was finally redeemed ; his father being compelled to pay a ran- 
 som estimated in value at three hundred pounds, equivalent to 
 about fifteen hundred dollars.^ 
 
 On the 30th of March, 1713, the celebrated Treaty of Utrecht 
 was signed. There was now peace between France and Eng- 
 land. Nova Scotia, the ancient Acadia, was formally surren- 
 dered to the English. Thus this dreadful and wicked war was 
 ended. The Indians had long desired peace. Great was their 
 
 1 It will be remembered that Bomaseen was one of the Horrid^ewock sachems. 
 Upon visiting Pemaquid with a flag of truce, he had been treacherously seized by 
 the English, and carried a captive to Boston. The savage could now have easily 
 retaliated; but he did not. 
 
 2 Collections of ^Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. iii. p. 140; sec, also, the 
 account of this affair as given by Williamson, vol. ii. p. G6, and also by Bourne, in 
 his History of Kennebunk and Wells, p. 280. 
 
286 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 joy. Promptly they sent env 05 "S to Casco to establish friendly 
 relations. The English were haughty, and domineering in their 
 exactions. They demanded of the Indians a humiliating con- 
 fession of their offences, compelled them to take the oath of 
 allegiance to the British crown, to promise to sign whatever 
 articles the governor and council might dictate, to give hostages 
 for the faithful performance of these stipulations, and to main- 
 tain these hostages at their own expense. 
 
 For the ratification of these severe terms, a council was held 
 at Portsmouth on the 11th of July. Eight sagamores from the 
 Rivers St. John, Penobscot, and Kennebec, met the governor 
 with twenty councillors and a large number of attendant gen- 
 tlemen. The Indians were crushed in spirit, and pliant to the 
 will of their conquerors.^ 
 
 The war had lasted ten years. During that time, more than 
 a fourth part of the inhabitants of Maine had been either killed 
 or captured. Hutchinson, in his History of Massachusetts, 
 estimates, that, in the thirty-eight years between 1675 and 1713, 
 six thousand of the youth of New England had perished from 
 the casualties of war.^ Many families had become extinct. 
 Nearly all mourned some members lost. In Maine, the desola- 
 tion was awful. The log-cabins were crumbling to decay. The 
 fields, long uncultivated, presented a revolting aspect of briers 
 and thorns, and all wild shrubs. 
 
 The fur-trade had become entirely extinct. Lumbering and 
 fishing were at an end. Maine was in a state of impoverish- 
 ment scarcely conceivable. Fathers and sons, mothers and 
 daughters, who had been captured, were far away in the wilds 
 of Canada ; and no one knew whether they were living or dead. 
 There were no facilities for travelling, in those days, or for com- 
 municating intelligence. Nearly a year passed before a ship 
 was sent to Quebec to bring home the captives ; and then they 
 were found so widely dispersed, that it required four months to 
 collect them. Many were lost, and never were heard from. 
 
 During this ten-years’ war, it is estimated that one-third of 
 
 1 The articles of this treaty are given entire in the Collections of the New 
 Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. pp. 82-80. 
 
 2 Hutchinson’s History, vol ii. p. 183. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 287 
 
 the Indian warriors of Maine perished, and probably as many 
 more of their women and children, from the bullet, exposure, 
 and starvation. Several tribes had become so enfeebled as to 
 have lost their individual character. The terms of the treaty 
 which the English exacted were so abasing, that the Indians 
 never would have accepted them, had they not been compelled 
 to do so by poverty, suffering, and helplessness. 
 
 Castine the Younger, the son of Baron Castine, and whose 
 mother was the honored daughter of one of the most illustrious 
 and powerful of the sagamores, was, by universal admission, a 
 very extraordinary man. The blood of two lines of nobles 
 flowed through his veins. From his father, he inherited the 
 courteous manners of the French noblesse ; and he became a 
 man of intelligence and culture. From his excellent mother, he 
 inherited S3^mpathy for her race, and was ever heroically dis- 
 posed to cast in his lot with that much injured people. His 
 intelligence taught him that the Indians were gaining nothing, 
 and losing every thing, by the wars ; and he was the most zeal- 
 ous of all the chieftains in urging peace. Mr. Williamson pa3^s 
 the following well-merited and beautiful tribute to the memory 
 of this excellent man : — 
 
 “ He appeared to be entirely free from the bigoted malevolence of the 
 French, and the barbarous, revengeful spirit of the savages. He was a chief 
 sagamore of the Tarratine tribe; and he also held a commission from the 
 French king. By his sweetness of temper, magnanimity, and other valua- 
 ble properties, he was held in high estimation by both people. Nor were 
 the English insensible of his uncommon merit. He had an elegant French 
 uniform which he sometimes wore; yet, on all occasions, he preferred to 
 appear in the habit of his tribe. It was in him both policy and pleasure to 
 promote peace with the English. And, in several instances where they had 
 treated him with abuse, he gave proofs of forbearance worthy of a philoso- 
 pher’s or Christian’s imitation.” ^ 
 
 The perfect confidence wliich the English reposed in his 
 honor was manifested, in their trusting him, as a friend and 
 companion, to conduct Major Levingston through the wilder- 
 ness from Port Royal to Quebec. 
 
 1 "Williamson, vol. ii. p. 70. For further particulars of this remarkable man, 
 see Universal History, vol. xl. p. 180. 
 
288 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 A new era of peace and prosperity, it was hoped, was now 
 about to dawii upon Maine. A stable government began slowly 
 to be organized. ‘ Institutions for education and religion began 
 to arise. Earnest endeavors were made to promote purity of 
 morals. 
 
 For thirty-eight years, the inhabitants of Maine had been 
 engaged in an almost incessant conflict with the Indians. But 
 for the wickedness of man, these might have been happy years, 
 in which beautiful villages would have been reared, and gardens 
 would have bloomed, and parents and children Avould have lived 
 happily together, with ever-increasing prosperity. But they 
 were years of general impoverishment and woe. The war had 
 suspended all the meetings of the Superior Court of Maine. In 
 answer to petitions from Maine, the General Court of Massa- 
 chusetts, on the 5th of June, 1711, ordered the Superior Court 
 to hold an annual session at Kittery. 
 
 On the 9th of June, 1713, the town of Berwick was incor- 
 porated. This was the ninth town in the State. The other 
 towns were Kittery, York, Wells, Cape Porpoise, Saco, Scar- 
 borough, Falmouth, and North Yarmouth. The village rapidly 
 increased ; for the soil was good, and the original settlers highly 
 respectable. It speaks well for this people, that, as early as 
 1702, a church was organized there. John Wade was its first 
 pastor. He was succeeded by Rev. Jeremiah Wise, a man 
 eminent for his scholarship and his piety. For forty-eight years 
 the community was blessed with his ministrations. 
 
 Kittery was divided into two parishes. The new one was 
 called Eliot. Rev. John Rogers was settled here in 1715. The 
 stable character of the people may be inferred from the fact 
 that he continued to fill the pulpit for fifty-eight years. In the 
 old parish at Kittery, the people, as early as 1669, built a par- 
 sonage, and supported a faithful pastor for fifteen years. In 
 the year 1714, there was a church there of forty-three members. 
 Rev. John Newmarch, a scliolarly man, and a graduate from 
 Harvard University, was the faithful preacher to an affectionate 
 people for thirty-five years. In York, Rev. Samuel Moody 
 ministered, with untiring fidelity, for forty-seven years. He 
 was a man of many eccentricities, but highly esteemed for his 
 accomplished scholarship and his many virtues. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 289 
 
 The eastern provinces of the State presented, at the close of 
 the war, truly a melancholy aspect. More than a hundred miles 
 of coast, along which had been scattered the comfortable dwell- 
 ings of the settlers with their cultivated fields, were laid utterly 
 desolate. Not a dwelling remained. Title-deeds and recoiMs 
 were all lost. In re-settling the region, it was deemed expedi- 
 ent that the people should gather in small villages of twenty or 
 thirty families, with home lots of but four or five acres. For 
 the sake of the fisheries, these little settlements were generally 
 on the seacoast. 
 
 Emigrants began slowly to return to the demolished towns of 
 Saco, Scarborough, Falmouth, and North Yarmouth. In the 
 year 1714 there were about twenty families in Falmouth ; and 
 these families, notwithstanding their great impoverishment, at 
 once commenced building a meeting-house. North Yarmouth 
 was one of the last of the dilapidated towns which was re-settled. 
 
 Upon the death of Richard Wharton, the proprietor of the 
 Pejepscot purchase, the whole immense territory included in 
 that purchase was sold to a company for one hundred pounds. 
 The boundary line, it will be remembered, as then understood, 
 ran from five miles above the Upper Falls,^ in a north-east direc- 
 tion, to the Kennebec River. Four miles west of the falls, it 
 took a strip of land, four miles wide, to Maquoit Bay ; and 
 thence down the Kennebec, and through Merrymeeting Bay, to 
 the mouth of the Sagadahoc. Such, in general, were the boun- 
 daries of this purchase. 
 
 The proprietors laid out three townships ; those of Bruns- 
 wick, Topsham, and Harpswell. The two first were six miles 
 square ; one on the north or east side of the river, the other 
 on the southern side. The third town, Harpswell, included a 
 peninsula running down into the bay, and two islands. Fort 
 George was built near the falls at Brunswick. Settlers came very 
 slowly to these towns. In the yearT718 there was not a single 
 dwelling in Brunswick excepting the fort at the falls, and a 
 
 1 “At Lewiston, twenty miles above Brunswick, the cataract is called the 
 Upper Falls of Pejepscot, where the water tumbles over massy rocks, and rushes 
 through narrow passes about one hundred feet pex-pendicular from the surface 
 above to the bed below.” — Williamson' s Uistory of Maine, vol. i.p. 45. 
 
 19 
 
290 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 block-house at Maquoit Bay. Three families had settled in 
 Topsham. It was not until about 1720 that any families en- 
 tered Harpswell.^ 
 
 Gradually families began to return to the utter desolation 
 which reigned at the mouth of the Sagadahoc. A Boston gen- 
 tleman erected at Arrowsic Island ^ a large brick dwelling, 
 which remained there for more than half a century. In the 
 year 1715 there were twenty-six residents on the island. In 
 answer to a petition from the inhabitants, it was incorporated, 
 together with Parker’s Island,^ in the year 171G, by the name 
 of Georgetown. Fifteen new settlers immediately repaired to 
 the place ; and the governor of Massachusetts sent a sergeant’s 
 guard of twenty men to protect the inhabitants for six months. 
 
 This was then the most remote settlement on our eastern 
 frontier. The Sagadahoc plantations have been appropriately 
 called the “ Ancient Dominions ” of Maine. In the early his- 
 tory of the State, this region had more celebrity than any other, 
 with perhaps the exception of York and Falmouth. Here a 
 colony was established as early as 1607, thirteen years before 
 the commencement of the Plymouth Colony. In 1623, but 
 three years after the landing of the Pilgrims, there were eighty- 
 four families residing in this region ; and quite a fleet of fisher- 
 men annually visited those waters. 
 
 There were two patents, which embraced all the land in this 
 vicinity. The one was the Pejepscot, to which we have just 
 referred. The other was called the Plymouth or Kennebec 
 patent. The proprietors of each of these territories offered 
 such families as would remove there, one hundred acres of good 
 land, and promised to pay the expenses of their removal. As 
 an additional inducement they offered to contribute liberally 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 89. See also Collections of Massachusetts Historical 
 Societ.y, p. 141. 
 
 2 Arrowsic Island is about five miles long with a mean breadth of about one 
 mile. It contains, according to Williamson, foiir thousand acres of land. Coolidge 
 and jNIansfield say twenty thousand acres. There is much marsh land and many 
 ledges, which in the estimate of acres, perhaps the one writer discards and the 
 others re(d<on. — Williamson, vol. i. p. 53 ; Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 34. 
 
 8 “Parker’s Island lies north-easterly of Arrowsic, and is separated from it by 
 Back Piver. It is nine miles long, and on an average a mile and a half in width, 
 containing about ten thousand acre.s.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 53. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 291 
 
 towards the support of a minister of the gospel. Soon a strong 
 stone fort was built at Augusta, then called Cushnoc or Cush- 
 enoc. It was the strongest fortress in the eastern country, and 
 was for some time maintained at the public expense. In refer- 
 ence to the encouragement given to emigrants, Penhallow 
 writes, “Several towns, as of Brunswick, Topsham, Georgetown, 
 and Cushenoc began to be settled. A great many fine build- 
 ings, with saw-mills, were erected. Husbandry began to thrive, 
 and great stocks of cattle were raised.” ^ 
 
 The sturgeon-fishery was then deemed a very important 
 branch of industry. In some seasons more than twenty vessels 
 were engaged in this employment. All sorts of timber were 
 also sent to Boston, and even to foreign ports. During the 
 winter of 1716, the fort of Pemaquid was repaired, and a garri- 
 son was established there. The Indians were alarmed in view 
 of the strong forts which the English Avere raising at important 
 points. Again there Avere rumors of another Avar betAveen 
 France and England. It is said that the French endeavored to 
 fan the flames of Indian jealousy, by pointing to the encroach- 
 ments of the English, as evidence that the English claimed all 
 their lands, and intended to take possession of the Avhole coun- 
 try. The Catholic missionaries, by identifying themselves Avith 
 the Indians, and becoming incorporated into their tribes, had 
 obtained a Avonderful ascendancy over them. The Indians had 
 ceased to regard them as foreigners, and looked upon them as 
 the wisest and best of their OAvn people. 
 
 The English authorities had tried in vain to drive the 
 French missionaries from Norridgewock. They noAV decided to 
 make the endeavor to supplant their influence by establishing 
 English missions among the tribes. ^ By previous appointment 
 the governor and his council met a large number of the Indian 
 chiefs at Arrowsic. It Avas in August, 1717. The governor 
 was a haughty man, and was not inclined to be conciliatory in 
 speech or manner. He presented the sachems Avith the Bible,^ 
 
 1 Penhallow’s Indian Wars was printed in the year 1726. 
 
 2 The General Conrt offered to pay any minister one hundred and fifty pounds 
 annnally who wonld reside at Fort George (Pemaquid;, learn the dialect of the 
 tribe, and become their instrnctor. — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 93. 
 
 8 In the year 1683, the second edition of the Indian Bible, by Mr. Eliot, was 
 completed. — Drake's Book of the Indians, book ii. p. 57. 
 
292 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 in the Indian language, and said to them, “ This book contains 
 the true religion. Mr. Baxter, who has accompanied us, will 
 remain with you, and teach you its principles.” 
 
 One of the sagamores promptly replied, “ All pgople have 
 their own religious teachers. Your Bible we do not care to 
 keep. God has given us teachers. Should we abandon them, 
 we should offend God.”^ 
 
 The chiefs then turned to the political questions which were 
 creating trouble ; and, in the conference which ensued, they 
 showed themselves to be men of remarkable strength of mind, 
 and good common-sense. Their principal speaker said, “ We 
 admit that the land west of the Kennebec Kiver, the English 
 have a claim to regard as theirs ; but certainly no sale has ever 
 been made to them, of the country east of that river.” 
 
 The governor, with dogmatism and discourtesy which those 
 dignified chieftains keenly felt, instead of arguing the point 
 at all, exclaimed, ‘‘ You may be assured that we will never part 
 with one inch of our lands in that quarter.” 
 
 There was for a moment silence ; and then these chieftains 
 simultaneously rose, and, without uttering a word, left the 
 council, repaired to their canoes, and paddled to another island. 
 
 1 According to the account given in the “Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses 
 ecrites des Missions Etrangk'es,” one of the chiefs gave the following answer to 
 the proposition that thej" should dismiss their missionary, and take an English- 
 man in his stead : — 
 
 “You astonish me by the proposition you make. When you first came here 
 you saw me a long time before I saw the French; but neither you nor your min- 
 isters spoke to me of prayer, or of the Great Spirit. They saw my furs, my skins 
 of beaver and elk. Of these only they thought. These they sought with the 
 greatest eagerness. I was not able to furnish them enough. When 1 carried them 
 a large quantitj’-, I was their gi-eat friend, but no farther. 
 
 “ One day, my canoe having missed its route, I lost my way. After wan- 
 dering a long time I landed near Quebec. Scarcely had I arrived when one of 
 the Black Rohes came to see me. I was loaded with furs ; but the French Black 
 Rohe scarcely deigned to look at them. He spoke to me at once of the Great 
 Spirit, of heaven, of hell, and of prayer which is the only way to reach heaven. 
 
 “I heard him with pleasiire, and remained a long time in the village to listen 
 to him. I demanded baptism, and received it. At last I returned to my country, 
 and related what had happened to me. My friends envied my happiness, and 
 wished to participate. They departed to find the Black Rohe, and demand of him 
 baptism. It is thus that the French have acted towards me. Thus I tell you that 
 1 hold to the prayer of the French. I shall be faithful to it until the world is 
 burned uj).” 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 293 
 
 They had brought with them to the council an English flag, as 
 indicative that they were the friends and allies of the English. 
 This flag they left behind them, the silent token of their dis- 
 pleasure. 
 
 The English claimed the land belonging to the Indians.^ east- 
 ward of the Kennebec River, on the ground that the king of 
 France had ceded those lands to them by the Treaty of Utrecht. 
 The sagamores, as usual, appealed to their revered friend and 
 advocate, Father Rasle, for advice.^ He immediately wrote to 
 the governor of Massachusetts, that the king of France had 
 never conceded to the English, lands which belonged to the 
 Indians. He had merely withdrawn the French flag from those 
 lands where he had been the protector of the Indians, and had 
 surrendered to the English the right of purchasing and coloniz- 
 ing their lands. And the king of France, he said, would feel 
 bound to protect those Indians, should the king of England 
 assume that France had given England authority to seize upon 
 their territory. 
 
 Armed with this letter, the sagamores, probably on the even- 
 ing of the next day, returned to Arrowsic.^ The conference 
 was renewed. The governor did not conceal his indignation at 
 what he pronounced to be ‘‘ the insolent interference of the 
 Jesuit.” Knowing full well that the Indians had suffered so 
 severely, that they would submit to almost any indignity, rather 
 than consent to the renewal of the war, he assumed a menacing 
 attitude, and threatened again to draw the sword. This brought 
 the sagamores almost to their knees. They said, through their 
 principal speaker, — 
 
 “ It is our desire to live in peace. We wish to open friendly trade at 
 fair prices. And we are willing to relinquish, for the present, all talk about 
 boundary lines; and we give our consent that the English should settle un- 
 molested wherever their fathers had settlements. But we are very much 
 disturbed in seeing so many forts going up. ’ ’ 
 
 1 The name of this man, according to our English authors, was Ealle; hut ac- 
 coixling to his own historian, Charlevoix, it was Easle. 
 
 2 Mr. Williamson says, on the evening of the same day. But it was impossi- 
 ble for the chiefs, in that time, to have sent to Norridgewock, and have obtained a 
 return. It is, however, not impossible that Father Basle may have accomi)anied 
 the sagamores to their encampment on a neighboring island; but wo have no 
 intimation to that effect. 
 
294 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The governor had conquered. New articles of agreement 
 were entered into, such as he dictated. The humiliated saga- 
 mores returned to their homes, feeling that the English were 
 their enemies, and that the French were their friends. ^ 
 
 Energetic efforts were made to extend the settlements east- 
 ward of the Kennebec River. Several families reared their log 
 cabins on the Damariscotta.^ It is said that at that time there 
 was not a house between Georgetown and Annapolis, with the 
 exception of a single fisherman’s hut on Damariscotta Island. 
 A strong and capacious fort, much to the annoyance of the 
 Indians, was built on the easterly bank of St. George’s River, 
 near where Thomaston now stands. At a short distance from 
 that, a block-house was erected. The large area between was 
 enclosed by palisades. This fortress, which could bid defiance 
 to all Indian assailments, afforded ample accommodation for a 
 garrison of two hundred and fifty men. Another strong fortress 
 was built on the east side of the Kennebec River, opposite 
 Swan Island. It was called Fort Richmond.^ 
 
 The spring of 1721 opened gloomily. The Indians were 
 much dissatisfied in view of the encroachments of the English. 
 The strong forts they were building indicated that the English 
 were determined to hold possession of the country. In these 
 views the Indians unquestionably had the sympathy of Father 
 Rasle.^ 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 199 ; Collections of New 
 Hampshire Historical Society, vol. ii. p. 89. 
 
 2 “The Damariscotta Diver issues from the Damariscotta fresh ponds, which 
 are in Jefferson and Nohleborough, and which are three or four leagues in length 
 from north to south. The river is navigable for ships of any burthen, about four 
 leagues from the sea to the lower falls, and is, on an average, half a mile in 
 width.” — Williamson, vol. i. p. 56. 
 
 3 “Tliesiteof Dichmond Fort was not far from the margin of the river, on 
 ground twelve or lifteen feet above the water; from which the land gradually 
 ascends. There was thereabouts, in 1820, a hamlet of fifteen or twenty houses, 
 a few stores, and two or three wharves.” — W ilUamson, vol. ii. p. 98. 
 
 4 Father Dasle, in one of his official communications found in the “Lettres 
 Edifiantes et Curicuses,” writes, — 
 
 “At tlie time that the war was about to be rekindled between the European 
 powers, the English governor (Dudley), who had lately arrived at Boston, re- 
 quested a conference with our Indians by the seashore, on an island which he 
 designated. They consented, and begged me to accompany them thither, that 
 they might consult me with regard to any artful propositions which might be 
 made to them, so that they could be assured their answers would contain nothing 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 295 
 
 At the eastern extremity of Nova Scotia there is a narrow 
 strait called Canseau, which separates the peninsula of Nova 
 Scotia from the island of Cape Breton. This large island, 
 embracing an area of four thousand square miles, the English 
 asserted, was included in the surrender of Nova Scotia. This 
 claim the French denied, and prepared to make it the depot for 
 their future fisheries. The English also, in maintenance of 
 their claim, established a post on the southern extremity of the 
 island. The Indians of that region attacked the English post, 
 and plundered it of its fish and merchandise. The Indians of 
 Maine had nothing to do with this remote transaction. 
 
 But the Legislature of Massachusetts assumed that Father 
 Rasle had instigated the movement, and that he was endeavor- 
 ing to inspire the Indians to enter upon a new war with religious 
 fanaticism. A vote was passed that a detachment of a hundred 
 and fifty soldiers should be sent to Norridgewock, with a reward 
 of five hundred pounds offered, if the body of Rasle were 
 brought to Boston dead or alive. The council, however, did 
 not agree, as it was thought that two hundred pounds was a 
 sufficient reward to offer. 
 
 In this gloomy state of affairs there was a general apprehen- 
 sion that another war was about to open its horrors. Many of 
 the settlers in Maine began to abandon their homes. ^ The 
 governor was angry, and issued a decree forbidding it. But 
 the fathers of young families had more fear of the tomahawk 
 of the Indians than of the displeasure of the government of Mass- 
 achusetts. The chiefs frequently visited the forts, and always 
 with sincere protestations of their desire for peace. At the 
 same time they made no attempt to disguise their sense of the 
 wrongs which were inflicted upon them. In addition to the 
 encroachments constantly made, the English were grossly vio- 
 lating the terms of the treaty which they themselves had 
 dictated. 
 
 The Indians had pledged themselves not to purchase any 
 
 contrary to tlieir religion or the interests of the king’s serAnce. I therefore fol- 
 lowed them, Aviili the intention of merely remaining in their quarters to aid their 
 councils AA'ithout appearing before the governor.” 
 
 1 Hutchinson’s History of IMassachusetts, vol. ii, p. 236. 
 
296 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 goods excepting at established trading-houses. But no trading- 
 houses had been established ; consequently they could have no 
 trade. The Indians had been dependent upon the French for 
 the repairing of their arms and tools. The English, depriving 
 them of this, had promised to send smiths and armorers among 
 them ; but none had been sent. Private adventurers, prowling 
 around, had grossly defrauded them ; and there was no redress. 
 
 There were, at this time, two French Catholic missions in 
 Maine, the one at Norridgewock and another on the Penobscot. 
 It would seem that these missionaries had succeeded in winning, 
 to a very extraordinary degree, the love of the Indians. They 
 very naturally associated the Catholic religion with French pro- 
 tection, and the Protestant religion with British encroachments. 
 There had been some individual acts of outrage on the part of 
 vagabond young Indians, which the sachems deplored, but 
 which they could not prevent. 
 
 There was a large meeting of the sachems at Norridgewock, 
 in the year 1721, to choose a new chief in the place of one who 
 had died. These veterans in the miseries of war were so 
 anxious to prevent a renewal of hostilities, that they sent an 
 envoy to Boston with a present of two hundred beaver-skins as 
 a pledge of their desire for peace. The messenger was also 
 instructed to offer them four hostages for the future good 
 behavior of their young men, and to promise that ample 
 reparation should be made for all the damage they had caused. 
 
 When the governor of Canada was informed of this, it is said 
 that he felt that the sachems had humiliated themselves, and 
 that he wrote as follows to Father Basle : — 
 
 “ The faint hearts of your Indians, in giving hostages for damages done 
 those who would drive them from their native country, have convinced me 
 that the present is a crisis in which a moment is not to be lost. Therefore 
 I have applied to the villages of St. Francois and Beaucourt, and prevailed 
 upon them to support with vigor their brethren at Norridgewock, and to 
 send a deputation to tlie place appointed, for negotiating the proposed treaty, 
 who dare let tlie English know they will have to deal with other tribes than 
 the one at Norridgewock if they continue their encroachments ” ^ 
 
 ^ I give tliis important letter upon the authority of Mr. Williamson, though he 
 does not state the source from which he derives it. He is generally very accu- 
 rate, though perhaps not ready to make full acknowledgment of that British 
 intolerance which goaded the savages into war. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 297 
 
 According to Mr. Williamson, the governor of Canada invited 
 the Indian sagamores and sachems, from the Kennebec and the 
 Penobscot, to meet on Padeshal’s Island, near Arrowsic, for a 
 general council. On the 1st of August, 1721, ninety birch 
 canoes bore to that island two hundred Indians. Father Rasle 
 accompanied the Kennebec Indians, and young Castine accom- 
 panied those from the Penobscot. We are not informed as to 
 ^the results of this council. According to Mr. Williamson, a 
 letter was sent to Capt. Penhallow, who commanded the gar- 
 rison at Arrowsic, stating that, if the English settlers did not 
 remove from that region within three weeks, the Indians would 
 come and kill them all, and burn their houses, and kill their 
 cattle. It is hardly possible that such a menacing letter could 
 have been sent by the sachems there convened. It is univer- 
 sally admitted that the sagamores were very anxious to avoid 
 the renewal of hostilities. The Kennebec Indians convened at 
 Norridgewock, where the influence of Father Rasle was para- 
 mount, had just sent to Boston proposals for peace, couched in 
 the most humble and imploring terms. It is universally known 
 that young Castine, by far the most potent chief among the 
 Penobscots, was the constant advocate of peace ; and, more- 
 over, the three weeks passed away, and there was no hostile 
 movement whatever among the Indians. Not an Englishman 
 was killed, not a house was burned, not an act of plunder took 
 place. 
 
 The general feeling of the British towards Father Rasle Avas 
 that of the most intense hostility. Mr. Williamson undoubtedly 
 expresses the popular feeling, when he writes of this Catholic 
 missionary, — 
 
 “ So often had his malignity, pride, and officious interference awakened 
 among the Indians new complaints, that the people of the province, for good 
 reasons, ranked him among the most infamous villains, and would have 
 given more for his head than for a hundred scalps of the natives.” ^ 
 
 1 In reference to these events, Charlevoix, tlie French historian, writes, “Apres 
 plusieurs tentatives d’ahord pour engager ces sauvages, par les off res et les 
 promesses les plus seduisantes, a le livrer aux Anglais, ou du moins a la renvoyer 
 a Quebec, et a prendre en sa place un de leurs ministres; ensuite pour le sur- 
 prendre etpour I’enlever, les Anglais resolut de s’eu defaire, quoiqu’il leur en dut 
 couter, mirent sa tete a pris, et proniirent mille livres sterling a celui qui la leur 
 porterait.” — Charlevoix^ t. ii. p. 380. 
 
298 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 AVe tliink the statement of Messrs. Cooliclge and Mansfield, 
 in their admirable “ Description of New England,” far more in 
 accordance with the facts. They write, — 
 
 “ In all the ulterior designs of the English upon the Indians, whether in 
 wresting their territory from them, or in cheating them in trade, they were 
 held in cjieck by their dread of this tribe (the Korridgewocks), Under 
 these circumstances only one remedy remained, which was the destruction 
 of the village, and the murder of Rasle and his Indians.” 
 
 The following additional passage, from their candid and accu- 
 rate history, explains truthfully the. reason why the French 
 had so much more influence over the Indians than the EnMish 
 had : — 
 
 “ It may seem strange to some, that the Indians were always found on 
 amicable terms with the French, while they were ever making inroads upon 
 the settlements of the English. But the means used by the two nations 
 were entirely opposite. While the French, with their social fascination and 
 flexibility of character, used every method of conciliation towards them, 
 giving them warlike implements, accompanying them on their hunting ex- 
 cursions, and becoming intimately identified with them by marriage, the 
 English looked upon them with detestation and horror, taking every oppor- 
 tunity for their extermination, and using every means to annoy and exasper- 
 ate them.” ^ 
 
 The threatening aspect of affairs greatly alarmed the Indians. 
 They had no opportunity of purchasing those arms and that 
 ammunition whicli had now become indispensable to them in 
 hunting, unless, in violation of the treaty, they repaired to their 
 French friends in Canada. On the other hand, they saw strong 
 garrisons rising on territory which they deemed their own, and 
 crowded with soldiers who could set all their efforts to reclaim 
 the lands at defiance. 
 
 The Indian hostages, who had voluntarily surrendered them- 
 selves, were rather loosely guarded on an island in Boston Har- 
 bor. They made their escape. This was considered by the 
 English a very hostile act. Expresses were sent immediately 
 to all the fortresses on the eastern frontiers of Maine, ordering 
 all to be ready for war, and to arrest any Indian huntsmen they 
 
 ^ History aud Description of Is'ew England, by Messrs. Coolidge and Mansfield, 
 vol. i. p. 2oS 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 290 
 
 could find, and hold tliem in custody until the hostages were 
 surrendered. A special meeting of the General Court was con- 
 vened at Boston, on the 23d of August, 1721 ; and it Avas 
 decided to pursue and punish the Indians for the crime of 
 RehclUon against tlie English government. 
 
 Three hundred soldiers were enlisted to prosecute the Avar. 
 A proclamation Avas issued, demanding of the Indians that they 
 should deliver up to the English Father Rasle and every other 
 French missionary. They Avere also required to make ample 
 reparation for all past injuries. If these terms Avere not promptly 
 complied Avith, the soldiers Avere commanded to seize the Indi- 
 ans Avherever found, and send them captives to Boston. 
 
 It is not to he supposed that these stern measures Avere 
 adopted Avithout opposition. Many good men remonstrated 
 against them. The}^ declared that the stipulations made in the 
 treaty of Arrowsic had never been fulfilled, that the Indians 
 had been atrociously Avronged Avithout having any opportunity 
 to obtain redress, and that they had been guilty of nothing 
 which Avarranted a resort to such measures of violence. These 
 loud remonstrances, together Avith the recapture of the hostages, 
 caused a slight relaxation of the Avar movement, but no relaxa- 
 tion in the uncompromising spirit of those in power. 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 THE VICISSITUDES OF WAR, 
 
 The War Renewed — Resolve of the British — Westbrook’s Attempt on an 
 Indian Village — An Indian Fort — Expedition to Oldtown — Attempt upon 
 Norridgewock — Beauty of the Village — Savage Depredations — Father 
 Rasle and his Chapel — His Letters — Murder of Bomaseen — Slaughter at 
 Korridgewock — Death of Rasle — Tribute to His Memory — Capt. Love- 
 well’s Achievement — Drake’s Narrative. 
 
 HE English had seized many peaceable Indians, who were 
 
 -L guilty of no crime and charged with no act of hostility, 
 and were holding them as hostages for the good behavior of 
 the tribes. On the 13th of June two parties of Indians, the 
 one from the Androscoggin and the other from the Kennebec, 
 met at Merrymeeting Bay. There were twenty canoes in all, 
 containing sixty men. By way of reprisal they seized nine 
 families. All were treated humanely. They soon liberated 
 the women and children, and all the men excepting four. These 
 they held as indemnities for the safety of the four Indian hos- 
 tages in the hands of the English. 
 
 It was now again war, mad, deadly, ruinous war. Each party 
 struck blows as fast and heavy as possible. The Indians en- 
 deavored to surprise Fort George, near Thomaston. They 
 burned a sloop, and killed several prisoners, but they were com- 
 pelled to retire before obtaining a surrender. The attack was 
 soon renewed, but with equal want of success. The British 
 lost five men, and the Indians, according to the English account, 
 lost twenty. This fortress was })uilt by the individual proprie- 
 • tors of what was called the Waldo Patent. The government 
 adopted it as a public garrison, sent to it a re-enforcement of 
 forty-five men, with a sufficient supply of ammunition. Col. 
 
 300 
 
TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 301 
 
 Thomas Westbrook was placed in command. Two or three 
 Englishmen were captured from a boat which landed from a 
 vessel in Passamaquoddy Bay. One Englishman was killed at 
 Casco, and several Indians were pursued and shot down. 
 
 Capt. John Harman ascended the Kennebec in pursuit of 
 Indians. His boats conveyed thirty-five well-armed men. He 
 saw the gleam of camp-fires in the woods. Silently he landed 
 his troops, and, in the darkness, crept through the forest. They 
 reached the encampment. The Indians were asleep without 
 any guard. Deliberate aim was taken. There was one deadly 
 volley. There remained only the corpses of fifteen Indians. 
 We know not that one escaped. The victors gathered up the 
 guns, the ammunition, and the blankets of the Indians, and 
 returned triumphantly to their boats. 
 
 In July, 1722, the governor and council proclaimed that the 
 Indians were “ traitors and robbers,” and declared war against 
 them as the king’s enemies.^ 
 
 The Indians were feeble. They could no longer inflict any 
 extensive injury. They could not wander far. All that they 
 could accomplish was occasionally to shoot an Englishman, cap- 
 ture a boat, and burn a cabin, tomahawking or capturing the 
 inmates. The British prepared to prosecute the war with great 
 vigor, being apparently resolved to exterminate the race. 
 Several armed vessels were employed, with a fleet of whale- 
 boats, sufficient to cruise along all the coasts, and penetrate all 
 the rivers where Indian villages could be found. An army of 
 a thousand well-armed men was employed upon the various 
 expeditions now undertaken. A hundred soldiers were stationed 
 at York, thirty at Falmouth, twenty at North Yarmouth, ten at 
 Maquoit, twenty-five at Arrowsic, and twenty-five at Fort 
 Richmond. 
 
 A detachment of three hundred men was sent to the Penob- 
 
 ^ “ Both in and out of the legislature there were men who doubted whether a 
 war upon the natives would be justifiable. ‘ We have been,’ they said, ‘derelict 
 both as to moral and stipulated duties. We have not performed our engagements 
 towards the Indians in the establishment of trading-houses, and the prevention 
 of frauds and extortions, according to treaty promises. The measures of strong 
 drink dealt to them are a scandal to our religion, and reproach to our country.’ ” 
 — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 117. 
 
302 
 
 THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 scot, with orders utterly to destroy every thing there belonging 
 to the Indians. Four hundred sailors and soldiers were de- 
 spatched to ravage the coast between the Kennebec River and 
 the Penobscot, and sweep away every vestige of Indian habita- 
 tion. We blush to add that a bounty was offered of fifteen 
 pounds for the scalp of every Indian boy of twelve years of 
 age. Soon after, the government encouraged the adoption of a 
 sort of land-privateering in pursuit of scalps. To all volunteers 
 who, without pay or rations, would embark, at their own ex- 
 pense, in the search for scalps, a bounty of a hundred pounds 
 was offered for each one taken. ^ 
 
 A sloop of war was sent to Nova Scotia against the Canseau 
 Indians ; thus the Canadian, the Nova Scotian, and the Maine 
 Indians were all involved. A large party of Indians made an 
 attack upon the flourishing settlement at Arrowsic, which, it 
 will be remembered, was then called Georgetown. It was early 
 in the morning of the 10th of September, 1722. The inhabit- 
 ants all took refuge in the garrison, after having killed one of 
 the Indians and wounded three others. 
 
 The Indians attacked the fort ; but, finding that they could 
 make no impression upon it, they killed fifty head of cattle, and 
 laid twenty-six houses in ashes. One Englishman only was 
 shot, through a porthole. The Indians ascended the Kennebec 
 as far as Fort Richmond ; but, finding these works also too 
 strong for them to carry, they retired up the river. 
 
 On the 11th of February, 1722, Col. Thomas Westbrook 
 embarked from the mouth of the Kennebec River, with a 
 detachment of two hundred and thirty men, to ravage the coast 
 as far as the Penobscot. He had several small vessels well 
 armed, and a good supply of whale-boats. They apparently 
 found nothing to employ them until they reached Mt. Desert, 
 where they made a short stop. They then ascended the river, 
 and cast anchor, as is supposed in Marsh Bay.^ 
 
 There they left their vessel and boats, and commenced a march 
 
 » Williamson, vol. ii. p. 118. 
 
 2 Marsh Bay is an expansion of the Penobscot River a few miles above Bucks- 
 port. Here the majestic stream is more than a mile wide. The pleasant village 
 of Frankfort is situated on the western banks of this bay, at the head of winter 
 navigation. See Williamson, vol. i. p. G9; Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 127. 
 
THE HISTORY OF 31 AIN E. 
 
 303 
 
 through the forest, still ascending the river in search of an 
 important village and fort of the Indians which were known to 
 have been in that region. At length they reached a spot which 
 is supposed to have been the lower Stillwater in Orono, about 
 six miles above Kenduskeag Riverd Here Col. Westbrook left 
 a guard of a hundred men to protect the provisions and tents, 
 while he selected fifty veterans in Indian warfare to go in search 
 of the fort. It was soon found, without the scouts being dis- 
 covered by the Indians. 
 
 Forty men were left on guard on the west side of the river. 
 The whole of the remaining force was then ferried across in 
 canoes hastily prepared. Rapidly traversing the trails on the 
 eastern bank, they reached a point opposite the fort and village, 
 about six o’clock in the evening of the same day. It was about 
 the 10th or 11th of March. It was dark. The fort was on an 
 island. The winter had been remarkably open, and the stream 
 was not frozen over ; still immense blocks of ice were swept 
 along by the black current. 
 
 But not a camp-fire was burning ; not a torch glimmered 
 through the darkness ; not a sound was heard to disturb the 
 wintry silence of the drear scene. The morning light revealed 
 only desolate and abandoned habitations. The wary Indians, 
 apprehending such a visit, had in the previous autumn retired, 
 taking with them every thing of the least value. The English, 
 after their long voyage and painful march, found nothing, not 
 even a poor scalp to reward them. 
 
 The Indians had probably received instruction from French 
 engineers in building the fort. It was quite scientifically 
 arranged, being seventy yards in length and fifty in breadth. 
 The stockades were of heavj^ timber firmly planted, and fourteen 
 feet in height. Within the stockades there were twenty-three 
 comfortable, well-built houses, regularly arranged. On the* 
 south side of this little fortified village, there was the largest 
 and finest structure in the place. It was the chapel which the 
 
 ^ “ Bangor is on one of the noblest rivers in the iSTorthem States, the product of 
 an almost countless number of tributary streams. The city is seated upon both 
 sides of the Kenduskeag Kiver, and is the mart of one of the most extensive and 
 one of the richest alluvial basins east of the Ohio Valley.” — Coolidge and 3IansJield, 
 
304 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 missionaries had reared, and it was handsomely finished both 
 within and without. This edifice, consecrated to Christian 
 worshij^, was sixty feet in length and thirty in breadth. Just 
 south of the chapel was the parsonage, a large and commodious 
 dwelling-house. 
 
 The English applied the torch to fort, dwellings, chapel, and 
 parsonage. Having seen all reduced to ashes, they returned to 
 their tents, marched down to their transports, and on the 20th 
 of the month cast anchor at Fort George.^ 
 
 Another winter campaign was attempted, which proved even 
 more futile. An expedition was sent to destroy the village at 
 Norridgewock, and to kill Father Rasle. On the 6th of Feb- 
 ruary the troops reached the falls at Brunswick. The storms 
 of winter were beating upon them, and its drifting snows 
 encumbered their path. It surely was not wisdom which dic- 
 tated such an enterprise at that season of the year. Painfully 
 they toiled up the banks of the Androscoggin until they reached 
 a remarkable bend of the river, in the region of the present 
 town of Jay. By crossing the country from this place in a 
 northerly direction, a few miles would take them to the Sandy 
 River, where the beautiful town of Farmington now adorns the 
 landscape. By following down the valley of the Sandy River, 
 they could reach Norridgewock by a totally unexpected route. 
 Thus they hoped to strike the Indians entirely by surprise. 
 
 But just then occurred that remarkable phenomenon known 
 in Maine as the January thaw. A warm rain, followed by the 
 rays of almost a summer’s sun, melted the deep snows. Every 
 little rill was swollen to a torrent. All the fields were covered 
 more than knee deep with that melting snow appropriately 
 called slosh. The icy moisture penetrated leather as though it 
 Avere brown paper. The discomfort was so extreme that further 
 journeying became impracticable. The soldiers, dividing into 
 small parties, returned, not having caught sight of a single 
 Indian. 
 
 1 Mr. ■Williamson, in reply to the qnestion, “AVhere was the site of this im- 
 portant fortress and village ? ” after discussing various suppositions, says, “The 
 alternative, then, is, that the site must have been Oldtown, or the ancient Lett 
 mentioned by Levingston.” — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 121, note. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 305 
 
 During the j^ear 1723, the Indians could boast but little more 
 success in this petty and miserable warfare than had attended 
 the English. Prowling about in small bands, they succeeded 
 in killing or capturing between twenty and thirty of the inhabit- 
 ants of Maine. One man fell dead, struck by eleven bullets. 
 Mr. Sullivan speaks of another who died of fifteen shot-wounds. 
 Roger Deering and his wife, in Scarborough, were shot. Their 
 three little children, who were out picking berries, were seized 
 and carried into captivity. 
 
 The government of Massachusetts made strenuous efforts to 
 induce the iNIohawks to enlist in the war against the Indians of 
 Maine. This ferocious tribe, in the month of August, 1723, 
 sent sixty-three of their most renowned warriors to confer with 
 the government at Boston. They were received with the 
 greatest hospitality, loaded with presents, and feasted with a 
 fat ox in their own style, with songs and dances. Yet for some 
 unexplained reason they persistently refused to take up arms 
 against their brethren in Maine, unless they themselves were 
 molested. They, however, consented that any of their young 
 men who wished to do so, might enlist in the service of the 
 English. 
 
 Only two of the Mohawks enlisted. They were lawless men. 
 Soon getting sick of the bargain, where no plunder was to be 
 obtained, and still less renown, they abandoned the service, and 
 returned to Boston. The Indians in the eastern part of the 
 State, while eluding all pursuit, were very vigilant. Exposed 
 dwellings were sure to be burned, and unguarded boats or 
 unwary individuals were certain to be captured or shot. There 
 was no safety but within the garrison-houses. A boat’s crew 
 was landing at Mount Desert. A band of Indians who had 
 been watching them sprang from ambush, and captured 
 all. 
 
 It is remarkable that, exasperated as were the Indians at this 
 period of the war, they generally treated their prisoners very 
 humanely. As we have before mentioned, the children, even 
 of good families, often became so much attached to their captors 
 that they were quite unwilling to return to civilized life. At 
 Vaughan’s Island a man was shot, and another near by. On 
 20 
 
306 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Kennebunk River two families were attacked. Some were 
 killed, and others carried into captivity.^ 
 
 On the 25th of December, a very determined band of about 
 sixty warriors made a desperate attack upon the fort at ‘St. 
 George’s River .2 For thirty da 3 ^s they continued the siege, with 
 a degree of persistence which they had never before manifested. 
 The defence was heroic. At length re-enforcements arrived, 
 and the Indians retired, taking with them one captive.^ 
 
 For the protection of the frontiers during the winter months, 
 three ranging parties were organized of fifty men each, who 
 were to be continually on the move in search of Indian bands. 
 There were, at that time, fifteen forts or garrison-houses, all of 
 Avhich were strengthened, re-enforced, and fully supplied.^ But 
 the Indians, as the snows fell heavily in the forests, and the icy 
 winds swept the plains, undertook no campaign, but gathered 
 around the fires in their far-distant wigwams. 
 
 The desire to capture Father Rasle continued unabated. A 
 thousand livres were offered for his head.^ In mid-winter Capt. 
 Moulton was sent with an armed force up the Kennebec River 
 to Norridgewock, to kill or to capture him. But the vigilant 
 eye of the Indians had detected the movement. They all fled, 
 taking their missionary with them. Capt. Moulton was a 
 humane man. The little Indian village at Norridgewock seemed 
 to be emerging from barbarism to civilization. He therefore, 
 hoping that his example of forbearance might exert a salutary 
 influence upon the minds of the Indians, ordered his soldiers to 
 inflict no wanton injury. The men returned from their fruitless 
 expedition, leaving all things as they had found them. 
 
 ^ Sullivan’s History of Maine, p. 230. 
 
 2 St. George’s lliver rises in Moiitville. After running south twenty-five miles, 
 affording a variety of mill privileges, it meets the tide in Warren, twenty miles 
 from its mouth. The old fort was on the east side of the river, about sixteen 
 miles above its mouth. The residence of Gen. Knox was subsequently built near 
 its ruins. — Williamson, voL i. p. 50. 
 
 3 Hutchinson’s History, vol. ii. p. 270. 
 
 4 These were at St. George, Arrowsic, Eichmoud, North Yarmouth, Saco, 
 Anindel, Kennebunk, Wells, York, Kittery, and Berwick. — Records, Resolves, and 
 Journals of Massachusetts Goj)ernment, vol. ii. p. 10<S. 
 
 5 Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, Ami. Aiii. p. 206. A livre was 
 a French coin valued at about eighteen and three-quarters cents. It is noAv super- 
 seded by the franc. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 307 
 
 The Kennebec was famous for its rich fishery. Sturgeon and 
 salmon were in abundance. Water-fowl crowded its shores. 
 Its fertile meadows, free from forest, afforded the Indians invit- 
 ing fields for their corn. To prevent them from fishing, fowl- 
 ing, or planting, and thus to distress them with famine, thirty 
 men were sent early in the spring to range the river in boats. 
 
 Early in March of 1724, the Indians recommenced their 
 depredations. More than thirt}^ people in Maine were either 
 killed, wounded, or carried into captivity, in the course of three 
 months. Like wolves they came rushing from the forest, and 
 no one could anticipate their point of attack. One man was 
 shot upon his door-sill. Mr. Mitchell, with his two little boys, 
 was at work in his field, when unseen savages, skulking behind 
 stumps and trees, shot him down, and carried away his boys as 
 captives. At Kennebunk the savages captured a sloop, after 
 killing all of the crew. Near by, three men, at work in a saw- 
 mill, were killed. At Berwick Mr. Thompson was shot, one of 
 his children tomahawked, and the other left for dead, bleeding, 
 gasping, and scalped. Such was the character of this w'retched 
 warfare. 
 
 There was another tragic adventure which merits more special 
 notice. A boat’s company of sixteen well-armed men left the 
 fort on St. George’s River on a fishing excursion. It was the 
 30th of April, 1724. They embarked in two strong whale- 
 boats, led by Capt. Josiah Winslow, who was commandant of 
 the garrison. The boats passed down the river, and sailed along 
 the coast to the east, until they reached the Green Islands in 
 Penobscot Bay. It seems that the Indians caught sight of 
 them, and nearly a hundred warriors gathered in ambush on 
 the banks of the St. George, to cut them off on their return. 
 They hid in the thick underbrush at a narrow point of the 
 stream, on both banks. They Iiad thirty canoes carefully con- 
 cealed. The Indians waited until one boat had passed by, and 
 then poured a deadly volley of bullets into the other. Nearly 
 every man .was killed or wounded. The savages then leaped 
 into their canoes, and, outnumbering their foes more than ten 
 to one, ventured upon an open attack, completely surrounding 
 the boats. 
 
308 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The English, seeing their destruction to be inevitable, re- 
 solved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They fought 
 desperately until all were shot down. How many warriors the 
 savages lost in the bloody fray, was never known. It appears 
 that there were three friendly Indians in the boats, and these the 
 savages allowed to escape. The death of Capt. Winslow was 
 deeply felt. He was a young man of great worth, a recent 
 graduate from Harvard College, and a member of one of the 
 most illustrious families of Massachusetts. 
 
 The savages succeeded, during the summer, in capturing 
 twenty-two fishing vessels. They made a fleet of fifty canoes. 
 These light birch-bark structures they could carry through the 
 forest paths almost as easily as they could carry a musket. 
 Each canoe was generally sufficient for three warriors. Launch- 
 ing them at any designated point, they would push out with 
 great rapidity, and entirely surround a small vessel, whose crew 
 ordinarily consisted of but from five to eight men. The capture 
 was then easy. Any one who exposed himself upon the deck 
 was sure to be shot down. 
 
 In these encounters twenty-two men were killed, and twenty- 
 three carried into captivity.^ The triumphant Indians, having 
 destroyed sixteen of the garrison of the fort in the whale-boats, 
 now paddled up the river, hoping to capture the fort itself, and 
 seize all its valuable contents.^ 
 
 This fortification bade defiance to all their efforts. It was 
 built of hewn timber, twenty inches square. It was quadran- 
 gular in form, each side being a hundred feet in length and 
 sixteen feet high. Within the enclosure there was a good sup- 
 ply of comfortable barracks and a good well of water. From 
 the southern wall there was a covered way, constructed of logs, 
 leading to a large, strong block-house upon the bank of the 
 
 ^ Hutchinson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 278; Penhallow’s Indian 
 Wars. 
 
 2 “ The Englisli asserted that the Indians had sold the land to Gov. Phips, the 
 deed having been signed by one of their chiefs, Madockawando. In reply to this, 
 the Indians maintained that the Madockawando and Sheepscot John, who signed 
 the deed, were not I’enohscot Indians, one belonging to Machias and the other in 
 the vicinity of Boston; consequently these chiefs had disposed of what did not 
 rightfully belong to them, and the deed was therefore null and void.” — History 
 of New Enyland, hy Cooliclge and Mansfield^ vol. i. p. 324. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 309 
 
 river, where several pieces of cannon commanded the stream. 
 The Indians, finding that they could make but little impression 
 upon these strong works, retired, and soon made their appear- 
 ance again at Arrowsic. They succeeded in capturing three of 
 the inhabitants, and in killing many cattle. 
 
 About the middle of July a band of twenty-seven made an 
 attack upon a house near the garrison at Spurwink. They shot 
 ]Mr. Solomon Jordan as he was incautiously leaving the gate of 
 the garrison. They were driven off, and a heroic band from 
 the fort pursued them. The Indians, taken by surprise in 
 their encampment, fled, leaving behind them twenty-five packs, 
 twelve blankets, a gun, and several other articles. The Indians 
 generally carried away their dead. One only was found killed. 
 Him the English scalped, and for the revolting trophy received 
 a bounty of a hundred pounds in Boston.^ 
 
 There was no village of the Indians which presented more 
 attractions than Old Point, where the pleasant little hamlet of 
 Norridgewock stood. The Kennebec here makes a large bend, 
 forming a beautiful and rich intervale of about a hundred acres. 
 The village was regularly built on the land as it gently rose 
 above the intervale. The huts were erected on one street or 
 path, about eight feet wide. The church, surmounted by the 
 cross, was by far the most imposing building in tlie place. It 
 stood a little back from the street, at the lower end of the 
 village, and was neatly constructed of hewn timber. A spiing 
 of delicious water gushed from the bank, affording to all an 
 ample supply 
 
 1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 349. 
 
 2 Francis, in his Life of Father Rasle, writes, “ Whoever has Aisited the pleas- 
 ant town of Norridgewock as it now is must have heard of Indian Old Point, as 
 the people call the place where Rasle’s village stood ; and perhaps curiosity may 
 have carried him thither. If so, he has found a lovely sequestered spot, in the 
 depths of nature’s stillness, on a point around which the waters of the Kennebec, 
 not far from their confluence with those of the Sandy River, sweep on in their 
 beautiful course, as if to the music of the rapids above; a spot over which the sad 
 inemory of the past, without its passions, will throw a charm, and on which he 
 will believe the ceaseless worship of nature might blend itself with the aspirations 
 of Christian devotion. 
 
 And he will turn from the place with the feeling that the hatefulness of the 
 mad spirit of war is aggravated by such a connection with nature’s sweet retire- 
 ment.” 
 
310 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The rich intervale, entirely free from forest or brush, afforded 
 an admirable cornfield ; and, under the careful culture of the 
 women, an ample harvest of the golden grain was generally 
 gathered. About two miles above the village there were some 
 falls where salmon, shad, and alewives were taken in great 
 abundance. The poet Whittier, in his poem of “ Mog Megone,” 
 gives a very graphic description of the charming scenery of this 
 spot. Alluding to the log-built chapel, he writes, — 
 
 “ Yet the traveller knows it a house of prayer, 
 
 For the sign of the holy cross is there ; 
 
 And should he chance at that place to he, 
 
 Of a sahhath morn, or some hallowed day, 
 
 When prayers are made and masses are said. 
 
 Some for the living and some for the dead, — 
 
 Well might that traveller start to see 
 The tall dark forms that take their way. 
 
 From the birch canoe on the river shore. 
 
 And the forest paths, to that chapel door; 
 
 Marvel to mark the naked knees. 
 
 And the dusky foreheads bending there. 
 
 While in coarse white vesture, over these. 
 
 In blessing or in prayer. 
 
 Stretching abroad his thin pale hands. 
 
 Like a shrouded ghost the Jesuit stands.” 
 
 The church was well adapted to make a deep impression upon 
 the minds of the Indians. It was quite richly decorated with 
 paintings of the crucifixion, and of other momentous events in 
 biblical history. Silver plate was provided for sacramental ser- 
 vices. Father Rasle, with apostolic self-denial and zeal, had 
 been laboring amidst the solitudes of that remote wilderness 
 for thirty-five years. He had made many converts, and had 
 won, to an extraordinary degree, the love of the whole tribe. 
 
 The converts were put on probation for a time; and after 
 suitable instruction, when Father Rasle became convinced of 
 their sincerity, they were baptized, and admitted to full com- 
 munion. About forty young Indians were trained to form a 
 choir, and in other ways to assist the pastor in his religious 
 exercises. They were clad in surplices and other clerical robes, 
 intended to impress the people with a sense of the solemnity of 
 their service. 
 
 Morning and evening the Indians were assembled in the 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 311 
 
 chapel for prayer and singing. Living generally a listless life, 
 with but little to do and but little to occupy their minds, the 
 households gathered eagerly in the chapel to enjoy these observ- 
 ances. .. In one of his letters he testifies to the sweetness with 
 which the young Indians sang, and to the unvarying propriety 
 and devoutness with which they performed their religious 
 duties. 
 
 We have before mentioned that Father Rasle was by birth a 
 gentleman of illustrious family, and that he had received an 
 accomplished education ; yet we can never detect in his letters 
 a murmur in view of the hardships of his lot. To his nephew 
 in France he writes, — 
 
 “Here I am, in a cabin in the woods, in which I find both crosses and 
 religious observances among the Indians. At the dawn of the morning I 
 say mass in the chapel, made of the branches of the fir-tree. The residue 
 of the day I spend in visiting and consoling the savages. It is a severe 
 affliction to see so many famished persons, without being able to relieve 
 their hunger.” 
 
 Many years ago thirty-four volumes of “ Lettres Edifiantes 
 et Curieuses,” written from distant missionary stations, were 
 published in France. The following extract from one of Father 
 Rasle’s letters will be read with interest. It was dated at 
 Narantsouk, which is the Indian name for Norridgewock, Oct. 
 15, 1722, only about two years before his death: — 
 
 “ None of my converts fail to repair twice each day to the church, — 
 in the morning to hear mass, and in the evening to assist at the prayers 
 which I offer at sunset. As it is necessary to fix the imagination of these 
 Indians, which is too easily distracted, I have composed some appropriate 
 prayers for them to make, to enable them to enter into the spirit of the 
 august sacrifice of our altars. Besides the sermons which I deliver before 
 them on Sundays and festival days, I scarcely pass a week-day without 
 making a short exhortation to inspire them with a horror of those vices 
 to which they are most addicted, or to strengthen them in the practice of 
 some virtue. 
 
 “ After mass I teach the catechism to the children and young persons, 
 while a large number of aged people who are present assist, and answer 
 with perfect docility the questions which I put to them. The rest of the 
 morning, even to mid-day, is set apart for seeing those who wish to speak 
 with me. They come to me in crowds to make me a participator in their 
 
312 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 pains and inquietudes, or to communicate to me causes of complaint against 
 th^ir countrymen, or to consult me on their marriages and other affairs of 
 importance. 
 
 “It is therefore necessary for me to instruct some, to console others, to 
 re-establish peace in families at variance, to calm troubled consciences, to 
 correct others by reprimands mingled with softness and charity; in fine, as 
 far as possible to render them all contented. 
 
 “ After mid-day I visit the sick, and go around among the cabins of those 
 who require more particular instructions. If they hold a council, which is 
 often the case with these Indians, they depute one of their principal men to 
 ask me to assist in their deliberations. I accordingly repair to the place 
 where their council is held. If I think they are pursuing a wise course, I 
 approve of it. If, on the contrary, I have any tiling to say in opposition to 
 their decision, I declare my sentiments, supporting them by weighty reasons. 
 My advice always fixes their resolutions. 
 
 ‘ ‘ In the midst of such occupations, you cannot imagine with what rapidity 
 the days pass by. When the Indians repair to the seashore, where they 
 pass some months in hunting ducks and other birds which are found there 
 in large numbers, they build on an island a church, which they cover 
 with bark, and near it they erect a little cabin for my residence. I take 
 care to transport thither a part of our ornaments, and the service is per- 
 formed with the same decency and the same crowds of people as at the 
 village. 
 
 “You see, then, my dear nephew, what are my occupations. For that 
 which relates to me personally, I will say to you that I neither see, nor hear, 
 nor speak to any but the Indians. My food is very simple and light. I 
 have never been able to conform my taste to the meat or smoked fish of the 
 savages. My nourishment is composed only of corn which they pound, and 
 of which I make, each day, a kind of hominy, which I boil in water. The 
 only luxury in Vv^hich I indulge is a little sugar, v^hich I mix with it to 
 correct its insipidity. This is now wanting in the forest. In the spring 
 the maple-trees contain a liquor very similar to that which is found in the 
 sugar-canes of the southern islands. The women employ themselves in col- 
 lecting this in vessels of bark as it is distilled from the trees. They then 
 boil it, and draw off from it a very good sugar.’’ 
 
 On the 19tli of August, 1724, a party of two hundred and 
 eight men, accompanied hy three Mohawk Indians, left Rich- 
 mond Fort, opposite Swan Island, for an attack upon Norridge- 
 wock. The troops ascended the river in seventeen whale-boats. 
 The next day they reached Teconnet, now Winslow, where 
 they landed. Forty men were left to guard the boats ; the 
 remainder of the party commenced a rapid march, on the morn- 
 ing of the 21st, through the woods, to strike the foe by surprise. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 313 
 
 The party was led by Capts. Harmon^ and Moulton. Towards 
 the evening of that day they overtook the noted chief Boma- 
 seen, with his wife and daughter. The chief and his child 
 were both shot ; the wife was taken captive.^ 
 
 It was a little after noon of the 22d when the soldiers came 
 in sight of the village. The party was divided into three 
 bands of nearly equal numbers, so as to encircle the village, and 
 cut off all escape. Two of these were placed in ambush, while 
 the remainder were marshalled for an impetuous charge. There 
 is considerable diversity in the details of the narratives which 
 are given of the massacre which ensued. After examining 
 several different accounts, the writer thinks the following as 
 impartial as any which can now be given : — 
 
 The thickets which surrounded the village were so dense that 
 the assailants were not discovered until they poured in a volley 
 of bullets upon the wigwams and their inmates. Immediately, 
 with loud shouts, the English rushed upon their victims. The 
 consternation was terrible. The only thing thought of was 
 escape by flight. There were but about fifty men in the village. 
 It is evident that nothing like a defence was attempted, since 
 the Indians were skilled marksmen, and yet not an Englishman 
 was shot. 
 
 The savages endeavored only to save their aged men, their 
 wives, and their children. In a tumultuous mass, the women 
 and children shrieking, they rushed towards the river. The 
 encircling foe cut off escape in every other direction. Though 
 the water was l(?\v, in the channel it was six feet deep, which 
 precluded the possibility of wading across. The husbands and 
 fathers endeavored, by swimming, to aid the helpless. A dread- 
 ful slaughter took place. Those placed in ambush rose, and all 
 rushed forward, hurling a storm of bullets upon the crowded 
 assemblage of men, women, and children struggling in the 
 water. 
 
 The deed was soon accomplished. Many were drowned, and 
 
 1 Sullivan, p. 17o, probably by mistake, calls the senior officer Hammond. 
 
 2 They fell in with Bomaseen about Taconnet, where they shot him as he was 
 escaping through the river. His wife and daughter were in a barbarous manner 
 fired upon; the daughter killed and the mother taken. — Drake's Book of the In- 
 dians, book hi. p. Ill 
 
314 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 many pierced by bullets were swept down by the stream to 
 their watery graves. It was estimated that about eighty were 
 slain. This seems a small number when we reflect that nearly 
 two hundred practised soldiers were discharging their guns as 
 rapidly as possible upon them, taking deliberate aim. The 
 awful deed of slaughter was soon accomplished. The pursuers 
 returned to the village, where they found Father Rasle in the 
 parsonage. As he came forward to meet them, a shower of 
 bullets pierced his body, and he fell dead.^ 
 
 The slain, such as could be found, including Father Rasle, 
 were scalped, and the soldiers retired. Gradually the Indians 
 who had escaped returned to their utterly desolated homes. 
 Even the stoicism of the savage was overcome, as he gazed upon 
 the smouldering ruins, and the gory bodies of his relatives and 
 friends, men, women, and children, which were strewed around. 
 Their first care was to search for the remains of their beloved 
 missionary. These they washed, and with prayers and loud 
 lamentations buried below the altar, where he had so often 
 ministered to them in sacred things. Over the remains they 
 reared a rude cross. Their chief Bomaseen, and the others of 
 the dead, they also buried with such solemnities as they had 
 been taught to exercise.^ 
 
 The tribe was destroyed. The few woe-stricken survivors, 
 having completed their mournful task, turned sadly from the 
 homes endeared to them by all the associations of childhood, 
 and which their ancestors had occupied through countless gen- 
 erations, and sought refuge with the Penob^ots. The name 
 of the Norridgewocks was blotted forever from the register of 
 Indian tribes. 
 
 The reader will be interested in reading the account which 
 the French historian, P^re de Charlevoix, gives of this tragic 
 
 1 “ Great brutality and ferocity are chargeable to the English in this affair, 
 according to their own account; such as killing women and children, and scalping 
 and mangling the body of Father Easle.” — Drake's Book of the Indians^ book iii. 
 
 p. 110. 
 
 2 For further particulars see Belknap’s History of New Hampshire, vol. ii. 
 p. 50; Hutchinson’s History of INIassachusetts, vol. ii. p. 279; Penhallow’s Indian 
 Wars. It will be perceived that there are considerable discrepancies in the 
 details. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 315 
 
 event in his “ Histoire et Disco verie Gdndrale de la Nouvelle 
 France.” We give a literal translation from the French : — 
 
 “ There were then but fifty warriors in the village. They seized their 
 arms, and ran tumultuously, not to defend the place against an enemy who 
 had already entered it, but to aid the aged men, the women, and the children 
 in theh flight, and to give them time to gain the other side of the river. 
 Father Rasle, apprised, by the clamor and the tumult, of the danger in 
 which his converts were involved, presented himself uniatimidated to his 
 assailants, with the hope of drawing upon himself alone their attention, and 
 thus to secure the safety of his flock at the peril of his own life. 
 
 “ His hope was not in vain. Scarcely had he appeared when the English 
 gave a great shout, which was followed by a shower of bullets, of which he 
 fell dead near a cross which he had planted in the middle of the village. 
 Seven Indians who had accompanied him, and who had wished to make for 
 him a rampart of their own bodies, were killed at his side. 
 
 “ Thus died this loving pastor, giving his life for his flock, after a labori- 
 ous mission of thirty-seven years. Thrown into consternation by his death, 
 the Indians fled. The English, finding that they had none left to resist 
 them, fell first to pillaging and then to burning the wigwams. They spared 
 the church so long as they thought proper to profane the image of the adora- 
 ble Saviour and the sacred vessels, and then they set it on fire. At length 
 they withdrew in so great precipitation that it was rather a flight. They 
 seemed to be struck with a perfect panic. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The Indians immediately returned to their village. It was their first 
 care to weep over the body of their holy missionary, while the women were 
 looking for plants and herbs to heal their wounded. They found him shot 
 in a thousand places, scalped, his skull broke to pieces with the blows of the 
 hatchets, his mouth and eyes full of mud, and the bones of his legs frac- 
 tured, and all his members mangled in a hundred different ways. After his 
 converts had raised up and oftentimes kissed the precious remains, so 
 tenderly and so justly beloved by them, they buried him in the same place 
 where he had, the evening before, celebrated the sacred mysteries; namely, 
 where the altar stood before the church was burned. ^ 
 
 In the year 1833, Benedict Fenwick, bishop of Boston, re- 
 paired to the site of the little chapel of Rasle, in Norridgewock, 
 and on the anniversary of its destruction, Aug. 23, erected 
 a monument to the memory of the self-denying missionary. 
 
 It was of granite, surmounted by an iron cross. From the 
 foundation to the highest point of the cross is eighteen feet. A 
 Latin inscription, of which the following is a literal transla- 
 tion, was cut into the stone ; — 
 
 ^ Histoire Generale, t. ii. p. 332. 
 
316 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ Rev. Sebastian Rasle, a native of France, a missionary of the society 
 of Jesuits, at first preaching for a few years to the Illinois and Hurons, 
 afterwards for thirty-four years to the Abenaquis, in faith and charity a 
 true apostle of Christ; undaunted by the danger of arms, often testifying 
 that he was prepared to die for his flock ; at length this best of pastors fell 
 amidst arms at the destruction of the village of Norridgewock and the ruins 
 of his own church, in this very place, on the twenty-third day of August, 
 A.D. 1724. 
 
 “ Benedict Fenwick, Bishop of Boston, has erected this monument, and 
 dedicated it to him and his deceased children in Christ, on the 23d of 
 August, A.D. 1833, to the greater glory of God.” 
 
 About two years after, some mischievous individuals over- 
 turned the monument. To the credit of the inhabitants of 
 Norridgewock this conduct was not approved by them, as was 
 evinced by their immediately replacing it. The accompanying 
 cut represents this tribute to the memory of Father Rasle. 
 
 MONUMENT OF RASLE, NORRIDGEWOCK. 
 
 On the 27th the victorious detachment returned to Port 
 Richmond without the loss of a single man. This was con- 
 sidered the most brilliant exploit in the Indian wars since the 
 death of King Philip. Capt. Harmon proceeded to Boston with 
 
TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 317 
 
 the scalps to obtain the rich reward. He was at once promoted 
 to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. 
 
 Still desperate Indian bands infested the frontiers. A regi- 
 ment of three hundred men was raised to range the country 
 from the Kennebec to the Penobscot. This region was the 
 favorite resort of the Indians for fowling and fishing. But the 
 Indians were watchful, and but few were caught. In December 
 Capt. John Lovewell, or Lovel as his name is sometimes spelled, 
 went on a military excursion, with thirty men, to Lake Winni- 
 piseogee, in New Hampshire. They succeeded in killing and 
 scalping one Indian, and in capturing an Indian boy. For these 
 they received in Boston the reward promised by law. 
 
 Again in February, 1725, Capt. Lovewell, with forty men, 
 was on the march upon the margin of a small lake, since called 
 Love well’s Pond, near the head of Salmon Falls River. They 
 came suddenly upon a party of ten Indians, all soundly asleep 
 around their camp-fires. The English silently took deliberate 
 aim, and at a simultaneous discharge of their muskets killed 
 nine, and sorely wounded the tenth. The wounded man sprang 
 to his feet, and endeavored to escape ; but a powerful dog which 
 accompanied the English soon overtook him, and held him till 
 he was despatched with hatchets. For these ten scalps the 
 victors received in Boston universal applause, and the more 
 substantial reward of a thousand pounds sterling.^ 
 
 The savages still succeeded in occasionally shooting a man. 
 Two very worthy farmers were killed in North Yarmouth. 
 Several others were attacked, and one severely wounded at 
 Cape Porpoise. At Maquoit two Indians captured a man by 
 the name of Cochran. The first night they bound their captive 
 securely ; the second night he was more loosely confined, and 
 
 ^ Drake gives the following account of this adventure: “ Lovewell, with forty 
 men, came upon a small company of ten Indians who were asleep by their fires, 
 and, by stationing his men advantageously, killed them all. After taking off their 
 scalps these forty warriors marched to Boston in great triumph, with the ten 
 scalps, extended upon hoops, for which they received a thousand pounds. This 
 exploit was the more lauded, as it was supposed that these ten Indians were upon 
 an expedition against the English upon the frontiers, having new guns, much 
 ammunition, and spare blankets and moccasins to accommodate captives. This, 
 however, was mere conjectui’e. "Whether they had killed friends or enemies was 
 not quite so certain as that they had killed Indians.” — Book iii. p. 121. 
 
318 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the two Indians, weary with a long day’s march, fell soundly 
 asleep. Cochran succeeded in loosing his bonds, and, rising 
 softly, with his hatchet killed them both. He took their scalps 
 and their guns, the indisputable proofs of his achievement, and 
 returned to the fort. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE PROGRESS AND TERMINATION OF LOVEWELL’s WAR. 
 
 Encampment at Great Ossipee — Serious Contest — Death of Love well — Of 
 Frye — Fate of the English in Lovewell’s War — Government Measures — 
 Native Honor — Indian Distresses — Incorporation of Orono — Heath’s Ex- 
 pedition — Attack upon Young Castine — The Dummer Treaty — Indian 
 Letters — Cost of Indian Wars — Peace concluded. 
 
 O N the 15th of April, 1725, Capt. John Love well set out on 
 another expedition against the Indians. He left Dunstable 
 with forty-six volunteers, thoroughly equipped. They directed 
 their march toward the Ossipee Ponds, near the upper waters of 
 the Saco River. Three of the company gave out under the 
 fatigues of the way, and returned. 
 
 When they reached the westerly side of the Great Ossipee 
 Pond, in New Hampshire, about ten miles beyond the west line 
 of Maine, they built a small stockade fort. This was intended 
 as a place of retreat in case of disaster, and also as a hospital 
 for eight of their number who were sick and unable to go any 
 farther. They were then about one hundred miles from home. 
 Here Capt. Lovewell left the sick men with a surgeon and a 
 guard. 
 
 With but thirty-two men he resumed his march towards the 
 north-westerly margin of Lovewell’s Pond, a distance of about 
 twenty-two miles. This sheet of water, situated in the town of 
 Fryeburg, is about two miles long, and its average width is 
 about half a mile. They moved with much caution, for about 
 two miles west of them there was an Indian village called Peg- 
 wacket. Like most other Indian hamlets, it was delightfully 
 situated in a fertile and romantic spot, commanding a charming 
 view of land and water. 
 
 319 
 
320 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Here they noiselessly encamped for the night. They heard 
 the confused murmur of distant voices, which they supposed 
 proceeded from the Indians, but encountered no alarm. A 
 chaplain accompanied the party. He was a very noble young 
 man, a recent graduate of Harvard College, by the name of 
 Jonathan Frye. It was their invariable custom to have morn- 
 ing prayers. 
 
 While engaged in their devotions they were startled by the 
 report of a gun. Cautiously approaching the edge of the pond, 
 they saw, across the water, at the distance of nearly a mile, a 
 single Indian hunter, who had just discharged his gun at some 
 game. His scalp was worth five hundred dollars. Immediately 
 the party set out to capture him. They had not proceeded far, 
 when they came to a small plain, smooth as a floor, covered 
 with pine trees, and entirely free from underbrush. Such 
 plains often present the most lovely spots in our forest land- 
 scapes. 
 
 To expedite their marcli, the soldiers threw off their packs, 
 and left them in a pile together, without any guard. They 
 could easily retrace their steps and find them. Hurrying on, 
 the whole party soon disappeared amidst the thickening glooms 
 of the forest. After travelling about a mile they came again in 
 sight of the Indian. He was not in the least aware of his dan- 
 ger, and was sauntering along with a shot-gun upon his shoul- 
 der and a few birds in his hand. Several guns were immedi- 
 ately fired at him ; but so hurriedly, and the distance was such, 
 that they all missed their aim. The Indian sprang behind a 
 tree, and saw, at a glance, that escape was impossible. Taking 
 deliberate aim, he fired at Capt. Love well, inflicting a serious 
 wound. Almost at the same moment Ensign Wyman fired, and 
 the Indian fell dead, pierced by his bullet. They took his scalp, 
 and returned for their packs. 
 
 In the mean time two renowned Indian chiefs, Paugus and 
 Wahwa, returning from a scout down the Saco River, caught 
 sight of the pile of knapsacks. They knew that the owners 
 would soon return for them. By counting the packs they ascer- 
 tained the number of the English. It was not difficult to trace 
 the path upon winch the English had advanced. There were 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 321 
 
 between seventy and eighty warriors in the Indian bandd 
 They placed themselves in ambush, and awaited the return of 
 their intended victims. 
 
 About ten o’clock in the morning of the 8th of May, the 
 English were marching leisurely along, on their return, when 
 they reached the ambush. The Indians, completely surround- 
 ing them, suddenly rose, and with presented guns and loud 
 shouts rushed upon them. These Indians had frequented the 
 western settlements of Maine, and were well acquainted with 
 Capt. Lovewell^ and most of his men. Mr. Drake, in his 
 account of the battle, says that the savages Avere loath to kill 
 these their former friends, and wished to take them captives. 
 In attestation of this fact, he quotes Mr. Symmes’s minute 
 account of the conflict, published the same year in which it 
 took place. It is certain that they did not fire from the ambusb 
 when they might so easily have shot down every man without 
 being seen themselves.^ 
 
 “ They presented their guns,” says Drake, “ and threw away 
 their first fire.” This only encouraged the English. Facing 
 their foes, they poured in upon them a deadly fire, and several 
 Indians fell. This ushered in the unequal battle in hot 
 earnest. The Indians, outnumbering the English more tham 
 two to one, immediately sprang, each man behind a tree, and,, 
 entirely surrounding their victims, commenced the awful 
 slaughter. At the first volley of the Indians, Capt. Lovewell' 
 and eight of his men fell dead, and two more were wounded. 
 
 But these valiant men, torn by the bullets, fought their way 
 to the pond, which was at the distance of but a few rods.. 
 There was here a sandy beach, with a bank rising five or six. 
 feet high. The Indians could no longer surround them. The' 
 bank presented a rampart to protect them from the bullets of 
 the savages, and from behind which they could take deliberate 
 aim at any foe who should venture to expose hand or head.- 
 Here, for eight dreadful hours, these men fought. They Avere’ 
 
 1 Penhallow says that there were seventy; Hutchinson and Symmes, thirty;' 
 Belknap, forty-one; AVilliamson, sixty-three. 
 
 2 Mr. AVillis, in his History of Portland, spells Lovewell, Lovell, and calls the 
 Indian village Pequakett, instead of Pegwaeket, p. 25Q. Drake spells it Pigwoket. 
 
 8 Drake’s Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 123. 
 
 21 
 
822 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 SO outnumbered that flight was impossible. They had no food. 
 Their knapsacks, with their spare ammunition, were seized by 
 the savages. There was no chance of any re-enforcements. 
 It would seem that their doom was sealed, and that by no pos- 
 sibility could one escape. 
 
 At times there was a brief lull in the battle. The Indians, 
 retiring beyond gunshot, seemed to be holding a council. In 
 one of the councils, or conferences. Ensign Wyman crept 
 through the forest, and shot one of the chiefs. Still the Indians 
 sent a bold warrior within hailing distance of the English, who 
 shouted out, “ Will you have quarter ? ” It is probable that 
 the English felt assured, that, after they had killed so many of 
 the Indians, no quarter would be granted, and that their inevit- 
 able doom would be death by torture. Their reply was, “We 
 will have no quarter but at the muzzles of our guns.” 
 
 The firing had become quite desultory. The combatants, 
 upon each side, kept concealed as much as possible, and fired 
 only when quite sure of striking their foe. About the middle 
 of the afternoon. Chaplain Frye received a mortal wound. He 
 lived for several hours, but was heard praying earnestly that 
 God would preserve his surviving companions. There were 
 among the Indians praying men. These also, doubtless, with 
 expiring breath, pleaded with God in behalf of their country- 
 men. -Both were unquestionably sincere. Alas for man ! How 
 strange must have been the meeting, in the spirit land, of these 
 fellow Christians, who had killed each other ! 
 
 During the engagement, the combatants often conversed with 
 each other, from behind their ramparts, separated by but a few 
 yards. They called each other by name, and talked in almost 
 friendly terms. John Chamberlain was a very bold, magnani- 
 mous man, of large stature. His gun had become, by repeated 
 firing, too foul for use. He stepped down to the water to wash 
 it out. Just at that moment Paugus, the Pegwacket chief, who 
 was also a man of herculean size, jumped down the bank to 
 wash out his gun. They were at the distance of but a few 
 yards from each other. They were well acquainted, and had 
 formerly met as friends. Paugus could speak English. 
 
 The contest now was to see who would get his gun first in 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 323 
 
 order. As Paugus rammed down the bullet, he said to his old- 
 friend, “ I shall now very quick kill you.” — “Perhaps not,” 
 said Chamberlain, who had the advantage of a gun which, in 
 charging, primed itself. There was an instantaneous flash, fol- 
 lowed by a report, and the Indian chief fell dead. 
 
 The savages took great care to keep themselves concealed ; 
 and it is not probable that many of them were slain. At night 
 the Indians withdrew, when it would seem that they must have 
 known that the English were entirely at their merc}^ Many of 
 them had fired from twenty to thirty times, and their ammuni- 
 tion was nearly exhausted. It is, however, not improbable that 
 the Indians had expended all theirs. They could only obtain 
 supplies by tedious journeys through the forests to Canada.^ 
 
 Both Messrs. Penhallow and Symmes, the two most authentic 
 narrators of the battle, estimate that the Indians lost between 
 forty and fifty of their warriors. This is apparently merely con- 
 jecture, and is quite incredible. As they were decidedly the 
 victors, withdrawing of their own accord, not being driven 
 from the field, it is scarcely possible that they could have lost 
 more than half of their number.^ 
 
 Solomon Keys received three bullet-wounds, and was appar- 
 ently dying. To save his dead body from being mangled by the 
 savages, he rolled himself down the beach to a canoe, which 
 chanced to be there. Almost senseless he succeeded in creep- 
 ing into it. A gentle breeze blew the canoe across the pond 
 diagonally, and landed it but a short distance from the stockaded 
 fort into which he contrived to creep. 
 
 ^ “ In going to Quebec it is necessary to take more than a fortnight to reach 
 there. They have to furnish themselves with provisions for the journey. They 
 have different rivers to pass, and frequent portages to make. The Indians are 
 aware of these inconveniences, and are by no means indifferent to their interests. 
 But their faith is infinitely more dear to them. They believe, that, if they detach 
 themselves from our alliance, they will shortly find themselves without a mission- 
 ary, without a sacrifice, and in manifest danger of being plunged into their former 
 heathenism. This is the bond which unites them to the French.” — Father Rasle’ s 
 Letter, found in Lettres Edifiantes et Cvrieuses” 
 
 2 Penhallow, in his History of the Indian "Wars, represents the number of 
 Indians engaged in this conflict, at seventy. Of these he says that forty were 
 killed outright, aiid eighteen were mortally wounded who soon died. Tliis makes 
 a total loss, in dead, of fifty-eight. Thus, according to this estimate, twelve only 
 escaped with their lives. In every battle there are many wounded, who subse- 
 quently recover. Did these twelve escape wounds? or was every Indian either 
 killed or wounded? 
 
324 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 As the sun went down the moon rose, shedding its pale light 
 over the gloomy forest. The savages had disappeared, leaving 
 solitude and silence to reign over the dismal scene of slaughter. 
 It is impossible to account for the fact that they left the dead 
 bodies of Capt. Lovewell and his men unscalped. The survivors 
 felt that not a moment was to be lost in the attempt to gain the 
 fort. There were but twenty-two living. Two of these were 
 mortally wounded. They could not be removed. They were 
 left to die alone. There was no possible escape for them from 
 this cruel fate. They had cause to fear that the savages would 
 return and wreak vengeance upon them, in the most direful 
 tortures. Eight others were wounded more or less severely ; but 
 still they were able to hobble along in the awful midnight 
 retreat. There were but twelve unwounded. This heroic band 
 had fought all day, without food.; and, half famished, they com- 
 menced their painful march. Dreadful was the situation of the 
 exhausted, bleeding troops, without food, tents, blankets, or any 
 means for dressing a wound. The dead were left unburied, as 
 these war-stricken men commenced their retreat.^ 
 
 Chaplain Frye, a dying man, mortally wounded, as we have 
 said, toiled along a mile or two, when he threw himself upon the 
 ground saying, “ I cannot take another step. Here I must die. 
 Should you ever, through God’s help, reach your homes, tell 
 my father, that I expect in a few hours to be in eternity, but 
 that I do not fear to die.” ^ 
 
 All the night long the survivors toiled through the forest, 
 expecting every moment to hear the war-whoop of the approach- 
 ing savages, who had probably gone to their village for fresh 
 supplies of ammunition. Perhaps they found none there ; and 
 this may account for their relinquishing the pursuit. In the 
 
 ^ Accuracy, in the details of these events, is impossible. The same annalist 
 will often give contradictory statements. Williamson says, “Collecting together 
 in the evening, they found that there were ten already dead, nine uninjured, one 
 missing, and fourteen wounded.” 
 
 Again he writes, “ Twenty of them, leaving the fatal spot, directed their march 
 towards the fort. Eight were lame or full of anguish from their wounds.” — 
 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 132. 
 
 2 This noble young man, who had displayed gi-eat heroism, was the son of Capt. 
 James Frye of Andover, Mass, His amiable and promising character had given 
 him many friends; and he died greatly lamented. He had kept a journal of their 
 march, which, unfortunately, was lost with him. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 325 
 
 morning the fugitives divided into three bands, hoping thus to 
 be able to conceal their trail. Nearly twenty men, walking in 
 single file, would leave a track which the eagle-eyed Indian 
 could easily discern. 
 
 At length sixteen of them reached the fort, where they had 
 hoped to find refreshment and a reserved force. In a direct 
 line it was distant from the battle-field but about twenty miles. 
 Still by the circuitous route which they took, and encumbered 
 by the wounded, several of whom soon died, three or four days 
 were spent on the journey. To their bitter disappointment 
 they found the fort deserted. It appeared afterwards, that 
 when the savages first sprang from their ambush, deafening the 
 ear with their hideous yells, one of the Englishmen succeeded 
 in escaping. He saw the utter hopelessness of his companions 
 surrounded by apparentl}^ three times their own number. 
 Upon reaching the fort, he gave an account, no less true than 
 frightful, of the condition of his comrades. Capt. Lovewell 
 and several others were already killed. The rest were sur- 
 rounded, and were selling their lives as dearly as possible. 
 
 The feeble band, for only the sick had been left behind, ex- 
 pecting every moment to hear the yells of the approaching 
 savages, precipitately fled. Fortunately they left behind them 
 some provisions. The starving fugitives, after a short rest, 
 resumed their doleful march. Their sufferings from famine, 
 pain, and weariness, cannot be adequately described. Fourteen 
 finally reached their homes.^ Such are the particulars, so far 
 as can now be ascertained, of what has been called “ Lovewell’s 
 Victory.”^ A provincial poet of those days commemorated 
 the event in verses which at the time obtained much renown, 
 and which were pensively sung in many farmhouses. We give 
 the three closing stanzas : — 
 
 “ All! many a wife shall rend her hair, 
 
 And many a child cry ‘ Woe is me,’ 
 
 When messengers the news shall hear 
 Of Love well’s dear-bought victory. 
 
 1 Drake’s Book of the Indians, hook iii. p. 125. 
 
 2 Mr, Williamson writes, “The battle of Pegwacket broke the heart and spirit 
 of the Sokosis natives. In a short time they withdrew, and resided no more in 
 those pleasant and ancient dwelling-places, till peace. After this event the star 
 of the tribe, pale and declining, gradually settled in darkness.” — Vol. ii. p. 141. 
 
326 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ With footsteps slow shall travellers go 
 
 Where Lovewell’s Pond shines clear and bright, 
 
 And mark the place where those are laid 
 Who fell in Love well’s bloody fight. 
 
 “ Old men shall shake their heads, and say, 
 
 ‘ Sad was the hour, and terrible, 
 
 When Love well’s brave ’gainst Paugus went. 
 
 With fifty men from Dunstable.’ ” ^ 
 
 The wretched state of the country induced the legislature to 
 adopt more vigorous measures to bring the war promptly to a 
 close. The Indians had greatly dwindled away. Poorly armed, 
 and with but scant ammunition, they were much disheartened. 
 The loss of a single warrior was, by them, very sensibly felt. 
 
 All the eastern garrisons were strengthened and replenished 
 by the government. Liberal pay was offered to volunteers. A 
 large number of friendly Indians, from Massachusetts, were 
 employed as allies. The Indian hostages, detained in Boston, 
 became exceedingly impatient of their restraint. It speaks well 
 for them, that one of these hostages, together with a captive 
 taken in war, was liberated with permission to visit their tribe 
 upon their parole of honor to return ; and they both faithfully 
 came back, and surrendered themselves to imprisonment. They 
 had been absent two months. They brought back with them 
 the following report, so melancholy for them, so encouraging 
 for the English : — 
 
 “ The losses our tribes have met with, and the daily terror they experi- 
 ence, causes their lives to be miserable. They long for peace. The 
 Indians on the Penobscot are about to propose a negotiation, that the war 
 may be brought to a close. ’ ’ 
 
 Again they were permitted to go back to their friends, with 
 the stipulation, that within twenty-three days they should 
 return with a delegation of chiefs for a peace conference. It 
 was supposed that they would aid in urging forward peace 
 measures. 
 
 In a former chapter we have given a narrative of the destruc- 
 tion of the fort and pleasant little village of the Indians, at Old- 
 town, far up the Penobscot. This was in February, 1723. Col. 
 Thomas Westbrook led the expedition. In his official report to 
 
 1 Farmer and Moore’s Historical Collections, vol. iii. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 327 
 
 Lieut-Gov. Dummer, he wrote, after describing the commodious 
 structures Avhich the French and Indians had reared, — 
 
 “ We set fire to them all, and by sunrise the next morning they were all 
 in ashes. We then returned to our nearest guard, thence to our tents. On 
 our arrival at our transports we concluded we must have ascended the river 
 about thirty- two miles.” ^ 
 
 The Indians, after the retirement of the English, returned to 
 the ruins of their former homes. Their losses and sufferings 
 were terrible. The foe, against whom they were contending, 
 was infinitely their superior. Game in the forests had become 
 scarce. With difficulty could they obtain ammunition for hunt- 
 ing. It was necessary for them to rear their humble villages 
 on the seashore or on the banks of rivers, that by clamming 
 and fishing they might lengthen out their miserable existence. 
 But here the English could easily come upon them in their 
 ships and strong whale-boats. Even if they retired far back 
 into the country, and planted their fields with corn, after wait- 
 ing half-famished, weary weeks for the harvest, they knew, by 
 bitter experience, that energetic English bands would, in all 
 probability, pass through the trails of the forest, lay their vil- 
 lage in ashes, and trample their harvest in the dust. 
 
 Their doom was dreadful. It was no wonder that they 
 longed for peace. Sadly the returning fugitives wandered 
 through the desolations of their former homes, with no heart to 
 attempt to rebuild. Oldtown, the site of this Indian village, 
 was upon an island of the same name, about twelve miles above 
 where Bangor now stands. In the year 1806, the township of 
 Orono, previously called Stillwater, was incorporated, including 
 the region of Oldtown. It took its name from a celebrated 
 Indian chief Orono, of the Tarratine tribe. He was a warm 
 friend of the Americans in the war of the Revolution. In the 
 year 1840, Oldtown was incorporated as a separate town. 
 Orono was the one hundred and sixty-second town incorporated 
 in the State, and contained then about three hundred inhabitants. 
 
 The unhappy, despoiled, half-famished savages wandered 
 down the western banks of the river, until they came to the 
 spot where Bangor now stands. The region was then an un- 
 
 1 Collections of Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. viii. p. 264, 2d ser. ; Hutch- 
 inson’s History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 273. 
 
OLDTOWN FALLS, OLDTOWN, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 329 
 
 broken wilderness, through which the Kenduskeag River flowed 
 silently into the Penobscot. Here they rebuilt their village. 
 It is probable that six or seven French families were with them ; 
 for seven houses were found with cellars and chimneys. There 
 were about fifty Indian huts, indicating, in their structure, a 
 people slowly emerging from barbarism. 
 
 Capt. Joseph Heath commanded the garrison at Richmond. 
 He heard of this Indian village, situated but about one hundred 
 miles north-east from him, through the trails of the lonely, un- 
 inhabited forest. In the month of May, 1725, Capt. Heath 
 took a company of men, and marched across the country, from 
 the Kennebec to the Penobscot. The Indians heard of his 
 approach ; and the whole population, men, women, and children, 
 fled into the forest. They could take with them only such 
 articles as they carried upon their backs. It is difficult to con- 
 ceive how they could have escaped utter starvation. Probably 
 many of them did perish of hunger. 
 
 Finding the village deserted, Capt. Heath burned all the 
 dwellings, including a commodious church, and destroyed the 
 cornfields. His party then returned to Richmond, not having 
 caught sight of a single Indian. It was thought by many that 
 this was a very injudicious expedition, considering that the 
 Indians had already made proposals for a peace conference. 
 The village destroyed was situated on what has since been 
 called Fort Hill. The Indians never attempted to rebuild upon 
 this spot. They subsequently returned to Oldtown, where they 
 re-established themselves near the graves of their fathers. 
 
 There was another deed perpetrated by the English, of so 
 atrocious a character that no English historian has been willing 
 to dwell upon its details. The Indian village on the Penobscot 
 was destroyed in May. On the 20th of June a few Indian 
 chiefs, with a flag of truce, were approaching Fort St. George, 
 at Thomaston, to sue for peace. A detachment from the fort 
 attacked them, killing one and severely wounding another.^ 
 
 There was still a third adventure, which, as a descendant from 
 the English, one blushes to record. Young Castine, of whom 
 we have before spoken, who was ever the friend of peace, and 
 
 1 Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 144. 
 
330 
 
 THE HTSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 who had often attested his magnanimous spirit toward the 
 English, Avas in a small sail -boat, at anchor just off the south- 
 east point of the present town of Sedgwick, which was then 
 called Naskeag Point. He had on board his boat a lad supposed 
 to have been his son, the child of his wife, who was a chieftain’s 
 daughter, and another boy by the name of Samuel Trask, a 
 captive from Salem, whom he had humanely redeemed from the 
 Indians. 
 
 He saw an English sloop approaching ; but there was no war 
 then between France and England, and Castine had no thought 
 of any danger. They Avere probably fishing. As soon as the 
 sloop came Avithin musket-shot the creAv opened fire upon him. 
 Fortunately none Avere struck by the bullets. Castine and his 
 companions speedily took shelter upon the land. The captain 
 of the sloop then raised the Avhite flag, and shouted out to 
 Castine, upon the shore, that the firing was a mistake. 
 
 The guileless young man, incapable of treachery himself, 
 immediately, with his companions, rowed out to the sloop. As 
 soon as they stepped on board the Englishman seized young 
 Trask, and turning to Castine said, “ Your bark and all it con- 
 tains are laAvful prize. You yourself are justly my prisoner. 
 You may think yourself Avell off to escape Avithout further 
 molestation.” 
 
 Castine and his son returned to the shore. Some of the creAV 
 accompanied them. One of them then seized the lad Avith a 
 firm grasp, apparently intending to kidnap him. Castine, find- 
 ing it impossible to extricate the boy, shot the miscreant dead, 
 and Avith his son escaped into the Avoods. Mr. Williamson 
 Avrites,^ “The conduct of these mariners Avas a great reproach 
 to them, and in every respect the height of impolicy ; for the 
 Indians Avere now entertaining thoughts of peace, and Castine, 
 Avlio still possessed great influence among them, had more than 
 once attested his magnanimity by instances of friendship and a 
 forbearing spirit towards the English.” 
 
 Notwithstanding these occurrences so calculated to exasperate 
 the Indians, they still persevered in their endeavors to obtain 
 
 ^ Penhallow’s Indian AVar. Collections of New Hampsliire Historical Society, 
 vol. i. p. 120. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 331 
 
 peaoe. Thirteen chiefs met two commissioners from Boston, at 
 Fort St. George. The commissioners, John Stoddard and John 
 Wainwright, were not disposed to be courteous. 
 
 “ Why,” they demanded, “ did you make war upon the set- 
 tlers?” One of the chiefs, speaking in behalf of the rest, 
 replied, “ Because you have taken possession of our lands, even 
 as far as Cape Newagen.^ You also, at that place, seized two 
 Indians, and beat them to death.” 
 
 “ We did not seize your lands, ” was the reply : “ we bought 
 them. We have the deeds which were given us, and can show 
 them. If our men did kill yours it was wrong. But why did 
 you not, according to the treaty, appeal to our government ? 
 Why did you take the hatchet ? ” 
 
 To this the chief replied, “ We come for peace. We wish to 
 recall all our young men from the war.” 
 
 The result was that a general council was appointed to meet 
 in Boston at the end of forty days. Still there was no peace ; 
 only a prospect of peace. Distant war parties, on both sides, 
 unaware that negotiations were opening, continued their cruel 
 ravages. Early in November four of the most distinguished 
 sagamores of the Kennebec, Penobscot, and oth-er eastern In- 
 dians, repaired to Boston. The discussion which ensued lasted 
 for more than a month. The Indians felt very deeply that 
 their hunting-grounds were encroached upon, and that they 
 were defrauded of their territory by pretended purchases from 
 Indians, who, having become intoxicated, were ready to sign 
 any contracts which their betrayers might present to them. 
 
 At length the Indians were compelled to relinquish all their 
 demands. Hostilities ceased. Professed friendship was estab- 
 lished. The English were left in undisputed possession of all 
 the land which they claimed as their own. The government of 
 Massachusetts was authorized to arrange all the trade and 
 
 1 Boothbay, Lincoln County, is a peninsula situated between the mouths of 
 the Slieepscot and the Damariscotta Rivers, and is what was formerly known as 
 Cape Newagen. It is supposed to have been settled as early as 1G30. William- 
 son speaks of the island of Cape Newagen, about four and a half miles long, and 
 of an average width of one mile, separated from Boothbay by a narrow channel 
 called Townsend Gut. See Coolidge and Manstield’s Description of New Eng- 
 land, vol. i. p. 59, and Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. i. p. 55. 
 
332 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 intercourse between the two parties. If any Indians declined 
 to ratify the treaty, the chiefs in council pledged their tribes to 
 join the English, and compel the opposers to submission. 
 
 It was, in fact, an unconditional surrender on the part of the 
 Indians. Dire necessity compelled them to yield to the humil- 
 iating terms.^ This celebrated document, since known in his- 
 tory as the ‘‘ Dummer Treaty,” was signed on the 15th of 
 December, 1725. It continued in force for many years. The 
 Indians were too feeble in strength and too broken in spirits to 
 venture to violate its terms. 
 
 The General Court immediately established quite extensive 
 trading-houses at Fort Richmond, on the Kennebec, and on the 
 far away banks of St. George’s River, where the flourishing 
 village of Thomaston now stands, but which was then almost 
 an unbroken wilderness. Goods for Indian traffic were deposited 
 there to the amount of three thousand five hundred dollars. 
 
 There were but four sagamores present to sign this treaty. 
 It was deemed important that there should be a fuller represen- 
 tation of the chiefs of all the tribes. Another meeting was 
 appointed. It was held at Falmouth, on the 30th of July, 1726. 
 Forty chiefs attended. They represented nearly all the Maine, 
 Nova Scotia, and the Canada tribes. Many of these Indians 
 had become Christians. They declined doing business on the 
 sabbath day. There were several vessels in the harbor, and 
 there were taverns on the shore. 
 
 A large number of Indians had accompanied their chiefs. 
 The lieutenant-governors of jMassachusetts and New Hamp- 
 shire were also attended by quite a brilliant retinue of soldierly 
 young men. All were much impressed by the intelligence and 
 high moral qualities manifested by many of these chiefs. They 
 most earnestly requested of the English authorities, that they 
 would prohibit the sale of any intoxicating liquors to their 
 young men. Lieut.-Gov. Dummer assured them that positive 
 orders should be given to that effect. 
 
 After deliberately examining and explaining the treaty in the 
 meeting-house, it was signed, on the part of the English, by 
 
 1 Records, Resolves, and Journals of Massachusetts Government, vol. xii. 
 
 p. 88. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 333 
 
 Lieut. -Gov. Diimmer and a number of his councillors ; and, on 
 the part of the Indians, by Wenemovet, a chief sagamore, and 
 twenty-six of his associates. It is said that this treaty may still 
 be seen in the government archives at Boston, with all the 
 signatures or respective marks of the Indians.^ 
 
 There is no power of law which can restrain individual acts 
 of outrage. The most efficient government cannot prevent the 
 perpetration of crime. In this respect the influence of the 
 Indian chiefs was superior to that of the white man’s laws. Still 
 there were drunken and vagabond Indians who easily yielded 
 to any temptation. 
 
 A fishing vessel from Plymouth entered a forest-encircled 
 bay in Nova Scotia. A fellow by the name of John Baptiste 
 (we know not whether he was a Frenchman or an Englishman), 
 with his son and three Indians, whom he had inveigled into the 
 service, endeavored to seize it. Instead of capturing, they were 
 all captured. They were taken to Boston, tried for piracy, 
 condemned, and all were hanged. There were a few other 
 similar acts of outrage. But, when we reflect upon the character 
 of the times, it seems surprising that there should have been so 
 few. One of the chiefs, by the name of Wenunganet, who 
 lived on the River St. George, wrote to Gov. Dummer, — 
 
 “ We look upon such Indians as much our enemies as yours. We are in 
 as much danger from them as any of your people are. We are resolved to 
 punish them for the wrongs which they have done.” 
 
 The English traders persisted in selling rum to the Indians. 
 Under the influence of intoxication the young men became 
 frenzied, and lost all self-control. One of the chiefs, by the 
 name of Loron, who seems to have been a very noble man, 
 wrote to Gov. Dummer, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ Do not let the trading-houses deal in rum. It wastes the health of our 
 young men. It makes them behave badly both to your people and to their 
 own brethren. This is the opinion of all our chief men. I salute you, 
 great governor, and am your good friend.” 
 
 1 Penhallow’s Indian AVars. Collections of the New Hampshire Historical 
 Society, vol. i. pp. 128-132. 
 
334 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Another sachem, Wivurna, wrote to the governor in the fol- 
 lowing elevated strain : — 
 
 “ My brother, I am fully satisfied; for all the blood that before lay boil- 
 ing in my breast has flowed away. I now labor for peace in our land. 
 Should any stormy clouds arise, I will immediately inform you, that they 
 may do us no harm. In three things you make my heart glad. My grand- 
 son, who was to me dead, is alive, and has returned to me safe. Canava, 
 who was a captive, has come home alive and well. He is encouraged to do 
 good service. I thank you for your kindness to me and to my people. I 
 am now old and gray-headed. I have seen many good men, English, French, 
 and Indians; but of all I have not found one like Gov. Dummer for stead- 
 fastness and justice. Were I a sagamore, and young, the first thing I should 
 do would be to see you; but as I am old, and not able to travel, I heartily 
 salute you, my good friend. Farewell. “ Wivurna.” 
 
 Gov. William Dummer, who had become so prominent, was 
 born in Boston, in the year 1677. He went to England, proba- 
 bly for his education. There he was appointed, by the crown, 
 lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts. This was in 1716. His 
 father-in-law. Gov. Joseph Dudley, had just retired from office, 
 after a stormy administration of fourteen years. 
 
 Gov. Dummer was a man of irreproachable morals, and of 
 firm religious faith. Without possessing any brilliant qualities 
 of mind, he manifested sufficient ability for all the great emer- 
 gencies which rose before him. His highly eulogistic funeral 
 sermon was preached by the celebrated Rev. Mather Byles.^ 
 
 It is thoimht that durinc: this war one-third of the four Abe- 
 naquis tribes had perished.^ The war, Penhallow estimates, had 
 cost the government a hundred and seventy thousand pounds, 
 in addition to the forts, which had been reared and repaired at 
 a cost of not less than seventy-five thousand pounds. These 
 wretched wars had impoverished the whole land. Every man 
 forty years of age had seen twenty years of war. Every boy 
 was trained to arms. The scenes of cruelty and blood every- 
 where witnessed hardened the heart and brutalized the charac- 
 
 ^ See the admirable biographical sketch of the Dummers in the Centennial 
 Discourse delivered at Newbury, by N. Cleaveland, Esq. 
 
 2 The Abenaquis inhabited the region between the Piscataqtia Eiver and the 
 Penobscot. The nation formerly consisted of eleven allied tribes. See Drake’s 
 Book of the Indians, book iii. p. 01, and Williamson’s History of Maine, vol. ii. 
 p. 4G4. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 335 
 
 ter. During this last war, about two hundred of the inhabitants 
 of Maine were killed or carried into captivity. The anguish 
 which was thus sent to many a humble cottage, no tongue can 
 tell. 
 
 Some of the captives were put to death by all the demoniac 
 inflictions of Indian torture ; some perished from cold, exhaus- 
 tion, and hunger : some were never heard of more, and what 
 their fate was none can know. 
 
 The Indians were fickle as children. They could be gentle, 
 confiding, affectionate, at one moment ; and then, at some sud- 
 den exasperation, become cruel as fiends. And yet it was an 
 extraordinary and inexplicable trait in their character, that they 
 never thus transformed themselves from friends to enemies 
 without what they supposed just cause ; and they always gave 
 notice of their hostility before striking a blow. The habit of 
 giving this warning was invariable. The restoration of peace 
 they hailed with undisguised and almost childish delight. We 
 now speak of the majority of the Indians, the common people. 
 The chiefs were truly the aristoi., the best of the land. They 
 were almost invariably intelligent, serious, thoughtful men, whose 
 minds were oppressed with the magnitude of the responsibilities 
 thrown upon them, as they saw their tribes dwindling away, 
 and their hunting-grounds passing to the ownership of strangers. 
 
 Upon the settlement of the terms of peace, they flocked to 
 the villages of their former foes, with faces radiant with joy. 
 In very many cases the Indians and the white families had been 
 well acquainted with each other. They had often met in 
 familiar intercourse, called each other by name, and had ap- 
 parently cherished for each other sincere friendship. 
 
 The Indians now came rushing back, with smiles and cordial 
 greetings, as if totally unconscious of the fiend-like deeds 
 which, upon both sides,' had been recently perpetrated.^ There 
 was one very noble Indian, by the name of Ambereuse, who 
 lived on the banks of Mousom or Mousam River.^ He was 
 
 ^ See some discriminating remarks npon this subject, by Mr. Edward E. Bourne, 
 LL.D, in his excellent History of Wells and Kennebnnk, pp. 327, 328. 
 
 2 Mousom River, as Mr. Williamson spells the name, was formerly called Cape 
 Porpoise River, or Maguncook. It issued from ponds in Shapleigh, twenty miles 
 distant. It was but two and a half miles from Wells. — Williamson, vol. i. p. 27. 
 
336 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 eminently a man of peace, a “ praying Indian,” and no persua- 
 sions could induce him to engage in the war on either side. 
 Through all the bloody conflict he continued to visit the Eng- 
 lish, as if peace had never been disturbed. Mr. Sullivan, 
 writing of him, says, — 
 
 There came to Berwick an Indian named Ambereuse, with his wife. 
 He said he hated war, and only wanted to live where he could make his 
 brooms and his baskets, and live in peace. He remained there for several 
 years, and then removed to the Kennebec.’’ 
 
 There were more than two hundred Indians present at the 
 conference in Falmouth, when the treaty of the former year 
 was confirmed and ratified. Over forty gentlemen composed 
 the retinue of the governor. The convention was held beneath 
 a spacious tent on Munjoy’s Hill. At the close of the con- 
 ference, quite a splendid banquet for those times was given 
 beneath the canvas of the tent, at the expense of the Massa- 
 chusetts government. So large a concourse of people had never 
 before been gathered in any of the settlements in Maine. 
 Thougli vessels at anchor in the bay had brought supplies, there 
 was such an entire consumption of the articles of food, that 
 one of the annalists of that day wrote, “ They left us quite 
 bare ; and nothing of the country’s produce was left, only three 
 bushels of corn and some small things.” ^ 
 
 The three-years’ war, thus terminated, was usually called 
 Lovewell’s War, from the important part he took in its cam- 
 paigns. It was carried on by the Indians without any recog- 
 nized assistance from the French. There was, at that time, 
 settled peace between France and England. Undoubtedly the 
 sympathies of the French in Canada were with their long-tried 
 friends, the Indians. But they could not take any active part 
 in favor of the savages, without violating solemn treaty obliga- 
 tions. 
 
 1 History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 352. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 THE DOOM OF THE INDIAN. 
 
 French Influence — Governor Dummer — His Wise Policy — The Trading- 
 Houses — Life at Falmouth — Governors Burnet and Belcher — Act against 
 Duelling — Encroachments of the English — Conference at Falmouth — Gov. 
 Shirley — Visit of Whitefield — Council at St. George — The Indians desire 
 Peace — Indians refuse to fight their Brethren — The Capture of Louis- 
 burg — War Proclaimed against the Indians — Peace — Subsiding Billows — 
 New Claims of the English — Fort at Teconnet. 
 
 A SACHEM was asked, “Why are you all so ardently 
 attached to the French, from whom you can never receive 
 so much benefit as you may receive from the English ? ” 
 
 The chief, after a moment’s pause, gravely replied, “ Because 
 the French have taught us to pray unto God ; which the Eng- 
 lish never did.” 
 
 This question was often asked of the chiefs and of the com- 
 mon Indians. Invariably answers were returned essentially the 
 same. I give a summary of those answers, made on different 
 occasions, but here brought together : — 
 
 “ The French are our friends ; they advocate our rights, and become, as 
 it w'ere, one with us. They sell us whatever we want, and never take away 
 our lands. They send the kind missionaries to teach us how to worship the 
 Great Spirit ; and, like brothers, they give us good advice when we are in 
 trouble. Wlien we trade with them, we have good articles, full weight, and 
 free measure. They leave us our goodly rivers, where we catch fine salmon, 
 and leave us unmolested to hunt the bear, the moose, and the beaver, where 
 our fathers have hunted them. We love our own country, where our fathers 
 were buried, and where we and our children were born. We have our 
 rights, as well as the English ; we also know, as well as they, what is just 
 and what is unjust. 
 
 22 
 
 837 
 
338 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ When you English came, we received you with open arms. We thought 
 you children of the sun ; we fed you with our best meat. Never did a white 
 man go hungry from our cabins. But you returned evil for good. You 
 put the burning cup to our lips. It filled our veins with poison. When 
 you had intoxicated us, you took the advantage, and cheated us in trade. 
 You now tell us that our country is yours, that it has passed from us for- 
 ever. 
 
 “ You say that you have bought our lands from our sagamores. It is 
 not true. Our chiefs love their tribes too well, and have too great souls, to 
 turn their children from the homes of their fathers. AVhere can we go ? 
 We ovm no other land. There is no other land so dear to us. The forts 
 which you have built on our territory are contrary to treaty ; and they 
 ought to be laid low. ” ^ 
 
 Such were the feelings of the Indians. They were sincere 
 and unalterable ; but the utterances were eventually silenced 
 by hopeless defeat. Gov. Dummer was anxious to withdraw 
 the Indians from their intercourse with tlie French. Had the 
 spirit which animated him prevailed from the beginning, there 
 need have been no war whatever with the Indians. 
 
 Gov. William Dummer, an American by birth, had been 
 acquainted with the Indians from infancy. For some of 
 them he had undoubtedly formed a strong attachment. Many 
 of the natives were noble, warm-hearted men. Gov. Dum- 
 mer knew how to sympathize with them in their wrongs. 
 The course of conciliatory measures, upon which he ener- 
 getically entered, seemed, for a time, almost to obliterate from 
 the minds of the Indians the remembrance of their former 
 grievances. 
 
 In addition to the trading-houses at Fort George and Fort 
 William, he established a third at Fort Mary, near Winter Har- 
 bor. Men of established reputation for integrity and discretion 
 were appointed to preside at these stations. The most valuable 
 articles for Indian use were deposited in each of them, to the 
 amount of four or five thousand dollars. The keepers of these 
 stores were instructed to sell them at an advance only sufficient 
 to cover the prime cost with the freight and waste. Full value 
 was allowed for the furs and skins of the Indians. Those who. 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 113. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 339 
 
 by any calamity, were in want, were assisted by a generous 
 charityd 
 
 There was no longor any motive to induce the Indians to 
 take long journeys to Canada for purposes of trade. Indeed, 
 the Canada Indians resorted to the English trading-houses, find- 
 ing that they could purchase commodities there better and 
 cheaper than either at Quebec or Montreal. 
 
 York and Falmouth were now the principal towns in Maine. 
 York was the shire-town, the political centre. Falmouth was 
 the commercial emporium. It may be mentioned, in illustra- 
 tion of the luxuries in which our ancestors indulged, that the 
 only house in town which contained a papered room was the 
 parsonage ; and the paper in that house was fastened upon 
 the walls by nails, and not by paste.^ 
 
 At one time, in the year 1727, there were thirty vessels riding 
 at anchor in the harbor of Falmouth. There were then sixty- 
 four families in the town. The number increased, in two years, 
 to about two hundred. Rev. Thomas Smith was settled as 
 pastor of the church. Brunswick was one of the first towns 
 resettled after the desolations of these disastrous wars. Still 
 this, like all other settlements, advanced slowly. In 1750 there 
 were but twenty families in the place. 
 
 Soon after the accession of George II., he appointed William 
 Burnet governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine. 
 He was a very handsome man of imposing stature, and of very 
 popular manners. His scholarly tastes, his practical common- 
 sense, and his remarkably cheerful disposition, rendered him 
 very popular. In the year 1730, Burnet died. Jonathan Bel- 
 cher Avas appointed by the crown to succeed him. He also 
 was a native of Boston, a graduate of Harvard College, and the 
 son of one of the most opulent merchants. Endowed naturally 
 with fine poAvers of mind, he had travelled extensively abroad ; 
 and his naturally graceful manners Avere much improved by 
 intimacy Avith the best European society. 
 
 One of the first acts Avhich the governor signed Avas against 
 
 * Eecords, Resoh^es, and Journals of the Massachusetts Government, vol. xii. 
 pp 88-512. 
 
 2 History of Portland, hy AVilliam AVillis, j). 364. 
 
340 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 duelling. By this it was enacted that whosoever should kill 
 another in a duel should be hanged ; and that his body, together 
 with that of the one he had killed, should be buried without a 
 coffin, and that a stake should be driven through them both. 
 In the autumn of 1732, the governor made quite an extensive 
 tour through the settlements of Maine. In his next address to 
 the Massachusetts Legislature, he said, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ It gave me surprising pleasure to see so large a part of this Province 
 accommodated with fine rivers and harbors, islands and main, capable of 
 many and great improvements. The three rivers, St. George’s, Kennebec, 
 and Saco, are bordered with fine lands full of timber. I cannot but think 
 this country will, in time, be equal in every thing to any part of New 
 England. ’ ’ 
 
 To induce emigration to Maine, several townships were sur- 
 veyed, and farm lots of a hundred acres each marked out. One 
 of these farms was offered to any man who would within three 
 years settle upon it, erecting a house eighteen feet square, 
 and who would clear from five to six acres for mowing and 
 tillage. 
 
 In the year 1735, the population of Maine probably amounted 
 to about nine thousand souls. There were nine towns, and 
 several settlements called plantations. About fifteen hundred 
 of these inhabitants were in the Sagadahoc region. There were 
 about three hundred and seventy men there capable of bearing 
 arms.^ Commerce was reviving. The articles of export were 
 fish, fur, and lumber. The forests of Maine were a great store- 
 house of wealth. Masts, boards, shingles, and timber were 
 shipped in considerable quantities. 
 
 But again the Indians became alarmed. The increasing 
 settlements were encroaching upon their territories, and the 
 thoughtful men saw clearly that the time was fast approaching 
 when they would be driven from all their possessions. The 
 English were building new fortifications, and repairing the old 
 ones. The sagamores sadly complained of this ; while, at the 
 same time, they stated that they were extremely anxious that 
 peace should be perpetuated. The subject was referred to a 
 
 1 Summary of British Settlements in North America, by ■William Douglass, 
 vol. i. p 304. 
 
TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 341 
 
 committee of the Massachusetts Legislature. After conferring 
 with the chiefs, they made the following report, which we give 
 slightly abbreviated : — 
 
 ‘ ‘ The Indians have unquestionably possessory rights to the lands in the 
 extensive wilderness where they dwell. This has often been recognized by 
 the purchases which have been made. In tlie year 1694, Madockawando 
 ceded to Sir William Phips lands on both sides of the St. George’s River, as 
 far as the upper falls, but no farther. The chiefs acknowledge that they 
 have consented to have English settlements made as far as the falls ; and 
 they claim that the English have no right to take possession of the lands 
 above the falls until they have fairly pui’chased them.” ^ 
 
 The report was accepted. A present of five hundred pounds 
 was sent from the government, by the hands of the chiefs, to 
 the tribe, and they returned to their homes very happy. In the 
 3^ear 1737, Brunswick was incorporated, the eleventh town in 
 the State. It was originally called Pegypscot,^ and its first 
 inhabitant was Thomas Purchas. In 1735 there were between 
 thirty and forty men in the settlement. After the lapse of half 
 a century it contained a population of thirteen hundred and 
 eighty-seven. 
 
 The governor generally visited Maine every year. He had 
 frequent and friendly interviews with the Indians. He was 
 deeply impressed with the value of the harbor at Pemaquid, 
 and repeatedly urged upon the legislature the importance of 
 putting it in a better state of defence. He arranged for a con- 
 ference with a large delegation of Indians, at Falmouth. The 
 meeting took place in the month of July, 1732. The governor, 
 with a large retinue of gentlemen, took passage from Boston to 
 Falmouth in a man-of-war.^ 
 
 Soon after the governor’s arrival, about two hundred Indians 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 191. 
 
 2 JNIr. Willis spells this name Pejepscot; it is also so spelled by Coolidge and 
 Manslield; but we follow here the orthography of Mr. Williamson, who seems to 
 have taken it from the Journal of the House of Representatives, p. 28. 
 
 3 Mr. Williamson gives the year 1739 as the date of this council. Mr. Willis 
 thinks this a mistake. He writes, “The misa prehension of Mr. Freeman, in re- 
 gard to the 3 'ear, led Williamson into an error in his History of Maine, vol. ii. p. 
 201, in assigning to this 3 -ear a treaty Avith the Indians at Falmouth. This took 
 place in 1732, and there Avas no conference here or occasion for it in 1739.” — Jour- 
 nal of Rev. Thomas Smith, p. 90. 
 
342 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 came. They were all well clad, seemed friendly, and professed 
 the most ardent wishes to perpetuate amicable relations. But 
 they brought with them, floating at the head of their canoes, a 
 French flag, which excited some suspicions of their sincerity. 
 It is, however, not improbable, that as they had no flag of their 
 own, and as the English always appeared under their flag, they 
 considered this merely as an ornament, which they regarded as 
 an accompaniment of their fringes and their plumes. If they 
 had meditated treachery, they certainly had too much shrewd- 
 ness to commence operations by flaunting ^n obnoxious banner 
 in the eyes of those whom they wished to deceive. 
 
 The Indians encamped on Hog Island. Each morning they 
 paddled, in their fleet of canoes, to Munjoy’s Hill, where the 
 council was held under an immense tent. The signal for the 
 meeting was the firing of a gun from a man-of-war in the har- 
 bor, and the raising the royal Jack at the maintop. As the 
 English objected to the display of the French flag, the Indians 
 laid it aside, and raised an English banner at the head of their 
 leading canoe. A renowned Penobscot chief, by the name of 
 Loron, was the principal captain and speaker of the Indians. 
 In accordance with their custom, they brought presents of furs 
 as pledges of the sincerity of their speech. A chief by the 
 name of Toxus spoke first. Addressing the governor, he 
 said, — 
 
 “ It is God who has the overruling power over all things. He has brought 
 us here at this time. The reason of our coming is our hearty desire for love 
 and friendship. As a token of our being glad to see your Excellency, I 
 shake hands, and offer these furs as our money.” 
 
 The governor urged them to dismiss their French religious 
 teachers, and to accept English missionaries in their stead. 
 Loron requested a little time to consider the matter. The next 
 day, with diplomatic skill which would have honored Talley- 
 rand, he replied, — 
 
 “ Friend, we have been thinking of what your Excellency said to us yes- 
 terday. As to prayers, it was mentioned in the treaty, that there should be 
 no dispute about religion. It would be trifling on our part to attempt to 
 answer what you have said on that subject. We are too few to enter upon 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 343 
 
 this question, which is a weighty matter. There are other tribes to be con- 
 sulted. When we have ascertained their minds, we shall be better able to 
 answer you. We had the advice of the other tribes with regard to the 
 peace: we therefore think it proper to seek their advice in this affair. 
 
 The intervieAV was in all respects cordial and friendly. The 
 governor assured them of his good-will, and made them some 
 valuable presents. At the close of the council they partook 
 together of a public dinner in the tent. 
 
 Gov. Belcher, after a stormy administration of ten years, was 
 succeeded as governor of Massachusetts and Maine, by William 
 Shiiie3\ About five years before this, in 1734, the town of 
 Windham was laid out and settled mainly by a colony from 
 Marblehead, Mass. The township consisted of twenty-five 
 thousand five hundred acres on the eastern bank of the Pre- 
 sumpscot River. Each man had a farm of a hundred and 
 twenty acres. There were also sixty-three compact ten-acre 
 lots surveyed, that the settlers, for the advantage of protection, 
 schools, and religious privileges, might dwell in something like a 
 village.^ 
 
 In the year 1741, the renowned George Whitefield visited 
 Maine. He went to York, Wells, Biddeford, Scarborough, Fal- 
 mouth, and North Yarmouth, preaching the gospel of salvation 
 through faith in an atoning Saviour, with wonderful power. 
 Large numbers were influenced to commence a new and better 
 life. He was indefatigable in his labors, having been known to 
 preach sixteen times, and to travel over those rough roads a 
 hundred and seventy miles, in a single week. 
 
 Gov. Shirley was an Englishman by birth, and a lawyer by 
 profession. He had resided in Maine six or seven years, and 
 had thus become acquainted with the manners of the people. 
 His ability and integrity had secured their confidence. England 
 and Spain were then fighting each other. By the promise of 
 large pay and a share in the booty, between five and six hun- 
 dred men were recruited from the Province of Maine, for an 
 
 1 Joiirnal of Rev. Thomas Smith, p. 7G. Mr. Smith was at that time the honored 
 pastor of the church in Falmouth. For many years he kept a daily record of 
 passing events. 
 
 2 History of Windham, by Thomas Laurens Smith, p. 51. 
 
344 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 expedition to Cuba. But few of them ever saw their homes 
 againd 
 
 During this conflict the British commenced impressing inhab- 
 itants of Maine, and forcing them on board their men-of-war. 
 This infamous course, persisted in, led to the war of 1812. The 
 continued encroachments of the settlements in Maine led many 
 Indians of the diminishing tribes of the Saco, the Androscog- 
 gin, and the Kennebec, to withdraw to the unbroken forests of 
 Canada, where they were sure of a cordial welcome from the 
 French authorities. 
 
 This excited alarm in Boston. The governor, with a large 
 escort from both legislative branches, repaired to St. George’s, 
 to hold a council with the sagamores of the Etechemin tribes. 
 These Indians, as has been mentioned, occupied the country 
 between the Penobscot and the St. John, both inclusive. The 
 Indians were prompt in their attendance. They came in a large 
 fleet of canoes, and entered the harbor, not with the French, 
 but with the British flag at the head of their fleet. This would 
 seem to indicate that the French flag, under which they had 
 previously entered the harbor at Falmouth, was intended merely 
 as an ornament, not as a menace. The meeting was harmoni- 
 ous. Both parties were exceedingly anxious for peace. But 
 the English wanted, and felt that they must have, the lands of 
 the Indians. On the other hand, the Indians clung tenaciously 
 to the homes of their fathers ; and yet tliey despairingly felt 
 that influences, quite beyond their control, were each year driv- 
 ing them farther away from their ancient hunting grounds, and 
 that, ere long, all their possessions would pass into the hands 
 of strangers. 
 
 This was evident alike to both parties. Agitating questions 
 which could lead to no good results were avoided. The time 
 was passed in the interchange of courtesies ; and the governor 
 made valuable presents to the Indians, of powder and shot, and 
 of other articles which had become to them necessaries of life. 
 It was deemed very important to prevent their applying to the 
 French for such purchases. 
 
 ^ Summary of British Settlements in North America, by William Douglass, 
 •vol. i. p. 554. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 345 
 
 On this excursion the governor made a careful examination 
 of the country. In his address to the legislature, on his return, 
 he said, — 
 
 “ The inexhaustible supplies of wood and lumber, and the several kinds 
 and great quantities of naval stores which this region is capable of produ- 
 cing, no less than the navigable rivers, the numerous harbors, and good soil 
 it possesses, reiuier it highly deserving the encouragement and protection of 
 government.” 
 
 By the census of 1743, it appeared that there were in Maine 
 eleven towns, and a probable population of twelve thousand 
 inhabitants. The poor Indians were fast dwindling away by 
 death and by emigration to Canada. 
 
 The Spanish war raging in Europe drew France into an 
 alliance with Spain, against Great Britain.^ This, of course, 
 led to a conflict between the French and English colonists on 
 these shores. Each party exerted its utmost endeavors to 
 engage the Indians as allies. The French, as was to have 
 been expected, were the more successful. Again horrid war 
 recommenced its ravages of shrieks, misery, blood, and death. 
 The war was commenced by an attack made by the French 
 and Indians upon an English settlement at Canseau, in Nova 
 Scotia. The French governor of Cape Breton sent several 
 armed vessels, with about nine hundred men, and took possession 
 of the island. Soon after, three hundred Indians, led, it is said, 
 by a French missionary, M. Luttre, attacked Annapolis. They 
 laid siege to the place ; but, re-enforcements arriving from Bos- 
 ton, they were compelled to retire. 
 
 War is the most expensive of all earthly employments. New 
 forts Avere reared, and the old ones strengthened. A hundred 
 and twenty-one men Avere sent to be distributed to the garrisons 
 at Fort George, Pemaquid, Richmond, Brunswick, and Saco. 
 Three hundred men Avere organized into scouts, Avhich parties, 
 ever on the move, Avere generally led by friendly Indian guides. 
 
 1 This fajiious war for the Austrian succession, couiiuenced by Frederick IT. of 
 Prussia, not only drew all Euroj)e into its vortex, but also led French Canadians 
 and English colonists and savage Indians to cutting each other’s throats, who had 
 not the slightest idea of what they were fighting for. 
 
346 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Ninety-six barrels of gunpowder were sent to be distributed 
 among the towns. 
 
 A delegation was appointed by the governor to visit St. 
 George, and ascertain the feelings of the Penobscot Indians. 
 They met many of the chiefs in council, and received from 
 them the assurance of their continued desire for peace. It was 
 decided to commence a vigorous war against the Indians of 
 Nova Scotia. The tribes residing in Maine were forbidden, by 
 the government of Massachusetts, from holding any intercourse 
 Avith the tribes east of Passamaquoddy Bay. A hundred pounds 
 was offered for the scalp of every male Indian over twelve years 
 of age. Fifty pounds was offered for that of a child younger 
 than twelve, or for that of a woman.^ 
 
 The Indians still continued peaceful. But a vagabond band 
 of white men fell upon an unoffending band of Indians on the 
 eastern side of St. George’s River, killing one, and severely 
 wounding others. The government did all in its power to atone 
 for this crime. Forty pounds in money, a blanket, and many 
 other articles Avere given to the Avidow. The wounded were 
 furnished Avith medical aid, and were carefully conveyed to their 
 homes on the Penobscot. 
 
 According to the Dummer treaty, the chiefs engaged to join 
 fifty of their men to every band of a hundred and fifty of the 
 English, raised to subdue any refractory Indians Avho might 
 attempt to disturb the peace. To test the Indians, the English 
 noAV demanded that the sagamores should furnish their quota 
 of Avarriors to march against the tribes in Nova Scotia. This 
 demand Avas made Avith the not very courteous menace, that, if 
 it Avere not complied Avith Avithin forty days, the government 
 of Massachusetts would declare Avar against the Indians of 
 Maine. 
 
 The sagamores Avere in great perplexity and distress. Several 
 councils Avere held, and the subject Avas earnestly discussed. 
 The result Avas, that in January they sent an express to Boston 
 to inform the government that they found it impossible to 
 induce their young men to take up arms against their brother 
 Indians of the St. John. 
 
 1 Suiiimary, by Douglass, p. 320; 'Williamson, vol. ii. p. 218. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 347 
 
 For carrying on the war against the French and then* allied 
 Indians, two regiments were raised in Maine. One, from the 
 vicinity of Kittery, consisted of fifteen hundred and sixty-five 
 men, under Col. William Pepperell ; the other, of twelve hun- 
 dred and ninety men, was formed from the towns adjoining 
 Falmouth, and was commanded by Col. Samuel Waldo. 
 
 Louisburg, upon the island of Cape Breton, was one of the 
 most important and best fortified of the posts of the French. 
 With its ramparts, its ditches, its batteries, one of them mount- 
 ing twenty-eight forty-two pounders, it was justly considered 
 the Gibraltar of America. The labor of twenty-five years had 
 been expended upon these fortifications, and they had cost the 
 French crown thirty million livres.^ It would seem that all the 
 English colonies embarked with great enthusiasm in the enter- 
 prise of making the conquest of Louisburg.^ Col. Pepperell, 
 with the rank of lieutenant-general, was first in command. 
 Though trained to war, he was a devout man. He applied to 
 Rev. Mr. Whitefield, then preaching in Maine, for his opinion 
 of the enterprise. He replied, — 
 
 “ The scheme is not very full of encouragement. The eyes of all will be 
 upon you. Should you not meet with success, the widows and orphans will 
 utter complaints. Should you be successful, many will look upon you with 
 em^-, and endeavor to eclipse your glory. You ought, therefore, to go with 
 a ‘ single eye ; ’ then you will receive strength proportioned to your neces- 
 sities.” 
 
 Mr. Whitefield, at the earnest suggestion of Col. Pepperell, 
 gave him a motto for his flag. It was “ Nil desperandum, 
 Christo duce.” ^ An army of four thousand men was embarked 
 in a fleet of thirteen vessels, besides transports and store-ships. 
 The vessels carried two hundred guns. On the 24th of 
 March, 1745, the squadron sailed. Before casting anchor in 
 the waters of Louisburg, the fleet was joined by ten other 
 British ships of war, mounting four hundred and ninety guns. 
 
 1 Halibnrton’s History of Nova Scotia, vol. i. pp. 98-112. 
 
 2 “ All the talk is about the expedition to Louisburg. There is a marvellous 
 
 zeal and concurrence through the whole country with respect to it. Such as the 
 like was never seen in this part of the — Smith' s Journal, p. 116; date Feb. 
 
 11, 1745. 
 
 8 Nothing is to be despaired of, Christ being the leader. 
 
348 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Early in the morning of the 30th of April, the squadron 
 appeared before the doomed city. The men, with the heavy 
 guns and ammunition, were landed with scarcely any opposition. 
 The assault and the defence were conducted with like bravery 
 and skill. For forty-four days the battle raged, with scarcely a 
 moment’s intermission. We have no space here to enter into 
 its details. On the 15th of June, the French capitulated, and 
 Louisburg passed into the hands of the English. There were 
 four thousand one hundred and thirty inhabitants within the 
 defences. Of these, two thousand were able to bear arms. 
 According to the terms of the capitulation, they were trans- 
 ported to France, where, in the extreme of impoverishment, 
 they were left to struggle against life’s dire adversities. 
 
 Nine thousand cannon-balls and six hundred bombs were 
 thrown into the city before the surrender. During the conflict, 
 the English lost a hundred and thirty men, and the French 
 three hundred. It now seemed to be inevitable that there was 
 to be a fifth Indian war. The refusal of the Indians of Maine 
 to march against their brethren in Nova Scotia was considered, 
 by the English, as indicative of hostile intentions, and almost 
 equivalent to a declaration of hostilities. 
 
 No more trading-masters were appointed, and trade with the 
 Indians ceased. Thus they were constrained to resort to the 
 French for their supplies. The English made vigorous pjrepara- 
 tions for the conflict. Block-houses were built, ramparts were 
 thrown up ; parties were organized as scouts, to be continually 
 perambulating the country ; and almost every able-bodied man 
 was converted into a soldier. The English were strong ; the 
 Indians were weak. The Indians had nothing to hope for from 
 the war. The English, who could have no doubt of success in 
 contending against so feeble a foe, could add to their territorial 
 possessions vast regions of fertile lands which they greatly 
 coveted. 
 
 On tlie 23d of August, 1745, the government of Massachu- 
 setts declared war against all the eastern tribes of Maine with- 
 out exception. Large bounties were offered for captives or 
 scalps.^ It would seem that the Indians were entirely unpre- 
 
 1 Williamson, p. 240; Smith’s Journal, p. 120. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 349 
 
 pared for this outbreak. In terror they abandoned their homes 
 to seek the protection of the French. Rev. Mr. Smith, of Fal- 
 mouth, in his valuable Journal, writes, under date of Oct. 2, 
 1745, that not an Indian had been seen or heard of on the 
 eastern frontier, for nearly a month. He says, that, immediately 
 upon the announcement of hostilities, they fled away to Canada. 
 
 It was a miserable war. There was no such thing as a battle 
 between the English and the Indians. There was no array of 
 forces against each other. Scouting parties of the English 
 ranged the woods, hunting Indians, as they would hunt wolves 
 or bears. Prowling bands of savages killed cattle and swine, 
 occasionally burned a house, and shot at the white men when- 
 ever they could get a chance to do so unseen. To describe 
 these events would only be to repeat what has already been 
 recorded. But terror reigned in every lonely farmhouse. Every 
 few days the tidings would be heard of some man shot, or some 
 family massacred. These reports were often greatly exagge- 
 rated. The great desire of the English was to capture Canada. 
 Mr. Williamson writes, — 
 
 “ In none of the Indian wars were the savages more subtle and inveterate, 
 yet in none less cruel. They despaired of laying waste the country, and 
 expelling the inhabitants. They rather sought to satiate their revenge upon 
 particular individuals or families; to take captives and scalps, for the sake 
 of the price or premium paid them therefor by the French, and to satisfy 
 their wants by the plunder of houses or slaughter of cattle ; a cow or an ox 
 being frequently killed by them, and nothing taken but the tongue.” ^ 
 
 The English trained furious dogs to chase the Indians, and to 
 tear them down, women and children, with bloody fangs. 
 Orders were issued for the organization of troops to drive all 
 the Indians and the French settlers out of Nova Scotia.^ Amidst 
 these horrors, it is pleasant to record an occasional act of human- 
 ity. A few Indians, by stratagem, captured Capt. Jonathan 
 Williamson, of Wiscasset. He was one of the most prominent 
 men in the settlement. In his capture they were careful not to 
 wound him. Two others, whom they might have killed, they 
 allowed to escape. He inquired the reasons for this conduct.. 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 244. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 247. 
 
350 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “We have been requested,” they said, “by the governor of 
 Quebec, to secure an intelligent prisoner, who is capable of 
 giving information respecting the plans of the English.” 
 
 In conducting him through the wilderness to Quebec, they 
 treated him with the utmost kindness, liberally sharing with him 
 all the provisions they could procure.^ Winter came, with 
 unusual severity, and great depth of snow. Military expeditions 
 had engrossed the energies of the people. There was almost a 
 famine. The whole civilized world was thrown into commotion 
 by this miserable war, commenced by that scourge of humanity, 
 Frederick of Prussia. Hundreds of thousands perished on the 
 battle-field and in the gloomy hospital. More homes were des- 
 olated, and widows and orphans made, than can be numbered. 
 There was misery everywhere, happiness nowhere; and all 
 this merely to decide whether one individual or another should 
 sit upon the throne of Austria. The imagination could scarcely 
 create a more astonishing record of folly and of crime, than the 
 history of the human race presents. 
 
 The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, signed Oct. 7, 1748, gave 
 peace to the world. Several of the chiefs of the Maine Indians 
 met the governor in the council chamber at Boston, on the 23d 
 of June, 1749. There was quite a numerous delegation, rep- 
 resenting mainly the Kennebec and the Penobscot tribes. One 
 of the chiefs, addressing the governor, said, — 
 
 “ We speak from our hearts the words of sincerity and truth. We have 
 brought with us other credentials than our own hearts. These brothers 
 present know that the voice of peace makes the Indians everywhere smile 
 and rejoice.” ^ 
 
 A general council of the chiefs to meet the Massachusetts 
 commissioners was appointed to assemble in Falmouth. The 
 commissioners, five or six in number, were attended by a mil- 
 itary guard of about fifty men. We know not how many 
 Indians attended. Nineteen chiefs signed the treaty of peace. 
 It was essentially the same as the “ Dummer Treaty.” It was 
 called the “ Submission and Agreement ” of the tribes. 
 
 When such a storm has been raging over life’s ocean, it takes 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 253. 
 
 2 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 268. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 351 
 
 some time for the billows to subside. Vagabond white men 
 continued to shoot the Indians. In vain the natives appealed 
 to the legal tribunals for redress. “ Certain it is, that whenever 
 a white person was tried for killing an Indian, even in times of 
 profound peace, he was invariably acquitted, it being impossible 
 to impanel a jury on which there were not some who had 
 suffered by the Indians, either in their persons, families, or 
 estates.” ^ 
 
 Predatory bands of savages from Canada, accustomed to 
 plunder, continued for a time their banditti excursions, killing, 
 plundering, and burning. “ But it was manifest that the in- 
 stances of mischief were principally acts of mere revenge com- 
 mitted by stragglers and renegadoes, unencouraged probably 
 by any tribe. The sagamores of Penobscot, and even of Nor- 
 ridgewock, declared that they had no share in the late rupture, 
 and expressed strong desires of immediately renewing their 
 former trade and connections with the English.”^ 
 
 The intelligent Indians could not look upon the continued 
 encroachments of the English without anxiety. Though con- 
 scious that this could not be prevented by any force of arms 
 which they could wield, they made frequent and earnest appeals 
 to the government, in vindication of what they deemed their 
 rights. Permanent and steadily increasing settlements were 
 established at Woolwich, Edgecomb, Bath, Dresden, Bowdoin- 
 ham, Topsham, and many other places. Strong fortifications 
 were arising at many important points. 
 
 It is supposed that the whole population of Maine, in 1744, 
 was from twelve to fifteen thousand.^ Falmouth was the largest 
 town in the Province. The hunting grounds and fishing sites 
 of the natives were fast passing from them. Soon after this, 
 the English claimed all the land from the Kennebec River east 
 to the Sheepscot, and as far up the Kennebec as Norridgewock. 
 They were taking possession of the territory, and strengthen- 
 ing themselves in it. Gov. Shirley, with several commissioners, 
 met a number of the sagamores at Fort Richmond. There is 
 something pitiable in the tone of the chief Indian speaker on 
 this occasion. He said, — 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 272. 2 Smith's Journal, p. 137. 
 
352 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 “ Here is a river which belongs to us. You have lately built a new gar- 
 rison here. We now only ask that you will be contented to go no farther 
 up the river than this fort. We live wholly by this land, and live but poorly. 
 The Penobscot Indians hunt on one side of us, and the Canada Indians on 
 the other. Therefore do not turn us off this land. We are willing that you 
 should hold possession of all the lands from this fort downward to the sea.’* 
 
 The governor exhibited deeds, signed by Indian chiefs, in 
 proof that the English had purchased the lands. Ongewasgone 
 replied, and without doubt very truthfully, — 
 
 “ I am an old man, and yet I never heard any of my ancestors say that 
 these lands were sold. We do not think that these deeds are false; but we 
 apprehend that you got the Indians drunk, and so took advantage of them, 
 when you bought the lands.” 
 
 At the close of this conference one of the chiefs said, “ I 
 would add one word more. Our young men are very apt to 
 get* drunk. We entreat you to give orders to Capt. Lithgow, 
 not to let any one of them have any more rum than one quart 
 in two days.” ^ 
 
 The question as to the title to the lands, the English decided 
 in their own favor, declaring that they had been deeded to them 
 by the Indians. Of course the Indians felt deeply aggrieved. 
 The first town incorporated, within what was called the territory 
 of Sagadahoc, was Newcastle, so named from the Duke of New- 
 castle, who was secretary of the king, and was deemed friendly 
 to the colonies. 
 
 There were increasing dissatisfaction and murmurs with in- 
 dividual Indians. It was also asserted that the French were 
 endeavoring to incite them to renew hostilities. The most con- 
 venient route from Quebec to the eastern provinces of Maine, 
 was to follow up the Chaudiere about a hundred miles, then to 
 cross the unbroken wilderness through an Indian trail, a dis- 
 tance of about fifty miles, to the Kennebec, near the mouth of 
 Dead River. This point was about fifty miles above the Indian 
 settlement at Norridgewock. It was apprehended that the 
 Indians far away upon these upper waters of the river, gather- 
 ing from Maine and Canada, and aided by the French, might 
 
 1 Journal of the Eev. Thomas Smith, pp. 153, 164. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 353 
 
 establish a general rendezvous, and make raids upon the lower 
 settlements. No such attempt was, however, undertaken, and 
 there is no evidence that such was ever contemplated. Subse- 
 quent events render it much more probable that the rumor was 
 started by designing men, as an excuse for taking possession of 
 the lands on the upper waters of the river, by erecting forts. 
 
 The governor ordered six companies to be organized ready to 
 march at the shortest notice. He also issued the severe com- 
 mand, that, should any Indians of Norridgewock be guilty of 
 any mischief, the troops should advance upon their village, 
 utterly destroy it, and either kill or capture every member of 
 the tribe.^ The government ordered a very strong fort to be 
 built at Teconnet, on the eastern bank of the Kennebec, at the 
 junction between that river and the Sebasticook. This was 
 making an advance from Fort Richmond, thirty-five miles up 
 the river, into the territory which the Indians claimed as their 
 own, and from which they had so earnestly entreated that they 
 might not be driven. This fort was garrisoned by eight hun- 
 dred men. In anticipation of another war with the French and 
 Indians, an alliance was formed by the English with the 
 Mohawks, the fiercest warriors on the continent. 
 
 The great and terrible struggle was approaching between the 
 two most powerful kingdoms on the globe, France and England, 
 for the possession of this continent. France was beginning to 
 rear her forts from the Lakes to New Orleans, intending to hold 
 control of the majestic valleys of the Ohio and the Mississippi, 
 and to shut up the English upon the narrow border east of the 
 Alleghanies. England was resolved to drive the French from 
 Canada, and to take possession of the whole country. In the 
 awful conflict which ensued, not only the poor Indians were 
 doomed to be crushed, but thousands of humble European emi- 
 grants suffered woes the very recital of which tortures the soul. 
 
 1 History of Maine, by 'William Williamson, vol. ii. p. 297. 
 
 23 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THE OLD FKENCH WAK, AND THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 COMMENCED. 
 
 The Upper Kennebec explored — New Forts built — War with the Indians 
 Renewed — English Atrocities — War between France and England — Feeble- 
 ness of the Indians — Incorporation of Towns — Efforts of England to En- 
 slave America — The Stamp Act — The Tea Tax — Battle of Lexington — 
 Patriotism of the People of Maine — Scenes in Falmouth — Visit of the 
 British Sloop-of-War — Capture of Capt. Mowatt — His Threats. 
 
 F ive hundred troops were sent up the Kennebec River to 
 explore the carrying-places between that river and the 
 Chaudiere. It was ascertained that no fort had been attempted 
 in that region, by either the French or the Indians; The site 
 selected by the English for the new fort was beautiful. It was 
 three-quarters of a mile below Teconnet Falls. It was built of 
 solid timber, twenty feet in height, and sufficiently capacious to 
 accommodate a garrison of four hundred men. The name given 
 this structure was Fort Halifax. 
 
 Two other forts, quite similar in strength, were built farther 
 down the river, each of them on the eastern side. One was at 
 Cushnoc,^ now Augusta, near the eastern end of the present 
 bridge. They gave it the name of Fort Western. The other 
 was about a mile above the northern end of Swan Island. It 
 was called Fort Shirley.^ From Fort Western to Fort Halifax 
 was a distance of eighteen miles, through a pathless and unin- 
 habited wilderness. The governor ordered a road to be cut 
 through the forest suitable for wheel carriages. Arrangements 
 
 1 This name is sometimes spelled Cushenoc. 
 
 2 As this was situated in the plantation of Frankfort, it was sometimes called 
 Fort Frankfoi't. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 355 
 
 were also made, so that an express might he sent, by means of 
 whale-boats and videttes, from Falmouth to Fort Halifax, in 
 twenty-four hours. 
 
 On the 6th of November, 1754, couriers reached Falmouth 
 with the tidings that a band of Indians had assailed some men 
 from the garrison of Fort Halifax, who were cutting timber, 
 and killed one man, and carried away four others as captives. 
 Also a rumor had reached the fort, that five hundred French 
 and Indians were about to march from Quebec to make an 
 attack upon the fort. A re-enforcement of a hundred men was 
 immediately sent to strengthen the garrison. Six companies of 
 minute-men, in Maine, were ordered to be ready to march at 
 the shortest notice. 
 
 It soon appeared that this hostile outbreak was perpetrated 
 by the Canada Indians of St. Frangois.^ Public opinion was 
 greatly aroused against these Indians. Many demanded that 
 they should be utterly exterminated. A hundred pounds was 
 offered by the General Court, for the scalp of any one of them, 
 and ten pounds more for an Indian taken alive. There were 
 mutual recriminations and retaliations by which France and 
 England gradually drifted into the deplorable “ French war,” 
 without war having been formally declared by either party. 
 Awful tragedies ensued, which could scarcely have been exceeded 
 in Pandemonium. 
 
 We have no space here to enter into the details of the conflict. 
 We can only briefly allude to the events which transpired in 
 Maine. The most awful scenes of distress were witnessed. 
 The civilized combatants, in their rage, proved that savages 
 could not exceed them in cruelty. Several months lapsed before 
 there were any acts of violence in Maine. It is very evident 
 
 1 It will be remembered that the governor of Canada had invited the fragments 
 of tribes, broken by war, to settle on lands which he had assigned to them on the 
 two small tribntaries of the St. Lawrence, Besancoiirt and St. Frangois. Here they 
 were aided in building their houses. A church and a parsonage were erected, 
 and a missionary and interpreter furnished them. They were called the St, Fran- 
 gois Indians, and were, of course, entirely devoted to the French, who had treated 
 them with such brotherly kindness.— Williamson, vol. ii. p. 40; Jeffrey’s Ilistoi'y of 
 the French Dominions, p. 9; Topographical Description of Canada, by Joseph Bon-- 
 chette, p. 67. 
 
 23 
 
356 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE: 
 
 that the Indians there were exceedingly reluctant to be drawn 
 into the war. During the summer of 1T55, five or six men, in 
 different localities, were shot, several houses were burned, and 
 eight men were carried in captivity to Canada. It is probable 
 that all this was done by straggling bands from Canada ; still 
 on the 11th of June, 1754, the General Court, in retaliation for 
 these acts, declared war against all the Indians in Maine, except- 
 ing those on the Penobscot. Two hundred pounds were offered 
 to volunteers for every Indian scalp. It was known that the 
 feeble and disheartened Indians could make no show of battle. 
 They were to be hunted down like bears and wolves. The 
 Indians Avere struck with disma}^ “ They retired back,” writes 
 Mr. Williamson ; and we hear, after this, of no more mischief 
 perpetrated by them this season, on our frontiers."” ^ 
 
 As a general rule, the English settlers hated the Indians, and 
 were anxious to get entirely rid of them. They made but little 
 distinction between friends and enemies. If a Canadian Indian 
 engaged in any act of aggression, the English were prompt to 
 take vengeance upon any Indians they might chance to meet, 
 no matter how inoffensive in conduct or how friendly in heart. 
 
 Capt. James Cargill, of Newcastle, was commissioned to raise 
 a scouting company. He chanced to meet a band of Indian 
 hunters, peaceful men, Avho had no thought of any hostile act. 
 He shot down twelve, and took their scalps. They were worth 
 to him and his party two thousand four hundred pounds. Soon 
 after they met a friendly Indian woman, Margaret ; she was 
 well known, and was returning from a visit to the garrison, with 
 her babe in her arms. The}^ shot her down. With dying breath 
 she entreated them to protect her child. They killed the babe 
 before its mother’s eyes.^ 
 
 Cargill was apprehended for murder : as usual, no verdict 
 could be found against him, though there was no denial of 
 the facts ; but there were many good men whose hearts were 
 filled with grief by such atrocities. The General Court offered 
 all the Indians who would enlist in the public service, the same 
 pay as other soldiers had. Nine of the chiefs were invited into 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 312. 
 
 2 Eaton’s Narrative, pp. 12, 13, as quoted by Mr. Williamson, vol. ii. p. 315. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 357 
 
 St. George’s Fort to confer upon this matter. They were all 
 seized as prisoners, and were assured that they would not be 
 liberated until they enlisted. Dreadful was their embarrass- 
 ment. The Canadian Indians were their friends and brethren. 
 The French had ever treated them with the utmost kindness ; 
 and yet they were informed, that, unless they would enlist to 
 fiorht these their friends, a war of extermination would be waged 
 against them. On the 5th of November war was declared 
 against this Penobscot tribe, and large premiums were offered 
 for their scalps.^ 
 
 It was not until June, 1756, that England published a declar- 
 ation of war against France. Gov. Shirley, whose administra- 
 tion had lasted sixteen years, became very unpopular, and was 
 withdrawn. Several months passed before a successor was ap- 
 pointed. The Indians, goaded to desperation, on the 24th of 
 March, 1756, killed two men and wounded a third, near Fort 
 George’s. On the 3d of May one man was shot in Harpswell, 
 and two escaped by flight. There were but three Indians, who, 
 in ambush, attacked these three well-armed white men. They 
 carried their captive to Canada, where, in about a year, he 
 obtained his liberty. On the 14th of May two men, in Wind- 
 ham, were shot and scalped by a party of Indians in ambush. 
 One Indian was shot and another wounded. At the head of 
 Arrowsic Island, in Georgetown, Mr. Preble and his wife were 
 killed, as they were planting corn, and their three children were 
 carried to Canada. 
 
 The Indians treated these little orphans with great tenderness, 
 carrying them upon their backs wlien they were fatigued, and 
 sharing liberally their food with them. These children became 
 so much attached to their Indian parents that they wept bitterly 
 when, being ransomed, they were taken from them to be restored 
 to civilized life. Their mother’s father, Capt. Hamden, of 
 Woolwich, went to Canada for them, and such is his testimony 
 respecting their treatment. At Fort Halifax two men fishing 
 were shot and mortally wounded. 
 
 Such was the character of this needless war. Though but 
 
 1 Journal of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, vol. ix. p. 248. 
 
358 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 few in Maine were killed, the alarm was universal. The lonely 
 settlers did not dare to cultivate their fields. No one could 
 move from his house without danger of being shot at. The 
 Indians were despondent. Gloom was everywhere. There was 
 famine in the land. To add to the woes, the small-pox broke 
 out, and raged in garrison, cabin, and wigwam. The Penobscot 
 Indians, who had been so ruthlessly assailed, appealed in piteous 
 tones for peace, to Capt. Bradbury, who commanded the garri- 
 son at St. George’s. Very truthfully does Mr. Williamson 
 write, — 
 
 “ No other eastern tribe had treated the English with so much forbearance 
 and honor. And the good man’s heart must be touched with sympathy for 
 their melancholy condition, when he reflects, that, in the present war upon 
 them, our own people were the first and principal aggressors.” ^ 
 
 The Indians were deemed so powerless, that, during the year 
 1757, only two hundred and sixty men were employed to hunt 
 them down, besides those in garrison. Early in June, Mrs. Hall, 
 a lady of remarkable beauty and many accomplishments, was 
 captured, with her children, after her husband had been killed. 
 They were carried to Canada, where they were separated. Mrs. 
 Hall was eventually ransomed. But this unhappy woman, not- 
 withstanding her lifelong endeavors, could never obtain the 
 least knowledge of the fate of her children. 
 
 It was difficult to find the Indians. They very generally 
 abandoned the frontiers. In 1758 Harps well was incorporated. 
 Its atmosphere was even then deemed so salubrious that it was 
 resorted to by the sick. There were, during this year, only two 
 or three acts of violence, on the part of the Indians in Maine. 
 In other portions of our extensive country, the struggle between 
 France and England raged with great violence. In August an 
 attempt was made by a party of French and Indians from Can- 
 ada, upon Fort St. George’s. It is estimated that the band con- 
 sisted of about four hundred. Ke-enforcements were promptly 
 sent to the place, and the assailants were driven off after butcher- 
 ing about sixty cattle in the vicinity. Soon after an attack was 
 
 1 'Williamson, vol. ii. p. 334. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 359 
 
 made upon Meduncook, now Friendship, where eight men were 
 either killed or captured. 
 
 “ These,” writes Mr. Williamson, “ so far as our knowledge 
 extends, closed the scenes of massacre, plunder, and outrage 
 by the Indians, during the present war and forever.” ^ 
 
 During the next year, Quebec, Ticonderoga, Niagara, and 
 Crown Point fell before the valor of British armies ; and the 
 banners of France, not long after this, were driven from this 
 continent.^ It was a great achievement; but it was accom- 
 plished through woes to humanity which no tongue can ade- 
 quately tell. 
 
 The Indians were no longer to be feared. A military force 
 was sent to Penobscot to take possession of that magnificent 
 valley. A site was selected for a fort, about three leagues below 
 Orphan Island, in the present town of Prospect. It- was both 
 fort and trading-house. Though the Indian tribes were greatly 
 broken, and were crumbling to decay, there were still many 
 thousand Indians in that region, eager to sell their furs for the 
 commodities which the English offered in exchange. A gentle- 
 man who visited the fort soon after its erection, wrote, “ I have 
 seen one of its rooms as full as it could be well stowed, with the 
 first quality of furs, beaver, otter, and sable.” 
 
 The structure was called Fort Pownal. It cost five thousand 
 pounds, and was garrisoned by a hundred men. The governor, 
 in his message to the legislature, said that he had taken military 
 possession of a large and fine country, which had long been a 
 den for savages, and a lurking-place for renegado Frenchmen. 
 In October, 1759, the plantation of Nequasset, sometimes called 
 Nauseag, was erected into a town, by the name of Woolwich. 
 The Indians were compelled to confess their rebellion, and that 
 consequently they had forfeited all their lands., and to take the 
 oath of allegiance to the king of England. The once powerful 
 Penobscot tribe had dwindled to five chiefs, seventy-five warriors, 
 and five hundred souls. The English granted the Indians per- 
 mission to hunt through the unoccupied forests, and to rear their 
 villages upon such spots as might be assigned to them. 
 
 1 Williamson, vol. ii. p. 333. 
 
 2 Quebec, the capital of New France, capitulated on the 5th of October, 1759. 
 *- Smollett, vol. iii. p. 475. 
 
360 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 At this time nearly all the houses at St. George’s River were 
 of logs. They were very humble structures. Nine were built 
 in one day. It was twenty miles to the nearest mill. There 
 were no carts or cart-roads. Bears and wolves were numerous 
 in the forests. Moose and deer were abundant. At one time, 
 when the snow was deep and covered with a crust, seventy 
 moose were taken in one winter. 
 
 On the 13th of February, 1760, Pownalborough was chartered 
 as a township. It embraced the three present towns of Dres- 
 den, Wiscasset, and Aina, and also Swan Island. Two new 
 counties, Cumberland and Lincoln, were also established.^ Upon 
 the retirement of Gov. Pownal this year, Thomas Hutchinson, 
 a graduate of Harvard, was placed in the gubernatorial chair. 
 From a valuation taken in the year 1761, it is estimated that 
 the population of the State then amounted to about seventeen 
 thousand five hundred souls. 
 
 Sir Francis Bernard was soon appointed governor by the 
 crown. Maine was then regarded as a remote but important 
 district of Massachusetts. The new governor was an English- 
 man by birth, a graduate of Oxford University, and a thorough 
 aristocrat. In heart he was probably strongly opposed to the 
 republican views prevailing in the colonies, and his great desire 
 was to increase the ascendancy of the crown. He became 
 unpopular from his evident efforts to curtail the influence of the 
 people. The rich valley of the Penobscot was fast drawing 
 settlers. The General Court made Gov. Bernard a present of 
 the far-famed island Mount Desert. It is said that this gift was 
 probably intended to secure his influence with the crown in 
 obtaining its consent to the establishment of thirteen townships 
 in the Penobscot region. These townships would send represen- 
 tatives to the General Court. This would increase the popular 
 power. The governor had therefore opposed the measure. 
 
 There was still an immense amount of ungranted land in the 
 eastern portion of the State. Commissioners were appointed to 
 
 1 There were consequently, at this time, three counties. York contained eight 
 towns, Cuinherland seven, and Lincoln five. There were perhaps as many more 
 small and .scattered settlements, called plantations. The Neck, now Portland, 
 contained a hundred and tjiirty-six dwelling-houses. — Smith's Journal, p. 74. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 361 
 
 run the dividing line between Maine and Nova Scotia. In 1762 
 Windham, Buxton, and Bowdoinham were incorporated. This 
 last town was named in honor of Dr. Peter Bowdoin, a Protes- 
 tant, who had fled from France after the revocation of the Edict 
 of Nantes. On the 10th of February, 1763, a general treaty 
 of peace was signed at Paris, between France and England. 
 France renounced to Great Britain all her northern dominions 
 in America. At this time there was not a settler in the valley 
 of the Penobscot above Orphan Island. 
 
 The Indians were no more successful than the English in pre- 
 venting acts of murder and robbery on the part of lawless vaga- 
 bonds. An Indian was hunting and trapping near Fort Pownal. 
 Four Englishmen killed him, and stole his traps and furs. The 
 villany escaped unpunished, and the Indians attempted no 
 revenge. There were several such cases which the Indians bore 
 with wonderful forbearance. 
 
 This year the census was taken, but it is thought not very 
 accurately. According to the report made, there remained but 
 thirty warriors of the Norridgewock tribe, sixty of the Penob- 
 scot, and thirty of the Passamaquoddy Indians. The whole pop- 
 ulation of Maine amounted to about twenty-four thousand. 
 
 In the year 1764, three plantations of considerable note, 
 Topsham, Gorham, and Boothbay, were incorporated. Tops- 
 ham was named from a town in England ; Gorham was so called 
 in honor of Capt. John Gorham, a revered ancestor of one of 
 the grantees. The first settler in that plantation was Capt. 
 John Phinney, who reared his lonely cabin in that Avilderness 
 in the year 1734. Boothbay was the ancient Cape Newagen 
 settlement. The plantation was settled in the year 1630, soon 
 after the first adventurers landed at Pemaquid. A century of 
 earth’s crimes and woes had since passed away, and dreadful 
 Avere the ravages those settlers had experienced during the 
 Indian wars. 
 
 The next 5^ear two more towns were incorporated, Bristol 
 and Cape Elizabeth. These Avere the twenty-second and 
 tAventy-third toAvns of the district of Maine. Bristol embraced 
 the ancient and renoAvned Pemaquid. A settlement Avas com- 
 menced here as early as 1626. The name was given from the 
 

 TICONIC FALLS, WATERVILLE AND WINSLOW, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 363 
 
 city of Bristol in England. Cape Elizabeth was taken from 
 the old town of Falmoutli. The first inhabitants settled upon 
 a neck of land to which'we often have had occasion to refer as 
 Purpooduck Point. Nearly all the inhabitants of the place 
 were, at one time, massacred by the Indians. 
 
 On the eastern side of Salmon Falls River, above Berwick, 
 there had long been a plantation of considerable note, called by 
 its Indian name, Toiv-woJi. In the year 1767, it was incorporated 
 as a town, by the name of Lebanon. The tide of emigration 
 was flowing rapidly towards the fertile and beautiful banks of 
 the Kennebec. In the year 1771, four towns were incorporated 
 upon that river, embracing an area of three hundred and twenty- 
 five square miles. These were Hallo well, Vassalborough, Wins- 
 low, and Winthrop. They constituted the twenty -sixth, twenty- 
 seventh, twenty-eighth, and twenty-ninth corporate towns of 
 the State. 
 
 Hallowell was so called from a distinguished English family 
 of that name. It embraced the present territory of Augusta. 
 There had been occasional inhabitants in this region, which was 
 called Cushnoc and the Hook for more than a hundred years. 
 Vassalborough, which then included also Sidney, was named 
 from the Hon. William Vassal, a prominent citizen of Mass- 
 achusetts. 
 
 Winslow was also incorporated this year, including the present 
 town of Waterville. Here was the famous Teconnet of the 
 Indians ; and it was at this point, on the neck of land formed by 
 the union of the Sebasticook and the Kennebec, that Fort Hali- 
 fax was reared. As early as 1754, eleven families built their 
 cabins at this frontier fort in the wilderness. 
 
 Winthrop also was incorporated, embracing territory which 
 was subsequently set apart as Readfield. The territorial plan- 
 tation established here was called the Pond Town Plantation. 
 There were forty-four lakes of rare beauty, within limits now 
 comprising Winthrop, Readfield, and a part of Wayne. It is a 
 beautiful region, commanding sites for villas, as the country 
 shall increase in Avealth and population, which perhaps no por- 
 tion of our extensive domain can surpass. This beautiful chain 
 of lakes was the great water-course over which the canoes of 
 
364 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the Indians were paddled as they passed from the Kennebec to 
 the Androscoggind 
 
 On the shores of these lakes, the Indians, with a high appre- 
 ciation of landscape beauty, reared their villages. One of these 
 lakes, Cobbosseconte, is twelve miles long and two wide. The 
 outlet of these lovely sheets of water is into the Kennebec, at 
 what is now Gardiner, by a stream which the Indians called 
 Cobbossecontecook. All the names the Indians gave appear to 
 have had some particular significance. It is said that Cobbosse 
 meant sturgeon, conte., abundance of, and cook., place.^ 
 
 In the year 1764, Timothy Foster, with his wife and ten chil- 
 dren, wandered through the trails of the forest to the margin 
 of Cobbosseconte Lake. Here he reared his log cabin, and 
 obtained what he probably considered an abundant and luxuri- 
 ous livelihood, by hunting, fishing, trapping, and cultivating a 
 small patch of corn. The farm granted him by the proprietors 
 was a hundred rods on the shore of the lake, running back a 
 mile. The conditions were simply that he should build a house 
 twenty feet square and ten feet stud, should reside, himself or 
 heirs, on the premises three years, and clear five acres of land 
 fit for tillage. 
 
 The thirtieth town in the State, Pepperellborough, was incor- 
 porated in the year 1772. It was formed by cutting off a sec- 
 tion from Biddeford, and was named in honor of William 
 Pepperell.^ After bearing that name for thirty-seven years, it 
 
 1 “The late Dr. Benjamin Vaughan of Hallowell, an early settler there, 
 formerly a member of the British Parliament, hut obliged to flee from England 
 because of his sympathy for and interest in the American colonies, was accus- 
 tomed to take his distinguished visitors to Winthrop. He would come by the 
 charming view of Cobbosseconte Lake at East Winthrop, over the old Meeting- 
 House Hill, and return by the Narrows Pond; and he often said this ride gave 
 him the most interesting scenery in Now England.” — Historic Address by the Hon. 
 S. P. Benson, p. 35. 
 
 2 Collections of Maine Historical Society, vol. iv. p. 113. For a more minute 
 description of this lovely region and its early settlement, see the admirable his- 
 torical discourse of the Hon. Samuel P. Benson, one of the most illustrious of the 
 sons of Winthrop, given at the centennial celebration of the first town-meeting 
 held in the place. 
 
 8 “William Peppercll was, at this time (1739), colonel-commandant of the 
 Yorkshire Begiment; a gentleman W'hose moral worth and military talents had 
 already given him an elevated rank in the confidence of the public.” — William- 
 son, vol. iv. p. 200. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 365 
 
 was changed to Saco, which, by a gradual groAvth, has become 
 one of the most important towns in the State. 
 
 Governor Hutchinson became a vigilant and unscrupulous 
 advocate of unlimited prerogative in behalf of the crown of 
 England. The colonies were now in peace and comparatively 
 rich and prosperous. The great object of the English Govern- 
 ment was to gather all the reins of power into its own hands, to 
 tax the people in every adroit way in which it could be done 
 without raising too loud a clamor, and to thwart the colonists in 
 all their endeavors to secure popular rights. The tyrannical 
 government claimed the right of appointing the governors, of 
 removing the judges at will, of framing the laws, and of 
 imposing taxes at its pleasure ; while, at the same time, the 
 right was denied the Americans of being represented in parlia- 
 ment. 
 
 The detail of these encroachments, which gradually brought 
 the Americans and the English into battle array against each 
 other, belongs rather to the general history of the United States 
 than to that of Maine. To overawe the people, a fleet of war- 
 ships entered Boston Harbor on the 28th of September, 1768. 
 Under cover of its guns, seven hundred British regulars were 
 landed, and with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets, marched 
 through the streets to an encampment on the common. Gen. 
 Thomas Gage was placed in command, with orders to enforce, 
 by bullet and bayonet if necessary, all the requisitions of the 
 ministry. 
 
 The blood of the Bostonians, and of nearly all the American 
 people, almost boiled with indignation. There were but little 
 more than two millions of white people scattered along the 
 coast for hundreds of leagues of this New World. The most 
 powerful empire then upon the globe, and, if we consider the 
 destructive enginery of war in their hands, we may say the 
 most powerful empire that ever existed, was rousing all its 
 energies of fleets and armies to crush out the liberties of these 
 feeble colonies. For such an infant David to venture to engage 
 in battle with such a gigantic Goliath, was the bravest, perhaps 
 we should say the most reckless measure, ever undertaken on 
 earth. 
 
366 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The king of England, by an act of parliament, “ for the bet- 
 ter regulation of the government of the province of Massachu- 
 setts Bay,” appointed the governor. This governor, thus en- 
 tirely at the disposal of the king, appointed the justices of the 
 supreme court and the sheriffs. Jurors were no longer to be 
 appointed by freeholders, but by the sheriffs. By this law the 
 king was placed in absolute control.^ In apprehension that the 
 people might resist the soldiery, and be defended by the colonial 
 courts, a law was passed that, if any one were indicted for cap- 
 ital offence, he might be sent to England for trial. 
 
 The people began to meet in conventions, pass resolutions of 
 remonstrance, petition for redress, and to organize for resistance, 
 should circumstances compel a resort to that dire extremity. 
 There were here and there various acts of violence, but no 
 serious conflict until the battle of Lexington roused the whole 
 country to arms^ 
 
 The little village of Lexington was situated about twelve 
 miles north-west of Boston. A few straggling houses partially 
 surrounded a small unfehced green, or common. Here the 
 meeting-house and public tavern stood, forming, with a few 
 other houses, one of the boundaries of the common. Near this 
 green the road divides. The left branch, still bearing to the 
 north-west, leads to the village of Concord, about six miles 
 farther on. Here, about eighteen miles from Boston, the Ameri- 
 cans had deposited some provisions and military stores. 
 
 Gen. Gage sent out a detachment of from eight hundred to a 
 thousand regular soldiers, secretly and at midnight, to seize and 
 destroy them. It was the night of the 18th of April, 1775, 
 when the troops, in boats, crossed the Charles River, and, in 
 the darkness, commenced a rapid march toward Concord. 
 Every precaution had been adopted by Gen. Gage, to prevent 
 any intelligence of the movement from spreading into the 
 country. He hoped to take the place by surprise, to destroy 
 the stores, and to return to Boston before any resistance could 
 be organized.’^ 
 
 1 Ancieni C barters, p. 785. 
 
 2 See account of tlie expedition, by Frederic Hudson, in Harper’s Magazine, 
 vol. i. ; also History of the Battle at Lexington, by Elias Phinney. 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 3G7 
 
 In Boston there were stationed ten regiments of veteran British 
 troops; and several men-of-war rode at anchor in the harbor. 
 Notwithstanding all the efforts for secrecy, vigilant eyes watched 
 every measure of the arrogant, insulting, detested soldiery. In 
 addition to many other watchful ones, Paul Revere had arranged 
 with a friend, to signal any important movement. He had a fleet 
 horse on the other side of the river, with which he could speedily 
 spread the alarm. Mr. Longfellow, our own poet, a native of 
 Portland, Me., has given deathless renown to this midnight ride, 
 in his own glowung verse, — 
 
 “ Listen, my children, and you shall hear 
 Of the midnight ride of Paul Revere, 
 
 On the eighteenth of April in seventy-five : 
 
 Hardly a man is now alive 
 
 Who remembereth that day and year. 
 
 He said to his friend, ‘ If the British march, 
 
 By land or sea, from the town to-night. 
 
 Hang a lantern aloft in the belfry arch 
 
 Of the North Church tower as a signal light, — 
 
 One if by land, and two if by sea, — 
 
 And I on the opposite shore will be. 
 
 Ready to ride, and spread the alarm. 
 
 Through every Middlesex village and farm, 
 
 For the country folk to be up and to arm. ’ ” 
 
 The signal appeared. Revere mounted his horse, and galloped 
 along the road to Lexington, shouting the alarm to every family 
 as he passed. In almost every dwelling there were minute-men, 
 with guns and ammunition, ready to rush forth at the first warn- 
 ing. Hancock and Adams were both at Lexington. One object 
 of the British expedition was to capture them. 
 
 Revere reached Lexington. The village was roused. The 
 alarm spread like wild-fire. A small group of men, with their 
 guns in their hands, pallid not with fear, but with intensity of 
 emotion, gathered in the gloom upon the green, to decide what 
 to do in the terrible emergence. There were but between sixty 
 and seventy present. The report was, that there were between 
 twelve and fifteen hundred disciplined, thoroughly armed British 
 regulars approaching under the command of experienced gen- 
 
368 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 erals, who had obtained renown in the wars of Europe. Of 
 course a forcible resistance was not to be thought of.^ 
 
 In the mean time the alarm was spreading from farmhouse to 
 farmhouse in all directions. The village church bells were 
 rung, signal guns were fired, and there was mustering in “ hot 
 haste.” The British troops marched rapidly, arresting any person 
 they encountered by the way. A little before five o’clock, the 
 solid column appeared but a few rods from Lexington Green, 
 marching at double-quick time. Seeing dimly the unformed 
 group of Americans upon the green, they halted for a moment, 
 doubled their ranks, and then rushed on. Quietly and with no 
 signs of resistance the Americans awaited the approach of the 
 troops. No war had been declared. The Americans had been 
 guilty of no act of violence. They supposed that the British 
 were on the march to seize the stores in Concord. Still even 
 this was uncertain, and they waited to learn what were the in- 
 tentions and the will of the hostile band. 
 
 The troops came along upon the run. When within a few 
 rods their commander, Lieut.-Col. Smith, shouted, “Lay down 
 your arms and disperse, you damned rebels ! ” Then, turning to 
 his men, he exclaimed, “ Rush on, my boys ! Fire ! ” 
 
 It was a mean and cowardly act, to order at least eight 
 hundred soldiers to fire upon a confused group of farmers, 
 amounting to not more than seventy at the most. Even the 
 British troops recoiled from such shameful butchery, and with- 
 held their fire. The inf urate colonel discharged his pistol at 
 the Americans, and, brandishing his sword like a maniac, again 
 shouted, “ Fire ! God damn you, fire ! ” At this second summons 
 the soldiers in the first platoon discharged their muskets, but 
 took care to throw their bullets over the heads of those whom 
 they seemed to be assailing. 
 
 1 At the same time that Paul Revere commenced his midnight ride, Ebenezer 
 Dorr rode over the Neck, disguised as a farmer, with a flapped hat and scantily 
 filled saddle-bags. He bore the following despatch from Gen. Warren to Hancock 
 and Adams: — 
 
 “A large body of the king’s troops, supposed to be a brigade of about twelve 
 hundred to fifteen hundred, were embarked in boats from Boston, and have gone 
 over to land on Lechmere’s Point, so called, in Cambridge ; and it is suspected 
 that they are ordered to seize and destroy the stores belonging to the colony 
 deposited at Concord.” 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 369 
 
 The Americans thought that this was done to frighten them, 
 and that the muskets of the English were loaded only Avith 
 powder. They therefore remained calmly at their post, neither 
 running away in panic, nor returning the fire. The troops now 
 discharged a volley in earnest. Eight of the Americans fell 
 dead, and ten were wounded. A few guns were discharged at 
 the English, as the panic-stricken Americans fled in all direc- 
 tions. John Parker fell wounded. He fired his gun at the foe, 
 and was again loading it when a British soldier ran him through 
 with the bayonet. Resistance Avas hopeless, but a few others 
 discharged their guns as they fled, or lay Avounded on the 
 ground. The English continued to fire so long as a single re- 
 treating American could be seen Avithin gun-shot.^ 
 
 Thus was the dreadful war of the American Revolution 
 ushered in. History records many atrocious crimes perpetrated 
 by the government of Great Britain ; but, among them all, 
 perhaps there is no one more unnatural, cruel, and criminal than 
 this endeavor to rivet the chains of despotism upon her OAvn sons 
 and daughters, Avho were struggling against the hardships of the 
 Avilderness, and who had come to these solitudes that they might 
 enjoy civil and religious liberty. There Avere thousands of the 
 noblest men in England Avho detested these infamous measures, 
 and who remonstrated against them Avith the utmost A^ehemence. 
 Lord Chatham on the floor of Parliament exclaimed, in Avords 
 we have already quoted, “ Were I an American, as I am an 
 Englishman, I would never lay down my arms, — never, never, 
 never ! ” 
 
 The English suffered but little from the feAV bullets which 
 were throAvn at them in return. One man Avas shot through the 
 leg, and one Avas AVOunded in the hand. The verdict which the 
 civilized Avorld has pronounced upon this attack is, that it was 
 a cold-blooded and cowardly massacre. In the dreadful struggle 
 which ensued, our unhappy land was doomed to woes, inflicted 
 by Avhat was called the mother country, far exceeding any 
 
 1 There is some diversity in the details which are given of this conflict ; but 
 the general facts, as given above, are beyond all dispute. There were probably on 
 the green at Lexington fifty or sixty farmers with muskets, and thirty or forty 
 unarmed spectators. 
 
 24 
 
THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON, APRIL 19, 1775. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 371 
 
 sufferings which had been endured in the warfare with sav- 
 ages. 
 
 After a delay of but twenty or thirty minutes, the king’s 
 troops resumed their march six miles farther to Concord. They 
 reached the place without opposition. Before leaving Lexington 
 they drew, up on the common, fired a triumphant salute, and 
 gave three cheers in token of their great victory. Concord con- 
 sisted then mainly of a little cluster of dwellings, scattered 
 around in the vicinity of a large meeting-house. The regulars 
 destroyed all the ammunition and stores they could find.^ Be- 
 coming alarmed by the indications of a popular rising, and of 
 the gathering of the farmers to assail them, they commenced a 
 rapid retreat. 
 
 The troops marched into the village of Concord about seven 
 o’clock. It was one of the most lovely of spring mornings. 
 Nearly a hundred minute-men had assembled in the vicinity of 
 the court-house, and re-enforcements from the neighboring vil- 
 lages were fast approaching. The retreat of the British soon 
 became a precipitate flight. The Americans, rapidly increasing, 
 pressed upon them with great bravery, firing into their ranks 
 from every grove, and stone wall, and eminence where they 
 could find a natural rampart. Hour after hour the fugitives 
 were assailed by a galling and destructive fire, continually in- 
 creasing in severity. It was with the utmost difficulty that the 
 officers could preserve any order. All was confusion. It is said 
 that the whole country was so aroused, that it seemed as if men 
 came down from the clouds. The British retreated, as they 
 advanced, with flanking parties, and with van and rear guards. 
 
 With the Americans there was no military order. “ Every 
 man was his own general.” Not a shout was heard. Scarcely 
 a word was spoken. The English thought only of escape. The 
 Americans, exasperated by months of oppression, insolence, and 
 insult, thought only of shooting down the haughty foe who had 
 affected to regard them with the utmost contempt. At one or 
 
 1 “ While at Concord the enemy disabled two twenty-four pounders, destroy- 
 ing their carriages, wheels, and limbers ; sixteen wheels for brass three-pounders ; 
 two carriages with wheels for two four-pounders; about five hundred weight of 
 balls, which they threw into the river and wells; and stove about sixty barrels 
 of flour.” — Gordon's Account. 
 
372 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 two points the British made a brief stand, when something like 
 a battle ensued, and several fell on each side. At length, how- 
 ever, the British were driven almost upon the full run before 
 the Americans, in a race for life. Them sufferings from thirst, 
 hunger, and exhaustion were dreadful. They would all have 
 been inevitably killed or captured, had not a re-enforcement of 
 eleven hundred troops, with two field-pieces, come from Boston 
 to their relief.^ 
 
 An eye-witness writes, “ When the distressed troops reached 
 the hollow square formed by the fresh troops for their recep- 
 tion, they were obliged to lie down upon the ground, their 
 tongues hanging out of their mouths like those of dogs after a 
 chase.” This re-enforcement met the retreating British troops 
 near Lexington, about two o’clock in the afternoon. For a 
 short time the fire of the field-pieces seemed to stagger the 
 Americans ; but they soon became accustomed to the crashing 
 of the balls through the forest, and resumed the pursuit. It 
 was, however, necessary to practise increased caution in attack- 
 ing a desperate foe so greatly augmented in strength. 
 
 The British were savage in their vengeance. Buildings were 
 shattered and despoiled as far as possible. Many would have 
 been laid in ashes had not the close pursuit of the Americans 
 enabled them to extinguish the flames. Several of the aged 
 and infirm, unable to flee, were bayoneted in their dwellings. 
 Houses were set on fire where women were helpless in bed 
 with new-born babes. No alternative was left them but to be 
 consumed by the flames, or, with the infants on their bosoms, 
 to rush into the streets. 
 
 At seven o’clock in the evening, the exhausted, bleeding, 
 breathless troops reached Charlestown. They took refuge on 
 Bunker Hill. Here they were protected by the guns of vessels 
 of war in the harbor. According to the best estimate which 
 can be made, the casualties on each side were as follows : — 
 
 Americans killed, 49; wounded, 36; missing, 5. 
 
 British “ 73 “ 172 “ 26.2 
 
 1 See the minute and admirable account, by Mr. Frederick Hudson, in Harper’s 
 Magazine, vol. 1. 
 
 2 Harper’s Magazine, No. 300, p. 804. 
 
 24 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 373 
 
 The battle of Lexington sounded the tocsin of alarm through- 
 out all the colonies. The news reached York in the evening of 
 the same day. The next morning a company of sixty men, 
 with arms, ammunition, and knapsacks full of provisions, set 
 out on their march for Boston. This was the first company 
 organized in Maine for the war of the Revolution. On the 21st 
 of April, Falmouth sent a strong company ; soon after. Col. 
 James Scammon, of Biddeford, led a full regiment to Cam- 
 bridge, where the American troops were being rendezvoused.^ 
 The little town of New Gloucester raised twenty men. In a 
 few days, more than fifteen thousand patriotic Americans had 
 left for the battlefield their homes and their farms, in seedtime, 
 the most important season of the year. Every man was appar- 
 ently ready to pledge his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor, 
 in defence of the liberties of America. 
 
 Falmouth was the seat of justice for Cumberland County. 
 Here there was established the most remote custom-house in 
 New England. There was an Episcopal church here, under the 
 pastoral care of Rev. Mr. Wiswall.^ This church became the 
 nucleus of a party of crown officers and their political friends, 
 who were hostile to popular government, and warmly advocated 
 the claims of the British crown. 
 
 But many of the prominent citizens, together with the over- 
 whelming majority of the people, were earnestly patriotic. 
 Many conventions had been held, where strong resolutions were 
 passed condemning the encroachments of the crown. A very 
 bitter feeling sprang up between the people and the royalist 
 office-holders. These advocates of the crown denounced Fal- 
 
 1 “Col. Scammon was well fitted to shine in the military profession; possess- 
 ing vigor of mind and body, and a gayety of temper which secured the good will 
 and attachment of all such as were under his command.” — History of Saco and 
 Biddeford, by George Folsom, p.^283. 
 
 2 Eev. Mr. 'SViswall graduated at Harvard College, and in 1750 settled in the 
 ministry as a Congregationalist, over the Casco parish in Falmouth. In 1704 he 
 changed his religious sentiments, w'ent to England to receive ordination, and re- 
 turning became pastor of an Episcopal church, which had just been organized on 
 the Neck. On the breaking out of the Eevolution, he joined the royalist party, 
 took refuge on board the British fleet, and sailed for England. At the close of 
 the war he returned to Nova Scotia, and took charge of a parish in Cornwallis, 
 where he remained until he died. — History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 370. 
 
374 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 mouth to the British authorities, as second only to Boston in its 
 rebellious spirit. 
 
 When the odious Stamp Act was passed, in 1765, an English 
 vessel brought packages of the hated stamps to Falmouth, and 
 they were deposited in the custom-house. The people assem- 
 bled, marched to the custom-house, seized the stamps, carried 
 them in solemn procession through the streets, and burned them. 
 
 When the tax was imposed upon tea, a popular assemblage 
 expressed their hostility to the despotic act in the following 
 terms : “ Besolved, that we will not buy nor sell any India tea 
 whatever after this third day of February, until the act that 
 lays a duty on it is repealed.” 
 
 When the English Government closed the port of Boston, in 
 1774, the bell of Falmouth meeting-house was muffled, and 
 tolled funereally from sunrise to sunset. By vote of the town, 
 a county convention was held to deliberate upon the alarming 
 state of affairs. Thirty-three delegates met, from nine towns, 
 in Mrs. Greele’s little one-story tavern.” Among other im- 
 portant measures, one was that each member pledged himself 
 not to accept any commission under the late acts of parliament. 
 
 There was a wealthy man in the place, Capt. Samuel Coulson, 
 who had rendered himself very obnoxious to the people by his 
 violent opposition to the popular sentiment, and his support of 
 the measures of the crown. He had built a large ship. In 
 May, 1775, a vessel arrived from England, bringing sails, rig- 
 ging, and stores for the ship. 
 
 As England was laying a heavy duty upon all her products, 
 an “ American Association ” had been formed in the several 
 colonies to thwart the British monopoly of manufactures and 
 trade. The committee in Falmouth met, and decided that the 
 packages should be sent back to England unopened. Capt. 
 Coulson sent to Boston, and secured the aid of a sloop of war, 
 the “ Canseau,” under Capt. Mowatt, to enable him to land the 
 goods. The excitement among the citizens was such that 
 Mowatt hesitated in resorting to violent measures. 
 
 While affairs were in this menacing posture. Col. Samuel 
 Thompson, a bold, reckless man, came from Brunswick, with 
 fifty picked men, resolved to seize the sloop of war. They 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 375 
 
 came in boats, and secretly encamped in a tliick grove on Mun- 
 joy’s Hill. It so happened that the day of their arrival Capt. 
 Mowatt and his surgeon, accompanied by Rev. Mr. Wiswall, 
 were taking a walk upon this commanding eminence. The 
 captain and his surgeon Avere seized and held as prisoners. The 
 rash measure excited general consternation. The houses were 
 entirely at the mercy of the guns of the sloop. The second 
 officer in command threatened, that, if the prisoners AVere not 
 released before six o’clock, he Avould open fire upon the town.^ 
 
 Some of the prominent citizens called upon Col. Thompson, 
 and entreated him to liberate the captives. The colonel refused, 
 declaring that relentless war Avas noAV raging between the two 
 countries ; but, finding the whole toAvn against him, he, at nine 
 o’clock, released them for the night, upon their giving their 
 parole that at nine o’clock the next morning they Avould return 
 to his encampment. Tavo citizens of Falmouth, Messrs. Preble 
 and Freeman, pledged themselves as sureties of the prisoners. 
 
 Nine o’clock came, but Mowatt did not appear. Col. Thomp- 
 son angrily arrested the two sureties, and held them all day 
 Avithout food. In the afternoon he sent to the sloop-of-Avar to 
 inquire Avhy Mowatt ^ did not keep his parole. He replied that 
 his Avasherwoman had overheard threats to shoot him as soon 
 as he appeared on shore. 
 
 The intelligence of the peril of Falmouth spread rapidly. 
 Five or six hundred militia-men from the small settlements 
 around, were in a few hours marching into the place. They 
 Avere intensely excited. A sort of court-martial Avas established, 
 to examine suspected citizens, that they might learn Avho could 
 be relied upon as patriotic, and Avho Avere in sympathy Avith the 
 enemy. Rev. Mr. Wiswall Avas summoned before this revolu- 
 tionary tribunal. He declared, on oath, that he abhorred the 
 
 1 “Our women were, I believe, every one of them in tears, or praying or 
 screaming; precipitately leaving their houses, especially those whose husbands 
 were not at home, and widows; hurrying their goods into countrymen’s carts, 
 never asking their names, though strangers, and carrying their children either out 
 of town or to the south end.” — Ilistorij of Portland, hij William Willis, note, p. 509. 
 
 2 Mr. Williamson spells these names Mowett and AAlswell; Mr. AA’illis spells 
 them Mowatt and Wiswall, as also Wiswell. I follow the spelling, and in the 
 main the narrative, of Mr. William Goold, in his minute and graphic description 
 of the “Burning of Falmouth.” 
 
376 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance. He was 
 released. Several others were questioned, but none were con- 
 demned. 
 
 Capt. Coulson’s house was entered, and his wine freely drank. 
 An intoxicated soldier fired two bullets which penetrated the 
 hull of the “ Canseau.” A musket was discharged in return, but 
 no harm was done. Gen. Preble and Col. Freeman were still 
 held as captives, and treated with severity. 
 
 It was Tuesday, the 9th of May, when Mowatt was arrested. 
 On Wednesday afternoon, the 10th, the militia marched into 
 Falmouth. Thursday, the 11th, was observed as a day of fast- 
 ing and prayer for God’s interposition. It was a day of fearful 
 excitement. The soldiers succeeded in capturing one of 
 Mowatt’s boats. He threatened to lay the town in ashes unless 
 the boat were returned. On Friday, the soldiers left the town 
 and returned to their homes. Thompson’s men took with them 
 the captured boat. On Monday, the 16th, Mowatt, still breath- 
 ing threatenings and slaughter, raised his anchors, and sailed for 
 Portsmouth. He took with him Coulson and his new ship. 
 But the end was not yet. 
 
 LAST LLOCK HOUSE OF FORT HALIFAX. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION: FALMOUTH IN ASHES. 
 
 The British Fleet — The Doom announced — The Conference — The Bombard- 
 ment — The Expedition to Quebec — The Repulse — Friendliness of the 
 Indians — New Towns incorporated — The British repulsed at Machias — 
 Anecdote of John Adams — Arrival of the French Fleet — The Foe estab- 
 lished at Biguyduce — Terrible Naval Disaster of the Americans — Barbarism 
 of the English — The Capture of Gen. Wadsworth — His Brave Defence — 
 His Escape. 
 
 T he storm of British vengeance was rapidly gathering, which 
 was to doom unhappy Falmouth to destruction. On the 8th 
 of June the “ Senegal,” a war vessel of sixteen guns, arrived, and 
 cast anchor in the harbor. Four days after, the Tory Coulson 
 came with his new ship, and anchored by the side of the “ Sene- 
 gal.” Coulson . hoped, under the menace of such a force, to 
 obtain masts for his ship. But as he was a declared enemy of 
 the town, and the Provincial Congress had passed a resolve to 
 prevent Tories from conveying their property out of the country, 
 the people would not allow him to take the masts. 
 
 Again' both vessels departed, and nothing of special interest 
 occurred until the 16th of October. That morning quite a fleet 
 was seen entering the harbor. Capt. Mowatt led the way in 
 the “ Canseau.” He was followed by a ship-of-war, the “ Cat,” 
 two armed schooners, and a bomb-sloop. These five vessels 
 anchored abreast of the town, bringing their broadsides to bear 
 upon it. In consequence of strong head-winds, this was not 
 accomplished until the next day. 
 
 Late in the afternoon a flag of truce was sent on shore, with 
 a letter to the town authorities. The officer bearing the letter 
 landed at the foot of what was then called King Street. An 
 
 377 
 
378 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 immense throng of the excited people met him, and followed 
 him, without noise or violence, to the Town House, where he 
 delivered the letter. It was a document ludicrous for its bad 
 grammar, but clear in its terrible announcement. In brief it 
 was as follows : — 
 
 “You have long experienced Britain’s forbearance in withholding the 
 rod of correction. You have been guilty of the most unpardonable rebel- 
 lion. I am ordered to execute just punishment on the town of Falmouth. 
 I give you two hours in which you can remove the sick and the infirm. I 
 shall then open fire, and lay the town in ashes.” ^ 
 
 Terrible was the consternation which this letter created. For 
 a moment there was perfect silence. All seemed stupefied. 
 There was scarcely a moment’s time for deliberation. Three 
 gentlemen were chosen to visit Mowatt, and see if it were not 
 possible to avert the threatened calamity. But Mowatt was 
 inflexible. He said that his orders were peremptory, and that 
 he had risked the loss of his commission by allowing his 
 humanity so far to influence him as to give them any warn- 
 ing whatever ; that he was ordered to anchor “ opposite the 
 town with all possible expedition, and then burn, sink, and 
 destroy.” ^ 
 
 It is worthy of remark that the three gentlemen of the com- 
 mittee were all Episcopalians, and members of Rev. Mr. Wis- 
 wall’s parish, and thus supposed friends of the English. It was 
 late in the afternoon. A long, cold October night was at hand. 
 IMothers and babes, the sick and the dying, were to be driven 
 out into the bleak fields shelterless ; there, with tears of agony, 
 to see their homes, their furniture, their clothing, their provis- 
 ions, all consumed by the cruel flames. A more barbarous order 
 was never issued by a band of Mohawk savages.^ 
 
 The committee expostulated with Mowatt upon the cruelty 
 of his order. They were his friends. They had treated him 
 
 » See this letter in full, in Willis’s History of Portland, p. 517. 
 
 2 Burning of Falmouth, by William Gould, p. 12. 
 
 3 “ The vessels came here directly from Boston; and no doubt can be enter- 
 tained that the order for the destruction of the town proceeded from Admiral 
 Graves, who then commanded in this st^Xion." ■— History of Portland^ by William 
 Willis, p. 518. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 379 
 
 with great hospitality on his previous visit. There were several 
 Tory families in the place who had already suffered much from 
 their adherence to the British Government. Their homes must 
 be consumed with the rest. The flames would make no discrimi- 
 nation. Mowatt was confused and perplexed, and manifested 
 some shame in view of the barbarous order he was called upon 
 to execute. 
 
 At length he consented to delay the bombardment until nine 
 o’clock the next morning, if the people would consent to the 
 humiliation of entirely disarming themselves, by delivering to 
 him all the cannon, small arms, and ammunition in the place. If 
 eight small arms were sent before eight o’clock that evening, 
 he would postpone the destruction of the town until he had 
 sent an express to Boston, and received further instructions. 
 
 The committee told him frankly that they did not think that 
 the citizens would accept those terms. They returned to the 
 town, and communicated them to the authorities. An anxious 
 multitude was assembled at the Town House to learn the result 
 of the conference. As with one voice the heroic people rejected 
 the humiliating proposal. They however, in order to gain 
 time for the removal of the women, the children, the sick, and 
 as many of their effects as possible, sent the eight small arms, 
 with a message to Mowatt, that they would summon a town 
 meeting at an early hour in the morning, and give him a deflnite 
 reply before eight o’clock. 
 
 In the morning the meeting was held. The citizens, with 
 heroism worthy of Sparta in her brightest days, resolved that 
 they would not surrender their arms to save their property. 
 This answer was sent back at eight o’clock the next morning by 
 the same committee. The members were allowed half an hour 
 to row ashore and escape beyond the reach of the bombard- 
 ment. ' 
 
 Promptly at nine o’clock, the signal of attack was run up to 
 the mast-head of the flag-ship, and at the same moment the 
 blood-red pennant of British vengeance was unfurled from all 
 the other vessels.^ It was a beautiful autumnal morning, with 
 
 1 The Burning of Falmouth, hy William Gould, p. 14. 
 
380 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 a cloudless sky, a gentle breeze, and an invigorating atmosphere. 
 The whole lovely expanse of bay and island and continent 
 seemed to repose in the smiles of a loving God. Falmouth 
 was charmingly situated, on the southern slope of a gentle emi- 
 nence facing the bay. It was the largest and richest town in 
 the State. There were about four hundred dwelling-houses,' 
 quite compactly built, though each had its garden. Some of 
 these dwellings were quite elegant in their structure. There 
 were also capacious churches, a library, and several public build- 
 ings of importance, together with many barns and store-houses. 
 
 Such was the town which was destroyed, and such the day 
 on which this atrocious act of crime and inhumanity was perpe- 
 trated. The bombardment was terrific. From nine o’clock in 
 the morning until six in the evening an incessant storm of can- 
 non-balls, bombs, carcasses, shells, grape-shot, and bullets, fell 
 upon the doomed town. In the mean time one hundred men 
 were landed in boats to apply the torch to the buildings which 
 might be out of the range of shot and shell.^ 
 
 No resistance could be of any avail. The inhabitants ran 
 great risks in their endeavors to save their furniture, while this 
 tempest of war was raging around them. The town soon 
 presented a roaring volcanic sheet of flame. Most of the build- 
 ings were of wood, which had been thoroughly dried in the sum- 
 mer sun. Dreadful was the spectacle which the evening of that 
 awful day presented. Two hundred and seventy-eight dwell- 
 ing-houses were in ashes, in addition to other public and private 
 buildings, which brought the whole number destroyed up to 
 four hundred and fourteen. We cannot here enter into the 
 details of individual misery. Many cases were truly heart- 
 rending. 
 
 Edmund Burke says that to speak of atrocious crime in mild 
 language is treason to virtue. There can be no language too 
 strong in which to denounce this fiend-like outrage.^ A very 
 
 * History of Portland, by 'William Willis, p, 510. 
 
 2 We are in cordial syinjiatliy Avitli the spirit manifested by tlie Pev. Samnel 
 Deane, D.D., avIio was then pastor of the Congregational cliurcli in Portland, and 
 who witnessed the bombardment. He wrote, — 
 
 “ That execrable sconndrel and monster of ingratitude, Capt. H. Mowatt of 
 Scotland, who had been treated with extraordinary kindness a few months before 
 
TnE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 381 
 
 careful estimate*' was made of the amount of the losses experi- 
 enced. They reached the enormous sum, in those days, of fifty- 
 four thousand five hundred and twenty -seven pounds, thirteen 
 shillings. This was lawful money, which was then equivalent 
 to two hundred and twenty-nine thousand six hundred and 
 thirty-nine dollars in silver.^ 
 
 Soon after this the General Court commenced rearing some 
 fortifications at Falmouth, and sent four hundred soldiers to 
 aid in guarding the coast of Maine. Gen. Washington projected 
 an expedition against Quebec. The force consisted of about 
 eleven hundred men, mainly infantry. Col. Benedict Arnold, 
 whose gallantry was established, and whose patriotism was then 
 unsullied, was placed in command. The troops rendezvoused 
 at Newburyport, Mass., and sailed thence, in ten transports, for 
 Fort Western, which, it Avill be remembered, was at the head of 
 tide-water on the Kennebec River. They ascended the river 
 still farther in boats, and marched along the pathless banks, 
 encountering the most exhausting difficulties, until they reached 
 a point about thirty miles above Norridgewock. It was then 
 about the 12th of October. 
 
 Here a small fort was built, and a small division left in gar- 
 rison. A series of terrible disasters ensued. There were gales 
 of almost wintry wind, floods of rain, swollen torrents, swamps, 
 rugged hills, tangled forests, and failing provisions. There was 
 reason to fear that the whole army would actually perish of 
 hunger in the wilderness. Many barrels of food were lost, with 
 
 by the town of Falmouth, obtained an order from Graves, one of King George’s 
 admirals lying at Boston, to burn and destroy the said town. 
 
 “ He came before it on the 17th of October, 1775, and near sunset made known 
 his infernal errand, by a flag, with a letter full of bad English and worse spelling; 
 at the same time proposing to spare the town, and endeavor to get the order re- 
 versed, if the cannon and arms, with some persons as hostages, were delivered into 
 his hands. The inhabitants assembled, and voted by no means to submit to this ^ 
 infamous proposal. Therefore he spent the next day in cannonading, bombarding, 
 and throwing an immense quantity of carcasses and shells into the defenceless 
 town, and kindling some fires with torches, whereby more than three-quarters of 
 the buildings were reduced to ashes, and the remaining ones greatly tom and 
 damaged; by which horrible devastation many hundred persons were reduced to 
 extreme distress. 
 
 “ If you do not like the words execrable scoundrel, you may substitute infamous 
 incendiary, or what you please.” — Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 211. 
 
 t History of Portland, by William Willis, p. 521. 
 
382 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE 
 
 silver, clothes, guns, and ammunition. Upon reaching the mouth 
 of Dead River, far away in the savage wilderness, Col. Enos, in 
 command of the rear guard, and having the sick under his care, 
 abandoned the enterprise, and returned. He had with him 
 about one-fourth of the army. For this movement he was at 
 first severely denounced ; but a court-martial decided that he 
 had not acted unwisely in so doing. 
 
 Arnold, with his small force, pressed on across the country, 
 a distance of about one hundred miles, toward the Chaudiere. 
 He had to force his way through wilds never before trodden but 
 by Indians and the beasts of the forest. On the 30th of Octo- 
 ber he reached, through toils and sufferings which cannot be 
 adequately described, the northern end of Lake Megantic, 
 where the River Chaudiere flows from that vast sheet of water. 
 Their distress was then so great, and their remaining provisions 
 so small, that Arnold divided all the supplies among the compa- 
 nies, and directed them to press on, regardless of military order, 
 in search of the Canadian villages. 
 
 For a month they toiled along without seeing a house, or any 
 human being save their own disheartened and emaciated com- 
 panions. Every morsel of food was consumed before they had 
 arrived within thirty miles of the first Canadian village. They 
 killed their dogs, and devoured them. They boiled, and then 
 broiled upon the fire and ate, their breeches, moccasins, and bayo- 
 net-belts, which were made of tanned moose-hide. On the 4th 
 of November they reached the mouth of De Loup River. In 
 that northern latitude it was cold, dreary, and stormy. Quebec, 
 on the St. Lawrence, was still ninety miles north of them. 
 Many died of fatigue and huqger. Often a man would drop 
 down in such utter misery, that in less than five minutes he 
 would be dead. 
 
 ^ The situation of the army was awful. To retreat was im- 
 possible ; for there was nothing but certain starvation before 
 them in the wilderness. To stop where they were, was inevita- 
 ble death. To march forward was almost hopeless. They were 
 in utter destitution. The men tottered along so feebly that they 
 could scarcely shoulder a gun. Washington, with his charac- 
 teristic humanity, had instructed these troops to abstain from 
 every act of violence upon the people of Canada. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 383 
 
 “ I charge you,” he wrote, ‘‘ that you consider yourselves as 
 marching, not through an enemy’s country, but that of your 
 friends and brethren ; for such the inhabitants of Canada and 
 the Indian nations have approved themselves in this unhappy 
 contest between Great Britain and America.” 
 
 Col. Arnold had been furnished with money, in specie, to the 
 amount of about four thousand dollars. His troops now began 
 to reach thriving Canadian and Indian villages. With great 
 cheerfulness the inhabitants supplied him with food. With 
 recruited energies the army pressed on, hoping to find Quebec 
 undefended and without a garrison. On the 8th of November 
 they reached Point Levi, on the southern bank of the river 
 opposite Quebec. The appearance of the American troops, 
 emerging from the vast and dreary wilderness, was as unex- 
 pected as if they had descended from the clouds. It is said, that, 
 could they have immediately crossed the river, Quebec might 
 have been taken. 
 
 But the men were greatly exhausted. There was a high, 
 piercing wintry wind, roughening the wide surface of the stream. 
 Boats could not readily be procured. Thus the golden oppor- 
 tunity was lost. The British authorities fortified the city. 
 Arnold had about seven hundred men at Point Levi, fifty of 
 whom were friendly Indians. On the first of December, Gen. 
 Montgomery arrived with three armed schooners, six hundred 
 men, and a supply of food, clothing, and ammunition. They 
 made a united attack upon Quebec, on the 31st of December. 
 The assailants were repelled, Montgomery fell, and 'the Ameri- 
 cans evacuated Canada. 
 
 The General Court, that winter, organized Maine into a mili- 
 tary division. A brigadier-general was appointed over the militia 
 in each county. All able-bodied males, between sixteen and 
 sixty, were enrolled to do military duty, with the exception of 
 settled ministers of the gospel, Quakers, colored men, and 
 Indians. 
 
 The awful war of the Revolution was raging south of Maine, 
 while a small garrison was stationed at Falmouth with a battery 
 of six cannon. The cruelties perpetrated by the British Gov- 
 ernment were so great that every hour the resentment of the 
 
384 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 Americans, against the unnatural mother country, was increas- 
 ing. On the 4th of July, 1776, the Continental Congress 
 declared these colonies to be free, sovereign, and independent. 
 
 The Indians of Maine had, thus far, remained quiet. Trading- 
 houses had been established at Fort Pownal, near where Bangor 
 now stands, and at Machias. The Penobscot and Passama- 
 quoddy Indians were cordially friendly to the Americans. Ten 
 of the chiefs of the tribes still farther east repaired to Massa- 
 chusetts, and entered into a treaty of alliance with the govern- 
 ment, engaging to send six hundred men to join the army of 
 Gen. Washington. The small settlements of Camden and 
 Machias raised two hundred men for the defence of the country. 
 Thirty men, ten of whom were Indians, were stationed at Fort 
 Pownal for the defence of the valley of the Penobscot. 
 
 On the 7th of November, 1776, the town of Warren was 
 incorporated. It was named in honor of Gen. Warren who fell 
 at Bunker Hill. This was the thirty-fifth town of the State, 
 and was the first one which had been incorporated on St. 
 George’s River, though that valley had been settled for about 
 forty years. There were for many 3^ears two settlements in this 
 region, — one at Warren, and one at Thomaston. St. George’s 
 Fort was their common resort in times of peril.^ They were 
 called the “ Upper and Lower Towns.” In the year 1753, 
 seventy emigrants from Sterling, in Scotland, settled in a 
 cluster in this vicinity. Subsequently their village took the 
 name of the city which they had left. 
 
 England found that her colonies developed unexpected ener- 
 gies. Our cruisers were remarkably successful. During the 
 war they captured prizes to the amount of about seven million 
 dollars. Amidst many reverses and many woes, the victory at 
 Trenton filled the country with exultation. Our ally France, in 
 the spring of 1777, sent to the colonies a large amount of arms 
 and military stores. For the defence of the coast of Maine, 
 companies were raised and stationed at Falmouth, Cape Eliza- 
 
 1 Warren contains t^yenty-seven thousand acres. The river is navigable to 
 Andrews Pond, for vessels of one hundred tons. Shad and alewives were for- 
 merly taken in immense quantities in the river. The natives mai’ked a tree, 
 near the first falls, above which they forbade the English to fish. — MS. Narrative 
 of Warren by Cyrus Eaton, as quoted by Williamson, vol. ii. p. 45G. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 385 
 
 betli, and Boothbay. At the latter place there was a battery 
 of five cannon, the largest of which was a twelve-pounder. 
 They were supplied with fifty rounds of cartridges.^ 
 
 Machias became a very important place. It was raised to a 
 continental establishment. There was an important mill privi- 
 lege here which attracted settlers. Three hundred volunteer 
 soldiers were placed there in garrison. Ample stores for trade 
 with the Indians were shipped to that place, that their continued 
 
 liOWER FAELS, EAST MACHIAS, ME. 
 
 friendship might be secured. The Indians remained friendly, 
 and many of them enlisted in the service of the Americans. 
 
 On the 11th of January, 1777, the flourishing plantation of 
 Fryeburg was incorporated. The place had renown as the 
 former seat of a large village belonging to the tribe of Sokokis 
 Indians. It was also the theatre of Lovewell’s disastrous fight 
 in the year 1725. The Indians called the place Pegwacket.^ 
 
 1 Bradford’s Mass., vol. ii. p. 133. 
 
 25 
 
 2 'VVilliainson, vol. ii. p. 459. 
 
386 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 On the 20th of March, Thomaston was incorporated. This 
 made the thirty-seventh town in the State. Its Indian name 
 was Georgeekeag. Thomaston received its name from a brave 
 officer of Massachusetts, Major-Gen. John Thomas, who had 
 died the preceding May, in the service of his country. The 
 fort in this place gave it celebrity above any other town in the 
 valley of the St. George. In 1750 the fort was so crowded, in 
 consequence of the Indian war, that about twenty families built 
 two rows of block-houses, one hundred rods from the fort, and 
 surrounded them with palisades ten feet high. All the men 
 served alternately as guards and sentinels, ever ready to muster 
 to repel an attack. 
 
 The British sent four war-vessels, to batter down Machias- 
 They anchored about a mile below the junction of East and 
 West Machias Rivers. They burned two dwelling-houses, and 
 several other buildings. The barges then, in a dead calm, 
 towed two of the vessels, a brig and a sloop, to the mouth of 
 Middle River, about half a mile below the falls. The garrison, 
 aided by the Indians, opened a deadly fire from each shore upon 
 the barges, and drove the sailors from their boats on board tlie 
 brig. The current swept her ashore. The men were driven by 
 the bullets, from the deck into the hold. The rising tide soon 
 floated the brig ; but the fire from the north shore was kept up 
 so briskly that the men could not work her, and she soon 
 grounded again. 
 
 It was indeed a wonderful scene which was then and there 
 witnessed. There were fifty Passamaquoddy Indians engaged 
 in the attack upon the vessels. It was congenial work for them. 
 They could run along the shore, hide behind the trees, stumps, 
 and logs, and take deliberate aim at their foes, without en- 
 dangering themselves. Every man in the place, capable of 
 bearing arms, rushed to the conflict. The Indians kept up an 
 incessant, shrill war-whoop. The white people re-echoed the 
 shout. These yells, from foes who were scarcely visible, echoing 
 through the forest, led the English to suppose that the shores 
 were lined with thousands of savages. 
 
 A breeze arose. Aided by this the two vessels effected a 
 iretreat to the other two vessels which were at anchor. Tlie 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 387 
 
 officers, surprised at the vigor of the resistance which they had 
 encountered, after the delay of a few days abandoned the enter- 
 prise. The Indians merited and received the gratitude of the 
 Americans for their faithful adherence to their cause. Had they 
 listened to the appeals of the English, they might easily, with 
 their aid, have destroyed all the eastern settlements.^ 
 
 In the year 1777, Burgoyne’s surrender caused nine thousand 
 of our enemies to lay down their arms.^ There was no longer 
 any fear of the invasion of Maine from Canada. During the 
 progress of the war Maine gained much celebrity from the hardy 
 and skilled seamen she furnished our infant navy. In addition 
 to their almost perfect seamanship, they were generally young 
 men of good character and habits. Commodore Samuel Tucker, 
 one of the bravest of the brave, who conveyed in a Continental 
 frigate Hon. John Adams as American envoy to France, was 
 a native of Bristol, Me. Hon. Mr. Sprague, in his eulogy of 
 Adams and Jefferson, relates the following well-authenticated 
 anecdote of an event which occurred on the passage : — 
 
 On the 14th of March, a vessel hove in sight. Capt. Tucker 
 soon came up with it, and found it to be an armed British 
 cruiser. After a hotly contested battle it was captured. In the 
 midst of the tumult and the carnage, Capt. Tucker, much to his 
 surprise, saw his illustrious passenger on deck, musket, in hand, 
 fighting like a common sailor. The captain, who was a very 
 powerful man, rushed up to Mr. Adams, and in excited accents 
 exclaimed, ‘‘ You here, sir ! You have no business here, sir I 
 I am commanded to carry you safely to Europe ; and, God help- 
 ing me, I will do it.” So saying, he seized Mr. Adams in his 
 arms, and carried him, as though he were a child, down into 
 the cabin.^ 
 
 In the year 1778, two new towns were incorporated. The 
 first was Coxhall, subsequently Lyman, named probably in 
 honor of Theodore Lyman of Boston. A few settlers had 
 
 “Great credit is diie to the Indians for their rigid adherence to our cause ; 
 although, at times, the commissary’s department was destitute of sufficient pro- 
 visions and clothing for them.” — Judge Jones. 
 
 2 The British force surrendered was 6,280; Burgoyne’s other losses amounted 
 to 2,933. Total, 9,213. — Holmes's American Annals, rol. ii. p. 391. 
 
 3 Life of John Adains. Lives of The Presidents, p. 74. 
 
388 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 penetrated the wilderness at this place, about ten years before. 
 The other town was Gray, so named from one of its proprietors. 
 Nearly thirty years before, an attempt had been made to establish 
 a settlement here ; but, during the French war, the plantation 
 had been laid waste. In all these new towns the inhabitants 
 were ardent friends of liberty. The Tories resided in the more 
 opulent towns, where officers, under the British Government, 
 exerted a powerful influence over the aristocratic circles of 
 society. This year a law was passed confiscating the estates of 
 three hundred and ten of the Tories, who had resided in the 
 State, but who had many of them fled, taking refuge on board 
 the British fleet. They generally deemed it impossible that the 
 Americans could resist the power of Great Britain, and doubted 
 not that they would soon be returned in triumph to their homes. 
 
 The battle of Monmouth, on the 28th of June, 1778, gave 
 new hopes to the Americans; which hopes received another 
 impulse from the arrival of a French fleet of twelve ships of the 
 line and six frigates, to aid them in their struggle against their 
 gigantic foe. The territory of Massachusetts, which included 
 Maine, was at this time divided into three districts, the North- 
 ern, Middle, and Southern. The counties of York, Cumberland, 
 and Lincoln received the distinctive name of the “ District of 
 Maine.” Timothy Langdon, Esq., an eminent lawyer of Wis- 
 casset, was appointed judge. 
 
 In 1779 Pittston was incorporated. It was the fortieth town 
 in the State, and the last which was incorporated by the General 
 Court under the royal charter. A settlement had been com- 
 menced there about eighteen years before. In May of this 
 year, the British sent a fleet of seven or eight war-ships, to 
 plunder and burn the settlements on the Penobscot. Nearly a 
 thousand men embarked in this fleet at Halifax. They landed 
 on the 12th, at. Biguyduce,^ now Castine, and commenced 
 building a strong fort that they might command the whole of 
 the valley. The detested Mowatt was assigned to this station, 
 with three sloops of war. 
 
 This movement created much alarm. The General Court of 
 
 1 Tliis name, taken from a French gentleman, Major Bignyduce, who formerly 
 resided there, was pronounced Bageduce. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 389 
 
 Massachusetts, with the approval of the Colonial Government, 
 promptly fitted out for the capture of the port, a fleet of nineteen 
 armed vessels and twenty-four transports. The fleet carried 
 three hundred and forty-four guns, and was amply supplied with 
 material of war. The command of the expedition was intrusted 
 to Commodore Saltonstall, of New Haven, Conn. He was un- 
 doubtedly a patriot and a brave man ; but he was sadly deficient 
 in military skill. The enterprise proved a total failure, followed 
 by an awful loss of life and property. It is very clear that the 
 fort could have been taken had proper measures been adopted. 
 Gens. Lovell and Wadsworth, who commanded the land force, 
 conducted with great bravery, but they were not supported by 
 the commodore. The assaults which were made were so feeble 
 that the garrison was enabled to strengthen its works, and to 
 send to Halifax for aid. 
 
 On the 14th of August, a formidable British fleet of seven 
 vessels entered the harbor. The result was that the American 
 fleet was annihilated. Some of the vessels were captured by the 
 English. Some were run ashore and burned. Nearly all were 
 abandoned. The sailors and marines commenced a retreat 
 through the vast wilderness, to the Kennebec. After great suf- 
 fering, most of them reached the forts on the river. This utter 
 defeat was extremely humiliating. The General Court, after a 
 thorough investigation of the affair, pronounced sentence in- 
 capacitating Commodore Saltonstall from ever after holding a 
 commission in the service of the State, and honorably acquitting 
 Gens. Lovell and Wadsworth. 
 
 The British now seemed to be securely established at the 
 mouth of the Penobscot. The American settlers, on the banks 
 and the island, were exposed to constant insults and injuries. 
 After the repulse of the fleet, the British sent a party up the 
 river to Bucksport, where they burned five dwelling-houses and 
 all the out-buildings, and returned to the fort with the plunder. 
 The people of the struggling little settlement in Belfast were 
 plundered, and so outrageously abused that they were forced to 
 abandon their homes and all their possessions, and in destitution 
 and tears to seek refuge where they could. It seems difficult to 
 account for the fact that British officers, who had wives and 
 
390 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 children, and who were generally gentlemen by birth, could be 
 guilty of such inhumanity as to burn the log cabins of poor 
 settlers, rob them of their little all, and drive out mothers, 
 babes, and maidens to perish of hunger and exposure in the 
 wilderness. 
 
 There was a poor man by the name of John Gilky, living 
 upon an island. He was absent, and only his wife and children 
 remained in the lonely cabin. A boat’s crew of Englishmen 
 landed. They plundered his house, and shot his five cows, 
 though the mother, with tears and on her knees, implored them 
 to spare her at least one for her children. These men, sent 
 on this diabolical mission from an English ship, then retired, 
 leaving the family in the depths of woe. 
 
 An English soldier fled from one of these ships. It is proba- 
 ble that he was in favor of American liberty, and did not like 
 the employment he was in. Faint and hungry he came to the 
 house of Shubael Williams. The kind-hearted American, poor 
 as he was, gave him a seat by his cabin-fire, and fed him. Wil- 
 liams was seized by the British, and was charged with encoura- 
 ging the man to desert. These English officers, who called 
 themselves civilized and even Christian men, sentenced the poor 
 man to receive five hundred lashes at the whipping-post.^ The 
 writer regrets to record such deeds, but history is unfaithful to 
 its trust if atrocious acts are not held up to public execration. 
 Many Tories from Massachusetts fled to this region, to be under 
 the protection of the English. All the eastern towns were now 
 in great peril from a foe more to be dreaded than the Indians. 
 The General Court sent three hundred men to Falmouth, two 
 hundred to Camden, and a hundred to Machias. The conimand 
 of this eastern department was assigned to Gen. Wadsworth. 
 His headquarters were at Thomaston. 
 
 The island of Mount Desert suffered severely from the rav- 
 ages of the enemy. Boats’ crews were often landing, shooting 
 the cattle, and plundering the helpless inhabitants. Bath, the 
 forty-first town in the State, was incorporated in the year 1781. 
 It had previously been considered the second parish of George- 
 
 1 Williamson’s History of Maine, v'ol. ii. p. 430. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 891 
 
 town. The first settlement here was in about the year 1670. 
 The land was purchased of two sagamores, Elderunkin and 
 Nenement. 
 
 Bath has become one of the most important commercial towns 
 in Maine. It is admirably located on the western bank of Ken- 
 nebec River, twelve miles from its mouth. The largest ships 
 can fioat in its secure harbor, which is never impeded by ice. 
 Capt. George Weymouth, as we have mentioned in the early 
 part of this history, ascended the river to this point, in the sum- 
 mer of 1605. He landed, with a boat’s crew, and wrote, — 
 
 “ We passed over very good ground, pleasant and fertile, and fit for pas- 
 ture, having but little wood, and that oak, like that standing in our pastures 
 in England, good and great, fit timber for any use. There were also some 
 small birch, hazel, and brake, which could easily be cleared away, and made 
 good arable land.” ^ 
 
 Ship-building has been its principal business. In the year' 
 1847 it received a city charter, and in 1854 became the shire- 
 town of Sagadahoc County. 
 
 During the vicissitudes of the war, Gen. Wadsworth waS' 
 residing in a secluded habitation, on the banks of a small rill in 
 Thomaston. His family consisted of Mrs. Wadsworth, an infant 
 daughter, a son five years of age, and a young lady, Miss Fenno,. 
 a friend of Mrs. Wadsworth. Six soldiers were on guard. The 
 English at Biguyduce heard of his defenceless condition, and 
 sent a party of twenty-five men, under Lieut. Stockton, to cap- 
 ture him. It Avas the 18th of February. The ground was 
 covered with snow, and it was intensely cold. 
 
 At midnight the party approached the house. The sentinel, 
 outside at the door, seeing such a band approach, rushed into 
 the kitchen, which was used as a guard-room. The English dis- 
 charged a volley of bullets through the open door. The house- 
 was immediately surrounded, the windows dashed in, and vol- 
 leys discharged into the sleeping apartments of the general and 
 of Miss Fenno. The general, armed with a brace of pistols, a^ 
 fusee, and a blunderbuss, fought with great intrepidity, driving: 
 the foe from before his window and from the door. The attack 
 
 ‘ Maine Historical Collection, vol. v. Address by John McKeen, Esq. 
 
392 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 was renewed through the entry. The general defended him- 
 self with a bayonet until a bullet passed through his arm, 
 rendering him helpless. He then surrendered. He would have 
 been shot down in cold blood had not an officer pushed aside 
 the gun of the assassin. 
 
 Awful was the spectacle then witnessed. The general and 
 nearly all of his guard were wounded, and their persons and 
 the floors were stained with blood. One poor creature, writh- 
 ing in anguish from a dreadful wound, begged them to shoot 
 him and thus end his torture. The windows and the doors were 
 dashed in, and the house was on Are. The thickly flying bul- 
 lets fortunately struck neither of the females nor the children. 
 The general had sprung from his bed, and was in his night- 
 dress. The bullet had struck his elbow, and the arm, from 
 which the blood was gushing, hung helpless at his side ; and he 
 announced a surrender. An English officer came into his room 
 with a lighted candle, and said, “ You have defended yourself 
 bravely. But we must be in haste. We will help you put on 
 your clothes.” 
 
 The excruciating pain of his wound rendered it impossible 
 for him to wear his coat. It was given to a soldier to carry, 
 and a blanket was spread over his shoulders to protect him from 
 the piercing wintry blast. His wife begged permission to exam- 
 ine and dress the wound. This was not permitted. A handker- 
 chief was bound around the arm to stay, in some degree, the 
 rapid gushing of the blood. 
 
 Several of the British soldiers were wounded. Two of them 
 were placed upon the general’s horse, which was brought from 
 the barn, while he, faint from loss of blood, was compelled to 
 walk four miles, through the snow, to the vessel from which 
 the party had landed. After toiling along for a mile, his 
 strength entirely gave out. As one of the wounded British 
 soldiers who was riding was apparently dying, they left him 
 at a house, and the general was placed upon the horse behind 
 the other soldier. When they reached the shore, off which the 
 vessel, which was an English privateer, lay at anchor, the cap- 
 tain approached him, and exclaimed ferociousl}^ “ You damned 
 rebel, go and help them launch the boat, or I will run you 
 through with my sword.” 
 
THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 393 
 
 Gen. Wadsworth replied, “I am a prisoner, wounded and 
 helpless. You may treat me as you please.” 
 
 Lieut. Stockton came promptly to the rescue, and, addressing 
 the brutal fellow, said, “ Your conduct shall be reported to your 
 superiors. The prisoner is a gentleman. He has made a brave 
 defence. He is entitled to be treated honorably.” 
 
 The general was granted a berth in the cabin, and such other 
 comforts as circumstances would allow. The next day the ves- 
 sel reached Biguyduce. The place was thronged with British 
 officers, sailors, soldiers, and Tories., who had taken refuge there. 
 They crowded the shore to see the captives landed, and assailed 
 them with shouts of rage and contempt. 
 
 Protected from mob violence by a guard, they were marched 
 half a mile to the fort. A surgeon dressed the general’s wounds, 
 and he was treated with great humanity. Gen. Campbell, who 
 commanded at the fort, expressed his high admiration of the 
 heroic defence Gen. Wadsworth had made against such fearful 
 odds. “ I have heard,” he said, “ of the treatment you received 
 from the captain of the privateer, and I shall compel him to 
 make to you a suitable apology.” 
 
 A comfortable room was assigned him, he breakfasted and dined 
 at the table of the commandant, and books were furnished him 
 to relieve the weariness of his imprisonment. There was an 
 encampment of American soldiers at Camden, on the western 
 side of Penobscot Bay, about twenty-one miles from Biguyduce. 
 Lieut. Stockton allowed his prisoner to send to that station, 
 which was but four miles from the place where he had been 
 captured, a letter to his wife, and another to the governor of 
 Massachusetts, by a flag of truce. 
 
 Gen. Wadsworth felt extreme anxiety in reference to his 
 family. He had been so hurried away that he knew not their 
 fate. At the close of a fortnight he learned that they were 
 safe. His little son, buried in the bed-clothes, had escaped the 
 bullets which had been flying so thickly through the chamber. 
 The wounds of the general proved to be very severe. It was 
 five weeks before he could move about. He wished for the 
 customary permission of going abroad on his parole ; but this 
 privilege was denied him. 
 
394 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 After close confinement of two months, his wife and Miss 
 Fenno were allowed to make him a short visit. He then ascer- 
 tained that he was to be sent to England, to be tried as a rebel. 
 The British authorities were treating the American prisoners 
 of war with the utmost brutality. If sent to London, there 
 was but slight chance of his escaping the gibbet. About this 
 time Major Benjamin Burton was captured, and was imprisoned 
 in the same room with Gen. Wadsworth. He was a very brave 
 man, who had been attached to a fortress in the present town 
 of Cushing. His intrepidity had attracted the attention of the 
 English, and excited their malevolence. It was soon evident 
 that they were both to be transported to England. 
 
 Goaded by this peril, they effected their escape through toils 
 and sufferings, scarcely exceeded by the world-renowned adven- 
 tures of Baron Trenck. They were in a grated room within 
 the fort. The walls of the fort were twenty feet high, sur- 
 rounded by a ditch. Sentinels were stationed upon the walls, 
 and on the outside of the portals which opened from the for- 
 tress. Guards were also stationed at the door of their room. 
 Outside pT the ditch there was another set of soldiers, who were 
 patrolling through the night. The fort was on a peninsula, and 
 a picket-guard was placed at the isthmus to prevent any escape 
 to the mainland. Under these circumstances it would^ seem 
 that escape were impossible. 
 
 With a penknife and a gimlet, they, in three weeks’ labor, cut 
 an aperture through the pine-board ceiling of their room. 
 Every cut was concealed by paste made of bread moistened in 
 their mouths. On the 18th of June the long wished for night 
 of darkness, thunder, and tempest came. The midnight gale, 
 with fiooding rain, drove all to seek shelter. At twelve o’clock 
 they removed the panel which they had cut out. By the aid 
 of a chair they crept into an entry above. The darkness was 
 like that of Egypt. They groped their way along, and soon 
 became hopelessly separated. Wadsworth succeeded in reach- 
 ing the top of the wall by an oblique path used by the soldiers. 
 Fastening his blanket to a picket, he let himself down until he 
 dropped into the ditch. Cautiously creeping between the sentry 
 boxes, he reached the open field. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 395 
 
 The gale still swept the plains, and the rain fell in floods. 
 He groped his way through rocks and stumps and brush, till he 
 reached an old abandoned guard-house on the shore of the back 
 cove. This was the rendezvous where the two friends had 
 agreed to meet. He waited half an hour ; but as Major Burton 
 did not appear he sadly gave him up as lost. It was low water. 
 He waded across the cove, which was a mile in width, the water 
 often reaching nearly to his armpits. Thence he pressed on 
 another mile, through a road which he had formerly caused to 
 be cut for the removal of cannon. 
 
 The sun was now rising. He was still on the eastern banks 
 of the Penobscot, about eight miles above the fort. It was a 
 beautiful June morning. The smiles of God seemed to be rest- 
 ing upon a world which its wicked inhabitants were filling with 
 misery. At that moment the general, to his inexpressible joy, 
 saw his companion approaching. The meeting was rapturous. 
 
 They found a boat upon the shore. With it they crossed the 
 broad river, and landed on the western bank, just below Orphan 
 Island. They had but just landed, when a barge of the enemy 
 was seen in the distance, evidently in pursuit. Gen. Wads- 
 worth had a small pocket compass. Guided by this they directed 
 their course in a south-west direction, and after three days of 
 toil and suffering reached the habitations of American settlers. 
 They obtained horses, and were soon with their friends in 
 Thomaston. 
 
VIEW OF PORTLAND, ME. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE WAE OF 1812, AND THE SEPAEATION. 
 
 Expenses of the War — The Question of Separation — Increase of Towns — 
 Counties Formed — Bowdoin College chartered — The Farmington Schools 
 
 — Lewiston — Augusta and its Institutions — Waterville — Gardiner — The 
 War of 1812 — Causes of the War — Incidents of the Conflict — Increase of 
 Population and Towns — The Penobscot Yalley ravaged — General Alarm 
 
 — Scenes in Castine — Peace — The “Ohio Fever” — The Separation — 
 Maine an Independent State. 
 
 HROUGH all this dreadful conflict with England, the In- 
 
 J- dians of Maine remained firm in their alliance with the 
 Americans. The coasts were ravaged by English cruisers. 
 This led many settlers to push farther back into the wilderness. 
 Four years after the capture of Burgoyne, the British army, under 
 Lord Cornwallis, on the 27th of October, 1781, surrendered at 
 Yorktown, to the combined force of France and America. The 
 British were vanquished. Their cause was hopeless. A treaty 
 of peace was signed at Paris, on the 3d of September, 1783. All 
 hostilities ceased, and the British armies were withdrawn from 
 our shores. England, in this senseless war, sacrificed one hun- 
 dred thousand lives of her own subjects and mercenaries, and 
 added a sum amounting to six hundred million dollars to her 
 national debt. America gained her independence at an expense 
 of the lives of fifty thousand of her patriotic citizens, and a debt 
 of forty-five million dollars ; and this was in addition to indi- 
 vidual losses and expenditures which can never be adequately 
 estimated. ^ 
 
 The Indians had won the kindly feelings of all. But they 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. ii. p. 504 ; Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. ii. p. 402. 
 
 307 
 
398 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 were no longer freeholders of the soil. They were allowed 
 restricted territory, and all other regions were in the possession 
 of the State. The District of Maine embraced, it was estimated, 
 thirty million acres. An immense tide of emigration began to 
 flow in upon these rich lands. A day of prosperity had dawned. 
 In 1784 Machias, which had been deemed the most noted plan- 
 tation in Maine, was incorporated. It took its name from a 
 river passing through it, which the Indians called Mechises. 
 The Tories of Maine generally retired across the Bay of Fundy, 
 to the English province of New Brunswick. 
 
 In March, 1785, James Bowdoin was elected governor of 
 Massachusetts. Three new towns were incorporated this year, — 
 Shapleigh, Parsonsfield, and Standish. The last was named in 
 honor of the renowned Capt. Miles Standish. The question 
 arose respecting the separation of the District of Maine from the 
 State of Massachusetts. But the inhabitants of Maine were so 
 widely scattered, that it was impossible to obtain an expression 
 of public opinion. Conventions were held, addresses issued, and 
 various measures adopted, to form and to ascertain the views 
 of the people. 
 
 In the year 1786, Falmouth was divided. The peninsula and 
 several of the adjoining islands were incorporated into a town 
 by the name of Portland. For more than a hundred and fifty 
 3"ears there had been cabins and hunting camps on the Neck. 
 Turner and Union were also incorporated this year. In the town 
 of Union there were but seventeen families. The whole popula- 
 tion amounted to but one hundred and fifty souls. Great efforts 
 were made to ascertain, by a general convention, the wishes of 
 the people of the State in reference to separation. It was 
 found that the whole number of towns and plantations in the 
 State amounted to ninety-three. This was in the year 1787. 
 At the convention nine hundred and ninety-four votes were 
 thrown. Six hundred and forty-five of these were in favor of 
 separation. But, when the motion was made to petition the 
 legislature for a separation, it was lost. The question was re- 
 considered ; and, after a very hot debate, it was carried by a 
 majority of but two votes. The majority was not deemed suf- 
 ficient for pressing so important a measure. Massachusetts, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 399 
 
 desiring to retain the district, was very generous in its legisla- 
 tion. Wild lands were exempted from taxation. Roads were 
 constructed at the public expense. Every permanent settler 
 was granted a deed for a hundred acres of land, upon paying 
 five dollars. During this year, Penobscot, Limerick, and Water- 
 borough were incorporated. Penobscot embraced the present 
 town of Castine. 
 
 In the year 1788, a convention in Boston adopted the Federal 
 Constitution, and abolished slavery from the Commonwealth. 
 Maine was entitled to send one representative to Congress. 
 
 Harvard University had long been established. It was 
 deemed important that a literary institution of high order 
 should be established at Maine. The legislature appropriated 
 the township of Dixmont for that purpose. Bowdoin, Orring- 
 ton, Norridgewock, Greene, Fairfield, Canaan, and Noblebor- 
 ough were incorporated this year. 
 
 The next year, 1789, a great cluster of towns came into being ; 
 namely, Sedgwick, Cushing, Islesborough, Bluehill, Deer Isle, 
 Freeport, Trenton, Goldsborough, Sullivan, Mount Desert, Dur- 
 ham, Frankport, and Vinalhaven. This rapid progress indicates 
 the prosperity of the State. In 1789 George Washington was 
 elected President of the United States, and was inaugurated in 
 New York on the 30th of April. The rapid increase of towns 
 led to the formation, in 1789, of two new counties, Hancock and 
 Washington. Penobscot, now Castine, became the shire-town 
 of Hancock, and Machias of Washington County. 
 
 A federal census was taken this year, when it was found that 
 the population of Maine had reached the unexpected number 
 of ninety-six thousand five hundred and forty souls. The 
 territory was now formally organized into a district, and invested 
 with various rights of jurisdiction. Both the lumber and the fur 
 business continued very profitable. In the year 1791, three 
 towns were incorporated, Camden, Bangor, and Readfield. The 
 Indian name of the first of these was Megunticook. Its new 
 name was given in honor of Lord Camden, a warm friend of the 
 Americans during the Revolution.^ 
 
 1 When the royal proclamation was issued to employ the savages against the 
 Americans, Lord Camden indignantly exclaimed in Parliament ; — 
 
Sampson Hall. 
 
 MAINE WESLEYAN SEMINARY AND FEMALE COLLEGE, KENT’S HILL. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 401 
 
 Bangor had been called Kenduskeag. Rev. Seth Noble was 
 influential in obtaining the act of incorporation. It had been 
 urged upon him that tlie town should be called Sunbury, in 
 reference to its charming location. But he, not fancying the 
 name, took the liberty of substituting that of his favorite tune, 
 Bangor.2 
 
 Read field, the seventy -fourth town of the State, was taken 
 from Winthrop. It subsequently became the seat of the Maine 
 Wesleyan Seminary. This is one of the most important and 
 flourishing literary institutions in the State. It is alike dis- 
 tinguished for its intellectual, its moral, and its religious influ- 
 ence. Though it was not instituted until the year 1825, its 
 graduates may now be found in almost every State in the Union. 
 The reader will find, annexed, a very correct pictorial sketch 
 of the seminary buildings. 
 
 The next 3^ear six towns were incorporated. Monmouth, 
 which, as a plantation, had been called Wales, took its new 
 name in memory of the celebrated battle fought in June, 1778. 
 Here also an academy was established in 1809, which obtained 
 much celebrity throughout the State. 
 
 Sidney was taken from Vassalborough. Limington had pre- 
 viously been called the Ossipee Plantation. Hebron with its 
 Biblical name was called originally Philip Gore. Here also 
 there was a very important academy, endowed with a half 
 township of land. Bucksport had been called Buckstown, from 
 one of its first settlers, Col. Jonathan Buck. Tlie village is 
 beautifully situated on the eastern banks of the Penobscot, and 
 enjoys one of the finest harbors that magnificent river affords. 
 Mount Vernon commemorates the sacred spot on the Potomac, 
 which every American, in all time, will approach with veneration. 
 
 Two towns only, from the vast expanse of wild lands, were 
 incorporated in the year 1793. Buckfield had been called Num- 
 ber Five. Benjamin Spaulding first entered* its forests in the 
 
 “ Such a proposition ought to be damned. It holds forth a war of revenge, such 
 as Moloch in Pandemonium advised. It will fix an inveterate hatred in the 
 Americans against the very name of Englishmen. This will be left a legacy, from- 
 father to son, to the latest posterity.” 
 
 ^ Williamson, vol. ii. p. 552. 
 
 2G 
 

 BOWDOIN COLLEGE, BKUKSWICK. 
 
THE nr STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 403 
 
 year 1776, and cut down a few trees. With several associates 
 he purchased the township in 1788, of the Commonwealth, for 
 two shillings an acre. Paris was formerly Number Four. The 
 axe was, for the first time, heard in its densely wooded solitudes 
 in the year 1779. It became eventually the shire-town of 
 Oxford County. 
 
 Upon the commencement of the French Revolution in 1789, 
 there was much division of public opinion in Maine. The 
 Americans saw no French newspapers. All the information 
 they could gain, of the tremendous events which were trans- 
 piring, was drawn from the British press. Very many were 
 consequently in sympathy with the British Government, in its 
 warfare against the new institutions in France. But there were 
 also many in sympathy with the French people, in their efforts 
 to throw off the despotic yoke of their ancient kings. 
 
 In the year 1794, the population of Maine had so increased 
 that the District was entitled to three representatives in Con- 
 gress. On the 24th of June of this year, a charter was granted 
 to Bowdoin College. A Protestant from France, whose French 
 name was Pierre Bauduoin, but who took the English name of 
 Bowdoin, fled from Catholic persecution to Falmouth. He soon 
 died in Boston, leaving a widow and family in charge of his 
 eldest son James. This son became very wealthy, and, at the 
 age of seventy, bequeathed his large estate to his two sons, 
 James and William. 
 
 James became governor of Massachusetts, increased his prop- 
 erty, and left a large fortune to his son James. This wealthy 
 young man graduated at Oxford University in England, travelled 
 extensively through Europe ; purchased a large and veiy valua- 
 ble library, particularly rich in French literature and science. 
 He also had a gallery of seventy elegant paintings, and a col- 
 lection of fine models of crystallography. All these he be- 
 queathed to Bowdoin College, with seven thousand acres of 
 land, and other property to the amount of about five thousand 
 five hundred dollars, and several valuable articles of philosophi- 
 cal apparatus.^ 
 
 ‘ Decade of Addresses, by Dr. Allen, p. 267. 
 
404 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Rev. Joseph McKeen, D.D., was the first president of the 
 college. He was distinguished for his noble character and his 
 superior attainments. Under the succeeding presidents, the 
 college has taken lank among the highest institutions in our 
 
 land. This is not the place to enter into the details of its his- 
 tory ; but we cannot refrain from saying that the present 
 incumbent of this difficult and responsible office, Gov. Cham- 
 
 VKSTKRN ^013lAU SCHOOL, FARMINGTON. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 405 
 
 berlaiii, has alike distinguished himself as a college professor, as 
 a major-general guiding patriot troops on the field of battle, as 
 governor of the State of Maine, and now as president of the 
 college. The accompanying illustration gives a correct view of 
 the college buildings. 
 
 Maine seems to have been regarded as a peculiarly favored 
 region. Population flowed into it so fast, that, in the next 
 thirteen months, nineteen new towns were incorporated, nearly 
 
 SCENERY AT ABBOTT FAMILY SCHOOL, FARMINGTON, ME. 
 
 all of which contained at least five hundred inhabitants. One 
 of these, Farmington, deserves rather special notice. Upon the 
 rich meadows through which the sandy river glides, the corn- 
 fields of the Canabus Indians formerly waved in the breeze. 
 This beautiful village has become quite renowned for its cluster 
 of literary institutions. 
 
 Farmington Academy was incorporated in 1807, and for about 
 
1 
 
 
 MANSION, ABIJOTT FAMILY SCHOOL, AT LITTLE BLUE, FARMINGTON, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 407 
 
 half a century enjoyed a high reputation for its classical, math- 
 ematical, and scientific instruction. It was then merged into 
 the Western Normal School. A view of the building will be 
 found annexed. 
 
 Another institution, a family school for boys, called Little 
 Blue, has obtained celebrity far beyond the limits of the State. 
 The most prominent object in the landscape of this region is 
 Mount Blue. Upon the grounds upon which the beautiful clus- 
 ter of school edifices is reared, there is a winding brook, a small 
 pond, and a very singular natural mound, seventy or eighty feet 
 high, covered with dense forest. To this mound the name of 
 Little Blue was given, and hence the name of the school. The 
 institution is sometimes called the “ Abbott Family School,” as 
 the original building was the residence of the Rev. Jacob Ab- 
 bott ; and his brother Samuel established the school. It is 
 impossible, without a series of views, to give a correct idea of 
 the varied and picturesque beauty of the grounds. The place 
 embraces about five acres. We give a view of the principal 
 buildings. 
 
 THE WENDELL INSTITUTE. 
 
 One of the most prosperous and popular of the educational 
 seminaries of Farmington is the Wendell Institute. This sem- 
 inary was established, in the first instance, as a private school, 
 by two young ladies, the Misses May. These ladies evinced a 
 remarkable aptitude for the work of organizing and managing 
 their school ; and it grew rapidly in public favor, and soon began 
 to draw scholars from the surrounding towns. 
 
 At length, at the time of the reception of a valuable donation 
 from Dr. Abraham Wendell, a native of Farmington, though at 
 that time, and for several years previously, residing in Peru, 
 S. A., a charter was obtained for the institution under the style 
 and title of the Wendell Institute. Much additional aid was 
 also rendered by the relatives of Mr. Wendell, in furthering the 
 plans of the teachers; and the institute is now in a very prosper- 
 ous condition. It is still under the charge of the original found- 
 ers of it, the Misses May. 
 
 There is another institution recently established in Farming- 
 
FAMILY SCHOOL FOR GIRLS, AT “THE WILLOWS.” FARMINGTON, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 409 
 
 ton, as a family school for girls, which is probably destined to 
 accomplish important results. It is called “ The Willows,” 
 from a very magnificent grove of willow trees near which it 
 stands. The institution is yet in its infancy ; but it has one 
 of the most costly and best school buildings in the State. Its 
 location, as regards beauty of scenery, and purity of air and 
 water, is all that could be desired. Under its present efficient 
 management it can hardly fail to prove a success, notwithstand- 
 ing tile multitude of rival schools which are rising all over our 
 land. 
 
 Of the new towns incorporated in 1794, Alfred was named 
 from Alfred the Great. Bridgeton took its name from Mr. 
 Moody Bridges, of Andover, Mass., one of its chief proprietors. 
 Prospect was so called from the beautiful scenery which, from 
 one of its eminences, charmed the eye of every beholder. 
 Hampden honors the name of England's illustrious son, John 
 Hampden. Newfield, Cornish, New Sharon, Unity, Dresden, 
 and Aina, were wilderness regions which poor emigrants had 
 penetrated for the sake of cheap land, and where, having cut 
 clearings in the forest, they reared their log huts, planted their 
 wheat and corn amidst the blackened stumps, and, with great 
 toil, obtained but frugal fare. 
 
 In the year 1795, Poland, Litchfield, Lewiston, Steuben, 
 Fayette, Livermore, Starks, and Clinton, were incorporated. 
 Lands in Maine were in great demand. In twelve years after 
 the close of the war, the Commonwealth sold three million five 
 hundred thousand acres. Troubles in Europe were causing a 
 great flood of emigration to this country. 
 
 Lewiston became one of the most important manufacturing 
 districts in the State. The Androscoggin has here a natural fall 
 of forty feet in a distance of two hundred feet. By aid of a 
 dam this has been increased to fifty feet. This valuable fall is 
 utilized, by machinery of various kinds, to the amount of five 
 thousand four hundred and fifty horse-power. And this is 
 secure against any contingencies of ice or flood. Lewiston is 
 connected with the seaboard by two lines of railway ; one lead- 
 ing to Bath, and the other to Portland. It is distant from Bos- 
 ton, by rail, six and a half hours, from Portland one and a half. 
 
LEWISTON FALLS, LEWISTON, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 411 
 
 and from Bath one and a quarter. There are in the place, in- 
 cluding Auburn, which is on the other side of the river, fifteen 
 manufacturing companies, with an aggregate capital of over 
 seven million dollars. Between five and six thousand hands are 
 employed. The population, by the last census, was twenty-one 
 thousand.^ 
 
 Lewiston is also the seat of an important literary and scien- 
 tific institution, called the Maine State Seminary, which was 
 incorporated and endowed by the State in the year 1855. 
 
 A controversy arose, about this time, between the Indians on 
 the Penobscot and the government respecting land titles. The 
 government claimed, that, by the treaty of 1785, the Indians had 
 no lands remaining excepting the islands in the Penobscot 
 River ; but the chiefs claimed the territory from the head of 
 the tide, six miles in width on each side of the river, upward, 
 indefinitely into the northern wilderness. Three commissioners 
 were appointed to meet the chiefs. The question was amicably 
 settled. The commissioners assented to the claim of the In- 
 dians, and, for a small sum, purchased its relinquishment with 
 a few modifications. This tribe, called the Tarratines, which, at 
 the commencement of the Revolution, could bring four hundred 
 warriors into the field, had dwindled down to but about three 
 hundred and fifty men, women, and children. The territory 
 which the Indians relinquished, by this treaty, amounted to one 
 hundred and eighty-nine thousand, four hundred and twenty- 
 six acres. 
 
 Still the tide of emigration and prosperity was flowing into 
 Maine. The next year, 1796, seven new towns were incorpo- 
 rated. These were Belgrade, Harlem (which was twenty miles 
 beyond any other settlement, and which was buried in a forest 
 swarming with moose, bears, and wolves), Castine, Northport, 
 Eden, on Mount Desert, so named from its beautiful scenery, 
 and Bethel. These were all incorporated on the 10th of June. 
 Soon after, June 17, Addison, Augusta, Waterford, Norway, and 
 Harrington were incorporated. 
 
 Augusta lias become one of the largest, wealthiest, most intel- 
 
 * The Water Power of Maine, p. 394. 
 
412 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 lectual and most Leautiful cities in the State. It is the shire- 
 town of the county, and the capital of Maine. The river is 
 spanned by a fine bridge, and elegant mansions are found on 
 both sides of the river. The State House, of granite, stands 
 in a commanding position, on a plateau on the western banks. 
 A water-power of great value is established here, by the con- 
 struction of a dam entirely across the river. The length of the 
 Augusta dam is 584 feet, and its height fifteen feet. The water- 
 power thus afforded is of immense value, and must eventually 
 give employment to a very large manufacturing population. 
 
 Improvements on this power are now in prospect on an im- 
 mense scale. Six hundred acres of land have been purchased 
 around it. The power can be enormously increased by connect- 
 ing wdth it nearly three hundred square miles of lakes which 
 are tributary to the Kennebec. It can hardly be doubted that 
 Augusta is destined eventually to be one of the largest manu- 
 facturing cities in the United States.^ 
 
 Among other public buildings of much interest in Augusta, 
 there may be mentioned the United States Arsenal. This 
 building is situated on beautiful grounds on the eastern bank 
 of the river. “ The insane hospital is an honor to the State 
 and to humanity.” It has pleasure grounds seventy acres in 
 extent. The scene of landscape beauty presented from the 
 gentle eminence upon which the hospital stands can hardly be 
 surpassed. An awful calamity occurred here in the year 1850, 
 when the building was consumed by fire, and twenty-eight of 
 the inmates, including one of the keepers, were burned. 
 
 Eight new towns were incorporated in the year 1798, — 
 Wayne, Otisfield, Eastport, Cornville, Hollis, Anson, Hartford, 
 and Sumner. In 1799 Kennebec county was established, with 
 Augusta for its shire-town. Lisbon was the only town incorpo- 
 rated this year. On the 14th of December George Washington 
 died, and all America was clothed in mourning. The popula- 
 tion of IMaine, in the year 1800, amounted to one hundred and 
 fifty-one thousand seven hundred and nineteen.^ Maine was 
 
 * See Water Power of Maine, p. 175. 
 
 2 York County contained 87,729; Cumberland, 79,921; Kennebec, 24,394; Lin- 
 coln, 30,100; Ilancock, 1(5,310 ; Washington, 4,436. — Williamson^ vol. ii. p. 589. 
 
KEXNEBEC I>AM, AUGUSTA, ME. 
 
414 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 now entitled to four representatives in Congress ; still new 
 towns were born with wonderful rapidity. Rumford, Orland, 
 Ellsworth, and Lovell came into being in the year 1800, and 
 the next year gave birth to Strong and Leeds. 
 
 Maine was now enjoying peace and great prosperity. Ten 
 towns were incorporated in the year 1802. These were Minot, 
 Chesterville, Brownfield, Vienna, Avon, New Vineyard, Dan- 
 ville, Baldwin, Lincolnville, and Waterville. This last town 
 constituted the one hundred and thirty-eighth. It is one of the 
 most beautiful towns in the State, and is the site of a well- 
 endowed and highly flourishing college. The institution is 
 under the control of the Baptists, but is open to the students 
 of all denominations. The name of “ Colby Universit}"” is 
 taken in honor of one of its most munificent patrons. The sit- 
 uation of the buildings, on the western bank of the river, is 
 singularly beautiful. 
 
 Twenty-one towns were incorporated in the year 1804. The 
 very important and opulent town of Gardiner was named from 
 Dr. Sylvester Gardiner, to whom most of the township was 
 granted, near the year 1754, by the Plymouth Company. Robert 
 H. Gardiner, one of the most distinguished citizens of Maine, 
 revered for his intelligence, his public spirit, and his Christian 
 probity, came into possession of the place by inheritance, in the 
 year 1803. There were then but about six hundred inhabitants 
 in the limits of the territory. The town owes much of its pros- 
 perity to Mr. Gardiner, and his generous devotion to all its 
 interests. 
 
 His energies and wealth gave impulse to every branch of 
 business. Mills rose, dams were built, machine-shops con- 
 structed ; and a commanding eminence was adorned with a fine 
 Gothic church of stone, which is considered one of the most 
 beautiful buildings in New England. The falls of Cobbossee- 
 conte gave this place its peculiar value. 
 
 The other towns incorporated this year, were St. George, 
 Harmony, Temple, Albany, Industry, Raymond, Surry, Dixfield, 
 Wilton, Rome, Madison, Albion, Unity, Embden, Mercer, Hope, 
 Palermo, East Andover (now called Andover), and Gilead. 
 The next year but two towns were incorporated, Harrison and 
 Newry. 
 
Coburn Hall. Gymnanium. Chaplin Hall. Cliamplin Hall. South College. Memorial Hall. Hibniiy 
 
 COLBY UNIVKUSITY, WATEllVILLE, ME. 
 
416 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Improvements were rapidly advancing all over the State. 
 Bridges, roads, turnpikes, canals, and booms were constructed. 
 These last were of immense importance. They consisted of 
 chains of logs crossing the rivers upon which there were saw- 
 mills, to prevent the logs, cut in the winter, and swept down 
 by the spring freshets, from being carried out to sea. 
 
 In the year 1805, Oxford County was organized, and Paris 
 was made its shire-town. Orono, which had previously been 
 
 COBBOSSEE CONTEE FALLS, GARDINER, ME. 
 
 called Stillwater, was incorporated in 1806. This was a noted 
 place in the days of the Indians. It was about the year 1775 
 when the first white settler ventured to rear his cabin in those 
 awful solitudes. The renowned chief Orono had his residence 
 here. lie seems to have been a man of many virtues. From 
 him the town takes its harmonious name. 
 
 Eight towns were incorporated in the year 1807 : Montville, 
 Denmark, Porter, Jefferson, Friendship, Hiram, Dixmont, Pal- 
 myra. Three were incorporated in 1808, — Pownal, Freeman, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 417 
 
 and New Portland. The county of Somerset was established 
 in 1809, and Norridgewock was appointed its shire-town. There 
 were also incorporated the towns of Windsor, Jonesborough, 
 Calais, and Whitefield. 
 
 A census was taken in the year 1810 ; and it was found that 
 the State contained two hundred and twenty-eight thousand, six 
 hundred and eighty-seven inhabitants. One town only, Eliot, 
 was incorporated this year. The next 3 ^ear, however, nine were 
 added to the prosperous State. These were Exeter, Charleston, 
 Garland, Robbinston, Eddington, Washington, Corinth, Carmel, 
 and Lubec. Seven towns were incorporated in the 3 ^ear 1812 ; 
 namely, Bingham, Troy, Brewer, Dearborn, Phillips, Sebec, and 
 Foxcroft. There were, at this time, a hundred and ninety-four 
 municipal towns. Since the close of the Revolutionary war, a 
 period of but thirty years, a hundred and fifty-four had been 
 incorporated. 
 
 The outrages which England had for years been inflicting 
 upon our commerce, and her practice of impressing our seamen 
 at her pleasure, had become unendurable. On the 18th of June, 
 1812, Congress passed an act declaring that war existed between 
 Great Britain and the United States. Maine was called upon 
 to furnish two thousand five hundred militia. As we now lock 
 back upon those days, it seems strange that a single word could 
 have been uttered in favor of submitting to those outrages in 
 which England was trampling upon our most sacred rights. 
 
 Four towns were incorporated in 1813, — Sweden, Freedom, 
 Levant, and St. Albany. To meet the immediate expenses of 
 the war, the National Government assessed a tax of seventy-four 
 thousand two hundred and twenty dollars on Maine. It is said 
 that more soldiers were enlisted in the District of Maine, accord- 
 ing to its population, than in any of the States. Troops were 
 established at most of the important maritime towns. The 
 whole number of militia, ever ready to march, amounted to 
 twenty-one thousand one hundred and twenty-one men. 
 
 There was a British brig called “ The Boxer,” which had been 
 for some time cruising along our coast, committing great depre- 
 dations. The brig, which mounted eighteen guns, and had a 
 crew of a hundred and four men, was commanded by Capt. 
 
418 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 Blythe, who was twenty-nine years of age. The American brig 
 “ Enterprise,” which carried sixteen guns and a hundred and 
 two men, was at anchor in Portland Harbor. It was commanded 
 by Capt. Burrows, twenty-eight years of age.^ “ The Boxer” 
 was ordered to cruise oft the harbor for the purpose of bringing 
 “ The Enterprise ” to an engagement. The two vessels met on 
 the 5th of September, 1814, and at three o’clock in the after- 
 noon commenced action within half pistol shot. 
 
 For thirty-five minutes they poured their deadly broadsides 
 into each other. Both captains were shot down, and the decks 
 were covered with blood. ‘‘ The Boxer ” then struck her colors, 
 having lost, in killed and wounded, besides her captain, forty- 
 six men, nearly half her crew. On The Enterprise ” only two 
 were killed and twelve wounded. The next day the victorious 
 brig returned, with her prize, to Portland. The public exulta- 
 tion was chilled by the death of the intrepid Capt. Burrows. 
 The remains of both the officers were buried, side by side, with 
 military honors, and a monument raised to their memory. 
 
 The general history of this war belongs to the history of the 
 United States rather than to that of Maine. But in many 
 respects the conflict was disastrous to the District. Maine was 
 peculiarly a commercial district, and commerce was annihilated 
 by the war. Money became scarce, prices high, and many of 
 the rich became poor, and the poor suffered severely. The 
 English declared the whole of our Atlantic coast in a state of 
 blockade. The entire seaboard was infested by British cruisers. 
 Still, in this sad world of sin and sorrow, adversity often intro- 
 duces renewed prosperity. There is, however, but little comfort 
 in the thought that the prosperity of one must be purchased at 
 the expense of the ruin of another. The destruction of our 
 commerce rendered it necessary for us to engage, more than 
 ever before, in mechanic arts and manufacturing establishments. 
 Thus England “gained a loss” in this cruel war. 
 
 The government of Great Britain claimed the right of stop- 
 ping, by the menace of her guns, any American vessel found 
 upon the seas, of sending a lieutenant on board, who would 
 
 ^ Diary of Rev. Samuel Deane, p. 403. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 419 
 
 muster the crew before him, and pick out any number he was 
 pleased to say were of English birth. These he would seize, 
 drag on board the British men-of-war, and compel them to fight 
 Britain’s battles. Where resistance was attempted the cudgel 
 and cutlass were freely used. Official records prove that more 
 than a thousand American citizens were thus torn from home and 
 friends, and were compelled for years to man British guns, and, 
 when war was opened against America, to fight their own 
 countrymen. Even our armed vessels were thus searched, and 
 fired upon if they refused to submit. Over six thousand men 
 were thus taken from the American vessels upon the simple 
 assertion of a British lieutenant, that he considered them subjects 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 It was in the enforcement of such an atrocious claim as this,, 
 that the British Government commenced war against the United 
 States ; thus blighting the prospects of humanity, filling lonely 
 farmhouses with widows and orphans, and creating an amount 
 of wretchedness which can never can be known until, at the 
 Day of Judgment, all things shall be brought to light. It is hard 
 for any one, Avhose heart is moved by the moans and tears of 
 the helpless, to forgive such crimes on the part of haughty foes, 
 who were rioting amidst the splendors of their castles and their 
 palaces. 
 
 The victims of this impressment were not allowed any trial. 
 There was no chance for any appeal. A pert young lieutenant 
 from a British war-vessel, followed by his armed band, would 
 descend the deck of any American vessel, pick out from the 
 crew any men he pleased, and saying, “ I think these men are 
 Englishmen,” carry them off. 
 
 We give England’s plea in justification of this outrage, in the 
 language in which the prince regent himself, subsequently the 
 infamous George IV., endeavors to soften down its atrocities. 
 In a cabinet manifesto dated Jan. 8, 1813, he wrote, — 
 
 “ I am surprised that the exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undis- 
 puted right of searching neutral merchant-vessels in time of war, and the 
 impressment of British seamen when found therein, could be deemed any 
 violation of a neutral flag ; or to take such seamen from on board such 
 vessels, could be considered by any neutral state as a hostile measure, or 
 a justifiable cause of war.” 
 
420 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 In the year 1813, the taxable property in Maine amounted to 
 one million five hundred thousand dollars^ Notwithstanding 
 the desolations of war, nine towns were this year incorporated ; 
 namely, Phippsburg, — where the earliest colony ever attempted 
 in Maine was located, and where Popham’s fort was reared, — 
 Searmont, Belmont, Bloomfield, South Berwick, Westbrook, 
 Sangerville, Hermon, and Newport. 
 
 The Bloomfield region was called by the Indians, Wessarunset. 
 The first settlers, in 1771, were so delighted with the beauty and 
 fertility of the country, that they called it Canaan. In the year 
 1777, several men were captured by the Indians, and carried 
 to Canada. They were however, it is believed, all eventually 
 restored to their friends. In the year 1807, an academy was 
 incorporated here, which obtained much celebrity throughout 
 the State. 
 
 South Berwick was in a region called Quampeagan by the 
 Indians. Here also a flourishing academy was established. 
 From the beginning Maine has manifested great zeal in the 
 education of her sons and daughters. 
 
 During the first two years of the war Maine was not actually 
 invaded by the enemy, though often menaced. A small military 
 force was stationed at Eastport. Major Perley Putnam, of 
 Salem, was in command, with two companies of militia. 
 
 On the 11th of July, 1814, a British fleet of five war-vessels 
 and several transports anchored abreast of Eastport, and de- 
 manded the surrender of the fort, allowing jive minutes for an 
 answer.^ Major Putnam did not need even that time to reply, 
 “ The fort will be defended against whatever force may be 
 brought against it.” But the inhabitants rose promptly in 
 strong remonstrance against resisting an armament, which, in an 
 hour, could lay the whole town in ashes. Major Putnam was 
 thus compelled to strike his flag. 
 
 Eastport was very eligibly situated on Moose Island, which 
 the British claimed belonged to them by the treaty of 1783. 
 
 ^ Williamson, voL ii. p. f)3G. 
 
 2 The fleet consisted of “ The families,” a seventy-four-gun ship, having on 
 hoard the Commodore, Sir Thomas Hardy ; “The Martin,” a sloop-of-war ; the 
 hrigs “ Rover,” “Brearae,”and “Terror;” a bomb-ship, and several transports 
 crowded with troops. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 421 
 
 They took possession of the place and all the public property it 
 contained, hoisted the British flag, dragged the American sol- 
 diers on board their prison-ships, and commanded all the inhabit- 
 ants of Moose Island, and of the other islands in Passamaquoddy 
 Bay, to assemble at the schoolhouse in Eastport on the 16th 
 instant, and take the oath of allegiance to his Britannic Majesty, 
 or within seven days to depart from the islands.' About two- 
 thirds of the islanders submitted to this requirement. 
 
 The success of this expedition encouraged the British to fit 
 out another against Penobscot (now Castine) and Machias. 
 The fleet consisted of three seventy-four-gun ships, two frigates, 
 two sloops-of-war, an armed schooner, a large tender, and ten 
 transports. The number of troops embarked werg probably 
 about three thousand five hundred, though some have placed 
 the number as high as six thousand.^ On the 1st of September, 
 1814, this formidable armament cast anchor in the harbor of 
 Castine. Successful resistance was impossible. The garrison 
 blew up the fort, and fled back into the countiy. The British 
 took undisputed possession. One of the generals then, with six 
 hundred men, crossed the bay and captured Belfast. They 
 plundered the unfortunate town, and returned to Castine. This 
 was the second time this quiet village had been ravaged by this 
 British soldiery. Their first visit was in 1780, when their 
 brutal treatment drove the inhabitants into the woods. 
 
 The fleet ascended the bay and river until the ships were 
 within about fifteen miles of Bangor. They cast anchor near 
 Hampden Village, and landed a strong force. The Hampden 
 militia made a feeble resistance, but were soon dispersed by the 
 fire of the British regulars. The conflict of an hour placed 
 Hampden at the mercy of the enemy. They plundered the 
 houses and the stores, killed the cattle, treated the most prom 
 inent citizens with shameful abuse, burned several vessels, and 
 spared others by extorting a bond of twelve thousand dollars. 
 The loss which the little village of Hampden experienced from 
 
 ^ The British claimed all the islands in Passamaquoddy Bay as within their 
 ■boundary line. 
 
 2 It is certain that the forces consisted of the Sixty-second and Ninety-eighth 
 Begiments, two rifle companies of the Sixtieth Begiment, and a detachment of 
 royal artillery. 
 
422 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 this raid was estimated to amount to forty-four thousand dollars. 
 A committee of the citizens waited upon the British commander, 
 Capt. Barrie, and implored him to treat the community with 
 more humanity. He angrily replied : — 
 
 “ Humanity ! I have none for you. My business is to burn, sink, and 
 destroy. Your town is taken by storm. By the rules of war we ought to 
 lay your village in ashes, and put its inhabitants to the sword. But I will 
 spare your lives, though I mean to burn your houses.” 
 
 An order came from the more merciful British commander at 
 Castine, Gen. Sherbroke, not to burn the houses. The vessels 
 again spread their sails to ascend the river, while two-thirds 
 of the troops marched along by land. No terms were allowed 
 to Bangor but unconditional surrender. The ships anchored at 
 the mouth of the Kenduskeag. A few Congreve rockets were 
 thrown over the village, as an intimation of the doom which 
 awaited the citizens should they attempt any resistance. 
 
 The best buildings in the place were taken as barracks for 
 the soldiers. All public property was seized. One hundred 
 and ninety-one of the principal men were compelled to sign a 
 document declaring themselves prisoners of war, and stipulating 
 not to serve against the British Government until exchanged. 
 
 But little respect was paid to private property. Many stores 
 were plundered ; and several vessels were saved from the flames 
 only by giving a bond to the amount of thirty thousand dollars, 
 that four, which were on the stocks, should be delivered at 
 Castine. Fourteen vessels were burned, mostly on the Brewer 
 side of the river ; and six were carried to Castine.^ It was esti- 
 mated that the losses at Bangor amounted to forty-five thou- 
 sand dollars. 
 
 After a stay of about thirty hours in Bangor, the fleet de- 
 scended the river to Frankfort. Here they took from the people 
 
 1 111 this case, as in most other narratives of deeds of violence, there is some 
 slight diversity in the details. There is, liowever, here no question in regard to 
 the general and important facts. The narrative, as we give it, is probably as 
 accurate as can now be ascertained. Williamson gives the following summary: 
 “Burnt, the brig ‘Caravan,’ ‘Neptune’s Barge,’ ‘Thinks 1 to Myself,’ ‘Eunice 
 and Polly,’ ‘The Gladiator,’ ‘ The Three Brothers,’ the sloop ‘Ranger,’ three un- 
 launched vessels in Brewer, and one in Bangor. There were also three others iu 
 ,the harbor that were destroyed: fourteen in all.” — Williamson, vol. ii. p. 648. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 423 
 
 forty oxen, one hundred sheep, and an indefinite amount of 
 poultry. On the 7th, the ships returned from this marauding 
 excursion to Castine. 
 
 The inhabitants of the Kennebec valley were terror-stricken. 
 It was apprehended that the same fleet would visit their river 
 with the same destruction. The whole surrounding region was 
 kept for a time, in a state of great alarm. Wiscasset was 
 menaced ; and the militia from a region of nearly thirty miles 
 around flocked to its defence. 
 
 The region between Passamaquoddy Bay and the Penobscot 
 River had passed under the control of the English. Castine 
 was made a port of entry. Several war-vessels guarded the 
 harbor, and two thousand two hundred troops were placed there 
 in garrison. The British commander organized a provincial 
 government for the territory. All the male inhabitants over 
 sixteen years of age were compelled to take the oath of alle- 
 giance to the British king. A custom-house was opened at 
 Hampden for the introduction of British goods. 
 
 Castine became quite a gay resort for the officers of the 
 British army and navy. A temporary theatre was opened, and 
 there were music and dancing. Many of the officers were gentle- 
 men by birth, culture, and instinctive sentiment. On the 11th 
 of February, 1815, news reached our country that peace was 
 established by the treaty of Ghent, which was signed on the 24th 
 of December, 1814. The glad tidings were received with every 
 demonstration of joy, throughout the whole country. The 
 British troops evacuated Castine on the 25th of April, after an 
 encampment there of eight months. 
 
 War is always demoralizing. The two great vices which this 
 war augmented throughout Maine were intemperance and pro- 
 faneness. But Maine sustained no diminution in her population. 
 The loss experienced from the casualties of war was more than 
 made up by immigration. In 1815 Woodstock was incorpo- 
 rated. Twelve new towns were organized in the year 1816. 
 These were, Kingfield, Moscow, Wales, Greenwood, Weld, 
 Guilford, Cherryfield, Dexter, North Hill, Brooks, Corinna, and 
 Ripley. 
 
 There were now two hundred and twenty-one towns in the 
 
424 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 State. The whole number of legal voters was thirty-seven 
 thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight. The following ques- 
 tion was submitted to the people, convened in their several 
 towns and plantations, — 
 
 ' ‘‘ Is it expedient that the District of Maine be separated from 
 Massachusetts, and become an independent State ? ” ^ 
 
 The unexpected result of this vote was, 11,969 yeas, and 
 10,347 nays. A convention was chosen to assemble in the 
 meeting-house at Brunswick, count the votes, and, if a majority 
 of five to four were found in favor of separation, to appoint a 
 committee to draft a constitution. Though the majority was 
 less than the statute required, the convention declared the vote 
 to be in favor of an independent State, and chose two com- 
 mittees ; one to draft a constitution, and one to apply to Con- 
 gress for admission into the Union. A large minority protested 
 against these measures ; and the General Court, being then in 
 session, disapproved of the illegal decision, and dissolved the 
 convention. 
 
 There arose at this time what was called the “ Ohio fever.” 
 Hundreds were seized with the almost insane desire to emigrate 
 to Ohio. The journey, generally taken in wagons covered with 
 canvas, was long, expensive, and exhausting. Often the suffer- 
 ings by the way were very severe. The flat, rich, alluvial plains 
 of Ohio seemed to be covered with a malarious atmosphere. 
 Whole families often wilted down together, now shaking with 
 exhaustive chills, and again burning with fever. Many mourned 
 the day in which they departed from the healthy, invigorating 
 breezes of Maine. But return was impossible. Their means 
 were entirely exhausted. It is estimated that Maine lost 
 between ten and fifteen thousand inhabitants by this sad infat- 
 uation. 
 
 There was a dispute respecting the north-eastern boundary 
 of the State, which subsequently came near involving us in 
 another war with England. There was but one town, Brooks- 
 
 1 Such is the fonn of this question, as given by the accurate Mr. ‘Williamson. 
 The form suggested by the General Court was, “Shall the Legislature he requested 
 to give its consent to the separation of the District of Maine from Massachusetts, 
 and the creation of said district into a separate State? ” 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 425 
 
 ville, incorporated in tlie year 1817 ; but the next year seven 
 were established, — China, Monroe, Perry, Mexico, Dennysville, 
 Swanville, and Jackson. 
 
 The Indian tribes had dwindled almost to extinction. Of the 
 Penobscot Indians but about two hundred and fifty remained. 
 Two-thirds of these were women and children. They had 
 become a dispirited, humiliated, and inefficient people, supported 
 mainly by charity. Quite readily they relinquished their claim 
 to all the extensive territory still recognized as theirs, for four 
 townships, each six miles square, and for a yearly contribution 
 of five hundred bushels of corn, fifteen barrels of flour, seven 
 of pork, one hogshead of molasses, a hundred yards of broad- 
 cloth, fifty blankets, a hundred pounds of gunpowder, four 
 hundred of shot, one hundred and fifty of tobacco, six boxes 
 of chocolate, and fifty dollars in silver. 
 
 Henceforth the Indians cease to be of any consideration in 
 the history of the State. The dwindling families became pub- 
 lic paupers ; and now probably not a single full-blooded Indian 
 can be found in all the wide realms of Maine, over which, two 
 centuries ago, they roamed in almost undisputed power. In 
 the year 1819, another effort was made for separation. Seven- 
 teen thousand and ninety-one votes were cast. Of these but 
 seven thousand one hundred and thirty-two were nays. A 
 committee of thirty-three, selected from each county, was chosen 
 to report a constitution. John Holmes, one of the most dis- 
 tinguished sons of Maine, was chairman. This document was 
 submitted to the people, and ratified by a large majority of 
 votes. 
 
 Gov. Brooks announced the event in his message to the Gen- 
 eral Court, in January, 1819. After alluding in almost affec- 
 tionate terms to the harmony which had so long prevailed 
 between Massachusetts and her foster-child, he added, — 
 
 ‘ ‘ But the time of separation is at hand. Conformably to the memorable 
 act of June 19 last, the sixteenth day of March next will terminate for- 
 ever the political unity of Massachusetts proper and the District of Maine ; 
 and that District, which is bone of our bone, and flesh of our flesh, will 
 assume her rank as an independent State in the American confederacy.” 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 PEACE AND PROSPERITY. 
 
 William King — William D. Williamson — The Maine of Half a Century Ago 
 — A Journey to Boston — Succeeding Governors — The Aroostook War — 
 Origin of the Difficulty — Warlike Measure — Interesting Incidents — The 
 Truce — Final Settlement. 
 
 T he first governor of Maine was William King. He is 
 often spoken of as “ the first and best of our governors.” 
 He was born in Scarborough, in the year 1768. Native strength 
 of mind and elevated character supplied the place of a liberal 
 education. He was one of the most prominent in advocating 
 the separation. With superior business qualifications, he be- 
 came opulent, and when elected he was a prosperous merchant 
 in Bath. He resigned the office upon being appointed one of 
 the commissioners of the National Government on the Spanish 
 claims. 
 
 The remainder of the term Mr. William D. Williamson, Pres- 
 ident of the Senate, became acting governor. Mr. Williamson 
 became the author of the voluminous and admirable history of 
 the State, which will ever secure to him the gratitude of the 
 sons of Maine. One of the first acts of the Legislature was 
 the adoption of a State seal. The moose, the noblest animal in 
 our forests, and the majestic pine-tree, the most valuable of our 
 timber, became the central figures. An anchor and a scythe, as 
 the emblems of commerce and agriculture, were placed upon 
 either side. Above, the north star shines, signifying the posi- 
 tion which Maine occupies in the constellation of the States. 
 Two figures, representing a sailor and a farmer, are conspicuous. 
 Over all is the Latin word “ Dirigo ” (I lead). 
 
 The Maine of half a century ago was very different from the 
 
 426 
 
THE niSTORY OF ’MAINE. 
 
 427 
 
 Maine of the present day. Before the Revolution there was 
 not a four-wheeled passenger carriage in the State. Two- 
 wheeled chaises were not introduced into Portland until 1760. 
 They were then not in common use, but were articles of luxury 
 which were brought only on festive occasions. It was about 
 the year 1800 when the first four-wheeled carriage was seen in 
 the streets of Augusta. Men and women generally journeyed 
 on horseback. The women sat on pillions behind the men. The 
 horse-block, for mounting, was a verj^ important adjunct to the 
 churches. 
 
 It was deemed a memorable event when, in the year 1787, 
 a stage-coach was established to run between Portland and 
 Portsmouth. The line was extended to Augusta in 1806. At 
 a very early hour in the morning the stage left Augusta, and in 
 four or five hours, if the travelling were good, reached Bruns- 
 wick to breakfast. At Freeport they dined ; worn and weary 
 they reached Portland in the evening to lodge for the night. 
 Starting the next morning at an early hour, the coach stopped 
 at Kennebunk for breakfast, and Portsmouth for dinner, and 
 lodged at Newburyport the second night. At two o’clock the 
 next morning the coach again started, breakfasted in the early 
 dawn at Salem, and reached Boston about noon of the third 
 day. In the year 1823, Capt. Seward Porter commenced run- 
 ning a steamboat, ‘‘ The Patent,” from Portland to Boston. 
 Five passengers were considered a very goodly company. The 
 boat was about a hundred tons burden. In the years 1823 and 
 1824, queer looking little steamboats, with stern-wheels, began 
 to run up the Kennebec River. 
 
 The second governor of Maine was Albion K. Parris. He 
 was elected in the year 1822. A farmer’s son, born in Hebron, 
 Me., he worked on the fields of his father until he was four- 
 teen years of age. At fifteen he entered Harvard College. At 
 twenty-six he was chosen representative in the national Con- 
 gress ; at thirty he was appointed judge of the United States Dis- 
 trict Court ; and when but thirty -three years old he was elected 
 governor. He was a man of great energy, of indomitable per- 
 severance, and of great administrative ability. His unblemished 
 integrity and courteous manners secured the affection and 
 respect of all who knew him. 
 
428 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Enoch Lincoln succeeded Gov. Parris in 1827. He was a 
 very able man, a well-read lawyer, and had enjoyed the educa- 
 tional advantages of a seat in the national Congress. His mes- 
 
 sages were much admired for the comprehensive views they 
 presented in language remarkably terse and expressive. 
 
 Jonathan G. H unton, of Readfield, succeeded Mr. Lincoln. 
 Under his administration Sebago Pond was connected by a 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 429 
 
 canal with Casco Bay. In the 3^ear 1831, Samuel E. Smith was 
 chosen governor, and was re-elected in 1834. During Mr. 
 Smith’s term of office the seat of government was removed from 
 Portland to Augusta. The State House, built of the finest 
 granite, cost about a hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars. 
 Half of this sum was paid from the proceeds of the sale of ten 
 acres of land. It is a beautiful building ; but, unfortunately, it 
 is never approached from its front, and the side views are not 
 imposing. 
 
 Robert P. Dunlap, of Brunswick, succeeded Mr. Smith in the 
 chair of chief magistrate. His irreproachable character and 
 suavity of manners rendered him very popular, and he continued 
 to fill the responsible office for four years. Under his adminis- 
 tration our first scientific survey was undertaken, and the admir- 
 able asylum for the insane was instituted at Augusta. In 1838, 
 Edward Kent of Bangor was chosen governor. He was suc- 
 ceeded in 1839 by John Fairfield of Saco. 
 
 The question respecting our north-eastern boundary had for 
 some time been attracting much attention. It soon culminated 
 in a series of measures which threatened to involve the United 
 States in another war with Great Britain. These events demand 
 some minuteness of narrative.^ 
 
 What was called the Aroostook War was quite a memorable 
 event in the history of Maine. By the treaty of 1T83, at the 
 close of the Revolutionary struggle, one-half of the St. John’s 
 River belonged to Maine ; but, at the close of the war of 1812, 
 Great Britain claimed the whole, including both banks. There 
 was, at this time, on the north or eastern side of the river, an 
 American settlement of scattered log huts, extending for a dis- 
 tance of nearly twenty miles. The inhabitants were principally 
 of French descent, and had emigrated to that American region 
 when the English took possession of Acadia.^ This plantation 
 had been incorporated as the town of Madawaska, and a repre- 
 
 1 For most of the facts of the -Aroostook "War I am indebted to a lecture 
 delivered in the Kepresentatives Hall in Augusta, by Mr. George J. Varney of 
 Brunswick. Mr. Varney is the author of the admirable “History of Maine for 
 Young People.” In this small volume he has, with great skill and accuracy, com- 
 pressed most of the essential facts in the history of the State. 
 
 2 Descrii^tion of New England, by Coolidge and Mansfield, p. 969. 
 
INSAlsB HOSPITAL, AUGUSTA, ME. 
 
THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 431 
 
 sentative was sent to the Legislature of Maine ; but the British 
 authorities, in the vicinity, remonstrated against this, sent an 
 armed force, and broke up the meetings. 
 
 In June, 1837, Congress sent an officer to Madawaska to take 
 a census of the people, and, at the same time, to distribute the 
 surplus money which had accumulated in the United States 
 treasury. A British constable arrested this agent, and carried 
 his prisoner to the nearest English shire-town. But the sheriff 
 there, alarmed in view of so reckless a procedure, refused to 
 receive the prisoner ; and he returned to Madawaska, and con- 
 tinued to prosecute his mission. 
 
 Gov. Harvey of New Brunswick, hearing of the distribution 
 of money to the people, assumed that it was a bribe to induce 
 the inhabitants to continue their allegiance to the United States. 
 He therefore ordered the agent to be re-arrested, and he was 
 lodged in Frederickton jail. Gov. Dunlap, who then occupied 
 the gubernatorial chair of Maine, issued a general order an- 
 nouncing that the soil of our State had been invaded by a 
 foreign power. The militia were therefore called upon to hold 
 themselves in readiness for active service. A flame of indigna- 
 tion swept over the State. A few weeks after, the British 
 authorities, influenced by a message from Pres. Van Buren, set 
 the imprisoned agent at liberty. There had been a great mus- 
 tering of forces on both sides, and many ludicrous events which 
 provoked much ridicule. But both parties wisely decided to 
 refer the question to arbitration, and the Madawaska war was 
 ended. 
 
 After the war of 1812 the British claimed the whole of the 
 upper part of the vast valley of the St. John. They demanded all 
 the land above the forty-sixth degree of north latitude, which 
 included about one-third of what was supposed to be the ter- 
 ritory of Maine. The question in dispute was referred to Wil- 
 liam, king of the Netherlands. He decided that the line should 
 run about half way between the boundaries claimed by the two 
 powers, which was a very strange decision. The question sub- 
 mitted to him was. Which of the two boundaries is the one 
 authorized by the treaty ? And he decided in favor of a line 
 which the treaty certainly did not indicate, and which neither 
 
432 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 of the parties had thought of. To enter into the details of this 
 discussion would he very wearisome to the reader. 
 
 The people of Maine were indignant at this decision. The 
 national government, anxious to avoid war, generously offered 
 Maine a million acres of land in Michigan, in exchange for the 
 territory she would thus lose. This offer was declined, and 
 prolonged negotiations ensued. Matters remaining unsettled, 
 and there being some indications of an outbreak. Gov. Kent, in 
 1838, took measures to increase the efficiency of the militia, 
 and Gen. Wool was sent to inspect the fortifications on the 
 Penobscot, the St. Croix, and the Kennebec. The line which 
 Maine claimed by the treaty of 1773 was again surveyed. 
 
 The territory thus in dispute became the prey of plunderers. 
 The region of the Aroostook River was robbed of its most 
 valuable lumber. The State Legislature, in secret session, au- 
 thorized Sheriff Strickland to raise a force of two hundred volun- 
 teers, drive off the trespassers, destroy their camps, and seize 
 their teams. The command was placed under Capt. Stover Rines. 
 The first company left Bangor on the 5th of February, 1839, 
 and reached Masardis, then township No. 10, on the 8th. The 
 trespassers, not aware of the force coming down upon them, 
 made a slight show of resistance. The lumbermen and their 
 teams were, however, easily captured. 
 
 Capt. Rines advanced to the mouth of the Little Madawas- 
 ka. Here he met with a reverse, was captured with a company 
 of his men, and they were hurried off, in a sleigh, to Frederick- 
 ton jail, in New Brunswick. The sheriff and his forces retreated. 
 The trespassers, much elated, armed themselves, about three 
 hundred in number, and bade defiance to the American author- 
 ities. The sheriff, learning of the capture, retired to Number 
 Ten, and fortified his party, while he repaired as rapidly as pos- 
 sible to Augusta, to report the posture of affairs. 
 
 Gov. Harvey, of New Brunswick, issued a proclamation, 
 declaring that British territory had been invaded, and ordering 
 out a thousand of the militia. Affairs now began to assume a 
 very serious aspect. 
 
 Immediately, tliough it was Sunday morning, fifty volunteers 
 set out from Augusta, for the scene of action. At the same 
 
TUE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 433 
 
 time Gov. Harvey sent a communication to the governor of 
 Maine, at Augusta, demanding the recall of the American troops 
 from the Aroostook, and announcing that he was instructed, by 
 the British Government, to hold exclusive jurisdiction over the 
 disputed territory, and that he should do so by military force. 
 
 This roused to a high pitch the indignation of the people of 
 Maine. The legislature passed a spirited resolve for the pro- 
 tection of the public lands, and appropriated eight hundred 
 thousand dollars to that purpose. A draft was also ordered for 
 ten thousand three hundred and forty-three men from the mili- 
 tia, to be ready for immediate action. Early Monday morning, 
 the unwonted sound of the clarion of war was heard in the 
 peaceful streets of Augusta, as the troops, by hundreds, then 
 and there were “ mustering in hot haste.” 
 
 Gen. Bachelder was commander of the western division of 
 militia. It was midwinter in Maine, and bitter cold. The 
 regular uniforms afforded no sufficient protection for a winter 
 campaign, through drifted snows and freezing gales, in a region 
 where the mercury often sank twenty-five or thirty degrees be- 
 low zero. Extra garments were speedily supplied, of thick red 
 shirts and pea-green jackets. Within a week ten thousand 
 American troops were either in Aroostook County, or on the 
 march there. 
 
 The National Government was roused. Congress passed a 
 bill authorizing the President of the United States, should the 
 governor of New Brunswick fulfil his threat of maintaining 
 exclusive jurisdiction over the territory in dispute, to raise fifty 
 thousand troops for the support of Maine, and appropriating 
 ten million dollars to meet the expense. On the 5th of March, 
 Gen. Scott, with his staff, reached Augusta. He informed the 
 governor that he was “ specially charged with maintaining the 
 peace and safety of the entire northern and eastern frontiers.” 
 He took quarters at the Augusta House, and immediately en- 
 tered into correspondence with both Gov. Harvey of New Bruns- 
 wick, and Gov. Fairfield of Maine. Having thirty thousand 
 troops whom he could call into the field, he humanely endeav- 
 ored to act the part of a peacemaker. The result was that Gov. 
 Harvey pledged himself, that, in prospect of the peaceful settle- 
 28 
 
434 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 ment of the question between the two nations, he would not 
 take military possession of the territory, or endeavor to expel 
 from it the civil posse or the troops of Maine. On the other 
 hand. Gov. Fairfield pledged himself that he would not, without 
 renewed instructions, disturb any of the New Brunswick settle- 
 ments in the Madawaska region. He agreed to withdraw his 
 troops, and leave uninterrupted communication between New 
 Brunswick and Canada. 
 
 This settlement brought peace. The prisoners on both sides 
 were set at liberty. In March, the Aroostook region, which 
 had previously formed a portion of Penobscot and Washington 
 Counties, was erected into a new county bearing its original 
 name. It was generally supposed that the prompt military 
 preparation we had made, which gave us unquestionably the 
 command of the position, had great infiuence with the British 
 authorities in securing a peaceful settlement. 
 
 This, however, was but a temporary arrangement. The rival 
 claims were still to be adjudicated. Two years passed away 
 while the question continued to be discussed by the two gov- 
 ernments. In the year 1841, William Henry Harrison was 
 President of the United States, and Daniel Webster Secretary 
 of State. The sudden death of Pres. Harrison introduced the 
 Vice-President, John Tyler, to the Presidential chair. The 
 importance of the boundary question induced Mr. Webster still 
 to remain in the office of Secretary, though differing with Mr. 
 Tyler in political views. In the year 1842 Lord Ashburton 
 came to Washington, the British ambassador authorized to form 
 a new treaty for the settlement of the boundary. An extra 
 session was called of the legislature of Maine. Commissioners 
 were appointed to confer with Lord Ashburton and Secretary 
 Webster upon this subject. The troublesome question was soon 
 brought to an amicable settlement. England greatly needed a 
 portion of this territory, that there might be free communi- 
 cation between New Brunswick and Canada. 
 
 Maine surrendered a considerable tract which was of but 
 little value. In compensation the United States received terri- 
 tory of much greater value, on the borders of Lakes Champlain 
 and Superior. The National Government paid Maine one huii- 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 435 
 
 dred and fifty thousand dollars for the surrender. The State 
 also received two hundred thousand dollars, as re-imbursement 
 for the expense she had incurred in defending the integrity of 
 American territory. The Senate of the United States ratified 
 the Ashburton Treaty, as it was called, on the 20th of August, 
 1842. Impartial judgment must pronounce the conduct of 
 Maine, in this whole affair, to have been patriotic and wise. 
 
 ^ In the year 1841, Mr. Edward Kent again filled the chair of 
 chief executive. The subsequent governors have been : — 
 
 1843. 
 
 Edward Kavanagh {Acting) . 
 
 Newcastle. 
 
 1844. 
 
 Hugh J. Anderson 
 
 . . . Belfast. 
 
 1847. 
 
 John W‘ Dana 
 
 Fryeburg. 
 
 1850. 
 
 John Hubbard 
 
 . . . Hallowell. 
 
 1853. 
 
 W. G. Crosby 
 
 Belfast. 
 
 1855. 
 
 Anson P. Morrill . 
 
 . . . Readfield. 
 
 1856. 
 
 Samuel Wells 
 
 Portland. 
 
 1857. 
 
 Hannibal Hamlin . 
 
 . . . Hampden. 
 
 1857. 
 
 Joseph S. Williams {Acting) . 
 
 Augusta. 
 
 1858. 
 
 Lot M. Morrill 
 
 . . . Augusta. 
 
 1881. 
 
 Israel Washburn . 
 
 Orono. 
 
 1863. 
 
 Abner Colburn 
 
 . . . Skow began. 
 
 1864. 
 
 Samuel Cony .... 
 
 . . . Augusta. 
 
 1869. 
 
 Joshua L. Chamberlain . 
 
 . . . Brunswick. 
 
 1871. 
 
 Sidney Perham 
 
 Paris. 
 
 1874. 
 
 Nelson Dingly, jun. 
 
 . . . Lewiston. 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 THE SCANDINAVIAN IMMIGRATION. 
 
 Origin of the Movement — The Plan adopted — Mission of Mr. Thomas to 
 Sweden — Wise Measures Triumphantly Successful — The Voyage of the 
 Immigrants — Their Hospitable Reception — New Sweden — The Primeval 
 Forest — Labors of the Colonists — Their Industry and Prosperity — Increas- 
 ing Immigration — Interesting Letter from Sweden — Present State of the 
 Colony — Future Prospects. 
 
 O NE of the most interesting events which has ever occurred 
 in the State of Maine is what may be called the Scandi- 
 navian immigration. For this important movement, the State 
 is mainly indebted to the sagacity and energy of Hon. William 
 W. Thomas, jun., of Portland. 
 
 Mr. Thomas graduated at Bowdoin College in the year 1860. 
 Two years after graduating he was appointed vice-consul at 
 Constantinople, and soon after consul at Galatz in the princi- 
 pality of Moldavia. His services there were considered so 
 important, that the Department of State deemed him worthy of 
 a vote of “ special thanks.’’ 
 
 In the year 1863 he was appointed consul at Gothenburg, 
 in Sweden. He remained there three years; became familiar 
 with the language, and acquainted with the manners and 
 customs of the people. Upon resigning this important office, 
 the State Department again took occasion to express its high 
 appreciation of his measures as a public officer. 
 
 In the year 1866 he opened an office, as a lawyer, in Portland ; 
 and in 1869 became one of the commissioners in the settlement 
 of the public lands of the State. In 1870, invested with the 
 office of Commissioner of Immigration, he sailed for Sweden, 
 where he recruited a colony, returned with its members to 
 
 436 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 437 
 
 Maine, and founded New Sweden in our northern forests. He 
 then took a seat in the State Legislature, and, in the years 1874 
 and 1875, was Speaker of the House. 
 
 Such, in brief, was the origin of this very important move- 
 ment, which merits a more minute detail of its progress from 
 its commencement to its present success. 
 
 The subject of Swedish immigration had been, for some time, 
 a topic of public discussion, when Gov. Washburn called the 
 attention of the legislature to it, in his message of 1861. The 
 troubles of the times engrossed all the energies and thoughts of 
 the people, until Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain was called to the 
 gubernatorial chair. He eloquently urged the question upon 
 the legislature. It was fully discussed. Three commissioners 
 were appointed to report what measures were necessary to in- 
 duce settlements in the unpeopled townships. These were 
 Hon. Parker P. Burleigh, William W. Thomas, jun., and Hon. 
 William Small. The commissioners, having carefully explored 
 Aroostook County, reported, in 1870, in favor of making vigor- 
 ous efforts to establish a Swedish colony in Maine. It was pro- 
 posed that an agent should be sent to Sweden ; that he should 
 endeavor to collect twenty-five families, with their pastor, and 
 conduct them across the Atlantic, to what was then township 
 No. 15, in the 8d range. Here, in a perfectly healthy climate, 
 very similar to their own, with fertile soil, abundant timber, 
 pure water, and pure air, ample farms were to be assigned them 
 without cost. None were to be received but honest and indus- 
 trious farmers and laborers with their families, who had suffi- 
 cient property to pay the expenses of their passage. 
 
 Mr. Thomas was sent on this important mission. Taking 
 passage on the steamship “ City of Brooklyn,” he landed at 
 Gothenburg, Sweden, on the 16th of May, 1870. Here he 
 established his office, and spread broadcast over the land circu- 
 lars inviting immigration, and truthfully describing the country 
 offered them for their future homes. Mr. Thomas also travelled 
 extensively, conversing with the people upon the subject, by 
 the road-side, in the public vehicles, and at their homes. 
 Particular stress was laid upon the fact, that none would be 
 accepted but those who could bring the most satisfactory testi- 
 
438 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 monials for integrity of character, and for industry and skill in 
 their several callings. 
 
 The Swedes are a highly industrious, moral, and Christian 
 people. Their religious institutions were essentially like those 
 prevailing in Maine. Recruits soon began to appear. Each 
 man brought credentials from his pastor. No doubtful case was 
 accepted. In this way a colony of picked men, with their wives 
 and families, was collected. 
 
 The colonists and their friends met on the 23d of June, in 
 the Baptist Hall in Gothenburg, to enjoy a public collation. 
 Over two hundred Swedes were present. Addresses were 
 made by the commissioner and by Swedish gentlemen. It was 
 a momentous occasion, and appropriately closed by prayer. 
 
 At noon of Saturday, June 25, Mr. Thomas, with his 
 adventurous and confiding band, sailed from Gothenburg, in 
 the steamship “ Orlando.” The commissioner had been in 
 Sweden but forty days. There must have been something 
 singularly potent in the influence of Mr. Thomas, to enable him 
 to induce these worthy and intelligent men to abandon home 
 and country, to cross a stormy ocean of four thousand miles, 
 and to hew out for themselves new homes in the wilderness of 
 a strange land ; with no contract, and nothing upon which they 
 could rely but their faith in the honesty of the commissioner. 
 It is indeed refreshing to one who is weary of describing the 
 wrong and outrage with which earth is filled, to be able to 
 record that Mr. Thomas was true to his trust. 
 
 The colony consisted of twenty-two men, eleven women, and 
 eighteen children; fifty-one in all. The noble character of 
 these men may be inferred from the fact that they took with 
 them their pastor, their sabbath, and their church observances. 
 In addition to the farmers and their religious teacher, there was 
 a civil engineer, a blacksmith, two carpenters, a basket-maker, 
 a wheelwright, a baker, a tailor, and a shoemaker. The women 
 were neat, industrious, and expert in the use of the spinning- 
 wheel and the loom. It was said of the men, “ All are tall and 
 stalwart, with blue eyes, light hair, and cheerful, honest faces. 
 There is not a physical defect or blemish among them.” ^ 
 
 ^ Commissioners’ Report, p. 6. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 439 
 
 The emigrants landed at Halifax on the loth of July, 
 traversed the peninsula, crossed the broad Bay of Fundy, and 
 ascended the River St. John. They arrived at Tobique, on the 
 St. John, in New Brunswick, on the 21st of July, and the next 
 day, Friday, July 22, drove across the border into Maine. At 
 Fort Fairfield the American flag was raised to welcome them, 
 a salute was fired in honor of their arrival, and they were wel- 
 comed by addresses from Judge William Small, and from Rev. 
 Daniel Stickney of Presque Isle. There was quite a festivity 
 at the Fort on this joyful occasion ; and many settlers from the 
 surrounding region had assembled to present tlie hand of frater- 
 nal welcome to the strangers. How beautiful is peace ! 
 
 The Swedes were invited to a sumptuous collation in the 
 Town Hall ; and then, with grateful hearts and strengthened 
 resolutions, they continued their journey still farther north, to 
 find their new homes. As they approached Caribou, five hun- 
 dred people met them, and escorted them into the village with 
 the salute of cannon and the music of a fine brass band. Here 
 again their hearts were cheered by words of welcome from 
 John S. Arnold, Esq. ; and their bodies were refreshed with an 
 abundant feast, and they were hospitably entertained through 
 the night. Mr. Thomas acted as interpreter on these occasions. 
 
 At noon of Saturday, July 23, 1870, the emigrants reached 
 their new home, to which they gave the name of New Sweden. 
 It is said there is no better township in the State. It is in the 
 latitude of the flourishing city of Quebec. The land is undu- 
 lating, and covered with a splendid growth of maple, birch, 
 beech, and ash. Brooks flow through all the little valleys, and 
 the soil is remarkably free from stones. The State, previously 
 to the arrival of the strangers, had cut a road through the 
 forest to the township ; had felled one hundred and twenty-five 
 acres of trees, and had constructed for them six comfortable 
 log houses. The long line of heavily loaded wagons wound 
 their way along the newly constructed road, with the primeval 
 forest, in its gigantic grandeur, rising on either side. The 
 colonists, upon their arrival, used one of these houses as a store- 
 house, while the fifty men, women, and children, though 
 crowded, were comfortably accommodated in the other five. 
 
440 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The sabbath dawned happily upon this favored little band. 
 Sweetly the melody of their Swedish hymns blended with all 
 the voices of nature around them. There was, of course, some 
 choice in the farms; but the question was amicably adjusted 
 by drawing lots. The settlers were divided into groups of four 
 friendly families, and the farms into clusters of four, with the 
 cottages to be reared at the contiguous corners. Thus intimate 
 friends could form one neighborhood. Mr. Thomas reports : — 
 
 “Every Swede was convinced that just the right lot had fallen to him; 
 and was enabled to find something about his possessions which, in his eye, 
 made it superior to all others. So sm-ely does ownership beget content- 
 ment.” 1 
 
 With hands made stronger by joyful hearts, the Swedes went 
 to work clearing up their farms. One hundred acres of forest 
 were assigned to each. The houses, which had been built for 
 them, were very comfortable residences, of peeled logs, eighteen 
 feet by twenty-six, on the ground. They were one and a half 
 stories high, with seven feet between the floors. There were 
 two logs above the second floor beams, which, with a square 
 pitch roof, gave ample room for chambers. The ground floor 
 was divided into three apartments. There was one front room 
 sixteen feet by eighteen one bedroom ten feet square and a 
 pantry eight feet by ten. On this floor there were four windows, 
 and one window on the front gable end above. 
 
 In the general room of each house there was a Hampden 
 cooking-stove, with a funnel running out through an iron plate 
 in the roof. These cottages, full of interior comfort, were 
 architecturally picturesque ; and the inmates, happy and grate- 
 ful, entered upon their labors with great zeal. Within a week 
 after their arrival, these our prosperous adopted citizens wrote 
 a joint letter to their friends in Sweden, in which they said 
 that Maine had kept its faith with them in every particular ; 
 that the land was fertile, the climate pleasant, and the inhabit- 
 ants friendly. They strongly advised all their countrymen who 
 thought of emigrating to America, to come to the congenial 
 
 1 Commissioners’ Report to the Legislature, p. 9. We are indebted to this 
 admirable report, which must make every son of Maine proud of his State, for 
 nearly all the facts recorded in this chapter. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 441 
 
 climate, the rich soil, and the kindly neighborhood of New 
 Sweden, in Maine. 
 
 This letter was widely circulated by the journals in Sweden. 
 In the fall the Swedes had made such progress in their clear- 
 ings, that every farmer had sown an acre or half an acre with 
 wheat or rye. The colony rapidly increased. On the 14th of 
 September, twelve additional emigrants arrived ; and on the 31st 
 of October twenty more followed, directly from Sweden. There 
 were three births and two marriages. The sabbath, the greatest 
 blessing God ever gave to man, shed its benignant influence 
 upon the happy, religious colony. A sabbath school was 
 opened for the children, and divine service was regularly con- 
 ducted by their excellent pastor. 
 
 Through the wise forethought of the surveyor of the town- 
 ship, Hon. Noah Barker, fifty acres in the centre of the settle- 
 ment were reserved for public uses. This land belonged to 
 the State. Here the State erected a building thirty feet by 
 forty-five, two stories high, with a very capacious cellar, frost- 
 proof. A neat tower, surmounted by a vane, rose from the 
 front gable end. A store-room and offices were on the lower 
 floor. The second story contained a large hall, thirty feet by 
 forty-five, which was used for a church, a schoolhouse, and 
 public meetings in general. 
 
 The main body of the emigrants had arrived in the midst of 
 the heat of summer. The houses were not prepared to bid 
 defiance to the blasts of a Maine winter. But cold weather was 
 a foe whom the Swedes knew well how to encounter. As the 
 autumnal nights grew long, and severe frosts began to set in, 
 they all turned their attention to promoting the comforts of 
 their own firesides. With split planks, they made their floors 
 double, leaving a space of six or eight inches between. This 
 space they filled with dry earth, making a floor so tight that 
 the fiercest wintry blast could not force through it a single 
 breath of air. The upper ceiling was also made perfectly tight 
 with matched boards. They hewed the round logs which com- 
 posed the walls, within and without, so as to present nearly a 
 square surface. The interstices between the logs were filled 
 very compactly witli dried moss. Over this they nailed, both 
 on the outside and the inside, strips of cedar. 
 
442 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Thus the houses, out of doors and within the rooms, pre- 
 sented a finished aspect, smooth and perpendicular. The rooms 
 were attractive. Neither clapboards, stone, nor brick could 
 present a more perfect defence against the fiercest storms. 
 Fuel was abundant. When the little households were gathered 
 around these bright, warm firesides, it mattered little to them 
 how low the mercury might sink in their thermometers. The 
 climate was so healthy, that, in the autumn, it was said that 
 there had not been a day’s sickness of man, woman, or child in 
 New Sweden. 
 
 The houses, with all the improvements, remained the prop- 
 erty of the State for five years from the arrival of the colonists. 
 If, in the mean time, any one abandoned the place, he left his 
 cottage and his land in the hands of the State. If he or his 
 heirs retained the cottage as their home for that length of time, 
 it became, with the hundred acres, his or theirs in fee simple. 
 The expense of transporting the colony from Sweden to Maine 
 was four thousand dollars. The immigrants paid every dollar 
 of this. They also took with them into New Sweden, three 
 thousand dollars in cash and six tons of baggage. This was 
 adding just so much to the riches of the State. 
 
 Every Swede who set out witli the original company from 
 Scandinavia, with the commissioner, adhered to his pledge, and 
 settled in New Sweden. Every one who promised soon to 
 follow did so. Not one of them souglit a home elsewhere. 
 And we do not learn that any one of them, at any time, aban- 
 doned the enterprise. In December, 1870, but five months 
 after the arrival of the colonists, the following results, in an 
 official report, were announced : — 
 
 “ A colony of one hundred and fourteen Swedes — fifty-eight men, twenty 
 women, and thirty-six children — have paid their own passage from Sweden, 
 and settled on the wild lands of Maine. Seven miles of road have been cut 
 through the forest. One hundred and eighty acres of woods have been 
 felled. One hundred acres have been band-piled, burnt off, and cleared 
 ready for a crop, and twenty acres sown to winter wheat and rye. Twenty- 
 six dwelling-houses and one public building have been built. 
 
 “A knowledge of Maine, its resources and advantages, has been scat- 
 tered broadcast over Sweden ; a portion of the tide of Swedish immigration 
 turned upon our State, and a practical beginning made towards settling our 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 443 
 
 wild lands, and peopling our domain with the most hardy, honest, and 
 industrious of immigrants.” 
 
 It is pleasant to witness the interest with which Sweden, the 
 mother country, watched over the welfare of her sons and 
 daughters in this distant land. A prominent member of the 
 Swedish Parliament, one of the most distinguished of Swedish 
 philosophers, wrote to the governor of the State of Maine, 
 mourning over the departure of their citizens, and yet rejoicing 
 in view of their prosperity. In tliis letter he said, — 
 
 “ Your commissioner, Mr. W. TV. Thomas, jun., one evening last summer, 
 assembled his little colony of immigrants to partake of a collation, where 
 good wishes and kind words were exchanged. We, the remaining friends, 
 left with confidence our brethren and sisters in his care : his last and firm 
 assurance was, ‘ All that has been promised will be kept.’ 
 
 “ Yes, sir, these promises have been kept, but not only that : they have 
 been far surpassed by your generosity. The poor immigrants, landing on 
 your shores, have been received and gTeeted with the most friendly wel- 
 come. Their homes established, their future secured, they have not been 
 disappointed in their hopes by the difficulties and grievances of the real 
 state of things. 
 
 “ The young colony will probably be the nucleus of an extended coloni- 
 zation ; and you will not, sir, I feel sure, find the hardy Sw^edes ungrateful, 
 and unworthy of your kindness : they would then, surely, be unworthy of 
 their origin. 
 
 “ The colony of ‘New Sweden’ has requested and authorized the writer 
 of this letter to convey to you. Honorable Governor of the State of Maine, 
 the expression of their sentiments of deep gratitude ; and you will kindly 
 allow me, sir, to add thereto the expression of the same sentiments of many 
 other Swedes, who have followed the immigrants with their sympathies. 
 
 “ Allow me at the same time to express to the people of Maine, who have 
 received their new brethren with so much cordiality, the thanks of the colo- 
 nists ; who have mentioned more especially two gentlemen, Mr. W. W. 
 Thomas, jun., and Mr. P. P. Burleigh, land-agent, as objects of their grati- 
 tude and high esteem. 
 
 “May the young colony of ‘ New Sweden ’ grow and flourish, not only in 
 material strength, but even in developing their moral and intellectual 
 faculties ! And may the new population thus add to your State and to your 
 great Bepublic a good and healthy element of moral power from the Old 
 World, and, becoming imbued vdth the spirit of your free institutions, 
 reflect that spirit on their native land 1 
 
 “What we have lost, at present, in the old fatherland, will then not have 
 been lost to humanity : on the contrary, the trees have only been trans- 
 
444 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 planted on a fresher soil, where they will thrive better, and give richer and 
 more abundant fruits. God bless the harvest ! God bless your land 1 
 
 “ I am, sir, with the highest esteem, 
 
 “ Your obedient servant, 
 
 “ G. A. Hedlund ” 
 
 Gov. Chamberlain had taken a deep interest in this en- 
 terprise, and had fostered it with truly parental care. The 
 State erected, in all, twenty-six houses for the immigrants who 
 arrived in the year 1870. Since then the Swedes have erected * 
 one hundred and four houses in addition. Thus their settle- 
 ment, early in 1875, numbered a hundred and thirty houses. 
 They have also the same number of barns. Two steam-mills 
 and a water-power saw-mill have been put in operation. There 
 is a very prosperous store in the centre of the village ; and it is 
 generally admitted that the Swedes manufacture the best shaved 
 shingles in the county. Their great prosperity may be inferred 
 from the fact, that they owned, at the commencement of the 
 year 1875, twenty -six horses, five colts, forty-one oxen, a hun- 
 dred and twenty-one cows, nine heifers, fifty-one calves, sixty- 
 eight sheep, and a hundred and twenty-five swine. They had 
 good roads. A post-office was established in their village. 
 On the 14th of October last, one hundred and thirty-three men 
 came forward to take the preliminary steps toward becoming 
 citizens of the land of their adoption. 
 
 The Swedes are Protestants, and eminently a moral and reli- 
 gious people. They have a day-school, taught by their pastor. 
 There is an average attendance of eighty scholars. The Eng- 
 lish language is the chief study. Most of the children over 
 ten years of age can read, write, and speak English respectably 
 well. There are now more than one hundred native Americans 
 born of these Swedish parents. 
 
 About one thousand Swedes have been led to emigrate to this 
 State, who have not taken farms in New Sweden, but who have 
 settled in Maine, and are engaged in various useful employ- 
 ments. The young girls are highly prized as house-servants ; 
 and the men are greatly valued for their industry and their 
 integrity. The population of New Sweden now amounts to 
 about six hundred. There are not less than sixteen hundred 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 445 
 
 Swedes in the State of Maine. These have all paid their own 
 passage, have brought with them one hundred thousand dollars 
 in coin ; and it is estimated that their value, as a producing 
 force, is worth to the State one million six hundred thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 It is now certain that this valuable Swedish immigration will 
 continue to flow into Maine. All special State supervision over 
 the colony has ceased. The settlement is steadily advancing in 
 prosperity. Rapidly the forest is disappearing, and giving place 
 to cultivated fields smiling with rich harvests. The Swedes 
 have won for themselves a very desirable reputation. Kindly 
 feelings arise whenever one is introduced to man or woman as 
 coming from Sweden. 
 
 It is believed that this successful enterprise in founding the 
 colony of New Sweden will eventually lead a large emigration 
 of the population of Scandinavia to our vast northern domain. 
 The Northmen, justly called the “sea-kings’’ of Northern 
 Europe, were the first discoverers of the shores of New Eng- 
 land, centuries before the eyes of Columbus caught a glimpse of 
 the tropical islands of this New World. The inhabitants of 
 Maine will ever present a cordial welcome to all the descend- 
 ants of those bold adventurers. 
 
 “ Honor to whom honor is due.” The State owes a debt of 
 gratitude, which it will be ever happy to acknowledge, to the 
 illustrious citizen whose sagacity planned this great enterprise, 
 and whose energy and humanity have contributed so much to 
 its successful achievement. The Hon. P. P. Burleigh, in a 
 report as land-agent of the State, writes, — 
 
 “ For this new impulse in the great pioneer work of settlement, the State 
 is principally indebted to the skill and untiring efforts of the commissioner 
 of emigration, IMr. W. W. Thomas, jun., who has, on both sides of the 
 Atlantic, devoted himself to the cause in a manner worthy the thanks of 
 the State. The success which has thus far crowned his efforts is a fitting 
 testimony to his faithfulness and ability in the conduct of the enterprise.” 
 
CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 THE PICTURESQUE ATTRACTIONS OF MAINE. 
 
 Portland and Casco Bay — Seashore Resorts — Isles of Shoals — The Beaches — 
 Cape Arundel and Old Orchard — Bath to Rockland, and up the Penobscot — 
 Mount Desert — Lake Sebago — Mt. Pleasant and the Saco — The Valley of 
 the Androscoggin — Rangeley Lakes and Sandy River — The Kennebec Valley 
 — Moosehead Lake and the Aroostook. 
 
 [For the chapter which follows, we are indebted to the pen of Rev. Prof. 
 Edward Pay son Tliwiug of Brooklyn, N.Y. It is from personal observation 
 that he has been able to give so graphic a description of scenery which charms 
 every beholder.] 
 
 A PARTY of gentlemen at Venice were discussing the relative 
 attractiveness of localities visited by them. It was conceded 
 that Italy abounded in magnificent scenery ; but one of them, 
 not an American, affirmed that the finest prospects he had ever 
 enjoyed were at 
 
 PORTLAND AND CASCO BAY. 
 
 Latrobe, the English traveller, writes, “ Imagine our surprise 
 and delight when we found, in unsung and neglected Portland, 
 scenery that for beauty, variety, and extent, far exceeds any 
 views of the class in the States.” He adds that the panorama 
 on which the eye feasts at the Observatory on Munjoy Hill is 
 equalled by nothing in America, except at the citadel of Quebec. 
 
 The Forest City still keeps the bulk of her beautiful trees ; 
 and the palatial edifices that have risen from the ashes of the 
 fire of 1866 attract admiration, not only as architectural embel- 
 lishments, but as evidences of the enterprise of her people. 
 The Custom House, Post-Office, City Hall, and Hospital, the 
 cathedrals, churches, school edifices, and many of the elegant 
 private residences that adorn the slopes of either hill, present 
 
 446 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 447 
 
 an imposing appearance to the stranger entering the harbor. 
 Nor is the view less picturesque from the bay in the rear of 
 Portland, or from the grand promenades of Bramhall’s Hill and 
 Munjoy, looking seaward, or in the direction of the White 
 Mountains. 
 
 The location of the city, its healthfulness, and the beauty of 
 its surroundings, with its matchless harbor and bay gemmed 
 
 PORTLAND OBSERVATORY. 
 
 with three hundred and sixty-five islands, and its abundant 
 railroad facilities, make its future growth and prosperity certain. 
 
 Two lines of railway have long connected it with Boston; 
 but the new extension of the Boston and Maine Railroad along 
 the seashore opens a delightful route for the summer tourist, 
 while the short line from New York, via Worcester, Nashua, 
 and Rochester, reduces time and trouble, besides conducting 
 
448 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 him through the diversified scenery of Southern New Hamp- 
 shire, and so along the valley of the Presumpscot to Portland. 
 The excellent facilities for steamboat travel between New York 
 or Boston and the Forest City are all that can be desired by 
 
 CITY HALL, POUTLAOT). 
 
 those who believe that the summer resorts of Maine are equal 
 to those of more pretentious claims. 
 
 In Longfellow’s poem, “ My Lost Youth,” the poet tells in 
 verse of the charms of his native place, — 
 
 “ The beautiful town that is seated by the sea.” 
 
 In the recently published volume “ Portland Illustrated,” by 
 John Neal, the tourist will find every thing necessary to guide 
 his steps in the city, or the charming environs. A brief sketch 
 
THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 449 
 
 will now be given of the seashore resorts. Drake’s “ Nooks and 
 Corners ” is the completest manual for the New England coast, 
 and is indispensable to a full outfit. 
 
 • SEASHORE RESORTS. 
 
 The Isles of Shoals are eight in number, and part of them 
 belong in Maine. The cairn on the summit of Appledore is said 
 to have been erected by Capt. John Smith in 1614 ; and tales of 
 
 CUSTOM HOUSE, PORTLAND. 
 
 Capt. Kidd and his treasure, Black Dinah and her divining rod, 
 Philip Babb with his ghostly knife, besides more recent trage- 
 dies, invest these wild, rocky islets with peculiar interest. The 
 distance from main land is but nine miles, and steamboats con- 
 nect with the Eastern Railroad at Portsmouth. Pullman cars 
 run on all through trains on this road. Invalids to whom a sea- 
 voyage has been recommended, especially those suffering from 
 hay-fever, find in the salubrious climate of these islands entire 
 
450 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 relief, and enjoy the benefits of a sea-voyage without its dis- 
 comforts. 
 
 Appledore and Star Islands -have each a large and elegant 
 hotel, with every facility for bathing, fishing, and sailing. The 
 florist and naturalist only need Celia Thaxter’s dainty little vol- 
 ume to tell them where to find the haunts of the sea-anemones, 
 the scarlet pimpernel, the crimson sorrel, the purple pea, and 
 
 POST OFFICE, rOKTLAND. 
 
 the varied finny tribes, bonito and blue-fish, the slender pollock, 
 the thrasher, and porpoise. Her exquisite pictures of scenery, 
 and her tragic tales of storm and shipwreck, are full of interest 
 to the tourist. 
 
 Kittery, one of the oldest towns, has many attractions ; among 
 them the U. S. Navy Yard, Fort McClary, and the mansion 
 and tomb of the Pepperells, the old church and pai'sonage. 
 There is a new hotel at the Point. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 451 
 
 From Kittery, along the shore northward, there are delightful 
 views of ocean, mountain, and river. Near the site of the 
 ancient city of York, Mount Agamenticus towers ; and but a 
 short ride from the cars is York Beach, two miles long and five 
 hundred feet wide. The views from “ The Pulpit,” the topmost 
 point of Bald Head Cliff, rising a hundred feet abruptly above 
 the sea, from Cape Neddock, “ The Nubble,” and Boone Island, 
 attract many visitors. 
 
 Welh Beach., six miles long, is much frequented, being so near 
 the new railroad from Boston, and in the neighborhood of trout- 
 
 THE CLIFFS, CAPE ARUNDEL, ME. 
 
 streams and woods, where the sportsman finds the snipe, the 
 ^curlew, the woodcock, the partridge, and other game. Ample 
 private and public accommodations are had for guests. Passing 
 northward, and crossing Mousam River, Kennebunk is reached. 
 Twenty-five minutes ride in easy coaches brings one to the Port, 
 and Cape Arundel., where is one of the finest summer resorts 
 on the Atlantic coast. 
 
 Unlike Newport in elaborate beauty or tiresome convention- 
 alities, it offers a peculiar charm for those who prefer the 
 grander primitive attractions of forest and shore, the beauty of 
 
BOSTON & MAINE RAILROAD BRIDGE, SACO, ME. 
 
THE nr STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 453 
 
 native wildness, and the restful quiet of simpler living, with 
 unfettered communion with Nature herself. Unlike almost all 
 watering-places, it has neither the hot land-breeze nor the bitter 
 east winds direct, but, facing the south-west, a uniform, equable 
 and invigorating air, night and day. There are three beaches 
 in crescent curves, suited for riding or bathing, bold headlands 
 with rifts and chasms, volcanic beds, “ The Blowing Cave,” — 
 a huge watery cannon sending out explosions, — spouting rocks, 
 a ruined fort, “ Hermit’s Retreat,” and other localities that 
 will be appreciated by the naturalist, the artist, or idler in search 
 of healthful repose. Cape Porpoise, the Goose Rocks, and the 
 White Mountains fill up a picture of enchanting loveliness 
 when evening comes, — 
 
 “ With sunset purple, soothing all the waste.” 
 
 A number of literary and business men from Boston have en- 
 joyed cottage life here the past three years ; but recently the 
 name of Cape Arundel has so widely spread, that the veteran 
 hotel* keeper of New England has opened a spacious and com- 
 fortable hostelry, in connection with which ample provision is 
 made for fishing, riding, bathing, or sailing. 
 
 Keeping along the coast a few miles farther, the cars stop 
 at Bidcleford and Saco, from either of which cities the Pool ” 
 and Wood Island may be reached, — delightful retreats, with 
 groves where picnics gather, and quiet nooks that look out over 
 the blue Atlantic. There is also a waterfall on Foxwell’s 
 stream, sixty feet in height, with varied and wild scenery. 
 
 Old Orchard is quite a populous village, which has sprung up 
 by magic, as it were, since the new route of travel passes this 
 favorite watering-place. A hard, smooth beach extends nine 
 miles, and so wide that a dozen or more carriages may drive 
 abreast. Several hotels and a score of smaller houses are 
 open during the season. Pine Point, Prout’s Neck, Blue Point, 
 are easily accessible. 
 
 Old Orchard has been a place of summer resort for two hun- 
 dred years. The orchard that gave the name, long ago disap- 
 peared ; and but three gravestones remain over the dust of the 
 ancient colonists that once found there a home. The scenic 
 
454 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 and historic mingle their charms in this romantic spot. The 
 sequestered loveliness of Fern Park., near the site of the Old 
 Orchard House, has hardly a parallel in the country. To the 
 natural beauty of a hillside forest, are added graceful arbors, 
 rustic retreats wrought by cunning art, and embellished with 
 quaint conceits ; while the trees along the avenues bear on 
 wooden tablets elegant extracts from English and American 
 poets. The Oratory, the Astronomer’s Seat, the Parson’s Lodge, 
 and the monument to Mr. Bull the projector, are among the 
 most interesting objects. 
 
 OLD ORCHARD BEACH, ME. 
 
 The Methodists have wisely chosen Old Orchard for camp- 
 meetings, both local and national. Tliey own about fifty acres 
 of land, pleasantly diversified and shaded ; also a fine auditorium 
 formed by natural circular slopes, and capable of seating twenty 
 thousand people. A large number of permanent cottages have 
 been erected, and streets laid out. It bids fair to be a successful 
 rival of Martha’s Vinej^ard. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 455 
 
 Short excursions from Portland to the islands of Casco Bay, 
 White Head, Cape Elizabeth, Harpswell, and Freeport, will de- 
 lightfully employ the leisure of one’s summer days. Eastman’s 
 “Eastern Coast Guide,” Mr. Kellogg’s “Elm Island Stories,” 
 and Mrs. Stowe’s “ Pearl of Orr’s Island,” will make the trips 
 more enjoyable. An excursion by rail through Westbrook, 
 Gorham, Alfred, and Rochester to Alton Bay, with sixty miles 
 
 sail on Lake Winnepiseogee, can be made, and the tourist’ 
 return the same evening to Portland. 
 
 The route to Brunswick and Bath, by the Maine Central Rail- 
 road, thence along the line of the Knox and Lincoln Railroad to- 
 Rockland, and the steamboat excursions daily made from Bath 
 to Boothbay, present charming attractions. From Owl’s Head' 
 up the Penobscot to Bangor, unfolds a panorama of beauty 
 
456 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 which an eminent Harvard professor declared surpassed the 
 storied Rhine. 
 
 Camden is a popular resort, and the drives about the lake and 
 mountain are justly admired. Our missionaries from the East 
 have remarked that the Syrian hills seemed pictured in the 
 western shores of the Penobscot at this point. The view from 
 Mount Megunticook, fourteen hundred feet high, is pronounced 
 by a well-known author one of “ indescribable grandeur.” 
 The appearance of Belfast from the river is imposing. Passing 
 Searsport, Stockton, and Fort Pownal, the stranger is impressed 
 with the scenery at Bucksport Narrows, where the Penobscot 
 makes a sharp bend, and the high, bold headland is guarded 
 by Fort Knox. Its powerful batteries effectually close the river 
 to a hostile fleet. Chains, too, have been stretched across the 
 Narrows in bygone days, as an additional protection. From 
 this point to Bangor there are constant surprises at each turn of 
 the winding stream. Frankfort and Winterport and Hampden 
 in turn appear. The latter is the home of the late Vice-Presi- 
 dent Hamlin. Here the frigate “ John Adams ” was run ashore 
 and burned in 1779. 
 
 Bangor is a beautiful city, diversified with valley and hill and 
 river. It has handsome streets, with fine drives, particularly on 
 the Hampden road and to Mount Hope cemetery. The outlook 
 from the seminary tower is a commanding one, as is that from 
 the opposite heights beyond the Kenduskeag. The tourist will 
 gladly linger here many days. A few hours’ excursion brings 
 him to Castine, rich in historical interest, beautiful in situation, 
 and peopled by families of high culture. It was settled two 
 and a half centuries ago ; and many valuable relics remain of the 
 significant epochs of its religious and military history. 
 
 Sedgwick and Deer Isle and Isle au Haut present charming 
 views, and are well worthy a visit by those who love fine scenery, 
 or would grow ruddy on healthful fare and by invigorating air. 
 Constant communication is had by steamers with Portland. 
 
 Mount Desert is too well known as a summer resort to need 
 description in detail. Stages connect at Bangor, and reach the 
 island over Trenton Bridge ; but the stranger ought not to fail of 
 going one way, at least, by Portland steamer. He will find 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 457 
 
 it a pleasant trip to stop at South- West Harbor, and cross the 
 island leisurely on foot or in the saddle to Bar Harbor ; not 
 omitting the ascent of Green Mountain, from which Katahdin 
 is seen, one hundred and twenty miles distant as the bird flies, 
 while seaward the prospect is enchanting. The writer has 
 feasted his eyes on some of the fairest scenes on either side the 
 Atlantic, but never saw the equal, in all respects, to this 
 “ bright mosaic of island and bay,” as Clara Barnes Martin has 
 . felicitously described this landscape. 
 
 In his legend of “ Mogg Megone,” Whittier tells of the objects 
 that meet the gaze of the traveller looking from the summit of 
 this mountain. 
 
 “ Beneath the westward turning eye 
 A thousand wooded islands lie ; 
 
 Their thousand tints of beauty glow 
 Down in the restless waves below. 
 
 There sleep Placentia’s group ; 
 
 There gloomily against the sky 
 
 The Dark Isles rear their summits high ; 
 
 And Desert Rock, abrupt and bare, 
 
 Lifts its gray turret in the air. 
 
 Seen from afar, like some stronghold 
 Built by the ocean kings of old ; 
 
 And faint as smoke wreath, white and thin, 
 
 Swells, in the north, vast Katahdin ; 
 
 And, wandering from its marshy feet, 
 
 The broad Penobscot comes to meet 
 And mingle with its own bright bay.”^ 
 
 This is but one of the attractions of this island. There are 
 thirteen mountains and thirteen lakes, few of them bereft of 
 story, all interesting alike to the student of geology, the sports- 
 man, the florist, and the artist. Blue-bells, morning-glories, 
 white and yellow water-lilies, the twin-flower, the mountain- 
 cranberry, strawberries, raspberries, blueberries, and huckle- 
 berries, with other fruits and flowers in their season, abound to 
 an extent which leads the delighted visitor to regard the name 
 of the island a strange misnomer. The memory of a month at 
 Mount Desert, at the noontide of the year, is itself a summer idyl, 
 and will combine the elements of choicest interest and most 
 enduring pleasure. 
 
458 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The views in and about Machias, Eastport, Quoddy Head, 
 the dark palisades of Grand Menan, and the Old Friar, a tall 
 columnar rock of striking profile, with distant views of the 
 Chamcook Hills and the valley of the St. Croix, seen from the 
 ramparts of Fort Sullivan, are among the last of the number- 
 less picturesque attractions that clothe the seashore of Maine. 
 As this coast line measures three thousand miles, followed 
 throughout its manifold irregularities, it is obvious that this 
 brief monograph can record but a small portion of what could 
 be said of this feature of the attractiveness of Maine as a 
 summer resort. 
 
 MAINE LAKES AND MOUNTAINS. 
 
 “ Two voices are there : one is of the sea, 
 
 One of the mountains ; each a mighty voice.” 
 
 Lake Sehago and the beauties tliat skirt our “ American 
 Switzerland ” in that neighborhood first demand attention. 
 During the season of travel, one can leave Boston in the morn- 
 ing, dine in Portland, and reach the summit of Mount Pleasant 
 before tea, having enjoyed thirty miles’ sail in the midst of 
 scenes of incomparable beauty. The visitor who has made 
 Portland his summer home can take the mountain and lake 
 excursion in a day, and return at evening. The line of the 
 Ogdensburg Railroad passes along the suburbs of Stroudwater, 
 Deering, and Westbrook, near the birthplace of the lamented 
 Gov. Andrew at Windham, up the beautiful Presumpscot, till 
 suddenly Lake Sebago bursts in view, — a broad, blue expanse 
 of water, fourteen miles long, with the Rattlesnake Range, 
 Mount Pleasant, and Mount Washington, in the dim distance. 
 
 Two stanch steamers connect with the trains. An hour is 
 consumed in passing over the lake. Indian Island, the “ Notch,” 
 Frye’s Island, the Cave, — a favorite haunt of Nathaniel Haw- 
 thorne in his boyhood, — and the “ Images,” a curious mass of 
 rocks rising some seventy feet above the lake, are a few of the 
 noteworthy objects. But the famous passage of the Songo is 
 the great delight. Here you must sail six miles and make 
 twenty-seven turns to advance about two miles in a direct line. 
 The passage of the Lock, the novelty of the zigzag progress up 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 459 
 
 the narrow river, the sylvan beauty of the overshadowing trees 
 and swallow-haunted banks, all make this part of the trip a 
 vivid pleasure. Two miles across the Bay of Naples, and you 
 reach Chute’s River, which opens into Long Lake. Nine miles’ 
 sail in view of the Harrison Hills, farms, and woodlands, brings 
 
 LAKE SEBAGO. 
 
 the tourist to Bridgeton wharf. A short ride to the village, and 
 thence a few miles farther to the base of Mount Pleasant, intro- 
 duces him to some of the most attractive views of valley, lake, 
 and hillside. The summit is 2,018 feet high, and commands a 
 circuit of three hundred miles. Fifty lakes may be seen ; and 
 the view of villages, rivers, and mountains is much preferred to 
 
460 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 that of Mount Washington. A new and spacious hotel affords 
 every comfort to those who tarry over night to behold the 
 sunset and sunrise glories. Coaches to Brownfield accommo- 
 date those bound to North Conway and the West by the new 
 railroad through the Notch. Between the mountains and 
 Lake Sebago are many pleasant villages, where, along the 
 banks of the winding Saco, in full view of the White Hills, 
 families from the city have made their summer home. Baldwin 
 
 BONNY EAGLE FALLS, BUXTON, HOLLIS AND STAN DISH, ME. 
 
 and Cornish and Brownfield are thriving towns ; and the easy 
 access to them by the Portland and Ogdensburg Railroad has 
 now given them a new importance. 
 
 The view from Mt. Cutler and other elevations in Hiram, 
 the summer residence of the writer, is admired by artists, em- 
 bracing, as it does, the grand amphitheatre of mountains from 
 Chocorua to Mount Washington, with Kearsarge in the fore- 
 ground, a bold pyramid 3,367 feet in height. The “ Great 
 
I.ISr.ON FALLS, LISBON, WE 
 
462 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Falls ” of the Saco, Ossipee River, Love well’s Lake where Pau- 
 gus fought, — the wily Pequaket warrior, — and other romantic 
 localities, are in this neighborhood. Fryeburg is a popular re- 
 treat, and environed with hills, clothed not only with Nature’s 
 Tyrian drapery, but with traditions of early days, enshrined in 
 ballad and in story. Here Daniel Webster taught school, and 
 here the well-known James R. Osgood, Esq., of Boston, was born. 
 
 The opening of the Crawford Notch to railway travel is a 
 result at which tourists by the Portland and Ogdensburg Road 
 may congratulate themselves; for, says Civil-Engineer B. H. 
 Latrobe, “ I do not hesitate to say that no railway, on this side 
 of the Rocky Mountains at least, can compare with it in the 
 magnificence of its mountain scenery.” 
 
 The Valley of the Androscoggin next claims notice. From 
 Brunswick to the mountains, the river is highly picturesque ; 
 and the towns that line its curving banks on the route of the 
 Maine Central Railroad are pleasant haunts for summer days. 
 The Falls at Lisbon are of striking attractiveness. The scenery 
 around Auburn and Lewiston is romantic in the extreme. The 
 busy industries of these cities, their tasteful private and public 
 edifices, and the beauty of their environs, may well beguile the 
 traveller hastening northward. 
 
 Mechanic Falls and Paris are also towns of growing impor- 
 tance, and Paris Hill has few superiors in scenic beauty. 
 Thence along the line of the Grand Trunk Railway, Bryant’s 
 Pond, Bethel, and Gilead attract hundreds by their peculiar 
 charms, which Harry Brown, J. B. Hudson, and other Maine 
 artists, have transferred to canvas, and authors like Starr King 
 to prose. Rumford Falls are pronounced by a recent author 
 “ the grandest of any in New England.” Both the upper and 
 lower falls present features of striking grandeur. From Bethel 
 to Umbagog Lake is a charming ride. One should visit Megal- 
 lowa}" River beyond Umbagog, as well as the Rangeley Lakes, 
 still farther in the wilderness around old Saddleback. 
 
 The toAvnship of Rangeley is named from a former owner, 
 and is situated on the north shore of the Oquossoc Lake. It 
 was incorporated in 1855. The primitive wildness of the 
 region, the trout-streams and hunting-grounds, attracted the 
 
UPPER FALLS, RUMFORD, ME. 
 
464 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 attention of Jay Cooke and other gentlemen from Philadelphia 
 and New York. In 18G9 they rented land, and huilt a large 
 establishment at Indian Rock, three miles from the nearest 
 settler. They have been known as the “ Oqiiossoc Angling 
 Association.” 
 
 Rangeley Lake is ten miles long, and Greenvale Plantation is 
 at its head. F. A. Morrill of New Sharon has published views 
 
 LOWER FALLS, RUMFOKO, ME. 
 
 of this interesting district as the eleventh series of his “His- 
 torical Views of Maine.” 
 
 The towns that lie in the luxuriant valley of the Sandy 
 River are places of Arcadian beauty. Who needs to be told of 
 Farmington and “ Old Blue,” or of “ Little Blue,” where the 
 Rollo Books were penned, or of the institutions of learning that 
 have given a literary celebrity to a town so favored in natural 
 
LIVERMORE FALLS, LIVERMORE, ME 
 
466 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 attractions ? Weld, — the early home of the publishers, nestling 
 among the mountains and beautified by Webb’s Pond, five 
 miles long, — Phillips, and Mount Abraham are much visited in 
 summer months. Wilton, Jay, Livermore, Monmouth, and 
 Winthrop can boast of natural advantages as summer resorts 
 in the midst of a lake district of no common loveliness. The 
 
 CASCADE AT WEST WATERVILLE, ME. 
 
 establishment of seminaries, as tlie Female College at Kent’s 
 Hill, and the State schools at Hallowell, have helped to make 
 known the conspicuous charms of natural scenery enjoyed by 
 the central population of Maine. 
 
 The Kennebec Valley., from Merrymeeting Baj^ to Moosehead 
 Lake, is a favorite route, and with the excellent facilities for 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 467 
 
 travel is every year becoming more popular. Richmond is a 
 camp-meeting resort. Gardiner, Hallowell, and Augusta, built 
 on the high slopes along the river, present a striking appear- 
 ance. The public buildings at the capital, and drives to Togus, 
 the quarries and other suburbs, well repay the visitor for the 
 time required. Yassalboro’, Winslow, and Norridgewock add 
 historical interest to their natural attractions. Waterville is 
 the seat of a flourishing university. The cascade on the Ken- 
 nebec at West Waterville, where the craggy ledges of granite 
 intercept the rush of the stream, is very striking. Ascending 
 the river, the stranger is reminded, as on the Penobscot, of the 
 immense importance to Maine of her lumber interests. The 
 frequent ice-houses also suggest the rise of that branch of 
 industry. At Skowhegan the river makes a bend westward ; 
 and the views from this pleasant town are noteworthy. Few 
 places in Maine have shown more enterprise than Dexter, in 
 developing its water-powers, which, as elsewhere in the State, 
 constitute the chief source of wealth. 
 
 Of MooseJiead Lalce.^ with its broad, sparkling waters and 
 emerald isles, Mt. Kineo, Chesuncook, and the numberless lakes 
 that surround the grand, solitary Katahdin, it is only needful 
 to say that Lowell’s Moosehead Journal in his “ Fireside 
 Travel,” Flagg’s “Woods and By-ways,” and particularly 
 “ Life in the Open Air ” by Winthrop, will fully delineate the 
 charms of these solitudes, and prove most convincingly the 
 claim for superiority in this regard, which the Pine-tree State 
 has a right to make. 
 
 Then there is the vast Aroostooh.^ stretching from the Matta- 
 wamkeag to the St. Francis, one hundred fifty miles, with its 
 marvellous but undeveloped resources, its primitive forest 
 grandeur and isolation ; as noble a domain as the Adirondack 
 region, and deserving as hearty laudation, alike on the score of 
 its picturesque scenery, its balsamic air, and its abounding 
 attractions for artist, or angler, or sportsman ; in short, for all 
 who, wearied by care, study, or the clamorous demands of 
 fashionable follies, seek a restful and joyful life in the open air. 
 
CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 MAraE IK THE "WAK OF THE REBELLION.* 
 
 Military Condition of Maine — Proclamation of tlie President — Prompt Action 
 — The Greeting in New York — Welcome in Washington — Stove-Pipe Artil- 
 lery — Testimony of Gen. Sickles — Gen. Iliram G. Berry — The Liquor 
 Shops — The Seventh Maine complimented — Sufferings of Camp-Life — 
 Colored Eegiments — Testimony of Gen. Naglee — Gen. Dow — Toils of a 
 Campaign — The Sharp-shooters — Lieut. Hill — Batteries of Light Artil- 
 lery — Courage of New Eecruits. 
 
 rriHERE is perhaps no one of the loyal States which can claim 
 pre-eminence over the others in its conduct during the 
 civil war. All did the best they could, and all did nobly. Maine 
 certainly was not in the rear of any of her sisters in this respect. 
 The patriotic spirit of her whole population was roused to the 
 utmost when the first gun of foul rebellion was fired upon our 
 national flag at Fort Sumter. Israel Washburn, jun., was then 
 in the gubernatorial chair; and it could not have been more 
 worthily filled. In many towns, in less than twenty-four hours 
 after the tidings of the revolt were received, full companies of 
 volunteers were formed, ready to march. The first company 
 which filled its ranks, and was accepted by the governor, was 
 the Lewiston Light Infantry. In Cherryfield, four hours after 
 the enlistment roll was opened, fifty volunteers had entered 
 
 1 I write thi.s narrative of Maine in the Eebellion with more solicitude than any 
 other chapter in the book. Material, sufficient to fill the whole of such a volume 
 as this, must he crowded into a few pages. I can give but the briefest abstract of 
 the heroic deeds of the Maine regiments. There were many chivalric exploits 
 which I cannot record. There are many names, worthy of most honorable men- 
 tion, for which I have no space. My object, in these few pages, is but to give a 
 general idea of the wonderful efforts and sacrifices which Maine made to crush 
 the Eebellion. For more minute information upon this interesting theme, the 
 reader must be referred to the excellent history of “Maine in the War,” by 
 Messrs. William E. S. Whitman, and Charles H. True. 
 
 468 
 
TEE EISTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 469 
 
 their names. A wealthy gentleman of Thomaston, Mr. Henry 
 B. Humphrey, offered to arm and equip a company of artillery 
 at an expense of fifteen thousand dollars. 
 
 A long service of peace had rendered military organizations 
 unnecessary. The industrious citizens of Maine had not been 
 called upon to waste their precious days in drilling with the 
 musket, but had consecrated all their energies to the useful 
 labors and arts of life. With peace there was abounding pros- 
 perity. There was an enrolled militia of about sixty thousand 
 men. These were, however, unarmed and unorganized. There 
 were but about twelve hundred men in any condition to respond 
 to a call of military duty. 
 
 When the President of the United States issued his first call 
 for seventy-five thousand volunteers, on the 15th of April, 1861, 
 Maine with great promptness sent her First and Second Regi- 
 ments of infantry, so thoroughly armed and equipped as to elicit 
 from Mr. Cameron, Secretary of War, the warmest commenda- 
 tion. Nathaniel J. Jackson was colonel of the First Regiment, 
 and Charles G. Jameson of Bangor of the Second. When 
 these regiments reached New York, on their way to the front, 
 the Rev. Roswell D. Hitchcock, a son of Maine, with his char- 
 acteristic eloquence thus addressed them : — 
 
 “ Welcome, sons of Maine ! welcome, brothers ! I am one of you, was 
 baptized at the same altar ; am bone of the same bone, flesh of the same 
 flesh. We were all born beneath the same sky. I love the State from the 
 Aroostook to the Atlantic, and I love her granite hills. But, my brethren, 
 our first allegiance should not be to her: we love our whole country. 
 
 “ The American flag waves triumphantly from the Lakes to the Pacific. 
 See to it that it remains there. That flag we follow. It is no ribbon ; but 
 that banner God has woven with thirteen stripes and four and thirty stars. 
 It behooves you, as soldiers marching under that flag, to watch and cherish 
 it, and allow no rebellious horde to efface one of its bright orbs, or permit 
 one to be ruthlessly torn from its field.” 
 
 V 
 
 The Second Regiment left Bangor with a beautiful set of 
 colors, presented by the ladies. They marched through Balti- 
 more with loaded musi^ets and fixed bayonets. Not a minion 
 of rebellion ventured to open his voice, or peep. At Washing- 
 ton it was presented with a magnificent banner, sent by the 
 
470 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Maine ladie sin California, to be given to the first regiment 
 from their native State which should enter the capital for its 
 defence. 
 
 It would require a volume to record the achievements of this 
 regiment. In the course of two years, it was in eleven hard- 
 fought battles, besides numerous skirmishes. In all it behaved 
 with gallantry which could not have been surpassed. 
 
 The Third Regiment, under Oliver Otis Howard of Leeds, 
 was rendezvoused on the State House grounds at Augusta. It 
 was composed mainly of Kennebec lumbermen, and was exceed- 
 ingly fortunate in having for its colonel a West Point graduate ; 
 who rapidly rose to the rank of major-general, and who, for 
 his signal services, has won a position in the hearts of the 
 American people second perhaps to that of none other. It was 
 with this regiment that the operations of what were called the 
 Stove-Pipe Artillery commenced. The regiment was encamped 
 in Virginia, within sight of the lines of the enemy. Some of 
 the men went into a meeting-house, took a piece of stove-pipe, 
 which they mounted upon wheels, and ran it up to the top of a 
 hill. They were abundantly repaid in seeing the enemy open 
 upon the harmless gun a furious cannonade. This regiment 
 performed prodigies of valor, which we have no space here to 
 record. Upon one occasion, when the regiment was reduced to 
 one hundred and ninety-six rifles and fourteen officers, Gen. 
 Sickles said, “ The little Third Maine saved the army to-day.” 
 
 Upon the promotion of Col. Howard to the rank of brigadier- 
 general, Major Henry G. Staples became colonel. He was suc- 
 ceeded by Adjutant Edwin Burt, in the ever memorable seven- 
 days’ battle which attended the movement from the Chicka- 
 hominy to the James. In this change of front. Major F. W. 
 Haskell of Waterville so greatly distinguished himself as to 
 win very high commendation. The vicissitudes of war placed 
 Moses B. Lakeman in command of the regiment. A better 
 colonel the regiment could not have had. 
 
 The Fourth Regiment was under the command of Hiram G. 
 Berry of Rockland. Plis name will ever remain embalmed in 
 the hearts of his fellow-citizens. At Bull Run he displayed 
 such skill and valor as induced Gen. Kearney to write to Gov. 
 Washburn, — 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 471 
 
 “ Col. Berry manifested such a genius for war, and such a 
 pertinacity in the fight, as proved him fit for high command.” 
 This regiment was in all the important battles of the army of 
 the Potomac, during its term of service. At Williamsburg it 
 was said that the regiment of Col. Berry saved the day ; at 
 Fair Oaks, White Oak Swamp, Gaines’ Mills, Glendale, and 
 Malvern Hill, this regiment rendered magnificent service. At 
 the terrible battle of Chancellorsville, Hiram G. Berry, having 
 attained the rank of major-general of volunteers, laid down his 
 life. The nation mourned his loss. 
 
 The Fifth Regiment was commanded by Mark H. Dunnell 
 of Portland. It is painful to be unable to do justice to the 
 achievements of these troops. The Fifth was engaged in eleven 
 pitched battles, and eight skirmishes, ere it entered upon the 
 terrible campaign of the Wilderness, which was an incessant 
 battle. It captured six rebel flags, and more prisoners than it 
 ever had men in its ranks. 
 
 The Sixth Regiment, commanded by Abner Knowles of Ban- 
 gor, was composed chiefly of the hardy lumbermen of the Pe- 
 nobscot Valley. Col. Knowles was the right man in the right 
 place. Passing through Philadelphia, the regiment made a halt 
 near some liquor-shops. The colonel requested the proprietors 
 not to sell to the men of his regiment. The rumsellers disre- 
 garded his request. He sent a file of soldiers, shut up the 
 shops, and placed the proprietors under guard. Several of the 
 dignified Quakers of Philadelphia were looking on : they said, 
 “ Friend Knowles, thy conduct meets our approval. We will 
 back thee up if necessary.” 
 
 Col. Knowles was succeeded by Col. Hiram Burnham. This 
 regiment was in ten pitched battles and in very many skirmishes. 
 It lost in battle, and by sickness, the result of military exposure 
 and fatigue, about three hundred men. Col. Burnham, pro- 
 moted to a brigadier-generalship, fell at the head of his brigade, 
 at the battle of Chapin’s Bluff. The reader is referred to 
 “ Maine in the War” for the minor changes which took place in 
 the command of these regiments. I can only give a brief sketch 
 of the general movements, and must omit all the minor details. 
 
 The Seventh Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta, and 
 
472 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 entered into active service with Edwin D. Mason as its colonel. 
 At the close of the sanguinary battle which placed Williams- 
 burg and Yorktown in our hands, Gen. McClellan with his staff 
 paid the Seventh Maine a visit, and, with his hat in his hand, 
 addressed to them the following complimentary words : — 
 
 “ Soldiers of the Seventh Maine, I have come to thank yon for your 
 bravery and good conduct in the action of yesterday. On this battle-plain 
 you and your comrades arrested the progress of the advancing enemy, saved 
 the army from a disgraceful defeat, and turned the tide of victory in our 
 favor. You have deserved well of your country and of your State; and in 
 their gratitude they will not forget to bestow upon you the thanks and 
 praise so justly your due. Continue to show the conduct of yesterday, and 
 the triumph of our cause will be speedy and sure. In recognition of your 
 merit, you shall hereafter bear the inscription ‘ Williamsburg ’ on your 
 colors. Soldiers, my words are feeble, but from the bottom of my heart I 
 thank you.” 
 
 A long series of brilliant achievements followed, which we 
 have not space to record. 
 
 The Eighth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Lee 
 Strickland of Livermore was colonel. The physique of these 
 men was said to be remarkably fine. Mr. Strickland, like many 
 others, had made great sacrifice of prosperous business and a 
 happy home to rescue his country from foulest rebellion. The 
 first signal exploit of this regiment was aiding in capturing the 
 fort at Hilton Head, in South Carolina. This was one of the 
 most brilliant exploits of the war. Ill health compelled Col. 
 Strickland to resign, and he was succeeded by John D. Rust. 
 The least of the sufferings of war are those which are encoun- 
 tered on the field of battle. It was deemed important to plant 
 batteries on two muddy islands in the river, which were twice 
 each day covered by the rising tide. 
 
 With great toil and suffering the heroic men of the Eighth 
 engaged in these labors. One cold night in February three 
 men of the Eighth, Samuel Holt, Lindsey O. Goff, and Morris 
 Woodbury, were posted on picket on one of these islands. It 
 would seem that there must have been some great indiscretion 
 in the order. But, in military affairs, commands ’ must be 
 obeyed, discreet or indiscreet. In the chill night the tide slowly 
 
THE n I STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 473 
 
 rolled to tlieir breasts, and as slowly ebbed away. In the morn- 
 ing they returned to camp utterly exhausted. Holt and Goff 
 both soon died from the effects of the cruel exposure.^ Wood- 
 bury survived, but with a ruined constitution. The regiment 
 suffered severely from toil, and exposure to an unhealthy clime. 
 At one time three hundred men were in hospital. 
 
 Until this time, the government had not seen fit to employ 
 colored men as soldiers. So great was the opposition to tliis 
 measure, that many officers of white regiments refused to hold 
 any intercourse with officers who took command in colored regi- 
 ments. Both the officers and the men of the Eighth Regiment, 
 rising superior to this ridiculous prejudice, warmly advocated 
 the organization of colored troops. Gen. Saxton selected 
 from that regiment nearly half the line officers for the First 
 Regiment of colored soldiers. Grateful to the regiment for its 
 support in the trying hours when most of his brother officers 
 refused even to recognize him in the streets, though he was a 
 regular army officer, a courteous gentleman, and a devout 
 Christian, he selected still a large number from the Eighth 
 Maine, for the Second Colored Regiment. But the tide had 
 now so turned that more than a thousand officers and men ap- 
 plied for such positions. The career of this regiment was full 
 of remarkable incident and heroic enterprise ; for a more detailed 
 account of which we must refer our readers to the excellent 
 history of “ Maine in the War,” to which we have before re- 
 ferred. During a period of but six months, this regiment was 
 in thirteen general engagements, besides many skirmishes. 
 
 The Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. Rish- 
 worth Rich of Portland was colonel. Their passage in a 
 rickety steamer, and encountering a terrific storm, from Fortress 
 Monroe to Port Royal, was more dreadful, in peril and in suf- 
 fering, than can be described. In this fearful gale, at midnight, 
 the captain of the ship informed Col. Rich that he did not think 
 it possible that the vessel could be kept afloat much longer, and 
 that they all must go to the bottom before morning. Almost 
 miraculously they were saved. The regiment was vigorously 
 
 1 Maine in tlie War. By William E. S. Whitman, and Charles B. True. P. 199. 
 
474 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 employed in campaigning and successful fighting, until Col. 
 Rich, broken down by toil and exposure, was compelled to re- 
 sign his commission. He was succeeded by Sabine Emory. 
 At Morris Island, the colonel and his regiment acquired much 
 renown, performing feats of valor which none but the bravest 
 men could perform. It is admitted that the capture of the 
 island was greatly owing to the intrepidity and wise tactics of 
 the Maine Ninth. A number of flags were taken. Gen. Q. A. 
 Gilmore sent them to Gov. Abner Coburn, with the following 
 statement : — 
 
 “ I have the honor to forward the rebel flags captured by the soldiers of 
 the Ninth Regiment of Maine Volunteers. The names of the captors are 
 ]\Ioses Goodwin and David C. Hoyt. The former has since died of his 
 wounds. It will be, I am sure, a source of gratification and pride to your- 
 self and the citizens of your State, to receive these trophies of the gallantry 
 of her sons, who are struggling in this distant field for the vindication of 
 our cause.’* 
 
 The Tenth Regiment was organized with George L. Beal of 
 Norway colonel. This regiment was exposed to hard duty, 
 which it cheerfully performed, and to heavy losses, which it 
 endured without a murmur. At times they slept in the cold 
 and sleet and rain of a November night, with no covering but 
 that of the dripping clouds. One of the companies marched 
 fifty-seven miles in twenty-four consecutive hours. The regi- 
 ment performed signal service in the valley of the Shenandoah. 
 At times the men were under the command of Lieut.-Col. 
 James S. Fillebrown, wlio very ably discharged his weighty 
 responsibilities. Col. Beal won the gratitude of every man in 
 his regiment by his devotion to their comfort, in scenes of hun- 
 ger and cold and fatigue, and when the bullets and shells of the 
 rebels were thinning their ranks. Both Col. Beal and Lieut.- 
 Col. Fillebrown were presented by the men of the regiment 
 with veiy handsome testimonials of their regard. Their ex- 
 cellent chaplain also, George Knox of Brunswick, received a 
 superb gold watch and chain. 
 
 When the regiment was mustered out of service it contained 
 four hundred and fifty men. In the casualties of war, two 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 475 
 
 hundred and fifty-eight had disappeared. Tlie State recognized 
 its services, and regarded its heroism as one of the richest lega- 
 cies of Maine. 
 
 The ten regiments to which we have alluded were raised 
 exclusively by the State. The Eleventh was at the expense of 
 the general government. John C. Caldwell of East Macliias 
 was colonel. It was a splendid regiment, and received in 
 Washington much commendation for the excellence of its drill. 
 Very speedily it was led into action, and that of the hottest 
 kind. The troops displayed the intrepidity and firmness of 
 veterans. There is scarcely any thing in the history of war 
 more sublime than many of the scenes through which this regi- 
 ment passed. In the terrible series of battles which accom- 
 panied what was called a “ Change of Base,” the Eleventh was 
 almost incessantly engaged. The Eleventh was a portion of 
 the brigade of Gen. Naglee. In taking leave of this brigade, 
 the general left the following testimon}'- to its heroism : — 
 
 “ Yours is tlie honor of having been the first to pass, and the last to leave, 
 the Chickahominy. And, while you led the advance from this memorable 
 place near Richmond, you were the last in the retreating column, when, 
 after seven days’ constant fighting, it reached a place of security and rest 
 at Harrison’s Landing.” 
 
 The Twelfth Regiment was raised by the general government, 
 with George F. Shepley as colonel. These men were sent from 
 Boston by water, far away to Ship Island, near the mouth of 
 - the Mississippi. Col. Shepley was one of the ablest and most 
 eloquent lawyers in Maine. Upon the capture of New Orleans, 
 the troops ascended the river to that city. Col. Shepley, pro- 
 moted to a brigadier-generalship, was placed in military com- 
 mand. There could not have been a more judicious selection 
 for this important post. 
 
 Col. William K. Kimball of Paris, Me., took command of the 
 regiment. Aided by a gunboat, he soon captured two batteries 
 of six thirty-two pounders, with a stand of colors, a large 
 amount of ordnance stores, and eight thousand dollars of Con- 
 federate currency. The War Department highl}^ commended 
 the brilliant achievement, and ordered the captured colors to re- 
 
476 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE, 
 
 main with the Twelfth, as a trophy of their victory. After 
 many wild and wondrous expeditions in the extreme South, the 
 regiment returned to the battle-fields of Virginia. There the 
 troops were engaged in an almost incessant conflict ; and nearly 
 every conflict was a victory. The regiment bears a remarkable 
 record for the good conduct of the men. They were ever obe- 
 dient to their officers, eager for action, and displayed an invin- 
 cible courage which won for them high commendation from 
 every general under whom they served. Gen. Shepley remained 
 military commandant at New Orleans until 1862, when he was 
 invested with the arduous and responsible office of military 
 governor of Louisiana. This post he filled to the great satis- 
 faction of the national government until 1864, when he w^as 
 transferred to fill a similar post in Virginia.^ 
 
 The Thirteenth Regiment was raised at large, and rendez- 
 voused in Augusta. Neal Dow of Portland was colonel. 
 Upon its organization it was speedily sent to Ship Island. The 
 iron ship “ Mississippi,” of twelve hundred tons, with its rich 
 freight of the Thirteenth Maine and the Thirty-first Massachu- 
 setts, almost miraculously escaped foundering during a terrific 
 storm at sea. The Thirteenth was stationed for some time in the 
 occupancy of Ship Island. On this glowing expanse of white 
 sand, beneath an almost tropical sun, the regiment, passing in 
 mid- winter from the North, suffered in health very severely. 
 Their drill was excellent. Gen. Weitzel said that he had never 
 seen better soldiers. 
 
 They were eventually sent on a campaign into Texas, and - 
 again upon an eventful expedition to Red River. In both of 
 these enterprises, their deprivations and sufferings were terrible. 
 It would require a volume to give any thing like an adequate 
 description of these bold adventures. On one of these expedi- 
 tions they performed a march of five hundred and fifty miles, 
 while continually exposed to attack from a watchful foe. 
 
 At length these veteran troops were ordered North, to report 
 to Gen. Grant. Martinsburg, the base of supplies for Sheridan’s 
 whole army, was intrusted to their care. The regiment, after 
 
 1 “ Maine in the War,” p. 299. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 477 
 
 performing services of the utmost value for three years, was 
 mustered out of service on the 6th of January, 1865, by 
 Major J. W. T. Gardiner, of the United States Army. Col. 
 Dow was very highly commended for the wisdom and energy 
 with which he conducted this regiment through its arduous 
 career. Promoted to the rank of brigadier-general, he proved 
 himself equal to any responsibilities which might be laid 
 upon him. While sick in Louisiana, he was captured by the 
 rebels. After a long and barbarous imprisonment he was ex- 
 chancred. 
 
 O 
 
 The Fourteenth Regiment was collected at Augusta. Frank 
 S. Nickerson of Searsport was colonel. The regiment was 
 assigned to the third brigade, under Gen. Shepley, and was 
 sent to Ship Island, and thence to New Orleans. Their first 
 serious battle was at Baton Rouge. These sturdy sons of 
 Maine, who, at the summons of their country, had left the con- 
 genial employments of peaceful homes, behaved like veterans, 
 amidst the carnage and tumult of war. Gen. Weitzel wrote in 
 the highest terms of commendation of the valor of the Maine 
 Fourteenth in encountering “ the whole brunt of the attack.” 
 
 There seems to have been but little rest for this regiment, by 
 day or by night. Marchings and battles were incessant. From 
 May till August they were without tents. However severe 
 the storm or the shower, they had no shelter. Their only 
 camp-equipage was their camp-kettles, which they carried in 
 their hands. It seems strange that men could endure such 
 hardships, and live. There were no troops who served more 
 efficiently in the capture of Port Hudson than the Maine Four- 
 teenth. 
 
 The Fifteenth Regiment was raised principally in the remote 
 region of Aroostook County. John McClusky of Houlton was 
 colonel. For nearly four months the regiment was encamped 
 at Carrol ton, when Lieut. -Col. Dyer was promoted to the com- 
 mand. But here, amidst the swamps of Mississippi, the regi- 
 ment suffered severely from sickness. In September it was re- 
 moved to Pensacola, where, in the enjoyment of a salubrious 
 clime, the sick rapidly recovered. Col. Dyer was soon placed 
 in command of the post, and Benjamin B. Murray became 
 colonel. 
 
478 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Upon leaving Maine the regiment numbered nine hundred 
 and sixty men. In one year, without being in a single battle, 
 it lost, from sickness and the other casualties of a campaign, 
 three hundred and twenty-nine of its number. Though these 
 troops were not engaged in any pitched battles, they passed 
 through a strange series of perilous and romantic adventures, 
 in all which they proved themselves to be good men and true. 
 
 In September, 1861, the secretary of war solicited from 
 the governor of Maine a rifle company of sharpshooters. 
 Every man was subject to a rigid examination as to his physical 
 powers of endurance ; and they were required, at the distance 
 of two hundred yards, to put ten consecutive shots within a 
 circle ten inches in diameter. 
 
 James D. Fessenden of Portland was captain of this com- 
 pany. The men were equipped in a superior manner. The 
 company was attached to Berdan’s Second Regiment of sharp- 
 shooters. It was sent, by the way of Washington, first to 
 Camp William near Alexandria,' and thence to Falmouth, Va. 
 Almost immediately the company entered upon a series of 
 skirmishes, with the foe ever retiring before them. None 
 but men of iron nerves could have performed the toilsome 
 marches and the shelterless bivouacs through which they 
 passed. They were often exposed to a terrific fire from the 
 enemy’s batteries, but ever stood their ground with the firmness 
 of veterans. At one time this company was pitted against an 
 equal number of rebel sharpshooters. The rebels, having lost 
 thirty of their number, fled, while the Maine riflemen lost but 
 three. 
 
 In one engagement this heroic band of men was so utterly 
 exhausted by marching, counter-marching, and fighting, with 
 short rations and but little sleep, that but twelve could enter 
 into battle. In the battle of Antietam they bore an honorable 
 part. For four hours they were under fire, and lost six of their 
 men. At Chancellorsville they were for two days constantly 
 engaged with the sharpshooters of the foe. In the three-days’ 
 battle at Gettysburg, they took an active part, losing eleven in 
 wounded and prisoners. And thus these heroic men, through 
 sufferings, toil, and death, counted not their lives dear to them, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 479 
 
 that they might preserve the flag which treason and rebellion 
 would trample in the dust. Capt. Fessenden rose, by rapid 
 promotion, to the rank of brigadier-general. 
 
 The First Maine Regiment of cavalry was raised at large. 
 It consisted of twelve companies. John Goddard of Cape 
 Elizabeth was its colonel. It is said that there was no cavalry 
 regiment in the service superior to this in the character of its 
 men and its horses. Samuel H. Allen took tlie command as 
 colonel, when the regiment was thoroughly organized. Imme- 
 diatel}^ upon their arrival in AVashington the various companies 
 were detached for separate service. It is impossible, in the 
 brief space which can be allotted to the subject here, to narrate 
 the wonderful and often awful adventures through which these 
 companies hewed their way. One incident I cannot refrain 
 from recording. 
 
 Lieut. Hill, who was acting as quartermaster of the battal- 
 ion, was, with his team, taken captive. Under a rebel guard 
 he Avas being carried away, seated in a Avagon. Carefully 
 searching, he found a loaded revolver. With this he shot his 
 guard, recaptured his own team and some others, and drove 
 back to the Union lines. ^ 
 
 The severit}^ of the service to Avhich the men of this regi- 
 ment Avere exposed may be inferred from the fact, that, during 
 a period of about six months, seven hundred of their horses 
 Avere either lost in action or Avorn out. The record of the 
 gallantry of these men, and of their suffering from cold, hun- 
 ger, fatigue, Avounds, and death, is melancholy in the extreme. 
 And, the more Ave admire their heroism, the more do Ave deplore 
 the aAvful Avar which infamous rebellion forced upon them, drag- 
 ging them from all the joys of their happy homes, to Avoes 
 which no pen can describe, and Avhich no imagination can con- 
 ceive. 
 
 In the autumn of 1861, the State of Maine raised six batter- 
 ies of mounted light artillery. Each battery was an independ- 
 ant organization. We can but briefly refer to their patriotic 
 devotion to the salvation of their country through fields of 
 
 ‘ Maine in the War, p. 354. 
 
480 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 blood. Of the First Battery, Edward W. Thompson of Bruns- 
 wick was captain. It was despatched at once to Ship Island, 
 and thence to New Orleans. With one hundred and fort3"-nine 
 men, the battery was stationed about six miles from the city. 
 It was a very sickly region. In one month seventy men either 
 died or were disabled. Having been attached to Gen. Weit- 
 zel’s corps, they were transported to Donaldsonville, where, 
 with great gallantry, they captured a twelve-pounder from the 
 rebels, which the battery was allowed to retain. They had, 
 however, already lost so many men that a detachment of 
 infantry was assigned to them. 
 
 Col. Thompson’s health utterly failed him. He resigned his 
 post, and was succeeded by Albert W. Bradford of Eastport. 
 Skirmishes and battles, wounds, woe, and death, rapidly fol- 
 lowed. At Port Hudson the battery was hotly engaged. After 
 the fall of Port Hudson, the battery was moved in transports 
 to Donaldsonville. Here again the troops passed through an 
 awful scene of battle and blood. Almost every day now had 
 its record of fatiguing marches and sanguinary conflicts. Be- 
 turningto the North, the men re-enlisted, and fought in Virginia 
 more battles than can well be counted. 
 
 The Second Maine Mounted Battery had Davis Tillson of 
 Rockland for captain. He was a West Point graduate, and 
 had been adjutant-general of Maine. The troops repaired to 
 Washington, and went into camp on Capitol Hill. Soon, how- 
 ever, the battery was sent to Manassas, and entered upon a 
 series of constant, deadly battles, with almost invariably victo- 
 rious results. But in war heavy blows must be received, as well 
 as given. Horses were shot, guns dismounted, men wounded 
 and killed ; but still the bleeding and exhausted battery held 
 on its way until the victory was won. Capt. Tillson was soon 
 promoted, and was succeeded in the command b}^ Capt. James 
 A. Hall of Damariscotta, who was followed by Lieut. Ulmer, 
 and he was followed by Lieut. Albert F. Thomas. 
 
 The Third Mounted Battery was rendezvoused in Augusta, 
 under James G. Swett of Brewer as captain. After spending 
 a little time at Capitol Hill, it was embarked for Alexan- 
 dria, Va., to guard the rubber pontoons. Passing through 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 481 
 
 various changes, it became at length attached to the First Maine 
 Heavy Artillery, and was stationed for the defence of Wash- 
 ington. The reader would weary of a minute recital of the 
 skirmishes and battles in which it engaged, of the losses which 
 it encountered, and of the victories which it won. 
 
 But nothing can give one a more impressive idea of the terri- 
 ble energies of this rebellion, than to reflect that the wonderful 
 efforts which Maine put forth were rivalled by every loyal 
 State in the Union. Dreadful was the war which we waged 
 with England for the establishment of our nationality ; but in- 
 finitely more terrible was the war in which we engaged with 
 foul rebellion, that the nationality which had cost us so dear 
 might be perpetuated. For a long time the battery was almost 
 daily contending with the batteries of the enemy. When the 
 battery was withdrawn from the lines before Petersburg, the 
 chief of artillery commended in high terms the military disci- 
 pline, the neatness, order, and efficiency, with which all its 
 duties had been performed. 
 
 The Fourth Mounted Battery was commanded by O’Neil W. 
 Robinson of Bethel. Capt. Robinson was a graduate of Bow- 
 doin College, and a lawyer by profession. The battery was 
 first stationed at Fort Ramsey, seven miles from Alexandria, in 
 Virginia. The history of this battery was essentially like that 
 of the others. Its theatre of action was Virginia ; and it had 
 scarcely any respite from fatiguing marches and deadly bom- 
 bardments. But few of those who originally enlisted returned 
 to their homes to enjoy the fruits of the victories they had won. 
 
 These young men, from the comfortable homes and peaceful 
 industries of Maine, had but just entered the valley of the 
 Shenandoah, when they were placed under the cross-fire of two 
 rebel batteries in the battle of Cedar Run. In that awful scene 
 of thunder roar and shrieking shells, as the ground was ploughed 
 by cannon-balls, as horses were shot, guns dismounted, and the 
 dying and dead \7ere falling around, the noble young men, 
 the pride of their frienJs and the hope of the State, maintained 
 their position with invincible courage. Not a man flinched 
 from his post. There were several changes in the command, 
 from promotions and the other vicissitudes of a campaign. 
 
 31 
 
482 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The Fifth Mounted Battery was raised at large. George F. 
 Leppien of Portland was intrusted with the command. He 
 was admirably qualified for the responsible duty ; for he had 
 been educated in the best German universities, had spent five 
 years in a military school in Prussia, and had already held a 
 lieutenant’s commission in a Pennsylvania battery. These 
 men were very promptly led forward to the front, where the 
 battles were raging in the valley of the Shenandoah. At the 
 battle of Fredericksburg, this battery was exposed to the 
 heaviest cannonade of the day ; and the men won golden opin- 
 ions for their unflinching courage, their accuracy of aim, and 
 their rapidity of fire. At the inexplicable disaster at Chancel- 
 lorsville, the battery was exposed to a terribly destructive fire 
 from three rebel batteries. There they stood effectively work- 
 ing their guns, and holding a large body of infantry in check, 
 until Capt. Leppien was struck down by a mortal wound ; both 
 of the lieutenants, Greenlief T. Stevens of Augusta, and Adel- 
 bert B. Twitchell of Bethel, were severely wounded ; six men 
 were killed outright, twenty-two were wounded and prostrate 
 in their blood, forty horses were either killed or disabled, and 
 their ammunition was exhausted. Then, by the aid of infantry 
 supports, the guns were dragged off. It is hard to forgive those 
 rebels, who, without the slightest justifiable cause, plunged our 
 country into so deadly a war, sending lamentation and mourn- 
 ing to thousands of once happy homes. 
 
 Again at Gettysburg this heroic battery met with appalling 
 losses and sufferings, and performed deeds of daring which won 
 for them great admiration. For the second time the battery 
 was left with but one officer not wounded. Capt. Hunt, who 
 had succeeded Capt. Leppien, wus severely wounded on the 
 first of this three-days’ battle. And thus the dreadful days 
 came and went with slaughter, wounds, anguish, death. We 
 hope there is somewhere reward for those noble men who thus 
 suffered and died for us. Had they failed, who can imagine 
 the disasters without end which would liave befallen our dis- 
 membered land ? 
 
CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 MAINE IN THE WAR OF THE REBELLION, CONTINUED. 
 
 Battle of Cedar Mountain — Bivouacking in the Rain — Testimony of Gen. 
 Burnside — Scenes at Port Hudson — Arlington Heights — Campaigning in 
 the South — Patriotism of the Twenty-Seventh Regiment — Toilsome 
 March — Battle at Marianna — Ravages of Sickness — Summary of the 
 Efforts of Maine — Major-Gen. O. O. Howard at Gettysburg — Major-Geri. 
 Joshua L. Chamberlain at the Surrender of Lee. 
 
 T he Sixth Mounted Battery, raised by Maine, was composed 
 chiefly of young men from the counties of York, Waldo, and 
 Aroostook. Freeman McGilvery of Stockton was captain. The 
 battery was sent to the aid of the army of Virginia. Gen. Banks, 
 with six thousand men, was endeavoring to arrest the march of 
 Stonewall Jackson, who had thirty thousand under his command. 
 Both the Fourth and Sixth Maine Batteries were brought into 
 action at Cedar Mountain. Here the Sixth first experienced 
 the terrors and toils of battle. For six hours the deadly fight- 
 ing raged. Inexperienced as they were in the horrors of war, 
 they stood at their posts so manfully, repelling repeated charges, 
 that Gen. Augur, to whose division the battery was attached, 
 congratulated Capt. McGilvery on his gallant conduct, and 
 said that the battery was the means of repelling the assaults on 
 the left flank, and had thus saved the division from destruction. 
 
 A retreat to the Rappahannock was necessary. The little 
 band, pressed by out-numbering foes, marching and counter- 
 marching, fought night and day, living upon half rations, and 
 with scarcely a moment for rest. We cannot follow this 
 batter}^ in its heroic career of almost incessant battles. 
 
 Capt. McGilvery received deserved promotion ; and Edwin 
 B. Dow of Portland was intrusted with the command. At 
 
 483 
 
484 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Gettysburg the Sixth performed very efficient service. Though 
 it suffered severely, it persistently held its position, and was 
 highly complimented by Gens. Tyler and Hunt for its gallantry. 
 Lieut. Rogers succeeded Capt. Dow in command of the battery. 
 
 We now return to the regiments. Maine had already fur- 
 nished the general government with fifteen regiments ; and it is 
 safe to say that none better, in the courage and hardihood of 
 the men and their high-toned character, had entered the service. 
 In the year 1862, the State was called upon for more men, and 
 the Sixteenth Regiment of infantry was organized. Asa 
 Wildes of Skowhegan was colonel. 
 
 Sadly yet resolutely tliese young men left well-tilled farms 
 and comfortable homes, their workshops and mills, and all the 
 charms of peaceful domestic life, for the hazards and sufferings 
 of war. They were men of peace. Dire necessity alone could 
 induce them to exchange their homes for the tented field. The 
 regiment, like many others, was mustered into the United 
 “States service by Major J. W. T. Gardiner. 
 
 The troops were sent immediately to Washington; and, 
 crossing the Potomac by Long Bridge, encamped on Arlington 
 Heights, the former residence of the very able and very unhappy 
 rebel general, Robert E. Lee. Their tents were scarcely reared 
 when they were ordered to the front, to meet the rebels who 
 had crossed the Potomac, and were threatening Pennsylvania. 
 It was September. The nights were chill, and there were 
 frequent storms. But the regiment had moved so rapidly that 
 it was very poorly supplied with clothing or camp equipage. 
 The men encamped on the Potomac, about three miles west of 
 Sharpsburg. Their only shelter was such as they could con- 
 struct from boughs of trees and cornstalks. But these would 
 neither exclude wind nor rain. All their baggage remained in 
 Washington. Their rations were poor and insufficient. 
 
 The regiment had dwindled to seven hundred men. They 
 had no change of clothing, no medicine. Terrible discomfort 
 prevailed, with filth and vermin. There must have been great 
 incapacity somewhere to have allowed such a state of things to 
 exist. Two hundred and fifty were on the sick-list. Many 
 died. Exposure, scanty food, and general wretchedness were 
 more fatal than the bullets of the foe could have been. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 485 
 
 Under such deplorable circumstances, the Sixteenth received 
 marching orders. In a pouring rain they broke camp, and after 
 a weary march halted for the night in the woods. It was an 
 awful night. The rain fell in torrents. An almost wintry gale 
 pierced their thin clothing. There was no shelter. Camp-fires 
 could not be built. The bitter cold and general wretchedness 
 prevented all sleep. The sufferings of that night will never be 
 forgotten by those who endured them. In a long and woful 
 march they reached Warrington, on the 7th of November, in a 
 heavy snow-storm. 
 
 At length the knapsacks and overcoats of the regiment 
 arrived, and the despondency into which the men had been 
 plunged was in some degree dispelled. A terrible battle was 
 fought at Fredericksburg. These worn and wasted men seemed 
 as regardless of shells and bullets as if they were snowflakes. 
 They entered the field, swept by the storm of war, about four 
 hundred and fifty in number. Two hundred and twenty-six 
 were either killed or wounded. Gen. Burnside, who was in 
 command of the army, said, ‘‘ Whatever honor we can claim in 
 that contest was won by the Maine men.” 
 
 These hardships were terrible. The men had been so 
 enfeebled by sickness that nearly every wounded man died. 
 The regiment had dwindled down to forty men. A hundred 
 and sixty recruits were sent to add to their numbers. There 
 seemed to be no end to the sufferings of this regiment. The 
 nights became wintry cold. There were long marches through 
 mud and rain, and bivouacking almost suppeiiess upon the bleak, 
 unsheltered fields. 
 
 Napoleon said that a man who is intrusted with the lives of 
 his fellow-men, in a military campaign, should examine him- 
 self to see if he is equal to such immense responsibilities. 
 There was no intentional neglect in this case, but certainly 
 there was great incapacity somewhere. At length these suffer- 
 ing patriots reached winter-quarters, and enjoyed a little rest. 
 But soon again the turmoil and carnage of almost ceaseless 
 battle were recommenced. We can only give the final result. 
 The numbers originally forming the regiment, and those sent to 
 re-enforce it, amounted to two thousand and ninety-seven. Of 
 
486 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 these the total loss by the casualties of the campaigns numbered 
 twelve hundred and ten. 
 
 The Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry was mainly from the 
 counties of York, Cumberland, Androscoggin, and Oxford. 
 Thomas A. Roberts of Portland was colonel. It was speedily 
 sent to the battle-fields of Virginia. At Fredericksburg and 
 Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, and many other fields of 
 carnage, they fought with valor which proved their readiness to 
 die for their country. 
 
 And so it was with the Eighteenth Regiment, under Col. 
 Daniel Chapin of Bangor ; the Nineteenth, under Col. Frederick 
 D. Sewall of Bath ; and the Twentieth, under Col. Adelbert 
 Ames of Rockland. Joshua L. Chamberlain of Bowdoin Col- 
 lege, Brunswick, was lieutenant-colonel. Upon the promotion 
 of Col. Ames, Col. Chamberlain took the command. His 
 gallantry speedily caused him to be promoted by Grant, on the 
 field where he was wounded, to the rank of brigadier-general. 
 Adelbert Ames was also appointed brigadier-general, at the 
 request of Gens. Hooker, Meade, and Howard, for great hero- 
 ism displayed at Chancellorsville. To record the achievements 
 of these regiments Avoukl be but to repeat what has already 
 been written. They passed through the same scenes of weary 
 marches, cold bivouacs on rain-drenched fields, and terrible 
 battles. 
 
 The Twenty-First Regiment had Elijah D. Johnson of Lewis- 
 ton for its colonel. It was sent far away to the marshes and 
 the bayous of the extreme South, where sickness was more to 
 be feared than bullet or bayonet. Though wasted by sickness, 
 it did good service at the siege of Port Hudson. In one 
 assault it lost, in killed and wounded, sixty in less than half an 
 hour. The survivors of the regiment Avere present at the sur- 
 render of the fort. Their term of service having expired, they 
 were transported home. The fame of their heroism had gone 
 before them, and they received a continuous ovation along the 
 route. 
 
 The Twenty -Second Regiment was rendezvoused at Bangor. 
 Heniy Crosby of Hampden was colonel. These troops Avere 
 sent, by the Avay of Washington and Fortress Monroe, to Noav 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 487 
 
 Orleans. Thence it ascended the river to take part in the 
 terrible struggle raging around Port Hudson. And here we 
 have but the same story to tell of toil, exhaustion, v/ounds, 
 death, and the final victory of those who survived these awful 
 scenes. 
 
 The Twenty-Third Regiment was organized under Col. 
 William Wirt Virgin of Norwa}^ The young men were 
 generally from Androscoggin and Oxford Counties. It is said, 
 that morally and intellectually this regiment was composed of 
 perhaps the best set of men who had thus far left the State. 
 These troops spent most of their time in guarding Washington. 
 Their labors were very severe, in digging rifle-pits and redoubts, 
 building barricades, and in performing picket duty. Under 
 these toils and exposure about fifty died during the ten months 
 the regiment was in service. 
 
 The Twenty-Fourth Regiment was organized at Augusta. 
 George M. Atwood of Gardiner was colonel. Their career was 
 indeed an arduous one. They were sent to the unhealthy 
 South, and to the unintermitted toils which attended the siege 
 of Port Hudson. Nine hundred of the stalwart sons of Maine 
 left Augusta. At the end of the year for which they enlisted 
 but five hundred and seventy returned ; and yet not one was 
 killed in battle. 
 
 The Twenty-Fifth Regiment, like several others, enlisted for 
 nine months’ service. Francis Fessenden of Portland was 
 colonel. The regiment numbered nine hundred and ninety- 
 three men. It rendezvoused at Portland, and first repaired to 
 Capitol Hill, ill Washington. Here it was assigned to the 
 third brigade of Casey’s division, and Col. Fessenden was 
 placed in command of the brigade. In a furious storm the 
 troops were removed to Arlington Heiglits. Here several 
 months were spent in severe labor, guarding Long Bridge, and 
 constructing fascines, gabions, magazines, and bomb-proofs. 
 Though the regiment participated in no engagement, it per- 
 formed the arduous and responsible duties which were assigned 
 to it with great fidelity, and was greeted on its return with 
 warm encomiums. 
 
 The Twenty-Sixth Regiment was raised mainly in the coun- 
 
488 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 ties of Knox, Hancock, and Waldo. Bangor was its place of 
 rendezvous, and Nathaniel H. Hubbard of Winterport was its 
 colonel. These troops were first sent to Arlington Heights, 
 then to Fortress Monroe, then to Newport News, then in a 
 magnificent fleet to Ship Island, then to New Orleans, then to 
 Baton Rouge. Here commenced the dull routine of camp-life. 
 After a delay of two months the Twenty-Sixth, with other 
 forces, was put in motion on the march to Port Hudson. Hav- 
 ing accomplished the object of this expedition, they returned to 
 Baton Rouge, and there embarked on a river steamer, and 
 descended sixty miles to Donaldsonville. From this point they 
 took up their line of march to Thibodeaux, thirty-six miles 
 west of the Mississippi. Thence the troops were transported 
 by rail to Brashear City. Upon this expedition the regiment 
 engaged in the battle of Irish Bend. It was a hard-fought 
 conflict, amidst scenes of sublimity and terror which deserve 
 minute record. In this deadly struggle the regiment lost sixty- 
 eight men out of three hundred. From the blood-stained field 
 the troops ascended the Bayou Teche to the Red River. 
 
 On the 26th of May they returned to Brashear City, after a 
 bold, fatiguing, perilous campaign of forty-three days, beneath 
 the blaze of an almost meridian sun. They proceeded to Port 
 Hudson, and took gallant part in the siege until the rebels 
 surrendered. Having thus performed their engagements, they 
 ascended the river to Cairo, and thence home. In this gallant 
 expedition of nine months two hundred of the noble sons of 
 Maine were lost. 
 
 The Twenty-Seventh Regiment was mainly from York 
 County, and was rendezvoused at Portland. Rufus P. Tapley 
 of Saco was colonel. Its first destination was Central Vir- 
 ginia. Through a severe winter the regiment remained, guard- 
 ing, much of the time, a picket-line eight miles long. Col. 
 Tapley was succeeded by Lieut.-Col. Wentworth. This was 
 the most anxious hour of the war. The rebel Gen. Lee, with 
 his immense forces, was moving up for the invasion of Pennsyl- 
 vania. Incendiaries were crowding our Northern cities. Trai- 
 tors in the North were openly avowing sympathy with the 
 Southern rebellion. Want of confidence in the commander of 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 489 
 
 the Union army rendered a change necessary. All the old 
 troops had been sent forward to oppose the exultant foe. The 
 national heart was oppressed with anxiety. Washington was 
 left exposed. The term for which this regiment had enlisted 
 had expired. 
 
 The President and the Secretary of War entreated the 
 Twenty-Seventh to remain for the protection of the capital. It 
 was a remarkable regiment. Gentlemen from each of the 
 liberal professions were in its ranks, and farmers and mechanics, 
 who were making heavy pecuniary sacrifices by their absence 
 from their homes. They remained. The battle of Gettysburg 
 was fought ; and the dark cloud of peril passed away. Greeted 
 with benedictions in Washington, these patriotic troops were 
 received at home with blessings. The regiment left Maine 
 nine hundred and forty-nine strong, and had never less 
 than seven hundred and forty ready for duty. Medals were 
 awarded to the men by the War Department, for serving beyond 
 the term for their enlistment. 
 
 The Twenty-Eighth Regiment was under Ephraim W. Wood- 
 man of Wilton, colonel. They proceeded first to New York, 
 and were quartered one night in Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, 
 where Rev. Henry Ward Beecher and prominent members of 
 his church assisted in nursing the sick. After spending a short 
 time in that vicinity, the troops were sent to New Orleans by 
 the way of Fortress Monroe. It would be difficult to describe 
 their vast variety of marchings and counter-marchings, their 
 skirmishes, and the innumerable arduous toils which they 
 performed. Some of the conflicts in which they engaged were 
 as desperately fought as any during the war. 
 
 The Twenty-Ninth Regiment was rendezvoused at Augusta. 
 George L. Neal of Norway was colonel. It was sent immedi- 
 ately to New Orleans. These troops, many of whom had 
 previously enlisted for nine months, entered almost immediately 
 upon a series of bloody battles. In the sanguinary conflict of 
 Pleasant Hill they won a signal victory. Col. Beal was placed 
 in command of a brigade. On one expedition the troops 
 marched four hundred miles. They were at one time sixty 
 hours without sleep, and with but little food ; and during that 
 time they marched fifty-six miles, and fought two battles. 
 
490 
 
 THE n/STOBY OF MAINE. 
 
 Having performed wondrous deeds of toil and gallantry in 
 the far South, the regiment was sent back to Virginia, and took 
 part in the conflicts which were raging there, until the term of 
 its service had expired. 
 
 The Thirtieth Regiment of infantry had in its ranks quite a 
 number of experienced soldiers. Francis Fessenden of Portland 
 was colonel. It sailed, in the steamship “ Merrimac,” from Port- 
 land for New Orleans. Sickness pervaded the ranks. They 
 marched one hundred and sixty miles, over the marshy lands of 
 Louisiana, to Natchitoches. They encountered sleet and drench- 
 ing rain-storms, with rough and miry roads. Not a few dropped 
 by the wayside, utterly exhausted, and were captured by the 
 enemy. Skirmishes and battles ensued, with incidents of chival- 
 ric courage, which we have no space to describe. 
 
 Between the 15th of March and the 22d of May, this regi- 
 ment marched five hundred miles, and engaged in four battles, 
 losing two hundred and twenty-eight officers and men. From 
 New Orleans the troops returned to Virginia, and engaged in 
 toils as severe as flesh and blood could endure. Daring one 
 3 ^ear these hardy men marched over a thousand miles. The 
 true story of what they did and suffered, for the salvation of 
 their country, no pen can describe. 
 
 The Second Regiment of cavalry Avas composed of remarka- 
 bly robust men. Ephraim W. Woodman of Portland was 
 colonel. They were sent to New Orleans. One hundred and 
 fifty horses died on the voyage. Most of the regiment was im- 
 mediately ordered to the front to take part in the Red River 
 expedition. After a season of active service the regiment was 
 sent to Pensacola, in Florida. 
 
 At Marianna, the shire-town of Jackson County, there was a 
 terrible conflict in the streets. The rebels threw up barricades, 
 and opened a furious fire from churches, houses, and stores. 
 Major Nathan Cutler of Augusta had two horses shot under 
 him, and fell with a broken leg, a shattered wrist, and other 
 severe wounds. From all these wounds he recovered. Many 
 others were killed or wounded, twenty-nine in all. 
 
 But in this successful raid the troops took one hundred pris- 
 oners, a large amount of commissary and quartermaster stores, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 491 
 
 two hundred and fifty horses and mules, four hundred head of 
 cattle, and five hundred contrabands. There were several other 
 raids, one into the State of Alabama. In one of these a train 
 of fifty wagons was brought into camp, by Lieut.-Col. Spurling 
 of the Second Maine, for a distance of sixty miles through the 
 enemy’s country, while attacked almost every hour, in front, 
 flanks, and rear, by a force superior to his own. 
 
 The change from the pure air and healthy food of their homes 
 in Maine to the malarious climates of Louisiana and Florida, 
 and all the hardships and deprivations of camp-life, caused so 
 much sickness, that at one time, from a regiment of nine hundred 
 and eighty-nine, only four hundred and fifty reported for duty. 
 The sad condition of the regiment being made known, Maine 
 immediately sent to the suffering men a bountiful supply of 
 vegetables and other articles for their comfort. 
 
 The Seventh Mounted Battery, under Adelbert B. Twitchell 
 of Bethel, as captain, was sent to Virginia, and in its first 
 battle, at Spottsylvania, fought from morning till night. In 
 that battle it obtained celebrity which gave it rank with the 
 most experienced batteries in the army. At Bethesda Church 
 and Cold Harbor, it was again under a severe fire. In front of 
 Petersburg it took part in the fierce strife which raged there for 
 so many months. Sharpshooters were continually watching for 
 every exposure, and sixty-four-pound mortar shells were fre- 
 quently thrown over their ramparts. The battery was composed 
 of a superior class of men, and Avas highly commended for its 
 discipline and efficiency. 
 
 An independent organization was raised, called the First 
 District Columbia Cavalry. Maine contributed about eight 
 hundred men to this organization. Col. L. C. Baker Avas in 
 command. These troops plunged into that series of bloody 
 battles in Virginia, Avhich attended the close of the war. They 
 encountered victories and defeats, but rendered efficient service, 
 and, when attacked by overwhelming numbers, displayed brave- 
 ry Avhich could not have been surpassed. 
 
 The Thirty-First Regiment of infantry Avas rendezvoused at 
 Augusta, and Avas pushed forAA^ard rapidly to Virginia to aid in 
 the concluding scenes of the conflict. George Varney of Ban- 
 
492 
 
 THE HISTORY OF 31 AIN E. 
 
 gor was colonel. He was succeeded by Col. Tliomas Hight of 
 Augusta. The regiment immediate!}" took part in the battles 
 of the Wilderness, fought bravely, and suffered severely. In one 
 of their first conflicts they lost, in killed, wounded, and missing, 
 two hundred and ninety -five men. Then, for six successive 
 days, they were under fire. At Petersburg they won great 
 praise. Sickness, wounds, death, and capture at one time so 
 reduced the regiment that but sixty reported for duty. Recruits 
 were sent to fill up their dwindled ranks. 
 
 The Thirty-Second Regiment of infantry was rendezvoused at 
 Augusta. Mark F. Wentworth of Kittery was colonel. Vir- 
 ginia was the theatre of their exploits. At Spottsylvania, they 
 were placed in the most exposed part of the line. For eight 
 successive days they were under fire. The carnage encountered 
 in the conflicts in which these troops were engaged was awful. 
 
 Another military organization was formed in Maine, called 
 the First Regiment Veteran Artillery. John Goldthwait of 
 Windsor was in command. 
 
 But we must bring this brief narrative to a close. It would 
 require far more space than we can give, to do any thing like 
 justice to the achievements of the troops of Maine during the 
 war. The space which can be devoted to that subject here 
 enables us to present but little more than a catalogue of the 
 most important organizations. Many heroic deeds are left un- 
 recorded. Even the names of many men whose deeds merit 
 record, we cannot mention. We can only give an abstract, 
 and a very imperfect one, of the heroic efforts which the citi- 
 zens of Maine made to rescue our country from the foulest 
 rebellion to be found in the annals of history. 
 
 During the four years of this dreadful strife, Maine sent 
 seventy-two thousand nine hundred and forty-five men to the 
 battle-field. She furnished thirty-two infantry regiments, three 
 regiments of cavalry, one regiment of heavy artillery, seven 
 batteries of mounted artillery, seven companies of sharpshoot- 
 ers, thirty companies of unassigned infantry, seven companies 
 of coast-guards, and six companies for coast fortifications ; six 
 thousand seven hundred and fifty men were also contiibuted to 
 the navy and marine corps. The total number who perished 
 
THE niSTORT OF MAINE. 
 
 493 
 
 during these campaigns, in the army list., amounted to seven 
 thousand three hundred and twentj^-two. We have no record 
 of the killed and wounded, and of those who died of disease, in 
 the navy and marine corps. The whole amount of bounty paid 
 throughout the State was nine million six hundred and ninety- 
 five thousand six hundred and twenty dollars and ninety-three 
 cents. Hospital stores were contributed to the amount of seven 
 hundred and thirty-one thousand one hundred and thirty-four 
 dollars. 
 
 The above record is a surprising one. No one would have 
 deemed it possible that the State of Maine could have sent so 
 many troops to the field, or that she could contribute such vast 
 sums to meet the expenses of the war. In the narrative of this 
 dreadful conflict it will be generally admitted that there are 
 two of the sons of Maine who merit especial mention. 
 
 Gettysburg was perhaps the turning-point in the tide of bat- 
 tle. Gen. Lee, with ninety thousand men, was on the rapid 
 march to overwhelm the diminished army of Hooker, capture 
 Washington, and enrich the Confederacy by the plunder of the 
 cities and granaries of Pennsylvania. He concentrated his 
 giant army at Gettysburg. Gen. O. O. Howard, with the 
 Eleventh Corps, was sent forward to do every thing in his power 
 to retard the advance of the rebels, while divisions of the Union 
 army were hurrying, by forced marches, to the position where 
 it was now evident that a decisive battle was to take place. 
 
 With eight thousand men, Gen. Howard met the brunt of 
 battle, and drove back the foe. His corps was posted on Ceme- 
 tery Hill. Its capture was certain victory to the rebels. Lee, 
 the ablest general of the rebels, gathered up all his strength for 
 that purpose. It was late in the afternoon ; the enormous masses 
 of Early’s division advanced in majestic march to the attack. 
 There stood Gen. Howard, with his calm, manly, honest face. 
 “ An empty coat-sleeve is pinned to his shoulder, memento of a 
 hard-fought field before, and reminder of many a battle-scene 
 his splendid Christian courage has illumined.” After a terrific 
 struggle the rebels gained a position, where they made prepara- 
 tions for a desperate assault on the morrow, with scarcely a 
 doubt of their success. 
 
494 
 
 THE BISTORT OF MAINE 
 
 At the early dawn, the batteries of Gen. Howard thundered 
 forth their challenge for a renewal of the fight. SoOn the battle 
 was resumed, with all its indescribable tumult and dreadful 
 fury. Gen. Howard, who was guiding this tempest of war, 
 was calmly leaning against a gravestone. His aids were 
 gathered around him, watching the sublime sweep of the war- 
 cloud before them. 
 
 “ I have seen many men in action,” an eye-witness writes, 
 “ but never one so imperturbably cool as this general of the 
 Eleventh Corps. I watched him closely as a Minie whizzed 
 overhead. I dodged, of course : I never expect to get over that 
 habit ; but I am confident that he did not move a muscle, by 
 the fraction of a hair’s-breadth.” 
 
 At length the whole field of battle was buried in a cloud of ' 
 smoke. Gen. Howard, turning to one of his aids, said in 
 calm tones, “ Ride over to Gen. Meade, and tell him that the 
 fighting on the right seems more terrific than ever, and appears 
 to be swinging around towards the centre ; and ask him if he 
 has any orders.” 
 
 The aid soon came galloping back, with the reply, “ The 
 troops are to stand to arms, sir, and watch the front.” 
 
 Firmly they stood, pouring in a steady storm upon their foes, 
 while the thunders of one of the most terrible battles ever 
 waged on earth deafened the ear, and the ground was strewed 
 with the wounded and the dead. I am not, however, describ- 
 ing the battle, but simply an important incident in the battle. 
 On they came, yelling like demons, six brigades in number. 
 Two hundred and fifty pieces of rebel artillery were concentrat- 
 ing their fire upon our centre and left. It is said that Gen. 
 Howard ordered one after another of his guns to be quiet, as if 
 silenced by the fire of the enemy. The rebel lines came rush- 
 ing on, four miles long. From that whole length there was an 
 incessant blaze of fire, emitting a storm of bullets, balls, and 
 shells, which it would seem that no mortal energies could en- 
 dure. 
 
 When the foe was within point-blank range, so that every 
 bullet of grape or canister would accomplish its mission, the 
 cannoneers sprang to their guns. Sheets of flame and smoke. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 495 
 
 and d<eath-dealing iron and lead, smote them in the face ; and 
 they fell as though the angel of death had spread his wings 
 on the blast. When the smoke cleared away, the charging 
 lines before Cemetery Hill had vanished. The ground was 
 covered with mutilated bodies, some still in death, and many 
 writhing in agony. A few stragglers were seen here and there, 
 on the rapid retreat. 
 
 The gloom of night was soon spread over this awful spectacle. 
 In the morning, Lee commenced his retreat. He had lost in 
 killed, five thousand five hundred ; in wounded, twenty-one 
 thousand ; in stragglers and deserters, four thousand ; and nine 
 thousand prisoners. Humiliated and bleeding, the fragments 
 of his army hastened back to Virginia, having lost forty thou- 
 sand men. At Gettysburg, the death-blow was given to the 
 heart of the rebellion. Maine may well feel proud of the part 
 which her illustrious son Gen. O. O. Howard took in that 
 decisive battle. Even the catalogue of the skirmishes and bat- 
 tles in which Gen. 0.0. Howard took an heroic part would be 
 a long one. 
 
 Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain entered the army from 
 his professorship in Bowdoin College, as lieutenant-colonel of 
 the Maine Twentieth Regiment of infantry. It was his priv- 
 ilege to receive the surrender of Lee’s army. The scene of the 
 surrender was sublime. The whole rebel army was flying in 
 utter defeat from Richmond and Petersburg, over the hills and 
 through the vales. The Union army, more than double its 
 number, Avas pursuing it on the north, the east, and the south. 
 
 The flight of the enemy Avas truly a rout. The path of the 
 flying foe Avas strcAved AAuth abandoned artillery, muskets, 
 Avagons, and all the debris of a defeated army. Soon the rebels 
 were overtaken upon a plain surrounded by hills. The Union 
 army came pressing on, like a resistless flood, and its batteries 
 Avere planted upon the crests Avhich encircled the plain. There 
 Avas no escape for the rebels. They must either surrender or 
 be annihilated. Lee surrendered just as the Union soldiers 
 Avere ready to open their deadly fire. Our troops received the 
 first tidings from the shouts Avhich burst from the lips of their 
 rebel foes. These haggard men, Aveary of the Avar into which 
 
NATIONAX. HOME FOR DISABLED SOLDIERS, (Eastern Branch,) TOGUS, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 497 
 
 they had been dragged, as they heard the news that the war 
 was closed, were almost frantic with joy. Cheer after cheer 
 rose from the vanquished, which was echoed back in shout after 
 shout from the victors who surrounded them. Both voices, 
 that of friend and foe, blended in the joyful cry which one 
 would think must have awakened responsive joy among the 
 angels in heaven. 
 
 The soldiers on both sides seemed to have lost all memory of 
 past animosities. With the Union troops there were tears and 
 prayers and cordial embracings. The long agonies of the san- 
 guinary conflict were forgotten. The troops, who, in long lines 
 in the rear, were hurrying forward to the supposed scene of 
 battle, heard the shout, and knew not what it meant. But it 
 increased in volume, and came rolling down the ranks, nearer 
 and nearer, in thunder-peals. For miles the mountains and the 
 forests and the valleys rang with the exultant cheers of those 
 who had trampled the rebellion beneath their feet. 
 
 Major-Gen. Joshua L. Chamberlain, one of the heroes of 
 Gettysburg and Petersburg, and many another Woody fight, 
 chanced to be with his division in the van. He drew up his 
 troops in a straight line, a mile in length. An equal division 
 of the rebel army was marched to a parallel line in front, at the 
 distance of but a few feet. All were silent. Not a bugle 
 sounded ; not a drum was beat ; not a voice was heard. 
 
 As the vanquished foe came up, Gen. Chamberlain ordered 
 his men to present arms. This honor, paid to the heroic vic- 
 tims of a cruel rebellion in their hour of humiliation, brought 
 tears to the eyes of many rebel officers. One said, “ This is 
 magnanimity Avhich we had not expected.” The defeated 
 troops returned the courteous salute before they laid down their 
 arms. As this division filed away, another came, and another, 
 until twenty -two thousand left behind them their arms and 
 their banners. 
 
 Lee’s army had been more than three times that number. 
 But thousands had been captured ; large numbers had been 
 killed and wounded ; and other thousands had thrown down 
 their arms, and dispersed in all directions, to return to their 
 distant and utterly impoverished homes. The rebel troops 
 32 
 
498 
 
 THE niSTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 were starving. In their disastrous flight they had been com- 
 pelled to abandon their provisions. The Union troops, in their 
 eager pursuit, Irad taken but a scanty supply ; but they divided 
 their rations with their conquered foe. 
 
 No pen can describe the joy with which the tidings of Lee’s 
 surrender was received throughout our war-weary and exhausted 
 land. The Union was preserved. Our nationality was estab- 
 lished. The star-spangled banner was again to float in undis- 
 puted supremacy from the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. The 
 crushinsf-out of the rebellion established freedom throughout 
 
 O o 
 
 our whole land. It was clear to every mind, that our country 
 was entering upon a new era of prosperity, wealth, and power. 
 The State of Maine contributed her full proportion in the ac- 
 complishment of this glorious result. 
 
 And the country has not been ungrateful to her heroic sons, 
 who have accomplished such glorious results. Many monu- 
 ments have been reared to perpetuate the remembrance of 
 those who have sacrificed their lives. At Togus, a few miles 
 east from Augusta, a large and commodious retreat has been 
 reared by the government as a home for the disabled soldiers. 
 Here, honored by all who visit them, these sons of Maine and 
 of other States, rendered helpless by the exhaustion of war, or 
 mutilated by the terrible enginery of battle, are provided with 
 every thing the nation can give to minister to their comfort. 
 From thousands of Christian churches and firesides the prayer 
 fervently ascends, that God will bless them, for all that they 
 have done and suffered, that our land might be rescued from 
 anarchy and ruin. 
 
CHAPTER XXVIIL 
 
 AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Maine, its Location and Size — Mountains — Katahdin — Temperature — 
 Agricultural Products — Various Industries — Ship-Building — Railroads — 
 Slate Quarries — Little Blue Quarry — Water-Power — Annual Rain-Fail — 
 Manufacturing Facilities — The Saco Basin — The Androscoggin — The 
 Kennebec — The Penobscot Valley — The St. Croix — The St. John — The 
 Salubrious Climate — Prospects of Emigration. 
 
 HE State of Maine lies between* 42° 57' and 47° 30' north 
 
 -L latitude, and 5° 45' and 10° 10' east longitude from 
 Washington. It is the most easterly State of the Union, 
 embracing an area of thirty-two thousand square miles, which 
 is equal to twenty million acres. It is larger than all the other 
 New England States united. The greatest length of the State, 
 in a diagonal line from the mouth of the Piscataqua River to 
 the extreme northern angle, is three hundred and twenty miles. 
 Its greatest width, from the sea near Passamaquoddy Bay west 
 to the Canada line, is one hundred and sixty miles. A straight 
 line running from the mouth of the Piscataqua River to 
 Quoddy Head, the extreme north-eastern cape, would be two 
 hundred and fifty miles in length.^ 
 
 The surface of the State is diversified with high mountains, 
 broad intervals, and undulating plains. Much of the north- 
 western region strongly resembles Scotland in the grandeur of 
 its eminences and the beauty of its crystal lakes. In Franklin 
 County Mount Abraham rears its majestic brow three thousand 
 four hundred feet above the level of the sea. Mount Blue, in the 
 same county, is a celebrated place of resort. Its summit reaches 
 the height of two thousand eight hundred feet, and opens to 
 
 1 Annual Register of Maine for 1874-5, p. 102. 
 
 499 
 
500 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 the eye a view of sublimity and beauty which richly rewards the 
 tourist who ascends its cliffs. The Sandy River winds alonsf 
 its base, whose banks are adorned with thriving New England 
 villages. Webb’s Pond and other beautiful lakelets gleam like 
 burnished silver through the surrounding forests ; and the 
 browns of majestic mountains rise around till their cliffs fade 
 away in the distant horizon. Bordering the Canada line there 
 is a range, called the Highlands, two thousand feet in height. 
 
 Near the coast there are some lofty eminences which arrest 
 the eye of the voyager far out at sea. Here some internal 
 convulsions of nature have thrown up thirteen huge granite 
 mountains. They can be seen at a distance of sixty leagues, 
 and are the first landmark caught sight of by the mariner 
 approaching our coast. The highest peak reaches an eleva- 
 tion of one thousand five hundred and fifty-six feet.^ Upon 
 the summit of one of these mountains there is a lake, clear as 
 crystal, many acres in extent, without any visible outlet or 
 inlet. The Camden Hills, on the Penobscot, reach an elevation 
 of fifteen hundred feet. 
 
 jMount Katahdin is one of the most remarkable elevations in 
 the State. It is situated about seventy miles north-west of the 
 head-tide of Penobscot River. The mountain is about twelve 
 miles in circumference at its base. Its difficult ascent was first 
 accomplished in the year 1804, by a party of seven gentlemen 
 from Bangor and Orono. They judged its summit to be ten 
 thousand feet above the level of the sea. Under the fourth 
 article of the treaty of Ghent, surveyors were appointed to 
 ascertain its altitude ; and they pronounced it to be four thou- 
 sand six hundred and eighty-four feet above a small river at its 
 foot, called Abalajacko-megus, which river was, at that point, 
 eleven hundred and fifty feet above the tide-waters of the 
 Penobscot. 
 
 This measurement Avas not deemed satisfactory, as their 
 instruments were out of order. Subsequent surveys have given 
 its altitude at about five thousand five hundred feet. Its 
 
 1 Williamson gives the attitude of the highest peak at two thousand three 
 hundred feet ; Dr. Jackson, in his Geological Survey, at one thousand nine liun- 
 dred feet ; C. O. Boutelle, in the United States Coast Survey, at one thousand 
 live hundred and lifty-six feet. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 501 
 
 ascent is difficult. Its sides are covered with a dense forest, 
 until within about a mile of the top, where all vegetation 
 ceases. The summit is a plain, about half a mile long, but 
 much more narrow, covered with a surface of dry white moss. 
 The view opened from this point is sublime. The small irregu- 
 larities below seem to be levelled to a perfect plain. Sixty lakes 
 of varied dimensions and very picturesque forms can be counted. 
 On the north-east the view is uninterrupted, till lost in the 
 deep blue of the horizon. Towards the south the spectator 
 can see the heights of Mount Desert, at the distance of one 
 hundred and twenty miles. 
 
 Among these mountains, lakes, and rivers there is spread out 
 a region of rich and extensive valleys, which will eventually 
 afford homes to a vast population. It is true that the winters 
 are long and cold ; but the summers are delightful. There is, 
 probably, not a more healthy climate in the world. And the 
 clear winters, with the pure atmosphere, are seasons of great 
 enjoyment. No one, who has spent a winter in South Carolina 
 and in Maine, will deny that there is more suffering in the 
 former place from the cold than in the latter. And in South 
 Carolina there is no escape from the sultry, burning, debilitating 
 heat of the summer nights. 
 
 The annual average of temperature in the State, as ascer- 
 tained by tables kept at the observatory on Munjoy’s Hill, in 
 Portland, for the thirty-two 3^ears between 1825 and 1857, was 
 43° 23' Fahrenheit. The highest point to which the mercury 
 ascended during that time was 100° 5'. The lowest point was 
 on the 24th of January, 1857, when the mercury descended to 
 25° below zero. At Portland the proximity of the ocean 
 diminishes both the summer’s heat and the winter’s cold. Far 
 back in the northern counties the mercury occasionally falls 
 several degrees lower. 
 
 At Brunswick, according to the meteorological record kept 
 by Prof. Cleaveland, the annual mean temperature for the same 
 fifty years was 44° 40' Fahrenheit. The highest temperature 
 was 102° ; the lowest, 30° below zero. 
 
 The average number of rainy days in Maine is sixty-four 
 during the year. The smallest number, in any year, was thirty- 
 
502 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 nine ; the largest, ninety -five. The average number of snowy 
 days was thirty. The lowest was nineteen ; the highest, fifty. 
 July is the only month during the year in which frost in that 
 region has never occurred. The amount of water which fell, 
 consisting of rain, and snow reduced to water, was, in the year 
 1857, forty-seven inches and sixty-six hundredths. In 1858 it 
 was forty-three inches and forty-two one-hundredths. In 1859 
 it was forty-eight inches and fifty-five one-hundredths. 
 
 In the year 1874 there were published in the State, seventy- 
 two newspapers, most of them weekly, a few daily. There 
 were also sixty-two banks and fifty-six savings banks. There 
 is an increasing appreciation of the adaptation of the State to 
 secure all the blessings of healthful and happy homes which 
 this earth can give. The God of nature seems to deal in 
 compensations. If Maine needs some of the advantages which 
 Other States enjoy, she receives in return blessings which make 
 up for the loss. There are many who can say, — 
 
 “ I love my own State’s pine-clad hills, 
 
 Her thousand bright and gushing rills, 
 
 Her sunshine and her storms ; 
 
 Her rough and rugged rocks that rear 
 Their hoary heads high in the air, 
 
 In wild, fantastic forms.” 
 
 The beautiful granite of Maine is every year growing more 
 in demand for building purposes, and will eventually become an 
 important item of export. The granite-quarry at Hallowell fur- 
 nishes as admirable building stone as is found in the world. It 
 is of great solidity, and, when dressed, presents a surface quite 
 like marble in appearance. In the year 1874 three hundred 
 thousand tons of ice were shipped from Maine. Ice that is 
 formed where the mercury is twenty degrees below zero is much 
 more solid, and withstands the summer heat more firmly, than 
 that which is formed where the mercury is ten above cipher. 
 The ice-crop promises to be a fruitful source of income.^ 
 
 There is a general impression that Maine is not a good agri- 
 cultural State. But statistics prove conclusively that in those 
 sections of the State where manufacturing and industrial opera- 
 
 1 Address of Gov. Nelson Dingley, 1874, p. 41. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 503 
 
 tions have been well developed, thus opening a market, the farm- 
 ers are as prosperous as in those States where crops are more 
 easily reared, but must be sent to a great distance to find a pur- 
 chaser. The hay-crop of Maine in 1873 amounted to two 
 million tons, whose market value was estimated at twenty-five 
 million dollars. This greatly exceeded the value of the wheat- 
 crop in any of the Western States of equal population. The 
 products of the dairy, which ever command a ready sale, were 
 over two million dollars. The aggregate productions of the 
 farms, including live stock, reached the large sum of fifty-seven' 
 million dollars. 
 
 It is a very gratifying fact, that emigration from the State is 
 diminishing, and that there are indications that the tide is again 
 turning towards those fertile fields where fever and ague are un- 
 known, where timber is abundant, where pure, cool, crystal water- 
 gushes from the hillsides, where the air is invigorating, andl 
 glowing health abounds. Not one-half of the State has yet been^ 
 reached by the tiller of the soil. There are still three million; 
 unimproved acres in the region of the Aroostook. The territory 
 there, inviting the settler, is equal to the whole of Massachu- 
 setts. The soil is deep and rich, and there a population^ of ai 
 million people might find homes of competence. 
 
 Manufacturing, commercial, mechanical, and mining enter- 
 prises are very rapidly being developed. In the year 1873 the- 
 cotton-manufactures of the State amounted to twelve and a^ 
 half million dollars ; wool manufactures, to seven million ; boots- 
 and shoes, nine million ; leather, four million ; paper, three 
 million ; flour and grist-mill products, two and a quarter mil- 
 lion ; iron, cast and forged, two million and a half ; machinery,, 
 two million and a half ; edged tools, three-quarters of a million 
 oil-cloths, a million and a half ; bricks, half a million ; fertili-- 
 zers, about eighty thousand dollars ; fish and kerosene oils, half 
 a million ; fisheries, three-quarters of a million. 
 
 The ice cut from our rivers amounted in value to over half 
 a million dollars ; the granite, cut from supplies which cam 
 never fail, brought four and a half million dollars ; the lime* 
 amounted to nearly two million dollars ; and the majestic 
 forests, still covering millions of acres, brought to those engaged 
 in that one branch of industry nearly ten million dollars. 
 
504 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 Ship-building ever has been, and for a long time will proba 
 bly continue to be, one of the most important branches of indus 
 try in the State. Notwithstanding it was a season of great com- 
 mercial depression in the year 1873, there were two hundred 
 and seventy-six vessels built in Maine, with a tonnage of eighty- 
 nine thousand eight hundred and seventeen tons. The esti- 
 mated value of these vessels was five and a half million dollars. 
 It will appear from the above, that, from what may be consid- 
 ered the agricultural products of Maine, the sum of the labors 
 of the year 1873 was nearly fifty-seven million dollars. From 
 manufacturing and other industrial products, the sum reached 
 ninety-six million dollars ; making a total of one hundred and 
 fifty-three million dollars. Surely the sons of such a State 
 need not emigrate far away from friends and home, to other 
 regions, to find remunerative fields of labor. 
 
 In the year 1850 there were two hundred and forty -five miles 
 of railroad in the State. In 1874 these lines had been extended 
 to nine hundred and five miles. There are quarries of excel- 
 lent slate discovered, extending more than eighty miles from 
 the Penobscot to the valley of the Kennebec. 
 
 Five miles from Skowhegan there has been opened what is 
 called the Madison Slate-Quarry. The mine is not only one of 
 wonderful promise, but already of great performance. Proba- 
 bly there is nowhere to be found slate of more excellent qual- 
 ity for roofing. It is very dark in color, and in toughness and 
 elasticity unsurpassed. Its surface is so smooth that it appears 
 almost polished. The quarry is apparently inexhaustible, yield- 
 ing slate of similar rift and quality with that of the celebrated 
 mine in Wales, which has now been worked fifty years. The 
 slate has been subjected to experiments which have elicited 
 remarkable results. A slab one-fourth of an inch in thickness 
 will support a weight of four hundred and fifty pounds. It can 
 be perforated to any extent without crumbling, so that the piece 
 cut out can be returned and exactly fitted to the hole from 
 which it was cut. It can be carved, or turned in a lathe, like 
 ebony or ivory. When powdered it becomes an admirable arti- 
 cle for the surface-painting of oil-cloths. 
 
 The toughness of the slate is marvellous. Nails may be 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 505 
 
 driven through every square inch, without injuring the texture, 
 or breaking the slate. A nail may be driven within an eighth 
 of an inch of the edge. It is easily split into plates of exactly 
 the same thickness, so that it will lie perfectly level upon the 
 roof. An ample supply of water-power enables the proprietors 
 to conduct their works with great efficiency. The plates have 
 easy access to market b}" the Maine Central Railroad. 
 
 Several quarries, manufacturing roofing-slate, are in success- 
 ful operation at Monson. The oldest quarries in the State are 
 at Brownville. For more than thirty years these mines have 
 been worked, producing a quality of slate which has given the 
 slate of the State of Maine the highest reputation. It is safe 
 to say that the world produces no finer roofing material than 
 that which is to be found in Maine. - 
 
 In Farmington, on the Sandy River, a quarry was opened in 
 the spring of 1874. It is called ‘‘ The Little Blue-Slate Quar- 
 ry.” The stone, in quality, very much resembles that obtained 
 at Brownville. The tests usually applied prove it to be every 
 way equal, for roofing purposes, to that celebrated variety. The 
 most competent judges, including mineralogists, architects, 
 slaters, and slate-dealers, award it high praise in respect to 
 color, non-absorption of water, tenacity, and durability. There 
 is good reason to expect that a section of this quarry, recently 
 opened, will afford material for school-slates of superior quality. 
 
 The commercial facilities of Maine are unsurpassed by any 
 State in the Union. The sinuosities of the shore are such, that 
 there are between two and three thousand miles of coast-line. 
 Its bays and inlets afford innumerable safe harbors. There is 
 probabl}^ no other portion of the globe which exceeds or equals 
 Maine in the magnitude of its water-power. There are one 
 thousand five hundred and sixty-eight lakes within her borders, 
 at an average elevation of six hundred feet above the level of 
 the sea. 
 
 “ These,” says Gov. Dingley, “ form the head waters of five 
 thousand one hundred and fifty-one streams, which go rushing 
 down towards the ocean, creating three thousand water-powers, 
 which afford a force measured by not less than one million horse- 
 powers, and equal to the working energy of thirteen million 
 
506 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 men. When it is remembered that not a thousandth part of the 
 water-power of the State is as yet harnessed to machinery, some 
 faint idea of the almost boundless extent of our manufacturino* 
 
 o 
 
 resources may be obtained.” ^ 
 
 The annual rain-fall of Maine, assumed at forty-two inches, 
 would create a lake, covering eight hundred and seventy-one 
 square miles, of the depth of Lake Erie. The inland body of 
 water, including lakes and rivers, covers a surface of three 
 thousand two hundred square miles. 
 
 There are in Maine four hundred and sevent3^-one cities, 
 towns, and plantations, and one hundred and twenty-four town- 
 ships. It is difficult to give with precision the number of 
 water-powers, but from a careful estimate it is judged that there 
 cannot be less than three thousand one hundred. More than 
 half of these privileges are as yet unused. 
 
 If we subtract from the territor}^ of Maine three thousand 
 two hundred square miles for lake, pond, and river surfaces, and 
 five hundred square miles for mountain tops and sides, ledges 
 and heaths, and tracts too barren to support trees, there is left, 
 of cultivated farms and forest surface, twenty-one thousand 
 square miles. Of this region there is about fifteen thousand 
 square miles of the primeval forest, whose silent depths have 
 never echoed to the axe of the settler. 
 
 This vast expanse, destined eventually to afford prosperous 
 homes to a large population, is seven times as large as the 
 famous “ Black Forest ” of Germany. Indeed, it is larger than 
 the States of Connecticut, Delaware, and Rhode Island united. 
 Maine seems to have been designed by nature as a great manu- 
 facturing State. These water-powers are admirably located for 
 access to our own great commercial centres, by river navigation 
 and by railroads. The valleys admit of the extension of rail- 
 ways far into the interior. 
 
 “ The location of the State amid surrounding seas ; its extent of surface ; 
 the disposition of its slopes; its geological structure ; its surface forms and 
 extensive forests ; its grand system of lakes, with their uniform connection 
 with the rivers, and susceptibility of reservoir improvement ; the low annu- 
 al temperature, and especially the low summer temperature, which at once 
 
 1 Address of Gov. Nelson Dingley, 1874. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 507 
 
 reduces evaporation, and contributes to vigorous labor; the winds of the 
 State, as a whole maritime in character ; the copious rain-fall, with its uni- 
 form distribution throughout the year, and diffusion over the whole State; 
 the late lingering of the snow in spring ; the small percentage of evapora- 
 tion, resulting from the low temperature, from the number of rainy, snowy, 
 and cloudy days; the consequent large residue of water for removal by rivers, 
 and which our favorable surface forms determine to be removed by rivers, 
 — taken together, constitute a sum of favorable conditions, which, it is confi- 
 dently believed, no other equal area of the globe can surpass, or can, indeed, 
 so much as equal. Other districts may have, and certainly do have, some 
 one or more of the advantageous features more decidedly developed than 
 Maine ; but none can parallel fully, as is believed, their combined series.” ^ 
 
 These facts seem to indicate that Maine is to become the 
 great manufacturing State of the Union. When we add to the 
 above considerations, that its climate is in the highest degree 
 salubrious, and that, in point of economy, water-power is vastly 
 superior to steam-power, it would seem to be inevitable, that 
 eventually the hum of productive machinery will resound 
 through all these valleys. This will afford a basis for the em- 
 ployment of an immense population. And this will give new 
 energy to all industrial pursuits, causing harvests to wave over 
 all the plains, and cattle to graze over all the hillsides. This 
 wonderful water-power is a grand resource of the State, which 
 can never fail. It is based upon features of the country, and 
 upon recuperative processes of nature, which must be permanent. 
 Power is the creator of wealth. Wherever power is found, the 
 ingenuity of man will utilize it. The power of Maine is worth 
 more to the State than mines of precious metals or reservoirs of 
 coal. The State is adopting an eminently wise policy, in en- 
 couraging the formation of companies for manufacturing pur- 
 poses, in exempting such infant establishments from taxation, 
 and in allowing towns to subscribe to the stock of manufacturing 
 enterprises. 
 
 In accordance with a recommendation to the legislature by 
 Gov. Joshua L. Chamberlain, in 1869, commissioners were 
 appointed to explore the water-power of the State. The result 
 is contained in an exceedingly valuable volume of about five 
 hundred pages, issued by Walter Wells, Esq., superintendent 
 
 1 Water-Power of iMaine, p. 64. 
 
508 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 of the Hydrographic Surve}^ From that volume I glean the 
 following facts in reference to several of the most important 
 rivers of Maine. 
 
 The Saco River drains a valley seventy-four miles in length, 
 and thirty miles in its greatest breadth. The area of this 
 valley includes fourteen hundred square miles. Eight hundred 
 of these are in Maine, and six hundred in New Hampshire. 
 The upper half of the valley is still heavily wooded, with but 
 few clearings. It is estimated that one-half of the entire dis- 
 trict is still a wilderness. The length of the river, from its 
 sources among the mountains to the sea, including its windings, 
 is about ninety-five miles. At Saco, the stream is about six 
 hundred feet wide. Even in the drought of summer, forty 
 thousand cubic feet of water can be commanded per minute, for 
 eleven working hours of the day, or eighteen thousand cubic 
 feet for the whole twenty-four hours. There are seventy-five 
 lakes in this valley. By means of these reservoirs, the volume 
 of water may be greatly increased. The descent of the river, 
 for about sixty-seven miles, is seven feet to the mile. The 
 gross power developed is estimated to be equivalent to seven- 
 teen thousand four hundred and ninety-three horse power. 
 This is sufficient to drive six hundred and ninety-nine thousand 
 four hundred and ninety-three spindles. 
 
 Five miles from Portland, at Westbrook, on the Presumpscot 
 River, there is a very important water-power known as the 
 “ Cumberland Mills Power.” There is a fall of twenty feet, 
 containing two thousand and thirteen horse power. One of the 
 most extensive paper-mills in the country, carried on by S. D. 
 Warren & Co., of Boston, is in operation here, all the year round. 
 Two hundred and twenty-five men, and one hundred and twenty- 
 five women, are employed. The annual produce of the manu- 
 facture amounts to over one million of dollars. The chief market 
 is in Boston and New York, both easily reached by railroad and 
 steamboat. 
 
 The valley of the Androscoggin is about one hundred and 
 ten miles in length, and seventy miles in its greatest breadth. 
 It extends from the northerly outposts of the White Mountains 
 to the ocean. The territory drained by the Androscoggin and 
 
CUMBERLAND MILLS, NEAR PORTLAND 
 
510 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 its tributaries embraces three thousand six hundred square 
 miles. It is judged that one thousand four liundred and eighty 
 of these square miles are still covered with the primeval forest. 
 The number of tributary streams contributing to the flood of 
 the Androscoggin is six hundred and sixty-nine. The length 
 of the river from Lake-Umbagog to Brunswick, where it 
 meets the tide, is one hundred and fifty-seven miles. 
 
 The low run at Brunswick is about one hundred and twenty- 
 five thousand cubic feet a minute for eleven hours of the day, 
 or fifty-seven thousand for the twenty-four hours. The descent 
 of the river, from Lake Umbagog to Brunswick, is twelve hun- 
 dred and fifty-six feet, being nearly eight and a half feet a 
 mile. There are one hundred and forty-eight lakes in this 
 valley, fifteen of which are in New Hampshire. These lakes 
 cover a surface of two hundred and thirteen square miles. It 
 is estimated that the power of the section of the river, between 
 Rumford and the head of the tide, is equivalent to eighty-five 
 thousand two hundred horse power. This would drive nearly 
 four million spindles. Not one-eighth of this is now used. 
 
 The basin of the Kennebec River is one hundred and forty- 
 five miles in length, with seventy-five miles of greatest breadth. 
 It covers an area of five thousand eight hundred square miles. 
 There are one thousand and eighty-four tributary streams. The 
 length of the river from Moosehead Lake to the ocean, includ- 
 ing its windings, is one hundred and fifty-five miles. The 
 average width of the river at Augusta is seven hundred feet. 
 In the summer of 1866, Col. De Witt found that one hundred 
 and thirty thousand cubic feet of water per minute passed 
 Augusta for the whole twenty-four hours. It is estimated that 
 the average will be two hundred ninety- six thousand six hun- 
 dred and forty feet each minute, for eleven hours of the day. 
 The depth of water on the dam is usually from five to seven feet. 
 On one occasion it was ten feet. 
 
 There are three hundred and sixteen lakes in this basin, 
 covering an expanse of four hundred and fifty square miles. 
 Moosehead Lake is thirty-five miles in length by twelve in 
 breadth. At the outlet of the lake there is a dam. Upon 
 hoistin^r the grates, it takes tlie wave of accumulated water 
 
 O O ^ 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 511 
 
 about forty hours to reach Augusta. A strong southerly wind 
 will retard it nearly three hours. The river is navigable for 
 small vessels to Augusta. The mean period of the opening of 
 the river in spring is on the 6th of April, and of closing on 
 the 12th of December. 
 
 We give a view of Skowhegan Falls on Kennebec River. 
 The total fall is twenty-eight feet within half a mile. Much of 
 
 NORTH CHANNEL DAM, AT SKOWHEGAN, ME. 
 
 it is nearly perpendicular. The fall could be greatly increased 
 by dams. A small island of rock divides the fall into two 
 channels, and would serve a natural pier to the sections of the 
 dam, and as sites for mills. The bottom of the river is a solid 
 ledge, and so are the banks. 
 
 Ill the towns of Madison and Anson, on the Kennebec River, 
 there is an important water-power known as the Madison 
 Bridge Falls. There is, at this point, a fall of eighty-seven feet 
 within a distance of two and a half miles. There are two 
 principal pitches. The cut represents the upper one, and shows 
 scarcely one-fourth of the descent. The bottom is a ledge, and 
 dams can be located at any desired point. 
 
512 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 In the towns of Embden nnd Solon, on the Kennebec River, 
 there is a fall of twenty feet perpendicular, called “ Carratunk 
 Falls.” A dam can easily be built ten feet high. This would 
 give thirty feet fall, equal to that at Lowell. Thus there would 
 be obtained five thousand five hundred horse-power, which 
 would drive two hundred and twenty thousand spindles. The 
 
 facilities for canalling, by the falls, are very good. The ground 
 is admirably graded. An extent of about one hundred acres is 
 well adapted for the erection of buildings sufficient to accommo- 
 date a large population. 
 
 The valley of the Penobscot River lies east of that of the 
 Kennebec. It is entirely within the boundaries of the State. 
 
 “ The Penobscot is the only great fluviatile district in Maine which illus- 
 trates, in its actual configuration, the geographical idea of the river basin, 
 
 appearing as a mere point at the mouth of the stream, thence, interioi- 
 
 ward, expanding symmetrically on ' both sides of the central channel, 
 presently embranching into subordinate basins, themselves disposed likewise 
 symmetrically about tributary streams, and themselves yet further breaking 
 
THE nr STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 513 
 
 up into still smaller basins, located upon still smaller tributaries, until the 
 whole takes on the similitude of a mighty tree, that from one trunk ramifies 
 into innumerable branches, and from one grand aorta divaricates into num- 
 berless arteries and veins, by which, upon occasion, its entire volume of 
 fluids is conducted to and poured into a common channel of circulation 
 and discharge.” ' 
 
 CAUIlAlUNlv FALLS, EMBDEN AND SOLON, ME. 
 
 The greatest length of the valley of the Penobscot, from! 
 north to south, is one hundred and sixty miles, and its greatest 
 breadth one hundred and fifteen miles. It includes an area of 
 eight thousand two hundred square miles. The highest portion 
 of the basin, at the head waters of the main river, is about two 
 thousand feet above the sea-level. The State map represents 
 one thousand six hundred and four streams in the Penobscot 
 system. The river from its extreme head waters, including its 
 windings, is about three hundred miles in length. The chief 
 water-power is between Lake Chesuncook and Bangor, a dis- 
 tance of one hundred and twenty miles, where the fall is about 
 ^ Water-Power of Maine, p. 100. 
 
 33 
 
514 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 nine hundred feet. It is one of the most highly favored streams 
 in the State, presenting, without any artificial aid, remarkable 
 uniformity in the volume of water throughout the entire year. 
 
 There are four hundred and sixt3-seven lakes in this basin, 
 covering a surface of four hundred and sixty-two square miles. 
 iMau}^ of these lakes are large, and can be used to almost any 
 amount for reservoirs. The river can thus meet immense man- 
 ufacturing demands. 
 
 UPPER DAM, AT ELLSWORTH, ME. 
 
 At Ellsworth, on Union River, a few miles east from the 
 Penobscot, there is a fall of about eighty feet within two miles. 
 Above the Upper Dam, the water is level for a long distance. 
 The dam throws back the water ten miles. A town of five 
 thousand inhabitants has sprung up around these falls. The 
 power, for fifty years, has been emploj^ed almost exclusively 
 for the manufacture of lumber. The annual product has been 
 about thirty-five million feet of long lumber, two hundred 
 thousand sugar-box shooks, two million laths, five million shin- 
 gles, two hundred thousand clapboards, and a large quantity of 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 515 
 
 smaller stuff. The annual value of these productions is esti- 
 mated at nearly a million dollars. The principal markets are 
 Portland, Boston, New York, and Cuba. 
 
 The valley of the St. Croix is seventy miles in length, and 
 fifty in greatest breadth. It embraces an area of one thousand 
 one hundred and seventy-five square miles. Eight hundred of 
 these are in Maine ; three hundred and seventy-five are in the 
 adjacent British Province. Almost the entire flow of the river 
 is from lakes, and these may be easily converted into reservoirs. 
 
 The lacustrine aspect of this valley is very remarkable. It 
 can hardly be paralleled by any country on the globe. The 
 northern branch of the river is almost a continuous lake of vast 
 extent, and of wondrous eccentricities of windings and form. 
 The western branch is also mainly a lake, broken into many 
 small sheets of water. “ The river,” says Mr. Wells, ‘‘ might 
 almost justly be described as a lake in motion.” The total of 
 lake surface is estimated at not less than one hundred and fifty 
 square miles. 
 
 “ A proportion so remarkable places the St. Croix at once, and without 
 controversy, in the foremost position among the large rivers of the State, as 
 a manufacturing stream, so far as regards natural reservoirs, and in propor- 
 tion to its magnitude and its area of basin. The power on the main river, 
 from below the junction of the west and north branches, is already, for 
 the greater part, well accommodated with railroad communication.” ^ 
 
 The upper waters of the St. John constitute, in the extreme 
 northern part of the State, the boundary between Maine and the 
 British possessions. In this region, the right bank of the river 
 belongs to Maine ; and, still farther up, the whole stream is 
 within our territory. The greatest length of the river in Maine, 
 measured along its southern border, is about two hundred and 
 eleven miles. The greatest breadth of the valley, in these upper 
 waters, is ninety miles. The St. John constitutes, next to the 
 Androscoggin River, the most elevated drainage in Maine. • 
 
 The stream flows through the glooms of a dense but almost 
 unbroken wilderness. The total length of this important river, 
 from its sources to the sea, is four hundred and fifty miles. The 
 
 1 Water-Power of Maine, p. 120. 
 
516 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 area of the lakes in the St. John basin is three hundred and 
 fifty square miles. In the upper waters, the slope is so gradual 
 that the stream is navigable through nearly the whole length 
 of its flow in Maine, being comparatively of little value for the 
 purposes of power. 
 
 We have thus given a brief account of the primary, or interior 
 river systems in Maine. When it is remembered that there are 
 represented, upon the State map, five thousand one hundred and 
 fifty-one streams in Maine, and that there are over three thou- 
 sand valuable water-powers, it will be seen that a minute detail 
 of these privileges is impossible. 
 
 There is a general impression that Maine is too far away in 
 the North, and too severe in its climate, to invite emigration. 
 Mr. Blodgett writes, in his Climatology of the United States, — 
 
 “ The Mississippi Valley has been pre-eminent as the theatre of malari- 
 ous fevers, which have been the scourge of emigrants from nearly all parts 
 of the world. To the natives of the North of Europe, and the British Isles 
 in particular, the change has been extremely trying; and prostration by 
 some one of its forms, mild or severe, has been almost certain to attend the 
 new-comer. India itself has not been more certain to break the health of 
 the emigrant, than the Mississippi Valley, though the American forms of 
 disease were always attended with a much smaller ratio of mortality.” 
 
 Fever and ague, yellow fever, and cholera are never known 
 as epidemics in Maine. Many a farmer has emigrated to the 
 malarious regions of the West, with a family of ruddy boys and 
 girls, to see them, one and all, wilt down, pale, emaciate, with 
 all their energies paralyzed, beneath the scourge of fever and 
 ague. And as he himself, now shaking with the chill, and now 
 burning with fever, has looked upon his desponding household, 
 he has wished, with yearnings which cannot be expressed, that 
 he and his family could again breathe the invigorating atmos- 
 phere even of a Maine winter. 
 
 It is often said that health is the greatest of blessings. This 
 consideration will doubtless influence the young men of Maine 
 to remain at home, and improve the wonderful resources which 
 God has placed in their hands. And it will doubtless invite 
 emigrants from Northern Europe, from Scotland, Germany, 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 517 
 
 Holland, Belgium, Norway, and Sweden. Here they find a 
 climate essentially the same with that to which they have 
 been accustomed from childhood, and which their ancestors 
 have enjoyed for centuries before them. 
 
 It is a great mistake to suppose that a cold climate is unfavor- 
 able to prosperit}^ and happiness. There is unquestionably far 
 more enjoyment in St. Petersburg, Russia, than in Calcutta. 
 The homes of Norway and Sweden are more attractive than 
 those of Italy and Southern Spain. I once asked a group of 
 thirty boys at school in Farmington, Me., “ Which do you like 
 best, summer or winter ? ” The spontaneous and universal 
 response was, “ Oh, winter, winter ! ” There were some boys 
 from Cuba there. No words can express the delight with which 
 they enjoyed the magnificent snow-storms, the sleigh-rides, the 
 snow-forts, the “ sliding down hill,” and the skating. Even 
 now, in my seventieth year, I feel a thrill of pleasurable emo- 
 tion in contemplating the blissful winters which I passed in 
 early youth upon the banks of the Kennebec. 
 
CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 POPULAR EDUCATION. 
 
 Normal School in Farmington — Normal School in Castine — Maine Central 
 Institute — Oak Grove Seminary — Commercial College — State College of 
 Agriculture — Winthrop Grammar School — Kittery District School — Intel- 
 lectual, Social, and Physical Advantages of Maine. 
 
 ^T^HERE is probably no State in the Union where more 
 attention is paid to the education of the masses of the 
 people, or where better schools are maintained, than in Maine. 
 In the report of Hon. Warren Johnson, superintendent of public 
 schools, for the year 1874, it would appear that the whole num- 
 ber of scholars, between the ages of four and twenty-one, was 
 two hundred and twenty-five thousand two hundred and nine- 
 teen. There were four thousand one hundred and ninety-nine 
 schoolhouses. The estimated value of school-property was a 
 little over three million dollars. 
 
 In Farmington there was a normal school in a state of high 
 prosperity. The average attendance was a little over one hun- 
 dred. The object of this school is the thorough training of 
 teachers for their professional labors. It had an excellent phil- 
 osophical and chemical apparatus, and a good library. During 
 the past ten years one thousand young men, and one hundred 
 and ninety-eight young women, have graduated at this institu- 
 tion. 
 
 At Castine there is another normal school. The attendance 
 in the spring term of the year 1874 was one hundred and thirty, 
 in five classes. The whole number in attendance during the 
 year was three hundred and eleven. The regular course of 
 study embraced three years. The diligent student in this time 
 
 518 
 
THE III STORY OF MAINE. 
 
 519 
 
 could become well qualified to teach in the common schools. 
 In one of the late reports we read the following encouraging 
 statement : — 
 
 “ The earnest, able young men and women of Maine have never before 
 had such inducements offered them to become teachers. The workers and 
 the work are becoming appreciated. Wages, commensurate with the culture 
 and industry of the teacher, are now offered for his services. We have 
 not been able to supply the demand for first-class teachers. The free high 
 schools are calling for our best teachers, and the demand will increase.” 
 
 This high standard of qualifications required in the teacher 
 will have an influence on all grades of schools. The work of 
 educating the children of the State will be in the hands of those 
 who have been systematically trained to the calling, and who 
 will enter upon it with an intelligent enthusiasm which will call 
 forth the best energies of the pupils. The many interesting 
 questions now engaging the attention of prominent educators — 
 some of them of vital importance to the future welfare of the 
 nation — will be treated by the graduates of these schools with 
 a candid and far-reaching consideration, and the whole subject 
 of education will be elevated to its proper position in the minds 
 of the public. 
 
 Even from a material point, this attention to the cause of 
 popular education will have its reward. In the close competi- 
 tion for the commerce of the world now going on between the 
 leading nations of Europe and America, every power of the 
 mind is being cultivated, and brought into action ; new schools 
 are being founded, and old ones re-organized ; and the unedu- 
 cated peoples will fall behind in the struggle for pre-eminence. 
 This State, with its great facilities for manufacturing and me- 
 chanical enterprises, and its educated population, will take a 
 foremost position among the progressive communities of the 
 day. It has certainly reason to congratulate itself upon the 
 success which has attended the working of its normal schools. 
 The thousands of young men and young women who have 
 graduated from the schools at Farmington and Castine have 
 gone into all parts of the State, and are now exerting an influ- 
 ence, silent, but none the less effective on its school-system. 
 
520 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 The town of Castine presented the State with a fine lot of 
 land, for the erection of a new building, about the year 1872. 
 The school was then in successful operation. In the year 1873 
 
 NORMAL SCHOOL, CASTINE. 
 
 the present beautiful edifice was completed. Gov. Perham and 
 ihis council, with many distinguished friends of education, 
 .attended the dedicatory exercises. An audience of five hun- 
 .dred was assembled in the hall, and yet it was of capacity to 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 521 
 
 accommodate one hundred more. Speeches were made by the 
 governor, and by other citizens of Maine and of other States. 
 
 This is one of the best schoolhouses in the State. The 
 region around is occupied by a religious, intelligent, industrious 
 community, who can well appreciate the value of education. 
 The building can accommodate two hundred scholars, and has 
 already become a powerful instrument in the intellectual 
 advancement of the thriving surrounding towns. 
 
 MAINE CENTRAL INSTITUTE, PITTSFIELD, ME. 
 
 In the prosperous village of Pittsfield, about twenty-three 
 miles east of Waterville, there is a successful school, called the 
 “ Maine Central Institute.” The regular course of study occu- 
 pies four years, and young men and young women are alike 
 admitted. A board of twenty trustees presides over the inter- 
 ests of this seminary, and it is intended to make it a first-class 
 institution. Latin and Greek, French and German, are taught, 
 with the higher branches of mathematics, geology, astronomy, 
 mental philosophy, and moral science. The terms of tuition 
 are low, and board can be obtained in the village for about two 
 dollars a week. 
 
 Thus an accomplished education is offered to the sons and 
 
WESTBROOK SEMINARY. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 523 
 
 dauorhters in all the farm-houses of that rural district. The 
 
 O 
 
 institute includes a college preparatory course, a normal depart- 
 ment, and an academic department. There, were in the year 
 1874, in the preparatory course, eighty-four pupils ; in the nor- 
 mal, thirty-one ; in the academic, one hundred and eight ; mak- 
 ing a total of two hundred and twenty-three. 
 
 And yet in the unbroken wilderness, which for countless gen- 
 erations had covered these hills and vales, not a solitary white 
 man had reared his cabin until the year 1794. In 1815, when 
 about a dozen families had opened clearings in the forest, widely 
 separated from each other, the region was elevated to the dig- 
 nity of a plantation. In 1819 it was incorporated as a town 
 by the name of Warsaw, which name was changed to Pittsfield 
 in the year 1819. 
 
 At Vassalboro’ there is quite a celebrated school, called the 
 Oak Grove Seminary, to which a normal department is attached. 
 The school year consists of three terms of thirteen weeks each. 
 An elevated course of study is pursued. In 1874 there were 
 eighteen pupils here preparing for teachers. In Bucksport 
 there is an institution called the Conference Seminary and 
 Commercial College. It has a faculty of five teachers, and 
 about two hundred scholars. 
 
 Westbrook is a beautiful town, which was a part of Falmouth 
 until the year 1814. Upon Stevens’ Plains in this town, there 
 is located a literary institution of high order and superior 
 accommodations. It is called Westbrook Seminary, and consists 
 of three principal buildings, which will accommodate a large 
 number of students. The institution is well patronized, and 
 sends out yearly into the community many well-educated pupils 
 prepared to be useful in all the walks of common life. The 
 accompanying illustration shows vividly the progress the State 
 has made since, scarcely a century ago, the Indians reared their 
 wigwams on these plains, and pursued their game through the 
 glooms of an almost unbroken forest. 
 
 A State College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts was 
 opened at Orono, in the year 1868. It is under State patron- 
 age, and supervised by a carefully selected board of trustees, of 
 which Gov. Coburn in the year 1874 was president. The stu- 
 
524 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 dents represented every county in the State. The institution 
 stands high in the estimation of the community, and is every 
 year regarded with increasing favor the several branches of a 
 practical education. The number of students in the year 1874 
 was one hundred and twenty-one. The institution is partially 
 military in its character, though its principal object is to give 
 the pupils the best instruction in agriculture and the mechanic 
 
 RESIDENCES OF COL. EBENEZER WEBSTER, MRS. MARTHA (WEBSTER) TREAT, 
 AND PAUL D. WEBSTER, EsQ. 
 
 arts. It proposes to do this by giving every young man an 
 opportunity practically to apply the theoretical teaching he 
 receives, by labors on the farm and in the shop. In this way he 
 can also partially defray the expenses of his education. No 
 student is admitted under fifteen years of age. He is subject to 
 an examination in arithmetic, geography, English grammar, his- 
 tory of the United States, algebra as far as quadratic equations, 
 and five books in geometry. 
 
 The design of this important institution is not merely to pre- 
 pare one understandingly to work upon the farm, but to give 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 525 
 
 an education which shall aid the student in all industrial pur- 
 suits. Gov. Washburn writes, — 
 
 DISTRICT SCHOOL HOUSE, KITTERY, ME. 
 
 “ Considering the locality of the college in its relation to the whole 
 State, its proximity to the broad and fertile region of the Aroostook, a 
 county containing a larger number of acres of farming lands, of the finest 
 quality, than any other five counties in New England; considering the dif- 
 ferent kinds of soil on the college farms, furnishing opportunities for a great 
 variety of experiments; and considering, finally, the surpassing beauty of 
 
STATE AGRlCULTUIiAl, COLLEGE, ORONO, ME. 
 
THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 527 
 
 its site, and its proximity to what I have ever regarded as, beyond question, 
 the most charming inland village in the State, so far as the outward setting 
 of landscape and scenery is concerned, — I think it must be universally con- 
 ceded that the location of the college was fortunate and wise.” 
 
 GRAMMAR SCHOOL IIOXTSE, WINTHROP, ME. 
 
 There are many other literary and scientific institutions scat- 
 tered throughout the State, to which we have not space to 
 allude. In previous pages we have spoken of the principal col- 
 
528 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 leges, and of several of the more important private schools. In 
 all the leading towns there is a high school for advanced pupils. 
 These buildings, when contrasted with the schoolhouses of 
 fifty years ago, may be called palaces. We give pictures of two 
 of them, — the Grammar School House in Winthrop, and the 
 District School in Kittery, to illustrate the general style of 
 these structures. 
 
 In the interesting and very comprehensive little book by 
 Hon. John Neal, entitled “ Portland Illustrated,” we find the 
 following notice of an important institution called The Maine 
 General Hospital: — 
 
 “ This institution, established in love to that small part of the great 
 human family of sufferers in whom we have a special interest, occupies 
 what were known as the Arsenal Grounds, on Bramhall’s Hill, of two and a 
 half acres. 
 
 “ More than fifty thousand dollars have been raised by private subscrip- 
 tion among ourselves in the city ; while the State has contributed twenty 
 thousand dollars conditionally, together with these Arsenal Grounds. 
 These conditions having been more than fulfilled, the buildings are now so 
 near completion as to make it sure that before long we shall have a magnifi- 
 cent charity in full operation to be thankful for.* 
 
 “ The central building is five stories, with a mansard roof; and there are, 
 as you see, four pavilions, with an amphitheatre, a boiler-house, and a 
 kitchen. From every window there is a wide, rich, and beautiful prospect 
 of the whole surrounding country; and, from every part, either a view of 
 the sea and the cove, or a view of the White Mountains of New Hampshire, 
 sixty miles away, with all the intervening villages and elevations, woods and 
 waters; and being always open to the sea-breezes on the one side, and to the 
 winnowed atmosphere of our Switzerland upon the other, a store-house of 
 health and vitality, the sick and languishing may be sure of nature’s best 
 and surest help at all seasons.” 
 
 The writer is conscious, that, in the endeavor to give the his- 
 tory of Maine in one volume, many important facts or events 
 may have been omitted, which some will regret, and which per- 
 haps he may regret when his attention is called to them. But he 
 has, according to the best of his judgment, selected those inci- 
 dents which he has thought would be most interesting and 
 
 * Since the above was written, the hospital has been opened to patients, and is 
 now in successful operation. 
 
MAINE GENERAL HOSPITAL, PORTLAND 
 
530 
 
 TEE HISTORY OF MAINE 
 
 instructive to the general reader. And he is sure that this nar- 
 rative truthfully presents Maine in an attitude of which all 
 her sons and daughters may be proud. 
 
 Life is everywhere a battle. It is in vain for any one to 
 escape toil and trouble. But, all things considered, there is 
 probably not on this globe a more favored, comfortable, and 
 happy population than that of Maine. 
 
 It is true that cold breezes sweep its surface in winter ; but 
 these blasts, with healing on their wings, drive all malarious 
 exhalations from the land, give elasticity to the mind, buoyan- 
 cy to the spirits, and invigoration to all physical energies. The 
 soil is certainly not so rich as in some of the renowned prairies 
 and valleys of the West ; but the water is cool, and pure and 
 clear as crystal. The forests afford an abundance of every 
 variety of valuable timber; and the streams, born among the 
 mountains, and rushing over their rocky beds, invite to all the 
 branches of manufactures. 
 
 The flood of foreign immigration is not pouring into Maine as 
 into some other parts of the Union. But this saves the State 
 from a vast amount of inebriation, vagabondage, crime, and pau- 
 perism. And those who do select Maine as their home gener- 
 ally come from those countries of Northern Europe where intel- 
 ligence and piety prevail. 
 
 This renders the community in Maine in a remarkable degree 
 homogeneous. The society is in a high degree intelligent, moral, 
 and social. And thus it is that Christian churches arise in every 
 village, that intemperance can be arrested as scarcely anywhere 
 else, that schools and colleges are multiplied, and intelligence 
 and morality are widely diffused. It would be difficult to find 
 in any portion of our land more happy homes than are found in 
 Maine. 
 
POPULATION AND VALUATION, 1860 AND 1870, 
 
 ANDROSCOGGIN COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 1860 . 
 
 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Auburn 
 
 ...5,344 
 
 1,234 
 
 $1,224,070 
 
 6,169 
 
 1,591 
 
 $2,918,101 
 
 Durham 
 
 ...1,620 
 
 412 
 
 459,376 
 
 1,350 
 
 356 
 
 482,861 
 
 East Livermore 
 
 ...1,029 
 
 258 
 
 301,702 
 
 1,004 
 
 255 
 
 388,680 
 
 Greene 
 
 ...1,224 
 
 303 
 
 ' 338,402 
 
 1,094 
 
 315 
 
 439,629 
 
 Lewiston 
 
 ...7,424 
 
 1,217 
 
 2,426,374 
 
 13,600 
 
 2,258 
 
 8,813,629 
 
 Lisbon 
 
 ...1,876 
 
 355 
 
 404,016 
 
 2,014 
 
 451 
 
 741,092 
 
 Leeds 
 
 ...1,390 
 
 330 
 
 333,03d 
 
 1,288 
 
 420 
 
 456,348 
 
 Livermore 
 
 ...1,597 
 
 355 
 
 430,779 
 
 1,467 
 
 404 
 
 524,267 
 
 Minot 
 
 ...1,799 
 
 403 
 
 546,581 
 
 1,569 
 
 384 
 
 610,511 
 
 Poland 
 
 ...2,746 
 
 584 
 
 517,671 
 
 2,436 
 
 552 
 
 765,960 
 
 Turner 
 
 
 708 
 
 748,218 
 
 2,380 
 
 5S7 
 
 815,684 
 
 Wales 
 
 ... 602 
 
 155 
 
 188,642 
 
 556 
 
 153 
 
 229,359 
 
 Webster 
 
 ... 890 
 
 237 
 
 312,015 
 
 939 
 
 218 
 
 406,434 
 
 Total 
 
 ..29,726 
 
 6,551 
 
 $8,230,892 
 
 35,866 
 
 7,894 
 
 $17,592,555 
 
 AROOSTOOK COUNTY. 
 
 Amity 
 
 .. 302 
 
 53 
 
 $28,884 
 
 311 
 
 82 
 
 $44,676 
 
 Beiiedicta 
 
 , . . 307 
 
 
 
 413 
 
 69 
 
 41,741 
 
 Bridgewater . . . 
 
 , . . 491 
 
 94 
 
 44,372 
 
 605 
 
 123 
 
 83,263 
 
 Dalton 
 
 , . . 606 
 
 128 
 
 68,830 
 
 445 
 
 87 
 
 98,531 
 
 Easton 
 
 .. 320 
 
 
 
 522 
 
 106 
 
 69,879 
 
 Frencliville 
 
 
 
 
 1,851 
 
 274 
 
 80,600 
 
 Fort Fairfield . . 
 
 .. 901 
 
 167 
 
 75,975 
 
 1,893 
 
 360 
 
 276,800 
 
 Fort Kent 
 
 
 
 
 1,034 
 
 172 
 
 65,357 
 
 Grant Isle 
 
 .. 545 
 
 
 
 688 
 
 113 • 
 
 40,865 
 
 Hersey 
 
 
 
 
 107 
 
 25 
 
 24,493 
 
 Hodgdon 
 
 .. 963 
 
 202 
 
 118,467 
 
 989 
 
 210 
 
 197,832 
 
 Houlton 
 
 .. 2,035 
 
 360 
 
 240,000 
 
 2,850 
 
 457 
 
 681,646 
 
 Limestone 
 
 .. 161 
 
 
 
 263 
 
 64 
 
 27,647 
 
 Linneus 
 
 
 200 
 
 77,270 
 
 1,008 
 
 213 
 
 117,917 
 
 Littleton 
 
 .. 543 
 
 108 
 
 53,932 
 
 700 
 
 151 
 
 94,257 
 
 Ludlow 
 
 .. 287 
 
 64 
 
 24,548 
 
 371 
 
 77 
 
 57,888 
 
 Lyndon 
 
 .. 297 
 
 57 
 
 26,264 
 
 1,410 
 
 256 
 
 155,702 
 
 Madawaska 
 
 .. 585 
 
 
 
 1,041 
 
 148 
 
 65,155 
 
 Mars Hill 
 
 .. 201 
 
 
 
 399 
 
 78 
 
 4.5,811 
 
 Masardis 
 
 .. 190 
 
 34 
 
 19,801 
 
 169 
 
 40 
 
 39,479 
 
 Maysville 
 
 .. 665 
 
 115 
 
 57,952 
 
 758 
 
 163 
 
 140,057 
 
 Monticello 
 
 .. 483 
 
 96 
 
 54,369 
 
 760 
 
 166 
 
 138,585 
 
 New Limerick. . 
 
 .. 226 
 
 47 
 
 26,712 
 
 308 
 
 76 
 
 43,450 
 
 Orient 
 
 .. 233 
 
 36 
 
 17,712 
 
 219 
 
 39 
 
 35,000 
 
 531 
 
532 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 1800 . 1870 . 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Presque Isle 
 
 723 
 
 161 
 
 79,874 
 
 970 
 
 182 
 
 180,786 
 
 Sherman 
 
 
 
 
 701 
 
 171 
 
 109,240 
 
 Smyrna 
 
 165 
 
 28 
 
 24,793 
 
 159 
 
 37 
 
 35,698 
 
 Washburn 
 
 318 
 
 
 
 449 
 
 100 
 
 63,021 
 
 Weston 
 
 394 
 
 85 
 
 42,230 
 
 394 
 
 86 
 
 49,846 
 
 
 PLANTATIOSrS AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Alva 
 
 486 
 
 
 
 496 
 
 98 
 
 35,093 
 
 Bancroft 
 
 304 
 
 63 
 
 23,810 
 
 177 
 
 54 
 
 39,513 
 
 Castle Hill 
 
 
 
 
 237 
 
 67 
 
 20,053 
 
 Crystal 
 
 
 
 
 250 
 
 56 
 
 32,115 
 
 Eagle Lake 
 
 
 
 
 143 
 
 
 
 Greenwood 
 
 
 
 
 47 
 
 
 
 Hamlin 
 
 
 
 
 558 
 
 96 
 
 28,218 
 
 Haynesville 
 
 169 
 
 
 
 165 
 
 21 
 
 26,558 
 
 Island Falls 
 
 
 
 
 183 
 
 63 
 
 37,904 
 
 Macwahoc 
 
 202 
 
 
 
 170 
 
 43 
 
 41,407 
 
 Mapleton 
 
 
 
 
 444 
 
 110 
 
 28,707 
 
 Wade 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 Sarsfield 
 
 473 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Reed 
 
 72 
 
 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 Wallagrass 
 
 
 
 
 297 
 
 
 
 St. Johns 
 
 
 
 
 127 
 
 
 
 St. Francis 
 
 
 
 
 253 
 
 
 
 Westfield 
 
 
 
 
 76 
 
 17 
 
 20,869 
 
 Peril am 
 
 
 
 
 79 
 
 26 
 
 12,905 
 
 Moro 
 
 
 
 
 121 
 
 36 
 
 22,685 
 
 Molunkus 
 
 Cl 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 
 
 Van Buren 
 
 616 
 
 
 
 922 
 
 115 
 
 46,233 
 
 Glenwood 
 
 
 
 
 185 
 
 44 
 
 27,408 
 
 Oakfield 
 
 
 
 
 559 
 
 116 
 
 25,068 
 
 Cyr 
 
 
 
 
 376 
 
 
 
 Woodland 
 
 
 
 
 174 
 
 37 
 
 14,474 
 
 No. 9, R. 6 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 29 
 
 19,340 
 
 Portage Lake .... 
 
 
 
 
 124 
 
 
 
 Letter F, R. 1 . . . . 
 
 
 
 
 67 
 
 
 
 Letter B, R. 2. . . . 
 
 
 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 Letter C, R. 2. . . . 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 No. 1, R. 5 
 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 Dyer Brook 
 
 
 
 
 129 
 
 
 
 Merrill 
 
 105 
 
 
 
 118 
 
 
 
 No. 7, R. 5 
 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 No. 8, R. 5 
 
 
 
 
 29 
 
 
 
 No. 9, R. 5 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 Chapman 
 
 
 
 
 40 
 
 
 
 No. 11, R. 1 
 
 
 
 
 274 
 
 49 
 
 2,3050 
 
 No. 11, R. 6 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 Buchanan 
 
 
 
 
 69 
 
 
 
 Nashville 
 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 
 No. 15, R. 7 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 No. 15, R. 6 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 No. 17, R. G 
 
 
 
 
 83 
 
 
 
 Letter K, R. 2 . . . . 
 
 
 
 
 132 
 
 
 
 No. 18, R. 10 
 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 Uninc'd townships 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 above St. Francis 
 
 
 
 
 156 
 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 
 695,561 
 
 
 
 1,155,591 
 
 Total 22,479 
 
 2,098 
 
 $2,221,462 
 
 29,609 
 
 5,212 
 
 $4,992,285 
 
CENSUS AND VALUATION. 
 
 533 
 
 CUMBERLAND COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 1860. 
 
 
 
 1870. 
 
 
 
 Population. Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Baldwin 
 
 . 1,227 
 
 282 
 
 $212,918 
 
 1,101 
 
 292 
 
 $256,225 
 
 Bridgton 
 
 
 617 
 
 097,148 
 
 2,685 
 
 667 
 
 855,197 
 
 Brunswick 
 
 . 4,72.3 
 
 766 
 
 1,761,904 
 
 4,087 
 
 916 
 
 2,305,806 
 
 Cape Elizabeth . 
 
 . 3,278 
 
 538 
 
 757,032 
 
 5,106 
 
 1,007 
 
 1,784,831 
 
 Casco 
 
 . 1,116 
 
 258 
 
 212,695 
 
 998 
 
 258 
 
 241,486 
 
 Cumberland 
 
 . 1,713 
 
 390 
 
 455,540 
 
 1,626 
 
 399 
 
 511,920 
 
 Deering, incorp. 
 
 Feb. 16, 1871 : taken from Westbrook. 
 
 961 
 
 2,194,096 
 
 Falmouth 
 
 . 1,935 
 
 423 
 
 621,978 
 
 1,730 
 
 443 
 
 688,527 
 
 Freeport 
 
 . 2,792 
 
 682 
 
 821,400 
 
 2,457 
 
 594 
 
 912,053 
 
 Gorham 
 
 . 3,252 
 
 732 
 
 1,086,704 
 
 3,351 
 
 774 
 
 1,445,968 
 
 Gray 
 
 
 408 
 
 360,080 
 
 1,738 
 
 431 
 
 480,780 
 
 Harpswell 
 
 . 1,603 
 
 401 
 
 446,288 
 
 1,749 
 
 430 
 
 454,601 
 
 Harrison 
 
 . 1,251 
 
 294 
 
 241,072 
 
 1.219 
 
 307 
 
 304,635 
 
 Naples 
 
 . 1,219 
 
 288 
 
 233,327 
 
 1,058 
 
 278 
 
 268,645 
 
 New Gloucester. 
 
 . 1,654 
 
 404 
 
 665,946 
 
 1.496 
 
 407 
 
 848,905 
 
 North Yarmouth. 1,076 
 
 244 
 
 454,776 
 
 '940 
 
 222 
 
 523,086 
 
 Otisfield 
 
 . 1,199 
 
 285 
 
 255,904 
 
 1,099 
 
 269 
 
 298,582 
 
 Portland 
 
 .26,341 
 
 4,244 
 
 21,866,000 
 
 31,413 
 
 7,814 
 
 29,439,257 
 
 Pownal 
 
 . 1,053 
 
 264 
 
 345,889 
 
 981 
 
 264 
 
 378,355 
 
 Raymond 
 
 . 1,229 
 
 274 
 
 167,260 
 
 1,120 
 
 305 
 
 229,121 
 
 Scarborough 
 
 . 1,807 
 
 457 
 
 537,478 
 
 1,692 
 
 410 
 
 705,728 
 
 Sebago 
 
 . 958 
 
 227 
 
 149,023 
 
 803 
 
 221 
 
 175,550 
 
 Standish 
 
 . 2,067 
 
 510 
 
 451,689 
 
 2,089 
 
 535 
 
 492,709 
 
 Westbrook 
 
 . 5.113 
 
 1,099 
 
 1,834,050 
 
 6,583 
 
 600 
 
 1,097,048 
 
 Windham 
 
 . 2,635 
 
 555 
 
 786,758 
 
 2,428 
 
 540 
 
 1,014,877 
 
 Yarmouth 
 
 . 2,027 
 
 476 
 
 930,841 
 
 1,872 
 
 468 
 
 1,155,591 
 
 Total 
 
 .75,591 
 
 ■ 15,098 
 
 $36,361,035 
 
 82,021 
 
 19,812 
 
 $48,942,323 
 
 FRANKLIN COUNTY. 
 
 Avon 
 
 . 802 
 
 162 
 
 $129,977 
 
 610 
 
 141 
 
 $149,693 
 
 Carthage 
 
 . 503 
 
 121 
 
 63,557 
 
 486 
 
 124 
 
 96,070 
 
 Chesterville 
 
 . 1,110 
 
 276 
 
 236,446 
 
 1,011 
 
 241 
 
 288,353 
 
 Eustis 
 
 . 301 
 
 
 
 342 
 
 80 
 
 57,558 
 
 Farmington 
 
 . 3,106 
 
 689 
 
 998,814 
 
 3,251 
 
 753 
 
 1,448,735 
 
 Freeman 
 
 . 666 
 
 157 
 
 129,137 
 
 608 
 
 158 
 
 146,090 
 
 Industry 
 
 . 827 
 
 187 
 
 180,096 
 
 725 
 
 181 
 
 209,319 
 
 Jay 
 
 . 1,680 
 
 400 
 
 367,722 
 
 1,490 
 
 358 
 
 497,029 
 
 Kingfield 
 
 . 670 
 
 1.52 
 
 99,451 
 
 560 
 
 137 
 
 110,910 
 
 Madrid 
 
 . 491 
 
 97 
 
 44,821 
 
 394 
 
 108 
 
 55,764 
 
 New Sharon 
 
 . 1,731 
 
 399 
 
 427,866 
 
 1,4.51 
 
 389 
 
 481,4.34 
 
 New Vineyard. . 
 
 . 864 
 
 187 
 
 143,387 
 
 755 
 
 189 
 
 228,812 
 
 Phillips 
 
 . 1,698 
 
 369 
 
 323,701 
 
 1,373 
 
 365 
 
 375,576 
 
 Rangeley 
 
 . 238 
 
 65 
 
 43,579 
 
 313 
 
 74 
 
 75,239 
 
 Salem 
 
 . 396 
 
 83 
 
 71,715 
 
 307 
 
 71 
 
 64,4.32 
 
 Strong 
 
 . 754 
 
 173 
 
 152,959 
 
 634 
 
 165 
 
 220,794 
 
 Temple 
 
 . 726 
 
 150 
 
 113,509 
 
 640 
 
 156 
 
 161,981 
 
 Weld 
 
 . 1,035 
 
 262 
 
 176,847 
 
 1,1.30 
 
 261 
 
 245,260 
 
 Wilton 
 
 . 1,920 
 
 428 
 
 477,543 
 
 1,906 
 
 437 
 
 595,260 
 
 
 PLANTATIONS 
 
 AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Jenisalem 
 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 Letter E 
 
 
 23 
 
 $13,066 
 
 93 
 
 21 
 
 $12,931 
 
 Perkins 
 
 . 168 
 
 
 
 149 
 
 35 
 
 23,458 
 
 Rangeley 
 
 46 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 No. 6 
 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 14 
 
 15,246 
 
534 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 
 1860 . 
 
 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 Population. Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Dallas 
 
 
 
 159 
 
 
 
 Sandy River. . . . 
 
 ... 177 
 
 
 111 
 
 
 
 Washington 
 
 
 
 62 
 
 12 
 
 6,000 
 
 Lang 
 
 
 
 36 
 
 11 
 
 19,924 
 
 No. 4, Range 3. 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 
 No. 4, Range 2. 
 Green Yale 
 
 !!! 8 
 
 
 9 
 
 9 
 
 10,.556 
 
 Coplin 
 
 Getcliell 
 
 .. 134 
 
 
 
 31 
 
 23,235 
 
 No. 1, Range 3. 
 
 90 
 
 
 69 
 
 
 
 No. 2, Range 3. 
 
 39 
 
 
 
 
 
 No. 3, Range 2. 
 Wild lands 
 
 25 
 
 91,650 
 
 
 
 172,900 
 
 Total 
 
 . 20,403 4,380 
 
 $4,285,843 
 
 18,807 
 
 4,518 
 
 $5,791,659 
 
 HANCOCK COUNTY. 
 
 Amherst 
 
 384 
 
 83 
 
 $50,046 
 
 3.50 
 
 89 
 
 $57,276 
 
 Aurora 
 
 277 
 
 60 
 
 40,272 
 
 212 
 
 48 
 
 32,052 
 
 Bluehill 
 
 1,993 
 
 431 
 
 358,176 
 
 1,707 
 
 432 
 
 397,620 
 
 Brooklin 
 
 1,043 
 
 235 
 
 1.36,436 
 
 966 
 
 252 
 
 186,899 
 
 Brooksville 
 
 1,428 
 
 303 
 
 198,998 
 
 1,275 
 
 322 
 
 2.38,987 
 
 Bucksport 
 
 3,554 
 
 780 
 
 975,1.37 
 
 3,4.33 
 
 804 
 
 1,219,881 
 
 Castine 
 
 1,357 
 
 269 
 
 764,571 
 
 1,.30.3 
 
 258 
 
 461,-343 
 
 Cranberry Isles. . . 
 
 345 
 
 73 
 
 53,710 
 
 350 
 
 86 
 
 61,514 
 
 Deer Isle 
 
 3,590 
 
 738 
 
 362,520 
 
 3,414 
 
 749 
 
 417,211 
 
 Dedham 
 
 495 
 
 113 
 
 94,388 
 
 448 
 
 106 
 
 102,752 
 
 Eastbrook 
 
 221 
 
 43 
 
 29,.3.54 
 
 187 
 
 49 
 
 39,288 
 
 Eden 
 
 1,247 
 
 250 
 
 1.58,464 
 
 1,195 
 
 290 
 
 196,499 
 
 Ellsworth 
 
 4,658 
 
 847 
 
 896,299 
 
 5,2.57 
 
 1,097 
 
 1,233,199 
 
 Franklin 
 
 1,004 
 
 211 
 
 123,056 
 
 1,042 
 
 219 
 
 168,348 
 
 Gouldsborough. . . 
 
 1,717 
 
 374 
 
 180,822 
 
 1,709 
 
 434 
 
 224,690 
 
 Hancock 
 
 923 
 
 215 
 
 133,236 
 
 974 
 
 244 
 
 163,904 
 
 Lamoine 
 
 
 
 
 612 
 
 156 
 
 142,449 
 
 Maria ville 
 
 4.58 
 
 82 
 
 49,106 
 
 369 
 
 109 
 
 65,742 
 
 Mt. Desert 
 
 916 
 
 196 
 
 129,839 
 
 918 
 
 226 
 
 158,069 
 
 Orland 
 
 1,787 
 
 374 
 
 312,.543 
 
 1,701 
 
 407 
 
 374,-390 
 
 Otis 
 
 210 
 
 49 
 
 22,5.38 
 
 246 
 
 60 
 
 26,407 
 
 Penobscot 
 
 1,.5.57 
 
 326 
 
 193,375 
 
 1,418 
 
 329 
 
 227,-356 
 
 Sedgwick 
 
 1,263 
 
 2.59 
 
 192,018 
 
 1,113 
 
 274 
 
 197,706 
 
 Sullivan 
 
 862 
 
 207 
 
 1.35,994 
 
 • 796 
 
 210 
 
 141,954 
 
 Surry 
 
 1,.319 
 
 294 
 
 164,022 
 
 1,242 
 
 283 
 
 209,137 
 
 Tremont 
 
 1,768 
 
 407 
 
 192,984 
 
 1,822 
 
 419 
 
 262,353 
 
 Trenton 
 
 1,400 
 
 300 
 
 240,667 
 
 678 
 
 323 
 
 260,729 
 
 Verona 
 
 399 
 
 95 
 
 44,143 
 
 352 
 
 81 
 
 51,075 
 
 Waltham 
 
 374 
 
 80 
 
 44,092 
 
 366 
 
 92 
 
 57,727 
 
 
 PLANTATIONS 
 
 AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Hog Island 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 Long Island 
 
 . 188 
 
 
 
 177 
 
 
 
 Swan Island 
 
 . 492 
 
 93 
 
 21.829 
 
 451 
 
 99 
 
 27,805 
 
 No. 7 
 
 . 114 
 
 23 
 
 11,184 
 
 69 
 
 20 
 
 13,010 
 
 No. 10 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 No. 21 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 No. 33, Mid. Div. . 
 
 96 
 
 
 
 102 
 
 
 
 No. 28 
 
 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 
 No. 32 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
CENSUS AND VALUATION. 
 
 535 
 
 1800. 1870. 
 
 Population. Polls. Estates. Population. Polls. Estates. 
 
 Harbor Island 
 
 22 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 Bear Island 
 
 11 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 Bradbury Island.. 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 Spruce Head Island 
 
 18 
 
 
 22 
 
 
 Eagle Island 
 
 55 
 
 
 30 
 
 
 Beach Island 
 
 12 
 
 
 9 
 
 
 Butter Island 
 
 7 
 
 
 12 
 
 
 Marshall’s Island.. 
 
 6 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 Pickering’s Island. 
 
 11 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 Eaton Island 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 Pumkin Island 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 Mt. Desert Rock. . . 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 No. 8 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 Hackatosh Island. 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 210,875 
 
 
 279,1.50 
 
 Total : 
 
 37,757 7,810 
 
 $6,520,694 
 
 36,495 8,311 
 
 $7,554,073 
 
 KENNEBEC COUNTY. 
 
 Albion 
 
 , 1,.5.54 
 
 342 
 
 $304,850 
 
 1,356 
 
 323 
 
 $376,791* 
 
 Augusta 
 
 . 7,609 
 
 1,279 
 
 2,460,004 
 
 7,808 
 
 1,706 
 
 4,881,135- 
 
 Belgrade 
 
 . 1,592 
 
 376 
 
 341,044 
 
 1,485 
 
 374 
 
 461,468 
 
 Benton 
 
 . 1,183 
 
 264 
 
 175,. 526 
 
 1,180 
 
 310 
 
 248,123: 
 
 Chelsea 
 
 . 1,024 
 
 200 
 
 181,550 
 
 1,.238 
 
 177 
 
 184^980 
 
 China 
 
 2,719 
 
 525 
 
 5.55,976 
 
 2.118 
 
 557 
 
 650,588= 
 
 Clinton 
 
 1,803 
 
 365 
 
 270,141 
 
 1,766 
 
 403 
 
 428,812.' 
 
 Farmingdale 
 
 896 
 
 191 
 
 333,359 
 
 859 
 
 194 
 
 387,428- 
 
 Fayette 
 
 910 
 
 228 
 
 222,583 
 
 900 
 
 252 
 
 282,697 
 
 Gardiner 
 
 . 4,487 
 
 811 
 
 1,72.3, .561 
 
 4,497 
 
 970 
 
 2,179,243' 
 
 Hallowell 
 
 . 2,435 
 
 552 
 
 1,085,742 
 
 3,007 
 
 552 
 
 1,222,295'' 
 
 Litchfield 
 
 . 1,702 
 
 402 
 
 475,149 
 
 1,506 
 
 383 
 
 496,908 
 
 Manchester 
 
 . 813 
 
 193 
 
 295,792 
 
 732 
 
 160 
 
 320,219- 
 
 Monmouth 
 
 . 1,8.54 
 
 447 
 
 501,989 
 
 1,744 
 
 403. 
 
 592,068= 
 
 Mt. Vernon 
 
 . 1,464 
 
 369 
 
 315,186 
 
 1,2.52 
 
 328 
 
 397,034 
 
 Pittston 
 
 . 2,619 
 
 566 
 
 619,711 
 
 2,353 
 
 581 
 
 648,353: 
 
 Readfield 
 
 . 1,510 
 
 336 
 
 505,807 
 
 1,4.56 
 
 314 
 
 ‘ 589,171 
 
 Rome 
 
 . 864 
 
 180 
 
 128,417 
 
 725 
 
 167 
 
 149,731 
 
 Sidney 
 
 . 1782 
 
 463 
 
 508,912 
 
 1,471 
 
 355 
 
 649,582 
 
 Yassalborough — 
 
 , 3,181 
 
 669 
 
 737,920 
 
 2,919 
 
 696 
 
 l,l;30,:348= 
 
 Vienna 
 
 . 878 
 
 201 
 
 151,024 
 
 740 
 
 200 
 
 200,015 
 
 Waterville 
 
 . 4,390 
 
 870 
 
 1,348,330 
 
 4,852 
 
 9or 
 
 1,904,017 
 
 Wayne 
 
 . 1,194 
 
 280 
 
 256,032 
 
 938 
 
 257 
 
 344,692 
 
 West Gardiner 
 
 , 1,294 
 
 275 
 
 298,496 
 
 1,044 
 
 256 
 
 3.59,029' 
 
 Windsor 
 
 1,.548 
 
 313 
 
 274,001 
 
 1,266 
 
 284 
 
 262,212 
 
 Winslow 
 
 , 1,739 
 
 363 
 
 409,712 
 
 1,487 
 
 326 
 
 470,002' 
 
 Winthrop 
 
 . 2,.338 
 
 567 
 
 769,018 
 
 2,229 
 
 575 
 
 1,122,839' 
 
 Clinton Gore 
 
 . 219 
 
 43 
 
 13,135 
 
 2.57 
 
 52 
 
 28,000 
 
 Unity plantation . 
 
 54 
 
 14 
 
 10,388 
 
 68 
 
 17. 
 
 14,360 
 
 Total 
 
 .55,655 
 
 11,684 
 
 $15,273,355 
 
 53,203 
 
 12,024 
 
 $21,004,034^ 
 
 Appleton 
 
 1,.573 
 
 KNOX 
 
 379 
 
 COUNTY. 
 
 $253,.347 
 
 1,485 
 
 347 
 
 .$284,278=' 
 
 Camden 
 
 4,588 
 
 927 
 
 1,062,228 
 
 4,512 
 
 1,129 
 
 1,497,631 
 
 Cushing 
 
 796 
 
 198 
 
 103,.547 
 
 704 
 
 203 
 
 1:32,839 
 
 Friendship. . . 
 
 770 
 
 202 
 
 123,506 
 
 890 
 
 217 
 
 140,267 
 
536 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 1800. 1870. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Hope 
 
 1,064 
 
 231 
 
 241,094 
 
 907 
 
 211 
 
 251,6.50 
 
 North Haven 
 
 951 
 
 193 
 
 146,446 
 
 806 
 
 178 
 
 1.52,594 
 
 Rockland 
 
 7,316 
 
 1,752 
 
 2,614,861 
 
 7,074 
 
 1,989 
 
 3,419,3.55 
 
 South Thomaston . 
 
 1,615 
 
 324 
 
 343,462 
 
 1,693 
 
 379 
 
 408,145 
 
 St. George 
 
 2,716 
 
 553 
 
 343,1.52 
 
 2,318 
 
 527 
 
 403,342 
 
 Thomaston 
 
 3,218 
 
 656 
 
 2,053,573 
 
 3,092 
 
 620 
 
 1,854,110 
 
 Union 
 
 1,9.57 
 
 481 
 
 510,737 
 
 1,701 
 
 432 
 
 533,660 
 
 Vinalhaven 
 
 1,667 
 
 324 
 
 198,803 
 
 1,851 
 
 402 
 
 264,960 
 
 Warren 
 
 2,321 
 
 553 
 
 909,2.54 
 
 1,974 
 
 494 
 
 834,610 
 
 Washington 
 
 1,662 
 
 349 
 
 270,616 
 
 1,276 
 
 329 
 
 289,857 
 
 Martinicus Isle pi. 
 
 
 55 
 
 17,539 
 
 277 
 
 58 
 
 19,585 
 
 Muscle Ridge pi . . . 
 
 183 
 
 94 
 
 20,659 
 
 263 
 
 94 
 
 20,659 
 
 Total 
 
 32,716 
 
 7,271 
 
 $9,212,824 
 
 30,823 
 
 7,6.9 
 
 $10,507,542 
 
 LINCOLN COUNTY. 
 
 Aina 
 
 805 
 
 231 
 
 $223,310 
 
 747 
 
 199 
 
 $2.33,610 
 
 Boothbay 
 
 2,857 
 
 577 
 
 403,933 
 
 3,200 
 
 726 
 
 642,819 
 
 Bremen 
 
 907 
 
 168 
 
 122,966 
 
 797 
 
 202 
 
 162,437 
 
 Bristol 
 
 3,356 
 
 686 
 
 422..580 
 
 2,916 
 
 683 
 
 488,116 
 
 Damariscotta 
 
 , 1,366 
 
 294 
 
 601,198 
 
 1,232 
 
 273 
 
 669,719 
 
 Dresden 
 
 1,247 
 
 321 
 
 328,474 
 
 990 
 
 248 
 
 316,717 
 
 Edgecomb 
 
 1,112 
 
 231 
 
 179,225 
 
 1,056 
 
 230 
 
 202,428 
 
 Jefferson 
 
 2,121 
 
 474 
 
 404,908 
 
 1,821 
 
 416 
 
 420,003 
 
 Newcastle 
 
 . 1,791 
 
 414 
 
 648,991 
 
 1,729 
 
 352 
 
 697,981 
 
 Nobleborough 
 
 1,438 
 
 294 
 
 261,745 
 
 1,1.50 
 
 282 
 
 287,867 
 
 Somerville 
 
 606 
 
 117 
 
 65,047 
 
 505 
 
 110 
 
 86,685 
 
 Southport 
 
 708 
 
 14^3 
 
 130,455 
 
 684 
 
 165 
 
 149,200 
 
 Waldoborough . . . , 
 
 . 4,568 
 
 997 
 
 1,010,447 
 
 4,174 
 
 1,076 
 
 1,164,382 
 
 Westport 
 
 798 
 
 154 
 
 1.50,664 
 
 699 
 
 176 
 
 180,392 
 
 Whitefield 
 
 1,883 
 
 418 
 
 392,809 
 
 1,.594 
 
 356 
 
 441, .346 
 
 Wiscasset 
 
 , 2,318 
 
 562 
 
 806,749 
 
 1,977 
 
 466 
 
 689,554 
 
 Marsh Island 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 Muscongus Island, 
 
 
 
 
 142 
 
 
 
 Monhegan Island. . 
 
 
 46 
 
 23,740 
 
 145 
 
 42 
 
 24,345 
 
 Total 
 
 ,27,860 
 
 6,127 
 
 $6,177,241 
 
 25,597 
 
 6,002 
 
 $6,857,610 
 
 OXFORD COUNTY. 
 
 Albany 
 
 . . . 813 
 
 184 
 
 $140,847 
 
 651 
 
 156 
 
 $167, .592 
 
 Andover 
 
 ... 814 
 
 164 
 
 91,153 
 
 757 
 
 181 
 
 114,712 
 
 Bethel 
 
 . .. 2,.523 
 
 579 
 
 580,330 
 
 2,286 
 
 533 
 
 712,871 
 
 Brownfield . . . 
 
 ... 1,398 
 
 328 
 
 237,713 
 
 1,321 
 
 .328 
 
 249,166 
 
 Buckfield 
 
 ... 1,705 
 
 415 
 
 504,794 
 
 1,494 
 
 428 
 
 5.54,673 
 
 Byron 
 
 . . . 323 
 
 59 
 
 .32,241 
 
 242 
 
 64 
 
 42,195 
 
 Canton 
 
 ... 1,025 
 
 247 
 
 221,361 
 
 984 
 
 299 
 
 395,993 
 
 Denmark 
 
 ... 1,171 
 
 2.53 
 
 200,566 
 
 1,069 
 
 279 
 
 280,316 
 
 Dixfield 
 
 ... 1,181 
 
 242 
 
 219,664 
 
 1,049 
 
 264 
 
 273,352 
 
 Fryeburg 
 
 
 440 
 
 550,593 
 
 1,507 
 
 388 
 
 670,383 
 
 Gilead 
 
 . . . 347 
 
 76 
 
 63,484 
 
 329 
 
 76 
 
 74,940 
 
 Grafton 
 
 .. Ill 
 
 32 
 
 23,298 
 
 94 
 
 33 
 
 26,675 
 
 Greenwood. . . . 
 
 , . . 878 
 
 220 
 
 119,410 
 
 845 
 
 201 
 
 163,974 
 
 Hanover 
 
 . . . 257 
 
 60 
 
 45,702 
 
 188 
 
 66 
 
 58,280 
 
 Hartford ..... 
 
 ... 1,1.56 
 
 2.54 
 
 259,913 
 
 996 
 
 318 
 
 419,624 
 
 Hebron 
 
 . . . 895 
 
 207 
 
 218,566 
 
 744 
 
 165 
 
 222,180 
 
 Hiram 
 
 ... 1,283 
 
 293 
 
 240,158 
 
 1,393 
 
 352 
 
 300,170 
 
CENSUS AND VALUATION. 5S7 
 
 
 
 1860. 
 
 
 
 1870. 
 
 
 
 Population. Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Lovell 
 
 . 1,339 
 
 291 
 
 272,8-54 
 
 1,018 
 
 271 
 
 305,764 
 
 Mason 
 
 . 136 
 
 33 
 
 21,847 
 
 127 
 
 34 
 
 30,004 
 
 Mexico 
 
 
 108 
 
 84,722 
 
 458 
 
 116 
 
 92,5-39 
 
 Newry 
 
 . 474 
 
 108 
 
 87,638 
 
 416 
 
 105 
 
 116,894 
 
 Norway 
 
 1,982 
 
 446 
 
 540,355 
 
 1,954 
 
 489 
 
 641,644 
 
 Oxford 
 
 . 1,281 
 
 289 
 
 305,268 
 
 1,631 
 
 340 
 
 514,049 
 
 Paris 
 
 . 2,827 
 
 638 
 
 803,564 
 
 2,765 
 
 614 
 
 977,975 
 
 Peru 
 
 . 1,121 
 
 243 
 
 199,656 
 
 931 
 
 243 
 
 272,864 
 
 Porter 
 
 . 1,240 
 
 270 
 
 186,204 
 
 1,104 
 
 275 
 
 275,469 
 
 Roxbury 
 
 . 251 
 
 56 
 
 43,045 
 
 162 
 
 46 
 
 48,856 
 
 Rumford 
 
 . 1,375 
 
 290 
 
 285,018 
 
 1,212 
 
 286 
 
 380,8-54 
 
 Stow 
 
 551 
 
 313 
 
 73,469 
 
 427 
 
 118 
 
 104,018 
 
 Stoneliam 
 
 . 463 
 
 103 
 
 50,045 
 
 425 
 
 97 
 
 70,2-50 
 
 Sumner 
 
 1,154 
 
 246 
 
 251,329 
 
 1,170 
 
 295 
 
 382,463 
 
 Sweden 
 
 . 728 
 
 173 
 
 195,920 
 
 549 
 
 145 
 
 176,9-52 
 
 Upton 
 
 , . 219 
 
 51 
 
 34,308 
 
 187 
 
 51 
 
 36,278 
 
 Waterford 
 
 .. 1,407 
 
 343 
 
 351,189 
 
 1,286 
 
 333 
 
 403,651 
 
 Woodstock 
 
 
 261 
 
 169,902 
 
 995 
 
 261 
 
 204,907 
 
 
 PLANTATIONS 
 
 AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Andover N. Surplus 66 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 Andover W. Surplus 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 Franklin 
 
 .. 316 
 
 73 
 
 26,420 
 
 178 
 
 51 
 
 35,487 
 
 Fryeb’g Acad. Gr’t. 3S 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 
 
 Hamlin’s Grant, 
 
 79 
 
 24 
 
 17,685 
 
 95 
 
 20 
 
 13,444 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 76 
 
 
 
 30 
 
 8 
 
 21,336 
 
 Milton 
 
 271 
 
 54 
 
 28,222 
 
 258 
 
 61 
 
 41,272 
 
 Riley 
 
 42 
 
 20 
 
 5,014 
 
 32 
 
 
 
 No. 5, R. 1 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 45 
 
 
 
 Township C . . . . 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 Wild lands . . . . 
 
 
 
 50,700 
 
 
 
 100,100 
 
 Total 
 
 
 8,286 
 
 $7,834,162 
 
 33,488 
 
 8,-390 
 
 $9,894,166 
 
 
 
 PENOBSCOT COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 Alton 
 
 . . 531 
 
 127 
 
 $.58,184 
 
 508 
 
 127 
 
 $116,362 
 
 Argvle 
 
 .. 379 
 
 87 
 
 38,718 
 
 307 
 
 85 
 
 51,502 
 
 Bangor 
 
 ..16,407 
 
 2,964 
 
 6,015,601 
 
 18,289 
 
 3,2.52 
 
 10,036,-561 
 
 BracRord 
 
 .. 1,5.58 
 
 314 
 
 186,107 
 
 1,487 
 
 359 
 
 2-33,734 
 
 Bradley 
 
 .. 844 
 
 182 
 
 116,300 
 
 866 
 
 210 
 
 158,166 
 
 Brewer 
 
 .. 2,835 
 
 564 
 
 562,499 
 
 3,214 
 
 634 
 
 669,867 
 
 Burlington 
 
 .. 578 
 
 118 
 
 64,734 
 
 553 
 
 120 
 
 91,507 
 
 C.armei 
 
 .. 1,271 
 
 300 
 
 188,235 
 
 1,348 
 
 336 
 
 260,118 
 
 Carroll 
 
 .. 470 
 
 102 
 
 54,513 
 
 632 
 
 143 
 
 10-3,498 
 
 Charleston 
 
 .. 1,430 
 
 308 
 
 213,465 
 
 1,191 
 
 3-30 
 
 290,279 
 
 Chester 
 
 .. 318 
 
 73 
 
 27,902 
 
 350 
 
 75 
 
 47,103 
 
 Clifton 
 
 .. 307 
 
 66 
 
 36,529 
 
 348 
 
 88 
 
 58,752 
 
 Corinna 
 
 .. 1,597 
 
 374 
 
 2-33,711 
 
 1,513 
 
 443 
 
 391,711 
 
 (’orinth 
 
 .. 1,790 
 
 390 
 
 313,870 
 
 1,462 
 
 377 
 
 4-32,970 
 
 Dexter 
 
 .. 2,-363 
 
 403 
 
 465,023 
 
 2,875 
 
 611 
 
 1,006,966 
 
 Dixmont 
 
 .. 1,442 
 
 332 
 
 227,641 
 
 1,309 
 
 330 
 
 266,028 
 
 Eddington 
 
 .. 856 
 
 194 
 
 123,704 
 
 776 
 
 220 
 
 16-5,235 
 
 Edinburg 
 
 48 
 
 17 
 
 13,713 
 
 55 
 
 13 
 
 19,436 
 
 Enfield 
 
 .. 526 
 
 101 
 
 47,886 
 
 545 
 
 120 
 
 90,204 
 
 Etna 
 
 .. 849 
 
 196 
 
 102,913 
 
 844 
 
 185 
 
 1-54,339 
 
 Exeter 
 
 .. 1,783 
 
 375 
 
 303,839 
 
 1,424 
 
 348 
 
 377,007 
 
 Garland 
 
 .. 1,498 
 
 327 
 
 212,531 
 
 1,306 
 
 316 
 
 312,263 
 
538 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 1800 . 1870 . 
 
 
 Population. Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Glenbum 
 
 .. 741 
 
 171 
 
 115,4.53 
 
 720 
 
 166 
 
 143,313 
 
 Greenbusli 
 
 . . 6.56 
 
 141 
 
 62,813 
 
 621 
 
 151 
 
 129,718 
 
 Greenfield 
 
 .. 359 
 
 78 
 
 41,061 
 
 317 
 
 77 
 
 52,500 
 
 Hampden 
 
 .. 3,085 
 
 651 
 
 587,718 
 
 3,068 
 
 674 
 
 739,3.39 
 
 Hermon 
 
 .. 1,4.33 
 
 315 
 
 197,120 
 
 1,489 
 
 342 
 
 294,189 
 
 Holden 
 
 .. 805 
 
 180 
 
 168,9.38 
 
 7.58 
 
 185 
 
 193,561 
 
 Howland 
 
 .. 174 
 
 46 
 
 34,629 
 
 176 
 
 41 
 
 40,665 
 
 Hudson 
 
 .. 771 
 
 159 
 
 70,.360 
 
 739 
 
 152 
 
 101,497 
 
 Kenduskeag 
 
 .. 816 
 
 184 
 
 119,744 
 
 770 
 
 195 
 
 171,230 
 
 Kingman 
 
 
 
 
 185 
 
 16 
 
 30,677 
 
 
 
 .. 690 
 
 140 
 
 95,835 
 
 622 
 
 171 
 
 154,425 
 
 ■Lee 
 
 .. 939 
 
 231 
 
 100,3.53 
 
 960 
 
 239 
 
 139,343 
 
 Levant 
 
 .. 1,.301 
 
 273 
 
 184,851 
 
 1,1.59 
 
 269 
 
 277,449 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 .. 1,6.31 
 
 344 
 
 290,455 
 
 1,530 
 
 389 
 
 34.3,177 
 
 Lowell 
 
 .. 551 
 
 127 
 
 64,.383 
 
 448 
 
 109 
 
 72,126 
 
 Mattawamkeag. 
 
 .. 280 
 
 65 
 
 25,000 
 
 356 
 
 63 
 
 76,779 
 
 Maxfield 
 
 .. 162 
 
 47 
 
 17,.568 
 
 1.56 
 
 32 
 
 20,673 
 
 Milford 
 
 .. 744 
 
 155 
 
 151,241 
 
 827 
 
 182 
 
 178,614 
 
 Mt. Chase 
 
 
 
 262 
 
 72 
 
 22,025 
 
 Newburg 
 
 .. 1,.365 
 
 294 
 
 170,483 
 
 1,115 
 
 286 
 
 237,964 
 
 540,927 
 
 Newport 
 
 .. 1,403 
 
 355 
 
 2.50,534 
 
 1,.559 
 
 394 
 
 Oldtown 
 
 .. 3,860 
 
 623 
 
 556,903 
 
 4,529 
 
 713 
 
 684,308 
 
 Orono 
 
 .. 2,.5.3.3 
 
 442 
 
 343,069 
 
 2,888 
 
 566 
 
 523,888 
 
 Orrington 
 
 .. 1,9.50 
 
 440 
 
 355,442 
 
 1,768 
 
 442 
 
 400,839 
 
 Passadumkeag . 
 
 .. 360 
 
 77 
 
 26,011 
 
 243 
 
 73 
 
 30,738 
 
 Patten 
 
 . . 6.39 
 
 142 
 
 126,711 
 
 704 
 
 1.53 
 
 191,.342 
 
 Plymouth 
 
 .. 989 
 
 220 
 
 143,875 
 
 941 
 
 279 
 
 188,350 
 
 Prentiss 
 
 .. 226 
 
 56 
 
 27,165 
 
 387 
 
 75 
 
 54,385 
 
 Springfield 
 
 . . 854 
 
 186 
 
 84,228 
 
 879 
 
 199 
 
 122,2.30 
 
 Stetson 
 
 . . 913 
 
 195 
 
 166,127 
 
 937 
 
 214 
 
 262,735 
 
 Yeazie 
 
 .. 893 
 
 146 
 
 139,992 
 
 810 
 
 193 
 
 168,432 
 
 Winn 
 
 . . 253 
 
 41 
 
 25,057 
 
 714 
 
 248 
 
 95,708 
 
 
 PI.ANTATIONS AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Drew 
 
 
 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 Mattamiscontis. 
 
 31 
 
 
 
 51 
 
 
 
 Medway 
 
 
 
 
 321 
 
 76 
 
 30,637 
 
 Pattagumpus. . . 
 
 .. 105 
 
 
 
 ■ 94 
 
 20 
 
 5,171 
 
 Webster 
 
 
 
 
 28 
 
 9 
 
 24,727 
 
 Woodville 
 
 .. 230 
 
 
 
 170 
 
 32 
 
 30,196 
 
 No. 1 
 
 
 
 
 66 
 
 
 No. 2 
 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 
 
 Whitney Kidge. 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 Lakeville 
 
 
 
 
 108 
 
 30 
 
 43,990 
 
 Stacy vi lie 
 
 
 
 
 1.38 
 
 
 W. Indian 
 
 
 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 Township A. R. 
 
 7. 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 No. 2, Range 0 . 
 
 
 
 
 61 
 
 
 
 No. 2, Range 0 . 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 No. 3, Range 1 . 
 Settlements 
 
 
 
 
 25 
 
 1,287 
 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 
 170,600 
 
 
 546,415 
 
 Total 
 
 ..72,731 
 
 14,438 
 
 $14,521,437 
 
 75,150 
 
 16,149 
 
 $2^,697,948 
 
 
 
 PISCATAQUIS COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 Abbot 
 
 
 180 
 
 $11.3,902 
 
 712 
 
 181 
 
 $1.55,197 
 
 Atkinson 
 
 .. 807 
 
 206 
 
 133.166 
 
 810 
 
 193 
 
 234,271 
 
CENSUS AND VALUATION. 
 
 539 
 
 
 
 1800 . 
 
 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Barnard 
 
 . . 172 
 
 39 
 
 14,869 
 
 149 
 
 41 
 
 28,753 
 
 Blanchard 
 
 . . 164 
 
 36 
 
 23,292 
 
 164 
 
 38 
 
 33,142 
 
 Brownville 
 
 . . 793 
 
 180 
 
 105,097 
 
 860 
 
 209 
 
 157,626 
 
 Dover 
 
 ... 1,970 
 
 389 
 
 415,677 
 
 1,983 
 
 457 
 
 675,000 
 
 Foxcrof t 
 
 . .. 1,102 
 
 245 
 
 221, .578 
 
 1,178 
 
 262 
 
 400,109 
 
 Guilford 
 
 . . 837 
 
 199 
 
 140,863 
 
 818 
 
 222 
 
 213,091 
 
 Greenville 
 
 . . 310 
 
 76 
 
 44,402 
 
 369 
 
 100 
 
 66,707 
 
 Kingsbury 
 
 . . . 191 
 
 43 
 
 22,.373 
 
 174 
 
 52 
 
 27,.327 
 
 Medford 
 
 , . . 353 
 
 71 
 
 36,751 
 
 294 
 
 77 
 
 60,321 
 
 Monson 
 
 
 184 
 
 113,960 
 
 614 
 
 168 
 
 134,.520 
 
 Milo ... 
 
 . . . 959 
 
 205 
 
 125,441 
 
 930 
 
 202 
 
 161,855 
 
 Orneville 
 
 .. 512 
 
 99 
 
 68,069 
 
 575 
 
 116 
 
 80,062 
 
 Parkin an 
 
 1,166 
 
 303 
 
 204,164 
 
 1,105 
 
 271 
 
 259,304 
 
 Sangerville 
 
 ... 1,314 
 
 294 
 
 245,.568 
 
 1,140 
 
 270 
 
 316,590 
 
 Sebec 
 
 
 237 
 
 142,328 
 
 954 
 
 238 
 
 190,407 
 
 Shirley 
 
 .. 282 
 
 59 
 
 33,963 
 
 206 
 
 57 
 
 56,220 
 
 Wellington 
 
 .. 694 
 
 147 
 
 95,724 
 
 681 
 
 157 
 
 119,269 
 
 Williamsburg. . 
 
 .. 182 
 
 38 
 
 19,020 
 
 176 
 
 44 
 
 29,909 
 
 PLANTATIONS AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 Katahdin Iron W’ ks 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 
 No. 4, Range 4. . . 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 Bowerbank 101 
 
 36 
 
 10,446 
 
 83 
 
 15,000 
 
 Elliotsville 59 
 
 
 42 
 
 No. 8, R. 8 75 
 
 All north of Elliots- 
 
 
 
 173 
 
 
 ville, Greenville, 
 and Shirley . . . 
 
 
 
 175 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 374,575 
 
 
 1,442,600 
 
 Total 15,032 
 
 3,266 
 
 $2,705,228 
 
 14,403 3,-355 
 
 $4,857,280 
 
 SAGADAHOC COUNTY. 
 
 Arrowsic 
 
 . . 347 
 
 87 
 
 $97,224 
 
 252 
 
 76 
 
 $102,951 
 
 Bath 
 
 .. 8,076 
 
 1,720 
 
 5,876,993 
 
 7,371 
 
 1,915 
 
 6,393,876 
 
 Bowdoinham . . 
 
 .. 2,-346 
 
 4-37 
 
 607,858 
 
 1,804 
 
 437 
 
 645,531 
 
 Bowdoin 
 
 .. 1,744 
 
 359 
 
 360,393 
 
 1,-345 
 
 328 
 
 405,990 
 
 Georgetown . . . 
 
 .. 1,254 
 
 255 
 
 189,554 
 
 1,135 
 
 249 
 
 183,500 
 
 Perkins 
 
 
 21 
 
 47,955 
 
 71 
 
 19 
 
 36,741 
 
 Phipsburg 
 
 .. 1,770 
 
 349. 
 
 536,487 
 
 1,344 
 
 379 
 
 426,714 
 
 Richmond 
 
 . 2,739 
 
 590 
 
 891,224 
 
 2,442 
 
 550 
 
 1,240,327 
 
 Topsham 
 
 .. 1,705 
 
 345 
 
 810,623 
 
 1,498 
 
 365 
 
 879,051 
 
 West Bath 
 
 .. 400 
 
 93 
 
 105,-351 
 
 373 
 
 90 
 
 129,833 
 
 Woolwich 
 
 .. 1,317 
 
 304 
 
 5-30,772 
 
 1,168 
 
 261 
 
 596,826 
 
 Total 
 
 -.21,790 
 
 4,560 
 
 $10,054,434 
 
 18,803 
 
 4,669 
 
 $11,041,340 
 
 SOMERSET COUNTY. 
 
 Anson 
 
 ... 2,000 
 
 386 
 
 $449,911 
 
 1,745 
 
 414 
 
 $554,407 
 
 Athens 
 
 ... 1,417 
 
 293 
 
 273,026 
 
 1,540 
 
 338 
 
 428,069 
 
 Bingham 
 
 . . . 831 
 
 159 
 
 120,360 
 
 826 
 
 210 
 
 201,017 
 
 Brighton 
 
 . . . 733 
 
 154 
 
 56,589 
 
 627 
 
 139 
 
 91,727 
 
 Cambridge 
 
 . . . 516 
 
 112 
 
 77,488 
 
 472 
 
 119 
 
 109,182 
 
 Canaan 
 
 ... 1,715 
 
 359 
 
 273,6-54 
 
 1,472 
 
 361 
 
 346,395 
 
 Concord 
 
 . . . 540 
 
 120 
 
 69,179 
 
 452 
 
 107 
 
 91,594 
 
540 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 
 
 1800. 
 
 
 
 1870. 
 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Cornville 
 
 . 1,141 
 
 265 
 
 254,817 
 
 959 
 
 261 
 
 328,749 
 
 Detroit 
 
 . 659 
 
 147 ‘ 
 
 85,874 
 
 690 
 
 183 
 
 141,731 
 
 Embden 
 
 . 1,041 
 
 205 
 
 157,246 
 
 803 
 
 181 
 
 207,793 
 
 Fairfield 
 
 . 2,753 
 
 598 
 
 674,890 
 
 2,998 
 
 690 
 
 1,188,383 
 
 Harmony 
 
 . 1,081 
 
 245 
 
 158,007 
 
 978 
 
 245 
 
 190,606 
 
 Hartland . 
 
 . 1,050 
 
 218 
 
 153,777 
 
 1,120 
 
 268 
 
 264,180 
 
 Lexington. . . . . . 
 
 . 495 
 
 114 
 
 54,723 
 
 397 
 
 102 
 
 77,897 
 
 Madison 
 
 . 1,615 
 
 361 
 
 423,520 
 
 1,401 
 
 367 
 
 610,4.37 
 
 Mayfield 
 
 . 118 
 
 28 
 
 9,315 
 
 96 
 
 23 
 
 9,309 
 
 Mercer 
 
 . . 1,059 
 
 251 
 
 209,040 
 
 846 
 
 241 
 
 300,670 
 
 Moscow 
 
 ,. 574 
 
 140 
 
 61,702 
 
 528 
 
 127 
 
 91,836 
 
 New Portland . . , 
 
 .. 1,554 
 
 351 
 
 320,396 
 
 1,454 
 
 361 
 
 400,590 
 
 Norridgewock. . . 
 
 . 1,898 
 
 384 
 
 449,743 
 
 1,756 
 
 419 
 
 641,982 
 
 Palmyra 
 
 . 1,596 
 
 317 
 
 2.32,731 
 
 1,322 
 
 335 
 
 347,097 
 
 Pittsfield 
 
 .. 1,495 
 
 326 
 
 270,495 
 
 1,813 
 
 429 
 
 518,515 
 
 Ripley 
 
 655 
 
 131 
 
 75,794 
 
 584 
 
 158 
 
 116,705 
 
 St. Albans 
 
 .. 1,808 
 
 372 
 
 281,044 
 
 1,675 
 
 394 
 
 430,233 
 
 Solon 
 
 .. 1,345 
 
 301 
 
 245,306 
 
 1,176 
 
 306 
 
 331,919 
 
 Skowbegan 
 
 .. 2,266 
 
 702 
 
 1,060,527 
 
 3,893 
 
 881 
 
 1,581,610 
 
 Smithfield 
 
 .. 793 
 
 151 
 
 112,390 
 
 704 
 
 161 
 
 168,599 
 
 Starks 
 
 . 1,340 
 
 317 
 
 261,430 
 
 1,083 
 
 280 
 
 281,614 
 
 
 PLANTATIONS AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 Dead River 
 
 .. 117 
 
 
 
 100 
 
 26 
 
 $38,420 
 
 Flag Staff 
 
 .. 119 
 
 
 
 112 
 
 20 
 
 34,750 
 
 Moose River. . . . 
 
 . . 135 
 
 
 
 104 
 
 
 
 West Forks 
 
 
 
 
 73 
 
 
 
 The Forks 
 
 .. 163 
 
 
 
 159 
 
 
 
 Carratunk 
 
 
 
 
 214 
 
 
 
 Jackin aiitown . . 
 
 
 
 
 65 
 
 
 
 Pleasant Ridge. 
 
 .’ 159 
 
 
 
 135 
 
 23 
 
 22,143 
 
 No. 1, Range 7. 
 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 No. 5, Range 3. . 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 No. 2, Range 2. . 
 
 
 
 
 128 
 
 
 
 Parlin Pond 
 
 13 
 
 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 Sand Bar 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Bowtown 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 Horeb 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Bald Mountain. 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Atlean 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 Birch Point 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 Dennis 
 
 
 
 
 37 
 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 
 $264,020 
 
 
 
 942,450 
 
 Total 
 
 ..36,753 
 
 7,507 
 
 $7,136,994 
 
 34,611 
 
 8,169 
 
 $10,990,609 
 
 
 
 WALDO COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 Belfast 
 
 .. 5,520 
 
 1,310 
 
 $1,802,.307 
 
 5,278 
 
 1,.363 
 
 $2,660,879 
 
 Belmont 
 
 ... 686 
 
 160 
 
 93,216 
 
 628 
 
 144 
 
 101,708 
 
 Brooks 
 
 .. 988 
 
 200 
 
 158,278 
 
 868 
 
 205 
 
 200,176 
 
 Burnham 
 
 ... 857 
 
 165 
 
 129,654 
 
 788 
 
 166 
 
 175,007 
 
 Frankfort 
 
 .. 2,143 
 
 290 
 
 214,044 
 
 1,152 
 
 323 
 
 220,646 
 
 Freedom 
 
 .. 849 
 
 205 
 
 159,284 
 
 716 
 
 200 
 
 191,.505 
 
 Islesborough. . . 
 
 .. 1,276 
 
 266 
 
 148,271 
 
 1,2.30 
 
 273 
 
 153,703 
 
 Jackson 
 
 .. 827 
 
 196 
 
 162,849 
 
 707 
 
 188 
 
 176,604 
 
 Knox 
 
 .. 1,074 
 
 236 
 
 189,421 
 
 889 
 
 218 
 
 218,392 
 
 Liberty 
 
 .. 1,095 
 
 241 
 
 135,149 
 
 907 
 
 209 
 
 193,819 
 
 Lincolnville 
 
 .. 2,075 
 
 428 
 
 396,781 
 
 1,900 
 
 466 
 
 364,956 
 
 Monroe 
 
 
 375 
 
 249,686 
 
 1,375 
 
 330 
 
 326,835 
 
CENSUS AND VALUATION. 
 
 541 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 1800 . 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 1870 . 
 
 Polls. Estates. 
 
 Montvilla 
 
 .... 1,682 
 
 367 
 
 357,652 
 
 1,467 
 
 324 
 
 389,945 
 
 Morrill 
 
 . . . . 629 
 
 142 
 
 100,.540 
 
 523 
 
 172 
 
 1.33,099 
 
 Nortliport. ... 
 
 .... 1,178 
 
 281 
 
 188,1.50 
 
 902 
 
 236 
 
 180,726 
 
 Palermo 
 
 .... 1,372 
 .... 1,00.5 
 
 293 
 
 184,394 
 
 1,223 
 
 297 
 
 241,43.3 
 
 Prospect 
 
 215 
 
 1.39,980 
 
 886 
 
 206 
 
 184,492 
 
 Searsmont 
 
 .... 1,657 
 
 352 
 
 264,813 
 
 1,418 
 
 349 
 
 .300,418 
 
 Searsport 
 
 533 
 
 797,601 
 
 2,282 
 
 527 
 
 1,0.36,823 
 
 Stockton 
 
 .... 1,595 
 
 356 
 
 425,769 
 
 2,089 
 
 535 
 
 800,220 
 
 Swanville 
 
 . . . . 914 
 
 193 
 
 116,691 
 
 770 
 
 190 
 
 140,050 
 
 Thorndike . . . 
 
 .... 9.58 
 
 214 
 
 186,728 
 
 730 
 
 199 
 
 264,801 
 
 Troy 
 
 .... 1,40.3 
 
 332 
 
 226.8.59 
 
 1,201 
 
 260 
 
 2.33,361 
 
 Unity 
 
 
 304 
 
 297,.564 
 
 1,201 
 
 275 
 
 384,465 
 
 Waldo 
 
 . . . . 728 
 
 148 
 
 127,705 
 
 648 
 
 149 
 
 144,218 
 
 Winterport 
 
 .... 2, .381 
 
 641 
 
 502,343 
 
 2,744 
 
 624 
 
 600,300 
 
 Total 
 
 , . . .38,447 
 
 8,443 
 
 $7,740,729 
 
 34,522 
 
 8,428 
 
 $10,090,581 
 
 WASHINGTON COUNTY. 
 
 Addison 
 
 1,272 
 
 297 
 
 $217,.379 
 
 1,201 
 
 307 
 
 $263,457 
 
 Alexander 
 
 445 
 
 96 
 
 54,154 
 
 456 
 
 95 
 
 73,997 
 
 Baileyville 
 
 363 
 
 75 
 
 50.264 
 
 377 
 
 64 
 
 53,641 
 
 Baring 
 
 409 
 
 80 
 
 60,935 
 
 364 
 
 88 
 
 96,169 
 
 Beddington 
 
 144 
 
 31 
 
 27,022 
 
 134 
 
 25 
 
 32,034 
 
 Calais 
 
 5,621 
 
 992 
 
 1,170,.3.38 
 
 5,944 
 
 1,099 
 
 1,523,4.52 
 
 Centerville 
 
 191 
 
 43 
 
 38,556 
 
 145 
 
 36 
 
 42,091 
 
 Charlotte 
 
 611 
 
 124 
 
 70,458 
 
 467 
 
 105 
 
 66,938 
 
 Cherryfield 
 
 1,7.55 
 
 405 
 
 355,437 
 
 1,764 
 
 370 
 
 434,483 
 
 Columbia 
 
 1,265 
 
 161 
 
 111,163 
 
 668 
 
 164 
 
 127,899 
 
 Columbia Falls. . . 
 
 135 
 
 138,081 
 
 608 
 
 133 
 
 176,802 
 
 Cooper 
 
 468 
 
 91 
 
 39,272 
 
 360 
 
 84 
 
 34.809 
 
 Crawford 
 
 273 
 
 58 
 
 28,883 
 
 209 
 
 54 
 
 30,351 
 
 Cutler 
 
 890 
 
 186 
 
 83,000 
 
 925 
 
 211 
 
 110,189 
 
 Danforth 
 
 283 
 
 
 
 .313 
 
 61 
 
 50,696 
 
 Deblois 
 
 1.31 
 
 29 
 
 16,086 
 
 139 
 
 2.3 
 
 18,010 
 
 Denneysville 
 
 485 
 
 103 
 
 149,.586 
 
 488 
 
 99 
 
 199,. 319 
 
 East Machias 
 
 2,179 
 
 393 
 
 481,877 
 
 2,017 
 
 381 
 
 581, .547 
 
 Eastport 
 
 3,850 
 
 742 
 
 897,898 
 
 3,736 
 
 722 
 
 901,686 
 
 Eaton 
 
 
 
 81 
 
 
 
 Edmunds 
 
 444 
 
 88 
 
 80,204 
 
 448 
 
 79 
 
 86,418 
 
 Harrington 
 
 1,1.30 
 
 262 
 
 247,133 
 
 1,142 
 
 283 
 
 249,203 
 
 Jonesborough . . .. 
 
 518 
 
 129 
 
 61,074 
 
 522 
 
 119 
 
 86,990 
 
 Jonesport 
 
 1,148 
 
 222 
 
 105,7.53 
 
 1,.305 
 
 259 
 
 150,388 
 
 Lubec 
 
 2,.555 
 
 564 
 
 257,739 
 
 2,136 
 
 498 
 
 309,406 
 
 Machias 
 
 2,2.56 
 
 417 
 
 674,124 
 
 2,. 525 
 
 561 
 
 978,135 
 
 Machiasport 
 
 1,502 
 
 269 
 
 155,939 
 
 1,.526 
 
 300 
 
 197,221 
 
 Marion 
 
 203 
 
 38 
 
 33,720 
 
 213 
 
 46 
 
 29,976 
 
 Marshfield 
 
 328 
 
 62 
 
 60,320 
 
 350 
 
 73 
 
 71,356 
 
 Meddybemps 
 
 297 
 
 67 
 
 24,4.58 
 
 200 
 
 50 
 
 24,080 
 
 Milbridge 
 
 1,282 
 
 326 
 
 206,359 
 
 1,558 
 
 368 
 
 299,747 
 
 Northfield 
 
 261 
 
 55 
 
 41,4.50 
 
 190 
 
 55 
 
 52,947 
 
 Pembroke 
 
 2,299 
 
 439 
 
 304,087 
 
 2, .551 
 
 573 
 
 388,233 
 
 Perry 
 
 1,194 
 
 261 
 
 187,126 
 
 1,149 
 
 267 
 
 205,.592 
 
 Princeton 
 
 626 
 
 141 
 
 11.5,9.56 
 
 1,072 
 
 217 
 
 180,.507 
 
 Robbinston 
 
 1,113 
 
 200 
 
 124,6.32 
 
 926 
 
 195 
 
 127,0.30 
 
 Steuben 
 
 1,191 
 
 264 
 
 161,677 
 
 1,062 
 
 270 
 
 186, .528 
 
 Topsfield 
 
 444 
 
 98 
 
 85,595 
 
 463 
 
 105 
 
 82,828 
 
 Trescott 
 
 715 
 
 118 
 
 51,969 
 
 603 
 
 110 
 
 42,980 
 
 Wesley 
 
 343 
 
 71 
 
 36,202 
 
 336 
 
 72 
 
 63,829 
 
 Whiting 
 
 479 
 
 91 
 
 64,461 
 
 414 
 
 82 
 
 74,629 
 
 Whitney ville 
 
 579 
 
 119 
 
 87,023 
 
 569 
 
 113 
 
 111,264 
 
542 
 
 THE HISTORY OF MAINE. 
 
 PLANTATIONS AND TOWNSHIPS. 
 
 
 
 1860 . 
 
 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 Codyville 
 
 
 
 
 62 
 
 18 
 
 27,919 
 
 Jackson Brook. . 
 
 93 
 
 
 
 206 
 
 
 40,000 
 
 Talmadge 
 
 96 
 
 
 
 80 
 
 25 
 
 29,512 
 
 Waite 
 
 95 
 
 
 
 122 
 
 32 
 
 28,700 
 
 No. 7, R. 2 
 
 
 
 
 119 
 
 27 
 
 26,645 
 
 No. 9, Range 4. . 
 
 69 
 
 
 
 71 
 
 
 40,000 
 
 No. 14, East Div 
 
 .. 190 
 
 
 
 149 
 
 31 
 
 15,000 
 
 No. 18, East Div.. 
 
 
 
 42 
 
 
 
 No. 21 
 
 85 
 
 
 
 168 
 
 34 
 
 20,255 
 
 Vanceborougli . 
 
 
 
 
 327 
 
 
 40,000 
 
 No. 1 
 
 
 
 
 246 
 
 
 
 No. 19, E. Div. . 
 
 
 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 No. 26 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Dyer 
 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 
 
 Hinckley 
 
 
 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 Indian 
 
 
 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 Robbins 
 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 Devcreaux 
 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 Wild lands 
 
 
 
 501,145 
 
 
 
 517,1.50 
 
 Total 
 
 ..42,534 
 
 8,342 
 
 $7,658,945 
 
 43,.343 
 
 8,983 
 
 $9,566,038 
 
 
 
 YORK COUNTY. 
 
 
 
 
 Acton 
 
 
 255 
 
 $277,816 
 
 1,008 
 
 270 
 
 $327,189 
 
 Alfred 
 
 .. 1,256 
 
 307 
 
 381,024 
 
 1,224 
 
 297 
 
 427,140 
 
 Berwick 
 
 
 408 
 
 483,447 
 
 2,291 
 
 4.31 
 
 641,329 
 
 Biddeford 
 
 ,. 9,349 
 
 1,615 
 
 4,593,047 
 
 10,282 
 
 2,205 
 
 5,682,402 
 
 Buxton 
 
 . 2,853 
 
 645 
 
 686,353 
 
 2,546 
 
 631 
 
 829,899 
 
 Cornish 
 
 . 1,153 
 
 267 
 
 268,405 
 
 1,100 
 
 257 
 
 310,678 
 
 Dayton 
 
 . . 701 
 
 180 
 
 199,478 
 
 611 
 
 164 
 
 242,043 
 
 Elliot 
 
 ,. 1,767 
 
 396 
 
 460,438 
 
 1,769 
 
 399 
 
 5.35,962 
 
 Hollis 
 
 .. 1,083 
 
 379 
 
 348,599 
 
 1,541 
 
 424 
 
 444;428 
 
 Kennebunk . . . . , 
 
 .. 2,679 
 
 637 
 
 1,5.59,902 
 
 2,603 
 
 610 
 
 1,577,504 
 
 Kennebunkport , 
 
 .. 3,608 
 
 629 
 
 890,229 
 
 2,-372 
 
 622 
 
 901,431 
 
 Kitteiy 
 
 .. 2,974 
 
 582 
 
 363,327 
 
 3,.3.3.3 
 
 727 
 
 622,523 
 
 Lebanon 
 
 .. 2,040 
 
 460 
 
 489,674 
 
 1,953 
 
 396 
 
 524,575 
 
 Limerick 
 
 . . 1,441 
 
 268 
 
 282,339 
 
 1,425 
 
 307 
 
 392,6.37 
 
 Limington 
 
 . . 2,004 
 
 436 
 
 468,228 
 
 1,630 
 
 420 
 
 567,808 
 
 Lyman 
 
 .. 1,.307 
 
 286 
 
 269,853 
 
 1,052 
 
 269 
 
 345,-346 
 
 Newfield 
 
 .. 1,.349 
 
 287 
 
 2.52,839 
 
 1,193 
 
 275 
 
 298,895 
 
 North Berwick . 
 
 . . 1,492 
 
 346 
 
 398,112 
 
 1,623 
 
 357 
 
 572,927 
 
 Parsonsfield. 
 
 . . 2,125 
 
 485 
 
 551,465 
 
 1,894 
 
 454 
 
 632,097 
 
 Saco 
 
 .. 6,223 
 
 1,173 
 
 2,991,564 
 
 5,755 
 
 1,349 
 
 3,116,374 
 
 Shapleigh 
 
 .. 1,273 
 
 318 
 
 216,372 
 
 1,087 
 
 271 
 
 251,118 
 
 Sanford 
 
 .. 2,221 
 
 526 
 
 447,061 
 
 2,-397 
 
 526 
 
 560,-542 
 
 South Berwick . 
 
 .. 2,024 
 
 501 
 
 676,387 
 
 2,510 
 
 532 
 
 818,022 
 
 Waterborough. . 
 
 .. 1,824 
 
 386 
 
 286,440 
 
 1,-548 
 
 388 
 
 364,270 
 
 Wells 
 
 .. 2,878 
 
 652 
 
 591,001 
 
 2,773 
 
 6.39 
 
 683,940 
 
 York 
 
 .. 2,825 
 
 614 
 
 702,218 
 
 2,654 
 
 614 
 
 771,776 
 
 Isle of Shoals . . , 
 
 25 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 ..62,107 
 
 13,038 
 
 $19,1.35,618 
 
 60,174 
 
 13,834 
 
 $22,442,875 
 
 
 
 
 TOTAL. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1800 . 
 
 
 
 1870 . 
 
 
 Population. 
 
 Polls. 
 
 Estates. Population. Polls. 
 
 Estates. 
 
 028,279 127,809 
 
 $102,158,581 626,915 143, 
 
 ,195 $219,666,504 
 
 Valuation of wild lands 1870, $5,150,356. Total valuation, $224,822,800. 
 
INDEX. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abenaquis tkibes, Losses of the, 334. 
 
 Academies established, 420. 
 
 Acadia, a name for French possessions in America, 69. 
 
 Adventure on the St. George Eiver, 307. 
 
 Agamenticus, Colony at, 90. 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, Influence of the treaty of, 350. 
 
 Ambereuse, Character of the sagamore, 335. 
 
 Ambuscades, Success of the Indian, 182. 
 
 Ambush, Lieut. Clark leads his troops into, 227. 
 
 America discovered by Northmen, 14. 
 
 Ames, Adelbert, Gen., in command of the Maine Twentieth, 486. 
 
 Ancient dominions of Maine, 290. 
 
 Andros, Sir Edmund, his success with the Indians, 207 ; his general unpopu- 
 larity and subsequent fate, 218. 
 
 Anecdotes of Capt. Lovett, 88; of Simon the sagamore (note), 203. 
 
 Annapolis, Port Koyal changed to, 32. 
 
 Appledore, The cairn on the summit of, 449. 
 
 Argal, Capt. Samuel, visits Monhegan, 74; attacks Port Royal, 78. 
 
 Armistice, Reasons for the failure of the, 184. 
 
 Arnold, Benedict, his suffering march to Quebec, 381, 382. 
 
 Aroostook, New troubles at, 433; Swedish colony at, 438; attractions of, 467. 
 Aroostook war. Description of, 430. 
 
 Arrowsic, Settlement made at, 89 ; English fired upon at, 203 ; conference at, 
 291. 
 
 Assacombuit, an Indian chief; his havoc among the English, 271. 
 
 Ashburton treaty, Ratification of the, 435. 
 
 Atrocities and cruelties, 273. 
 
 Augusta, Description of, 412. 
 
 Bagaduce, a trading post on the Penobscot, 94. 
 
 Bagnall, Walter, his deeds and fate, 98. 
 
 Bangor, Origin of the name, 401 ; losses to, from the British soldiery, 422. 
 Barrie, Capt., Insulting words of, 422. 
 
 Barhaba, the. Generous conduct of, 64 ; influence of, 173. 
 
 Bath, Its incorporation and importance, 390, 392, 
 
 Batteries of light artillery, 480-482. 
 
 645 
 
546 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Battery, the Sixth Mounted, Exploits and sufferings of, 483; the Seventh 
 Mounted, its good service, 4>91. 
 
 Beal, George L., Colonel of Maine Tenth, 474. 
 
 Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, Acts and character of, 340. 
 
 Belfast, The British plunder, 421 ; its appearance from the river, 456. 
 
 Bernard, Sir Francis, unpopularity of, 360. 
 
 Berry, Hiram G., his services and death, 470. 
 
 Berwick, Attack upon, by Hopegood, 226 ; incorporation of, 288. 
 
 Beard, M., A French missionary, 72. 
 
 Biarne, Adventures of the Northmen, 14. 
 
 Biencourt, a cruel Frenchman, 70. 
 
 Bigot, Yincent and Jacques, Catholic missionaries, 171. 
 
 Black Point, Settlement at, 105 ; battle at, 204. 
 
 Bomaseen, a sachem of the Canibas tribe, 243; speech of, 257. 
 
 Bonython, M., warned of danger by an Indian, 175. 
 
 Boundary of the Massachusetts colony defined, 126. 
 
 Bourne, Hon. Edward E., Kemarks of, 205. 
 
 Bowdoin, Dr. Peter, 361. 
 
 Bowdoin, James, elected governor of Maine, 398; ancestors of, 403. 
 
 Boxer, The, and the Enterprise, 417. 
 
 Bradford, Gov., his account of Gilling’s attack upon Castine, 103. 
 
 Breda, Treaty of, concluded, 156. 
 
 Breton, Cape, Dispute concerning, 295. 
 
 British regulars at Concord, their sufferings, 372. 
 
 British vengeance at Falmouth, 372 ; and barbarity, 378, 390. 
 
 British expeditions in Maine, 421. 
 
 British claims in Maine, 431. 
 
 Brooks, Governor of Massachusetts, His speech, 425. 
 
 Brown, John, Purchase of, 122. 
 
 Brunswick, Conference at, 251 ; location of, 289 ; re-settlement of, 339 ; incor- 
 poration of, 340; important convention at, 424. 
 
 Burgoyne’s surrender. Consequences of, 387. 
 
 Burneffe, Mons., leads the attack on the garrison at Wells, 236. 
 
 Burnet, Gov. William, Appearance and character of, 339. 
 
 Burnside, Gen., Testimony of, to the valor of Maine soldiers, 485. 
 
 Cabot, John, The voyages of, 21. 
 
 Cabot, Sebastian, Explorations of, 22, 23. 
 
 Canada, Preparations in England for the conquest of, 156 ; failure of the expe- 
 dition against, 282. • 
 
 Canseau, the French and Indians attack, 345. 
 
 Cape Breton, Dispute respecting, 295. 
 
 Cape Cod discovered by Leif, a Northman, 14. 
 
 Cargill, Capt. James, Brutality of, 356. 
 
 Carr, Sir Kobert, Character of, 150. 
 
 iCartwright, George, his character, and his plans frustrated, 150. 
 
 Casco, Attack upon, and siege of the fort at, 262, 263. 
 
 'Casco Neck, Sufferings at, 189. 
 
 'Castine, The colony at, plundered, 94; battle at the port of, 389; the British 
 obtain possession of, 421 ; gay life of the British at, 423. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 547 
 
 Castine, St., Baron, History of, 157; plunder of the home of, 216. 
 
 Castine the younger. Outrageous treatment of, 260; his journey to Canada, 
 278, 279 ; tribute to the character of, 287. 
 
 Causes of sickness among troops sent South, 491. 
 
 Cavalry, First Maine Regiment of, 479 ; Second Regiment, 490. 
 
 Cemetery Hill, Terrible contest at, 494. 
 
 Chamberlain, Gov. Joshua L., his interest in the Swedish colony, 437, 444 ; he 
 receives the surrender of Gen. Lee, 495. 
 
 Charles II., Royal missive and plans of, 147; decree of, 151; letter of, 152; 
 death of, 212. 
 
 Charlevoix, Pere de. Account of, 315. 
 
 Charter of the Plymouth Council surrendered, 100. 
 
 Charter granted to Bowdoin College, 403. 
 
 Chubb, Capt., Consequences of the conscious guilt of, 246. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, Words of, in Parliament, 369. 
 
 Church, Capt. Benjamin, his success at Brunswick, 225 ; his exploit at Pejeps- 
 cot fort, 230; his expedition to the Bay of Fundy, 247; to Passama- 
 quoddy Bay, 268; his cruelty, 269. 
 
 Claims, Conflicting, of France and England, 123. 
 
 Cleaves, George, appointed administrator by Gorges, 110; petition of, 153. 
 Clergymen of Kittery, 288. 
 
 Coburn, Gov. Abner, Rebel flags captured by Maine soldiers sent to, 474. 
 Cochran, Capture of, and escape, 318. 
 
 Colonial charter annulled, the consequences, 214. 
 
 Colonists, Improvidence of the, at Sagadahoc, 64 ; their condition, 68 ; conten- 
 tions among, 129. 
 
 Commercial intercourse with the French and Dutch prohibited, 132. 
 
 Commock, Capt. Thomas, Grant to, 105. 
 
 Concord, Reception of British troops at, 371. 
 
 Conduct of Col. Dungan’s commissioners, 215. 
 
 Confederacy, The, of the colonies, its object, 109. 
 
 Conflicts between the Northmen and Americans, 18. 
 
 Conventions held respecting separation of Maine from Massachusetts, 398, 399, 
 424. 
 
 Converse, Capt., Bravery of, 237 ; heroic words of, 238- 
 Cornwall, Organization of the county of, 154. 
 
 Cortereal, Gaspar, Villany of, 24. 
 
 Coulson, Samuel, Dislike of the people to, 374. 
 
 Cromwell, Oliver, the New Haven colony send to him for aid, 130; his meas- 
 ures, 132; his reasons for attacking Nova Scotia, 133. 
 
 Bailing, John, Leasehold of, 215. 
 
 D’Aulney, Capt., destroys a Penobscot settlement, 102; attacks De La Tour, 
 112; arrests three English gentlemen, 115;. assails and captures the fort 
 of La Tour, 119. 
 
 Damariscotta Islands, Fisheries at, 86. 
 
 Danforth, President, his difiiculties, 209. 
 
 Deane, Rev. Samuel, his opinion of Mowatt (note), 380. 
 
 Defences of the coast of Maine, 385. 
 
548 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 De Monts, Patent issued to, by Henry lY., 31 ; his suffering winter, 32. 
 Depredations and cruelties, 266, 307. 
 
 Differences between the French and English, 156. 
 
 Dispute between the general court and the commissioners of Charles the 
 Second, 151. 
 
 Dorr, Ebenezer, carries important despatches (note), 368. 
 
 Dow, Col. Neal, Imprisonment of, 477. 
 
 Dudley, Gov., his interview with the sagamores at Portland, 256; his over- 
 bearing conduct, 292. 
 
 “ Dummer Treaty ” signed, 332 ; its provisions not complied with, 346. 
 Dummer, Gov. William, Character of, 334. 
 
 Dungan, Col. Thomas, Character of, 214. 
 
 Dutch, The, instigate the savages against the English, 130. 
 
 Eastern provinces. The desolation of, 289. 
 
 Eastport, The British attack and take possession of, 421. 
 
 Edgecombe, Sir Kichard, Grant to, 106. 
 
 Edifiantes et Curieuses Lettres, Extracts from, 294 (note), 311. 
 
 Emigration, Causes of, 106. 
 
 England, why she claimed American soil, 23. 
 
 English, Reasons for Indian hatred of the, 43, 258, 259 ; perfidy of, 193. 
 
 English, Cruelties of, 329; desires of, relative to Canada, 281. 
 
 English government. Aggressions of the, 365. 
 
 Epenow, an Indian chief. Gorges describes, 75; his escape, 78. 
 
 Erik, Bishop, visits Vineland, 19. 
 
 Etiquette of the Indians, 63. 
 
 Explorations by a party at Sagadahock, 57, 58. 
 
 Extract from Coolidge and Mansfield, 298. 
 
 Falmouth, Conferences at, 332, 341, 350 ; resolute measures adopted by the 
 citizens of, 373, 374 ; heroism of the people, 379 ; the attack unon and 
 destruction of, 380. 
 
 Farmington on the Sandy River, 304 ; its seminaries of learning, 405. 
 Fessenden, Francis, Colonel of the Twenty-Fifth Maine, 487. 
 
 Fifth Regiment Maine Infantry, Exploits of, 471. 
 
 Fillebrown, James S., Lieut.-Colonel Maine Tenth, 474. 
 
 First District of Columbia Cavalry, Maine contributes to, 491. 
 
 Fort St. George, Attempt to surprise, 300; its strength, 308; meeting of com- 
 missioners at, 331 ; attack upon, 358. 
 
 Fort Hill, Capt. Heath destroys a village at, 328. 
 
 Fort Richmond (note), 294. 
 
 France, Discoveries of, in America, 24; obtains Canada, 69. 
 
 France, New, Name of French possessions in North America, 102. 
 
 France and England contend for the colonies, 353. 
 
 Frost, Major, Cruel conduct of, 201. 
 
 Frye, Jonathan, Chaplain, his character and death, 324. 
 
 Fryeburg, Incorporation of, 385. 
 
 Gardiner, Origin of the wealth and prosperity of, 414. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 549 
 
 George’s Islands, Tlie, 53. 
 
 General Court of Massacliusetts, Oppressive measures of, 175; fits out an 
 expedition against Kennebec Indians, 199; retaliation of, 356. 
 
 Gettysburg, Contest at, 493. 
 
 Gilbert Kaleigli, Capt., 48; bis discoveries, 56; bis efforts to conciliate tbe 
 savages, 57. 
 
 Girling, Capt., Unsuccessful attempt of, 102. 
 
 Godfrey, Edward, re-elected governor at Wells, 121; bis character, 122; 
 
 remonstrance of, 124 ; surrender of, 126. 
 
 Goldtbwaite, John, commander of Veteran Artillery, 492. 
 
 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, Character of, 45; bis efforts to found anew colony, 
 72 ; bis account of the escape of Epenow, 78, 79 ; new patent granted to, 
 its extent, 85; testimony of, 100; bis new appointment, 101; a new 
 grant obtained by, 105 ; Charles II. confers new privileges upon, 106 ; he 
 organizes a city, 108 ; returns to England, 109 ; bis death, 111. 
 
 Gorges, Thomas, bis character and position, 107 ; letter of, 112. 
 
 Gorges, William, Character of, 104. 
 
 Gorges, Ferdinando, grandson of Sir Ferdinando, his conduct, 145. 
 
 Gosnold, Bartholomew, 30. 
 
 Governor of Canada invites a council, 297. 
 
 Government, British, The alarm of, 33. 
 
 Government of the Province of Maine, 209. 
 
 Greenland discovered, 13. 
 
 Guercheville, Madame de, Failure of the enterprise of, 76, 77.. 
 
 Gudrida, a Finnish lady, her character, 16. 
 
 Halifax Fort, its location and strength, 354. 
 
 Hampden, Losses in the conflict at, 421. 
 
 Harmon, John, Valorous conduct of, 301. 
 
 Harlow, Capt. Edward, Villany of, 74. 
 
 Harpswell located, 389; incorporated, 358. 
 
 Hill, Lieut., Anecdote of, 479. 
 
 Hilton, Col., attacks Norridgewock, 270. 
 
 Hitchcock, Rev. R. D., Address of, to Maine volunteers, 469. 
 
 Hocking, or Hoskins, Illegal act of, 96. 
 
 Hostages, Indian, Honor of, 326. 
 
 Howard, Colonel O. O., commands the Third Regiment, 470; his bravery at 
 Gettysburg, 494. 
 
 Hudson, Port, Sickness, wounds, and death of Maine men at, 486. 
 
 Hunt, Thomas, Capt., Indians captured by, 83. 
 
 Hutchinson, Gov. Thomas, 360 ; character of, 365. 
 
 Iceland discovered by Naddod, 13. 
 
 Icelandic geography, 20. 
 
 Improvements in travelling in fifty years, 427. 
 
 Imprudence of the English, 192. 
 
 Incident of interest, 198; at Lovewell’s Pond, 322. 
 
 Incorporation of towns, 362, 363, 364, 398, 399, 401, 409, 411, 412, 416, 420, 423, 
 425. 
 
550 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Indians, The, described by Verrazano, 26; as seen by Weymouth, 35; useless 
 entreaties of, 42 ; testimony of Gorges concerning, 46 ; differing opinions 
 of the French and English respecting, 68, 69; different treatment of, by 
 the two nations, 93; names of the tribes of, in Maine, 165, 166; homes 
 of, 170; religious opinions of, 173; talent of, 174; cruelties perpetrated 
 by, 176, 177, 179, 180 ; honor of, 185 ; devices of, to burn English vessels, 
 238, 239 ; dignity of, 244 ; injustice of the English towards, 295 ; weakness 
 of, 301 ; humanity of, 305 ; sufferings of, 327 ; character of, 335 ; renewed 
 anxiety of, 340. 
 
 Indians of Maine, Attitude of, towards the settlers, 384, 397; extinction of, 
 425. 
 
 Indian depredations, 183, 187, 188, 190. 
 
 Indians, Penobscot, Williamson’s testimony concerning, 358 ; their reduction 
 and submission, 359. 
 
 James I., Grant of lands by, 47. 
 
 James II., Duke of York, Grants to, 147 ; character of, 149. 
 
 Jennings, Abraham, Monhegan purchased by, 73. 
 
 Jocelyn, Capt. John, Extract from the journal of, 163 ; compelled to sur- 
 render, 195. 
 
 Kankamaugus, a friendly Pennacook sagamore, 213. 
 
 Kennebec Eiver, Serious trouble on the, 95 ; trading post on the, 134. 
 
 Kennebec Indians sue for peace, 277. 
 
 Kimball, Col. William K., Exploits of, 475. 
 
 King Philip’s war, its woes, 2.58. 
 
 King, Gov. William, Sketch of, 425. 
 
 Kittery, The town of, its extent, 110 ; the court sits at, 288. 
 
 Kittery Point, Settlement at, 105. 
 
 Knowles, Col., praiseworthy act in Philadelphia, 471. 
 
 Laconia, Description of, 90. 
 
 La Tour, Charles de la. 111 ; conflict on the Penobscot, 114 ; his treachery, 
 120; suspicions of, 132; his character and death, 134. 
 
 La Tour, Madame, Character of, 116 ; heroism of, 118; fate of, 119. 
 
 La Tour, Stephen, confirmed in his possessions by Cromwell, 134. 
 
 Laws respecting preaching, 128 ; humane, of Massachusetts, 139. 
 
 Lee, Eobert E., his humiliation and surrender, 495. 
 
 Leif, Adventures of, 14. 
 
 Letter of the Governor of Canada, 296 ; of Hon. G. A. Hedlund, 44-3. 
 
 Levett, Capt., Ilis character and explorations, 88. 
 
 Lewiston, its mercantile and literary importance, 411. 
 
 Lexington, British soldiers sent to, .366 ; encounter at, 368. 
 
 Longfellow, II. W., The ride of Paul Eevere, by, 367. 
 
 Loron, an Indian sachem, Eemonstrance of, 3.33; speech of, 342. 
 
 Losses by Indian Avars to Maine, 286 ; to the Indians, 287. 
 
 Louisburg, its strength, 347 ; its capture, 348. 
 
 LovcAA^cll, Capt., Exploits of, 317, 319. 
 
 Loyal, Fort, how situated, 210; Capt. Davis’s report of the attack upon, 228. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 551 
 
 Luxury of the settlers, Example of the, 339. 
 
 Lygonia, A new patent for territory, called, 93 ; united to Massachusetts, 141. 
 Lygonian Plantation, 105. 
 
 Machias, Importance of, 385 ; attack upon, 386 ; incorporated, 398. 
 
 Madawaska, Doings at, 431. 
 
 Madockawando, Speech of, 185; notice of, by Drake (note), 201; his commu- 
 nication to the council at Boston, 220 ; his death, 251. 
 
 Maiden heroism, 180. 
 
 Maine, Beauty of the coast of, 41 ; reasons for the name, 107 ; confusion in 
 the affairs of, 158; returns to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, 160; 
 purchase of the province of, 208 ; poverty of the people of, 253 ; losses 
 of the inhabitants, 335; renewed prosperity of, 340; patriotism in the 
 Kevolution, 373; her lakes and mountains, 458-467 ; her sacrifices in 
 the civil war, 468-498; exports of, 501; crops of, 502; various indus- 
 tries of, 503 ; manufacturing resources of, 504. 
 
 Maine, Fourteenth Eegiment, their labors and hardships, 477. 
 
 Maine General Hospital, 527. 
 
 Maine Begiments, Character of the men of the, 484. 
 
 Manatahqua, Wanton murder of, 99. 
 
 Maquoit, Fort erected at, 137. 
 
 March, Major, at Damariscotta, 250 ; his loss at Casco, 264. 
 
 Martha’s Vineyard, Last battle at, 79. 
 
 Massacre at Norridgewock, 313. 
 
 Massachusetts laws. Value of, 137. 
 
 Masse, M., a French missionary, 72. 
 
 Maverick, Samuel, Self-sufficiency of, 151. 
 
 McClellan, Gen. Geo. B., his tribute to the Seventh Eegiment, 472. 
 
 McGilvery, Capt. Freeman, Testimony of Gen. Augur to the gallantry of, 483. 
 McKeen, Eev. Joseph, D.D., 404. 
 
 Memorial presented to Cromwell, 142. 
 
 Meteorological record for fifty years in Maine, 501. 
 
 Misunderstanding between Capt. Gilbert and Sebenoa, an Indian chief, 59-61; 
 fatal effects of, at Brunswick, 199. 
 
 Missionaries, Catholic, Faults and excellencies of, 242 ; intolerance towards, 256. 
 Mohawks, Consequences of the enlistment of, 202. 
 
 Monhegan, Discovery of, by Weymouth, 33; quaint description of, 73. 
 
 Mortality of the Fifteenth Eegiment, 477. 
 
 Moulton, Capt., sent to Norridgewock; his humanity, 306. 
 
 Mountains of Maine, 498, 499. 
 
 Mount Desert, its size and beauty, 71, 456. 
 
 Mowatt, Capt., Orders received by, 378; his conduct, 379. 
 
 Mugg, an Indian chieftain, 195 ; he negotiates a treaty, 196 ; boastful remark 
 of, 198 ; death of, 204. 
 
 Naeset, name given to Cape Cod, 14. 
 
 Nahanada, his interview with Skitwarroes, 50; his fears, 51. 
 
 Narragansett Bay entered by Verrazano, 26. 
 
 Narrow and intolerant religious views, 138. 
 
552 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Neal, Walter, Kevengeful conduct of, 98. 
 
 Neutrality proposed by tlie Canadians, 273. 
 
 Newfoundland, Discovery of the banks of, 44. 
 
 New Meadows Kiver, Battle at, 177. 
 
 New Orleans, The Twenty-Eighth and Twenty-Ninth sent to, 489. 
 
 Newport, E. I., Kuins of a Northmen tower at, 19. 
 
 New Somersetshire, Settlements in province of, 104. 
 
 New Sweden, where and how situated, 439 ; houses in, 439. 
 
 Norridgewock, Mission station at, 171; attack upon, by Col. Hilton, 270; a 
 new expedition against, and its failure, 304 ; description of the hamlet 
 of, 309 ; fatal attack upon, 312, 313. 
 
 Norridgewocks, End of the tribe of, 314. 
 
 North-eastern boundary. Dispute respecting, 424; settlement of the question, 
 434. 
 
 Northmen, their home and character, 13; their barbarity, 15. 
 
 North Yarmouth, its establishment and boundaries, 210 
 Norumbega, Limits of, 28 ; note, 31. 
 
 Nova Scotia ceded to England, 134, 278. 
 
 Nichols, Col. Kichard, his character, 150. 
 
 Oath of allegiance to England required of the settlers on the Kennebec, 135. 
 Official report upon Swedish immigration, 442. 
 
 “ Ohio Fever,” The consequences of the, 424. 
 
 Old Orchard’, Points of interest at, 453, 454. 
 
 Oldtown, Westbrook’s official account of the expedition against, 327. 
 
 Original patent granted to New Plymouth, 136. 
 
 Outrageous conduct at St. George, 66. 
 
 Outrages perpetrated by Indians, 249, 250. 
 
 Patents granted to settlers in Maine, 290. 
 
 Parris, Albion K., second governor of Maine, 427. 
 
 Peace articles signed by the English and Dutch courts, 133 ; articles signed 
 between Indians and the English at Casco, 207 ; treaty of, between Eng- 
 land and America, 397. 
 
 Pegwacket, Encounter near, 321. 
 
 Pejepscot settlement, 105; limits of the purchase, 212; sale and boundaries 
 of, 289. 
 
 Pemaquid, Importance of, 91, 92, 105. 
 
 Penacooks, Petition of the, 212. 
 
 Penobscot Bay, Bring’ s account of, 31; Rosier’ s description of, 36; conference 
 at, 251. 
 
 Perils of the Ninth Maine Regiment, 473. 
 
 Pestilence along the coast of Maine, 84. 
 
 Philip, King, his haughty answer to the governor of Massachusetts, 186. 
 
 Phips, Sir William, Character and adventures of, 222; governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, 240 ; tribute to the memory of, 252. 
 
 Phipsburg, its first settlement, 54. 
 
 Picturesque attractions of Maine, 446. 
 
 Pinchon, Major, sent to the Mohawks, 202. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 553 
 
 Piracy, Acts of, 95. 
 
 Piscataqua Plantation, 105. 
 
 Plymouth Company, its character and object, 46. 
 
 Plymouth Council, Provinces of the, 100. 
 
 Plymouth Eock, Landing of the Pilgrims at, 85. 
 
 Pond Town Plantation, why so called, 363. 
 
 Popham, Sir Francis, engages in fisheries, 69. 
 
 Popham, George, Character of, 48 ; he ascends the river Sagadahock, 54 ; cho- 
 sen governor of Sagadahock, 55 ; his death, 65. 
 
 Popham, Lord John, his rank and influence, 48. 
 
 Population of Maine and of New England, 164. 
 
 Portland, Barbaric display at, 256 ; beauty of the city of, 446. 
 
 Port Royal found impregnable, and the siege abandoned, 275. 
 
 Poutrincourt, his brutality, 70. 
 
 Privateers, French, sweep the coast of Maine, 267. 
 
 Proclamation of the General Court of Massachusetts, 146, 159. 
 
 Proclamation issued at Boston, 299. 
 
 Province of Maine, its condition, 105. 
 
 Province of Nova Scotia conquered by the English, 133. 
 
 Putnam, Major Perley, in command at Eastport, 420.. 
 
 Quakers, Persecution of the, 138. 
 
 Quebec, Fruitless attack upon, 222; Arnold repulsed in his attack upon, 383. 
 
 Randolph, Edward, Bitter aspersions of, 209. 
 
 Rangeley Lake, 464. 
 
 Rasle, Sebastian, a French missionary at Norridgewock, 171; his journeys 
 through the western wilderness, 172 ; British hatred of, 297 ; attempts to 
 capture, 305; success of, in civilizing and Christianizing the Indians, 
 310 ; violent death of, monument erected to the memory of, 325. 
 
 Razilla, Gen., military commandant of Acadia, 102. 
 
 Readfield, Wesleyan Seminary at, 401. 
 
 Record of Maine regiments, 492. 
 
 Regiment, the Eleventh, Testimony of Gen. Neagle, to the heroism of the, 475 ; 
 adventures of the Thirteenth, 476; labors and deaths in the Twenty- 
 Fourth, 487 ; sufferings of the Thirty-First in the wilderness, 492. 
 Regiments, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth, 486. 
 
 Religion, Endeavors to establish the institutions of, 90. 
 
 Reprisals by the savages, 300. 
 
 Retribution, Indian, 66. 
 
 Revere, Paul, frustrated Gen. Gage’s plans, 367. 
 
 Rhode Island the winter abode of the Northmen, 16. 
 
 Richards, Major, sent to enlist Mohawks against the eastern tribes, 202, 
 Richardson, Lieut., marches into ambush, 204. 
 
 Richmond Fort, Indian speeches at, 352. 
 
 Right of search maintained, 419. 
 
 Rines, Capt. Stover, his success and reverses, 432. 
 
 Routes of travel, 447, 455. 
 
 Royal, Port, Colony at, 32. 
 
554 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Royall, William, purchase of, 210. 
 
 Kut, John, Second English expedition commanded by, 28. 
 
 Eyswick, Treaty of, concluded, 251. 
 
 Saco, The first General Court held at, 107. 
 
 Sagadahock Colony, Inauguration of, 55. 
 
 Sagadahock Eiver, Beauty of the, 54. 
 
 Samoset, an Indian chief of renown, 87. 
 
 Savages, Insolence of the, 129. 
 
 Saxton, Gen., selects officers from Maine regiments for colored soldiers, 
 Scandinavia, What constituted, 13. 
 
 Scandinavian immigration, 436 ; commissioners upon, 437. 
 
 Scarborough, Colony at, 105 ; revival of the settlement at, 211. 
 
 Scenes of picturesque beauty on the coast of Maine, 37. 
 
 Schools of Maine, 517-526. 
 
 Scott, Gen., success of his pacific measures, 433. 
 
 Screven, Rev. William, his trials and character, 211. 
 
 Seat of government removed to Augusta, 429. 
 
 Sebago Lake and its scenery, 458. 
 
 Separation of Maine from Massachusetts decided, 425. 
 
 Settlers on the coast of Maine, Character of, 89 ; fears entertained by the, 352. 
 Settlements abandoned, 191. 
 
 Se wall’s description of Pemaquod, 92. 
 
 Seymour, Rev. Richard, held the first religious service in Maine, 52. 
 Sharpshooters, A company of, sent from Maine ; their record, 478. 
 
 Shepley, Col. George F., of the Twelfth Maine, 475; his position at New 
 Orleans, 476. 
 
 Sherbrook, Gen., Order of, to Capt. Barrie, 422. 
 
 Shirley Fort at Augusta, 354. 
 
 Shurte, Mr. Abraham, endeavors to redress Indian wrongs, 181 ; Indians appeal 
 to, 184. 
 
 Skitwarroes, the captive Indian, returned, 49. 
 
 Skowhegan, State quarries at, 503. 
 
 Smith, Capt. John, his character and objects, 81. 
 
 Southack, Capt. Cyprian, Timely arrival of, 263. 
 
 Spanish fleet. The, capture an emigrant ship, 49. 
 
 Speech of an Indian chief to Queen Anne, 281 ; of Lord Chatham, 369. 
 Spurling, Lieut.-Col., Raid of, 491. 
 
 Squando, a friendly Indian, Cruel treatment of his child, 175. 
 
 Squando, Pretended revelation of, 186. 
 
 Squantum, Career of, 40. 
 
 Squidrayset, an Indian warrior, 98. 
 
 Stamp Act, Feeling in Falmouth respecting, 374. 
 
 Standish, Capt. Miles, 103. 
 
 State of Maine, Latitude and longitude of, 498. 
 
 State Seal, Description of, 426. 
 
 Stoddard, John, Commissioner to the Indians, 331. 
 
 St. George, Inauguration of, 64; anarchy and distress at, 65. 
 
 St. George, Conference at, 34^ 
 
INDEX. 
 
 555 
 
 St. George River, Fortress at, 294 ; attacked, 306. 
 
 St. John, The successful attack upon, 249. 
 
 Sharkey, William, historian of the Popham Expedition, 55. 
 
 Strategy, Indian, 179. 
 
 Subercase, a French commander, surrenders Port Royal, 278. 
 
 Sufferings of the Eighth Maine, 472; of the Sixteenth Maine, 484. 
 
 Sullivan, Mr., Testimony of, 128. 
 
 Summer resorts in Maine of great beauty, 449-467. 
 
 Swedes, Welcome to the, 439; prosperity of, 444; numbers in Maine, 444. 
 
 Swett, Capt. Benjamin, his character and conduct, 204; his death, 205. 
 
 Terms of peace exacted of the Indians, 286. 
 
 Thebet, Andre, Journal of, 29. 
 
 Thirtieth Maine, Toils, sufferings, and losses of, 490. 
 
 Thirty-Second Maine, Awful carnage of, 492. 
 
 Thomas, William W., Sketch of, 436; his labors in Sweden, 38; tribute to, 445. 
 Thomaston, Fort built near, 294; celebrity of, 386. 
 
 Thompson, Col. Samuel, Reckless act of, 375. 
 
 Thorfinn visits Yineland, 16 ; his fruitless search for Thorhall, 18. 
 
 Thorhall, Explorations of, 18. 
 
 Thorstein, his expedition to Yineland, 16. 
 
 Thorwald, a Northman, visits Narragansett Bay, 14; death of, 15. 
 
 Togus, Home for disabled soldiers at, 498. 
 
 Topsham laid out, 289. 
 
 Tour, de la, Charles, 111; his efforts to recover his dominions, 113. 
 
 Tour, de la, Claude, attacks an English trading-post, 97. 
 
 Toxus, Speech of, 342, 
 
 Trading-houses established, 91, 332 ; rules for conducting, 338. 
 
 Treachery of Boston merchants, 272. 
 
 Twenty-Sixth Regiment ; its nine months of toil, 488. 
 
 Utrecht, Peace of, 285. 
 
 Yetch, Col. Samuel, Governor of Nova Scotia, 278. 
 
 Yillany of Yerrazano, 25; his end, 27. 
 
 Yineland, its climate and productions, 14; enthusiasm of Gudrida concerning, 
 10 ; its supposed location, 19. 
 
 Yines, Capt. Richard, Settlement of Saco begun by, 89 ; he assails Mr. Tucker, 
 
 no. 
 
 Yirginia, Council of, its powers, 47. 
 
 Yisit of Pemaquod chiefs to Capt. Weymouth, 40. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by the Northmen, 14, 15, 17. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by Columbus, 21. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by John and Sebastian Cabot, 22. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by Gasper Cortereal, 24. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by Giovanni Yerrazano, 25. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by Estevan Gomez, 27. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by John Rut, 28. 
 
 Yoyages of discovery by Bartholomew Gosnold, 30. 
 
556 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Voyages of discovery by De Monts, 32. 
 
 Voyages of discovery by George Weymouth, 33. 
 
 Wadsworth, General, Heroism of, 391, 394. 
 
 Wainwriglit, John, Conversation of, with Indian chiefs, 331. 
 
 Waldo patent. The, 94. 
 
 Waldron, Major, Suspicions of, 200; death of, 219. 
 
 Wampum, a currency medium, 91. 
 
 Wannerton, his revenge upon D’Aulney, 115. 
 
 War and its ravages, 83; between England and Holland, 162; second Indian, 
 175; between France and England, its consequences, 220; duration and 
 sufferings caused by the Indian, 251 ; third Indian, 260 ; its desolations, 
 261, 262; cause of a new Indian, 345; fifth Indian, commenced, 348; of 
 the Eevolution, 369 ; of 1812, consequences of, to Maine, 418. 
 Washington protected by Maine Twenty-Seventh, 489. 
 
 Water-power of Maine, 505-515. 
 
 Wells, General Court convened at, 121 ; attack on the garrison at, 233 ; exciting 
 event at, 283, 284. 
 
 Wells Beach, 451. 
 
 Westbrook, Col. Thomas, Expedition of, 302. 
 
 Weymouth, Capt., Suspicions of, 38; treachery of, 39; effects of the crimes of, 
 56. 
 
 Wheelwright, Eev. John, his character and persecutions, 142 ; letter of, 143. 
 Whitefield, Eev. George, visits Maine, 343. 
 
 Whittier, Poem of, on Norridgewock, 310, 457. 
 
 William Henry, built at Pemaquid, 240 ; efforts to destroy, 241, 245 ; final loss 
 of, 246. 
 
 William and Mary, Charter of, 252. 
 
 Williamson, Capt. Jonathan, Capture of, 349. 
 
 Williamson, Hon. William D., Sketch of, 425. 
 
 Winslow, Capt. Josiah, Attack upon, 307. 
 
 Winter Harbor, Capt. Vines spends a winter at, 85 ; attack and defence of, 276. 
 Winthrop, Gen. John, Unsuccessful efforts of, 223. 
 
 Wiswall, Eev. Mr., Unpatriotic character of, 375. 
 
 Wivarna, Letter of the sachem, 334. 
 
 Tork, Awful carnage at, 235. 
 
 Yorkshire, County of, 127. 
 

 
 
 
 ,.“y,,w>v- '*.Vrv-- ::, v vd 
 
 V ■" ■ - ' ' ' '' ' jiff 
 
 r'“’ Av» i- , ' ’'*?^ 
 
 ' ■- f’. ^ '-•‘^' 
 
 Vi^\ ■- 'v ^>*JWi^rwr’f.- 'a . V-* - ^ ^ 
 
 f*'' T. •.>‘ AI »’.' , 
 
 *^r.' •/■-'. J' 
 
 -*• . ■vV^ Wv^':' 
 
 ■ ■■ ■ ’ ■ -■’’• ? V5ivM.v '•■' 
 
 ' /•■ ■” -V* '^.^: . •, • ^ 'f ^ 
 
 _K'= 
 
 l::: 
 
 
 fW* ;»■ ?4i V 
 
 ^ r . “•■ . -^f'4ii%» - ■•■- - 
 
 ifs^-.^?': ,: v- '•. v^. . .. - '.: - ■;.. • -, ; 
 
 •!ww ' ’■ ■- ^ '■■■ -:■ ;.ff‘V •.■(■,-■■ •!'■■ v-.> ^ 
 
 v'^V- 
 
 
 i -v L*. *' 
 
 
 N*. 
 
 .V-'f. 
 
 
 ,. « .4.,.. 
 
V