NEW GRANADA AND THE UNITED STATES OE AMERICA. ZEPIILT _A.Xj DIPLOMATIC CONTROVERSY DELATING TO ©mtrrwtcs tfuit took plate at auawa ON THE 15th OE APRIL, 1856. LIVERPOOL: RE-PRINTED AT THE MAIL OFFICE, LIVER COURT, SOUTH CASTLE STREET. 3 The following pages contain a verbatim Reprint of a State Paper recently issued by the Government of New Granada, entitled u New Granada and the United “ States of America — Final Diplomatic Controversy “ relating to the occurrences that took place at Panama “ on the 15th of April, 1856.” The original is trebly set forth—in the Spanish, French, and English languages : the English version has been faithfully adhered to. As it relates to my native country, whose prosperity and whose honour is still dear to my heart, although I have been a naturalised British subject and engaged in mercantile affairs for many years past in England, I believe I cannot render a more dutiful service than to send forth this important document, and without note or comment. It speaks for itself, trumpet-tongued. I would only add that, although having the honour to hold the office of Consul for New Granada at Liverpool, I send forth this pamphlet entirely on my private responsibility, without any promptings from the Government of New Granada, or from any other State or individual whatever. And I do this as an individual merchant, and in nowise in my official capacity. LTJIS^ S'“MAKIA. PROPOSITION S Handed ey Messrs. Morse and Bowlin, as Plenipotentiaries of the Government op the United States, to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on the 4th of February, 1857. PROPOSITION FIRST. “ To erect the cities of Panama and Aspinwall (Colon) into two municipalities independent and neutral to govern themselves, with a territory ten miles wide on each side of the Railroad.—The perfect freedom of the transit route.— Neutrality and freedom guaranteed, sovereignty unchanged. —Other nations to be invited into the guarantees.” ARGUMENT. By this proposition New Granada retains the sovereignty over the territory, only consenting to the creation of municipalities with limited attributes of sovereignty, similar to States in a federal compact. By it, she releases herself from her obligation to protect the Railroad route, which can only be done at considerable expense. She secures her own free use at all times over the route as perfect as she now enjoys it. This arrangement is similar to the one between Great Britain and the United States, in relation to the free municipalities of Greytown on the Nicaragua route—and the late arrangement of the Bay Islands. By this arrangement New Granada loses nothing, not even fancied honour, whilst she gains—an exemption from an onerous duty of protecting the route—exemption from all liability for damages for invasions of the right of transit—and secures permanent aid in defence of the integrity of that part of her territory from invasion at all times. PROPOSITION SECOND. “ To transfer to the States the two little clusters of Islands in the Bay of Panama in full sovereignty, for a B 4 naval station, and all reserved rights and privileges in the Panama Railroad charter, for an ample consideration.” The object of this second proposition is, first:—to establish a Navy-yard in the Bay of Panama. This would be nearly of as much benefit to New Granada as to the United States : it w T ould greatly enhance the security of the Isthmus route from invasion or outbreak—and tend to relieve New Granada from the necessity of defending it, as it would keep resources always at hand. It would open a splendid market to the productions of the Isthmus, and encourage trade and commerce to Granadian territory. Besides, the United States would get nothing by the purchase but the sovereignty, as the property is now held by individuals and chiefly by citizens of the United States, such an establishment, drawing around it as a common centre the commerce of the Pacific, could, it is believed, have no other tendency than to enhance the wealth and glory of New Granada. The transfer of the railroad privileges, it is believed, carries wdth it but little of profit. For whilst it yields under the contract some forty or fifty thousand dollars annually, yet the corresponding obligation to protect it, would, if properly executed, cost nearly as much, if not quite as much as the income, and the obligations are mutual. The revenue cannot be exacted without the pro¬ tection afforded. By this transfer New Granada releases herself for ever from this obligation, whilst she would realise in the consideration the full value of her income, and even much more. PROPOSITION THIRD. “To pay the damages occasioned by the late Panama riot.” This question needs no discussion. The liability of New Granada is a fixed fact; she was not only bound to protect the route, which would have fixed her liability,— but her own citizens, headed by officials, perpetrated the 5 outrage, which doubly fixes liability upon her.—As to the amount, the United States has fully investigated that matter and fixed it.—Whilst New Granada has not only not investigated, but refused to lend the aid of her legal process to bring up witnesses in aid of such investigation, and can now raise no question as to the result. The evidence, though not as complete as it might have been could we have had process to bring up unwilling witnesses, is yet ample to show the destruction of life and robbery of property to the amount claimed. At all events, the Government of the United States have spared no pains to ascertain the facts and have settled it, and that is no longer an open question, and New Granada cannot complain—as the authorities of Panama, instead of aiding to solicit the facts threw every possible obstacle in the way, and what we have been able to obtain against their resistance must be the basis of the decision. PROPOSITION FOURTH. “ The sum to be paid by the United States.” The sum is liberal, very far above the value, real or imaginary, of the property conferred. For the sake of a settlement to secure peace and harmony, the United States are willing to pay many times the real value of the things obtained. THE “PROJET” TENDERED IN THE SAME CONFERENCE. Convention between the United States of America and the Republic of New Granada, for the Adjustment of Claims of Citizens of the United States, and for Settling other Differences between the Parties. Whereas, by the 35th article of the treaty of peace, amity, navigation, and commerce between the high con¬ tracting parties, concluded on 12th of December, 1846, and ratified and exchanged on 10th of June, 1848, a right of way or transit across the Isthmus of Panama, within the b 2 6 t territory of New Granada, was granted to the United States, and the citizens thereof, and certain rights and privileges were by that, and other articles of the said treaty, conferred on the government and people of the United States, in relation to the said right of way or transit: And, Whereas, a certain Company, denominated the Panama Railroad Company, mainly consisting of American citizens, have, with a view to the enjoyment of the rights and privileges so conferred, and pursuant to a charter granted to said Company by the Republic of New Granada, constructed a Railroad across the said Isthmus : And, Whereas, it is for the mutual interest of the high contracting parties that this Railroad, or any other inter- oceanic communication which may be constructed within the limits of New Granada, should be secured from inter¬ ruption and rendered safe for all persons and property passing or designed to pass over the same : The high contracting parties do, for the purposes afore¬ said, enter into the following stipulations :—The President of the United States having, for this object, conferred full powers on Isaac E. Morse, Esquire, a citizen of the United States of America, and James B. Bowlin, Esquire, the Minister resident of the said United States accredited to the Republic of New Granada ; and the President of New Granada having conferred similar powers on who have exchanged their said powers, which w T ere found to be in due form. Article I. It is hereby agreed that New Granada shall constitute and declare : (First) That the port of Colon, otherwise called Aspin- wall, and the port of Panama, shall be free ports. (Second) That a district of country, twenty English miles in width, bounded on the north and south running from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean in the general direc- 7 tion equidistant, or as nearly so as practicable, from the present line of the Panama Railroad, and including within the same the ports and cities of Aspinwall (Colon) and Panama, shall be under the exclusive municipal jurisdiction of the inhabitants residing therein, New Granada still retaining the sovereignty over the same, to be exercised in any manner not inconsistent with the municipal jurisdiction and power herein conceded to the residents of said district. (Third) That there shall be two municipalities estab¬ lished within the said district, one including Panama, and the other Colon, otherwise called Aspinwall, and the jurisdiction of each shall extend to a line drawn across the said district at a distance midway between the two cities, or as nearly so as may be, and the inhabitants of each shall have the following rights and privileges, subject to the specified restrictions: (A) The right to govern themselves by means of their own municipal government, to be administered by legisla¬ tive, executive, and judicial officers, elected according to their own regulations. The right to vote at all elections shall be confined to freeholders and residents owning personal property to the amount of. (B) Trial by jury in their own Courts. (C) Perfect freedom of religious belief and of worship public and private. (D) Neither of the said municipal governments shall lay any duties on goods exported, nor on goods imported for transit across the Isthmus or for consumption beyond the limits of their respective territories, nor any duty of tonnage on vessels except such as may be necessary for the police of the ports, and the maintenance of lighthouses and beacons ; nothing herein contained shall impair or abridge the right of the municipal authority of the said governments to levy taxes by the ordinary mode of taxation on the real and personal property of the inhabitants, for the purpose of raising the necessary sums 8 for defraying the expenses incident on the due administra¬ tion of public affairs in all branches thereof. (E) Exemption from military service, except for the defence of either of the territories aforesaid. (Fourth) That each of the said municipalities shall enact suitable laws for the protection of the said Panama Kail- road or any other transit way across the Isthmus, for the security of persons engaged upon the said road or way, and of the passengers and all property passing or intended to be transported over the said road; and shall cause the same to be duly executed. (Fifth) That whenever it shall be deemed necessary, and the Panama Kailroad Company or its agents shall make application to the United States Consul at Aspinwall (Colon) or Panama for that purpose, such Consul shall require of the mayor or chief magistrate of either city, a police force for the protection of the Panama Kailroad, or any other route of travel and transportation across the Isthmus within the district aforesaid, or for the security of passengers or property passing or intended to be passed over the said road or route, or for the prevention or removal of any interruption of the said road or route, the said mayor or chief magistrate shall promptly furnish the same. In case the mayor or chief magistrate shall refuse or neglect to furnish such force at the request of the Consul, the Consul shall then have authority to make a direct call on the said police, whose duty it shall be to obey such call; and in case such call is not complied with, the Consul may organize and take charge of a temporary police force, and those composing it shall have the same protection for their acts, as the regular police force are entitled to. The said police, while upon duty for that purpose, shall be subject to the orders of the United States Consul requiring the same; and shall be kept in service so long as he shall determine such force to be necessary, and the whole force, or any persons belonging to it, shall be duly discharged when the said Consul shall request the same to be done ; 9 the civil authorities of the municipalities shall in no way embarrass or interfere with the action of the said police force, while executing the orders of the said Consul, for the protection and security aforesaid; but shall lend their aid and assistance, if need be, to render the police force efficient for that purpose. In order to defray the expenses of such police force when so called out, the United States Consuls at Aspinwall (Colon) and Panama, shall have authority to make an assessment or to levy and collect taxes to the amount needed for that purpose, upon the Railroad and upon the passengers and property passing over the Railroad or route ; but no taxes, assessments or duties shall be levied by the municipal authorities at Aspinwall (Colon) or Panama, upon the Railroad passengers or their property, or foreign mails, or any articles of merchandise passing over the said road; nothing, however, herein con¬ tained, shall exempt the said Railroad from such payments to the Republic of New Granada or its assignees, as it is now under obligations to pay, by its charter and engage¬ ments with that Republic. But this restriction is not to apply to any tax levied by direction or authority of the United States Consuls, to defray the expenses of the police, which may be called out to protect the Railroad passengers and property transported over the same. (Sixth) That in case the route across the Isthmus of Panama, within the district aforesaid, shall be interrupted or shall be seriously threatened with obstruction or inter¬ ruption, by a force or a power, which is likely to be too formidable to be put down by the police force which may be called out for that purpose, as herein provided, then the naval force of the United States, which may be in or near either of the harbours, at the extremities of said road or route, may be used for the purpose of protecting, keeping open, and securing a free and safe passage over the said road, and the Government of the United States may also, if it should deem it necessary, send for the same purpose into the said district, or any part of it, or organise therein 10 a military force; but whenever the exigency which may have led to the employment of the naval or military force of the United States shall cease, the same shall be with¬ drawn from the said territory. The high contracting parties shall each appoint, within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, a Commissioner, and the two Commissioners shall immediately proceed to establish and mark the lines of the said district, and shall devise a mode for organizing the municipalities, and make needful regulations for executing the same. The high contracting parties hereby agree to respect the municipal governments hereby authorized to be estab¬ lished, and not to interfere, in any way, with the exercise of any of the powers granted or privileges conceded to the same, but will maintain with them friendly relations. Should either party, at any time, encroach upon the rights and privileges hereby granted and conceded, the other party may at its discretion, and in any way it may deem proper, aid the said municipal governments, or either of them, in resisting such encroachments. Should any foreign power invade the territories of the said municipal governments, or interfere with their rights and privileges, either party to this Convention may assist these govern¬ ments in defence of their territory and municipal rights. Article II. And it is expressly agreed, by the high contracting parties, that nothing contained in the foregoing article, shall give to, or confer upon, the people of the before described district or either of the municipalities therein authorized, any of the rights, powers, or privileges reserved by the Republic of New Granada to itself, by the charter granted to the Panama Railroad Company, or by any contract made with the said company; and that neither the said people nor the municipalities shall have any control or jurisdiction over that road or any other interoceanic 11 communication that may be made in or through that district; and New Granada, for the considerations herein after mentioned, does hereby transfer and assign to the United States, all the rights, title, interest and control which she has by charter, contract, or in any other manner, into and over the said Panama railroad, with full power and authority to receive for their own use all sums of money or compensation, stipulated to be paid by the said Railroad Company, for the privileges or for the right of transit, conferred by the charter granted to or any contract made with the said Panama Railroad Company; and the United States are authorized and empowered to exact and enforce all the obligations which the said Panama Railroad Company has contracted with New Granada: and it is hereby furthermore stipulated, that the United States shall have and enjoy in regard to the said Railroad Com¬ pany, all the rights and authority in and over the said road, that New Granada has at any time had and enjoyed, and that they shall have full power and authority to alter, modify, or extend the charter of the said Panama Railroad Company, and to make any agreement with it, in relation to the use of the said road; and they shall also have a full and exclusive power to grant any charter or to make any provision for the construction of any other railroad or passage way across the Isthmus of Panama, within the district of country mentioned in the next preceding article, on such terms as they may deem proper. Article III. if, unhappily, the high contracting parties shall be engaged in war with each other, they do hereby mutually agree that the district of country before described shall be neutral territory; and neither party shall occupy the same for belligerent purposes (reserving the right of either to pass over it), nor shall either solicit or accept the services or aid of the said municipalities in the said war, but they shall remain neutral, neither shall either in any 12 way interrupt tlie transit within the district aforesaid, or obstruct or interfere with the ordinary operations of business on the said road, but the governments and citizens of each of the high contracting parties, respectively, shall have the same use of the road, during any such war, and the same security for their persons and property, on the said road, and within the district aforesaid, as if the said parties were at peace. Article IV. It is hereby agreed that both parties shall have the free use of the Panama Railroad Company ( sic), or any other means of passage across the Isthmus, within the said district; but the said road or route shall be open to the common use of all nations which shall, by treaty stipula¬ tions, agree to regard and treat the district of country aforesaid at all times as neutral, and to respect the muni¬ cipal authorities therein established; and all such nations shall have the use of said road or route to be established within the said district, upon fair and reasonable terms ; and they do further agree to invite foreign nations to join in the mutual guarantee of the neutrality of the said country of the municipal governments aforesaid, and of the unobstructed use of the said Panama Railroad, or any other road which may be established across the Isthmus, within the limits of the territory before designated. Article V. New Granada hereby stipulates and agrees to pay, in the manner hereinafter provided, to the United States the sum of dolrs. to be applied by the said United States, to satisfy the claims of those of their citizens who suffered bodily injuries in the riot at Panama on the 15th of April last ; to indemnify those citizens who had their property taken from them or destroyed in that riot, including damages to the Railroad Company, and its property ; and to make suitable provision for the families 13 of the citizens of the United States who were killed on that occasion. On the payment of the above sum of dols. for the purpose aforesaid, by the Government of New Granada, the United States releases it from all further claim or demand on that account. Article VI. In order to protect and render secure the transportation of persons and property across the Isthmus of Panama, and for the full enjoyment of the advantages of that interoceanic communication to the government and people of the United States, it is important that there should be a safe and commodious harbour for merchant vessels and national ships, near the termination of communication on the Pacific.—New Granada does for that purpose cede to the United States the islands of Taboga, Taboguilla and Uraba, and the other islands in the harbour of Panama, viz.: Flamingo (or Flamenco) Ilenao, Perico (and Culebra if it be an island) ; with all the rights and appurtenances thereunto belonging, in full sovereignty, to be owned and held for ever by the United States, in as full and ample a manner as they are or have been heretofore held by New Granada; it is understood, that the cession now made of the said islands, shall not impair the title of individuals to any part of the said islands, holding the same by bona fide grants from the Republic of New Granada, or as assignees of such grants. Without other restriction, the United States may hereafter exercise full and exclusive jurisdiction of the said islands Flamingo (or Flamenco) Ilenao, Perico (and Culebra if it be an island). Article VII. For and in consideration of the grants and cessions contained in the foregoing article, it is hereby stipulated and agreed that the United States shall allow or pay to the Republic of New Granada the full sum of dolrs. currency of the United States, and of the said sum of dolrs. the United States shall retain the sum of 14 dolrs. specified in the fifth article of this Convention, to he applied to the purposes in that article particularly designated, and the balance of dolrs. shall be paid to the Republic of New Granada, in the city of New York, within sixty days after the exchange of ratifications of this Convention. Article VIII. The present Convention shall be ratified by the Presi¬ dent of the United States, by and with the advice and consent thereof, f sic,J and by the President of the Republic of New Granada with the consent and approbation of the Congress of the same, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the city of Washington,* within one year from the date of the signature thereof, or sooner if possible. In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed these presents in the city of Bogota, on the in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty [N.B.—The four Propositions and the “Projet of a Convention” were withdrawn by the above-mentioned Plenipotentiaries or Com¬ missioners of the United States in the subsequent Conference held on the 12th of February.] MEMORANDUM Presented by the Plenipotentiaries of New Granada to the Pleni¬ potentiaries of the United States, in the Official Conference HELD ON THE 12tH OF FEBRUARY. The four Propositions which the Honorable Messrs. Morse and Bowlin laid before the Secretary for Foreign Affairs on the 4th instant,- which they expounded in their “ Projet of a Convention” for the adjustment of claims of citizens of the United States against New Granada, and for settling other differences between the parties, are absolutely inadmissible on the part of the present Executive Government. Those propositions imply in reality a cession to the United States, as complete and gratuitous as it would be 15 unconstitutional and disgraceful, of the territory of the State of Panama; a cession that the one Government ought not to pretend to, or exact, nor can the other grant, in conformity with the principles on which the political institutions of the two Republics are based. If what constitutes or may constitute certain interna¬ tional arrangements indispensable, is the necessity and conveniency of preserving the interoceanic transit across the Isthmus of Panama free, safe, and open on the footing of a complete equality, for the individuals and trade of all nations, the plan proposed by Messrs. Morse and Bowdin, in the name of the Government of the United States, does in nowise satisfy such necessity and conveniency. Were a plan of that kind adopted, the overwhelming influence of the United States, or rather the effective and constant interference of their Government, even by the medium of arms, in everything concerned with the transit across the Isthmus, would in fact constitute a privilege in favour of the Union, its citizens, and its political and mercantile interests. Several clauses of the u Projet of a Convention” stand at open variance with the engagements that this Republic has entered into in its contract with the Panama Railroad Company. Moreover, the propositions that have been made imply that New Granada is responsible to the United States for the events that happened at Panama on the 15th April, 1856, and for their disastrous consequences ; whereas it has been proved, by the testimony of respectable and unbiassed witnesses, that those events sprang from the brutal conduct of a citizen of the United States towards a native of the country; that they were aggravated by the support which other citizens of the United States gave to that individual, instead of endeavouring to have him arrested ; and that they became irremediable by the authorities and public force, owing to the obstinacy and passionate excitement of citizens of the United States. I 16 The actual Executive Government considers this Republic to be irresponsible towards the United States for the events that have been indicated, and for the conse¬ quences thereof; nor could it ever consent to the Govern¬ ment of the United States awarding conclusively on the question of responsibility, even if the notorious partiality which unfortunately characterises the data and reports on which that Government has had to base its views, should be overlooked. It is therefore impossible for the propositions that have been presented to serve as a basis of discussion for any arrangement; and, consequently, the present Administra¬ tion believes itself justified in declining to take them under consideration. However, as it would be of unquestionable utility that everything connected with the interoceanic transit across the Isthmus of Panama should be settled in a durable and satisfactory manner, so as to give to all nations equal rights and facilities, and an equally effectual protection to their citizens or subjects, as well as to their property or interests; the undersigned Plenipotentiaries of the New Granadian Government have been instructed to initiate and carry on with the Honourable Plenipotentiaries of the Government of the United States, negotiations on these points, in which the principles of territorial sovereignty and of the perfect equality in the free transit for all nations are to be constantly kept in Hew. Thus the Administration that is to be installed under the direction of a new President on the 1st of April next, would find, readily prepared, the elements of a just and proper arrangement, marked with all the features of stability that are indispensable in the matter herein treated of; one of which would seem to be the friendly intervention, in the same matter, of those Powers that are principally concerned in the freedom, equality, security and facility of the transit. Bogota, 12th February, 1857. Lino de Pombo. Florentino Gonzalez. IT Legation of the U.S.A., &c. Bogota, February 13th, 1857. Hon. Hr. Lino de Pombo, and „ ,, Florentino Gonzalez, Commissioners, &c., &c., &c. Gentlemen,— The written communication which we had the honour to receive at the first meeting of the several Commissioners, on the part of the Governments of New Granada and the United States of America, with a view to the settlement of the various questions growing out of the difficulties on the Isthmus of Panama, will probably bring to a very speedy termination the mission with which the undersigned have been charged by their Government, and induce the necessity of some other arbitrement. In order to relieve ourselves and our Government from the responsibilities which must necessarily follow the abrupt termination of a mission which the government of the United States had every reason to hope and wish could have closed, in a friendly manner, the several points which seemed likely to disturb the harmony of two sister republics, and avoid the necessity of measures not consonant with the principles and policy of our Government; the Undersigned feel it due to themselves and to their country briefly to recapitulate the present state of the difficulties, in order that the world may know how the friendly disposition of our Government has been met, and that all the responsibility may fall where it belongs. It i3 well understood, that the several subjects of complaint on the part of the Government of the United States had been for some time under discussion between the Resident Minister of the United States, Mr. Bowlin, and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Pombo, without being able to come to any satisfactory conclusion. The Government of the United States, as a last resort, in the hope of terminating all these difficulties, associated one of the undersigned with the Resident 18 Minister, who were instructed to commence negotiations upon other bases ; Mr. Morse was urged to make every exertion to reach Bogota before the meeting of the New Granadian Congress, and did arrive in Bogota five or six days previous to its meeting.—Every means consistent with diplomatic etiquette was had to obtain an audience of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, before the issuing of the Executive message and the report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.—The reason for desiring this audience must be obvious, and the American Commissioners were pained to find, that no opportunity would be afforded them to express the views and wishes of their Government until it was too late.—In their official com¬ munications to the Congress, the President and the Secretary of Foreign Affairs took such a decided opinion against the claims of the Government of the United States as to make it a question whether it was worth while to go through the form of presenting their views and propositions, and which once for all closed the door against any amicable arrangement. One would have supposed that a government really anxious to avoid such consequences as will follow the failure of the present commission would have been at least disposed to hear, before cutting off all hopes of negotiation. The Undersigned could scarcely believe, and did not until the official documents were published, that the Executive part of the government would have at once cut the Gordian knot, and proclaim to the Congress and the world, that they did not, and would not, hold themselves responsible for the massacre of American citizens, and the plunder of more than half a million of American property at Panama on the 15th of April last. We expected to find either in the Executive message, or in the report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, some convincing and overwhelming fads which must have so completely satisfied the minds of the Government of New Granada, and to justify the position so confidently assumed. 19 We looked in vain in either of these documents for any tangible and reliable facts . In the report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, we read, with feelings of surprise, a ridiculous account of a certain Jack Oliver, in the hearsay evidence, getting into a difficulty with a native, and of his having fired a revolver, without hitting or injuring any person whatever,—if there was any such person, whether he was an American or not, all depends upon hearsay testimony; but the facts are, that all the murders and robberies were committed some hours after the difficulty of Jack Oliver with the native about a water melon. The government of the United States has taken an immense amount of testimony, not only of American gen¬ tlemen, officers of the government, officers of the Railroad, but the evidence of persons of almost every nation, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Irishmen, Germans and New Granadians, who were present and saw and heard what they stated under the sanctity of an oath, and their testi¬ mony leads to the irresistible conclusion that the attack, murder, and plunder of the passengers on the Railroad was a pre-concerted movement. That the Governor of Panama and the police, whose duty it was, under the treaty and the charter of the Railroad, to protect and defend the lives and the property of the travellers, were both participants in the disgraceful attack upon not only unarmed men, but women and children. In using the word unarmed, the undersigned are justified by the evidence in saying, that many of the Americans had revolvers, but that they had discharged them at Aspinwall, which alone can account for the astonishing fact, that while eighteen Americans were certainly killed and forty or fifty wounded, but one or two natives at most were seriously injured. This evidence the undersigned have, and has been offered to be exhibited to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and can and will be exhibited here in Bogota to any one desiring to learn the real state of facts. c 20 With these facts before them, language would fail them to express their surprise, at the examination of the testimony which accompanies the report of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, the most important of which would seem to be that of Count de Nollent, the French Consul at Panama. In the second paragraph of his letter are these words:— (i El Consul de Francin no ha sido testigo presencial de ninguno de los hechos que tuvieron lugar en el terreno de la lucha.” “ The Consul of France was not an eyewitness of any of the facts which took place on the scene of difficulty.” A witness who, in any civilized country, should begin to give his evidence with these words, would be ordered to leave the stand by any justice of the peace who had ever opened a single law book. That the opinions of a man on hearsay evidence, in which he himself admits that there were other and con¬ tradictory accounts, should be permitted to outweigh the volumes of testimony of persons of many nations, the most of them equal in every respect in standing to Mr. Nollent, is u strange, is passing strange.” The undersigned do not profess to know the rules of evidence in New Granada, but they do know that in every other country in the world, such evidence is utterly worthless, and w r ould not be received in any court of justice. Nor can the Undersigned attach any more weight to the hearsay and opinions of Mr. Perry, the English consul, however respectable he may be thought, when he seeks to excuse or justify the murderous assault upon women and children, most complacently saying, u Due allowance should be made from the state of excitement on the part of the populace from the constant acts of brutality they have received from the lower class of California passengers.” Nor can they see the slightest bearing on the case, in the very remarkable and only fact which he relates, that his daughter, the Chancellor of the French consulate, and himself, met this same Jack Oliver drunk on the same day, and it was with great difficulty they could get out of his way. We have also seen (not officially) the report of the Governor of Panama, and he coincides with these two gentlemen ; however respectable he may be considered, when it is shown by gentlemen as respectable as himself, that he is deeply implicated in these riotous scenes, which it was his duty to prevent, neither his statement, his report, or his oath can be received in a matter in which he is per¬ sonally interested. Of such testimony as the parties concerned it is presumed any number may be had. Assuming then, that this constitutes the strongest testimony to make out a case for the Congress of New Granada, whatever weight may be attached to it here, we apprehend that an impartial public will pronounce it utterly worthless by itself, even if it was not directly contradicted by the testimony of a large number of impartial witnesses of different nations taken under the solemnity of an oath; but we are not disposed to argue a question which has been discussed by the Resident Minister of the United States, and which has met the approbation of his Government. If the Government of New Granada has satisfied itself upon the best authority and taken the position that no indemnity is due at all, and will not even receive any pro¬ positions to settle amicably with the United States for the loss of many of her citizens, and an immense amount of valuable property, some of which was shipped off in broad daylight, by boats from Panama, the Government of the United States has also coolly and impartially caused an examination to be made by a special commissioner and the resident minister near this Republic ; and it too has come to a conclusion and taken its position, founded upon direct, positive, unequivocal and legal testimony, in which neither the official reports of parties implicated, nor the hearsay evidence or opinions of any one (no matter how respectable) have been relied on, and that conclusion and position is that a number of unoffending American citizens have been inhumanly butchered, and a very large amount of property c 2 destroyed, for which the Government of New r Granada is justly and truly bound by the laws of nations, without reference to the treaty, the charter or the contract -with the Panama Railroad Company, and the Government of the United States has appointed the undersigned Com¬ missioners to meet those of New Granada to settle the amount of that indemnity, and to fix upon the manner of payment. When our Government shall learn that at the first interview with the Commissioners on the part of New Granada, they are stopped by a distinct and explicit statement, that no idemnity is due, and that that is not a subject for negociation, and that the Government of New Granada, has disposed of that question in a summary and ex-parte manner, it will be for them, and not us, to deter¬ mine what other means of redress, the dignity and honour of the nation demand. In the hurry of examining the propositions of the United States, the Commissioners of New Granada have entirely misunderstood one of them ; we neither proposed nor do we want a gratuitous, dishonourable or unconstitutional cession of the State of Panama, or any part of it, but simply that the people of Panama and Aspinwall (Colon) should have the authority of erecting a municipal govern¬ ment, which shall for the future secure that safety and protection to the transit route which the treaty, the laws, and the charter of the Railroad Company intended to provide for, but which the Government of New Granada has been unable to accomplish, and which has imposed upon the United States the necessity of keeping a strong naval force near Panama and Aspinwall (Colon) to prevent a repetition of the bloody scenes of April last. To the proposition contained in the latter part of your communication, in relation to the seeuritv of the route across the Isthmus, w T e have only to say that the United States have now in the most solemn forms, by treaty, by the charter and contract with the Railroad Company, 23 and the laws of the Republic, every possible guarantee for the security of the transit route which New Granada can give, but that the government is either unable or unwil¬ ling to make good that guarantee, and that to-day, for its open violation by her citizens, she peremptorily refuses even to entertain a proposition to settle the liabilities. In conclusion, we beg lea ve most respectfully to remind the Commissioners of New Granada that if they persist in the position which they have taken, the entire respon¬ sibility will fall on their country and themselves.—They have closed the door against any future negotiation, they have brought the two governments to a direct issue, and in their absolute refusal to treat, have forced upon the United States, the alternative either to stand degraded before the world and its own fellow-citizens, as unable or unwilling to protect their lives and property—or to take into their own hands the adjustment of the indemnity, the means and measure of redress, and to provide for the safety of her citizens on the transit of the Isthmus. The undersigned still hope and believe, that a just regard for the preservation of amity between the two countries will induce the Commissioners of New Granada to reconsider the hasty decision, which was made without even hearing the Commissioners of the United States, and entertaining the conviction, that when the importance of the issues be fully appreciated, that the love of justice will outweight all pride of consistency, We have the honour to be, gentlemen, very respectfully, your obedient servants, Isaac E. Morse. James B. Bowlin. ( Translation.) To the Honourable Messrs. Isaac E. Morse and James B. Bowlin, Plenipotentiaries of the United States of America, &c., &c., &o. Bogota, 23d February, 1857. Gentlemen,— The undersigned, Plenipotentiaries of New Granada for discussing with the Honourable Pleni¬ potentiaries of the United States the international questions 24 connected with the Isthmus of Panama, have the honour to answer the note, dated the 13th instant, which was received at the Office for Foreign Affairs in the afternoon of the 14th, and which they were pleased to address to them with reference to the “ Memorandum ” presented by the undersigned in the conference held on the 12th instant, declaring inadmissible as a basis of discussion for the settlement of the said questions, the four propositions set forth in a u Projet of Convention” exhibited on the 4th instant by the Honourable Messrs. Morse and Bowlin to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It is in the first place the bounden duty of the under¬ signed, in like manner as the Plenipot entiaries of the United States consider it to be theirs, according to the tenor of the beginning of their note, here to demonstrate the regularity and the justice of the conduct of them Government, as well as their own, in the business matter of the present corres¬ pondence, so that whatever may be the upshot of the same, they can at no time be accused of having under grave circumstances forgotten what the legitimate interest of the Republic required of them, nor of having endangered from false ideas of honour, or prejudiced feelings, the valued and important relations with that great nation which is called to preside over the destinies of both Americas. On the arrival at Bogota of the Honourable Mr. [Morse, there was no affair whatever pending or under discussion with the United States Legation, relating to the Isthmus of Panama. The question of postage upon the interoceanic correspondence, with regard to which it had been demon¬ strated that the arguments drawn from the existing treaty between the two republics and from the contract with the Railroad Company were perfectly valueless, had been referred to the Granadian Minister at Washington, and it was known that on the 22d of November he had acquainted the Secretary of State with having received his instructions. In the question regarding the national tax for tonnage chargeable in the ports of Panama and Colon, no serious 25 controversy had been established, and the Executive Government had determined upon proposing to Congress [as it has already done] the total suppression of that tax. As regards the events of the 15th April of 1856, the Honourable Mr. Bowlin having proceeded to Panama, on a commission of investigation, on behalf of his Government, immediately after having sent in to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs his two notes of a general character, dated respectively the 23d and 30th of June, which were imme¬ diately answered, neither the Legation make any further advances in the affair, nor the New Granadian Executive considered it to be its duty to anticipate explanations, all correspondence remaining suspended in expectation of the new orders which were to be transmitted from the United States. In this sense, and in no other, can be taken that clause of the note of the Plenipotentiaries which states that the Resident Minister and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, after a lengthened discussion, had not been able to arrive at any satisfactory conclusion. On the 27th of January, the Honourable Mr. Morse presented his credentials, five days previous to the meeting of the Legislative Chambers, and on the 23d he was pre¬ sented to the Chief of the Executive Government. Far from soliciting an immediate audience, which would not have been refused to him, he agreed without hesitation, and even officiously adding that he was aware of the press of congressional business upon the members of the Admi¬ nistration, to the indication made to him by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, on taking leave of him at the Govern¬ ment House, that he would invite him for a conference [which took place on the 4th] at the latest, for Saturday, the 7 th of February. But even had Mr. Morse or Mr. Bowlin availed themselves of any opportunity previous to the 1st instant, the day in which Congress met, one of which presented itself in the unofficial visit which previous to that day the Secretary for Foreign Affairs made to the former, and in the course of which they conversed together 26 for a long period without any witnesses, [until the British subject Mr. William Wills came in also on a visit], to explain the views and wishes of his Government, it is nearly certain that neither in the Presidential Message nor in the general report of the said Secretary would the questions relating to Panama have been treated in a different manner 9 but frankly and determinedly, for the following reasons. In the first place, because the Executive Government was acquainted with the Message from the President of the United States to the Congress on the 2d of December, in which, after having given information notoriously inexact upon the tonnage and interoceanic postage questions, and going on to speak of the Panama tragedy of 15th April, he says —“ I caused full investigation of that event to be made, and the result shows satisfactorily that complete responsibility for what occurred attaches to the Government of New Granada.” By these phrases, added to various other passages in the Message which constitute a severe act of accusation against our country, it was ’proclaimed, to the Congress of the Union and to the world , that New Granada was responsible for the assassinations and robberies committed upon citizens of the United States ; the President thereby assuming a decided position regarding the North American claims. It apeared natural and indispensable to oppose with equal solemnity Message to Message, in rectification of the facts and in vindication of the national honour, the charges being unjust; it is therefore not to be wondered at, that in the presence of the distinguised citizen com¬ missioned to notify to the Government of New Granada the sentence of its culpability, pronounced in the face of all nations by one of the interested parties, and to exact indemnity and security, that this Government should also take up a decided position and energetically lift up its voice and declare under the safeguard of sufficient proof its irresponsibility. In the second place, the proofs collected were not only 27 sufficient, but conclusive and unimpeachable; and the Executive Magistrate in fulfilling his duty of reporting to the Congress, at the opening of its sessions, the course and state of the affair, felt called upon to do so, with the fidelity becoming the elevated position in which the Constitution of the Republic has placed him in order to watch over its general interests. The four propositions presented on the 4th by the Plenipotentiaries of the United States, were literally as follow: 1st. u To erect the cities of Panama and Aspinwall (Colon) into two municipalities, independent and neutral, to govern themselves, with a territory ten miles wide on each side of the Railroad. The perfect freedom guaranteed, sovereignty unchanged.—Other nations to be invited into the guarantees.” 2nd. “ To transfer to the States the two little clusters of Islands in the bay of Panama in full sovereignty for a naval station, and all reserved rights and privileges in the Panama Railroad charter for an ample consideration.” 3rd. u To pay the damages occasioned by the late Panama riot.” 4th. u The sum to be paid by the United States.” Each of them had at the foot explanatory commentaries, in which it was endeavoured to show that the two first were convenient and even advantageous to New Granada ; with respect to the third, to prove the respon¬ sibility of the Republic; and to demonstrate with regard to the events of the 15th April, that we should abide by the proofs obtained by the agents of the United States Government, upon the supposition that, on our part, not only had we failed to prosecute any enquiry, but that we had thrown obstacles in the way of the investigations carried on by said agents. But the true explanation of the proposition was to be found in the “ projet of a Con¬ vention,” likewise presented, and moreover the Plenipo¬ tentiaries made, during the conference they held with the 28 Secretary for Foreign Affairs, whatever additional observa¬ tions they thought proper, without mentioning, however, or offering any other document. All this was taken into the serious consideration of the Executive Government; so that the answer given eight days afterwards by the undersigned, both being members of the Administration, in the conference of the 12th with the u Memorandum” of the same date, cannot, in justice, be called precipitate, nor can it be said to have been given without at least hearing the Plenipotentiaries of the United States. The undersigned, acting conformably to their instruc¬ tions, declared the propositions made to be inadmissible: but they did not close the door on all farther negociation. They declared that the propositions signified the cession of the entire territory of the State of Panama, inasmuch as that, under a show of the municipal admininistration of the strip of land comprising the Railway from one extreme to the other, and with most ample privileges placed apparently under certain local corporations, the greater part of these would be formed of individuals foreign to the country, and would in fact, according to the Projet of Convention, be under the dependency of the United States Consuls and under the tutelage and pressure of the land and sea forces of that Republic ; for the Islands in the bay of Panama, being occupied by the United States, some of which are within gun shot of the city, that dependency, tutelage, and pressure would be effective and constant ; and likewise, because the territory of the State of Panama, being inaccessible at present and for many years to come to the rest of New Granada, except by sea, the foreign power that should gain a footing thereon would in fact be the possessor and ruling power of the same. The cession would be gratuitous and dishonourable. Pecuniary compensation is tendered, or purchase money, amount as yet undeterminate, in exchange for territorial 29 seigniorage and for rights and reserves on the Railroad. Whatever may be the sum promised, and from which deduction w r ould be made for the 15th of April, the remainder could never represent the value assignable to the territory of the whole State of Panama, and above all to the marvellous bridge thrown bv nature between the two O J oceans ; nor with millions could New Granada redeem herself from the infamy and consequent ruin to which she would condemn herself by selling for money, peopled territories, making foreigners against their will of many thousands of her citizens, and opening the door to dominion and conquest by a foreign power. The cession would be inconstitutional. The constitution of the Republic designated its territory as independent of all foreign dominion : declared that citizenship could neither be forfeited or suspended except as a penalty, according to the laws: and guaranteed to all citizens direct suffrage in elections, which the Projet of Convention would pretend to limit in Panama and Colon to certain proprietors of landed and other property. The undersigned, declared that the plan proposed by the Plenipotentiaries for permanently securing liberty of transit from sea to sea, by the Isthmus of Panama, does not satisfy its legitimate object, and they proved it. The Government of the United States wishes to become the privileged owner of the interoceanic ways : they only offer the transit to such nations as may agree to the neutrality of the territorial strip of land, acknowledging its municipal governments, and not upon the footing of perfect equality. The Government of New Granada proposes a negotiation that, giving to the citizens of the United States and to their property the effective protection they desire, and the safety which they say is now wanting, with no other reason but the suspicion consequent on the faults committed by themselves, should extend to all nations the same benefits and the same advantages, leaving sacred the principle of territorial sovereignty; and here it may be added,ensuring 30 to the State of Panama, for its own proper administration, the revenue now so much wanted owing to the extreme liberality of the franchises granted. This proposal has not been properly appreciated : it implies, and so it must be understood, the participation of other Powers in the negotiation. They also declared that various clauses of the i( Projet of Convention'* were in opposition to the contract made with the Panama Railroad Company. That, for instance, which authorises the Consuls of the United States, in certain cases, to establish and collect taxes upon the Rail¬ road and upon the passengers and property passing by the same ; also that clause which would attribute to the United States full and exclusive power, either by charter or in any other manner, to provide for the construction of any other Railroad, within the territorial district of the existing one. And they declared finally, in the name of their Govern¬ ment, that they consider New Granada not responsible for the events of Panama of the loth April and their lament¬ able consequences, and cannot consent that the Government of the United States should decide the question: the which comprehends a formal refusal of the indemnity demanded. The motives of refusal, are to be found expressed in a few words in the u Memorandum” itself, and shall here be extended. This is not a pecuniary question, but a question of principle. The capital point is, the antecedents of the events and their immediate origin. The inhabitants of Panama were predisposed against the Californian emigration, on account of its generally brutal behaviour, and still more predisposed against the new species of adventurers, whose breeding place, whose recruiting station, whose arsenal of resources, whose starting point, and whose point d’ appui are the United States, and who have improved and brought anew upon the scene the ancient filibusterism. This unfavourable predisposition existed principally amongst the masses of the poorer class, who were frequently the victims of the 31 outrages committed by the passing emigrants, and amongst a great number of destitute strangers, brought from the West Indies and other places as labourers on the Railroad, and afterwards turned adrift by the Company to starve. Such predisposition was the natural effect of experience, and whilst it existed, nothing was more easy or inevitable than an explosion of popular rage and vengeance whenever any new excess should provoke it. This is what, first the United States Consul at Panama, then the Minister Mr. Bowlin and the Commissioner Mr. Corwine, and now the honourable Plenipotentiaries, have styled 'premeditation or previous concert. New Granada is not to blame that the elements of a sudden and fierce conflagration should have been thus accumulated. A party of Californian filibusters lands at Panama, not having been able to disembark in Nicaragua; then the train arrives from Colon with some hundreds of the dreaded passengers or emigrants, and one of these savages outrages a native, fires his pistol at another without any justifiable cause, and is supported and protected by those of his party. The hour for retaliation, fixed by Providence, sounded, without New Granada being at all to blame. The Plenipotentiaries present, as a ridiculous hearsay account , the initiatory episode in which Jack Oliver , a citizen of the United States, figures as aggressor. But three citizens of the United States, eye-witnesses and victims of the riot, by name G. B. Wright, P. B. Reading, and W. C. Waters, pointed him out by name, in an account of the affray published under their signatures in the San Francisco Herald of the 4th May ; and a French merchant, M. Bernard, mentioned in the certified statement of the Consul of France, Count De Nollent, saw him fire the pistol. This unimpeachable testimony is sufficient to prove that there is no hearsay account , and that the conclusion the Commissioner Mr. Corwine comes to upon this point, as well as the previous assertion made by the Legation of the United States, to the effect that the pistol was dis- 32 charged by a native as a preconcerted signal for the out¬ break, are contrary to the facts of the case. With respect to posterior events, the legitimate conse¬ quence of the previous ones, according to the state of irritation that prevailed, some charge, although not abso¬ lute, might be brought against the Republic, if the authorities had remained indifferent or had not proceeded as quickly as possible, and with all the means at their disposal, to quell the tumult and render protection to lives and property. But the contrary is proved by abundant and trustworthy evidence, it being testified particularly by the Consuls of Equator, France, England, and Peru at Panama, who must be supposed to be impartial, admitting at the same time, that, with regard to those circumstances which did not fall under their own immediate notice, they collected the most veridical information at the moment, when it was not possible there should have been any con¬ fabulation in order to disfigure the truth. Many witnesses, both native and foreigners, have been judicially examined at different times, first as it being the duty of the public functionaries, and afterwards at the requisition of the Attorney-General of the nation, and the depositions taken, not only justify the Governor of the State, but also all his subordinates, including the police. With regard to the Governor, who exerted himself with lively zeal to appease the natives, and who had managed to contain them, as also to prevent the discharge of a cannon upon the heap of passengers that had taken refuge in the steamer Taboga, and who strove in vain- to make his voice be heard by those who were defending themselves in one or two edifices, scarcely is there any one now who would censure him for any other thing, than for having authorized the police to fire in order to take the Railroad Station, if they should themselves be fired upon, as was done; and this, after that the Governor himself, the United States Consul, and some of those who accompanied them, had been fired upon by the North Americans : that order, under such circumstances, was sufficiently excusable, even if its legality and fitness be not acquiesced in. And with regard to the police agents or gens cCarmes , we will limit ourselves to saying, that upon examination as eye¬ witnesses, by the Prefect of Panama, in the first days of September, three respectable citizens of the United States, Messrs. Allan Me Lane, David M. Corwine, and William Nelson, upon this question : u If they saw any individuals of the gendarmerie rob, or wound intentionally any pas¬ senger, when and where, and if they communicated it to any authority ?” they did not make any other charge against them than that of having fired in order to take possession of the Station, and Mr. Nelson stated that he had heard say that some gens d’armes were afterwards offering for sale the pistols and watch of one of the victims, the French subject M. Dubois. It is not a rational charge against the police, that simultaneously with them, many of the rioters entered the Station. Who could contain, in such moments, an infuriated populace ? Enough was done, notwithstanding their small number, to place in safety so many of the persons who were shut up there. To recognise on the part of New Granada responsibility towards the United States for the occurrences of the 15th April, 1856, and consequently the obligation to indemnify them for the damages and losses, w r ould be the height of folly on the part of the Government of this country : and much less after that the blood of Granadian citizens had been spilt owing to the manifest aggression of North American citizens : much less, when in consequence of those events, this Republic has been so atrociously calum¬ niated in the face of all nations, and has suffered so much in its moral and material interests : much less, she beino* the one that has a right to exact reparation for the dis¬ respectful proceedings of Consul W ard, of Captain Bailey, and of Commodore Mervine, official agents of the United States Government, and compensation in favour of the national victims in favour of the city of Panama, and in favour of the inoffensive foreigners who in any way suffered in that catastrophe. Our brethren the Chilians and Mexicans are hurled forth from their possessions by sheer force; they are sacked* hanged, hunted down like wild beasts in California, with¬ out safeguard or reparation: American citizens who have seized the reins of power, after the manner of conquerors, shoot, confiscate property, and level even to their founda¬ tions the cities in Nicaragua : and should New Granada, the classic land of patriotism, villify itself by consenting to pay for the outrages perpetrated upon it ! Nor is it possible that this can be the intention of the Government at Washington. Five or six days after the deplorable events at Panama, there was formed there, by several hot annexionists or speculators, a plan for tergiver¬ sating the facts to the prejudice of New Granada : and this plan has been carried into execution, and having met with voluntary or deceived auxiliaries, has had the effect of concealing the truth from the President of the United States. The undersigned Plenipotentiaries are bound to •believe that, in the present grave question, that Govern¬ ment is not animated by any spirit of ill-will towards this Republic : they are bound to suppose that, it becoming better informed with regard to those events and with regard to the specific causes of what it calls insecurity of the transit across the Isthmus of Panama, it would have acted in a truly friendly manner with the Granadian Legation near it, or with the Executive Government by means of its own in Bogota, in order to avoid fresh collisions between the passengers by the railway and the natives, and to remove all motive of fear and difficulty. One of the means, considering the immense flow of passengers and treasure four times a month, would be to agree in the per¬ manence of some vessel of war of the United States in the bay of Panama, with instructions to assist the Governor of the State whenever he might request it, for the protection 35 of’ the transit: another, not to place obstacles in the way of collecting certain moderate taxes upon the transit, which are necessary for the support of the public administration: and lastly, another, to accept and support the idea of a negotiation between the two Governments and those of England and France, which might lead to a complete guarantee,and without prejudice to the territorial sovereignty, of the freedom and safe frequenting of the interoceanic route, upon the basis of perfect equality for all nations. Although the undersigned have not authority to treat upon questions of indemnification in favour of the United States, they ought not to be silent in the present Note, touching the pecuniary charges which it is pretended to impose upon New Granada. The Railroad Company, whose principal chest, existing in the Panama station, was not plundered on the 15th of April, and which suffered very little injury in that edifice, appears to claim exorbitant sums for damages, although the transit of treasure, passengers, and merchandise suffered no subsequent abatement. That this enterprise, so favoured by the Republic, should wish to avail itself of its misfortunes by such demands, is absolutely inconceivable. The Plenipotentiaries say in their note, that the citizens of the United States lost an immense amount of property, part of which was embarked and taken from Panama in boats, in broad daylight. Such an assertion would at once have no value, unless upon proofs that those who witnessed such embarkation or abstraction of stolen goods, denounced the fact fruitlessly to the authorities ; but from the depositions of September already cited, of Messrs. McLane, D. M. Corwine and Nelson, it appears : 1st. That previously to the riot, there had been embarked in a launch, which had not been touched by any one, the mail bags and all the packages addressed for California, which had arrived in the passenger train : two car loads of luggage, belonging to these, only remaining : and, 2ndly. That the train which was expected, which was ordered i> 36 back to Colon, and which was therefore preserved without injury, contained five hundred 'packages of goods and a car of luggage.- It is evident, moreover, that the eating- house and the two hotels or stores of trifling value, where the robberies took place, could not contain that immense amount of 'property , valued at more than half-a-million of dollars. It is also necessary to say something about the number of victims, which has been so much exaggerated. The Plenipotentiaries of the United States say that u while eighteen Americans were certainly killed and forty or fifty wounded, but one or two natives, at most, were seriously injured.” The total number of killed in the Panama tumult, or who died from that immediate cause, was eighteen persons, all men, and one individual was seriously wounded, who embarked for California. This point is fully established. Amongst the eighteen persons was a Frenchman, M. Dubois, and there were also some natives, as is proved by various accounts. One single North American of the Californian passengers, by the steamer Cortes , named Joseph Stokes , killed with his revolver two of the natives, in the attack which these made with stones and cutlasses upon the Pacific Hotel, whilst pursuing Oliver and his defenders : and before he died, he must have w T ounded others, for one of his companions, who speaks of his heroic deeds in the u California Chronicle of San Francisco, of the 5th of May, says : u I think Stokes’ shots—six in number—all took effect, for he was deliberate, though he fired rapidly” ; and after relating that he reloaded his revolver at the Station and sallied forth again, adds; “ the natives gathered around, and Stokes advanced and fired with his six-shooter, taking deliberate aim. He fired slower the second time than at first.” As the New Granadian Government, according as it appears from this note and the “ Memorandum” of the 12th doe3 not refuse, but rather, on the contrary, 37 seeks to negociate and treat relative to the complete and lasting security and freedom of the interoceanic transit across the Isthmus of Panama, but upon equitable as well as liberal bases, the undersigned consider that the Plenipo¬ tentiaries of the United States are not in the position to suppose their Government under the alternative of degradation or violence, of which they speak, for the non¬ admission of the propositions presented up to this date. In order no longer to defer the present reply, and not to risk overstepping therewith the limits of moderation, which they have traced out for themselves, the undersigned abstain from making other important commentaries, which the Note of the 13th would suggest. They conclude therefore, by placing at the disposal of the Plenipoten¬ tiaries of the United States, for their inspection, all the documents relative to the Panama occurrences, which have been collected at the Foreign Office; and manifest to them, that with that object and with any other conducing to throw light upon the disagreeable questions pending, and which might lead them to a decorous and pacific settlement, they are disposed to accept the invitations to confer, which may be made to them. The undersigned Plenipotentiaries of New Granada avail themselves of this opportunity to present to the honourable Messrs. Morse and Bowlin the homage of their respect. Lino l>e Pombo. Florentlno Gonzalez. Legation of the United States. Bogota, Feb. 26th, 1857. To the Honour.iblea Messrs. Lino de Pombo and Florentino Gonzalez, Commissioners on the part of New Granada, &c., &c. Gentlemen, — The undersigned Commissioners on the part of the United States of America, have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of 23d instant. D 2 38 It is with pain they are compelled to perceive, that the friendly mission of their Government must be entirely fruitless, and that the door is closed by the Commissioners of New Granada. The positions assumed in the “ Memo¬ randum” of the 12th instant, are all maintained and reiterated in the following decided language:—“ Los infrascritos, obrando conforme a sus instrucciones, decla- “ raron inadmisibles las proposiciones hechas; pero no “cerraron la puerta para toda negociacion .”— u The under¬ signed, acting in conformity to their instructions, declared the propositions inadmissible ; but did not shut the door to every kind of negotiation/" AVhat other negotiation may have been alluded to, we are at a loss to understand. The four propositions with which the undersigned were charged by their Government, after having been examined and commented on, are declared to be inadmissible, and the only inference which could possibly be drawn from the disclaimer qualifying the absolute refusal to negotiate upon any of the four propositions, is that there were some other questions at issue, between the two Governments, not included in these four propositions, because the substance of the entire Convention proposed, is to obtain indemnity for the past, and security for the future. Near the close of your communication we find the key to the true meaning, which seems to be, that while New Granada refuses positively to treat with the United States upon the subject of indemnity for the past and security for the future, u the idea of a negotiation between the two Governments and those of England and France, which might lead to a complete guarantee without prejudice to the territorial sovereignty, of the liberty and free use of the interoceanic way, on the basis of perfect equality of all nations,” is tendered as the base of another and different negotiation. To this we can only say, that at present the road is owned by American citizens, and much the largest portion (propably nine-tenths) of the passengers and commerce 39 belong to the United States. It is not within our instruc¬ tions to enter upon any new base of negotiations, in which England, France, or any other nations of the world are to decide what guarantees are sufficient for the safety of the property and lives of our citizens. Indeed, we may as well say, once for all, that our Government has now every possible guarantee which New Granada can possibly offer, and finding that she is either unable or unwilling to enforce those guarantees, or give such . protection as by the treaty and the charter of the Railroad Company she is pledged to do; the United States, as the guardian and protector of the three (sic) passengers who pass monthly over trie route, must have something more tangible than paper pledges and written contracts, which can only give rise to useless and endless discussion. At the close of this commission, we have only to add further, that the case having arrived as contemplated in our instructions, we have to make a demand from the Government of New Granada, for the immediate payment of a sum, which has been reduced to the lowest possible amount, for reasons which must be obvious, as the price of indemnity for the loss of property stolen and destroyed on the Isthmus of Panama on the 15th of April, 1856, by citizens of New Granada. We have the honour to enclose a copy of our letter under the instructions of our Govern¬ ment to the Honourable M. Pombo, Secretary of Foreign Affairs; and to renew to the Commissioners of New Granada our most respectful consideration. Isaac E. Morse. James B. Bowlin. Legation of the United States. Bogota, February 27th, 1857. Honourable Lino de Pombo, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, &c. Sir, —The entire failure of the Commissioners appointed by the United States, to come to any satisfactory under¬ standing with the Commissioners of New Granada, or 40 even any agreement upon a basis of negotiation ;—it becomes our duty, under the instructions of our Govern¬ ment, to demand the payment of the sum of four hundred thousand dollars, as an indemnity to our fellow-citizens for loss of property taken or destroyed by citizens of New Granada on the Isthmus of Panama, on the 15th of April, 1856.—Although the sum claimed and proved to have been stolen and destroyed, amounts to much more than half-a-million of dollars, for reasons which we trust will be appreciated, our Government, in a spirit of great liberality, has placed its ultimatum at the very lowest possible figure. We have the honour to be very respectfully, your most obedient servants, Isaac E. Morse. James B. Bowlin. ( Ti emulation.) Office for Foreign Affairs. Bogotd, February 23d, 1857. The undersigned, Secretary of State, laid before the Chief of the Administration, the Note which the Honorables Mr. Morse and Mr. Bowlin were pleased to address to him yesterday, in their capacity of Commissioners or Plenipotentiaries of the United States with regard to the Panama questions. They therein inform the undersigned, that in accordance with their instructions, and in consequence of not having been able to arrive at a satisfactory understanding with the Plenipotentiaries of New Granada, not. even with respect to a basis of negotiation, they have to exact the payment of four hundred thousand dollars, a sum fixed as an ultimatum , and in a spirit of great liberality, by their Government, as an indemnity in favour of their fellow- countrymen for losses of property stolen or destroyed in f 41 the Isthmus of Panama, on the 15th day o t April, 1856, by citizens of this country. In reply to the said Note, the undersigned declares in the name of his Government and in a solemn manner : that the Executive Power, for the , reasons already manifested, in the u Memorandum” of the 12th, and in the official Note of the 23d of the New Granadian Plenipotentiaries, considers the Republic irresponsible towards the United States for the occurrences at Panama of the 15th of April; and consequently it cannot lend its consent to the demand for idemnification made upon it, whatever may be the amount at which the Government of the Union may be pleased to estimate it. It has already been stated in the said Note of the 23d, that the Executive Power does not consider this a pecuniary question, but one of principle. The controversy relative to the said occurrences of Panama, having reached the position of an ultimatum , in as much as the Government of the United States has made the cause of the North Amercan citizens involved in those occurrences every way its own, the undersigned is instructed to add ; that it being notorious and according to the result of the investigation made, that citizens of the United States were the cause both of the antecedents and of the imme¬ diate origin of the attempts against life and property which occurred in Panama, on the 15th day of April, 1856, and who rendered altogether impossible, the thoroughly salutary intervention of the authorities and of the public force, the Executive Power finds itself in the compulsory position of considering the Government of the United States responsi¬ ble for those attempts: and that consequently it ought to claim and does claim of it by way of indemnification for damages and injuries experienced by the city of Panama, by various of its inhabitants, by the families of the natives killed or wounded, and by sundry inoffensive foreigners of other nations in their persons or property, the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 42 In addition to this, the Government cf the United States owes injustice reparation to New Granada, for the rude protest dated the 21st of April, of Consul Thomas William Ward, and for the proved falsity of his official assertions regarding persons wearing masks and respecting rapes, which he did not dare subsequently to maintain in the certificate which was required of him, and which he gave under his signature, on the 5th of August; and for the disrespectfulness of Commander T. Bailey towards the Governor of the State of Panama, in the communications which he addressed to him on the 24th, 25th, and 26th April. Subsequent facts, and which are connected with those of the 15th of April, in the complaints and claims of the official agents of the Government of the United States, have also given a right to that of New Granada to claim from it, the damages and losses consequent upon the non¬ payment of the legal tax of interoceanic postage on letters and despatches conveyed in the North American mail bags and the national impost of tonnage which the vessels of the United States have desisted from paying, in consequence of the threats of Commodore Mervine. The Executive forthwith formally establishes this right, and will make use of it in the name of the Republic at the fitting moment. It is exceedingly painful that owing to substantial mistakes, and in consequence of unjust prejudices, a dis¬ turbance of so grave a nature should have arisen in the old and constant friendly relations between two Republics of the New World, very disproportionate, it is true, in actual power, but called by their geographical position, by the nature of their political institutions, and by the progress of philosophical and humane ideas, to march together towards a smiling future. The Government of New Granada expects, nevertheless, from the wisdom and high social position of the President of the United States, that upon a new and calm examination of the facts, he will give to his contemporaries and to posterity, the noble example of rectifying his decisions in the deplorable affair forming the 43 subject of this Note, with the regard due to reason and the principles of honesty, which are and have been at all times the best basis of good policy. The Undersigned has the honour to be,[with feelings of distinguished consideration, the Honourables Messrs. Morse and Bowlin’s most obedient servant, Lino de Pombo. To the Honourables Isaac E. Morse and James B. Bowlin, &c., &c. I ft APPENDIX. ' . EXTRACT From the Presidential Message to the Congress of New Granada, of 1st February, 1857. “ The lamentable occurrence of the 15th of April, of last year, whereof the city of Panama was the theatre, an event which has been so much disfigured, in consequence of not having been properly understood, or the causes which produced it properly appreciated, has given rise to various claims and even been the cause of the sending of a special Commissioner to Bogota. Scarcely had the first rumours of the occurrence reached the knowledge of the Executive Power, than it gave the most pressing orders for proceeding actively against those persons who might be found guilty, and to inflict upon them the penalties which they might have incurred. It ordered likewise that information should be obtained from the most respectable persons, and as many data as possible collected, in order to ascertain fully the origin and progress of that act, which was described as a premeditated attack from the people of Panama upon the inoffensive passengers, as an act of barbarism, the repitition of which was thought possible, for the pretence was made that it was feared that neither the national authorities, nor those of the State, possessed sufficient means to give protection to the transit across the Isthmus. The complete responsibility of the Republic and the obligation to meet the most exaggerated charges, are the consequences of such a mode of judging. “ Resting upon the most respectable and impartial testimony, I can assure you that the lamentable occurrence of the 15th of April commenced with the unjustifiable act of Jack Oliver, an American, having fired a pistol at a 48 Granadian who was selling fruit. The dispute being of a private and solitary nature at first, it soon became general, either because endeavours were made to withdraw Oliver from the hands of the police, or that the natives took upon themselves the defence of their fellow-citizen. The tumult increased every moment: most of the passengers who had revolvers, thought they might use them with impunity against the natives, considering them of an inferior race, and making a boast of treating them ill. A fight ensued, without any human power being able to prevent it. The advantage in the said fight was on the side of the passen¬ gers, provided with arms, whilst the people had none. u The Governor of the State, accompanied by the Consul of the United States, presented himself in the midst of the combatants, and succeeded in getting the natives to suspend their fire. Unfortunately the Consul could not get the passengers to do the same, and from the Railway Station, wherein they had taken refuge, a volley was fired upon the Governor and the said Consul. It then became impossible to restrain the furious multitude: no other cry was heard than that of vengeance, and it was totally useless to attempt to avoid unhappy results. The Consul retired, and the Governor, persuaded that his presence was useless, returned to the city. u Two very notable facts appear demonstrated in the midst of the confusion with which the occurrences of the 15 th April are related : first, that Jack Oliver, firing a pistol shot at a native, without motive or reason, was the immediate cause of the tumult; and secondly, that the Governor managed to calm the inhabitants of Panama, and that the strife commenced afresh when the volley was fired from the Station-house and the various hotels, upon the authorities and upon the people standing about in groups. These facts, the authenticity of which can only be doubted by the blindest partiality, show plainly, that the people of Panama, docile and humane as the rest of the Granadian people, was neither the aggressor nor had 49 premeditated any such thing. It listened to the voice of the Magistrate, and had it not been for the injustifiable tenacity of the passengers, there would not now be any reason to lament misfortunes and excesses which the police was insufficient to prevent in the midst of a furious multi¬ tude. There were excesses committed, perhaps by foreign labourers brought there by the Railway Company and abandoned in Panama to their own resources, and without means for returning to their homes : there were excesses ; but in justice to the people of Panama it must be said that their number was not considerable, considering the general excitement, the hour, and the aggression. Eighteen men killed, after an obstinate nocturnal combat, in which a multitude blinded by passion took part, does not at all prove ferocity, bloodthirstiness or premeditation. History tells us that in all countries, under similar circumstances, the number of victims has been infinitely greater. u Since the discovery of the gold of California, the Isthmus of Panama has been crossed by an infinite number of travellers and by immense sums of gold. There was no Railroad, and persons and property required the assistance of the natives, both on the desert banks of the river Chagres and in the solitudes of the Cruces road. Nothing was easier than to assault passengers and rob their property, if the inhabitants had not been of a highly moral character. Was there security for the transit at that period ? Yes, the most complete, and it may be said without exaggera¬ tion, that in no country in the world immense sums of gold have passed with safety through vast solitudes as they passed over the Isthmus. u There was complete security, there is at present, and there always will be, for passengers arid their property without being dependent, in any way, on a numerous armed force. The occurrences of the 15th April, provoked by the brutal attacks of an American, and by the rashness and obstinacy of the passengers, only prove that the patience of a people should not be abused, however humane, passive, 50 and hospitable it may be supposed to be. In Panama, as well as throughout the Republic, all foreigners without * distinction have enjoyed, not only the most complete security, but have moreover been the objects of the most perfect benevolence. To pretend that any of those who cross over the Isthmus has a right to fire upon the natives, and that these should humbly receive the blow, is the very height of folly and madness. The people that should tolerate such an outrage would not deserve to exist: ignominy corrodes and envenoms the existence of nations. u You will find all that I have above expressed duly proved in the documents which wdll be laid before you by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, no less than the exaggera¬ tion of the charges which are brought against the Republic, when it ought rather to make them. The responsibility for the unhappy occurrences of the 15th April, which I sincerely deplore, does not rest upon New Granada, and for the future, I can assure you, nothing is to be feared that can endanger the security of the transit over the Isthmus of Panama. The authorities of the State count upon the necessary means for maintaining order, and if at any time, in questions essentially domestic, they have yielded to the request of any foreign functionary, there wa& no necessity to employ the force which was placed at their disposal, in order to restore public tranquillity. The means of which they could themselves dispose were sufficient.” EXTRACT From the Secretary for Foreign Affairs’ Report to Congress, of 2d February, 1857 . A much-bruited disaster, and for which ;ve may exclaim aloud, before God and man, that our beloved country is irresponsible, has unexpectedly come to disturb the hitherto 51 uninterrupted good relations between the Governments of New Granada and the United States: complicated at the same time by circumstances and unfavourable tendencies of the moment, and by municipal or legislative acts sinistrously interpreted, which render more complicated the diplomatic question raised and still pending, but which it is not difficult to bring to a happy issue. I allude to the tragical occurrences at Panama of the 15th April: sufficiently and generally known throughout the country from the official publications made at the time, and of the principal part of which I will transmit copies to the Chambers, although fatality has given to them a false colouring abroad. The Executive Government being aware of the immense influence of those events, from the moment the first news arrived respecting them, and the consequent urgent necessity to place them in a clear point of view and in the way of judicial investigation for the punishment of the guilty persons, issued without delay all the orders that were thought conducive to the attainment of both those objects: and moreover being well aided by the first official reports and other valuable and trustworthy evidence, was enabled to meet on not unfavourable grounds, the claims which the Legation of the United States was not slow in initiating, by order of its Government. These claims, from the notorious exaggeration of the charges and the very great discrepancy in the manner of relating and appreciating the principal circumstances in the documents and public papers which were received, a divergence not to be explained except by attributing it to the hallucinations of prejudice or to unfounded antipathies, rendered necessary the intervention of the Attorney General of the Nation, who addressed an injunction to Panama on the 2d July, inserted in the Official Gazette of the 5th, for the adoption of certain proceedings and ordain¬ ing the examination of witnesses ; also an order addressed to the Governor of that State, dated the 3d, recommending him to apply to the Foreign Consular Agents at Panama E 52 and Colon, for explanatory certificates regarding certain points : the latter measure being adopted upon the well- founded belief that there was but little hope of arriving at the real truth, except by means of the condescension of those important and essentially impartial functionaries, and for the obtaining of whose depositions the co-operation of the Diplomatic Corps was at the same time sought. In the meantime, the Foreign Office has gone on collecting and carefully examining a mass of other data of a private and public nature, more or less authentic and worthy of credit, and which together forms a voluminous collection, in order to obtain by comparing the whole, serious and profound convictions such as are indispensable for clearly and firmly sustaining a delicate and important cause with probability of success. The fruit obtained by the above measures has completely corresponded to the ideas and presentiments which inspired them, as far as regards their investigatory object. In the deposition of witnesses, there is found to be agreement or very little discrepancy between natives and some impartial foreigners, especially as regards the culpa¬ bility of the North American passengers, from the beginning of the tragic events of the loth until the assault made upon the railway station by the police : whilst with but few exceptions the North American deponents, either state the contrary, or did not see or w r ere unacquainted with what was asked of them.—It nevertheless appears that :— u The Governor of the State is blameless : so that the Attorney-General of the Nation has declared that there is no foundation for any proceeding against him for respon¬ sibility incurred. “ Unanimously : That the assertion contained in the United States Consul Ward’s report to the Legation at Bogota, is false, as regards men having been seen amongst the assassins and robbers, disguised with black masks, in order not to be known : secret instigators of course, such as are employed by corrupt communities, and whose 53 existence would have corroborated the charge of pre¬ meditation. “ Only two witnesses, North Americans, heard the report (probably from the Consul Ward) of the rapes which the said Cousul mentioned in his reports ; an accusation which is totally improbable. u A single witness, but whose deposition is confirmed by the respectable testimony of the British Consul, declares having heard one of the unfortunate victims of the assault upon the station, the Irishman, O’Neil, say that the person who seriously wounded him, was, judging by his appear¬ ance, a member of the police : the only inculpation of the kind against the police force, although various others of a general character are made by two North Americans. “ It is stated that some of the rails were removed at the moment in which the arrival of the second train from Colon was expected : those who speak of this, differ with regard to the object of the mischief, inclining to the idea that the intention was to prevent the arrival of assistance to the passengers. One witness, a North American, affirms that the object was to plunder the train. Moreover, a considerable amount of testimony proves, what now, no one seriously doubts : that a drunken and quarrelsome North American, by brutally firing a pistol shot upon a native, produced the alarm and popular excitement : that the armed support rendered to that barbarian by his countrymen, in order to prevent his arrest, caused the riot to augment rapidly, and to infuriate the people : that the North Americans fired upon the Governor and upon their own Consul : that the Station-house of the Railroad was one of the spots from which they kept up a sharp fire ; that the number and fury of the contending parties rendered it impossible to calm the violent tempest and avoid many of its fatal consequences, although the zeal of the disproportionately small police force, aided by not a few natives and foreigners, and the spirited co¬ operation of the generality of the inhabitants of Panama, 54 saved many lives and much property : that the four buildings in which the popular inroad was productive of damage and depredations had all of them served as offensive and defensive posts to the North Americans ; and that the number of killed in the encounter, and from its immediate consequences, foreigners and natives, amounted to eighteen persons, besides one severely wounded, who embarked for California. In support of the futile charge of premeditation of what happened, an argument was drawn from the ringing of the bells of the parish church of Santa Ana, in the suburbs, shortly after the pistol shot was fired, supposing the circumstances to be connected together by previous com¬ bination ; the following is the explanation of that occurrence. The priest, Domingo Ximenez, curate of Santa Ana, says upon oath in substance what follows, and his testimony is confirmed by several eye-witnesses. At the moment of the disturbance in the Cienaga, he was in his church, officiating in the funeral of a corpse; suddenly a cry of fire was heard, and he, the Curate, believing it was a fire, immediately ordered the bells to be run2: in the manner usual on such occasions. The congre- O C gation took the alarm, there being present, from curiosity, several North Americans of both sexes; the alarm extended to persons congregated outside the church, but on becoming somewhat quieted, the corpse was removed and the persons accompanying it, proceeded towards the place of interment; some women then appeared exclaiming that the Americans and the natives were killing one another in the Cienaga, and all parties dispersed, leaving the corpse alone, until it was taken in and attended until midnight bv the relatives. The loss is very much to be regretted of several consular certified statements transmitted to this department, and which unfortunately disappeared, owing to the wreck of the Magdalena mail boat, and the duplicates have not as yet been received; but three that remain, those of the Consuls of England, France, and Equator at Panama, are decidedly 55 confirmatory of what I have stated above, excepting only the episode of Santa Ana just mentioned, upon which they are silent. Herewith you will find a translation, by w T ay of sample, of the report of the French Consul, Count de Nollent, to which I call your attention. According to these unimpeachable documents, it w T as a North American who fired the first pistol shot, without either cause or excuse. The British Consul, Mr. Berry, mentions his name, which was already known to us, Jack Oliver; and states that going along the street with his daughter and M. de Varieux, Chancellor of the French Consulate, they met with that individual intoxicated, that he approached them rudely, and that they found it difficult to escape from him. The said Consul states that many of* the passengers were armed with revolvers. He is absolutely averse to the belief that there was any premeditation ; and observes that had there been an inten¬ tion to plunder, the passengers crossing from the Atlantic side would not have been attacked, being for the most part poor people, but those returning from California, loaded with gold. Neither does he believe that masks were used, never having heard them spoken of: and M. Consul Ward was the only person who told him that a woman had been ravished by some blacks. Both the Governor and the police lost no time in inter¬ fering; but Mr. Perry considers that the attack on the station-house, made by order of the Governor, was unne¬ cessary, and executed with military violence, because the passengers were notoriously badly armed, and amongst them there w r ere many women and children. He affirms that the firing came both from outside and from within the station-house; and adds, “ there can be no doubt that the volley fired upon the Governor came from there.” Coinciding with the French Consul, he affirms that 56 those who committed excesses were for the most part foreigners, principally persons who had been employed as labourers on the Railroad. u He has lived nearly fifteen years in Panama, and can bear witness to the kindly dis¬ position of the native population, who viewed with horror and dismay the dreadful occurrences of that fatal night.” And with respect to the outrages committed he adds :— C( Hue allowance should be made, from the state of excite¬ ment on the part of the populace, from the constant acts of brutality they have received from the lower class of the California passengers.” He mentions the newly-arrived filibusters, as a cause of alarm, many of them taking an active part in the encounter. He calls attention to the want of the police, which the Railroad Company ought to have kept organized. He says finally u The Company’s loss cannot be very considerable, as a small amount of money was abstracted and the damage done to the freight-house was trifling.” Such is in fact a correct outline of the origin and cir¬ cumstances of what in order to shame our eminently hospitable country, unlimitedly liberal to foreigners, has been baptized in the United States’ newspapers and even in their official documents with the frightful epithet of u The Panama Massacre.” After w r hat has been stated, it may be asked : Is the Republic responsible, according to the common sense of mankind, for the robberies and deaths which it was impossible to prevent ? The Consul of France, M. de Nollent, an enlightened, impartial, and judicious observer of events on the spot itself, shall make answer for me. u The odium of those events and their terrible conse¬ quences must be attributed to the Americans .” Americans , either native or naturalised, w ere those wdio by a continued series of ill-deeds and outrages engendered an ill-feeling amongst the inhabitants of Panama towards their honourable nationality. The following circumstance happened, at no very remote period, in one of the public 57 streets of Panama. The Governor was talking to the Consul of the United States : an American approached the Governor, and with a severe blow knocked off his hat, saying—“ Our Consul is not to be spoken to with your hat on !” An American was the brute who, u saturated with rum and blood,” by an iniquitous action provoked the popular outbreak, and Americans were his abettors. Americans were those who after that the Governor had pacified the mob in the suburbs of Panama, irritated them afresh and rendered their pacification impossible, saluting with volleys of shot the Governor and their own Consul. And the assassins and robbers of that awful night were almost all unfortunate blacks brought from their cabins in a foreign land, by Americans , in order to serve as labourers in the railroad, and afterwards barbarously condemned by them to indigence and despair. By challenging witnesses, either from being people of colour , or from having, according to his own memory, been previously guilty of some crime Or misdemeanour, or for having procured arms for their fellow-citizens on the 15th of April, in order to repel force by force, and modelling after his own fashion the history of events, Mr. Amos B. Corwine arrives at a very different conclusion in the report, which, in his character of the United States Government Commissioner, he addressed to Mr. Secretary Marcy on the 18th of July. All unprejudiced persons who will read and compare shall decide on which side lies the right. Fain would we to-day, nine months after those deplorable occurrences, on demonstrating the irresponsibility of New Granada, be enabled likewise to say : the murderers and robbers of the 15th April have been convicted and punished. The national authorities have eagerly sought that they should be, and have laboured to the utmost extent of their legal power, but have not yet obtained their end, no doubt owing to the complicated nature of the affair, perhaps also from the slowness indispensable though annoy- 58 ing of the judicial proceedings. The Executive Govern¬ ment foresaw these delays, when as the Legislature was sitting, and something might be done in a legislative form, for accelerating these proceedings and ensuring the satis¬ faction of what is denominated public justice, and took the necessary steps for insuring those objects. To that end an official note on the subject was addressed to the Senate on the 27th of May and published in the Gazette of the 31st: and having succeeded in obtaining that the Chamber should take into consideration a bill for the better admini¬ stration of national affairs in the federal States of Antioquia and Panama, establishing Intendents, I had the honour to propose three additional articles to that bill, two of which were as follows: A—In each of the States of Antioquia and Panama, there shall be established an agent of the public adminis¬ tration, who shall adopt proceedings ex officio or conform¬ ably to the general instructions and orders which he may receive from the Intendent, from the Attorney-General of the nation, or from the Executive Government, before the political authorities, or the Justices or Tribunals of the State, in all matters relating to the national interests or any affairs "whatsoever. The appointing and dismissing of these agents appertains to the Executive Government, "who shall assign to them for salary and stationery an annual sum not less than one thousand dollars, nor exceeding one thousand five hundred dollars. B—In case of circumstances occurring within either of the States, seriously endangering the national welfare, the Executive Government is hereby authorised to appoint one or more judges in commission, as functionaries of instruction and with the necessary jurisdiction for bringing before them all and any public officers or private individuals, and for adopting the necessary proceedings, collecting all docu¬ ments and investigating facts in order to obtain the trial and punishment of the guilty, by the proper authority. During the time these judges arc in commission, they shall 59 be entitled to a daily salary of four or five dollars, to be fixed by the Executive Government, and shall moreover be paid their travelling expenses at the same rate as Members of Congress. This law which could have been promptly and usefully applied in Panama, was not sanctioned, but was still pending in a mutilated state in the Chamber of Represen¬ tatives when the session closed. And as its importance and conveniency still remain, being moreover corroborated by time, it becomes my duty strenuously to recommend its adoption, including the above articles, with the appointment of a National Intendent at Panama, who would be highly useful as regards the Railroad and interoceanic transit, insuring likewise the responsibility of the Officers of the State, in all matters concerning the interest of the Republic. The tragedy of the 15th April, and recent incidents , according to the expression of the President of the United States, in his Message to Congress of December last, have caused and still continue to cause the public peace and the transit across the Isthmus to be considered insecure. In this, there are serious mistakes. Never has any complaint been made against the inhabitants of Panama by either residents or passing travellers for actions or even feelings of an hostile character; and every person, including all North American citizens, have enjoyed there and continue to enjoy, the esteem their behaviour may entitle them to, besides the legal guarantees. Peace and order rest upon their most important basis, which is the good disposition of the people, and for any emergency that may occur, there is an organized militia, a small local police force, and a moderate but sufficient garrison of national troops. From great popular outbreaks of a violent and uncontrollable nature, when in solemn moments, multitudes are suddenly congregated together becoming electrified and infuriated, no country has or ever can be exempted, and the most civilised communities are the most exposed to them. If F 60 foreigners, accustomed to respect nothing, to abuse the revolver and the bowie knife, commit excesses and attacks upon private persons, it is not to be wondered at, that those persons, carried away by a feeling of indignation, should repress and punish them in their own defence, before the authorities can interfere. The great amount of pas¬ sengers crossing the Isthmus from sea to sea, four times a month, brings with it some risk, according to the moral qualities of the passengers: there would be nothing improper in the nations interested in the transit giving occasional support by means of their vessels of war, to the local authorities, when called upon, and in the manner desired by them. The recent incidents , alluded to in the Presidential Message, on being examined, can be nothing more than the electioneering warmth of September and October on the advent of the New Governor. The foreign consuls recommended on one of the critical days, that some men should be allowed to land from one of the United States vessels of war, at anchor in the bay, which was agreed to, and they were posted at the Railway station : but the Governor, without at all availing himself of their assistance, arrested the agitators or ringleaders of the hostile popular movement, made himself respected with his own means, and restoredtranquillity, which has not since been disturbed. On drawing comparisons, because the matter calls for it, although all comparisons are odious, the same cannot at all be said of some sections of the United States territory, with regard to the public safety of foreigners, nor during the stormy time of elections. Every individual of the Spanish American race existing in California, is most anxious to emigrate from thence, because neither his life nor property are safe, and many of them have been victims of the most horrible treatment. The electoral contest has been marked in several States of the Union by much violence, riots, and bloodshed. Without multiplying quotations, I will here state what a corres- 61 pondent of the u New York Herald ” says on the 5th of November, of the Baltimore votes of the 4th :— u The city has been the scene of continued violent rioting during the afternoon and evening.” O O O “ At the Eight and Second Ward polls great excite¬ ment, riot and disorder prevailed.” “ A fierce engagement took place between the Democrats of the Eighth and the Americans of the Sixth and Seventh Wards. Each party were provided with muskets and cannon, and kept up the fight for two hours. About fifty were wounded, many of them seriously.” “In the Second Ward, the Democrats drove off the Americans, when the Fourth Ward Americans came to the rescue, and, after a prolonged and fierce fight, retook the polls, driving off the Democrats. The fight lasted over an hour. One man was killed, and thirty wounded— several fatally.” The question of the 15tli April was notoriously complicated, on the one hand by exaggerated ideas of annexionism, notwithstanding the express guarantee of the sovereignty of New Granada over the Isthmus of Panama, subscribed to by the United States in a solemn treaty ; and on the other by the secondary questions of interoceanic postage and the tonnage tax, established by laws of the Republic. As the Congress will be made acquainted with the Diplomatic controversy on these points by the Finance Secretary, to whose department they belong, I will only state : that against the demand made for postage, the right which citizens of the United States enjoy to equal favors and privileges with native Granadians has been improperly invoked, as New Granadian Citizens themselves pay the postage: moreover the postage tax has been estimated at two millions of dollars, when it cannot be above sixty thousand, as it only affects letters and despatches and not newspapers : and with regard to tonnage, the unconstitutional and therefore annulled enactment of the Panama Legislature of 1855 has been confounded with the national law of 1856 made by the competent authority. The old municipal tax upon passengers, annulled by the Supreme Court, also figured as one of the many complaints mentioned in the discussion of the said question. By this department a resolution was issued the 27th of November and published in the Gazette of the 29th, which must finally settle the business. The Government of the United States has accredited to ours a special Commissioner for the settlement of the questions I have referred to. If treated calmly and in perfect good faith, their solution will be prompt and satis¬ factory. The two Republics are called upon to live in close friendship from the analogy of their essential consti¬ tutive principles, and far from there being any antagonism, harmony exists in their present and future interests : they must therefore undoubtedly understand each other. / RE-PRINTED AT THE LIVERPOOL MAIL OFFICE, SOUTH CASTLE STREET.