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^ 
 
 WAR PUBLICATIONS 
 
 and Reports of the War 
 Committee 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 1917-1919 , 
 
 Publishe:d by 
 
 The University of Illinois 
 
 1923 
 
•I \ ', \ 1 
 
 PREFATORY NOTE 
 
 The following report of the activities of the War 
 Committee for the year 1918-19 reproduces the texts 
 of the reports submitted by the Committee to President 
 James, on January 7 and June 24. 1919, with the omis- 
 sion of those parts which seem to have less permanent 
 interest. 
 
 EvARTs B. Greene 
 Chairman, University War Covimittee 
 September 16, 19 18- J line 24, 1919 
 

 u 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 WAR PUBLICATIONS 
 
 Publication Author 
 
 Reports of the War Committee 
 
 Food Conservation^ Isabel Bevier 
 
 Municipal War Work R. E. Cushman 
 
 Wheat Saving Ruth Wheeler 
 
 The War Garden J- W. Lloyd 
 
 Food Production Eugene Davenport 
 
 War Legislation R. E. Cushman 
 
 War Activities and Moral Leadership E. J. James 
 
 Aiilk Ruth Wheeler 
 
 Meat LuciLE W heeler 
 
 Sugar in War Time Viola J. Anderson 
 
 The Great Condition David Kinley 
 
 The German War Code J- \^ ■ Garner 
 
 Responsibility for the Great War L. M. Larson ^ 
 
 Report of the War Committee 
 
 The College Man and the \\ ar E. J. James . 
 
 Italy and the Peace Conference P. \\ B. Jones 
 
 New Arab Kingdom A. T. Olmstead 
 
 Territorial Problems of the Baltic Basin L. M. Larson 
 
 The Republic of the L^kraine Simon Litman ^ 
 
 Conflict of Parties in the Russian Revolution Jacob Zeitlin ^■ 
 
 Asiatic Turkey P. H. Newell 
 
 The New Poland P. V. B. Jones 
 
 Aims and Claims of Germany David Kinley 
 
 Mobilization for Food Production College of Agriculture 
 
 Farm Machinery Situation E. A. White 
 
 Else of Farm Labor during the W ar..\\\ F. Handschin-J. B. Andrews 
 
 ■•The public '.3ns are arranged and listed in chronological order. 
 
 \ 7612^1 
 
Publication . ' .. Author 
 
 Protect the Wheat Crop W. F. Handschin 
 
 Grow More Wheat in Ilhnois..W. L. Burlison and W. F. Handschin 
 Home Economics Exhibits. . . .Minnie Bunch and Naomi Newburn 
 
 Shall I Plant a Garden? J. W. Lloyd 
 
 Simple Seed-Corn Testers Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 Ras Doll Tester for Corn W. L. Burlison and G. H. Duncan 
 
 Apple Flakes W. F. James 
 
 Shall We Plant More Spring Wheat? W. L. Burlison 
 
 Growing Plants for War Gardens C. E. Durst 
 
 Conserving Sugar in Ice Cream H. A. Ruehe 
 
 o o 
 
 Corn and Corn Products Ruth Wheeler 
 
 War Bread Receipts College of Agriculture 
 
 Winter Feeding; of Idle Farm Horses T. L. Edmonds 
 
 Selection and Storage of Feed Corn..W. L. Burlison and E. A. White 
 
 War Garden Hotbed C. E. Durst 
 
 Applications of Trigonometry A. J. Kempner 
 
 An Outline of Economic Readjustment A'l. H. Robinson 
 
 Political and Social Institutions J. W. Garner 
 
 Historical Backoround of the Great War L. M. Larson 
 
 \ 
 
PREFACE 
 
 To the University of Illinois, as to other American universities, 
 the entry of the United States into the Great War brought new 
 obligations and new opportunities for service. The largest con- 
 tributions were doubtless made through individual members of 
 the University — faculty, alumni, and student — who devoted 
 themselves to the great cause in the most varied forms of military 
 and civilian service. On the University Honor Roll of those who 
 died in the service are the names of 181 men. These individual 
 records the University expects to preserve in some appropriate 
 and permanent form. 
 
 The University also, through its trustees, president, and faculty, 
 placed its corporate resources at the disposal of the State and Federal 
 governments for war purposes. The careful attention which has 
 always been given here to military instruction gave the University 
 of Illinois a certain advantage in this respect over most other in- 
 stitutions. The technical knowledge and research facilities of 
 certain other departments, notably engineering, medicine, chemistry, 
 agriculture, and household economics, also enabled them to play 
 an important part in the great task ot mobilizing the national re- 
 sources, whether in direct relation to the military and naval service, 
 in such civilian activities as those of the Food, Fuel, and Railway 
 Administrations, or in the auxiliary services of the Red Cross and 
 the various organizations which were finally associated in the United 
 War Work Council. An adequate record of all these things is not 
 yet possible, but a University Committee is already gathering the 
 materials upon which such a record must be based. 
 
 A few months after the outbreak of the war, it was decided to 
 organize a University War Committee for the purpose of correlating 
 more effectively the activities of the University in relation to war 
 service, and the material collected in this volume relates largely, 
 tho not exclusively, to the work of that Committee. It includes 
 two reports of the War Committee printed in 1918, together with 
 material from two subsequent reports not previously printed, bring- 
 ing the narrative down to the date of the Committee's discharge 
 in June, 1917. To these reports are added a number of pamphlets 
 issued by the Committee as a part of its program of civic education. 
 Some of these were intended to give information in popular form 
 on the issues and objects of the war, and the problems of the Peace 
 Conference. Others offered suggestions as to ways and means by 
 which the individual citizen might cooperate more effectively with 
 the Government in conserving and utilizing the economic resources 
 of the country. A few other pamphlets issued by particular 
 officers, departments, or committees, as for instance, the Committee 
 on the War Issues Course, have been added because of their 
 relation to this educational program, even tho they were not 
 strictly publications of the War Committee. 
 
It is needless to add that the collection does not include any 
 of the numerous articles on war topics issued by members of the 
 faculty through official or unofficial agencies outside of the Uni- 
 versity, such as government publications, and professional journals 
 of various kinds. 
 
 Taken as a whole it is hoped that the volume will prove a con- 
 venience to future students who may wish to inform themselves 
 on certain phases of University war service. 
 
 David Kinley 
 University of Illinois, September 1, 1920 President 
 
REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT 
 
 January 7, 1919 
 
 Activities of the University War Comrnittee for the Autumn Quarter, 
 September— Decejnber, 1918. 
 
 Under the effective plan of organization developed by Dean 
 Kinley the activities of the university community in relation to the 
 War were, subject to the general supervision of the central War 
 Committee, directed by a number of divisional committees largely 
 composed o/ members of the faculty but enlisting to a considerable 
 extent also the cooperation of students. 
 
 The opening of the current year brought a radical change in the 
 whole University situation and naturally affected the work of the 
 War Committee itself. With the establishment of the Students 
 Army Training Corps, the University administration and teaching 
 staff became virtually a "committee of the whole" for war purposes. 
 A large part of the work of spreading information regarding the 
 War and its issues was taken over by the new Committee on the 
 War Issues Course, since a considerable majority of the student 
 body was registered in the S. A. C. T. for which that course was a 
 requirement. Finally, in the middle of the quarter there came the 
 announcement of the armistice, making unnecessary, or less import- 
 ant, certain previous activities of the committee. 
 
 Keeping in mind these changed conditions, I note briefly: (1) 
 work actually done during this period either by the War Committee 
 itself or by agencies more or less connected with it; (2) phases of 
 the work which may profitably be continued during the remainder 
 of the year. 
 
 I. Actual Service during the First ^niarter. 
 (1) War Loan Committee. This committee under the energetic 
 chairmanship of Professor C. M. Thompson was largely responsible 
 for the remarkable success of the University drive for the Fourth 
 Liberty Loan. No definite quota was assigned to the University, 
 individual members of the University staff and students making 
 their subscriptions for the most part through the same agencies as 
 other citizens. University subscribers were, however, asked to 
 report their subscriptions to the Loan Committee so that a fairly 
 complete record of the LIniversity contribution was secured. The 
 following is a summary of the result which is I believe as good a 
 showing as that made by any other University in the country: 
 Chicago Schools and Colleges 
 
 Faculty and Students % 63,950 
 
 Urbana Schools and Colleges 
 
 Faculty 137,000 
 
 Employees 8,900 
 
Girls (Undergraduate and Graduate) 46,000 
 
 Undergraduate Men (Not S. A. T. C.) 4,000 
 
 S. A. t. C 29,250 
 
 S. M. A. (Officers, Instructors, and Men) 24,800 
 
 Total $ 314,000 
 
 T wish to call particular attention to the extraordinary showing 
 made by the young women of the University. It seemed desirable 
 to impress upon them as strongly as possible the idea that they, 
 as well as the young men in the military and naval services, should 
 share in the responsibilities and sacrifices which the war involved. 
 Prizes in the form of Liberty Bonds for University women who 
 proved themselves most efficient in this work were placed at the 
 disposal of the committee; but quite aside from this the spirit was 
 admirable and the result is believed to be a quite unique achieve- 
 ment of American University women. 
 
 (2) JVar Relief Funds. The chief enterprise of this kind during 
 the quarter has been the drive for the United War Work Fund. 
 In this case the initative came in large part from the students them- 
 selves and at their request I approved on behalf of the University 
 W^ar Committee the organization of a special committee for this 
 drive of which Professor C. M. Thompson agreed to take the chair- 
 manship. The amount finally secured ($46,821), though slightly 
 less than was hoped for, was nevertheless sufficient to give the Uni- 
 versity of Illinois a very high rank among the Universities of the 
 country, whether in the proportion of its contribution to the number 
 of students or in the aggregate amount. 
 
 During the last days of the quarter the membership campaign 
 of the American Red Cross was also carried through with marked 
 success. The number of memberships secured up to and including 
 January 6, 1919 (the campaign is still in progress) was 1850 and 
 the total amount raised was $2,040. 
 
 To reduce to a minimum the complications inevitably resulting 
 from numerous appeals to the same community, it was voted that 
 the acceptance of a University quota for any war relief fund should 
 be subject to approval by the general War Committee. 
 
 (3) War Employtnent Committee. This service under the 
 direction of Assistant Dean Jordan of the College of Engineering 
 was continued during the autumn. The general character of this 
 work was described in Dean Kinley's report of July 13. 
 
 (4) University War Records. The records of University men 
 in the military and naval services have been kept under the direction 
 of Dean Clark with the cooperation of this committee. By arrange- 
 ment with the Comptroller a credit of $500 from the War Committee 
 
appropriation was set aside for this purpose. It is unnecessary to 
 dwell upon the importance of these records as material for the future 
 historian of the University and as sources of inspiration to the 
 coming generation of University men. 
 
 (5) War Memorials. The Committee has given some thought 
 to the subject of permanent memorials at the University for those 
 of its members who have given their lives in the military and naval 
 services. Ultimate decisions respecting a really adequate memorial 
 naturally lie outside the jurisdiction of an emergency organization 
 like our own. Two step's, however, have been taken looking in 
 this direction: (1) Mr. H. S. Magill, director of the Illinois Cent- 
 ennial Commission suggested that the University might take a 
 certain quota of the Illinois centennial coins (fifty cent pieces coined 
 by the United States mint in recognition of the centennial anniversary 
 of the admission of Illinois into the Union) and sell them to students 
 and others as souvenirs at a charge of one dollar each, using the 
 profits of the transaction either for some specific smaller memorial, 
 such as a bronze tablet, or as the nucleus of a larger fund. With 
 your approval, we agreed to undertake this enterprise and Assistant 
 Dean Warnock was appointed a committee to carry out the plan. 
 It is proposed at present to take 1,000 of these coins, which, if all 
 are sold, will net ?500 for the proposed fund. (2) It has seemed 
 also worth while to initiate a discussion respecting the larger memor- 
 ial which the University will undoubtedly wish to dedicate to those 
 who have fallen in the Great War. A special committee has been 
 appointed to consider this subject consisting of Dean Kinley, chair- 
 man, Dean Clark, Professor J. M. White, and Director G. A. Hufi^. 
 
 (6) Conservation Activities. The events of the past quarter 
 have naturally lessened the need for this kind of service. The 
 special Committee on Fuel of which Professor A. C. Willard is 
 chairman prepared a short circular to members of the University 
 staff designed to prevent waste in University buildings. The War 
 Committee cooperated with the county food conservation committee 
 in arranging for an address at the University i\uditorium by Mrs. 
 Forbes-Robertson Hale. 
 
 (7) University Lectures on War Topics. These were necessarily 
 reduced to a minimum because of the influenza epidemic and the 
 preoccupation of faculty and students with the S. A. T. C. The 
 most notable events of this kind were the meetings held in honor 
 of the British and French Missions and the series of lectures given 
 by Lord Charnwood. A special service was held under the auspices 
 of the War Committee on the Sunday after Thanksgiving, to cele- 
 brate the signing of the armistice. The exercises consisted of music 
 under the direction of Professor Erb and an address by Professor 
 S. P, Sherman. 
 
(8) Publications. One of the most important forms of service 
 undertaken by the Committee last year was the publication of a 
 series of leaflets intended to furnish information for the general 
 public on war issues and problems. A list of these pamphlets is 
 given in Dean Kinley's report of July 13. A considerable part 
 of the distributing and some of the printing were not completed 
 until after that date with the result that over $2,000 of this expense 
 has been charged to this year's account. These pamphlets have 
 been widely distributed and requests have come from distant states 
 as well as from those in our immediate neighborhood. 
 
 After the signing of the armistice it seemed to us that a different 
 type of publication was desirable, dealing with the problems in- 
 volved in the international settlement. Accordingly a new publi- 
 cation committee was appointed consisting of Professor L. M, 
 Larson, chairman. Professors Ernest Bernbaum, J. W. Garner, 
 Simon Litman, A. T. Olmstead, and Jacob Zeitlin. A partial list 
 of the publications agreed upon for a series of short pamphlets 
 follows: "The New Arabian State," Professor Olmstead; "Con- 
 stantinople," Professor Olmstead; "The German Colonies," Pro- 
 fessor Bernbaum (tentative); "The Russian Situation," Professor 
 Zeitlin; "The Ukraine," Professor Litman; "What to do with 
 Turkey," Professor Newell; "The League of Nations," Professor 
 Greene; "Economic Aspects of Reconstruction," Professor Robinson; 
 "The Present Status of Liternational Law," Professor Garner; 
 "The Jugo-Slavs," Dr. P. V. B. Jones; "The Basin of the Baltic," 
 Professor Larson. A considerable amount of work has already 
 been done upon this series and it is expected that two numbers 
 will be ready for the press in about a week. It is proposed to in 
 elude in these pamphlets simple non-controversial material on 
 geographic, ethnographic, economic, and political factors in what 
 may be called the "problem areas" of Europe, together with certain 
 other topics likely to be considered by the peace congress. 
 
 IL Continuation of Existing Service. 
 
 M uch of the work above described will not be needed under 
 the changed conditions but some of it will require attention during 
 the winter and spring quarters. The following activities of the 
 Committee seem to come under this latter head: 
 
 The War Loan Service. The Fifth Liberty Loan has already 
 been announced and there should be some University agency ready 
 to cooperate in securing the fullest possible subscription by the 
 University community; It would be a misfortune to mar the fine 
 record already made by any slackening at the end. The leadership 
 of University men is peculiarly important now in view of the natural 
 tendency of the public to relax after the peculiar strain of war has 
 been removed. ' 
 
War Relief Funds. There is still need for assistance and some 
 supervision not merely to insure liberal giving but also to avoid 
 the irritation which sometimes comes from injudicious methods. 
 
 University War Service Records. This work will of course be 
 continued in Dean Clark's office but its future financial support 
 is a matter which should doubtless be taken up independently of 
 this Committee. 
 
 Publications. I hope that it may be possible to carry through 
 the pamphlet series above described. 
 
 Lectures and Conferences on Problems of International Settlement 
 arid Reconstruction. By enlisting the cooperation of members of 
 the faculty we fnay be able to initiate some helpful discussions 
 even though no considerable amount is available for speakers from 
 the outside, though such a series could be made stronger if some 
 outside assistance could be secured.* 
 
 *The remaining paragraphs of the report, dealing with certain matters of detail 
 in connection with the business of the Committee, are omitted. The full report 
 has been filed with the collection of materials in the hands of the Committee on the 
 Participation of the University in the War. 
 
REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT 
 
 June 24, 1919 
 
 Final Report of the University War Coinmittee, January-June, 1919. 
 The activities of the Committee before these dates were covered in 
 Dean Kinley's printed reports of January 7, and August 5, 1918, 
 and my own report of January 7, 1919. As I indicated in the report 
 of January 7, the work of many of our divisional committees practi- 
 cally ended with the signing of the armistice in November. With 
 your approval the work of the Committee has been continued for 
 the purpose of dealing with a few services which are described below. 
 
 I. War Loan Committee — The Chief task of this Committee 
 was the organization of the University drive for the Victory Loan. 
 Professor C. M. Thompson having resigned the chairmanship of 
 the Committee, he was succeeded by Professor C. A. Ellis of the 
 Department of Civil Engineering. The work was carried on under 
 obvious difficulties since we lacked some of the stimulus which 
 comes from an actual state of war. Nevertheless, the Committee 
 did its work seriously and effectively with the result that a creditable 
 showing was made. The procedure adopted, as in the case of the 
 Fourth Liberty Loan, was not to take the actual subscriptions in 
 the University, but to ask each person to subscribe at his own bank 
 and report the amount of his subscriptions to the University Com- 
 mittee. The total amount raised in the University was $86,300, 
 of which the faculty and members of the operating staff contributed 
 ?82,000 and the students $4,050. The amount is of course much 
 less than that of the Fourth Loan, which reached approximately 
 $314,000. It should be noted, however, that the former amount 
 included $63,950 from the Chicago schools and colleges, which were 
 unable to report on the subscriptions taken by their instructors 
 and students in the Victory Loan. Included in the Fourth Loan, 
 also, were $54,050 taken through the S. A. T. C. and S_. M. A. organ- 
 izations and $46,100 from the women of the University. The 
 military organizations were not available for the Victory Loan 
 and it was not thought best to canvass the undergraduates closely 
 at this time, in view of the very generous help which the wornen 
 especially had given to the Fourth Loan. The total for the third, 
 fourth, and fifth loans, which have been conducted under the aus- 
 pices of this Committee was approximately $620,300. 
 
 II. War Relief Funds — Professor Decker served as chairman 
 of this Committee during the early part of the year, but on his 
 going to Washington Professor W. C. Coffey was appointed to 
 succeed him. The only notable organized effort in this field was 
 that undertaken for the Armenian and Syrian Relief Fund. Mr. 
 Lloyd Morey, the treasurer of this fund, reports that a total of 
 $2509.36 was raised in the University community. 
 
 10 
 
III. University War Service Records — As I stated in my report 
 of January 7, the War Committee allotted the sum of $500 for the 
 continuance of this work which was begun last year. I assume 
 that the admirable service which has been given by Dean Clark 
 will be continued and pushed to a conclusion. Dean Clark has 
 made the following statement regarding his work, under date of 
 April 23: 
 
 "At your request I am submitting a brief report of the work 
 which I have done as the committee on war records. Early in the 
 history of the war I began to collect all the information I could 
 relative to men who had gone into the service. Later I was appoint- 
 ed by the Council of Administration to do this work. I have sent 
 out a half-dozen or more questionnaires to parents, former students, 
 and men in the service, have started a record for each man, and 
 have kept clippings, photographs, and souvenirs of individual men, 
 and these I have filed alphabetically. I sent out a Christmas letter 
 in 1917 and one in 1918 to all men in the service. I have also sent 
 out postal cards of University scenes to everybody and one or two 
 circular letters. By this means I have been able to gather a good 
 deal of information regarding the men. 
 
 This work has cost for the past two years or more probably 
 $125 a month. If I am to keep it up, it will continue to cost at 
 least $100 a month. I am of the opinion that it would be far better 
 if the University could engage a man who would give his time to 
 this work and follow up and complete the records of the men whom 
 I have not been able fully to trace." 
 
 Dean Clark has kindly undertaken to prepare a summary of 
 University men in the military and naval services, to accompany 
 this report. 
 
 IV. Committee on Publications— This Committee has consisted 
 during the present year of Professor L. M. Larson, Chairman, 
 Professors Bernbaum, Garner, Litman, Olmstead, and Zeitlin. 
 The principal work of the Committee has been the preparation and 
 publication of short leaflets, copies of which have, I believe, been 
 sent to you. The authors and subjects are as follows: P. V. B. Jones, 
 "Italy and the Peace Conference;" A. T. Olmstead, "The New 
 Arab Kingdom and the Fate of the Muslim World;" L. M. Larson, 
 "Territorial Problems of the Baltic Basin;" S. Litman, "The Re- 
 public of Ukraine;" J. Zeitlin, "The Conflict of Parties in the Russian 
 Revolution;" F. H. Newell, "Asiatic Turkey, its Problems and 
 Resources;" P. V. B. Jones, "New Poland." The first two of these 
 were printed in editions of 10,000 each, and the remainder in editions 
 of 5,000 each. 
 
 As will be seen from the titles the series was intended to furnish 
 information on some of the problems involved in the international 
 settlement after the war. The treatment was made simple in order 
 
 11 
 
to attract non-expert readers; but pains were taken to secure an 
 accurate and fairminded presentation of facts, rather than mere 
 party pleading. The mailing list included among others the public 
 libraries of the state, and an extended list of superintendents, princi- 
 pals, and teachers; some of the latter have asked for additional 
 copies in quantity for use with their classes. 
 
 V. Committee on Lectures and Conferences at the Univei:sity — 
 This work was under the direction of Professor Bernbaum of the 
 Department of English, who arranged a series of conference^ in- 
 cluding most of the topics dealt with in the publications above- 
 mentioned. In addition four meetings were devoted to the League 
 of Nations, with formal addresses by Professor Garner and myself, 
 and a round table conference presided over by Professor Bernbaum. 
 At another meeting, Professor Robinson discussed the problems of 
 "Reparation and Indemnities." These conferences began in the 
 Commerce Lecture Room, but the increasing size of the audience 
 made it necessary to transfer them to Morrow Hall; every effort 
 was made to present the topics fairly and to encourage discussion. 
 It is believed that these conferences have constituted a substantial, 
 tho modest, contribution to the important task of helping our 
 young people to take an enlightened view of international problems 
 and their own responsibility as citizens. 
 
 VI. University War Memorial— -The problem of a University 
 War Memorial is obviously one which belongs to a more permanent 
 organization than the War Committee. It was thought worth 
 while, however, to name a committee to carry on a preliminary 
 discussion of this subject. The original committee consisted of 
 Dean Kinley, Chairman, Dean Clark, Professor White, Director 
 Huff, and Mr. H. B. Johnston, editor of the Illini. Dean Kinley 
 withdrew on account of the pressure of other duties and Professor 
 L. H. Provine was named in his place. At the suggestion of Professor 
 Scott, Mr. E. C. Craig of Mattoon was added to the committee to 
 represent the alumni outside of the University. Letters asking 
 for suggestions were sent to the President and Vice-president of 
 the University, the members of the Board of Trustees, the Woman's 
 League, the Student Council of the Illinois Union, several distin- 
 guished artists and architects, the faculty, and the administrative 
 staff. The subject was also discussed at a student mass meeting 
 called by the Committee and there were numerous communications 
 in The Illini. The students haveshown an especially keen interest 
 in the possibility of associating the memorial idea with the proposed 
 Illinois Union Building. There is something to be said, in my 
 opinion, for making such a memorial the central feature of a building 
 which is sure to be frequented by a large number of young men. 
 
 Professor Provine reports that the Committee has not been able 
 to reach a definite conclusion as to the character of the memorial 
 and recommends the appointment of a Permanent Memorial Com- 
 
 12 
 
mittee to be composed of loyal alumni to continue the investigation. 
 He adds: "This work cannot be pushed and hasty conclusions 
 drawn; it will take time. Any memorial which is eventually erected 
 should be of the type which will stand the test of ages and forever 
 commemorate the part which the University played in the Great 
 War." 
 
 Meantime, he makes the following suggestions regarding a War 
 Museum and the temporary housing ot it: ' 
 
 "It seemed to this Memorial Committee that while we were 
 trying to find out the type of permanent memorial which should be 
 erected that a temporary war museum should be started as soon 
 as practicable, and the Memorial Committee was authorized to 
 consider this subject and make recommendations. Under this 
 authority Dean Clark has sent out a great many letters to the 
 mini asking for museum specimens, and the near future will 
 probably see a generous response to this request. The location of 
 a temporary war museum was considered, and it seems to the 
 Committee that the best place, under the conditions, would be the 
 rotunda (second story) of the University Library. This building 
 is opened to the public at all reasonable hours, is well located on 
 the campus, and the exhibit would have more or less supervision 
 by the library attendants. 
 
 This recommendation has my hearty approval. 
 
 VII. Publicity^Professor Harrington has been, as heretofore; 
 in charge of the publicity service. His relations with the Illin^ 
 staff, and with the newspapers of the state through his weekly 
 bulletins and otherwise, have enabled him to render service of the 
 greatest value. Much of the material appearing in the latter was 
 furnished through the War Committee or some one of its various 
 divisions. 
 
 VIII. War Employment — This work, in charge of Assistant 
 Dean Jordan, has naturally changed its character since the de- 
 mobilization process began and has since consisted mainly of trying 
 to help returning soldiers. Mr. Jordan has presented an extended 
 report on this subject to President James. 
 
 Acknowledgements — I wish to acknowledge the generous co- 
 operation of all my associates in the Committee and its various 
 divisions. I am especially indebted to the following colleagues: 
 Dean Davenport, for constant support and counsel; Professor Larson, 
 for his oversight of our publications; Professor Bernbaum, for the 
 
 13 
 
organization of the "War Committee Conferences;" Professor 
 C. M. Thompson, for his extraordinarily effective service on the 
 Fourth Liberty Loan and the last Y. M. C. A. drive; Professor 
 H. F. Harrington, for his cheerful and effective cooperation in 
 publicity service. I need not repeat what I have said elsewhere 
 about the importance of Dean Clark's work on the University War 
 Records. 
 
 The greater part of the service of this Committee was, of course? 
 performed before I became chairman. Whatever success may have 
 been achieved during the past few months is largely due to the 
 original organization of this work by Dean Kinley and the momentum 
 which he was able to develop last year. I appreciate very much 
 your own hearty cooperation. 
 
 Recommendations — I request, first that this report be accepted 
 as the final report of the University War Committee and that the 
 Committee be now discharged. I venture also to offer a few re- 
 commendations regarding possible future action of the University 
 more or less related to the emergency service of this Committee. 
 I should add that these recommendations are made on my own 
 responsibility, without opportunity for formal committee action. 
 
 L That as generous provision as possible be made for continuing 
 and pushing to an early conclusion the work of Dean Clark on the 
 L^niversity War Records. He is, I understand, willing to keep a 
 general oversight of this work, but he should have a competent 
 assistant to relieve him of the details. I recommend an appro- 
 priation of $2000 for this purpose, to be expended under Dean Clark's 
 direction. It would be regrettable if the University should let slip 
 the opportunity to make this record as nearly complete as may be 
 humanly possible. Ultimately the result should be put in book 
 form. 
 
 2. That the University take steps at once toward the compila- 
 tion of a record of its corporate activities in connection with the 
 war, and of the civilian services of individual members of its faculties. 
 Dean Clark's record is, I understand, confined to individual members 
 of the University and alumni in the military and naval services. 
 
 3. That steps be taken to make effective the present interest 
 in a permanent memorial structure for the Illinois men who fell 
 in the Great War, either on the lines indicated in section VI of this 
 report or otherwise, as may seem desirable. 
 
 4. That provision be made for binding the series of leaflets 
 issued by the War Committee. I have asked Professor Larson, 
 Professor Windsor, and Mr. Cunningham to serve as a committee 
 to investigate the feasibility of making up fifty or more bound sets 
 of this series. I will ask them to report their conclusions to you. 
 
 I 
 
 14 ■ 
 
5. That the Memorial Dav exercises be pubhshed in some 
 suitable form. There was much in that program which should be of 
 permanent interest to alumni and other friends of the University. 
 
 6. That the University consider seriously the reorganization 
 of our employment service, other than that for teachers, taking 
 advantage of suggestions gathered from our experience with the 
 War Employment Service. This seems of special importance for our 
 returning soldiers. 
 
 7. That the University, perhaps the University Senate, provide 
 a permanent Committee to plan from year to year (1) a more ade- 
 quate observance of certain important anniversaries, including one 
 or more especially associated with the late war; (2) a continuance of 
 conferences on civic and international topics, corresponding to those 
 maintained during the past two years bv the War Committee. To 
 a certain extent, this would involve an effort to correlate the efforts 
 of the various colleges and departments. 
 
 8. That the University consider the possibility of expanding 
 its extension service, so as to include not only the existing work of 
 such departments as Household Economics and Agriculture, but 
 other subjects of civic interest. There are obvious difficulties, but 
 the problem should, I believe, be reconsidered in view of the changed 
 conditions. The efficiency of our War Committee outside the 
 University would certainlv have been much greater, if a comprehen- 
 sive extension service had been ready at hand. We did, of course, 
 profit largely by the extension work of the departments above 
 mentioned. 
 
 9. I call attention finallv, to the recommendation regardine a 
 War Museum in section VI of this report. 
 
 E. B. Greene, Chairman 
 
 E. Davenport 
 C. A. Ellis 
 
 S. A. Forbes 
 
 F. H. Newell 
 
 C. M. Thompson 
 
 Committee for 191S-19 
 
 15 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XV. 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 JANUARY 7, 1918 
 
 No. 19 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, 
 under the Act of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 of the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
BOARD OF TRUSTEES 
 
 The Governor of Illinois Ex Officio 
 
 FRANK O. LOWDEN Springfield 
 
 The President of the State Board of Agriculture Ex-Officio 
 
 JAMES E. TAGGART Freeport 
 
 The Superintendent of Public Instruction Ex-Officio 
 
 FRANCIS G. BLAIR Springfield 
 
 Term 
 Expires 
 
 John R. Trevett, Champaign 1919 
 
 Cairo A. Trimble, Princeton 1919 
 
 Florence E. Watson, Tuscola 1919 
 
 Laura B. Evans, Taylorville 1921 
 
 Robert F. Carr, Chicago 1921 
 
 Robert R. Ward, Benton 1921 
 
 William L. Abbott, yz W. xA.dams Street, Chicago 1923 
 
 Otis W. Hoit, Geneseo 1923 
 
 Mary E. Busey, Urbana.. 1923 
 
 OFFICERS OF THE BOARD 
 
 William L. Abbott, '/2 W. Adams Street, Chicago President 
 
 Harrison E. Cunningham, Urbana Secretary 
 
 Edmund D. Hulbert, Chicago Treasurer 
 
 Lloyd Morey, Urbana Acting Comptroller 
 
A PARTIAL LIST OF THE ACTIVITIES OF ; ■ 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS IN THE WAR 
 
 To January, 1918 
 
 1. ]\Iilitary drill required of all freshmen and sophomores. 
 
 2. Reserve Officers Training Corps at the LTniversity. 
 
 3. Men of all classes under military instruction about 1400. - . . ■■ 
 
 4. February, 1917, President offers facilities of University to the 
 
 President of the United States through the Governor of the 
 State. 
 
 5. Loss of students since declaration of war last April, more than 
 
 1200. 
 
 6. Number of faculty, students and alumni now in the service of their 
 
 country in the war, 2582, 300 of them now abroad, and also 
 200 medical and dental students in the enlisted reserve. 
 
 7. Illinois men largely in charge of construction of the military camps 
 
 during the past six months. 
 
 8. Classes organized last spring to furnish men to the ordnance and 
 
 quartermaster's departments, about 120 students enrolled. 
 
 9. Red Cross course given completed by 140 students. 
 
 10. Ambulance unit sent to France. About $10,000 in money raised 
 
 for ambulance support. 
 
 11. United States Government Army School of Alilitary Aeronautics 
 
 at the University. 
 
 12. Food conservation. Professor Isabel Bevier spent t\vo months 
 
 assisting the Food Department in Washington. The exten- 
 sion division of the Household' Science Department has or- 
 ganized a food conservation campaign. 
 
 13. Belgian Relief. The first service was about two months after the 
 
 beginning of the war, with a donation of 50 boxes of clothing 
 and $1500 in cash. Cash raised for Belgian relief $13625. 
 
14- Syrian and Armenian Relief, $5928.09. 
 
 15. Red Cross subscriptions, approximately $3800. 
 
 16. Y. M. C. A. War fund, $28,738. 
 
 17. College of Agriculture; Advising farmers concerning crops, etc., 
 
 in the emergency. 
 
 18. A number of special investigations of a confidential nature in 
 
 connection with the war are under way. 
 
 19. University Battery now in France. 
 
THE WAR COMMITTEE OF THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Honorary Chairmen 
 
 Hon. Frank O. Lowden — Governor of the State. 
 
 Dr. Edmund J. James — President of the University. 
 
 Hon. Samuel Insull — Chairman Ilhnois State Council of Defense 
 
 General Committee 
 
 Vice President David Kinley — Chairman 
 
 Dean Eugene Davenport 
 
 Professor S. A. Forbes 
 
 Professor F. H. Newell 
 
 Professor S. P. S'herman 
 
 Professor C. A. Ellis 
 
 Professor C. M. Thompson 
 
 The War Committee of the University of Illinois was appointed 
 for these purposes : 
 
 1. To give information about the war to the students and faculty 
 of the University. 
 
 2. To spread similar information among the people of the state 
 by lectures and articles, and to furnish the press with news items. 
 
 3. To publish war leaflets on topics of interest to the people of 
 the state. 
 
 4. To coordinate the work of the many organizations and indi- 
 viduals now engaged in different lines of "war work" at the University. 
 
 5. To raise and maintain a University service flag. 
 
 6. To keep records of the University men and women in the 
 government service, especially in the army and navy. 
 
 7. To stimulate in every way interest in military work and in 
 the war. 
 
 By authority of the Board of Trustees a general connmittee of 
 seven was appointed by the President of the University. 
 
 This committee organized by selecting three honorary chairmen, 
 who have consented to the use of their names, and by providing divi- 
 sional committees as follows : 
 
 Divisional Committees 
 [For names of members of committees see pages 9 ff.] 
 1. On the Publication of War Leaflets: 
 
 The duty of this committee is to publish leaflets of from one to 
 
 5 
 
four pages on subjects of importance concerning the war, for distribu- 
 tion in large editions among the people of the state. Pamphlets of 
 larger size may also be printed and distributed occasionally. The com- 
 mittee has four divisions eadi with its own chairman, as follows: (a) 
 Agriculture; (b) Food; (c) Politics, international law and history; 
 (d) General topics. 
 
 2. On Publicity : 
 
 The duties of the committee on publicity are to gather and give 
 to the newspapers, through the Associated Press and otherwise, all im- 
 portant items of news about the work of the committees ; to secure 
 from members of the faculty articles for publication in periodicals, and 
 in every way to disseminate information on the activities of the com- 
 mittee. The committee has two subdivisions : (a) News; (b) Periodi- 
 cal articles. 
 
 3. On Talks and Lectures at the University: 
 
 The duty of this committee is to provide short talks and occasional 
 lectures for the University as a whole and for separate groups and or- 
 ganizations therein on subjects connected with the war. A group of 
 sub-committees will be constituted by the membersof the committee, 
 consisting of one faculty and one or more student members from the 
 different student organizations. Each of these sub-committees is ex- 
 pected to provide talks for one or more organizations from week to 
 week or month to month. 
 
 . 4. On Extension Lectures in the State: 
 
 The duty of the committee is explained by its title. Members of 
 the University faculty on the Farmers' Institute programs will be ex- 
 pected to devote some part of their talks to war topics. Requests for 
 war talks from public schools, teachers' associations and other educa- 
 tional bodies will be supplied as far as possible. The third division of 
 the committee will care for similar requests from Women's Clubs, 
 Commercial Clubs, churches and other organizations and individuals. 
 
 5. On Funds Collection : 
 
 Beginning January i, 191 8, all individuals or organizations desiring 
 to canvass or to oft'er entertainments in the University for funds des- 
 tined for purposes connected with the war, must submit to this commit- 
 tee a request for approval so to canvass. The committee will issue cards 
 of authorization. The committee will give advice as to the best time for 
 soliciting so that campaigns to raise funds for different purposes will 
 
 6 
 
not conflict. The committee may, if it sees fit, initiate a collection 
 campaign for some appropriate war purpose. Authority to perform these 
 services has been given by the Council of Administration. 
 
 6. On the University Program : 
 
 The duty of this committee is to study the University class schedule, 
 utilization of rooms, courses offered, etc., with a view to determining 
 whether a more efficient use can be made of our equipment and rooms, 
 whether any condensation of courses ottered seems advisable, and 
 whether new short courses bearing on the war may be provided. The 
 committee will make its recommendations or suggestions to the central 
 committee which will then take the matter up with the proper University 
 officers. 
 
 7. On United States Savings Certificates and Loans : 
 
 This committee is appointed to arouse interest in and promote the 
 sale of United States savings certificates, liberty bonds and other loans 
 of the Government in connection with the war. 
 
 8. On Students' Cooperation : 
 
 The duty of this committee is to bring about cooperation between 
 the faculty and students in all things undertaken at the University with 
 relation to the war. 
 
 9. On the University Service Flag : 
 
 The duty of this committee is to provide and raise with appropriate 
 ceremonies, and later to maintain, a University service flag. 
 
 10. On University War Service Records : 
 
 Since the beginning of the war the Dean of Men has kept a record 
 of the members of the University, past and present, who have entered 
 or expect to enter the government service in connection with the war. 
 The war committee, realizing that it could make no better provision 
 for carrying on this work simply adopts Dean Clark's staft' as its com- 
 mittee on this work. To this Dean Clark has consented. The com- 
 mittee therefore consists of Dean T. A. Clark and his staff on this work. 
 
 11. On University War Employment : 
 
 This committee secures information concerning the location, oc- 
 cupation, qualifications and availability for service, of students, faculty 
 and alumni, and keeps in touch with the various government depart- 
 ments so that when individuals are needed for special work we may 
 be able to recommend and place suitable members of the University. 
 
 7 
 
This work, like that described under committee number lo, has been 
 carried on from the beginning of the war, and has been done by the 
 Assistant Dean of the College of Engineering, Dean H. H. Jordan, 
 Chairman. 
 
 12. On Military Organization and Exhibitions.: 
 
 The duty of this committee is to participate in a military way in 
 occasional afitairs planned by itself or in connection with the work of 
 other committees. 
 
 13. On Conservation and Economy : 
 
 The duty of this committee is to influence the University commun- 
 ity to economize as far as possible in their mode of living, materials 
 consumed, etc. It is believed that the boarding bouses, fraternities 
 and sororities can be assisted to a more economical scheme of expendi- 
 ture, and that there is room for economy in expenditures connected with 
 public functions of the various University organizations. 
 
 14. On Legal Advice to Drafted Men : 
 
 Certain members of the law faculty have been appointed associate 
 members of the Legal Advisory Board, Division No. i. Champaign 
 County (including Urbana) and also associate members of Legal 
 Advisory Board, Division No. 2, Champaign County (including Cham- 
 paign) and are Hsted, with their consent, as one of the divisional war 
 committees. 
 
 The Selective Service Regulations issued by President Wilson, 
 November 8, 19 17, provide for a classification of drafted men not yet 
 called to the colors in order to determine as to each, — "the place in the 
 military, industrial or agricultural ranks of the nation in which his ex- 
 perience and training can best be made to serve the common good. This 
 project involves an inquiry by the Selective Boards into the domestic, 
 industrial and educational qualifications of nearly ten million men." 
 For this purpose an elaborate questionnaire has been mailed to the 
 registered men. A Legal Advisory Board, consisting of three members 
 appointed by the President, together with associate members designated 
 by the Boards themselves, is established in each registration locality 
 whose duty is to give advice concerning rights and obligations under 
 the Selective Draft Act and Regulations, and to assist registrants in 
 making full and true answer to the questionnaire. Every registrant is 
 expected, and by some Boards at least required, to confer with a mem- 
 ber of an Advisory Board before he writes his answers. ' 
 
Divisional and Sub-Committees . . 
 
 1. On the Publication of War Leaflets: 
 Professor L. jNI. Larson, General Chairman. 
 
 a. Agriculture : Professor J. C. Blair, Professor N. W. Hep- 
 
 burn, Professor C. S. Crandall. 
 
 b. Food : Professor Isabel Bevier, Professor Howard B. Lewis, 
 
 Professor W. C. Coffey, Professor L. H. Smith, Profes- 
 sor Ruth Wheeler, Miss Luoile Wheeler, Dr. Lorinda 
 Perry. 
 
 c. Politics. International law and History : Professor J. W. 
 
 Garner, Professor J. A. Fairlie, Professor J- M. Mathews, 
 Professor E. L. Bogart, Professor A. T. Olmstead. 
 
 d. General Topics : Professor H. J. Barton, Professor C. M. 
 
 Moss, Professor T. E. Oliver. 
 
 2. On Publicity : 
 
 Mr. H. F. Harrington, Associate in Journalism, General Cliairuian; 
 Mr. Carl Stephens, Professor H. F. IMoore, ]\Ir. W. H. 
 Buschman. 
 
 a. News : Mr. K. D. Pulcipher and staff of The Daily Illini. 
 
 b. Periodical Articles: Dr. B. E. Powell, Professor A. S. Pease. 
 
 3. 0)1 Talks and Lectures at the University. 
 
 Professor Ernest Bernbaum, General Chairman; Dean Fanny C. 
 Gates, Dean A. R. Warnock, Professor D. K. Dodge. 
 
 Sub-Committees : 
 
 The following sub-committees of faculty and students have been 
 
 appointed to promote interest in the series of war talks that are to be 
 
 given before student organizations, and will arrange programs therefor : 
 
 Social Fraternities : Lew R. Sarrett, chairman ; R. E. Foulke, 
 
 R. C. Haas, C. Fairman. 
 Sororities and House Units : Miss Clarissa Rinaker, chairman ; 
 
 Rowena Kohl, Lucile Peirson. Beryl Love. 
 Engineering Societies and Fraternities: Assistant Dean H. H. 
 Joi^dan, chairman; H. C. Dieserud, D. B. Ohrum, H. E. Kel- 
 ly, W. E. Bull, Logan Smith. 
 Agricultural Clubs and Societies: J. H. Checkley, chairman; F. 
 B. Manny, E. A. Bierbaum, W. H. Eichhorn. 
 
 9 
 
Commerce Clubs and Fraternities : Professor H. T. Scovill, 
 chairman ; George Salladin, Chester Kreidler, Robert A. 
 Bryant. 
 
 L. A. and S. Groups of Societies and Fraternities: Professor 
 Jacob Zeitlin, chairman ; R. R. Thompson, McKinley Gardner, 
 
 E. B. Vhet, P. N. Landis. 
 
 Men's Literary Societies, Law and Pohtical Clubs : Professor 
 D. K. Dodge, chairman : G. V. Knight, T. G. Searle, R. H. 
 Antoszewski, J. H. Armstrong. F. H. Fisk. 
 
 Musical and Dramatic Literests : Professor J. L. Erb, chairman; 
 
 F. K. W. Drury, W. C. Langdon, Robert Bryant, C. E. Snell. 
 
 Women's Organizations; (except social and religious): Miss 
 Louise Freer, chairman ; Francelia Sargent, Iva Newburn, 
 Eunice Badger, Ruth Lieber. 
 
 Religious Associations : Dean A. R. Warnock. chairman ; R. C. 
 Haas, Jennis E. Barry. 
 
 4. Oil Extension Lectures in tJie State: '., 
 
 Mr. R. E. Hieronymus, General CJiairnian. 
 
 a. Farmers' Institutes : j\Ir. A. W. Jamison, Miss Mamie Bunch. 
 
 b. Public Schools and other educational bodies : Professor H. G. 
 
 Paul, Professor H. A. Hollister. 
 
 c. Other bodies : Professor E. C. Hayes. 
 
 5. On Funds Collection: 
 
 Professor E. H. Decker, General Cliainnan; Professor Kenneth 
 ]\'IcKenzie, Miss Francelia Sargent, President Women's 
 League, Dr. W. L. Burlison, Mr. A. W. Gross, President of 
 the Graduate Club, i\Ir. Hugh W. Cross. 
 
 6. On the University Program : 
 
 Dean N. A. Weston, General Chairman; Assistant Dean H. H. 
 Jordan, Assistant Dean H. V. Canter, Professor W. C. Cof- 
 fey, Lieut. J\L S. Mason, School of Military Aeronautics. 
 
 7. On United States Savings Certificates and Loans: 
 
 Dr. Charles L. Stewart, General Chairman; Professor D. F. Mc- 
 Farland, Professor N. C. Brooks. ^ 
 
 10 
 
8. On Students' Cooperation : 
 
 Professor J. B. Shaw, General Chairman; Dr. G. D. Eeal, Miss 
 Ruth Lieber, Mr. R. H. Mallory, Mr. J. W. Dietz, Vice 
 President Ilhnois Union. 
 
 9. On the University Service Flag: 
 
 Professor F. H. Newell, General Chairman, Professor C. S. Sale, 
 Professor L. H. Provine, Dean A. R. Warnock, Miss Louise 
 Freer. 
 
 10. On University War Service Records: 
 Dean T. A. Clark and staff. 
 
 11. On University War Employment: 
 Dean H. H. Jordan. 
 
 12. On Military Organisation and Exhibitions: 
 
 Major E. W. McCaskey, General Chairman, Cadet Col. C. Fair- 
 man, Cadet Col. F. C. Kalthoff, Cadet Lt. Col. E. R. Brig- 
 ham, Cadet Lt. Col. L. E. Yeager. 
 
 13. On Conservation and Economy: 
 Professor Henry B. Ward, General Chairman. 
 
 General Committee : 
 
 Professor Henry B. Ward, Chairnian; Professor Maurice 
 H. Robinson, Professor Arthur C. Willard. Aliss M. F. Par- 
 sons, Mr. John A. Stevenson. 
 
 a. Finances of Organizations : 
 
 Professor Maurice H. Robinson. Chairman ; Mr. A. C. Lit- 
 tleton, AL R. E. Foulke, Air. G. E. Salladin, Mr. ]. L. Klein. 
 
 b. Coal : 
 
 Professor Arthur C. Willard, Chairman ; Mr. Russell S. 
 White, Mr. A. D. Halliwell, Mr. L. M. Winters. Mr. L. L. 
 Horen. 
 
 c. Food : 
 
 Miss M. E. Parsons, Chairman; Professor E. A. White, Miss 
 Lillian Woerman, Mr. L. L. Smith. 
 
 d. Entertainments : 
 
 Mr. John A. Stevenson, Chairman; Dr. J. E. Aliller, Mr. W. 
 E. Hayne, Miss Helene Doty, Miss Edna C. Vail. 
 
 14. On Legal Advice to Drafted Men: 
 
 Dean Henry W. Ballantine, General Chairnian, Professor Charles 
 E. Carpenter, Professor Edward H. Decker, Professor Fred- 
 erick Green, Professor W. G. Hale, Professor John Norton 
 Pomeroy. 
 
 II 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV *' •■ JANUARY 28, 1918 No. 22 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December ii, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, 
 under the Act of August 24, 191 2.] 
 
 PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS 
 FOR FOOD CONSERVATION 
 
 Prepared by 
 
 ISABEL BEVIER 
 
 Professor of Household Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
 Women of Illinois: This is your chance for War Service in your Home. 
 Serve in your trench as the boys do in theirs. 
 
THE PROBLEM 
 
 To save certain foods : wheat, beef, pork, fats, sugar. 
 To encourage a larger use of other kinds of food : fruits, 
 vegetables, fish, fowl, game. 
 
 THE TOOLS 
 
 Changed Recipes 
 
 You have many good recipes made in the time of peace. Now 
 these must be changed to meet war conditions. Change them by : 
 
 1. Using flour from other grains or from potatoes or peanuts, 
 to save wheat. In Illinois, corn is the great wheat saver. Use it all 
 you can. 
 
 2. Using vegetable fats, such as corn, cotton seed, and peanut 
 oil, for animal fats. 
 
 3. Using corn, maple, or other sirups, honey, and dried fruits 
 in place of sugar. 
 
 4. Using fish, fowl, and game instead of beef and pork. 
 
 Wise Buying 
 
 Wise buying is inexpensive buying ! Study these rules for wise 
 buying: 
 
 1. Don't Begin to Save on Milk. — Children must have it; adults 
 ought to. Milk builds bone and muscle better than any other food. 
 
 2. Spend at least as Much for Milk as for Meat. — Remember that 
 a quart of milk is equal in food value to a pound of steak. "A quart of 
 milk a day for every child" is a good rule- — easy to remember. At least 
 try to provide a quart of milk a day for every member of the family. 
 
 3. Spend at Least as Much for Vegetables and Fruits as for Meat 
 and Fish. — ^Fresh vegetables and fruit cannot well be sent abroad to the 
 army; a free use of them makes your family dietary better; if purchased 
 in season and of the sorts grown in your own locality they need not be 
 expensive. 
 
 4. Use Breadstuffs More or Less Freely According to Your Desire 
 for Economy. — The cereals and breadstuffs are usually the most econom- 
 ical of all foods. The Food Adm_inistration does not ask you to use less 
 bread but less wheat in yoiir bread. 
 
 5. Be Sparing in the Use of Meats.— These are usually the most ex- 
 pensive of the staple foods in proportion to their food value, and are not 
 strictly necessary when a proper amount of milk is used. Meat may be 
 decreased with less harm than any of the Other foods mentioned. The 
 amount spent for meat may decrease as the amount for milk increases. 
 
 Fezver Courses 
 
 Another kind of conservation which saves food, energy, and 
 time is in serving fewer courses. This means less work in prepar- 
 
ation and service ; fewer dishes to wash ; more time to spend with 
 the family. To get these good results, you must plan your meals 
 carefully. Prepare as many two-course meals as you can. Here 
 are some : 
 
 Vegetable soup, nut and cottage cheese loaf. 
 
 Potted hominy and beef, fruit salad. 
 
 Fish chowder, stewed prunes, spiced oatmeal cakes. 
 
 Recipes 
 
 Potted Hominy and Beef 
 
 5 cups cooked hominy i/4 pound dried beef 
 
 4 potatoes 2 cups milk 
 
 2 cups carrots 2 tablespoons fat 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 2 tablespoons flour 
 
 Melt the fat, stir in the flour, add the cold milk, and mix well. Cook 
 until it thickens. Cut the potatoes and carrots in dice, mix all the mater- 
 ials in a baking dish, and bake for one hour. 
 
 Nut and Cottage Cheese Loaf 
 
 1 cup cottage cheese Viteaspoon pepper 
 
 1 cup nut meats (use those 2 tablespoons chopped onion 
 
 locally grown) 1 tablespoon butter substitute, 
 
 1 cup stale bread crumbs meat drippings or vegetable 
 
 Juice of % lemon oils 
 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 Mix the cheese, ground nuts, crumbs, lemon juice, salt and pepper. 
 Cook the onion in the fat and a little water until tender. Add to the 
 first mixture the onion and sufficient water or meat stock to moisten. 
 Mix well, pour into a baking dish and brown in the oven. 
 
 Fish Chowder 
 
 1 onion sliced ' 2 cups milk 
 
 4 tablespoons drippings 1 impounds fish (fresh, salted or 
 
 12 potatoes, peeled and cut in canned) 
 
 small pieces Vsteaspoon pepper 
 
 3 tablespoons flour 
 
 Cook the chopped onion with the fat for five minutes. Put fat, 
 onion, and potatoes in kettle and cover with boiling water. Cook until 
 vegetables are tender. Mix the three tablespoons flour with one-half cup 
 of cold milk and stir in the liquid in the pot to thicken. Add the rest of 
 the milk and the fish which has been removed from the bone and cut in 
 small pieces. Cook until the fish is tender, about ten minutes. Serve 
 hot. 
 
 Choose food wisely ! 
 Cook it carefully ! 
 Serve it nicely ! 
 
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE LEAFLETS 
 
 Get the leaflets, "Do you know Corn" and "Do you know Oat- 
 meal" from the United States Department of Agriculture, Wash- 
 ington, D. C, or from your Food Administrator, ]\Ir. Harry 
 Wheeler, Conway Building, Chicago. 
 
 PLAY THE GAME 
 
 Play the game by saving wheat and fat and increasing the use 
 of potatoes. So shall the women of Illinois greatly increase the food 
 supply of the allies. Remember every yard of material, every pound 
 of food you set free for the Government counts. This is not a 
 choice ; it is a duty. 
 
 America expects every woman to do her duty in the same spirit 
 as she expects each soldier, when the command comes, to "go over the 
 top" without turning to see if his neighbor has gone first! 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV FEBRUARY 4, 1918 No. 23 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the 
 Act of August 24, 1912. .Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postaee provided for in 
 section 110,1, Act of Ocloljcr 3, 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 MUNICIPAL WAR WORK 
 
 By 
 
 ROBERT EUGENE C U S H M A N, Ph.D 
 
 Instructor in Political Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the W.ar Co^^imittee 
 
 URBANA 
 
MUNICIPAL WAR WORK 
 Robert E. Cushman 
 
 Instructor in Political Science, University of Illinois 
 
 The gigantic task in which America now finds herself engaged 
 is demanding of every individual, organization and governmental 
 unit two things. The first is service, loyal, unstinted, intelligent, effi- 
 cient. The other is team-work. It is not enough to realize that 
 every resource of property and energy must be put unhesitatingly 
 at the nation's disposal. We must paraphrase Milton's famous line 
 to read "He also serves who keeps from getting in the way," and 
 stand willing to cooperate to the point of individual self-effacement, to 
 coordinate our activities so that friction is avoided, useless duplication 
 of effort is spared, leakage and waste and inefficiency are stopped. 
 
 This, then, is the two-fold task of the American municipality 
 in war work — to render cheerfully its utmost service; and to render 
 it in intelligent cooperation with all the other agencies, great and 
 small, which are putting forth their own loyal efforts to the same 
 great end. It is these two aspects of municipal war service which 
 will mark out the two main divisions of this paper. 
 
 I. TYPES OF MUNICIPAL WAR WORK 
 
 In the first place, then, what can the American city do to help 
 win the war.^ Perhaps this question may be most easily answered 
 y stating briefly what the American city has thus far done. Natur- 
 ly, needs, opportunities and facilities for war service differ widely. 
 ley will vary with the size, location, racial problems and industrial 
 conditions of the municipality. The city of 30,000 need not strive 
 to duplicate the war activities of the metropolitan district of New 
 York any more than it should content itself with emulating those of 
 the country village. The following analysis, however, makes an ef- 
 fort to place on exhibition the more important styles and sizes of 
 municipal war work, with the idea that the individual town or city 
 may select those best suited to its own peculiar problems and condi- 
 tions. These activities may be placed roughly in ten groups, each 
 one of which warrants some little comment. 
 
1. Coordination of Societies and Organizations 
 
 First, there is the task of coordinating the patriotic work of 
 societies and organizations. All kinds of private groups, clubs and 
 associations, social, professional, political, religious, philanthropic and 
 propagandist, are endeavoring to contribute in some degree to the 
 successful prosecution of the war. Sometimes they are trying to do 
 the same thing when there should be a division of labor; sometimes 
 they are attempting different things when their energies and re- 
 sources should be pooled; sometimes they are seeking to accomplish 
 the same end by a variety of different means. Alany municipalities 
 have successfully arranged for a central agency, a local committee or 
 council of defense, in which these agencies may be directly or in- 
 directly represented, and through which their efforts may be coordi- 
 nated so that the multiplication of overhead expense, the duplication 
 of machinery and the wasting of effort may be largely eliminated. 
 The energies of all the private agencies can thus be marshaled solidly 
 behind a community effort, such as the promotion of the liberty loan, 
 in which concerted action is necessary, while at other times each one 
 can be assigned the particular kind of work which it is best fitted to 
 do. One of the serious problems produced by the war has risen from 
 the repeated, competing, multifarious and sometimes ill-advised 
 campaigns undertaken in so many cities by self-authorized persons 
 or groups for the raising of money. One or two states have felt 
 obliged to deal rather drastically with this problem, and passed legis- 
 lation making It Illegal to solicit war funds of any nature without 
 first securing a permit from the state council of defense. It Is be- 
 lieved that such stringent action would be unnecessary if In cities as 
 well as in counties and states the patriotic activities of societies and 
 organizations were coordinated by the creation of some central 
 agency which could act as a sort of clearing house and directing 
 force. 
 
 2. Publicity and Education 
 
 In the second place municipalities can make themselves most effi- 
 cient agencies of publicity and education on matters relating to the 
 war and its problems. Its work in this direction may be either di- 
 rect or Indirect. To begin with, the city may, of course, pay for 
 such advertising facilities as arc necessary for its work and which It 
 
cannot secure free of charge. But many existing agencies and instru- 
 mentalities may be turned to account for this purpose without great- 
 er expense. Streets and pubHc places may be utilized for purpose of 
 display, parade or demonstration, public buildings may be used for 
 mass meetings, the schools may be utilized as a means of reaching 
 parents as well as children. Churches, clubs, theatres and newspapers 
 are usually willing to cooperate in providing effective means of 
 publicity, if the city will call upon such agencies and tell them what 
 to do. It is unnecessary to discuss or even fully to enumerate the 
 kinds of propaganda which the city might well further through the 
 various means just mentioned. Whether it be helping Uncle Sam 
 to recruit men for the army or navy, or persuading its citizens to buy 
 a bond, or raise potatoes, or cut the loaf at the table, the munici- 
 pality may render exceedingly valuable service to the nation by act- 
 ing upon the principle that it pays to advertise. 
 
 3. The Mobilization oj Municipal Property and Labor 
 
 In the third place, the city may place at the disposal of the 
 national interest such municipal property and such time and energy 
 of municipal officers or employees as may be so utilized without 
 prejudice to the work and welfare of the city. Cities have only begun 
 to realize, for example, how useful the public schools may be made 
 for war service. As agencies of publicity they have already been 
 mentioned. Municipalities here and there have found that school 
 buildings are conveniently located and well equipped for meeting 
 places after school hours, for various patriotic gatherings, that they 
 can be effectively utilized for headquarters for registration or draft, 
 for administering relief, for assembling and dispatching war material 
 or for the conducting of work among aliens. School gymnasiums, 
 playgrounds and parks have been put at the disposal of organiza- 
 tions, official or private, who have wished facilities for military in- 
 struction and drill. Other public buildings have been made available 
 in like manner. Vacant land owned by the city has been thrown 
 open for the cultivation of war gardens. Not only have buildings 
 and property been enlisted in war service, but the municipality has 
 in some instances set its officers and employees at work to the same 
 end. With careful planning several kinds of work may be turned 
 over to the police department without perceptibly interfering with 
 
the efficiency of that organization. The officer on the beat is fre- 
 quently in a position to secure information, make inquiries and in- 
 vestigate conditions much more easily than any one else. The in- 
 valuable service rendered by the police of New York City during the 
 hard times of three years ago in helping to cope with the problem of 
 unemployment is illustrative of what may be done along this line. 
 There is no reason why the police officer in these war times should 
 not secure data regarding unemployment, destitution, location of 
 aliens and many other matters about which the municipality ought 
 to keep itself informed. In short, if our cities were to make a careful 
 inventory of their present resources and use their imaginations and 
 ingenuity, they would be astonished at the extent of the war service 
 they could render with very little expense merely by this effective 
 mobilization of their property and the spare time of their public 
 service servants. 
 
 4. Employment and the Labor Supply 
 
 A fourth form of war service open to the municipality relates 
 to labor and employment. If there ever was a time in the history 
 of the country when there was no excuse for idleness, now is that 
 time. And yet the problem of bringing together the man who can 
 do the work and the job that needs to be done is not an easy one. 
 One of the most common forms of municipal, county and state war 
 activity has been that of trying to solve this problem of the distri- 
 bution of labor. A free employment agency constantly endeavoring 
 to keep in touch with men available for work in war industries or on 
 the farms renders invaluable service when cooperating with those 
 state or national agencies which are attempting to place most ad- 
 vantageously every available unit of labor. Such an employment 
 bureau or labor exchange can also keep a register of the persons 
 who are willing to volunteer for various forms of war service and 
 act as a medium between them and those who can effectively direct 
 their patriotic efforts. 
 
 5. Relief — Charities — Health 
 
 In the fifth place, an important work can be done by our cities 
 in the dispensing of needed relief, the administration of charity and 
 the safeguarding of public health. First of all, the families of the 
 men who arc in the army and navy will frequently need at least 
 
 5 
 
temporary assistance until the national government can apply a 
 permanent policy for their relief. Even more frequently will they 
 need comfort and advice and guidance. Surely the city can do no 
 more useful work and discharge no higher obligation than in render- 
 ing such aid as it can to these people. Many of the problems inci- 
 dent to the ordinary administration of public charity become more 
 complex and acute under the stress of war and will call for special 
 exertions and high efficiency on the part of the city. And, finally, 
 at a time when the staying power of the nation is more than ever 
 before dependent upon the physical vigor of its citizens and at a 
 time when many of the common restraints and precautions are in 
 danger of being forgotten, the municipality must put forth unusual 
 efforts to see that existing health regulations are rigidly enforced 
 and new measures taken to meet emergencies which may arise. 
 
 6. Work among Aliens 
 
 A sixth and most important type of war service may be rendered 
 by many cities in dealing with aliens and the problems which their 
 presence in our midst creates. The acuteness and complexity of this 
 problem will vary greatly from place to place. In cities where aliens 
 are numerous at least three forms of work may well be undertaken 
 under the direction of the municipal authorities. First, we note cer- 
 tain protective measures which may be taken to forestall or check 
 depredations or injurious propaganda carried on by enemy aliens. 
 Of course, the national government is the authority which must deal 
 with the cases of treason, espionage and sedition. The city may ren- 
 der valuable aid, however, by securing through its police or other 
 agencies as accurate information as possible, relating to the presence 
 of enemy aliens or the existence of suspicious circumstances. Should 
 it seem desirable to require a nation-wide or state-wide registration 
 of aliens the cities would naturally undertake the task of doing that 
 work or helping with it within their own limits. 
 
 Secondly, either directly or by coordinating the work of other 
 agencies, the city may help along the Americanization of aliens. 
 Suggestions, information, advice and encouragement are frequently 
 needed by the foreigner who wishes to become naturalized. With 
 the enormous increase in the number of applicants for citizenship, 
 the need has also increased for agencies which will help the alien 
 
 6 
 
through the complexities of the naturahzation process, and many 
 municipahties whose foreign-born population is large, have rendered 
 efficient service in this direction. 
 
 Thirdly, some cities have established bureaus for the purpose 
 of bringing about among the foreign-born — be they naturalized or 
 not — a greater feeling of loyalty for the government and of giving 
 them an opportunity to air their grievances and understand more 
 fully why sacrifices and burdens are required of them. It has been 
 true, in many cases, that the most absurd and erroneous ideas re- 
 garding conscription have prevailed among relatives of drafted men 
 of foreign birth many of whom do not understand English. These 
 ridiculous impressions turn the potential patriot into the bitterest 
 malcontent. To the shame of some communities, peaceful and law- 
 abiding German or Austrian citizens have been subjected to wholly 
 unwarranted abuse and discrimination by persons to whom all Ger- 
 mans look alike; and these bureaus have been able to adjust many 
 such difficulties and preserve the loyalty of the man who is trying 
 his best to adjust himself to the bitter fact of war between the coun- 
 try of his birth and the country of his adoption. The problem of the 
 alien in time of war has vexed the nations of Europe and is vexing 
 us. It must be met with firmness, justice and tact. A municipality 
 may do much in a broadminded and sensible way to keep that prob- 
 lem from becoming acute within its limits. 
 
 7. Food Production and Conservation 
 
 In the seventh place, no more valuable work has been done by 
 American municipalities than that designed to promote the produc- 
 tion of food and its conservation. In the spring of this year, at the 
 sussrestion of Mr. Hoover and others, a very large number of our 
 cities threw themselves wholeheartedly into the campaign for war 
 garden and vacant lot cultivation. The ways in which municipalities 
 aided in this work were multifarious indeed. It has already been 
 mentioned that unused land owned by the city was thrown open to 
 cultivation. In other cases the city either rented vacant land for 
 gardens, or lent its support to secure the donation of the use of such 
 lands. Some cities hired tractors to plow and harrow free of cost 
 the lands which could not otherwise be made ready for planting, and 
 in a few instances workhouse labor was employed for the purpose. 
 Seeds were supplied at cost or even less, and water was sometimes 
 
supplied at half price for garden use. All the agencies of publicity 
 at the city's disposal were put into play not only to persuade people 
 to raise vegetables who had never done so before, but to put at their 
 disposal expert advice, demonstration and assistance to enable them 
 to carry out their good intentions. It is unnecessary to go further 
 into detail regarding a matter so familiar to us all. It is enough to 
 say that, largely due to the aid rendered directly or indirectly by the 
 cities, the national food supply for 1917 was substantially increased, 
 while the tired business man or laborer found in hoeing beans and 
 potatoes his favorite outdoor sport. Similar efforts were made to aid 
 the national movement for food conservation. Through the schools 
 and other agencies municipalities helped the food administration by 
 urging upon housekeepers the desirability of preserving and canning 
 perishable products, and of conserving the supplies needed to feed 
 the armies in the field. 
 
 8. Distribution and Marketing of Food 
 The problem of food production and conservation suggests the 
 related work which forms the eighth type of municipal war activity, 
 namely, the work of helping in the marketing and distribution of 
 food. This is a problem which we have not solved and to which the 
 energies and ingenuity of city, state and nation will have to be ap- 
 plied. Some of the municipal efforts to cope with it are, however, 
 worthy of mention. Some cities substantially increased their market- 
 ing facilities by putting at the disposal of farmers and producers 
 municipal property, under adequate regulation, for market purposes. 
 In this way the producer and consumer were brought closer together 
 to their mutual benefit. A few cities have adopted plans contemplat- 
 ing the establishment of what have been called "glut" markets, in 
 which consumers who desire to purchase produce in large quantities 
 for preserving or canning may do so at wholesale rates. It seems 
 clear that in the future the American city is going to be called upon 
 to face more directly and intelligently the problem of the distribu- 
 tion of the food supply. 
 
 9. Transportation Facilities 
 A ninth form of war service which municipalities may render re- 
 lates to the means of transportation. This is a problem which, of 
 course, concerns more those cities or towns which are under the 
 necessity of providing facilities for handling troops or war supplies. 
 
 8 
 
But there is no municipality which can afford to practice the false 
 economy which would permit streets or roads or other transportation 
 facilities to deteriorate. The avenues of traffic throughout the 
 country should be kept efficient. Municipalities which, by reason 
 of their location, become the centers for mobilization of troops or 
 war supplies have taken more constructive measures to provide 
 means of transportation. Registers have been made up of the owners 
 of automobiles and other vehicles which could, in time of emergency, 
 be placed at the service of the military department. Automobile 
 squadrons have, in some cases, been organized out of those who are 
 willing to serve in this way. There are many things which cities 
 may do to aid In the prompt and efficient movement of soldiers and 
 supplies. 
 
 10. Home Defense and Law Enforcement 
 It remains to consider the efforts made by many cities to secure 
 adequate home defense and effective law enforcement. Once more 
 the individual city will find its activities determined by its size, 
 location, racial characteristics and other considerations. Ever since 
 the dawn of history when armies have gone forth to war the duty of 
 protecting the forsaken walls and firesides has devolved upon those 
 who, by reason of age or other disabilities, were not called into the 
 active service in the ranks. Many American municipalities are fac- 
 ing just that problem. The result has been the organization in 
 many places of home guards made up of men who are not liable to 
 federal service. These home guards are organized and drilled at 
 such times as render unnecessary their withdrawal from their cus- 
 tomary occupations. They are a sort of emergency police force or 
 posse comltatus, available for the suppression of riots, disturbances 
 or insurrections, and the guarding of strategic points such as bridges, 
 tunnels, water supplies or cargoes of munitions or food. In some in- 
 stances, as in New York and other metropolitan centers, they have 
 been made adjuncts of the police force; but In other cases, their 
 organization has been Independent. Another measure for home de- 
 fense has been the mobilizing and training of the police and fire 
 departments for distinct war service. This has been done in several 
 ways. By the organizing of police and fire reserves composed either 
 of those not in active service who have had experience or of men 
 who are applicants for positions In those departments, the effective- 
 ness of the police and fire protection work has been well nigh doubled 
 
 9 
 
in some cases. The work of the two departments has been coordinat- 
 ed. The fire department has been trained to render "riot service" on 
 the behef that a powerful stream of water is frequently as efficacious 
 in dispersing an irresponsible mob as is the machine gun, and does 
 the work with less danger to human life. The prevalence of incen- 
 diary fires has led a few municipalities to give the power to arrest to 
 firemen so that suspicious characters at the scene of conflagration 
 may be apprehended with the least possible delay. Stricter ordi- 
 nances have been passed to control the possession and use of explo- 
 sives; contractors, for example, being compelled to keep their stores 
 of dynamite at night under the protection of armed guards. 
 
 A vigorous, steady and just enforcement of the law is a great 
 preventive of crime and disorder. It is needed now as never before. 
 Cooperation with the federal authorities for the discovery and sup- 
 pression of sedition, treason and sabotage is the duty of every muni- 
 cipality. Throughout the country and especially near the military 
 encampments every available means should be employed for the 
 stamping out of the evils of vice and intoxication. No efforts made 
 by the national government for the control of the moral conditions 
 surrounding the army posts can be so effective as to render un- 
 necessary all the help which the administrations of nearby munici- 
 palities can render. In short, in all these matters, no matter what 
 the state or nation may attempt to do, on the city itself must rest 
 a very large measure of responsibility for adequate home defense 
 and protection, effective law enforcement and vice control. 
 
 Before leaving our discussion of the kinds of war work which 
 municipalities have in the past, or may in the future undertake, it 
 may be well to suggest that now, if never before, the American city 
 must realize the necessity of subjecting every enterprise and activity 
 to the most rigid tests of efficiency and economy. This is no time for 
 slipshod work, partisan patronage, careless accounting and extrava- 
 gance. In the city, as everywhere, retrenchment is the slogan. Waste 
 is no longer merely foolish — it has become criminal. This does not 
 mean that there must be a sharp reduction in the expenditures 
 for necessary public work and the ordinary municipal undertakings. 
 Municipal economy is sometimes to be judged perhaps not so much 
 by the purposes for which the public funds are spent as by the value 
 received for that expenditure. One of the luxuries which the American 
 municipality must forego, as a war measure, if for no other reason,. 
 
 10 
 
is the luxury of paying its officers, its laborers, its contractors, the 
 firm from which it purchases supplies, more than it receives in ser- 
 vices or goods. 
 
 II. COOPERATION IX MUXICIPAL WAR WORK 
 
 The kinds of work which municipalities have found it possible 
 to do to help win the war have been discussed, perhaps at too great 
 length. It remains to consider briefly the methods by which munici- 
 pal war work may be coordinated with that of county, state or na- 
 tion. What demands are made upon the city in the way of coopera- 
 tion .' 
 
 There are two phases to this problem of cooperation. There is 
 first the problem of cooperative organization and there is second the 
 problem of division of labor. 
 
 1. Cooperative Organization 
 
 In the first place, then, how should municipal war work be or- 
 ganized and how should that organization be connected with the 
 county, state, or national councils of defense.' 
 
 There is no hard and fast form of organization. The usual plan 
 has been to appoint a council, nonpolitical in character, composed of 
 men who enjoy the public confidence and who will give their services 
 in an advisory capacity. Certain city officials may be members ex 
 officiis of that body, and frequently the problem of coordinating the 
 war activities of private clubs or associations has been solved by 
 making the heads of such organizations members of the municipal 
 council of defense. This central council will serve as a general 
 advisory and directing agency for the purpose of outlining and co- 
 ordinating the work of the committees which it organizes to take 
 charge of the special kinds of work in which it seems desirable to 
 engage. It is assumed that all of the persons appointed to the 
 municipal council of defense or its committees will serve without 
 compensation. The city itself will probably pay the necessary 
 expenses, although in some cases private generosity may make even 
 this unnecessary. This scheme of organization is susceptible of 
 many modifications and may be made as complex or as simple as 
 local problems render desirable. 
 
 Assuming that the city has a satisfactory board or council or- 
 ganized which may direct its war activities, the manner in which it 
 
 11 
 
can bring itself into working relations with the forces of the state 
 and nation will depend largely upon the way in which the state is 
 organized for war service. Practically every state in the Union 
 has organized a state council of defense to cooperate with the Na- 
 tional Council of Defense. 
 
 The relationship between the municipal defense councils and 
 the state councils of defense is in general of two distinct types. First 
 there are states in which there is direct connection between the state 
 council and that of the city, without the aid of any intermediate 
 agency. Second, there are states in which the local unit for war 
 work is the county, and the municipality is regarded as an adminis- 
 trative subdivision of the county. 
 
 Turning first to those states in which the cities cooperate direct- 
 ly with the state councils of defense we find considerable variation as 
 to the scheme of organization. In the first place there are states in 
 which the state council has been made large enough to include 
 among its members, either active or advisory, the mayors of all the 
 important towns and cities. In these cases, the mayors serving 
 on the state council have naturally been able to direct more wisely 
 the activities in their own cities. In the second place the direct co- 
 operation of municipalities with the state council has been asked and 
 received even when the county or township was the regular local 
 unit for war work. In Iowa and New York, at least, direct appeals 
 for assistance have been made to the mayors of cities. In Louisiana 
 and Iowa the president of the municipal league of the state is a 
 member of the state council of defense and, though in neither case 
 does he hold that office ex officio, an additional channel of commun- 
 ication is thus opened up between the state and municipality. In 
 the third place, there is the quite unique type of organization of 
 war service in New Jersey. In that state all war activities are placed 
 under the control of the adjutant general's office with which is as- 
 sociated a committee of public safety, composed exclusively of the 
 mayors of the state and working through a small executive commit- 
 tee. While many states have councils of defense in which the officers 
 of important cities have places, this seems to be the only instance 
 in which the state council is composed only of city officials and on 
 which no other subdivisions, interests and organizations are given 
 representation. 
 
 Much more numerous, however, than these instances of direct 
 
 12 ■ ' 
 
cooperation between city and state are the cases where the county 
 or township is made the unit for local war service. This county 
 form of organization has very generally commended itself to state 
 defense authorities because it covers the entire geographical area of 
 the state and brings both urban and rural districts alike into touch 
 with the central agency. 
 
 The relation between the municipality and these county coun- 
 cils of defense differs from state to state. In a few cases the city 
 organization will supersede that of the county. In Xew York City, 
 for example, the mayor's committee on national defense controls 
 the war activities of the five counties comprising Greater New York. 
 In other cases where cities are important but do not swallow up the 
 county they are given ample representation on the county councils 
 of defense and may even dominate its policy though they do not 
 exercise independent power. In many of the primarily rural middle 
 western counties, however, the county council will itself control the 
 war work for that district through the agencies of committees in 
 towns or villages or in some cases by its own direct action. In the 
 state of Texas the existence of the city Is being ignored and a plan 
 is on foot to organize, under the direction of the county councils of 
 defense, subcommittees In every voting precinct in the county. 
 
 The foregoing analysis indicates how many possibilities there 
 are In the way of organizing the war work of a state and giving the 
 municipality a place in that general program of patriotic endeavor. 
 Thus far the Illinois state council of defense seems not to have 
 adopted any definite scheme of local organization. Should It decide 
 to do so the probabilities are that the county would be made the 
 local unit as such a plan would seem to be necessary to reach effec- 
 tively all the districts in a state so largely rural. But It is hardly con- 
 ceivable that any plan of organizing the war resources of the state 
 would fall to avail itself of the services of such effective councils of 
 defense as might be operating in the towns and cities of the state. 
 Whether Illinois municipalities are asked to coordinate their patrio- 
 tic efforts with those of a county organization or a state organization 
 is a matter of small importance so long as they work loyally and co- 
 operate intelligently and wholeheartedly. 
 
 2. Division of Labor 
 ■ It has already been noted that while cooperation in war work 
 
 13 
 
demands efficient organization to that end, it also calls for division 
 of labor between the cooperating agencies. Viewed from this stand- 
 point of effective division of labor, the kinds of war service which 
 municipalities may from time to time consider undertaking will fall 
 into three distinct categories. First, there is work which the city 
 alone should undertake or which it can effectively do independently. 
 Second, there are tasks which the city must do In conjunction with 
 the county or state organizations. And third, there are things which 
 the city should not undertake at all but leave to the state or na- 
 tion. 
 
 The war work which the city can most effectively do alone Is 
 that, ol course, which relates to its own local problems or conditions, 
 the assumption of its own unique responsibilities and obligations. By 
 far the largest part of the service, however, which the municipality 
 can render will fall In the second class of undertakings, in the doing 
 of which It must work in effective cooperation with other agencies do- 
 ing that task, or part of a task, in which it can best serve the great 
 common end. Finally, there are a few sorts of municipal war work, 
 entered upon with the best intentions and the highest motives which ■ 
 are rather generally admitted to be Ill-advised. The Council of 
 National Defense has urgently requested local defense organizations 
 to postpone the adoption of any comprehensive plans for the perma- , 
 nent relief of soldiers or their dependents until the policy of the 
 national government in regard to that matter shall have been worked 
 out. The commandeering of supplies of food and coal and the 
 fixing of prices should be done in accord with policies formulated to 
 meet national or state rather than municipal conditions; and there 
 have been some recent cases in which well-meaning mayors and 
 sheriffs have found themselves within the grip of the federal law 
 because of their unauthorized seizure of supplies Intended by the 
 national authorities for other places and purposes. Finally, one 
 cannot too severely condemn the occasional acts of a few munici- 
 palities whose authorities in their misguided zeal sought to serve 
 their country by taking the law into their own hands. The brand of 
 patriotism v/hich confiscates land or the use of land for war gardens 
 without paying for it, compels a man to buy a liberty bond under 
 threat of bodily harm or imprisonment, or In any other way violates 
 the constitutional rights of the law-abiding citizen, even though his 
 patriotic ardor be somewhat cooler than it ought to be, that brand 
 
 14 
 
of patriotism closely resembles the brand of justice dealt out by the 
 mob in accordance with the uncivilized code of lynch-law. No muni- 
 cipality can afford so seriously to injure the great cause which it is 
 trying to serve. 
 
 Before embarking upon any form of patriotic endeavor, then, 
 it is incumbent upon every city to judge carefully, in the light of 
 such advice as it can secure from county, state, or nation, in which 
 of these three classes just mentioned that enterprise will fall. Thus 
 and thus only may it perform effectively its own peculiar duties, de- 
 termine the things it may most efficiently do in cooperation with 
 other agencies and learn v/hat it had best let alone. And all this to 
 the end that its service may count for the very most in the winning 
 of this great war. 
 
 It seems to me that this is not a problem in which this organiza- 
 tion can afford to take merely a casual or purely academic interest. 
 It Is true that the Illinois Municipal League is not a body which can 
 directly engage in war work with any real effectiveness. But it 
 does not follow that there is nothing of value which It can do. I sub- 
 mit to you that there are tv/o distinct things which this organiza- 
 tion might consider undertaking. 
 
 It might, In the first place, provide for or sponsor the making 
 of a careful investigation of just what has been done by the towns 
 and cities of Illinois In the way of effective war service, and what the 
 • possibilities In that direction arc which have not been adequately 
 developed. A report embodying these facts, coupled perhaps with 
 such recommendations as a committee of the league might care to 
 make would be of inestimable value to the municipalities of this state 
 by letting them know what their neighbors are doing and how they 
 are doing it. 
 
 In the second place, it seems to me that such an organization 
 as this might well have a committee on municipal war work which 
 could put Itself in touch with the state council of defense, suggesting 
 its willingness to coordinate with that body in any effective way 
 in which its services could be utilized. The chairman of the state 
 council of defense states that no data has been collected regarding 
 the war work of Illinois cities nor have any plans been matured for 
 the coordination of those activities. He declares that the state coun- 
 cil would gladly welcome any suggestions which the Illinois Munici- 
 pal League might make relating to those problems with the assur- 
 
 15 
 
ance that they would be of value and would receive careful conside- 
 ration. 
 
 It seems to me that in these two ways the Illinois Municipal 
 League might render definite service to the cities of this state and 
 to the state itself. It would at least make clear its willingness to 
 further the great cause of the war by helping, however slightly, to 
 mobilize the resources of our municipalities for the effective service 
 to the nation. 
 
 16 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 
 Vol. XV FEBRUARY ii, 1918 No. 24 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December ii, 19:3, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, 
 under the Act of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 WHEAT SAVING 
 
 Prepared By 
 
 RUTH WHEELER 
 
 Assistant Professor of Household Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
 Women of Illinois: Saving wheat is more important now than saving 
 
 money 
 
Women of Illinois: 
 
 It is imperative that we make a greater effort to save wheat. 
 
 Our soldiers and sailors and the allies must have bread. 
 
 A light digestible loaf cannot be made without some wheat. 
 
 There is not enough wheat in the world to give everybody the 
 necessary minimum amount if anybody uses wheat unnecessarily. 
 
 And as far as the nourishment of the body is coiicerned, wheat 
 is not at all superior to corn or oats. 
 
 Therefore, be sure your breakfast food is not made of wheat, 
 no matter w'hat ornamental name it may bear; serve quick breads, 
 cookies, puddings, pastries made without wheat; replace one-third 
 or even one-half of the wheat in yeast bread by finely ground corn 
 or oats or by potato flour or mashed potato. 
 
 The Irish potato is one of the most highly nutritious foods we 
 have. Potato bread is delicious ; it keeps fresh longer than all- wheat 
 bread ; it makes a beautiful golden toast. 
 
 Remember that graham flour and macaroni are all wheat! Use 
 crackers made of other grains than wheat. 
 
 YEAST BREADS 
 Potato 
 
 Riced boiled potato or commercial potato flour can be substituted 
 for one-half of the wheat flour in bread. The product is es- 
 pecially satisfactory if the coarser wheat flours, graham or whole 
 wheat, are used. The baking temperature should be somewhat 
 lower than that for wheat bread. 
 
 Corn 
 
 A mixture of one-half white wheat flour, one-fourth corn meal, 
 and one- fourth corn flour makes a good bread. 
 
 Oats 
 
 When one-half of the wheat is replaced by oats, the latter 
 should be in the form of meal or of rolled oats put thru a food 
 chopper. The sponge should be made of wheat and the baking tem- 
 perature the same as that of all-wheat bread. 
 
 Rye 
 
 One-half the wheat flour in bread may be replaced by rye flour 
 or rye meal, the latter giving a rather better product. The first dough 
 should be relatively soft and contain all of the ingredients except 
 one-fifth of the white flour which is saved for the last mixing. 
 
 A fair bread may be made by using half rye and for the other 
 half of the flour a mixture of three-fifths wheat flour and two- 
 fifths commercial potato flour. 
 
Rye breads should be baked at a lower temperature than wheat 
 breads thruout the baking period. 
 
 Our supply of rye and barley is being rapidly decreased by 
 shipments to the allies. Use corn, oats, and potato, preferably, 
 therefore. 
 
 QUICK BREADS 
 
 Good digestible quick breads may be made without any wheat. 
 On wheatless days either these should be served or no bread at all. 
 When large quantities must be baked at once, quick corn bread, such 
 as wafer corn bread or corn dodger, is particularly useful. It is a 
 good food from the nutritive standpoint, is palatable, takes little 
 manipulation, and so is quickly made. . 
 
 Wafer Corn Bread 
 2 cups fine corn meal i egg 
 
 2 teaspoons baking powder i tablespoon fat 
 
 % teaspoon salt 2 cups milk 
 
 2 tablespoons molasses 
 
 Mix corn meal, baking powder, and salt. Add melted shortening, 
 molasses, and beaten egg. Beat. Pour into shallow pans to a depth of not 
 more than one-fourth inch. Bake in hot oven. 
 
 Prairie Bread 
 
 V2 cup corn meal iVz cups rye flour 
 
 Ys teaspoon salt _ _ 4 teaspoons baking powder 
 
 1 tablespoon vegetable oil %cup milk 
 
 Ys cup boiling water V2 cup chopped nut meats 
 
 Put corn meal into a bowl, add salt, oil and boiling water. Mix. Let 
 stand twenty minutes. Now add flour mixed with baking powder and the 
 milk and nuts. Mix lightly, pour into a well greased bread pan ; let st?.nd in 
 a warm place twenty minutes. Bake in a moderately hot oven. Do not cut 
 until cold. 
 
 Corn Dodger 
 
 2 cups corn meal 2 teaspoons fat 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 1% cups boiling water 
 
 Pour the boiling water over the other materials. Beat well. When 
 cool, form into thin cakes and bake thirty minutes in a hot oven. Makes 
 fourteen biscuits. 
 
 Boston Brozvn Bread 
 
 2 cups corn meal 2 teaspoons soda 
 2 cups rye flour i cup molasses 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 2 cups sour milk 
 
 Steam for three hours. This is a good flavored bread and compares 
 favorably with other brown breads. 
 
 Drop Barley Biscuits 
 
 2 cups barley flour i teaspoon salt 
 
 3 teaspoons baking powder i egg 
 
 2 tablespoons fat i cup milk 
 
Muffins 
 
 Good muffins can be made without wheat by using one cup of rye meal 
 with one cup of potato, rice, corn, or barley flour, or by using one cup of rye 
 flour with one cup of corn, buckwheat or oat meal. In either case, one egg, 
 milk, fat, sirup or sugar, baking powder, and salt are used, and the whole 
 baked in a hot oven. 
 
 DESSERTS 
 
 Rye and Rice Pastry 
 
 2% cups rye flour I teaspoon salt 
 
 iVz cups rice flour % cup fat 
 
 I teaspoon baking powder % cup water 
 
 Sift flour, salt, and baking powder together; cut the fat into the flour 
 mixture. Add water, mixing and handling as little as possible. Chill until 
 ready to roll. 
 
 Drop Cakes 
 I cup rye flour 3 tablespoons water 
 
 1% cups rolled oats 2 teaspoons baking powder 
 
 Vz cup shortening V2 teaspoon salt 
 
 1/4 cup brown s.ugar ^ teaspoon cinnamon 
 
 % cup corn sirup % cup nut meats 
 
 I egg % cup raisins 
 
 Combine the sugar and the fat. Add the sirup and the water. Combine 
 
 the flour, rolled oats, baking powder, and salt, and add to the first mixture. 
 
 Add the cinnamon, nuts, and raisins. Drop on greased pans and bake in a 
 
 moderately hot oven. 
 
 MENU FOR A WHEATLESS DAY 
 Breakfast : Fruit, rice and corn meal waffles and maple sirup, coffee 
 Lunch: Baked soy beans, oatmeal muffins, jam 
 Dinner : Tomato soup, pot roast, mashed potatoes, rice custard, coffee 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Secure the following bulletins from the United States Department of 
 Agriculture, Washington, D. C. 
 
 "Start the Day Right" 
 
 "Do you know Corn" 
 
 "Do you know Oatmeal" 
 
 "Plenty of Potatoes" 
 
 "Cereal Foods," Caroline L. Hunt and Helen W. Atwater, Farmers' 
 Bulletin No. 817. 
 
 "Partial Substitutes for Wheat in Bread Making", Hannah L. Wessling, 
 States Relations Service Document No. 64. 
 
 Let us do more than the Food Administration asks ! We can 
 if all American women make food conservation their first concern 
 and put their best thought into planning wheatless, meatless, sugar- 
 less meals that are nutritious and so interesting that the family will 
 look forward to the " less" meals ! 
 
 We must save more wheat even if it costs more money! 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV ' FEBRUARY i8, 1918 ' No. 25 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December ii, 191 2, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, 
 under the Act of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 THE WAR GARDEN 
 
 By 
 
 J. W. LLOYD 
 
 Professor of Olericulture 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
 "The proportion of our national diet in vegetables is very low, and 
 it will not only do no harm to increase it, but in fact will contribute to 
 public health." — Herbert Hoover. 
 
OBJECTS OF THE WAR GARDEN 
 
 1. To enable the family to produce a supply of vegetables which 
 may be substituted in part for cereals and meats. 
 
 2. To grow food supplies at home and thus relieve transporta- 
 tion facilities. 
 
 Our Army and our x\llies need the concentrated foods that can 
 readily be transported ; and the transportation facilities are needed 
 to carry war supplies. The free use of home-grown vegetables will 
 aid materially in both these matters. 
 
 WHAT TO PLANT IN A WAR GARDEN 
 
 1. Vegetables of high food value, (a) Vegetables rich in 
 protein (meat-savers) : Dry beans, fresb Lima beans, green peas. 
 (b) Vegetables rich in carbohydrates (substitutes for other foods 
 rich in starch or sugar) : Potatoes, beans, sweet corn, peas, parsnips, 
 beets, carrots, onions. 
 
 2. Vegetables suitable for canning : Sweet corn, tomatoes, 
 string beans, peas — staple canned goods of the market ; easily pro- 
 duced at home. If cans are scarce the corn may be dried. 
 
 3. Vegetables that may be stored fresh : Potatoes, beets, car- 
 rots, parsnips, onions. Production and storage at home save trans- 
 portation. 
 
 4. Vegetables for summer use: In addition to the sorts men- 
 tioned above, plant lettuce, spinach, turnips, and early cabbage. 
 Confine your efforts to staple products ; do not experiment with 
 vegetables difficult to grow in your locality. 
 
 HOW MUCH TO PLANT ^" 
 
 For the winter supply, plant enough to have one quart of canned 
 vegetables to five persons every day, for seven months. This would 
 mean approximately 210 quarts. In addition to the canned vegeta- 
 bles, those stored for winter use should include, for a family of five, 
 approximately fifteen bushels of potatoes, five bushels of root crops 
 (parsnips, carrots, beets), and three bushels of onions. A half- 
 bushel of dry beans should also be grown if the locality is well 
 adapted to this crop and facilities for threshing are available. 
 
The following table gives the amounts of seed and land required, 
 under normal Illinois conditions and good care, to produce the 
 quantities of food materials mentioned above. 
 
 Sweet corn . 
 Tomatoes .... 
 String beans 
 
 Peas 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Beets 
 
 Carrots 
 
 Parsnips 
 
 Onions 
 
 Dry beans 
 
 Amount of 
 seed 
 
 I pt. 
 
 50 plants 
 
 I pt. 
 
 3 Pts. 
 
 1V2 bu. 
 
 I oz. 
 
 I oz. 
 
 1 oz. 
 
 2 oz. 
 2 qts. 
 
 Area of land 
 
 1500 sq. ft. 
 
 800 sq. ft. 
 
 300 sq. ft. 
 1200 sq. ft. 
 3600 sq. ft. 
 
 100 sq. ft. 
 
 150 sq. ft. 
 
 150 sq. ft. 
 
 400 sq. ft. 
 1200 sq. ft. 
 
 Product 
 
 40 doz. 
 6 bu. 
 
 2 bu. 
 
 3 bu. 
 15 bu. 
 
 1 bu. 
 
 2 bu. 
 
 2 bu. 
 
 3 bu. 
 1/2 bu. 
 
 Prod, after 
 processing 
 
 60 qts. 
 
 100 qts. 
 
 30 qts. 
 
 20 qts. 
 
 Lima beans may be advantageously substituted for part of the 
 corn. The total area of land indicated is 9,400 square feet — equi- 
 valent to a town lot 66 by approximately 142 feet. For growing a 
 supply of vegetables for summer use, about 50 percent additional 
 seed and space would be required. 
 
 WHAT TO DO AND HOW 
 
 1. Prepare the soil thorouglily before planting. If manure 
 can be obtained, apply it before plowing. Plow as early as the soil 
 is in suitable condition for working. Disk and harrow until the 
 surface is thoroughly pulverized. Use steamed bone meal and dried 
 blood for fertilizer if manure cannot be obtained. j\Iix these 
 materials with the surface soil by harrowing. Finish the preparation 
 of the seed bed for small seeds by planking or hand-raking. 
 
 2. Plant good seed. Seed is scarce this year; order early. 
 
 3. Plant carefully. Don't waste any seed. Plant small seeds 
 shallow and large seeds more deeply. Firm the soil well over the 
 seeds after covering. 
 
 4. Plant at the proper distances. Allow enough space between 
 rows for tillage and for full development of the plants. Corn needs 
 more space than carrots. 
 
 5. Plant at the right time. Potatoes, peas, beets, carrots, 
 parsnips, and onions should be planted early — as early as the ground 
 can be worked in spring. The planting of beans, corn, and tomatoes 
 must be deferred until the weather is warm. 
 
6. Take good care of the growing crops. Cultivate frequently. 
 Weed and thin where necessary. Protect from attacks of insects 
 and fungous diseases. 
 
 GET MORE INFORMATION 
 
 Get Circular No. 198, on Home Vegetable Gardening, from 
 the Illinois Agricultural Experiment Station, Urbana, Illinois ; 
 and the following publications from the United States Department 
 of Agriculture, Washington, D. C. : Farmers' Bulletin 818, The 
 Small Vegetable Garden ; Farmers' Bulletin 853, Home Canning of 
 Fruits and Vegetables ; Farmers' Bulletin 879, Home Storage of 
 Vegetables. 
 
 WHAT TO DO NOW 
 
 1. Select your garden site. 
 
 2. Plan your garden. 
 
 3. Order your seeds. 
 
 4. Read gardening literature. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 
 Vol. XV 
 
 MARCH 18, 1918 
 
 No. 29 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act 
 
 of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 A PROGRAM IN 
 
 FOOD PRODUCTION 
 
 By 
 EUGENE DAVENPORT 
 
 Dean of the College of Agriculture 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 URBANA 
 
 The Latest Word: Sell wheat; don't hold it. To hold back wheat for 
 
 a higher price may mean to lose the war. The outcome depends 
 
 today more upon the civil population than upon the military. 
 
A PROGRAM IN FOOD PRODUCTION 
 
 In ordinary times the farmer follows the markets and raises the 
 crops that pay him best. This is not only good business but in the 
 long run it is the best way of serving the public. 
 
 Now, however, a higher duty rests upon him. He is in posses- 
 sion of our lands and he must produce, first of all, those foods which 
 the world needs most, regardless of what may be most profitable. 
 Like the soldier, he must do the thing which circumstances require, 
 even at a sacrifice. Unlike the soldier, he will not be called upon to 
 make the supreme sacrifice. While the war lasts, the obligation of 
 the farmer is to work his lands to the best advantage of the Nation 
 and its Allies. In the last analysis the land belongs to the people, 
 and the question before every farmer now is this: "What would 
 Uncle Sam tell me to do on my farm if he were a real person in charge 
 of this war and the resources of the country?" 
 
 The markets, being demoralized by congested and irregular 
 transportation, are no longer a guide to what the world needs. That 
 guide is now the Food Administration, which knows the needs of the 
 armies and the Allies and whose expression of these needs as en- 
 dorsed by the Department of Agriculture is the working basis for 
 an effective program in food production. 
 
 All these needs are for standard foods, and we shall get on best 
 by adhering to the major foods produced by methods well established 
 by long experience. The situation does not call for a revolution in 
 American farm practice, but rather for certain shifts to meet the 
 disturbed conditions across the water. 
 
 THE NEED FOR WHEAT 
 
 The supreme need is for wheat, the greatest of all the bread 
 grains and, with minor exceptions, the most readily transported and 
 stored. European fields are devastated and European farmers have 
 largely turned soldiers. Remote supplies are shut away by lack of 
 shipping, and America must make good that reduction. This will 
 call for more than twice our usual export. With a world shortage 
 when the war began and with a bad season behind us, every acre 
 that can grow wheat should do that work until the shortage is made 
 good and a safe surplus is accumulated. 
 
 FAT ■•,,,, ;■■-;' . 
 
 Wars are fought on fat, and fat is the most concentrated of all 
 the forms of food that put energy into the body. It is fat that the 
 Germans lack, it is fat that our corn can produce far beyond the 
 
capacity of any other crop. Vegetable fats and oils are good, but 
 for a variety of reasons the animal fats are far better. Our second 
 great undertaking must be, therefore, to produce the largest amounts 
 possible of the animal fats. 
 
 PORK 
 
 Of all forms of animal fat, butter and pork are the most de- 
 sirable, butter for sedentary people and pork for the laborer, the 
 camper, the soldier — the man who lives out of doors and who needs 
 to get the greatest possible energy out of his food. For this purpose 
 pork is better than butter, for it carries a considerable proportion 
 of lean meat. 
 
 Pork is preferable for still another reason: the pig can make 
 more pounds of human food out ot his feed than can any other 
 animal except the cow, and that is a fundamental consideration now. 
 The following table from Jordan's "The Feeding of Animals" gives 
 the amounts of human food actually eatable that can be made by the 
 different animals from one hundred pounds of digestible feed. 
 
 HUMAN FOODS PRODUCED FROM 100 POUNDS OF DIGESTIBLE MATTER CONSUMED 
 
 ANIMAL EDIBLE SOLIDS ANIMAL EDIBLE SOLIDS 
 
 IN POUNDS IN POUNDS 
 
 Cow (mi;k) 18.0 Poultry (eggs) S.l 
 
 Pig (dressed) 1S.6 Poultry (dressed) 4.2 
 
 Cow (cheese) 9.4 Lamb (dressed) 3.2 
 
 Ca'f (dressed) ; , 8.1 Steer (dressed) 2.8 
 
 Cow (butter) S.4 Sheep (dressed) 2.6 
 
 Not only is the pig the most efficient source of all the fats, but 
 fortunately Indian corn, the great crop in which i^merica excels, is 
 of all the feeds the best for the making of high-grade pork. Here 
 is a cumulative advantage in food production possessed by no other 
 country in the world. 
 
 LESS Fx^T BEEF AND MUTTON 
 
 If we are to raise more wheat with less labor, it must mean some 
 reduction in the corn crop, and this reduction must be made good 
 by marketing our beef and mutton with less fat. Tallow and mutton 
 fat are far less eatable than are pork and butter, and the carcass of 
 beef and mutton is less easily transported and stored than is bacon. 
 We shall eat leaner beef and mutton, therefore, while the war' lasts 
 and, for a time at least, less of it. 
 
 KEEP UP NUMBERS 
 
 This need not mean that we shall raise fewer animals. Indeed 
 the opposite policy should prevail. Europe will need our animals 
 
for the restocking of her herds as soon as the war is over. We have 
 immense quantities of pasture and of forage and these should go 
 into young animals, marketed without extreme finish while the war 
 lasts but maintained in full supply for restocking at whatever mo- 
 ment it may cease. 
 
 THE FARMER MUST HAVE A PROFIT 
 
 While the farmer like the soldier must do his duty, and at a 
 sacrifice if need be, there is one important difference between the 
 two. The soldier has but one duty, to fight. He is being fed and 
 suppor ed from behind. The farmer has two duties: one is to feed 
 the world; the other is to do his share in supporting the army with 
 adequate supplies and in meeting the expense of the war. This 
 second duty he cannot discharge unless his business pays out as he 
 goes along, for the farmer is not a capitalist. 
 
 A PROGRAM OF CONSUMPTION 
 
 To carry out a program of production will require a reasonable 
 program of consumption. If, for example, the housekeeper uses a 
 kind of potato paste as substitute for butter, she will not only cheat 
 her family of a needful food, but she will by that much help to 
 break down the dairy business, which produces the cheapest of all 
 animal foods. If she reduces milk consumption she will do the 
 same, with nothing gained either in food or in money. 
 
 If transportation fails to reduce congestion at any point, the 
 markets will become clogged and the resulting low prices will demor- 
 alize production. Mr. Hoover must prevent this. If he cannot 
 ship, he will ask us to consume until he can relieve congestion. 
 
 Therefore FOLLOW HOOVER! When he says "save,"we should 
 save; when he says "consume, "we should consume. In this way 
 only can production be sustained. 
 
 This in general is Tlie Illinois Program agreed upon by a recent War Conference atUrbana called 
 by the farmers of Illinois, the State Council of Defense, and the University.^ The program is recommend- 
 ed to all farmers. It can be had in full by applying to the State Council of Defense, 120 West Adams 
 Street, Chicago. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV. APRIL 8, 1918. " No. 32 
 
 Entered as secoDd-cIass matter December 11. 1912, at the post office at Urbana Illinois, under the Act 
 
 of August 24, 1912.) 
 
 WHAT EVERY ONE SHOULD KNOW ABOUT 
 
 WAR LEGISLATION 
 
 By 
 
 ROBERT EUGENE CUSHMAN, Ph. D., 
 
 Instructor in Political Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
 Don't find fault with the law and the Government in this crisis! 
 
 Obey them! 
 
WAR LEGISLATION 
 
 What Is Our War Legislation? 
 
 It consists of special burdens, obligations, and restraints imposed upon us be- 
 cause we are at war. It is emergency legislation necessary to our national defense, 
 and for the most part will not remain after the war has ended. 
 
 // is necessary: first, to stamp out treason and disloyalty; second, to mobilize 
 American patriotism and conserve our strength and resources. The loyal citizen 
 wishes to serve; the war legislation shows him what to do and what not to do. 
 
 // is your legislation. You made it. You elected the Congress whichYramed 
 it and the President who approved it. It is the crystallized will of the whole people 
 — vour will and the will of the nation. 
 
 Why Understand It? ' 
 
 Because even the loyal citizen may easily break the law without knowing it. 
 If you do break it, it is no defense that you were ignorant or that you meant well. 
 "Ignorance of the law excuses no man." 
 
 Because public opinion must help enforce the law. You cannot do your part 
 unless you know its methods and its purposes. The good citizen is the intelligent 
 citizen. Learn what the law demands of you and tell your neighbor! 
 
 WHAT THE LAW REQUIRES US TO DO 
 
 SOME MUST FIGHT— CONSCRIPTION 
 
 Why? Because the nation cannot wait for volunteers. Because the nation 
 must be free to choose the men|who can best be spared and who are best fitted. 
 
 Who? Men between 21 and 30 inclusive. These men numbered 9,569,382 on 
 June 5, 1917. Men may be exempted for reasons stated by law; e. g., physical de- 
 ifects, dependent relatives, etc. No one can buy exemption from the draft. No 
 one can send a substitute. 
 
 When? As fast as they are needed and can be used. In the order in which they 
 can best be spared. 
 
 How Long? Until the cause for which we are fighting has triumphed. 
 
 Penalty? Imprisonment for the man who fails to respond. 
 
 ALL MUST PAY— TAXATION 
 
 The Reason. War takes money as well as men. Our government has appro- 
 priated $21,390,000,000 during the first year of the war. Of this, 52,500,000,000 
 must be raised by taxation, a sum nearly as large as the entire cost of our Civil War. 
 
 Your share. Depends roughly upon your ability to pay. The rich must 
 pay. The poor must pay. There are taxes upon luxuries. There are taxes upon 
 necessities. We have not yet begun to approach the burden of taxation now borne 
 by European countries. 
 
The Taxes 
 
 1. The Inheritance Tax. An f'lnhentantel of $50,000 or less is taxed' 2%. 
 A tax of 2% is laid on all inheritances over that amount supplemented^by a series 
 of surtaxes or additional taxes running up to 25% on the amount ot the inheritance 
 above $10,000,000. 
 
 2. The Income Taxes. Two income'^ tax^^vlaws are in force. To determine 
 one's income tax it is necessary to compute the amount due under the act ot Septem- 
 ber 8, 1916, and add to it the tax due under the war income tax law of October 3, 
 1917. Under the new law $1000 net incomes of single persons and $2000 net incomes 
 of married persons are exempt from taxation. Above those points the rates range 
 from 2% up finally to 50% on the amount of income above $1,000,000. 
 
 3.S The Corporation Tax. Taxes are now levied upon the net incomes of all 
 business' corporations (with a few exceptions) at a flat rate of 6%. 
 
 4. Excess Profits Tax. These taxes are laid upon the profits of individuals, 
 partnerships, and corporations which, after certain deductions are made, are higher 
 than certain percentages of the capital invested. These range from a tax of 20% 
 on profits up to 15% to 60% on profits of 33% or more. When trades, businesses, oc- 
 cupations, or professions have no actual invested capital, an 8% tax is laid on the 
 net incomes of individuals above $6000 and of corporations above^ $3000.|i'i^ The pro- 
 visions of this law are exceedingly! complicated^ 
 
 5. Taxes on Luxuries. It is natural that heavy taxes should be levied upon 
 luxuries. Some of the important commodities in this class are: intoxicating liquors, 
 soft drinks, automobiles, jewelry, sporting goods, cameras, chewing gum, playing 
 cards, yachts, admissions to places of amusement, dues of societies and organizations. 
 The taxes on all such commodities are paid directly by the manufacturer and in- 
 directly by the consumer in higher prices 
 
 6. Taxes on Necessaries. Luxuries cannot pay all the taxes. Large sums 
 must be raised hy[ taxing the common necessities of life. Taxes are therefore placed 
 upon medicines, toilet articles, railroad tickets, long distance telephone service, tel- 
 egrams, postal service, insurance policies, express and parcel post packages, and numer- 
 ous commercial and financial documents such as bonds, stocks,' promissory notes, 
 
 deeds, etc. 
 
 WHAT THE LAW FORBIDS US TO DO 
 
 ACTS OF TREASON AND DISLOYALTY 
 
 The government deals promptly and severely with traitors, spies, and disloyal 
 agitators. Treason is the crime of "levying war against the United States, or in ad- 
 hering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort." It is punishable by death. 
 Other offences (given below) are punished by heavy penalties. 
 
 1. Acting as a Spy. Every nation punishes the spyfwith death. His crime 
 is that of giving the enemy information about our national defense. Every one is 
 forbidden under heavy penalty to secure information about national defense with 
 
the intention that it mav be of use to the enemy. In regard to all such matters the 
 safe rule for the loyal citizen is to mind his own business and keep his mouth shut. 
 (Penalty: $10,000 fine, 2 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 2. Violence and Wilful Destruction of Property. The law is lying in wait for 
 the man who burns or blows up bridges, warehouses, and the like. Such acts may 
 be treasonable a<- "giving aid and comfort to the enemy," while they are in addition 
 crimes against rlie laws of the separate states. The federal government has placed 
 special penalties upon violent interference with commerce, shipping, and telegraph 
 lines ($10,009 tine, 10-20 yrs. imprisonment, or both)., 
 
 3. Disturbance of Foreign Relations. To make false statements for the pur 
 pose of injuring the United States in its relations with a foreign nation is a crime. 
 It is also a crime to conspire in the Uaited States to injure the public property of a 
 government with which we are at peace. (Penalty: $5000 fine, 5 yrs. imprisonment, 
 or both.) 
 
 4. Hostile Acts Against Friendly Nations. Our neutrality laws forbid making 
 this country the base of any hostile operations or expeditions against friendly nations. 
 Persons were recently convicted in New York for plotting to blow up the Welland 
 Canal and others for scheming to cause a rebellion in India. (Penalty $3000 fine, 
 3 yrs. imprisonment.) 
 
 5. Circulation of False Statements io Aid the Enemy. A lie may be a deadly 
 weapon against us. Those who make or repeat false statements for the purpose of 
 interfering with our military or naval success while we are at war are liable to severe 
 punishment ($10,000 f:r.', 20 yrs. imprisonment, or both). 
 
 6. Inciting Disloyalty in the Army and Navy. The Germans have won vic- 
 tories in this war simply by insidiously undermining the morale of the Allied Armies. 
 It is therefore made a crime to incite to disloyalty, insubordination, mut'ny, or re- 
 fusal of duty in our military or naval forces by any method whatsoever. Men who 
 are registered for the draft are part of our military forces although not actually in 
 service. (Penalty: $10,000 fine. 20 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 7. Oh'truction of Recruiting. The law says that there must be no wilful inter- 
 ference with the man who wishes to enlist in the army or navy. There is a heavy 
 penalty for violations of this act ($10,003 fine, 20 yrs. imprisonment, or both). 
 
 8. Criminal Conspiracies. It is a crime against the United States for two or 
 more persons to plot or conspire to overthrow the government, oppose its authority, 
 obstruct the enforcement of its laws, destroy its property, or violate any of its laws. 
 Every person involved in such a conspiracy is guilty even though the plot failed 
 or was never carried out. (Penalty: $5000 fine, 5 yrs. imprisonment, or both ) 
 
 9. Threats Against the President. There is a severe penalty for any one who 
 threatens, in speech, writing, or any other way, to injure bodily or to kill the Presi- 
 dent of the United States ($1000 fine, 5 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 10. Abuse of the Flag. The laws of Illinois and other states forbid any one to 
 use the United States flag for advertising purposes or to desecrate, defy, or cast con- 
 tempt upon it in any way. 
 
 11. Misuse of the Mails. Every person is forbidden to send through the mails 
 any communication which is treasonable in character or which urges or advocates 
 
treason, insurractioa, or forcible resistance to any federal law. A severe penalty is 
 attached (?5000 fine, 5 yrs. imprisonment, or both). 
 
 12. Failure to Report Violations of the Law. Heavy punishments are visited 
 upon those who harbor violators of the law or fail to make known facts in their pos- 
 session regarding crimes and conspiracies, whether carried out or not, against the 
 United States. (Penalty: $10,000 fine, 2 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 TRADING WITH THE ENEMY 
 
 A'loyal citizen might easily violate this prohibition without knowing it. 
 You should know, therefore, that 
 
 The Enemy 
 
 IS composed of the following classes. 
 
 1. Every person who lives in Germany, Austria, or the territory of their allies, 
 or in any territory occupied by them; e. g., Belgium. 
 
 2. Every person living outside the United States who does business in such 
 enemy territory. 
 
 3. very corporation created by Germany or her allies, 
 
 4. Corporations not created by the United States or the states thereof and 
 doing business in enemy territory. 
 
 5. The "government, subdivisions, cities, officers, and agents of Germany and 
 her allies. 
 
 6. Enemy aliens interned in the United States for the period of the war, 
 
 7. Such other classes of persons as the President may designat.e 
 
 You Must Not 
 
 1. You must not have business intercourse with the enemy. Every kind of 
 financial and commercial transaction is forbidden except under such license as the. 
 President may grant. (Penalty: $10,000 fine, 10 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 2. You must not send communications out of the country except through the mails 
 This applies to every possible communication in tangible form and forbids its trans- 
 mission directly or indirectly unless under special license. (Penaltv: $10,000 finCj 
 10 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
 3. You must not evade the censor. Rigid censorship has been placed upon all for- 
 eign mail, telegraph, cable, and wireless service. You are forbidden to attempt in any 
 way to avoid submitting any outgoing communication to this censorship or by the use 
 of any secret code to conceal from the censor the true meaning of the communication. 
 (Penalty: $10,000 fine, 10 yrs. imprisonment, or both.) 
 
TRADING WITH ANY FOREIGN COUNTRY WITHOUT A LICENSE 
 
 We are 3000 miles from the seat of^war. Shipping has become vital problem. 
 The government must be able to use every American ship for the purposes which are 
 most important at the moment. Therefore no one may engage in the import cr 
 export trade without a license]^ which subjects the holder to regulation and control 
 (Penalty: $5000 fine, 2 yrs. imprisonment, or be th.) 
 
 IGNORING THE WAR RESTRICTIONS LAID UPON YOUR BUSINESS 
 
 1. Businesses Which Are Frohibited. Wp must save food. It is therefore for- 
 bidden to use any food products in making whisky or any distilled ="'nts to be used 
 as a beverage. 
 
 2. Businesses Which Must Be Licensed. Those who produce, store, or di stri- 
 bute the necessaries of life, except farmers and retail merchants, may be require d by 
 the President to take out licenses and conduct their businesses under government 
 regulations. 
 
 Such licenses are now required in the case ot foods, fertilizers, and some chem- 
 icals. 
 
 No person whatsoever may make or sell explosives without a license. 
 
 3. No Destruction of Necessaries of Life. To destroy food,f fuel, or other neces 
 sary products for the purpose of increasing the price or reducing the supply is pun- 
 ishable by a heavy penalty. 
 
 4. No Hoarding. Any person who wilfully hoards the necessaries ot life may 
 be imprisoned or fined and the hoarded goods may be sold. 
 
 5. Excessive Prices Forbidden. The law deals sternly with the profiteer. Ex 
 tor ion will not be tolerated. 
 
 Coal and coke must not be sold at a higher price than that fixed by the Presi- 
 dent under penalty Thus far the price at the mine only has been fixed. 
 
 Food and necessaries must not be sold at unreasonable prices. Licensed pro- 
 ducers and distributors will have their licenses revoked for charging exorbitant 
 prices. Unlicensed dealers will have their supplies cut off for the same offense. 
 
 Violations of any of these provisions are punishable by $5000 fine, 5 years im- 
 prisonment, or both" 
 
WHAT THE NATION ASKS YOU TO DO 
 
 Patriotism is not content with ooeying the letter of the iaw. The loyal citizen 
 will gladly do more than he is obliged to do. The nation is relying upon this vol- 
 untary cooper? tion of all the people. 
 
 Our government is still requesting of us many things which European nations 
 have been obliged to command. It rests with us to make compulsion unnecessary. 
 
 America, therefore, makes her appeal to your loyalty to do four things: 
 
 y ' SAVE! 
 
 Save Food! 
 
 "Food will win the war. Do not waste it." 
 We must feed ourselves and our Allies. 
 Raise a garden and eat perishable foods. 
 Follow the rules of the Food Administrator. 
 
 Save Fuel! 
 
 Do not burn it needlessly, x^n open grate wastes three fourths of your heat. 
 
 Use wood instead of coal if you can. 
 
 In winter heat your house to' 68° instead^of 75° and save nearly 25% of your coal. 
 
 Save Money! 
 
 Cut down money spent for luxuries. — 
 
 Buy and use only necessary articles. 
 
 Economy is vital to the nation; help make it fashionable. 
 
 Labor which produces unnecessary things is wasted. Do not encourage it. 
 
 LOAN! 
 
 If you cannot fight vou can helo by lending the government the money which it 
 must have. 
 
 A Liberty Bond is a certificate of your faith in fl^" justice of the cause for which we 
 are fighting. 
 
 The United States is the best creditor in the world. 
 
 The interest paid makes patriotism a paying investment. 
 
 Loan the money you save — Save the money you loan! 
 
 7 
 
Buy Thrift Stamps! 
 Buy Liberty Bonds! 
 
 GIVE! 
 
 The government encourages you to give generously to relieve the sufierings 
 and add to the comforts and happiness of the victims ct war. 
 
 Give to the Red Cross. Your money is needed to help care for the wounded 
 soldier. 
 
 Give to the Army Y. M. C. A. Your money is needed to provide recreation, 
 clean amusements, a touch of home, for the boys in camp and trench. 
 
 Give to the Armenian and Syrian Relief and Similar needs. Your 
 money is needed to save the lives of men, women, and children who are actually 
 starving. 
 
 WORK! 
 
 There is something you can do to help win this war. 
 
 Acquaint yourself with the countless opportunities for service. 
 
 Find out which is yours. 
 
 Do it! 
 
 Now! 
 
 8 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV MAY 6, 1918 No. 36 
 
 Entered id second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post offictj at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act 
 
 of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 WHAT THE UNITED STATES HAS ACHIEVED IN 
 
 WAR ACTIVITIES AND MORAL LEADERSHIP 
 
 BY 
 
 EDMUND JANES JAMES 
 
 President of the University 
 
 published by the university 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
WHAT THE UNITED STATES HAS ACHIEVED IN 
 WAR ACTIVITIES AND MORAL LEADERSHIP* 
 
 Friends, Colleagues and Students: 
 
 We are gathered here this afternoon, not so much to review 
 what we have done or failed to do in the Great War during the past 
 year, as to dedicate ourselves anew to the great enterprise that we 
 have undertaken. 
 
 In spite of all that has been said during the year in which we 
 have been at war with the Central Powers of Europe, sustaining 
 and helping our hard-pressed and courageous Allies, it does not 
 seem to me that the average American citizen even yet realizes 
 what a fundamental world issue is involved; how great is our pri- 
 vilege in being permitted to enter this conflict actively and on the 
 right side; how important a turning point in the history of the world 
 the outcome of this war may be; and how fortunate we are in having 
 a president, who has seized the opportunity to convert what to a 
 narrow observer seemed a mere struggle for additional territory 
 and additional material resources into a great issue in the progress 
 of human freedom. 
 
 When Louis XVI called together the Estates General in the 
 year 1789 to take counsel as to the state of the kingdom, a struggle 
 arose between the king and the representatives of the various orders, 
 which might easily have remained a mere local incident in the life 
 of a single nation. But the genius of the French people converted 
 it into a great crusade for liberty, equality, and fraternity, out of 
 which grew that mighty convulsion, called simply "The Revol- 
 ution," so fundamental in its characteristics and results, so sweep- 
 ing in its wide-spread influence, that all previous human history 
 seemed a mere preparation for it and all subsequent history a mere 
 outcome of it; all previous lines of development seeming to con- 
 verge toward it and all subsequent lines of progress to spring out 
 of it. 
 
 The present war at first was regarded by some as a mere con- 
 test on the part of great nations for more territory and a larger 
 population and greater wealth. It was natural to judge from pre- 
 vious human experiences that smaller powers standing in the way 
 
 'Abstract of an address by the President of the "University at the 'general convocation held April 
 8, 1918, in honor of the first anniversary of the entrance of America into the Great War, April 6, 1917. 
 
of the waves of this furious struggle for national supremacy would 
 be swept away, devastated, ruined, utterly effaced perhaps, — and 
 that all this would happen as so inevitably a result of the conflict 
 of great powers that while much sympathy might be felt or even 
 expressed, the only active result would be a shrugging of the shoul- 
 ders and an "alas! alas! Such is life. Such is the fate of the small 
 man! and the small nation!" 
 
 And then the conduct of the Central Powers became such that 
 even those Americans who did not appreciate or care for a moral 
 role among the nations for the Great Republic saw themselves 
 constrained to force action in order to defend our national inde- 
 pendence, nay, our national existence. 
 
 Even then the issue might have been narrowed and might have 
 been formulated as a selfish one, affecting ourselves alone or the par- 
 ticular desires of national units, such as the securing to Italy of 
 the territory it desired at the expense of Austria, or the giving to 
 Russia of the right to determine the eastern boundaries of Ger- 
 many, while to France and England should be given a similar pri- 
 vilege as to the western boundaries, and the assignment to Eng- 
 land of the German Colonies — a kind of dispute in which the Ameri- 
 can people could have little personal interest except so far as it 
 safeguarded or threatened our power or security. 
 
 With one noble and sweeping gesture President Wilson wiped 
 out all these items on the slate of world division and organization 
 and wrote down as our goal the safeguarding of human liberty 
 throughout the earth: to all people — not merely to ourselves — 
 to the small as well as to the great — to the weak as to the strong — 
 the assurance that they may order their own lives as freemen. 
 
 This is a program to which we may all subscribe, for which 
 we Americans may all toil and suffer and sacrifice and, if need be, 
 die, because we believe that human liberty is the foundation stone 
 of all human progress. 
 
 Now the great thing which President Wilson has done is to 
 make this program of his the program of the United States, the 
 program of the Allies, — nay, the program of the world; for even 
 the Central Powers have been compelled to adopt the same slogan 
 — even the Kaiser is emphasizing that he has gone into Russia not 
 for his own sake but to free its people. We have not been misled, 
 
of course, by this statement, for we know the kind of freedom that 
 the lion brings to the lamb, — a freedom, it is true, from responsi- 
 bility, a freedom from independence, from self-determination, a 
 freedom from freedom with all its toil and trouble and sacrifice, — 
 but at the same time a freedom from all the joys and ecstacies of 
 self-development and progress which]; freedom permits. 
 
 Never before in human history have so many nations lined 
 up consciously for the great end of establishing the right of all to 
 live, and also their bounden duty to let live, and for this end we 
 have to thank the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson. 
 Let us stand by him until this end is achieved! 
 
 There is another side from which our participation in this war 
 may bring to us satisfaction and hope. The advantage of victory 
 in this great war, friends, will not redound merely to the Pole, 
 the Bohemian, the Slovak, the Serb, but also, and in no less degree, 
 to the subjects of other governments, fighting not on the sid& of 
 the Central Powers but on the side of the Allies, — on our side. 
 
 We Americans can not in good conscience and with self-respect 
 line up for freedom and fair treatment for the Pole and Serbian 
 without forming a new and more potent resolution that the negro, 
 the Porto Rican, the Filipino shall have no reasonable cause of 
 complaint under our government. We can not insist that the 
 German Government shall secure political rights to the common 
 man without resolving anew that the ordinary civil rights shall 
 be secured to all our citizens alike, no matter what their color or 
 race or previous condition of servitude; without determining that 
 mobs and lynching parties shall have an end throughout the broad 
 territory subject to the jurisdiction of the Republic. 
 
 I do not mean to say that all these things are going to happen 
 immediately upon the conclusion of peace, but I do maintain that 
 they are all involved in a complete and sweeping victory by the 
 Allies over the Central Powers. 
 
 A chapter out of our own history, which we ought never to for- 
 get, will help us to understand what will be possible if we only keep 
 our eyes on the stars. 
 
 On the fourth of July, 1776, a representative body of American 
 colonists announced to the world a thesis for the defense of which 
 they pledged their lives and fortunes and sacred honor. This thesis 
 
was that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the 
 Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness. 
 
 None of these men found it particularly inconsistent with the 
 above thesis to hold human slaves in a peculiarly debasing form of 
 bondage known as African slavery. Such a practice was, of course, 
 not consistent with the profession given above, and when this pro- 
 fession was once made, so great is the power of the winged word 
 that the practise had to cease in time or the profession had to be 
 renounced. That profession was not, alas! the statement of a fact 
 in existence at that time, but a prophecy of something to come; 
 and one of those peculiar prophecies, — thank God, — the mere for- 
 ulation of which helps to their realization. 
 
 It behooves us Americans, who have entered this great contest 
 for human liberty, to remember how easily such a conflict may de- 
 generate and how necessary it is to hold it on a high plane, worthy 
 of our aspiration and our sacrifice. We ought not to forget that the 
 price of liberty is still eternal vigilance, watching not merely over our 
 enemies, but over ourselves, our desires, our ambitions, our conduct. 
 
 In spite of that magnificent announcement in the Declaration 
 of Independence, which sounded a new note in the history of the 
 world, leading directly to the French Revolution and all its conse- 
 quences, it was nearly ninety years before we in this country were 
 willing to draw the logical conclusion and to take the decisive step 
 in our own policy so imperatively called for by the sentiments and 
 language of this declaration. Eighty-five years after the Declar- 
 ation of Independence was given to the world, calling forth senti- 
 ments and aspirations that seemed to have died out in the world's 
 breast, a considerable proportion of the intelligent, liberty-loving, 
 warm-hearted American citizens pledged their lives and fortunes and 
 sacred honor to a war in defense of this same institution of African 
 slavery. And it was not until they were thoroughly defeated, until 
 a million precious lives had been sacrificed, uncounted billions of 
 money had been destroyed, that they finally acquiesced in an out- 
 come of the Civil War, which was nothing but the logical develop- 
 ment of the Declaration which their ancestors had adopted, and to 
 which they had pledged their support and enthusiasm for near- 
 
ly a century. With the close of the American Civil War, the Declar- 
 ation of Independence began to have a new meaning for us, although 
 it is far from being realized fully yet. 
 
 This war and our relation to it will put a new and larger meaning 
 into this great Declaration of which every American should be proud 
 and which every American should be determined to help realize to 
 the fullest possible extent. We shall come to understand more fully 
 than we do now that the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness are not mere negative rights but positive rights calling not 
 merely for inaction, but for positive policies on the part of society 
 that they may be fully realized. Thus the time shall be hastened 
 when no man who is able and willing to labor shall suffer for lack of 
 work; when to every one willing to do his share the means for living 
 a decent human life shall be secured; when economic and industrial 
 liberty shall be recognized as essential elements in that civil liberty 
 chiefly contemplated in the Declaration. 
 
 Toward all this a decisive and early victory over Germany and 
 her allies will be greatly conducive. 
 
 We ask you all to enlist in this war and for the duration of this 
 war in the trenches, in the factories, in the shipyards, on land and 
 on the sea, in your own homes — wherever you are and whatever else 
 you may be doing — all the time helping to create that atmosphere 
 which will insure sucess. 
 
 I have been asked to say one word, and my time limits do not 
 permit more, about what our country has already accomplished dur- 
 ing this first year of the war toward the winning of it. 
 
 First of all I wish to say in a very positive way that I think our 
 achievements in this direction have been truly remarkable and are 
 fully comparable with the best done by other nations working under 
 anything like similar conditions, and I think our Government de- 
 serves the respect and confidence of the American people. 
 
 Of course we have made mistakes — many of them and shall 
 doubtless make many more — costly, bitter mistakes owing partly 
 to^^that cockiness which is so characteristic of all us Americans; 
 partly owing to our ignorance; partly to our inefficiency in making 
 war to which this generation is practically strange, for our Spanish 
 war was not a war at all; partly to our love of individuality which 
 makes co-operation difficult; partly to our ingrained partiality for 
 competition instead of combination, etc., etc. 
 
 6 
 
In spite of all this, we have adopted a system for recruiting our 
 armies far superior to anything we ever had before. It has been 
 inaugurated without difficulty and with little trouble, and with the 
 full consent as well as the enthusiastic support of the American peo- 
 ple. It is the most democratic plan we have ever employed and with 
 a few changes will rank with the best schemes ever adopted for this 
 purpose, viz: recruiting the armies of a free State and providing for 
 their maintenance in man power and equipment. 
 
 We have called a large number of men to the standards and are 
 training them for the various branches of mihtary and naval service 
 under, on the whole, very satisfactory conditions, though there have 
 been some egregious mistakes , calculated to make us blush for Ameri- 
 can inefficiency. Instances of gross inability, however, to handle 
 difficult situations are becoming less numerous as our organization 
 is improved. 
 
 Again, we have raised a different kind of army from any army 
 hitherto produced in the history of mankind, — an army of which we 
 shall be increasingly proud as the months go on and from the training 
 of which our country will derive an advantage long after the war is 
 over. 
 
 We have begun to build and launch ships and from all present 
 indications we shall soon be turning out an increasing tonnage. We 
 were not a nation of shipbuilders and it takes time to train men and 
 get material. We are manufacturing munitions and guns faster 
 than we can get them to the front, and there is no reason to suppose 
 that we shall break down at any time in this work. 
 
 Our aircraft program has from various causes failed to meet our 
 reasonable expectations. The full causes have not yet been made 
 public but it looks now as if the whole movement were going into a 
 new era and we shall speed up in this department also. 
 
 We have been successful in our war finance. All our enter- 
 prises have turned out well. Our taxes have yielded all that was 
 expected of them. Our loans have been over-subscribed, and the 
 Red Cross, Y. M. C. A., and Knights of Columbus campaigns, fruit- 
 ful beyond our expectations. 
 
 We have been able to meet all our bills and lend in addition 
 large sums to our Allies to help them in their straits. 
 
 Above all and finally and most important of all, we have begun 
 to send troops to the firing line. 
 
 7 
 
We have already done very substantial service in helping to 
 meet the submarine danger and thus help keep the ocean safe for 
 the transport of troops and supplies. 
 
 We have sent, nobody outside the War Department knows 
 really how many, troops to France and England, but my guess is 
 over one-half million. No information has as yet been given out 
 as to how many troops are actually on -the firing line. 
 
 But one great fact stands out in which we may take profound 
 comfort in spite of regret that we have not done more, viz: that be- 
 fore the close of the first year after the declaration of war, a con- 
 siderable number of American soldiers were actually engaged by the 
 side of our English and French comrades in defending the battle line 
 of freedom on the bloodstained fields of France. Coming to their 
 aid from every part of this country are long lines of railway trains 
 filled to their limits with American boys — great steamers are send- 
 ing them by the tens of thousands to the training camps in France. 
 Guns, amunition, supplies of all sorts make almost continuous mov- 
 ing lines from the great forests of Washington, Oregon, and the mines 
 of California, Nevada, Arizona, and the wheatfields and stockranges 
 of the whole North American Continent — ever on! ever on to the 
 trenches of France and Belgium ! 
 
 What does it all mean? What can it mean except victory for 
 our Allies? The Germans may take Amiens; they may take Paris; 
 they may take Calais; but the more they take the more they will 
 ultimately have to disgorge. The further they drive forward, the 
 longer the way back. The greater their temporary victory, the 
 more crushing their final defeat. 
 
 The stars in their courses are fighting for us and our cause, and 
 if only we are true to the high ideals we have adopted, and show our- 
 selves worthy of our ancestry — in energy, in perseverance, in skill, 
 and in devotion — the victory, an overwhelming victory will be ours. 
 
 A victory for us means victory for the forces of righteousness 
 and of progress; protection for the small nation and the small man, 
 for women and children. It means LIBERTY and FREEDOM 
 for all! 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV JUNE 17, 1918 No. 42 
 
 Entered as second-class matter December 11. 1912, at the post offic at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act 
 
 of August 24, 1912] 
 
 MILK 
 
 By 
 RUTH WHEELER 
 
 Assistant Professor of Household Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 Under the Direction of the War Committee 
 URBANA 
 
 Use more milk; it is an important factor of safety in the diet 
 
MILK 
 
 VALUE OF MILK AS FOOD 
 
 It is not always easy to give the family just the proteins and 
 minerals and fatty foods that they must have to maintain perfect 
 health. Milk contains them all. It is the most valuable of all 
 foods. 
 
 No proteins are better for growth than milk proteins. 
 
 No other food contains so nearly perfect a balance of minerals for 
 building bones and tissues. 
 
 Milk contains both types of the essential accessory substances 
 without which health and even life is impossible. One of these is 
 associated with milk fat. 
 
 Other foods contain these substances but few single foods contain 
 them all in so useful a form. 
 
 As a source of protein, 1 quart of milk is equal to 7 ounces of sirloin 
 steak or 4.3 eggs. At 15 cents a quart, milk is as cheap a source of 
 protein as sirloin steak at 35 cents a pound. 
 
 HOW TO USE IT 
 
 Get whole milk. Use every drop of it. Plan to use it before it 
 sours unless you can take time to make use of every bit of it after- 
 ward. 
 
 Give the children whole milk to drink. It is a good scheme to 
 plan the children's meals around milk as the chief food, giving each 
 one quart a day, adding especially cereals, and, to supply the iron 
 which is present in too small amount, egg yolk, green vegetables, 
 spinach, carrots, and peas. Other vegetables and fruits are valuable 
 to keep the digestive system in good condition as well as for addition- 
 al food. 
 
 Grown-ups should each have a pint of milk a day. They may 
 divide theirs of they wish, having cream for coffee, cereal, or dessert, 
 and skimmed milk in cooked dishes. 
 
 CARE OF MILK 
 
 See that your milk comes to you clean and keep it clean. Visit the 
 dairy now and then. 
 
 Keep milk cold until you are ready to use it. It nourishes bacteria 
 as well as human beings, and if it is warm, bacteria multiply rapidly 
 in it. 
 
 When clean fresh milk is not available, use condensed or dessicated 
 milk. The unsweetened varieties are better for children. 
 
skimmed'milk and butter 
 
 Skimmed (separated) milk has about half the food value of whole 
 milk. It is a valuable source of minerals and of protein. 
 
 Adults may take their pint a day in this form if they eat butter or 
 fat from meat and eggs or oleomargarine made from beef fat. If the 
 fat in the diet is chiefly nut butter, lard, or vegetable oil, whole milk 
 is advisable. 
 
 Butter is not indispensable. If you cannot afford it or the govern- 
 ment for a time should need all there is, no one who has milk will 
 suffer. On the other hand, if you prefer butter and can afford it, eat 
 it when the Food Administration does not ask you to save it. 
 
 COTTAGE CHEESEi 
 
 Cottage cheese is richer in protein than most meats and is very 
 much cheaper. Every pound contains more than three ounces of 
 protein, the source of nitrogen for body building. It Is a valuable 
 source of energy also, tho not so high as foods with more fat. It fol- 
 lows that its value in this respect can be greatly increased by serving 
 it with cream. 
 
 Cottage cheese alone is an appetizing and nutritious dish. It may 
 also be served with sweet or sour cream, and some people add a little 
 sugar, or chives, chopped onion, or caraway seed. 
 
 The following recipes illustrate a number of ways in which cottage 
 cheese may be served: 
 
 Cottage Cheese With Preserves and Jellies 
 
 Pour over cottage cheese any fruit preserves, such as strawberries, figs, or cherries. 
 Serve with bread or crackers. If preferred, cottage cheese balls may be served separ- 
 ately and eaten with the preserves. A very attractive dish may be made by dropping 
 a bit of jelly into a nest of the cottage cheese. 
 
 Cottage Cheese Salad 
 
 Mix thorolyone pound of cheese, one and one-half tablespoons cream, one tablespoon 
 chopped parsley, and salt to taste. First, fill a rectangular tin mold with cold water 
 to chill and wet the surface; line the bottom with waxed paper, then pack in three layers 
 of the cheese, putting two or three parallel strips of pimiento, fresh or canned, between 
 the layers. Cover with waxed paper and set in a cool place until ready to serve; then 
 run a knife around the sides and invert the mold. Cut in slices and serve on lettuce 
 leaves with French dressing and wafers or thin bread-and-butter sandwiches. Minced 
 olives may be used instead of the parsley, and chopped nuts also may be added. 
 
 Cottage Cheese Rolls 
 
 (To be used like meat rolls) 
 
 A large variety of rolls, suitable for serving as the main dish at dinner, may be made 
 by combining legumes (beans of various kinds, cowpeas, lentils, or peas) with cottage 
 cheese, and adding bread crumbs to make the mixture thick enough to form a roll. 
 Beans are usually mashed, but peas or small Lima beans may be combined whole with 
 bread crumbs and cottage cheese, and enough of the liquor in which the vegetables 
 have been cooked should be added to get the right consistency; or, instead of beans or 
 peas, chopped spinach, beet tops, or head lettuce may be added. 
 
 iProm Dairy Division, Bureau of Animal Industry, United States Department of ARriculture. 
 
Cheese Roast 
 
 2 cups kidney or Lima beans Bread crumbs 
 1 cup cottage cheese Salt 
 
 Mash the beans or put them thru a meat grinder. Add the cheese and enough bread 
 crumbs to make the mixture sufficiently stiff to be formed into a roll. Bake in a moder- 
 ate oven, basting occasionally with butter or other fat and water. Serve with tomato 
 sauce. This dish may be flavored with chopped onions, cooked until tender in butter 
 or other fat and a very little water, or chopped pimientos may be added. 
 
 Cottage Cheese and Nut Roast 
 
 1 cup cottage cheese 2 tablespoons chopped onion 
 
 1 cup chopped English walnuts 1 tablespoon butter 
 1 cup bread crumbs Juice of a half lemon 
 
 Salt and pepper 
 
 Cook the onion in the butter or other fat and a little water until tender. Mix the 
 other ingredients and moisten with the water in which the onion has been cooked. Pour 
 into a shallow baking dish and brown in the oven. 
 
 Cheese Sauce 
 
 (For use with eggs, milk toast, or other dishes) 
 
 1 cup milk 2 tablespoons flour 
 
 1 tablespoon cottage cheese Salt and pepper 
 
 Thicken the milk with the flour and just before serving add the cheese, stirring until 
 it is melted. 
 
 This sauce may be used in preparing creamed eggs or for ordinary milk toast. The 
 quantity of cheese in the recipe may be increased, making a sauce suitable for using 
 with macaroni or rice. 
 
 WHEY 
 
 If you make your cheese and throw away the whey, you waste more 
 than one-fourth the total food vaKie of the m.ilk. 
 
 Whey Lemonade^ 
 
 4 cups whey Slices of lemon, or q little 
 
 6 tablespoons sugar grated or diced rind. 
 
 Juice of 2 lemons nutmeg, or cinnamon 
 
 Whey Honey^ 
 
 1 cup whey j^, cup sugar or 
 
 ^2 cup corn sirup 
 
 Mix whey and sugar and boil the mixture till it is of the consistency of strained honey. 
 This sirup will keep indefinitely, if properly bottled, and is delicious for spreading on 
 waffles or pancakes. Used a little thinner, it makes an excellent pudding sauce. Since 
 it requires no thickening, it is the easiest possible sauce to make. 
 
 iFrom Circular 109, United States Department of Agriculture. 
 
 Don't begin your economizing by cutting down your milk supply 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 Vol. XV JUNE 24, 1918 No. 43 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter Deceinl)er ii, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois 
 under the Act of August 24, 1912] 
 
 MEAT 
 
 By 
 
 LUCILE WHEELER 
 Associate in Household Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Under the DiRrxxioN of the War Committee 
 
 URBANA 
 
 Only strict economy in the consumption of meat at home will allow 
 meat for the Allies and our soldiers abroad. 
 
 Meat cannot be kept indefinitely. Therefore, a condition may arise 
 which will alter the meat situation temporarily. 
 
 Watch the rules issued by the Food Administration. 
 
MEAT 
 
 WHAT TO USE— HOW TO USE IT 
 
 The necessity for a meatless day has not disappeared. A 
 different plan is to reduce the amount of meat purchased and pre- 
 pared each and every day. 
 
 I\Ieat must be saved now more than ever. 
 
 Before the war, less than 15,000,000 pounds of meat a week 
 were exported ; now, 75,000,000 pounds a week are called for. 
 
 If the meat is consumed here it cannot be sent abroad. If each 
 one will eat less, it can be done. 
 
 Fewer animals are being shipped to the meat centers. The 
 meat supply cannot be increased rapidly, for it requires time and 
 extensive acreage. We cannot spare the land, for land in potatoes 
 produces nearly forty times as much fool value as medium grass 
 land. One acre yields six tons of potatoes or one hundred pounds 
 of meat. 
 
 No increase in the meat supply but an increase in the de- 
 mands from abroad means that strict economy in meats is the role for 
 each to play to help zviii the zvar. 
 
 THE PROBLEM 
 
 1. To conserve the meat supply. 
 
 2. To save the meats best for export for the allies and our 
 own soldiers. 
 
 3. To utilize in the best way the perishable meats and those 
 not requisitioned by the government. 
 
 4. To vary and extend the consumption and to prevent waste 
 of all meats and fats. 
 
 WAYS TO SOLVE IT 
 
 1. See meat before buying it. Telephone orders often prove 
 disappointing. 
 
 2. If previously you have used expensive cuts, steaks, and 
 roasts from heavy beef, use these sparingly now. A demand for only 
 the cheaper cuts from the rich, the well-to-do, and the poor, causes a 
 rise in price of cheap meats. Equalize the demand. 
 
 3. Save all meat trimmings, gristle, bones, left overs from 
 choice cuts, and cook in stews and soups as tougher cuts of meat are 
 used. The fireless cooker helps here. 
 
 2 
 
4- Learn the value of small quantities of meat. Use it as a 
 flavor to a dish rather than as the main ingredient. Stews and cas- 
 serole dishes are meat extenders as they give meat flavor to a larger 
 amount of food ; they conserve the meat juices and all the nutrients 
 of the vegetables ; and they save dishes by cooking meat and 
 vegetables together. Vary them by using different meats and vege- 
 tables. Meats with gravy go farther and increase the amount of 
 potatoes used. Omit bread at dinner. 
 
 5. Use more lamb and mutton as you use fish to save beef. 
 
 6. Use the shoulder and sides of pork, any uncured cuts, and 
 ground sausage. Use ham occasionally. 
 
 7. Buy only triangular pieces of bacon and trimmings from the 
 army bacon. The boys over there get the square cut. Bacon is the 
 ideal army meat ration. It is fuel for fighting. 
 
 8. Save all fats — chicken, beef, mutton, pork ; render and 
 clarify them. Use them in frying, in spice cakes, cookies, and bread- 
 making. Fats are valuable not only for food for the soldier but as 
 the source of glycerine used in explosives. 
 
 POSSIBILITIES IN MEAT COOKERY 
 
 Meat Cooked to Furnish Gravies and Sauces 
 
 Swiss steak Pot roast 
 
 Beef a la mode Braised tongue 
 
 Meat Extenders 
 
 Shepherd's pie ' Croquettes 
 
 Tamale pie Lcmb stew 
 
 Hash Scrapple 
 
 Meats Which Should be Used More Often 
 
 Liver Creamed calves' brains 
 
 Tripe Chipped beef 
 
 Stuffed beef heart Sausage 
 Minced kidneys 
 
 RECIPES 
 
 Swiss Steak 
 
 Use round steak cut one to one and one-half inches thick. Cut off fat 
 from the sides of the meat and put in frying pan to try out. Season meat 
 with salt and pepper and place on a meat board. Dredge thoroly with flour 
 on one side and cut this in by pounding with the edge of a plate or saucer. 
 Turn meat and repeat. Brown a few slices of onion in the frying pan with 
 the fat, then add the floured meat. Brown on each side. Cover with water 
 and simmer slowly two hours or put in oven and continue slow cooking. 
 Thicken the liquid for gravy. 
 
Beef a la Mode 
 
 Take a two pound rump cut and remove bone (bone maybe used for soup). 
 Sear meat in a little fat to improve flavor. Put it in boiling salted water so 
 that it is covered ; simmer until tender ; keep covered with water. When 
 tender, draw off part of broth and use for gravy. Then put in one-half sweet 
 pepper chopped fine, one carrot cubed, one can tomatoes, and allow to cook 
 down until brown and serve with sauce that covers meat. 
 
 Casserole or Pot Roast 
 
 Brown a piece of rump of beef in a little fat. Place in casserole with 
 chopped carrot, turnip, onion, and celery. Add water to cover and cook 
 three hours in hot oven, basting if necessary. The roast may be cooked in a 
 pot on top of the stove for part of the time and then transferred to the 
 oven when potatoes are added. Serve with thickened gravy. 
 
 Braised Tongue 
 
 I beef tongue V3 cup celerj^, diced 
 
 Vz cup carrots, diced i sprig parsley 
 
 Yz cup' onion, diced % cup peas 
 
 Cook tongue slowly in water for two hours. Take out and remove skin. 
 Place in baking dish with vegetables. Add four cups of sauce. Cover close- 
 ly and bake two hours, turning after first hour. If canned peas are used, do 
 not add at first with uncooked vegetables. 
 
 Sauce for Tongue 
 
 Brown one-fourth cup butter or other fat. Add one-fourth cup 
 corn flour or other substitute flour and stir till well browned. Add gradually 
 four cups of hot water in which tongue was cooked. Season with salt and 
 pepper and one teaspoon of Worcestershire Sauce if desired. 
 
 Shepherd's Pie 
 
 % cup cold meat — lamb or beef 3 tablespoons drippings 
 
 1 cup or more mashed potato 3 tablespoons flour 
 
 Salt I pint liquid — water or stock 
 
 Pepper Few drops of onion juice 
 
 Cut meat in small pieces ; season. Melt fat, add flour, and gradually 
 the liquid, stirring constantly till it boils. Gravy can be used and flour 
 omitted. Add meat and pour in baking dish or casserole. Cover with mashed 
 potato and brown in oven. 
 
 • . ■ Tamale Pis 
 
 2 cups corn meal i pound hamburger or lamb 
 2% teaspoons salt 2 cups tomatoes 
 
 6 cups boiling water % teaspoon cayenne pepper or 
 
 I onion i small, chopped sweet pepper 
 
 I tablespoon fat i teaspoon salt 
 
 Alake mush by stirring corn meal into boiling salted water. Cook in a 
 
 double boiler or fireless cooker one and one-half hours. Brown onion in 
 
 fat, add meat, and stir until red color disappears. Add tomato, pepper, and 
 
 4 
 
salt. Grease a baking dish ; put in a layer of mush, then the seasoned meat, 
 then another layer of mush on top. Bake thirty minutes. 
 
 Meat Hash 
 
 Combine equal quantities of cold, chopped boiled potatoes and chopped 
 meat containing some fat. Season with salt and pepper, and moisten with 
 meat stock, gravy, or milk. Spread evenly in a hot greased frying pan. Heat 
 slowly until brown underneath. Hash may also be baked. Vary recipe by 
 adding vegetables, such as cooked beets. 
 
 Baked Croquettes and Meat Loaf 
 
 Meat may be combined with an equal amount of mashed potato or in 
 the proportion of one-third meat and two-thirds potato. Various seasonings, 
 such as onion and celery salt, may be added. Moisten with milk or water ; 
 add Qi^g slightly beaten. Bake in a bread tin or shape as croquettes. If 
 croquettes are fried in deep fat, shape and roll in egg and crumbs. 
 
 Lamb Stew 
 
 Wipe and cut in pieces two pounds of lamb from shoulder, flank, or 
 breast. Cover in kettle with boiling water, cook slowly till tender, about two 
 hours. Add diced vegetables — carrot, turnip, and slices of onion — after cook- 
 ing one and one-half hours. Twenty or twenty-five minutes before serving, 
 add potato cut in small pieces. Make a thickening of three tablespoons ful of 
 flour and cold water to form a smooth paste and add to stew, stirring till it 
 boils. Serve with more potatoes than usual and omit dumplings. 
 
 Casserole of Lamb 
 
 Line a casserole, slightly greased, with steamed rice. Fill center with 
 cooked mutton finely chopped. Season highly with salt, pepper, celery salt, 
 and onion juice. Cover with rice. Heat in oven with casserole covered. If 
 desired to have firm enough to turn out on a platter, remove cover and brown. 
 Serve with tomato sauce. If served in the casserole, add water, stock, or 
 gravy to mutton and rice when filling dish. Tomatoes may also be added 
 instead of using them as a sauce. 
 
 Scrapple 
 
 7 cups water 3 teaspoons salt 
 
 2j/^ cups cornmeal 2 cups chopped meat 
 
 Make a mush of cornmeal. Add meat and cook two to three hours 
 in a double boiler or fireless cooker. Put in a mold to cool. Slice and 
 saute in hot fat. Cracklings from fat rendering may be used in place of 
 meat. 
 
 Sausage and Bananas 
 
 Shape bulk sausage as croquettes or use link sausages. Cut bananas in 
 two crosswise. Place in frying pan alternately with sausage. Cook slowly 
 on top of stove or in oven, basting occasional!}' till bananas are done and 
 slightlv browned. 
 
Beef Heart 
 
 Wash heart, remove veins and arteries. Stuff vi^ith dressing and sew or 
 tie. Roll in flour, sprinkle with salt, and brown in hot fat. Place in casserole, 
 add water to half cover, and cook slowly two hours. Turn once or twice 
 during cooking. When done, thicken liquid and season for gravy. The 
 heart may be cut in small pieces and cooked with rice or potatoes as a 
 casserole dish. Other vegetables, such as onion, carrot, green pepper, celery, 
 may be added. 
 
 Dressing 
 
 1 cup stale Victory bread crumbs % teaspoon pepper 
 
 2 tablespoons fat Few drops onion juice 
 1/4 teaspoon salt ■'4:-/^ cup hot water 
 
 Calves' Brains 
 
 Soak one hour in cold water. Remove membrane and parboil twenty 
 minutes in salted water to which a little vinegar or lemon juice has been 
 added. Drain and put in cold water. When cold, separate in small pieces.- 
 Use as sweetbreads in various ways as follows : 
 
 1. Add chopped celery, green pepper, pimiento, and mix with mayonnaise. 
 Serve on lettuce. 
 
 2. Reheat in medium thick white sauce and serve in timbale cases or with 
 mashed potato rosettes. Mushrooms may be added. 
 
 3. Mix in a fritter batter. Fry by dropping by spoonfuls in deep fat 
 or saute in greased muffin rings arranged in a frying pan. 
 
 Fritter Batter 
 
 % cup flour -^/i-/^ cup milk 
 
 I teaspoon baking powder i egg 
 
 Vs teaspoon salt 
 
 Minced Kidney on Toast 
 
 Trim kidneys, removing white fat from center, cut in thin slices, dredge 
 with flour, and saute with a thinly sliced onion. Other seasonings, such as 
 green pepper and celery salt, may be added to the gravy. When brown, 
 add one pint water or stock. Simmer gently for five minutes. More flour 
 may be needed to thicken the gravy. Serve on Victory bread toast or with 
 mashed potatoes. Kidneys should be cooked only a short time, or they be- 
 come toughened. 
 
 Jellied Veal 
 
 Have a knuckle of veal divided into small pieces (bone should be sawed). 
 Put in kettle and cover with boiling water. For seasonings, add onion, a bit 
 of bay leaf, summer savory, thyme, and marjoram. Cook slowly until tender. 
 Strain off liquid and concentrate to about one to one and one-half cups, 
 depending upon the amount of meat. Separate meat from any gristle and cut 
 into small pieces. Put slices of hard cooked egg in the bottom of a mold. 
 Put over them a little liquid and allow to set to hold in place. Add a layer of 
 
 '6 
 
seasoned veal, mixed with celery and chopped parslej^ alternately with a 
 layer of hard cooked eggs. Press meat, pour over liquid, and chill. If 
 meat containing little bone and connective tissue is used, gelatin maj' be added 
 to liquid to insure its forming a firm loaf when chilled. 
 
 Mutton Fat for Cooking^ 
 
 2 parts mutton fat V2 pint whole milk to every 
 
 I part lard 2 pounds mixed fat 
 
 Heat mutton fat and leaf lard, which have been put thru a meat grinder, 
 together in a double boiler with the milk. The fat is rendered and when 
 allowed to cool, forms a cake which is removed from the surface of the 
 liquid. When small amounts are rendered, the liquid may be lost thru 
 evaporation. 
 
 Savory Fat^ 
 
 I pound mutton fat i teaspoon ground thyme or 
 
 I onion mixed herbs tied in small cloth 
 
 I sour apple 
 
 Heat at low temperature until apple and onion are thoroly browned. 
 Strain off fat. This may be used in place of butter or fat in frying or on 
 vegetables. 
 
 Use of Mutton Fat 
 
 In making gravies, it is more satisfactory to combine flour and mutton 
 fat and then add the liquid than to add flour to the liquid for thickening. 
 Mutton fat is useful in white sauces for combining croquette ingredients or 
 in tomato sauces. 
 
 INDIVIDUAL WEEKLY CONSUMPTION OF MEAT . 
 
 United States, 191 5, average consumption, 3% pounds 
 England and the allies, 1918, compulsory ration, i}^ pounds 
 Germany, 1918, compulsory ration, ^ pound 
 
 Can we do as well as England and France ? Can we, on a volun- 
 tary ration, find one and one-fourth pounds of meat, not including 
 fish and poultry, per person per week enough? 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR SAVING MEAT 
 
 Buy smaller quantities 
 Prepare smaller quantities 
 Eat smaller quantities 
 
 Use more milk and milk products 
 Use more vegetables 
 Use meat substitutes 
 Use meat extenders 
 
 ^Bulletin 526, "Mutton and its value in the diet," United States Department of Agriculture. 
 
 7 
 
REFERENCES 
 
 Published by the United States Department of Agriculture, Washington, D. C. 
 
 Bulletin 526, Mutton and its value in the diet 
 
 Bulletin 391, Economical use of meat in the home 
 
 Leaflet 5, Make a little meat go a long way 
 Published by the Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Illinois, 
 
 Urbana 
 
 Circular 206, Essentials in the selection of beef 
 Published by the State Council of Defense, 120 West Adams Street, Chicago 
 
 Official recipe book, price ten cents 
 
 If we don't like potato without meat at home, would we in the 
 trenches? Let us be sure the soldiers have meat. 
 
 LOYALTY DF.MANDS THAT WE ALL 
 
 Save ! I^an ! Give ! Work ! Fight 
 
 Save food ! Save fuel ! Save money ! 
 
 We must feed the allies as well as ourselves. The ships and 
 munitions factories need the coal. The Government needs the 
 money. 
 
 Loan! Loan yoitr money to the Government. A Liberty Bond 
 is a certificate of your faith in the justice of the cause for which we 
 are fighting. 
 
 Give! Give generously to relieve the sufferings of the destitute 
 and to add to the comforts and happiness of the victims of the war, 
 and to make things as easy as possible in camp for our own boys. 
 Give to as many of the authorized organizations and causes as you 
 can. They are too numerous to mention separately, but some are 
 known to us all, so 
 
 Give to the Red Cross ! 
 
 Give to the Army Y. M. C. A. ! 
 
 Give to the Knights of Columbus ! 
 and to all other authorized worthy organizations and movements for 
 the cause. 
 
 Work! Work in the Red Cross! Work in the field or the 
 garden ! Work at whatever you can find to do to help win the war ! 
 
 ficiht! Fight if vou can. It is in man's cause and God's. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XV 
 
 ISSUKD WkeKLY 
 
 JULY 22, 1918 
 
 No. 47 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter Dccemljer ii, 1912, at the post oflice at Urliana, Illinois 
 under the Act of August 24, 191-2] 
 
 SUGAR IN WAR TIME 
 
 By 
 
 VIOLy\ J. ANDERSON 
 Instructor in Household Science 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 URBANA 
 
 Of all the sweets available, why use here the one which is needed abroad 
 
SUGAR IN WAR TIME 
 
 THE SITUATION 
 
 Due largely to lack of ships the stores of sugar in the United States 
 have materially decreased. The largest part of our cane sugar comes from 
 Cuba, Porto Rico, and Hawaii, and while some beet sugar has been produced 
 in the United States, it does not yet constitute more than twenty-two per- 
 cent of the total sugar used. The shortage in England, France, and Italy is 
 much more serious than in the United States, because of the greater distances 
 to be covered in the transportation of cane sugar, and because the beet sugar 
 industry in France, which supplied all her sugar needs and even allowed her 
 to export a little, was paralyzed at once at the beginning of the war. Ninety- 
 five percent of the sugar beet factories in France were in the territory first 
 occupied by the enemy in 1914 and 1915. 
 
 The amount of sugar used in the United States has been enormous, and 
 is increasing from year to year. A comparison between our consumption 
 per capita in 1917 and in former years is shown in the following table, and, 
 for further comparison, the sugar rations of the allies for the present year 
 are included. This does not seem to show a fair division among friends. 
 
 Yearly Per Capita Consumption of Sugar in The United States 
 
 1892-93 60.70 pounds 1907-08 74.11 pounds 
 
 1897-98 47.55 pounds 1912-13 85.04 pounds 
 
 1902-03 78.92 pounds 1917-18 84.35 pounds 
 
 Weekly Allowances of Sugar Among The Allies in 1918 
 
 Italyi y^ pound England ^ pound 
 
 France 34 pound United Statee^ ^ pound 
 
 1. Less than this is actually used. The ration limits the wealthy, while the poorer classes 
 doubtless get very little. 
 
 2. Amount suggested by the Food Administration. 
 
 MEETING THE SITUATION 
 
 Manufacturers in the United States who use sugar are limited in most 
 cases to eighty percent of their pre-war supply. In the home we can easily 
 set for ourselves a lower limit than this. The Food Administration suggests 
 a ration of three-fourths of a pound per person per week. 
 
 Many sweets can be used that do not contain granulated sugar, such as 
 fresh and dried fruits, corn and maple sirups, maple sugar, honey, molasses. 
 The most important of these at present is corn sirup. 
 
 The sugar in these sweets has the same food value as granulated sugar, 
 and their flavors make them more, rather than less, desirable. 
 
 Give the children plenty of fruit. 
 
 Serve dates, fifis, prunes, raisins, and use them in cooking. 
 
 Use fruits and salads, instead of puddings and pastries. 
 
 Sweeten desserts zvith sirups. Use sirups with candied fruits, preserves, 
 and jellies. 
 
 When candy is eaten, let it be marshmallows, gum drops and glaccd nuts, 
 rather than chotcolate creams and bonbons. 
 
RECIPES 
 
 In these recipes, substitutes for wheat flour — corn, potato, oats, barley, 
 rice — should be used, as usual. Use mixtures found successful in other re- 
 cipes. 
 
 For fats other than butter, use oleo and vegetable fats, or with spiced 
 puddings and cookies, clarified drippings from meats. 
 
 General Directions For The Use of Sirups in Baking 
 
 It is possible to bake without using any granulated sugar. Corn sirup, 
 honey, maple sugar, maple sirup, and molasses will sweeten mufifins, cakes, 
 and cookies. In using corn sirup, however, it is well to remember that it 
 contains some water, and its sugars are less sweet than granulated sugar. 
 When using one cup of this sirup, the liquid called for by the recipes may 
 be reduced by approximately one-fourth cup. One cup of the sirup will have 
 a little less sweeten power than three-fourths of a cup of sugar. In the 
 very sweet cakes it is not satisfactory to use all sirup and no sugar. The 
 product is very gummy, and falls. However, one cup of sirup may be used 
 to one and three-fourths cups of flour with fair success. In some of the 
 following recipes three-fifths of a cup of sirup has been allowed to two-fifths 
 of a cup of sugar, since this is found to give very good results. 
 
 The sweetening power of honey is practically eqtial to that of sugar, cup 
 for cup. A little less than one-fourth of a cup of liquid should be subtracted 
 from the recipe for each cup of honey used. Since honey is acid, soda should 
 be used, as with molasses, but it is seldom necessary to allow more than one- 
 fourth teaspoon ful of soda to one cup of honey. 
 
 Griddle Cakes 
 
 I y^ cups flour (corn, rice, barley) 2 tablespoons corn sirup 
 
 3 teaspoons baking powder i egg 
 
 1 teaspoon salt i tablespoon fat 
 
 I /4 cups milk 
 
 Mix and sift dry ingredients. Add milk, sirup, and beaten egg, mixed together, and 
 then add the melted fat. 
 
 Griddle cakes made with sirups brown unusually well. 
 
 Muffins 
 
 2 tablespoons melted fat i cup mashed potato 
 2 tablespoons corn sirup x cup corn meal 
 
 I egg, well beaten 4 teaspoons baking powder 
 
 1 cup milk I teaspoon salt 
 
 Mix in order given. 
 
 The batter should be a little stiffer than batter for wheat muffins. 
 
 Yellow Honey Cakes 
 
 Yi cup fat K teaspoon soda 
 
 i/i cup honey . i teaspoon baking powder 
 
 2 eggs Yi teaspoon salt 
 
 1/3 cup milk Yi teaspoon flavoring 
 
 I Y^ cups flour (barley, rice, corn) 
 
 Heat the fat, honey, and milk until Ijlended. Add yolks, and when cool, the dry in- 
 gredients, mixed and sifted together. Add flavoring. Cut and fold in the beaten whites. 
 Bake in a moderate oven for thirty to forty minutes. 
 
 Honey Devil's Food 
 
 Yi cup fat -' Y2 cup milk 
 
 1 cup honey i ^ cups barley or other flour 
 
 2 squares chocolate Yi teaspoon soda 
 
 I egg I teaspoon baking powder 
 
 Y& teaspoon salt 
 
 Heat the fat, honey, and chocolate until blended. Add yolks, and when cool, the milk 
 and sifted dry ingredients, alternately. Fold in the beaten whites. Bake in a moderate 
 oven forty minutes. 
 
Foundation Cake 
 
 J4 cup fat 2 eggs 
 
 3/5 cup sirup 194 cups flour (barley, rice, corn) 
 
 2/5 cup sugar 2 teaspoons baking powdei 
 
 1/3 cup milk 1/16 teaspoon salt 
 
 Cream the fat, and mix thoroly with the corn sirup, sugar, and eggs. Add dry in- 
 gredients, mixed and sifted together. Pour into an oiled pan, and bake in a moderate 
 oven for half an hour. 
 
 Vanilla, almond, chocolate, or other flavoring, cliopped nuts, or chopped dates, may 
 be added to this foundation. 
 
 Sirup may replace all tlie sugar. The cake will be of poorer texture, but a fair product. 
 
 . ,, . ; ,, ;, Steamkp PirnniNG 
 
 '-■' yi cup fat ■ '■'■'' 3^ cup flour (rice or corn) 
 
 . . ;' 1/2 cup corn sirup . > 1/3 teaspoon soda 
 
 I egg ' ' " Ya teaspoon salt 
 
 Vi cup graham flour 2/3 cup raisins, flgs, or dates 
 
 Cream the fat, .and mix thoroly with the corn sirup and egg. Add dry ingredients 
 mixed and sifted together, and the dried fruit. Turn into an oiled mold, cover, and steam 
 two and one-half hours. 
 
 ■ ■ •" Gingerbread 
 
 I cup molasses ■ , ' i^ teaspoon ginger 
 
 Yi cup boiling water ' ^ teaspoon salt 
 
 2Y4 cup flour (rice, barley, corn) 4 tablespoons fat 
 
 I teaspoon soda i egg, well beaten 
 
 Blend molasses with water. Add dry ingredients, mixed and sifted together. Add 
 egg and melted fat. Beat well. Bake in a moderate oven. 
 
 Spite Cookies 
 
 Ya cup fat Y2 teaspoon baking powder 
 
 Y2 cup corn sirup Ya cup raisins 
 
 1 egg y^ teaspoon cinnamon 
 
 iYa cup, or more, flour (rice, barley, corn) Yii teaspoon clove, mace, nutmeg 
 Mix in order giv.en. Enough flour should be used to make a stiff dougli. Roll to one- 
 eighth inch in thickness, cut, and bake in moderate oven. 
 
 Maple Icing 
 
 ^/a cup maple sirup i egg white 
 
 Ya cup corn sirup licalen until stiff 
 
 Cook the mixture of sirups until a long thread forms, when it is dropped from the 
 spoon. Pour slowly over egg white, lieat until smooth and stiff, and spread over cake. 
 
 Maple Cream 
 
 2 cups maple sugar Pinch of salt 
 
 Ya cup milk I tablespoon butter 
 
 Cook sugar, milk, and salt together, until a soft ball forms when tried in cold water, 
 
 or until thermometer registers ii3°C. Cool slightly, and then beat until creamy. Chopped 
 nuts may be added. 
 
 t Rolled Fruit ' ' 
 
 I pound dates Ya pound nut meats 
 
 2/3 cup raisins 2 tablespoons orange juice 
 
 Wash fruit, stone the dates, and put fruit with nuts thru a meat chopper. Blend 
 thoroly with orange juice. Let stand for twenty-four hours. Mold into shape. Shapes 
 may be rolled in a little granulated sugar or grated cocoanut which has been dried and 
 slightly browned in the oven. 
 
 Stuffed Prunes 
 
 Select sweet prunes. Soak over night. Dry, open carefully, remove stones, and stuff 
 with chopped raisins and nuts. Roll in granulated sugar. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 
 Vol. XV AUGUST 1, 1918 No. 48 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December ii, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois 
 under the Act of August 24, 19:2] 
 
 THE GREAT CONDITION 
 
 By 
 
 DAVID KINLEY 
 Professor of Economics 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 URBANA 
 
This pamphlet contains the sub- 
 stance of an address given before 
 the Illinois Veterinary Association 
 July 10, 1918. 
 
THE GREAT CONDITION 
 
 "There can be but one issue. The set- 
 tlement must be final. There can be 
 no compromise." — President Wilson 
 
 Peace that is not conclusive is not worth having. The con- 
 clusiveness of peace depends on the attainment of the righteous 
 purpose of the war. Peace terms proposed in the hope that mere 
 cessation of war and bloodshed will satisfy the combatants or 
 restore harmony and goodwill, are futile and foolish. The loss of 
 a life, or of a million lives, is not the worst thing that could happen 
 to the world. There are things more precious than life. 
 
 If these statements are true, and I take it that we all agree 
 that they are, the flabby peace-monger is worse than foolish. He is 
 dangerous. He asks for peace not to establish principle but to 
 avoid danger and trouble and unsightliness. His moral sense is 
 perverted. His scale of moral values is unsound. He would stroke 
 the back of the hissing rattlesnake because of the mottled beauty of 
 its skin. He would pacify the untamed tiger by scratching his ears 
 and offering him a bit of the raw beef he is struggling for. The 
 snake may respond to the patting. The tiger will seek to fill his 
 stomach with more meat, even though it be that of the peace offerer 
 himself. 
 
 The people among us who say they wish peace may be 
 grouped roughly into three classes ; the "peace at any price" people ; 
 the "peace by discussion" people ; and the "peace by principle" 
 people. 
 
 The first group, again, includes several sub-groups. There 
 are, in the first place, some sincere souls who look on war and 
 bloodshed as wrong in themselves and believe that no end which 
 these can attain can be justifiable, because of the sinfulness of the 
 means. They are children horrified by a nightmare and do no harm 
 excepting when, like children, they get in our way. Because they 
 can make the tiger purr with their music when his belly is full, they 
 think they can do it when he is roused by hunger. 
 
 Then there are the cowards — not many among us, thank God ! 
 
 3 
 
— who would rather risk a master's lash than the loss of a hand or 
 the sight of bloodshed. 
 
 Beside them is the- traitor who lauds the beauties of peace 
 because his purse is filled and he is false to the nation that has be- 
 friended him. The undeveloped, the coward, and the traitor are 
 all in this group together. 
 
 The peace by discussion people are also peace by compromise 
 people and are found chiefly among those who think that they 
 enhance their reputations for being judicial, by proclaiming that in 
 a contest like this there surely must be wrong and right on both 
 sides. They are long on pose but short on facts. They emphasize 
 the iniquity of Great Britain towards the American colonies, but 
 forget to mention the establishment of the South African Federa- 
 tion. They have nothing to say about the moral magnanimity of 
 America in freeing Cuba but much about her treatment of the 
 Indians and the iniquities of the Mexican War. Some of them 
 tell us that they lived long in Germany and never saw any exhibition 
 of the evil spirit that the world is now condemning in Germany. 
 
 This group has its organs of expression largely in certain 
 eastern journals. One of these journals recently discussed the 
 problem of peace terms and suggested that if Germany and her 
 allies would withdraw from Belgium and France, give Belgium 
 proper indemnity to restore her ravaged territory, and withdraw 
 her armies from the other territories which she now occupies, it 
 would be fair to restore her colonies and cry quits. The writer 
 argued that we would thus have restored conditions to what they 
 were before the war, and that, therefore, nobody would have lost. 
 These people are deeply impressed with the highly moral talk of the 
 German government as seen, for example, in the German reply to 
 the Pope's peace proposals of some months ago. The German 
 government is said to have agreed with Pope Benedict '"that in the 
 future, the material power of arms must be superseded by the moral 
 power of right." But shall we be content to let a highway robber go 
 free because when he is caught by superior force in his robbery he 
 offers to restore what he has taken and go about his business? Is 
 it not our duty to see to it that he changes his business or is put 
 under limitations which will make its future pursuit impossible? It 
 is true, as the Nezv York Tribune has remarked, that "the outlaw 
 and outcast is willing to be reinstated in a new society of nations, 
 
 4 
 
but only on his own terms, which include no sackcloth and ashes on 
 his part for the infamies of the past." 
 
 We cannot plumb the depths of the futility of the ''peace by 
 discussion" proposals without an understanding of the German 
 peace proposals. In Germany, as elsewhere, there are various 
 groups of "would-be peace makers." There are some in Germany 
 who talk of peace without annexation and would give back to all 
 belligerents the territory which they had at the outbreak of the war, 
 provided Germany be left with a consolidated influence or power 
 over Central Europe and the Near East. There are those who would 
 restore the Pre- War status in territory and let each belligerent and 
 victim bear its own burden of rehabilitation. A large party demands 
 the increase of German sea-power with seaports on the coast of 
 Belgium and France, and the coal mining districts of the latter. 
 Another demands the realization of the dream of "mittel Europa." 
 Another adds to this the dream of "BerHn to Bagdad." Others 
 insist on the restoration of a colonial empire, not in the scattered 
 fragments which made up the colonies which she has lost, but in a 
 solid block of territory and people from the East to the West coast 
 of Africa, so that in the years to come Germany could arm millions 
 of black men and, from that vantage point, once more reach out for 
 the domination of the world. There are others who would be con- 
 tent with annexations of Russian territory. Be it noted that some, 
 if not all, of these programs include freedom of the seas — FOR 
 GERMANY — meaning that Germany must have coaling stations 
 and a fleet such that no other power would dare attack her. Then 
 Germany must have a controlling influence in South America, and 
 that continent must be open to her colonists to live in and keep up 
 their duty to their home country. To the Pan-Germans who look 
 westward, the enemy has been Great Britain. To those who look 
 eastward, the great enemy was Russia. To both, the great enemy 
 has now become America. 
 
 The real import of the "peace by understanding and discus- 
 sion" proposition is shown by the statement of Paul Lensch, a Ger- 
 man Socialist, made only last October. He declares that such a 
 peace "would be for Great Britain the greatest defeat in its history 
 and the beginning of its ruin." Again, he tells us that Germany has 
 a great and immense advantage "in the fact that Germany will have 
 won the war, if she does not lose it, whereas England will have lost 
 the war if she does not win it" That was written, note you, at the 
 
 5 
 
time when our efforts were regarded as negligible, and the same 
 remark will now apply to us. This same writer tells his countrymen 
 that they are too impatient. He warns them that it will be a score 
 or more of years before the economic and political disintegration 
 which the war has started will show themselves. "Then", he tells 
 us, "the true time of harvest will have come." Being pious, as well 
 as patriotic, he also tells his fellowcountrymen that the Biblical 
 phrase applies in their case, — "Seek ye first the kingdom of God, 
 and all these things shall be added unto you". "First bring about 
 the peace by understanding, which guarantees German political in- 
 dependence, territorial integrity and freedom of economic develop- 
 ment, then Germany will have shown herself so strong that all 
 these things shall be added unto her." 
 
 These are the views of various parties in the German Empire. 
 The government, while neither expressly accepting nor rejecting 
 any of the programs has held itself in a position to adopt any or all 
 of them according to the military conditions at the close of the war. 
 In other words, the peace proposals of the German government 
 have varied inversely with their military successes. We have be- 
 come accustomed to see a German peace offensive follow a failure 
 of German military offensive, but in the intervals of German military 
 success the spirit and intention of the government appears to have 
 been on the side of the extremest demands that any one of the 
 parties of the people has made. The military party in Germany, 
 the German autocracy, the German government, will undoubtedly 
 adopt as its program of peace conditions the program of the most 
 extreme party zvhich it feels sure it can get. Hence it is that the 
 German reply to the Pope's note, for example, like all their other 
 peace propositions, was general and vague. On certain matters, 
 however, the government has made its views evident. For example, 
 Germany must have economic privileges in Belgium and must 
 dominate Belgian policy, if Belgium is restored at all. As the 
 Chancellor said to Mr. Gerard, "We must possibly have the forts 
 of Liege and Namur. We must have other forts and garrisons 
 throughout Belgium. We must have possession of the railroad 
 lines. We must have possession of the ports and other means of 
 communication. The Belgians will not be allowed to maintain an 
 army, but we must be allowed to retain a large army in Belgium. 
 We must have commercial control of Belgium." 
 
 But on one point the government and the separate groups of 
 
 6 
 
people in Germany are all agreed. It is that the settlement of the 
 war shall secure enlarged power and increased resources for Ger- 
 many at the expense of somebody. Along with this declaration 
 goes the refusal, sometimes tacit and sometimes expressed, to admit 
 that her aggression on her neighbors for her own aggrandizement is 
 wrong and must not be repeated. The consideration of this point 
 brings us to a discussion of the aims of the third group of peace 
 advocates mentioned at the beginning, the "peace by principle" 
 people. 
 
 This group of our own people, comprising without doubt a 
 vast majority of those who desire to see peace re-established, are 
 those who take the ground that the primary condition of the restor- 
 ation of peace is the establishment of a certain fundamental principle 
 of political morality which Germany has violated. \'ariously 
 phrased, this principle is that might does not make right in inter- 
 national dealings any more than in individual affairs ; that no nation 
 may now commit with impunity, acts of aggression upon its neigh- 
 bors ; that civilization may not again be trampled on in war by 
 outrages that break down centuries of progress of law and order; 
 that war, even if it must be waged, shall not be carried on under a 
 policy of frightfulness, an attempt to terrorize the world by murder. 
 outrage, and destruction. To establish the principle thus variously 
 expressed, is the GREAT CONDITION of peace. To end the war 
 without establishing this principle, either by Germany's voluntary 
 acceptance of it or her compulsory submission to it, will be to lose 
 the war. To fail to establish this principle, at any price in blood and 
 wealth, will be simply to give a breathing space to the forces of evil 
 to become stronger for a second effort to bring the world under the 
 domination of the opposite principle. 
 
 On this matter we cannot be too clear, too specific, too em- 
 phatic, too determined. The only terms of peace which America 
 and her Allies can accept or even listen to, for the sake, I will not 
 say of justice only, but of their own national existence, are terms 
 which acknowledge and give expression to this great principle. In 
 other words, the terms of peace must be such as to secure as far as 
 possible in the future that no nation shall attempt, or prepare herself 
 to attempt, to impose her will upon other nations, to destroy their 
 liberty and independence, their economic and social order, their 
 intellectual and moral consciousness, and their sentiment of nation- 
 alitv. 
 
As remarked before, the position which some people take 
 that if Germany will retire from the countries she has conquered 
 and will provide for the economic restoration of devasted territory, 
 we might well make peace, is fundamentally wrong, unless that 
 restoration is made in the spirit of repentance for her evil deeds 
 and as evidence of her full acceptance of the principle here described 
 as the GREAT CONDITION. For, be it repeated, whatever in- 
 demnities may be paid ; whatever restoration of territory may be 
 made; — nay even if she were able to recall the dead to life and 
 restore the population she has murdered ; if she were able to collect 
 the ashes and gases into which by her destruction she has dissipated 
 the accumulated wealth of ages ; even if she were able to restore all 
 the conditions that prevailed before the war both within her own 
 boundaries and elsewhere ; — we shall have failed to win the war 
 unless in addition Germany freely accepts or is compelled to submit 
 to this Great Condition. Well would it be if by some miracle the 
 people of Germany could have a change of heart that would lead 
 them to accept this principle and give evidence of their repentance, 
 by such restoration as I have just described. But there is no 
 evidence of such a spirit of repentance or even of regret. On the 
 contrary, they tell us that France shall be bled white, that the power 
 of Great Britain shall be broken and the Empire dismembered, so 
 that neither may ever again be able to strike a blow against similar 
 oppression. 
 
 At this point one plea, to which some people urge attention, 
 needs consideration. They say that we must not be bitter in our 
 condemnation, nor seek to impose on Germany terms which will 
 humiliate her, because, after all, this war, like many others, is 
 impersonal. They tell us that it is the clash of two rival economic 
 and cultural systems. They remind us of the American civil war as 
 an example of a conflict between two systems of economic order 
 and civilization. But the parallel is not true. The Civil War was,. 
 as some other wars have been, a conflict between two rival, irrecon- 
 cilable systems of life which grew up as a result of the environment 
 in which- their people lived, without conscious purpose on the part 
 of either to injure the other. 
 
 The main difference between the present war and other wars, 
 from this point of view, is that no other war in history has been 
 produced by a conflict of systems one of which was consciously, 
 deliberately, adopted as a national policy for the very purpose of 
 
producing a war that would enhance the aggrandizement of the ag- 
 gressor. But it is established beyond cavil that for two generations, 
 or more, German policy has been shaped to this end. Upon 
 Germany, therefore, rests the moral responsibility for the iniquity. 
 She cannot claim even an equal division of the guilt on the ground 
 that the war is a clash of economic and cultural systems, for she 
 molded her system to produce the war. 
 
 The illustration, however, happily serves to teach a lesson 
 of a different kind. The Civil War zi'as such a conflict of differing 
 social organizations. The principles on which these two organiza- 
 tions respectively rested were so different that only one could sur- 
 vive. They could not exist side by side. The conflict could not be 
 settled by compromise or discussion. There could be no negotiated 
 peace. President Lincoln was not deluded on this point. He knew 
 that "Rebellion not crushed would be rebellion triumphant." The 
 same is true in the present crisis. The system of government for 
 which militaristic, autocratic Germany stands cannot exist side by 
 side with democracy. One must be crushed if the other is to survive. 
 Let us not deceive ourselves on this matter. If the Allies permit 
 the survival of an autocracy powerful enough to begin another 
 world war, it will destroy civilization. Never can the world be safe 
 for democracy. Therefore, there can be no peace in this conflict 
 by compromise or negotiation or discussion. One system of political 
 and economic organization or the other must go down to complete 
 defeat. We must so punish this autocracy and crush its spirit that 
 at least for generations to come it will not rear its head again. 
 
 But, say some kindly people, this is unchristian and wrong; 
 we shall drive the German people to hate us, whereas we should 
 try to win them over. While we may readily acknowledge the force 
 and kindliness of this view, we shall make a mistake if we permit 
 it to have any influence with us. Have the past four years not shown 
 abundantly that the only condition under which Germany will not 
 hate the world after this war is that she shall be successful? But 
 her success is the very thing which must be pre\'ented if the principle 
 of autocracy is to be destroyed. We must face the fact that after 
 this war Germany will hate the world and that her people will be 
 an obstacle to every attempt at world progress, just as for years the 
 bitterness between North and South stood in the way of that con- 
 solidation and harmony necessary to the perfect welding of our 
 national unity. The generations "to come must contend with the 
 
 9 
 
rsulenness of a conquered foe", and this war will not be ended, 
 ^however or whenever it closes, until, fifty or seventy-five years from 
 now, bitterness is forgotten and the spirit of "live and let live" is 
 •accepted by all the nations concerned, those who are beaten as well as 
 those who win. 
 
 But how shall we know? How can we tell whether and when 
 Germany either accepts or submits to the great condition that 
 -autocracy must be destroyed and the principle of self-determination 
 and self-government, the principle that right makes might, estab- 
 lished and obeyed? The answer is that, "By their fruits ye shall 
 know them." If Germany were to accept the principle, she would 
 -of her own free will do the things which the Allies have outlined as 
 necessary to a settlement. She would renounce annexations and 
 restore devastation. Of her own free will she would atone for 
 murder, outrage and destruction. She would restore to those whom 
 -she has despoiled. She would do penance for the murders she has 
 committed. But there is no likelihood that she will do these things 
 of her own free will and so show that she accepts in humility the 
 condition that is imperative. There is nothing to do but compel her 
 to submit. Certainly our own President made every attempt to 
 induce the German government to accept the principle willingly. 
 But even he at last was, as he said, disillusioned and came to the 
 conclusion that the only remedy was force, force without stint, force 
 to the limit, — and so it must be. 
 
 The concrete expression of submission to the Great Condi- 
 tion, the destruction of the principle of autocracy and acceptance 
 of the principle of the right of a people to determine its own life and 
 its own government, can be assured, of course, only through the im- 
 position of specific terms of peace. What are some of the things 
 that will make sure the establishment of the Great Condition? 
 
 1. The first is a victory which will drive the Germans and 
 their allies back within the boundaries of their own countries. 
 Whether or not there was a time when a proposal for a peace with- 
 out victory could have been reasonably entertained, it has passed. 
 
 2. Germany must restore and indemnify Belgium. 
 
 3. Germany and her allies must evacuate all the other ter- 
 ritory which they have conquered and occupied — Russia, Roumania, 
 Servia, Montenegro, France and Luxemburg. 
 
 4. Alsace-Lorraine must be restored to France and the 
 Trentino and Trieste to Italy. 
 
 10 
 
5- Turkish rule must be limited to Turks only. 
 
 6. The individual violators of humanity and law, those who 
 have been responsible for and those who have actually committed, 
 the acts of murder and personal outrage in Belgium, France, Russia, 
 Poland, Servia and Armenia, must be punished. 
 
 7. The Balkan question must be settled as far as possible 
 "by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance 
 and nationality", and international guarantees of their stability and 
 independence must be given by a council of the nations. 
 
 8. Poland must be restored. 
 
 9. There must be readjustments of frontiers in proper 
 cases so as reasonably to consolidate national groups and afford due 
 national resources. 
 
 10. Germany's colonies may be restored to her only if ade- 
 quate guarantees are secured ( i ) that they will not be made hatch- 
 ing grounds for plots against her neighbors; (2) that the consent 
 of the people and those of neighboring communities shall be secured ; 
 (3) that she shall not organize in them armies of natives; (4) that 
 the colonies will be governed in the interests of the people of the 
 colonies and not for exploitation. She should not be left in a posi- 
 tion in Africa in which, for example, she can again check the "Cape 
 to Cairo" Railway. 
 
 11. Germany must restore that part of the world's shipping 
 which she has illegally destroyed. 
 
 ii2. All nations must agree to reduce armaments, bcth 
 military and naval. 
 
 13. An international court of justice must be es'.ablislicd o 
 which all the participants in this war, and as many others as pos- 
 sible, shall agree to submit their disputes for a reasonable time 
 before making preparation to settle them by arms. 
 
 14. By a similar agreement at the close of the war, there 
 should be established a League of Nations to enforce agreements 
 and to prevent treaties in the future from becoming scraps of paper. 
 
 "For such arrangements and covenants, we are willing to 
 fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved." They are 
 characterized by principles of justice and recognize the right of all 
 nations, great and small, to "live on equal terms of liberty and 
 safety." 
 
 It is of the highest importance that the people of the country 
 should understand clearly the necessity of insisting that the war 
 
 11 
 
shall go on until this principle which I have called the Great Con- 
 dition is securely established ; that the power of autocracy shall be 
 finally broken ; that no government, or people, or nation, may, with 
 impunity, aggrandize itself through the destruction of the liberties 
 and rights and property of another government, or people, or nation. 
 It is of the highest importance that we shall develop throughout the 
 country a public spirit that will not yield on this point, but will 
 insist on attaining our purpose ; so that, if by any possibilty dark 
 days come and weak-kneed people join in clamor to be relieved from 
 the frightful strain of the war by a settlement which will not estab- 
 lish this principle, the people of America will sternly refuse and 
 will push out of their way all who impede them in the attainment 
 of this mighty purpose, and insist that our Government shall stand 
 for this Great Condition as the essential of lasting peace. 
 
 "There must be no hugger-mugger peace. It must 
 
 be a real peace Germany has waged three 
 
 wars, and each time she has added through those 
 wars to her strength, to her power, and each 
 successive war she has waged has inevitably en- 
 couraged her on to the next. If she had had one 
 check you would not have had this war. If this 
 war succeeds in adding one square yard to her ter- 
 ritory, of adding one cubit to her stature, of 
 adding a single iota to her strength, it will simply 
 raise their idea of militarism for which the world 
 is being sacrificed at the present moment." 
 
 Hon. Lloyde George 
 
 12 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XV. 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 AUGUST 5, 1918 
 
 No. 49 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the act 
 
 of August 24, 1912] 
 
 THE GERMAN WAR CODE 
 
 By 
 
 James Wilford Garner 
 
 Professor of Political Science 
 
 4^ 
 
 V -,. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 UNDER DIRECTION OF THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 URBANA 
 
 1918 ■','.'■■.;'"•.•''■ /■■::.. ■''■'' :.. 
 
THE GERMAN WAR CODE 
 
 A comparison of the German Manual of the Laws of War with those of the United 
 States, Great Britain, and France and with the Hague Convention Respectmg the Laws 
 and Customs of War on Land. 
 
 By JAMES W. GARNER 
 
 Professor ot PoHtical Science in the 
 University of Illinois 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 Lender Direction of the War Committee 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 1918 
 
Copyright, 1918 
 By the University of Illinois 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS 
 
 If we compare the rules which regulate the conduct of war today 
 with those of a century ago, we shall be struck by one notable dif- 
 ference: namely, the latter were for the most part unwritten, that is to 
 say, they consisted in the main of a body of custom and tradition the 
 evidence of which was found in the treatises of text writers and in the 
 decisions of the courts, whereas those of today are for the most part 
 written and are to be found either in manuals issued by governments 
 for the guidance of their commanders in the field, or in international 
 conventions and declarations which have been ratified by the great 
 body of states.^ The rights and duties of belligerents are therefore 
 no longer left entirely to the arbitrary determination of commanders 
 but they are limited by definite written rules formulated either by 
 their own governments or by international conferences representing 
 the various powers. The former, of course, are binding only upon 
 the armies of the government which issues them; the latter are bind- 
 ing on all belligerents whose governments have ratified the conven- 
 tions in which they are found. 
 
 The starting point in the process by which this change was 
 brought about was the promulgation by President Lincoln in 1863 of 
 General Orders No. 100, entitled "Instructions for the Government 
 of the Armies of the United States in the Field." These "Instruc- 
 tions," as is well known, were prepared by a distinguished German- 
 American publicist. Dr. Francis Lieber, who had served under Blii- 
 cher at Waterloo but who in early life, to escape the oppression of his 
 own country, had come to America and for many years was a pro- 
 fessor in South Carolina College and later a professor in Columbia 
 University.- They were not only the first notable example of a writ- 
 ten code of war law ever issued by a government, but they were per- 
 meated through and through by a spirit of humanity; they were 
 praised by the international jurists of Europe and they exerted a 
 marked influence upon the subsequent development of the laws of 
 war.^ They remained in force until the year 1914, when they were 
 superseded by a new code, entitled The Rules of Land Warfare^ which 
 was largely a revision of Lieber's "Instructions."^ 
 
 The obvious advantages to a nation at war in having the rules 
 which it proposes to observe in the conduct of hostilities reduced to 
 
 ^Compare Holland, "The Laws of War on Land," p. 1, and Renault, "War and the Law of Nations," 
 American Journal of International Lazv, January, 1915, pp. Iff. 
 
 ^he imperative need during the Civil War for a written code for the guidance of the military com- 
 manders, many of whom were quite unfamiliar with the customs and usages of warfare, is well stated 
 by General Geo. W. Davis in his "Elements of International Law," third edition, pp. 499-500. 
 
 ^Compare Spaight, "War Rights on Land," p. 14; Martens, La Paix et la Guerre, p. 77; MerignhciC, Les 
 Lois ei Coutumes de la Guerre sur Terre, p. 21 ; and Davis, "Dr. Francis Lieber's Instructions for the Govern- 
 ment of the United States Armies in the Field," American Journal of International Law, Vol. I, pp. 22ff. 
 ■*The authors of the Rules of 1914 say that "everything vital" in Lieber's "Instructions" has been incor- 
 porated in the new manual. Certain obsolete provisions were of course omitted, while many new rules 
 made necessary by the Geneva, the Hague and other international conventions were added. 
 
written form in order that commanders and troops may know defin- 
 itely their rights and duties and thus avoid, through ignorance or 
 uncertainty, infractions of the law of nations soon impressed other 
 governments, and a goodly number of them accordingly followed the 
 example of the United States and issued manuals of instructions for 
 the guidance of their commanders and troops during war.^ The fail- 
 ure of many states, however, to follow this course caused the first 
 Hague Peace Conference of 1899 to adopt a rule imposing upon the 
 contracting parties to the Convention respecting the laws and cus- 
 toms of war on land an obligation to issue instructions to their armed 
 land forces, which instructions were required to be in conformity with 
 the regulations governing land warfare annexed to the said Convention,"^ 
 and this obligation was reaffirmed by the corresponding Convention 
 of 1907.3 
 
 The first government to act in pursuance of the obligation thus 
 imposed was that of the German Empire, which in 1902 promulgated 
 a manual entitled Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege, prepared by the Great 
 General Staff of the German army.** The British government had 
 already in 1884 issued a Manual of Military Law, prepared by a group 
 of distinguished jurists and military officers. It has been frequently 
 revised and brought into harmony with the great international con- 
 ventions and declarations, the last edition having appeared in the 
 year 1914.^ The essential part of it, namely, the chapter on the 
 "Laws and Usages of War on Land," was prepared by Colonel Ed- 
 monds of the British army and by Dr. L. Oppenheim, Whewell 
 Professor of International Law at Cambridge. The French govern- 
 ment likewise in pursuance of the obligation imposed by the Hague 
 Convention has issued a manual of rules and instructions prepared 
 by Lieutenant Robert Jacomet, the fourth edition of which appeared 
 in 1913.^ Lieber's "Instructions" of 1863 still being in force the 
 government of the United States did not consider it necessary to 
 issue a new manual, but in 1914 the earlier manual was revised and 
 brought into harmony with the Hague and other international con- 
 ventions and was issued under the title Rules of Land Warfare."^ 
 
 In this study an attempt is made to compare the German man- 
 ual with those of the United States, Great Britain, and France and 
 
 iThe character of some of these earlier manuals is discussed by Holland in his "Studies on International 
 Lavv,"ch. 4, and by Merignhac in his Les Lois de la Guerre Continentale, pp.4fr. 
 
 2 Article I. 
 
 ^Article I. .....,., 
 
 ^Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege {Kriegsgeschichtliche Einzelschriften Herausgegeben vom Grossen General- 
 stabe. Heft 31, Berlin, 1902). The Kriegsbrauch has been translated into French by M. Paul Carpentier 
 under the title Les Lois de la Guerre Continentale: Publication du Grand Etat-Major Allemand (Paris, 2d 
 ed., 1916) and a very fair and impartial analysis of it has been made by the well known French writer 
 Merignhac, under the title Les Theories du Grand Etat-Major Allemand sur les Lois de la Guerre Contin- 
 entale (Paris, 1907). An English translation has been made by Professor J. H. Morgan of Univer- 
 sity College, London, and published under the title The JVar Book oj the German General Staff (New York, 
 1915). In the preparation of this study I have used the English translation by Morgan and the French 
 translation by Carpentier, carefully comparing them on all points discussed. 
 
 ^Published under the authority of His Majesty's Stationery Office. Pp. 908 (London, Wyman & Sons, 
 1914). 
 
 *Les Lois de la Guerre Continentale, Preface de M. Louis Renault, Publie Sous la Direction de la Section 
 historique de I'Ktat-Major de lArmee (Paris, Pedone, 1913). 
 
 'Approved by the Chief of Staff, and issued by order of the Secretary of War April 25, 1914. Wash- 
 ington: Government Printing Office, 1914. 
 
with the Hague Convention of 1907 respecting the laws and customs 
 of war on land in respect to the more important points concerning 
 which there is a difference, and to call attention to the instances of 
 nonconformity of the German manual to the Hague regulations and 
 the established usages of land warfare. Some attempt is also made 
 by reference to German juristic authority and German practise to 
 show that the code of the General Staff, extreme as many of its pro- 
 visions are, is entirely in accord with the notions of the nature, objects, 
 and methods of war generally held in Germany and applied in prac- 
 tice. 
 
 THE LAWS OF WAR ON LAND IN GENERAL 
 
 The Hague conference of 1899, with a view to revising the general 
 laws and a customs of war and of defining them with greater pre- 
 cision for the purpose of mitigating their severity as far as possible, 
 and inspired by the desire to diminish the evils of war as far as military 
 necessity permits,^ adopted a series of regulations setting forth the 
 rights and duties of belligerents and prescribing various rules to be 
 observed by them in the conduct of war on land.- This convention 
 was readopted in revised and expanded form by the Second Hague 
 Conference in 1907; and both were ratified by the governments of the 
 four powers whose military manuals are here compared.^ As stated 
 above, an obligation was laid upon the contracting parties to issue 
 manuals of instructions for the guidance and information of their 
 military commanders, and it was expressly required that these instruc- 
 tions should be in conformity with the rules and regulations governing 
 land warfare, which were annexed to the convention. The American, 
 British, and French manuals appear to conform in every respect to 
 this requirement. At the outset they mention by title the great inter- 
 national conventions and declarations adopted at St. Petersburg, 
 Geneva, and the Hague and declare that they constitute "true inter- 
 national law" and as such are binding upon states and upon their 
 military commanders.'* The manuals of the United States and 
 France in particular incorporate the texts of these conventions and 
 declarations and in the main their rules are literal reproductions of 
 those found in the international conventions, with such amplifica- 
 
 iSee the Preamble to the Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. 
 
 2It being impossible, however, to agree upon regulations covering all cases which might arise during the 
 course of war, the Conference took the precaution to add that in all cases not covered by the regula- 
 tions it was not Intended that military commanders should be left to their arbitrary judgment but that 
 until a more complete code of the rules of war should be issued the inhabitants and the belligerents 
 "should remain under the protection and the rule of the principles of the law of nations as they result 
 from the usages established among civilized peoples, from the laws of humanity and the dictates of the 
 public conscience." 
 
 'In consequence of the so-called "general participation" clause (Art. 2) in the Convention of 1907 It is, 
 technically speaking, not binding on any of the belligerents in the present war since five of them have 
 never ratified it. Nevertheless, such of its provisions as are merely declaratory of the e.'cisting laws and 
 customs of war (and most of them belong to this class) are binding independently of the status of the 
 Convention, as much so as any other established customary rule of international law. Cf. Spaight, 
 "War Rights on Land," p. 12, and Martens, La Paix et La Guerre, p. 240. Moreover the Convention of 
 1899 to which all the belligerents in the present war are parties, and of which the Convention of 1907 is 
 mainly a revision, is binding on all of them, since it was declared to remain in force as between the powers 
 not ratifying the Convention of 1907. Cf. Scott in the American Journal of International Law, Jan- 
 uary, 191S, p. 193. This view is admitted by German writers. Cf. e.g. Zittelmann in Deutschland und 
 der Weltkrieg (English translation published under the title "Modern Germany", p. 604-. 
 
 ^American Rules, Art. 7; British manual. Art. 4; French manual, p. 24. 
 
tions and explanations as seemed desirable. A careful comparison of 
 the rules which the American, British, and French manuals lay down 
 fails to reveal a single important instance of nonconformity to the 
 regulations of the Hague Convention. The latter are cited in con- 
 nection with every question covered by the manuals, they are always 
 referred to with respect, and occasionally, as in the French manual, 
 military commanders are enjoined to interpret them liberally in the 
 interests of the rightsof the inhabitants of occupied territory. Final- 
 ly, the authors of the American and British manuals, in particular, 
 frequently cite in support of the principles which they lay down 
 the opinions of distinguished modern writers on international law 
 and refer to the more enlightened practices in recent wars as evi- 
 dence of the best usage today. 
 
 In these respects the German manual forms a striking contrast to 
 those of the United States, Great Britain, and France. This manual was 
 framed entirely by a body of high military officers, distinguished alike 
 for their extreme views of military necessity and for their evident con- 
 tempt for the opinions of civilian jurists and academic writers on 
 international law, to whom they frequently refer as impractical 
 theorists and overzealous humanitarians. The authority of no great 
 non-German master on international law is or could be invoked in 
 support of the extreme views which the General Staff sets forth in its 
 manual.^ Not even their own more modern and liberal jurists like 
 Bluntschli, Geffcken, and von Liszt are appealed to, their main reli- 
 ance being upon the older militaristic writers such as Dahn, von 
 Hartmann,von Moltke, Bismarck, Loening, and Leuder, whose views 
 for the most part were in accord with those of the General Staff. 
 Whenever a German writer could be found who supported the views 
 of the General Staff he is quoted; those who are opposed are passed 
 over in silence. Although intended as a code of instructions, the 
 German manual abounds in bitter and for the most part unfounded 
 charges against the French for having violated the laws of war in 
 1870-71, and it goes out of the way to defend the German armies for 
 acts which have been condemned not only by nearly every writer out- 
 side of Germany but even by high German authorities themselves.^ 
 Indeed, the conduct of the Germans during the war of 1870-71 was, 
 we are told, characterised by unusual tenderness and consideration 
 for the rights of the inhabitants of the districts occupied by the Ger- 
 man armies. Wherever possible the practices of remote wars, and 
 especially those of the Napoleonic wars, are invoked and relied upon 
 in support of the extreme views of the General Staff, rather than the 
 more enlightened and humane usages of recent wars. 
 
 iThe solitary exception being the Belgian jurist Rolin Jacquemyns who in two articles published in the 
 Revue Cenerale du Droit International et de Legislation Comparee (Vols. II and III) attempted to justify 
 certain acts of the Germans in 1870-71, which have been almost universally condemned by writers on 
 International law outside Germany. ^ 
 Such acts, for example, as the levying of heavy fines on French communes for offenses committed by 
 Frenchmen in distant communes and even for such acts as Graf Renard's threat to shoot a number of 
 civilians in case 500 laborers requisitioned by the German military authorities did not report for duty at 
 a certain hour and place. See the Kriegsbrauch, English translation by Morgan, p. 154, and French 
 translation by Carpentier, p. 112. 
 
ATTITUDE OF THE GERMAN MANUAL TOWARD THE 
 HAGUE CONVENTION 
 
 But one of the most regrettable features of the German manual 
 is the manner in which it ignores the great international conventions 
 and especially that of the Hague respecting the laws of land war- 
 fare, which the German government solemnly ratified and to whose 
 provisions all war manuals were required to conform. It neither 
 reproduces them textually as do the American and French manuals, 
 nor does it enumerate them by title with a statement that they con- 
 stitute a body of rules binding upon states as well as upon their 
 military commanders. One can scarcely determine from a reading 
 of the German manual whether the rules of the Hague Convention 
 were ever intended to bind belligerents in the conduct of war. In fact, 
 they are rarely mentioned and when they are referred to it is usually 
 in derision. A good many of its rules are clearly in conflict with 
 the Convention and various regulations annexed to the Convention 
 are cynically dismissed with the statement that they are excessively 
 humane, or that they are good in theory but will never be observed by 
 belligerents in practice, etc. The fact is, the General Staff does not 
 look with favor upon the movement to reduce the law of war to writ- 
 ten form, for the reason that the effect would be to limit the arbitrary 
 powers of military commanders and thus to put an obstacle in the way 
 of military success. It would prefer to see the commanders restricted 
 only by traditions, usages, and customs, the exact meaning and appli- 
 cation of which could be interpreted to meet the particular necessities 
 of the moment.^ 
 
 Adverting to the various attempts to define and reduce to written 
 form the laws of war, through international agreement, the General 
 Staff asserts that "all these attempts have hitherto, with some few 
 exceptions, completely failed," and it adds that the "law of war" as 
 the expression is understood is not a lex scripta introduced by inter- 
 national agreements, but only "a reciprocity of mutual agreement; a 
 limitation of arbitrary behavior, which custom and conventionality, 
 human friendliness and a calculating egoism have created, and for 
 the observance of which there exists no express sanction, but only the 
 fear of reprisals decides."- Such is the poor opinion which the General 
 Staff has of the Hague and other great international conventions 
 which the world after generations of effort has agreed upon with a 
 view to regulating as far as possible the conduct of war and of dimin- 
 ishing its evils. They are nothing more than a body of moral 
 prescriptions which will be observed, if at all, not because they have 
 any legally binding effect, not through any desire to avoid the obloquy 
 and odium which are always visited upon a civilized nation which will 
 
 'It will be recalled that at the second Hague Peace Conference, when Sir Ernest Satow was pressing for 
 the adoption of rules restricting the employment of submarine mines, Germany's first delegate, Mar- 
 schall von Bieberstein, made a powerful plea against binding belligerents by means of formal conven 
 tions and rules and in favor of leaving their conduct to be regulated only by conscience, good sense, the 
 unwritten law of humanity, and the like. Conjirenct International de la Paix, Actes et Documents T 
 III, p.382. 
 
 ^Morgan, pp. 70-71; Carpentier, p. 4. See also the criticism of Merignhac, op. cit.. p. 46. 
 
 7 
 
not keep its engagements, but simply through fear of reprisal on the 
 part of the enemy who would be injured in consequence of their 
 violation by its adversary. No evidence of such a standard of inter- 
 national obligation can be found in the American, British, or French 
 manuals. 
 
 THE OBJECT AND ENDS OF WAR 
 
 The idea that war is an evil, "the greatest of human evils," as 
 Jefferson characterised it, a "plague to mankind," as Washington 
 regarded it; thatfthe manner of conducting it should be regulated by 
 law in "the interests of humanity and the ever progressive needs of 
 civilization," which was the predominating motive which avowedly 
 animated the Hague Conferences;^ that war is a contest between the 
 armed forces, only, of the belligerents and not a contest between their 
 peoples as such; and that consequently the "only legitimate object 
 which states should endeavor to accomplish during war is to weaken 
 the military forces of the enemy"^ — are sentiments which apparently 
 find no recognition in the German manual. 
 
 "A war conducted with energy," it tells us, "cannot be directed 
 merely against the armed forces of the enemy state and the positions 
 they occupy, but it will and must in like manner seek to destroy 
 izerstoreri) the total moral {geistig) and material resources of the lat- 
 ter. Humanitarian claims, such as the rights of individuals [pre- 
 sumably noncombatants] and their property, can only be takenlinto 
 consideration in so Jar' as the nature and objects of war permit." ^'^In 
 short, whenever the overcoming of the enemy may be facilitated 
 thereby it is legitimate to direct the war against everything that goes 
 to make up the ensemble of his Kultur: his education, art, science, 
 finance, railroads, industry; even the established immunities of non- 
 combatants and of private property fall to the ground, if respect for 
 them stands in the way of the attainment of the object of thetwar, 
 which, according to the Kriegsbrauch, means nothing less thanfthe 
 total destruction of the enemy's material and moral power. As is well 
 known, this brutal doctrine was taken from the great oracle of the 
 German militarists, yon Moltke, who in a letter written in 1880 to 
 Professor Bluntschli criticising his proposed code of internationalflaw 
 in general and the Declaration of St. Petersburg in particular, said, 
 "I can in no manner agree with the Declaration of St. Petersburg that 
 the 'weakening of the armed forces of the enemy is the only legitimate 
 object which states should endeavor to accomplish during war'; no, 
 all auxiliary resources of the hostile government must be destroyed: 
 its finances, railroads, necessaries of life, and even its prestige."* It 
 is also in line with the teachings of von Clausewitz, Germany 's^first 
 
 iSee the Preamble to the Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. 
 
 »So declared the Declaration of. St. Petersburg of 1868, to which the North German Confederation was 
 
 a signatory. 
 'Morgan, p. 68; Carpentier, p. 3. 
 <Helmuth von Moltke. Gesammelle SchrifUn und Denkivurditkeiun, Vol. V, p. 196. 
 
and greatest military writer, who advocated violence and terrorism as 
 a means of reducing the enemy to submission, warned German com- 
 manders against the baleful theories of philanthropists and humani- 
 tarians who think war can be carried on in a civilized manner, and 
 cynically referred to the usages of international law as "self-imposed 
 restrictions, almost imperceptible and hardly worth mentioning."^ 
 A similar view of the nature and objects of war may be found in the 
 writings of von Hartmann, von derGoltz, Bernhardi, and other Ger- 
 man military writers. The doctrines of von Clausewitz and the 
 General Staff have been brought up to date by Generals von Hinden- 
 burg, von Bissing, and others during the present war. Von Hinden- 
 burg, in an interview published in the Vienna Neue Freie Presse in 
 November, 1914, said: "One cannot make war in a sentimental fash- 
 ion. The more pitiless the conduct of the war, the more humane it 
 is in reality, for it will run its course all the sooner. The war which of 
 all wars is and must be the most humane is that which leads to peace 
 with as little delay as possible."- Speaking on August 29, 1915, at 
 Munster of the extreme measures which the Germans had felt obliged 
 to take against the civil population of Belgium, General von Bissing 
 said: "The innocent must suffer with the guilty. In the repression 
 of infamy, human lives cannot be spared, and if isolated houses, 
 flourishing villages and even entire towns are annihilated, that is 
 regrettable but it must not excite ill-timed sentimentality. All 
 this must not in our eyes weigh as much as the life of a single one 
 of our brave soldiers. The rigorous accomplishment of duty is the 
 emanation of a high Kultur, and in that, the population of the enemy 
 country can learn a lesson from our army."^ 
 
 GERMAN THEORY AND PRACTICE IN REGARD 
 TO HUMANITY IN WARFARE 
 
 Throughout t\i& Kriegsbrauch there is a disposition to belittle 
 the efforts which have had as their object the humanizing of war and 
 the diminishing of its evils. Again and again they are declared to be 
 inconsistent with the true nature and objects of war and those who 
 have taken the leadership in such movements are referred to as mis- 
 guided sentimentalists and theorists who erroneously assume that the 
 conduct of war can be humanized. These humanitarian tendencies, 
 we are told, have "frequently degenerated into sentimentality and 
 flabby emotion" {Sentimentalitdt und Gejuhlsschwdrmerei) which are 
 in "fundamental contradiction with the nature of war and its object." 
 Soldiers are warned not to be misled by such tendencies and to take 
 care to avoid the danger of arriving at "false conceptions concerning 
 
 iSee his Vom Kriege, English translation by Colonel J. J. Graham (London, 1916), Vol. I, pp. 2-3. 
 'Reproduced in the Berliner Tageblalt of November 20, 1914, and quoted by Somville in his book, "The 
 
 Road to Liege," p. xi. 
 ^Kolnische Zeitung, September 8, 1914. English text in Langenhove, "The Growth of a Legend," p. 
 
 265, and in Somville, op. cii. p. 2. After his appointment as Governor-General of Belgium, von Bissing 
 
 repeated in substance the above opinion to a Dutch journalist. The interview is published in the Dus- 
 
 stldorfer Anzeiger of December 8, 1914. 
 
the essential character of war" by "a profound study of war itself." 
 "By steeping himself in military history an officer," we are assured, 
 "will be able to guard against exaggerated humanitarian notions; he 
 will learn therefrom that certain severities are indispensable to war, 
 nay more, that the only true humanity very often lies in a ruthless appli- 
 cation of thejny^ 
 
 Here we have the German philisophy of the nature of war and 
 the solemn duty of commanders to prosecute it ruthlessly and with- 
 out regard to the principles of a mistaken humanitarianism. "The 
 greatest kindness in war," said von Moltke, "is to bring it to a speedy 
 conclusion."^ The great object of war is to overcome the enemy, 
 not simply the defeat of his armed forces. Ruthlessness, violence, 
 terrorism, the destruction of his intellectual power, the appropriation 
 of private property, even war against noncombatants — all are legiti- 
 mate provided they contribute to the attainment of the object of the 
 war. And if they serve to shorten the duration of the war, they are 
 even praiseworthy, for "true humanity" consists in bringing it to a 
 speedy termination. 
 
 German practice during the present war has been entirely in 
 accord with this philosophy. If space permitted a thousand exam- 
 ples could be cited in illustration. The sacking or burning of hun- 
 dreds of cities, towns, and villages in Belgium and France and the 
 massacre of their inhabitants; the wanton devastation of extensive 
 districts without military purpose; the shooting of innocent civilians 
 as hostages; the deportation of hundreds of thousands of peaceful 
 laborers to Germany for forced labor; the use of civilians as screens 
 for protecting German troops against attack; the compelling of civil- 
 ians to work in German munitions plants and other war industries; 
 the murder on the high seas of more than 12,000 unoffending men, 
 women, and children — all of them noncombatants and many of them 
 neutrals; the poisoning of wells; the bombardment by land, sea, and 
 air of peaceful and undefended towns and the killing of thousands of 
 their noncombatant population; the destruction of cathedrals, 
 churches, universities, libraries, art galleries, and ancient historical 
 monuments; the spoliation of occupied regions by means of huge fines, 
 contributions, and requisitions; the deliberate sinking without warn- 
 ing of hospital ships and Belgian Relief steamers — these are a few of 
 a long list of acts every one of which is forbidden by the Hague Con- 
 ventions, to say nothing of the sacred principles of humanity; yet 
 they are defended in Germany as being in accord with the true 
 philosophy of the nature and objects of war. 
 
 MILITARY NECESSITY 
 
 The Hague Convention frankly admits that there are circum- 
 stances which permit a belligerent to disregard the established rules 
 
 'Morgan, pp. 71-72; Carpentier, pp. 6-7. 
 'Letter to Bluntschli cited above. 
 
 10 
 
of international law/ and this principle is affirmed in the war manuals 
 pf most countries. All the great authorities on international law out- 
 gi^e Germany, however, are in substantial agreement that the excuse 
 of necessity is no justification for overriding the law unless conformity 
 to its prescriptions would actually imperil the existence of the violat- 
 ing belligerent. The late Professor Westlake, than whom no greater 
 or more highly respected authority ever lived, affirmed the generally 
 admitted principle when he said that the doctrine of necessity was 
 applicable only in cases of self-preservation and when the threatened 
 injury or danger would not admit of the delay which the normal 
 course of action would involve.^ In short, there must be an actual 
 case of necessity; mere considerations of convenience, utility, or stra- 
 tegical interest are not sufficient to justify a violation of the law.^ 
 The American Rules of Land Warfare even go to the length of affirm- 
 ing that military necessity does not admit of measures which a.refor- 
 bidden by the modern laws and customs of war. ^ 
 
 When we turn to the German manual, however, we find enun- 
 ciated a very different theory of military necessity. This manual, 
 following a doctrine long maintained by German writers, draws a dis- 
 tinction between what they call Kriegsraison and Kriegsmanier. The 
 former, which may be translated as the "reason of war," permits a 
 belligerent to adopt any measures and employ any means which will 
 contribute to the attainment of the object of the war, even though 
 they are forbidden by the customs or usages of war {Kriegsmanier).'" 
 This distinction between Kriegsraison and Kriegsmanier has generally 
 been interpreted by writers outside Germany to mean that the laws 
 and customs of war cease to be binding on a belligerent whenever 
 their observance would hinder or defeat the attainment of the object, 
 of the war. Kriegsraison geht vor Kriegsmanier is an old and well- 
 known German maxim;® that is to say, the duty to achieve military 
 success takes precedence over the obligation to observe the law. 
 Manifestly such a theory when carried out to its logical conclusion 
 leads to the absolute supremacy of strategical interest as expressed 
 in the ancient maxim, oim^ia licere quae necessaria ad fin em belli. It 
 is condemned by both the spirit and the letter of the Hague Conven- 
 tion;'^ it finds no recognition in the manuals of the United States, 
 
 IE. g. this is recognized by implication in the Preamble to the Convention Respecting the Laws and 
 Customs of War on Land. 
 
 ^"International Law," Vol. H, p. 114. 
 
 ^Compare Rivier. Principes du Droit des Gens, Vol. L P- 278: Hall, "International Law," 6th ed., p. 
 264; Oppenheim, "International Law," Vol. II, p. 177; and Hershey, "Essentials of International Pub- 
 lic Law," p. 144. 
 
 4Art. 11. 
 
 ^ Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege, translation by Morgan, p. 69; trans, by Carpentier, p. 3. The distinc- 
 tion is fully explained by the German jurist Leuder in Holtzendorff's Handbuch des Volkerrechts, sees. 65- 
 66. The distinction is emphasized by nearly all German writers, see e. g. von Clausewitz, op. cit.; von 
 Hartmann in two articles in the Deutsche Rundschau (Vols. XIII-XIV); von Moltke, Gesammelte Schrif- 
 ten, Band V, pp. 19Sff ; and von der Goltz, Die Folk im Waffen. Strupp, a high contemporary German 
 authority, tells us that the distinction is founded on the supreme duty of the military commander to 
 assure the successful termination of the war. "The provisions of the laws of war, "he says, "may be dis- 
 regarded whenever a violation appears to be the only means of carrying out an operation of war or even of 
 preserving the armed forces, even if only a single soldier is concerned." See his Das Internationale Land- 
 kriegsrecht, p. 5; and an article by him in the Zeitschrift fur Folkerrecht, Band VII, p. 363. 
 
 'Oppenheim, op. cit.. Vol. II, sec. 67. 
 
 'Art. 22. ■ . . 
 
 11 
 
Great Britain, or France, and it has been criticized by practically all 
 writers outside Germany.^ 
 
 German practice during the present war has been in accord with 
 this theory of military necessity. At the very outset it was invoked 
 by Bethmann Hollweg and Herr von Jagow in justification of the 
 invasion of Belgium and subsequently it was appealed to by many of 
 Germany's great and heretofore highly honored jurists like Kohler,^ 
 Niemeyer,^ Schoenborn, Zittelmann, von Liszt, and others. Schoen- 
 born, a distinguished professor in the University of Heidelberg, tells 
 us that it was absolutely necessary in the interest oj self-preservation for 
 the German troops to go through Belgium; it was "a question of life 
 and death" that Germany should forestall the action of the French, 
 etc.^ The attempt to justify the invasion of Belgium on the ground 
 of military necessity is a good illustration of the extreme lengths to 
 which the German theory of military necessity leads. Not the 
 slightest evidence has ever been furnished by the German govern- 
 ment or its apologists that France contemplated the invasion of Bel- 
 gium.^ Indeed, according to the admission of Bethmann Hollweg 
 and von Jagow, it was the shortness of the distance through Belgium 
 and the presence of French fortresses on the southern route that led 
 Germany to send her troops through Belgium. It was not, therefore, 
 a case of military necessity but merely considerations of convenience 
 and strategical advantage which animated the German government. 
 The only possible conclusion therefore is that if the plea of military 
 necessity was a valid excuse for the German invasion of Belgium, any 
 violation of the law which subserves a military interest may be justi- 
 fied on the same ground; and it is quite useless for states to enter into 
 engagements to respect one another's rights, for in that case treaties 
 will be nothing more than what Frederick the Great conceived them 
 to be: namely, "works of filigree, more satisfying to the eye than of 
 any utility." 
 
 This extreme theory which virtually identifies military necessity 
 with military interest has been appealed to by the Germans as a 
 defense for many other violations of the law of nations committed by 
 them during the present war. It was the main excuse put forward 
 for the frightful devastation of the Somme region in the spring of 
 1917, for the deportation of Belgian and French laborers, for the 
 shooting of hostages, for the bombardment of undefended towns, for 
 the atrocities committed by German submarines, for the burning of 
 hundreds of Belgian and French towns and villages and the shooting 
 
 iSee Westlake, "Collected Papers on International Law," pp. 243ff; Holland, "Laws of War on Land," 
 p. 13; Bordwell, "Law of War," p. 5; Merignhac, Les Lois et Coutumes de la Guerre, p. 143; Nys, Droit 
 International, Vol. Ill, p. 203; Pradier-Fodere, Traite de Droit International, sec. 2740; and Pillet, Lois 
 de la Guerre, sec. 59. 
 
 2See his article Notwehr und Neutralitdt in the Zeitschrifi fiir Volkerrecht, Band VIII (1914), pp. 576fl[. 
 
 ^Article in the Juristische JVockenschrift, 1914, No. 16, reprinted in English in the Michigan Law Review 
 for January, 1915. 
 
 ^See his chapter on "Belgium's Neutrality" in a book entitled Deutschland und der Weltkrieg, p. 545. 
 
 ^Mr. James Beck very aptly remarks that if Germany really had any evidence of such an intention on 
 the part of France, it was the greatest tactical blunder that she did not permit France to carry out her 
 intention because it would have furnished Germany with a justification of her own act which could neve 
 have been impeached. See his "Evidence in the Case," p. 229. 
 
 '12 
 
of their inhabitants, for the destruction of art galleries, historic monu- 
 ments, educational buildings, and the like. In fact, wherever any 
 possible military advantage could be subserved by measures forbid- 
 den by the laws and customs of war, the German armies have over- 
 ridden the law and set up the plea of military necessity as an excuse. 
 
 INSTRUMENTALITIES AND MEANS 
 
 The Hague Convention declares that the means which a bel- 
 ligerent mav adopt in order to injure his enemy are not unlimited and 
 among the 'instrumentalities and measures which it forbids are the 
 use of poison and poisoned weapons, arms, projectiles, and materials 
 calculated to cause unnecessary suffering, the use of projectiles the, 
 sole object of which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious-, 
 gases, the use of expanding bullets, the compelling of the inhabitants. 
 to take part in military operations against their own country, assas- 
 sination, the killing of prisoners, the destruction of property except^: 
 whem imperatively demanded by the necessities of the war, eff* 
 These prohibitions are all expressly incorporated in the war manuals 
 of the United States, Great Britain, and France, 
 
 The German manual, however, declares that all measures may 
 be employed to overcome the enemy which are necessary "to attain 
 the object of the war" and that they include both "force and stra- 
 tagem."^ Again, "every means may be employed without which the 
 ob|«ct of the war cannot be attained; what must be rejected, on the 
 other hand, is every act of violence and destruction which is not neces- 
 sary to the attainment of this end." Again, "all means which modern 
 inventions afford, including the most perfected, the most dangerous, 
 and those which destroy most quickly the adversary en masse are per- 
 missible; and since these latter result most promptly in the attain- 
 ment of the object of the war they must be considered as indispens- 
 able and, all things considered, they are the most humane."^ Never- 
 theless, says the German manual, while Kriegsraison permits a bel- 
 ligerent to employ "all means of such nature to contribute to the 
 attainment of the object of the war, practice has taught the advisa- 
 bility, in one's own interest, of employing with limits certain means 
 and of renouncing completely certain others. Chivalrous and Chris- 
 tain spirit, the progress of civilization and especially the knowledge 
 of one's own interest have led to voluntary relaxations the necessity 
 of which has received the tacit assent of all states and of all armies."'' 
 It is quite clear that the authors of the German manual regard mili- 
 tary effectiveness rather than considerations of humanity the test of 
 the legitimacy of an instrument or measure. Therefore any instru- 
 mentality or method, the employment of which will contribute to the 
 
 iConvention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, Art. 22. 
 
 'Morgan, p. 84, translates the German words as "violence and cunning" but Carpentier, p. 20, more; 
 
 accurately renders them as "/a force et la ruse." 
 'Morgan, p. 85; Carpentier, p. 21. 
 ^Carpentier, p. 4; Morgan, p. 69. 
 
 13 
 
speedy attainment of the object of the war, is permissible whether It 
 is inhumane or results In unnecessary suffering to the enemy or not; 
 and if its use results in the shortening of the duration of the war, it is 
 for that reason the most humane. 
 
 This interpretation of the German manual becomes evident when 
 we read it in connection with the theories enunciated by the German 
 military text writers and in the light of German practice. Von Moltke, 
 from whom the General Staff draws so much of its philosophy and 
 inspiration, tells us that "the great benefit in war is that it should be 
 terminated as soon as possible^ To this end it is permissible to 
 employ ''all means except those which are positively condemned" 
 {Dazu mussen alle^nicht geradezu verwerfliche Mittel, freistehen).'^ This 
 Is also the view of von Clausewitz already quoted, of von Hartmann, 
 and of many recent German generals and military writers. Von 
 Hartmann, who many years ago was requested by the Prussian min- 
 ister of war to combat the liberal and humane views set forth In the 
 honored Bluntschll's code, wrote a series of articles for the Deutsche 
 Rundschau- in which he laid down the propositions that war today 
 must be conducted with rigor, and with greater violence and less 
 scruple than In the past; that every means without restriction must 
 be employed;^ that the "shackles of a constraining legality" In the 
 conduct of war only serve to paralyze belligerents and postpone the 
 termination of hostilities;* that humanity in war has a place only so 
 long as it does not hinder the speedy attainment of the object of the 
 war;^ that when war breaks out terrorism becomes a principle of mil- 
 itary necessity,^ etc. General Colmar von der Goltz quotes v/ith 
 approval von Clausewltz's sneering reference to the philanthropists 
 and humanitarians and lays down the proposition that it Is permis- 
 sible to employ "all means, material and Intellectual, to overcome the 
 adversary."^ Somewhat similar views have been expressed by Gen- 
 erals von Blume,^ Bernhardi,^ von Hindenburg, ^^ von Blssing^and 
 other military writers. 
 
 This view of means and measures Is not confined to the mili- 
 tary writers but it is held by German statesmen and writers on Inter- 
 national law. Thus the Imperial Chancellor In an address to the 
 Reichstag In March, 1916, declared that "every means that is cal- 
 culated to shorten the war constitutes the most humane policy to 
 follow. When the most ruthless methods are considered best calcu- 
 lated to lead us to victory, and a swift victory, I said, then they 
 must be employed." x'\galn, in a note of January 31, 1917, addressed 
 to the Secretary of State, the German Ambassador at Washington, 
 
 'Letter to Bluntschli. Moltke, Gesammeltt Schrijten und Denkwiirdigkeittn, Band V, pp. 194-197. 
 
 sEntitled Militdrische Notwendigkeit und Humanitdt, Vols. XIII-XIV (1877-1878). 
 
 mid.. Vol. XIV, pp. 76, 89. 
 
 mid.. Vol. XIII, pp. 119, 122. 
 
 mid., p. 466. 
 
 mid., pp. 459-462. 
 
 'See his book Die Folk im fVaffen, French translation entitled La Nation Armee, by E. Jaegle, pp. 3, 7. 
 
 sSee his book Die Strategie (2d ed., 1886). 
 
 »yom Heuiigen Kriege (1912) and DeutscUand und der ndchste Krieg (1912). 
 
 wQuoted above. i 
 
 I'Quoted above. 
 
 14 
 
defending Germany's resumption of unrestricted submarine war- 
 fare, declared that Germany was "now compelled to continue the 
 fight for existence with the full employment of all the weapons which 
 are at its disposal. " ^ 
 
 German practice during the present war has been in accord with 
 this theory of means and instrumentalities. A hundred exam- 
 ples could be cited in illustration. They include the employment 
 of submarine torpedoes for the destruction of merchant vessels, 
 although submarines are totally without accommodations for saving 
 crews and passengers, the use of poisonous gases, the poisoning of 
 wells in South Africa, the use of explosive shells, the use of civilians 
 as screens to protect German troops against attack, the bombard- 
 ment of undefended towns, the putting to death of hostages, the 
 devastation of the Somme region, the destruction of towns and vil- 
 lages for the acts of individuals, and many others. 
 
 THE RIGHT OF SELF-DEFENSE 
 
 The Hague Convention lays down certain conditions as to organ- 
 ization and insignia which must be fulfilled by troops in order to 
 entitle them to the treatment accorded lawful combatants, in case 
 they are captured by the enemy. Thus they are required to be com- 
 manded by a responsible officer, and to bear a distinctive sign or 
 emblem recognizable at a distance. But in order to enable the inhab- 
 itants of a place not yet occupied by the enemy to rise spontaneously 
 with a view to beating off an invader, the Convention goes on to 
 declare that in case they have not had sufficient time to organize and 
 provide themselves with uniforms they shall nevertheless be regarded 
 as lawful combatants and entitled, if captured, to the treatment ac- 
 corded prisoners of war, provided only that they carry their arms 
 openly and respect the laws and customs of war. ^ In short, they are 
 exempt from the obligation to have a responsible commander and to 
 be clothed in uniform. This provision was a concession to states 
 which do not have large standing armies and was intended to legalize 
 the levee en masse as a means of defense against an invader. It is 
 incorporated textually in the manuals of the United States, Great 
 Britain, and France, and the British and French manuals add that 
 the rule should be liberally interpreted by belligerents since it is the 
 first duty of a people to defend themselves against invasion and|if 
 they do so loyally they should not be treated as criminals.^ But the 
 right of self-defense thus recognized and affirmed by the Hague Con- 
 vention is in effect denied by the German manual, which declares 
 that the right of the inhabitants of an invaded district to take up 
 arms and repel an invader can be admitted only when they have an 
 organization and a responsible leader, and wear emblems recognizable 
 at a distance.^ This in face of the fact that the Hague Convention 
 
 'Official text published by the Department of State. 
 sArticle 2. 
 
 ^British manual, Art. 30; French manual, Art. 5. 
 'Morgan, p. 83; Carpentier, p. 18. 
 
 15 
 
requires the provisions of war manuals to conform to the rules of the 
 Convention, to which the German government is itself a party. 
 
 During the present war German military commanders in Bel- 
 gium appear to have admitted the binding force of the above-men- 
 tioned article which the Kriegsbrauch repudiates, but in fact the right 
 of self-defense which it proclaims was generally refused to the Bel- 
 gian population on the alleged ground that they had ample opportu- 
 nity to effect an organization and provide themselves with uniforms 
 before the arrival of the German armies.^ Belgian civilians therefore 
 who took up arms and attempted to resist the advance of the Ger- 
 mans were whenever captured summarily shot 3.s,francs-tireurs. Con- 
 sidering the rapidity of the German advance into Belgium during 
 the first days of the invasion, if the contention of the Germans that 
 the civil population had ample time to effect an organization and 
 equip themselves with uniforms be admitted, it is difficult to con- 
 ceive a situation such as that which the Hague Convention contem- 
 plates, when the inhabitants may lawfully rise and resist an inva- 
 der without incurring the penalty reserved iov franc s-tireurs . 
 
 Not only did the Germans refuse to treat all such persons as 
 lawful combatants, but they even declined to treat as lawful belliger- 
 ents the members of the Belgian garde civique, a militia force not very 
 different form the German landsturm, organized long before the out- 
 break of the war for purposes of defense, and commanded by regular 
 army officers and equipped with a distinctive uniform. All were 
 treated z.sjranc s-tireurs when captured and were summarily shot. At 
 least Belgian writers so claim. In fact, the Germans according to 
 their own admission proceeded on the theory that they were at war 
 with the whole Belgian population; that the contest was on the part 
 of the Belgians an "unorganized peoples war" and that only the mem- 
 bers of the regular Belgian army were entitled to the treatment 
 reserved for prisoners of war. - 
 
 TREATMENT OF PRISONERS AND HOSTAGES 
 
 The Hague Convention declares that prisoners must be humanely 
 treated.^ The American, British, and French manuals reproduce the 
 text of this provision and further lay down the rule that prisoners 
 may be put to death only for crimes punishable with death under the 
 laws of the captor and after due trial and conviction.^ The Ameri- 
 can and British manuals also take occasion to express doubt whether 
 such extreme necessity can ever arise that will compel or warrant a 
 
 ■See the German White Book, Dii Volkerrechtszaidrigt Fiihrung, etc., p. 4. 
 
 2Sce the German White Book referred to above; GrashofF Belgiens Schuld, ch. v, and Strupp Z)iV 5^/- 
 gische Volkskriege in the Zeitschrijt fiiT Volkerrecht, Band IX (191S), pp. 281ff. 
 
 The case for the Belgians is set forth by the Belgian writers Waxweiler, "Belgium Neutral and Loyal," 
 pp. 22Sff; Dampierre, L' Allemagne el U Droit des Gens, pp. 190-191; Langenhove, "The Growth of a 
 Legend," pp. 254ff; Massart, "Belgians under the German Eagle," p. 65; the report of the Belgian Offi- 
 cial Commission of Inquiry ("Violations of the Rights of Nations in Belgium,"} p. 97 and an official publi- 
 cation issued by the Belgian government entitled Reponse au Livre Blanc Allemand, pp. lOff. 
 
 3Art. 4. 
 
 ^American Rules, Art. 68; British manual, Ait. 79; French manual. Art. 8. 
 
 16 
 
military commander in killing his prisoners on the ground of self- 
 preservation. The German manual, however, affirms the right of a 
 captor to put his prisoners to death in case of "overwhelming neces- 
 sity" and whenever the presence of the prisoners "constitutes a dan- 
 ger to the existence of the captor."^ "The necessity of the war and 
 the safety of the state," we are told, "are the first consideration 
 rather than the unconditional freedom of the prisoners." 
 
 The Hague Convention contains no provisions in regard to host- 
 ages. The French manual, however, declares that it is forbidden as 
 a general rule to demand or take hostages for the purpose of insuring 
 the execution of conventions.- The British manual declares that the 
 practice of taking hostages for such purposes is now "obsolete," and 
 that it is preferable to "resort to territorial guarantees instead of tak- 
 ing hostages."^ The American rules enumerate the purposes for 
 which hostages have been taken in recent wars but express no opin- 
 ion as to the legitimacy of the practice today. ^ The German man- 
 ual, however, repudiates the assertion of certain "professors of the 
 law of nations" that the taking of hostages has disappeared from the 
 practice of civilized nations, and it defends the conduct of the Ger- 
 mans in 1870 in placing hostages on railway trains to insure the latter 
 against derailment by the inhabitants, although it frankly admits 
 that it was a "harsh and cruel" measure and that "every writer out- 
 side of Germany has stigmatized it as contrary to the law of nations 
 and as unjustified towards the inhabitants of the country"; never- 
 theless it was legitimate, because it was effective in preventing a 
 repetition of the acts.^ 
 
 During the present war the Germans have resorted to the prac- 
 tice of hostage taking on a scale never before known in any war. In 
 nearly every town, city, and village occupied by their forces the lead- 
 ing citizens were seized and the inhabitants notified that in case 
 acts of hostility were committed by the civilian population the host- 
 ages would be shot.^ Generally they were taken to insure the good 
 behavior of the inhabitants, but the practice was also resorted to for 
 various other purposes such as to insure compliance with the demands 
 for requisitions, the payment of collective fines, to prevent acts of 
 espionage, to insure railways, telegraph, and telephone lines against 
 destruction, and the like. The hostages thus seized were usually con- 
 fined as prisoners; sometimes they were led through the streets and 
 required to warn their fellow citizens against committing acts of 
 
 'Morgan, p. 97; Carpentier, p. 36. 
 
 'Art. 92. 
 
 'Art. 461. 
 
 <Art. 387. 
 
 ^Morgan, p. 156; Carpentier, p. 156. Lord Roberts issued a proclamation for a similar purpose in South 
 Africa on June 19. 1900, but it was withdrawn eight days later. The measure was severely criticized by 
 Mr. Bryce at the time and it is condemned by the British manual. Art 463. Bonfils, Pillet, Hall, West- 
 lake, Bordwell and indeed nearly all writers outside Germany, as the Kriegsbrauch admits, criticize it. 
 It is even condemned by some German writers, notably by Bluntschli and Geffcken. 
 
 ^The texts of many proclamations issued by German commanders to this effect may be found in the 
 reports of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry, in the Report of the Bryce Commission, in the Report of 
 the French Commission, in Davignon's "Belgium and Germany," in the Belgian document Riponst au 
 lAvre Blanc AlUmand, in Massart, "Belgians under the German Eagle," in Waxweiler's "Belgium Neu- 
 tral and Loyal," and numerous other publications official and private. 
 
 17 
 
hostility; sometimes they were stationed on bridges to prevent tKelf 
 destruction by the enemy; not infrequently they were marched in 
 front of German columns to protect them against attack; thousands 
 were deported to Germany; occasionally they were put through the 
 ordeal of sham executions and other forms of maltreatment as though 
 they were criminals; and what seems almost incredible in this age, a 
 goodly number were actually put to death as a penalty for acts com- 
 mitted or alleged to have been committed by the inhabitants. At 
 Les Rivages, a suburb of Dinant, to refer to a single instance out of 
 many, a large number of hostages who had been taken to insure a 
 German detachment engaged in the construction of a pontoon bridge 
 against attack were shot by the 101st Regiment. The German 
 White Book admits the truth of the charge^ but undertakes to .defend 
 this act in particular and the shooting of hostages in general on the 
 principle that the mere taking of hostages and the holding of them as 
 prisoners would prove ineffective in deterring the inhabitants from 
 committing acts of hostility, if a belligerent were not allowed to in- 
 flict the death penalty for violation of the conditions for which they 
 are taken. ^ 
 
 It is impossible to justify such an extreme and cruel measure. 
 The American Rules of Land Warfare very justly remark that a host- 
 age must be treated as a prisoner of war. ^ He cannot therefore be 
 put to death or subjected to other severities than those which may 
 lawfully be inflicted upon a regular military prisoner.^ The right to 
 put hostages to death was frequently asserted in earlier times, but it 
 does not appear that it had ever in practice been exercised for at least 
 a century prior to the present war." Few measures resorted to by 
 the Germans during the present war have illustrated more forcibly 
 their extreme theories of military necessity or revealed German mil- 
 itarism in a worse light. 
 
 REQUISITIONS OF SUPPLIES AND SERVICES 
 
 The laws of war allow an invader to take supplies from the coun- 
 try occupied by him, but the Hague Convention expressly declares 
 that they may be taken only for "the needs of the army of occupa- 
 tion" and that, as far as possible, they shall be paid for in cash; and 
 if this cannot be done, receipts shall be given and payment made as 
 soon as possible." This rule, in the identical language of the Hague 
 
 'See especially the testimony of Dr. Pretenz, a German Staff Surgeon, in Die VolkerrechUwidriie Fiih- 
 ning des Belgischen Volkskriege, anlage 51, and of Lt. Baron von Rochow, ibid., anlage 47. It is stated 
 in the Belgian Reponse (p. 220) that the total number shot was 90. Dr. Pretenz admits that among the 
 number were several women and children. 
 
 »See the German White Book, "The Belgian Peoples War", pp .67-68. 
 
 'Art. 387. 
 
 *This is the opinion of practically all military writers. See e. g. Bluntschli, sees. 426 and 600; Hall, 4th 
 ed., pp. 493-494; Pillet, Les Lois Actuelles, pp. 212-213. 
 
 'Merignhac, however, states that the Germans in 1870 did put to death certain Frenchmen, presum- 
 ably held as hostages, for the refusal or inability of their districts to pay contributions and fines iniposed 
 upon them and for certain acts committed against isolated Prussian soldiers. If his statement is true 
 his own judgment that such a severity was "absolutely unworthy of a civilized people" will generally 
 be accepted outside Germany. See his Les Lois de la Guerre Continentale, p. 33. 
 
 •Art. 52, Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. 
 
 18 
 
Convention, is incorporated in the military manuals of the United 
 States,^ Great Britain, ^ and France.^ The German manual, how- 
 ever, repudiates the rule of the Convention and declares that the 
 "right of requisitioning without payment exists as much as ever and 
 will certainly be claimed by the armies in the field, and also consider- 
 ing the size of modern armies must be claimed." It admits, however, 
 that it has become the custom to furnish receipts; but it adds that the 
 question of payment "will then be determined on the conclusion of 
 peace,"^ the inference being that payment will be made, if at all, out 
 of an indemnity extracted from the vanquished belligerent and not by 
 the requisitioning belligerent if he is the victor. The Hague Con- 
 vention also lays down the rule that supplies requisitioned shall "be 
 in proportion to the resources of the country;"^ and the writers on in- 
 ternational law outside Germany are all agreed that a belligerent 
 may not exercise his power of requisition to such an extent as to re- 
 duce the inhabitants to destitution, but must leave them enough for 
 their own subsistence. The Kriegsbrauch, however, does not accept 
 this humane principle. The Hague rule, we are told, would be "will- 
 ingly recognized by every one in theory, but it will scarcely ever be 
 observed in practice. In cases of necessity the needs of the army 
 will alone decide; and a man does well generally to make himself 
 familiar with the reflection that, in the changing and stormy course 
 of a war, observance of the regular procedure ot peaceful times is, 
 with the best will, impossible"!^ 
 
 This has long been the doctrine of German military writers. Von 
 Clausewitz in his day declared that the resource of requisition and 
 contribution "has no limits except those of exhaustion, impoverish- 
 ment, and devastation of the country'';'' that "war must support war" 
 {la guerre nourrit la guerre, as the French translate the ancient maxim) ; 
 that an invader has a right to live on the country, etc. Von Clause- 
 witz even warned military commanders against the mistake of rely- 
 ing too much on "artificial means of subsistence," that is, of bringing 
 their own supplies with them. This is also the doctrine of von 
 Moltke who, in his letter to Bluntschli referred to above, declared 
 that "the soldier who is exposed to suffering and privation, to exer- 
 tion and danger, cannot be satisfied with requisitioning supplies in 
 proportion to the resources of the country; no, he must take every- 
 thing that is necessary to his existence."* This philosophy, summed 
 up, means that since Krieg ist Krieg an invader is entitled to take the 
 last mouthful of food, the last horse or cow, the last bushel of grain, 
 and the noncombatant population may be left to starve if the occu- 
 pying army needs the supplies thus taken. 
 
 'Art. 34S. ... 
 
 'Art. 416 and note h. to the same article. 
 3Art. 103. 
 
 'Morgan, p. 175; Carpentier, p. 136. 
 'Art. 52. , _ 
 
 'Morgan, p. 176; Carpentier, p. 138. 
 
 ''Vom Kruge, English translation by Graham, Vol. II, p. 98. General von Hartmann defends substan- 
 tially the same view. See his article in the Deutsche Rundschau, Vol. XIII, pp. 450, 458. 
 Hjcsammelte Schriften und Denkwurdigkeiten, Vol. V, p. 195. 
 
 19 
 
The Hague Convention allows an invader to requisition the ser- 
 vices of laborers as well as supplies, but it expressly forbids the forc- 
 ing of the inhabitants to perform work having any connection with 
 "military operations" or to furnish the enemy with information con- 
 cerning their own army or its means of defense.^ This clearly for- 
 bids compulsory labor in munitions plants, or factories engaged in the 
 manufacture of war materials generally, work on fortifications, the 
 digging of trenches and the like, and it has generally been interpreted 
 as forbidding the taking of forced guides.^ But the German manual, 
 on this point as on so many others, lays down a different rule. It 
 jrankly admits that the majority of writers of all nations have unani- 
 mously condemned the practice of compelling the inhabitants of occu- 
 pied territory to furnish the occupant with information regarding 
 their own army, its resources, military secrets, and the like, but, 
 nevertheless, it adds, that this cruel measure "cannot be entirely dis- 
 pensed with." Defending the right to force the inhabitants to serve 
 as guides, the manual remarks that "whatever may be the horror 
 aroused by the sentiments of humanity in requiring a man to commit 
 an injury to his own country and indirectly to fight against his own 
 troops, no belligerent operating in an enemy country can entirely 
 renounce this expedient."^ Kriegsraison may make it necessary. As 
 to compelling the inhabitants to perform work in "military opera- 
 tions," it warns officers against a too elastic interpretation of this ex- 
 pression. Again, we are told, Kriegsraison must decide; which means 
 that if an important military interest may be subserved by disregard- 
 ing the prohibition, the obligation to conform to the rule ceases. 
 
 German practice during the present war has been in accord with 
 the doctrine of the Kriegsbrauch rather than with the Hague Conven- 
 tion. In the occupied regions of Belgium and France supplies have 
 been requisitioned without regard to the resources of the country; in 
 many instances indeed it has amounted to sheer spoliation and pil- 
 lage. One of the first acts of the Germans after establishing their 
 occupation of Belgium was to take an elaborate inventory, by means 
 of compulsory declarations, of the available stocks of everything 
 which could be of use to the Germans and to prohibit the exportation 
 of the same — except to Germany. Thereupon a wholesale system of 
 requisition was inaugurated. Growing crops were requisitioned 
 while still standing in the fields; live stock, farm implements, grain, 
 raw materials, metals, manufactured articles, even the church bells 
 were taken and many charges have been made by the Belgians that 
 no payments were made, that bogus receipts were given, and the like. 
 The Hague rule that requisitions can only be made for "the 
 needs of the army of occupation" was flagrantly disregarded. Im- 
 mense quantities of raw materials were taken away for use in the 
 
 iSee articles 22 and 44 of the Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land. 
 
 'See Spaight, op. W<., p. 369; Westlake, o/>. cif.. Vol. II, pp. 101-102; Hershey, p. 141; Higgins, p. 269,- 
 Lawrence, p. 418; Fillet, op. cit., p. 144. Even some German writers such as Loening, Strupp, Huber 
 Meurer, and Zorn so interpret the prohibition. See also the American RuUi of Land fVarfare, Art. 322; 
 the British manual. Art. 382, note d; and the French manual. Art. 95. 
 
 'Morgan, p. 1S3; Carpentier, p. 110. 
 
 20 
 
home industries of Germany; millions of cattle and horses were sim- 
 ilarly transported to Germany and sold to German farmers and stock 
 raisers, even Belgian factories were dismantled of their machinery 
 which was likewise carried off and installed in German factories. By 
 no process of interpretation could it be said that such requisitions 
 were for "the needs of the occupying army"; they were, in fact, for 
 the maintenance of Germany's home industries — i.e., for a purpose 
 the legitimacy of which is not recognized by the Hague Convention, 
 the military manuals of other countries, or by any writer on inter- 
 national law outside Germany. In many cases the deposits in pri- 
 vate banks and private pension funds in the post offices were seized 
 and appropriated in violation of the express terms of the Hague Con- 
 vention.^ Finally, the services of thousands of Belgian laborers were 
 requisitioned for work in munitions plants, in establishments for the 
 manufacture of barbed wire and other war materials, for digging 
 trenches, operating military railway trains, and even for guides.^ 
 
 Such is the German theory and practice in respect to requisitions. 
 It is in flagrant contradiction with the long-established customary 
 laws of war, contrary to the express provisions of the Hague Conven- 
 tion, and it has been condemned by every authority on international 
 law outside Germany and even by reputable German jurists. 
 
 PECUNIARY CONTRIBUTIONS 
 
 The Hague Convention allows a military occupant not only to 
 collect the taxes levied by the state in the territory occupied, but in 
 addition it allows him to raise "other money contributions," subject 
 to the condition, however, that the latter shall be levied "only for 
 the needs of the army or for the administration of the territory in 
 question."^ This rule, with the limitation with which it is coupled, 
 is incorporated in the manuals of the United States, Great Britain, 
 and France. In order to leave no doubt as to the purpose for which 
 such exactions may be made, the British manual takes the precaution 
 to add that they may not be resorted to for the purpose of enriching 
 the occupant or for the purpose of pressure or of punishment, and 
 that they shall not be exorbitant in amount. It further adds that 
 the chief purpose in allowing an occupant to levy such exactions on 
 the inhabitants is to permit an equitable distribution of requisitions 
 between towns and cities, on the one hand, and the country districts, 
 on the other; money being contributed by the former to purchase sup- 
 plies requisitioned of the latter.^ This view of the nature and pur- 
 pose of contributions is that generally held by the writers on inter- 
 
 'Art. S3. 
 
 'I have discussed at length German policy in respect to requisitions during the present war, in an 
 
 article in the American Journal oj International Law for January, 1917, pp. 74-112. 
 3Art. 49. 
 ^Articles 423, 424. Article 107 of the French manual likewise adds that contributions imposed for 
 
 self-enrichment or for weakening the enemy are prohibited. 
 
 21 
 
national law everywhere,^ at least outside Germany, and it is also the 
 view of some reputable German authorities.^ 
 
 The German manual itself admits that contributions cannot be 
 levied for the "arbitrary enrichment" of the conqueror, nor for the 
 purpose of recouping himself for the cost of the war, but it allows 
 them to be levied for the purpose of punishment^ and it does not take 
 the trouble to say, as does the English manual, that they shall not be 
 "exorbitant" in amount. In fact, German theory and practice have 
 been in accord with the view that contributions are not merely levies 
 on towns and cities as a substitute for requisitions in kind, that they 
 are not limited to the needs of the occupying army or the administra- 
 tion, but that they may be exacted for the purpose of compelling the 
 inhabitants to sue for peace, for the purpose of punishment, for cov- 
 ering the expenses of the war, and even for the enrichment of the 
 occupant. Von Clausewitz, for example, declared that the first ob- 
 ject of war is "invasion, that is, the occupation of the enemy's terri- 
 tory, not with a view to keeping it but in order to levy contributions 
 upon it or to devastate it."* Von Moltke expressed essentially the 
 same view in his letter to Bluntschli, referred to above. Loening, a high 
 German authority, maintains that it is even legitimate for a military 
 occupant to exact money contributions for the purpose of compelling 
 the inhabitants to sue for peace, ^ and the distinguished Austrian pub- 
 licist, Lammasch, defended this view at the first Hague Conference 
 in 1899, although it found no favor there. ^ Other German writers 
 maintain this extreme view universally condemned by all the authori- 
 ties outside Germany and Austria. 
 
 German practice during the war of 1870-71 was in harmony with 
 this view and it has been the same during the present war. During 
 their occupation of France in 1870-71 they not only levied enormous 
 contributions on cities, towns, and departments,^ — so exorbitant in 
 amount that many of them did not differ from sheer pillage except in 
 name,^ — but for the avowed purpose of breaking the resistance of the 
 French people and inducing them to sue for peace, they levied in 
 December, 1870, a per capita contribution of 25 francs on every 
 inhabitant in the occupied districts of France. The German writer 
 Loening admits that this expedient was "extraordinary," but he de- 
 fends it on the ground that the "situation was none the less so," and 
 
 'Compare e.g. Spaight, op. cit., p. 383. 
 
 'E.g. Bluntschli, who remarks that international law forbids the levying of contributions on the inhabi- 
 tants of occupied territory except when they are absolutely indispensable for the maintenance and needs of 
 the occupying army, op. cit., sec. 654. So Leuder remarks that they are limited to the urgent needs of the 
 army and the power to exact them must be strictly construed. Holtzendorff's Handbuch des Volker- 
 rechts. Vol. IV, p. 503. . 
 
 'Morgan, p. 178; Carpentier, p. 140. 
 
 *Vom Kriege, Graham's translation, Vol. I, p. 33. 
 
 'See his article in the Revue de Droit International et de Legislation Comparee, Vol. V, p. 107. 
 
 •Quoted by the German writer Wehberg (Capture in War on Land and Sea, p. 42), who condemns the 
 view that a belligerent may seek to induce his enemy to submit by exhausting him through the power 
 to lay contributions and exact requisitions. 
 
 'I have given many examples in an article published in the American Journal of International Law for 
 January, 1917, pp. 74-76. 
 
 8Cf. Latifi, "Effects of War on Private Property," p. 34. 
 
 22 
 
that it was effective!^ It is refreshing to be able to record, however, 
 that this harsh and unjustmeasure, unanimously condemned by writ- 
 ers outside Germany, has not met with the approval of all reputable 
 German authorities.^ But the German manual assures us that the 
 power of requisition and contribution as resorted to by the Germans 
 was exercised "with the utmost tenderness for the inhabitants, even 
 if in isolated cases excesses occurred"!^ 
 
 During the present war Belgium and France have been bled by 
 huge contributions, the frequency and amount of which repel the as- 
 sumption that they were levied only for the needs of the army and the 
 expenses of the administration.** In addition to a general annual con- 
 tribution of 480,000,000 francs levied on the occupied portion of Bel- 
 gium in December, 1914,^ which was subsequently increased to 
 720,000,000 and renewed each year since, huge contributions, often 
 running into the millions, have been levied on scores if not hundreds 
 of towns and cities in both Belgium and France. In addition to these 
 exactions the Germans of course collected the regular taxes^ and 
 raised other huge sums under the guise of collective fines. 
 
 COLLECTIVE FINES 
 
 The Hague Convention forbids the imposition of collective pun- 
 ishments, pecuniary or otherwise, upon the inhabitants of occupied 
 territory on account of the acts of individuals for which they cannot 
 be regarded as jointly and severally responsible.^ This rule is incor- 
 porated in the war manuals of the United States,* Great Britain,^ 
 and France, ^° in the identical language in which it was formulated by 
 the Hague Conference. The American manual interprets the rule to 
 forbid collective punishments except for such offenses "as the com- 
 munity has committed or permitted to be committed," the inference 
 being that the community cannot be punished for the acts of isolated 
 individuals when the population as a whole is not an accomplice, 
 either actively or passively, or for acts which the local authorities 
 could not have prevented. If, for example, the act is committed by 
 an isolated individual in the dead of night in a remote part of the 
 town or district, under circumstances which make it impossible for 
 the public authorities to have prevented it, or if there is no proof that 
 the population as a whole was a party through either participation 
 or sympathy, it would be a violation of the most elementary rules of 
 
 'See his article in the Revue de Droit International et de Legislation Comparee, Voi. V, p. 108. 
 
 2It is condemned e.g. by Bluntschli {op. cit., sec. 654), by Geffcken (ed. of Heffter, p. 30, note 4) and by 
 Wehberg (Capture in War on Land and Sea, ch. iv). 
 
 'Morgan, p. 176; Carpentier, p. 138. 
 
 *1 have given numerous examples in my article referred to above. 
 
 ^The text of the order imposing this contribution may be found in Huberich and Speyer, "German 
 Legislation in Belgium," 2d ser., p. 11. 
 
 ^Not content with collecting, the regular taxes on the inhabitants who remained in Belgium, General 
 von Bissing by an order t o Jan. 16, 1915, issued for the purpose of compelling the hundreds of thousands 
 of Belgian refugees who had gone into exile in Holland and England to return to Belgium in order that 
 their labor might be requisit ioned by the Germans, gave notice that all Belgians who did not return by 
 March 1 would be penalized b y an additiona llevy equal to ten times the regular personal tax. Text in 
 Huberich and Speyer, op. cit., p.41. 
 
 'Art. 50. 'Art. 385. 
 
 8Art. 354. ""Art. 109. 
 
 23 
 
justice to hold the community responsible and subject it to punish- 
 ment; and it is safe to say that the Hague Conference never intended 
 to sanction the application of the principle of collective responsi- 
 bility and punishment in such cases. ^ 
 
 The German manual does not deal with the subject of collective 
 fines further than to say that they are the most effective means of 
 insuring the obedience of the inhabitants of occupied territory. ^ It 
 also remarks that they were frequently employed by the Germans 
 during the Franco-German war of 1870-71, and the manual naturally 
 attempts to defend the German practice. As is well known, huge 
 fines were laid on many towns, cities, departments, and communes 
 of France. The enormity of the amounts exacted and their dispro- 
 portion to the offenses alleged are evidence enough that in many cases 
 they were nothing more than contributions exacted under the guise 
 of fines, and were imposed not as a punitive measure but merely for 
 the enrichment of the military occupant. ^ The Germans even pushed 
 the theory of collective responsibility to the length of fining remote 
 communes, from which offenders originally came, for acts committed 
 by them in other distant communes in the occupied portion of 
 France."* This iniquitous theory of collective punishment is defended 
 by the Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege and by most German writers on 
 international law, mainly on the ground that it was effective in pre- 
 venting a repetition of the acts complained of. ^ Leuder and the 
 authors of the German manual find a justification also in the "embit- 
 tered character which the war took on during its later stages."^ 
 Regarding the French complaint that the fines were in many cases 
 grossly excessive and out of all proportion to the gravity of the 
 offenses alleged, Leuder remarks that the promptness with which they 
 were paid is evidence enough that they were "in truth not too exor- 
 bitant."^ Leuder even goes to the length of asserting that a com- 
 munity may be fined for the continued persistence of the inhabitants 
 in keeping up a futile struggle {durch frivol fortgesetze Kriege). The 25 
 franc per capita fine levied in 1870 on all the inhabitants of the occu- 
 pied regions of France for the purpose of breaking their spirit of 
 resistance was therefore a justifiable measure.^ 
 
 Such is the theory of the German manual and of German writers 
 regarding collective punishments. It is criticized by practically 
 every writer on international law outside Germany and even some 
 
 iCompare Lawrence, op. cit., p. 447; Spaight, op. cit., p. 408; Despagnet, Cours de Droit International 
 
 sees. 587-588; Bordwell, "Law of War," p. 317; and Nys, Le Droit International, Vol. Ill, p. 429. 
 -Morgan, p. 178. , . , _ . 
 
 ^Compare Bonfils Manuel de Droit International, sec. 1219. I have reviewed the German practice of 
 
 1870-71 and given many details as to the imposition of fines by the Germans, in an article in the American 
 
 Journal of International Law, July, 1917, pp. 512ff. 
 ^The text of the order putting into effect this extraordinary theory of collective responsibility may be 
 
 found in the Revue de Droit International et de Legislation Comparee, Vol. II, p. 666. 
 ^See the defense by Loening in an article in the Revue de Droit International et de Legislation Comparee. 
 
 Vol. v. pp. 77ff. 
 ^Leuder in Holtzendorff's Handbuch des Volkerrechts, Vol. IV, p. 508; also sec. 112, notel4M; organ, p. 178; 
 
 Carpentier, p. 141. 
 Wp. cit., p. 509. 
 
 ^Ibid., pp. 505 and 510. For a criticism of this extraordinary contention see Westlake, "Collected papers 
 on International Law," p. 251. 
 
 24 
 
German writers have condemned it.^ It is likewise contrary to the 
 rule of the Hague Convention and to the most elementary principles 
 of the criminal law. 
 
 During the present war the Germans in both Belgium and France 
 have proceeded on this theory on an even larger scale than they did 
 in 1870-71. Scores of cities, towns, and communes have been pun- 
 ished by huge fines for offenses committed by individuals which the 
 civil authorities were powerless to prevent and in which the popula- 
 tion could not by any process of reasoning have been regarded as 
 accomplices. In many cases the fines were out of all proportion to 
 the gravity of the offenses alleged, leaving no doubt that in fact they 
 were levied not as a punitive measure but for the purpose of enrich- 
 ing the military occupant and recouping himself for the cost of the 
 war. In some cases they were levied on the inhabitants not for acts 
 of the civil population but for acts committed by the regular armed 
 forces of the enemy, which of course are not punishable by community 
 fines since they are legitimate acts of war. 
 
 The city of Brussels, to cite a notable instance from many, has 
 already been fined at least five times. It was fined 5,000,000 francs 
 in November, 1914, for the act of a policeman in attacking a German 
 officer during the course of a dispute between the two; again in July, 
 1915, it was fined 5,000,000 francs for the alleged destruction of a 
 German Zeppelin by a British aviator near Brussels; in the same 
 month it was fined 5,000,000 marks in consequence of a patriotic 
 demonstration by the inhabitants on the occasion of the celebration 
 of the national holiday (July 21); early in 1916 it was fined 500,000 
 marks on the charge that a crime had been committed in the suburb 
 of Shaerbeek with a revolver obtained in Brussels where the posses- 
 sion of fire arms by the citizens had been forbidden by the military 
 authorities; finally, in March, 1918, the city was fined 2,000,000 
 marks on account of a demonstration by anti-Flemish agitators. A 
 fine of 60,000,000 francs was imposed on the province of Liege; 
 10,000,000 on the city of Liege; 3,000,000 on Tournai; 10,000,000 on 
 Courtrai; 3,000,000 on Wavre; 500,000 on Lille; 650,000 on Lune- 
 ville, and scores of others.- Many towns were fined for the alleged 
 firing of shots against German troops by civilian inhabitants; others 
 were fined on account of the refusal of the municipal authorities to 
 furnish the military commanders with lists of unemployed laborers 
 whom the Germans were preparing to deport for forced labor in Ger- 
 many; others were fined for inability to comply with requisitions; for 
 the refusal of the inhabitants to work for the Germans; for the cut- 
 ting of telephone wires, and the like. 
 
 In many instances these fines were in addition to other heavy 
 exactions under the form of requisitions, contributions, and tax 
 
 i£.g. Bluntschli, op. cit., sec. 643bis; and Geffcken, note 7 to sec. 126 of his edition of Heffter's Le Droit 
 
 InternatioJial de V Europe. 
 2 I have given the details regarding a good many other instances in the American Journal of International 
 
 Law ior ]u\y, 1917, pp. ilSff. 
 
 25 
 
levies. As one reads the long list of such exactions and the reasons 
 alleged for imposing them, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that 
 they were a part of the well-established German philosophy of war 
 that an invader is entitled to live on the country which falls under 
 his occupation and that the employment of any instrumentality or 
 measure is legitimate whenever its use contributes "to the attain- 
 ment of the object of the war." 
 
 BOMBARDMENTS 
 
 The Hague Convention forbids the bombardment by whatever 
 means of towns, villages, dwellings, or buildings which are unde- 
 fended;^ it requires the officer in command of an attacking force to do 
 all in his power to warn the authorities before commencing a bom- 
 bardment, except in cases of assault;- and it enjoins belligerents to 
 spare as far as possible buildings dedicated to religion, art, science, or 
 charitable purposes, historic monuments, and hospitals.^ These rules 
 are incorporated textually in the war manuals of the United States, 
 Great Britain, and France. 
 
 The German manual, however, as it so often does, repudiates 
 the Hague rule and declares that a preliminary notification of bom- 
 bardment is not required in any case. The claims to the contrary 
 put forward by some jurists are, we are told, absolutely contrary to 
 the necessities of war and must be rejected by soldiers; moreover, the 
 instances in which warning has been voluntarily given do not prove 
 the existence of an obligation. The besieging commander must de- 
 termine for himself whether the giving of preliminary notice will have 
 the effect of endangering the success of his operations through the 
 loss of precious time. It he is satisfied that it will have this effect he 
 is not bound to give warning; if, on the contrary, he has nothing to 
 fear from giving the notification, "conformity to the exigences of 
 humanity" requires that it should be given.'* In short, the duty of 
 the belligerent in this as in other cases is determined not by consider- 
 ations of humanity but by its effect upon the success of the military 
 operations. The American rules add that while there is no rule 
 requiring a besieging commander to allow women and children to be 
 removed before the bombardment commences, it has been the Ameri- 
 can practice to allow them to leave and the manual reproduces the 
 text of an order issued by General Noghi during the Russo-Japanese 
 war giving permission to the women and children to leave Port 
 Arthur before the bombardment commenced.^ The text of the Ger- 
 man manual does not differ from those of the other three countries in 
 holding that no such obligation is incumbent upon a besieging com- 
 mander, but it does not go to the length which the British manual 
 does^ of saying that considerations of humanity make it desirable if 
 
 ■Art. 25. ■ 
 
 2Art. 26. . 
 
 'Art. 27. 
 
 ^Morgan, p. 104; Carpentier, p. 45. 
 
 'American Rules, p. 68. 
 
 8Art. 127. 
 
 ■ 26 . 
 
possible to permit the inhabitants to leave, nor does it call attention 
 to the fact, as do the American rules, that the best recent practice is 
 in favor of this humanitarian procedure. On the contrary, it asserts 
 that the "pretentions of the professors of international law on this 
 point must be deliberately rejected in principle as opposed to the 
 principles of war," because the presence of the noncombatant popu- 
 lation who must be fed from the supplies of the besieged may have 
 the effect of hastening the surrender of the place. By refusing to 
 allow them to leave, the besieging commander derives a military ad- 
 vantage and it would be foolish, therefore, for him to renounce volun- 
 tarily this advantage.^ 
 
 Regarding the prohibition to bombard open towns and villages 
 which are not occupied by the enemy or defended, the German man- 
 ual takes occasion to say, somewhat cynically, that such a prohibition 
 was indeed embodied in the Hague regulations but it was a "super- 
 fluous provision because the history of modern wars hardly knows of 
 any such case."^ In short, according to the view of the German 
 manual, practically every town within the lines of the enemy is today 
 a "defended" place and may therefore be bombarded. This extra- 
 ordinary contention in effect reduces the prohibitions of the Hague 
 Convention in respect to bombardment to a nullity and it is directly 
 contrary to the views of practically all writers on international law as 
 to what constitutes "defense." There is a general agreement among 
 the text writers that a place is "undefended" and therefore exempt 
 from bombardment if it possesses no means of defense or offers no 
 resistance to the entrance of the enemy. If it is without fortifications 
 or artillery or is unoccupied by troops, as many towns are in time of 
 war, it cannot by any reasonable process of interpretation be said to 
 be "defended."^ The German manual, however, proceeds on the as- 
 sumption that practically all towns in modern times possess the 
 means of defending themselves against the enemy. If there are mil- 
 itary stores, railway establishments, telegraph lines, or bridges in the 
 town, this constitutes a sufficient excuse for bombarding it.'* 
 
 In practice the Germans have during the present war proceeded 
 in accord with the teachings of the Kriegsbrauch. They have bom- 
 barded many open and undefended towns in Belgium and France. 
 In some cases these appear to have been technically defended in the 
 sense of being occupied by troops, although without batteries; in 
 other cases, such as the bombardment of the coast towns of Hartle- 
 pool, Whitby, Scarborough, and Yarmouth, there was not a soldier 
 or a battery in the town. They were bombarded in the darkness of 
 night without a word of warning; scores of women and children were 
 killed, and hundreds of private houses were destroyed, when in fact 
 
 'Morgan, p. 107; Carpentier, p. 49. 
 
 ^Morgan, p. 108; Carpentier, p. 50. 
 
 'Compare Holland, "Laws of War on Land," p. 30; Spaight, op. cit., p. 158;Pillet, Les Lois ActuelUs.'p. 
 104; Bonfils, Manuel, sees. 1081-1082; Westlake, op. cit.. Vol. II, p. 315; Merignhac, op. cit., p. 177. 
 
 *The British manual. Art. 118, expressly condemns this view as do the American ^u/« (Art. 212, note I) 
 which add that if it is necessary to destroy such objects it must be done by other means than bombard- 
 ment. , - . 
 
 27 
 
no military purpose was subserved. As long ago as 1844 the Duke 
 of Wellington, adverting to a recommendation of the Prince of Join- 
 ville's that in the event of war between France and England the unde- 
 fended coast towns of England should be bombarded, declared that 
 such a method of warfare had been "disclaimed by the civilized por- 
 tions of mankind." He was right, but it remained for the Germans 
 to revive it in the year 1915. 
 
 The injunction of the Hague Convention that in sieges and bom- 
 bardments all necessary steps must be taken to spare as far as pos- 
 sible buildings dedicated to religion, art, science, or charitable pur- 
 poses, historic monuments, hospitals, and the like has been system- 
 atically disregarded by the German military commanders during the 
 present war. The destruction of the University of Louvain with its 
 library of priceless treasures; of many beautiful historic city halls, 
 some of them dating from the middle ages; of the cathedrals of 
 Rheims, Malines, St. Quentin, Soissons, and Arras; the ancient Cloth 
 Hall at Ypres completed in 1304 and one of the most exquisite ex- 
 amples of Gothic architecture in Europe; the historic Chateau de 
 Coucy built in the thirteenth century; and scores of other ancient 
 historic edifices — some of which like the Cathedral of Rheims belonged 
 not to France alone but were in a real sense the property of all 
 mankind — is evidence enough of the manner in which the injunction 
 of the Hague Convention has been respected.^ Brand Whitlock, 
 American minister to Belgium, in a report made to the Department 
 of State in 1917, declared that the only institutions scrupulously res- 
 pected by the Germans in Belgium were the breweries. It is only 
 just to the Germans, however, to assume that in some instances it 
 was impossible for them to spare churches and historic monuments 
 situated as they were in the center of the towns or cities which they 
 had a lawful right to bombard, and it may be true that in some in- 
 stances church towers were, as they charged, used for purposes of 
 military observation by the enemy, although these charges have been 
 emphatically denied by the Belgian and French authorities. But 
 even if we admit the validity of the German excuse that the immunity 
 of certain edifices from bombardment had been forfeited by their use 
 for military observation and that it was impossible to spare others 
 because of their situation, what justification can they offer for the 
 destruction of buildings of this character after their armed forces had 
 gained possession of the towns in which they were situated and effec- 
 tively established their authority over the population? In fact, 
 most of them were destroyed or damaged not through bombardment 
 from the outside but were burned by the Germans while they were in 
 full possession and consequently when there was no military justifica- 
 tion for destroying them. Some of them, like the Castle of Coucy, 
 were wantonly destroyed as a measure of devastation before the 
 
 iM. Malvey, French Minister of the Interior, in a report made by him in 1917 stated that 221 city halls 
 of France had been damaged or wrecked by the Germans, 379 school buildings, 331 churches and 306 
 other structures of a public or semi-public character. Fifty-six of the buildings destroyed were classified 
 as "historical" edifices. The number of such buildings destroyed or injured in Belgium was even larger. 
 
 28 
 
retreat of the Germans and when no direct military object was sub- 
 served thereby. The war manuals of all countries condemn the des- 
 truction of such buildings except where it is absolutely required by 
 the gravest military necessity.^ Even the German manual declares 
 that they must be spared and protected.^ 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 Such are the theories of the German war manual and such are 
 some of the more important points of divergence between it and the 
 manuals of the United States, Great Britain, and France and the 
 Hague Convention. The statement of the London Times that "it 
 is the first time in the history of mankind that a creed so revolting 
 has been deliberately formulated by a great civilized state" may seem 
 a little severe, but it can at least be said that the doctrines of the Ger- 
 man manual on many points are absolutely in conflict with the liberal 
 and enlightened views of practically all jurists and text writers out- 
 side Germany, contrary to many of the rules agreed upon by the 
 powers represented at the Hague Conferences and formally embodied 
 in the Convention Respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land, 
 and out of harmony with the whole spirit and progress of modern 
 civilization. As such, the manual has been justly condemned by 
 American, Belgian, English, and French writers on the laws of war, 
 almost without exception. 
 
 It is but just to say, however, that some of its provisions are 
 irreproachable and entirely in accord with the letter and spirit of the 
 Hague Conventions as well as the generally recognized customs and 
 usages of civilized warfare. Thus the manual declares that belliger- 
 ents are bound to respect the inviolability of neutral territory and 
 that if a belligerent trespasses upon the territory of a neutral state 
 the latter may resist such a violation with all the means in its power;^ 
 that an occupying belligerent is bound to respect the laws in force 
 except where "imperative military necessity" requires alteration;'* 
 that occupation of the enemy's territory does not mean annexation 
 of it;^ that the law of nations no longer recognizes the right ofpillage 
 and devastation;^ that private property in land warfare may be taken 
 only for the needs of the army;^ that libraries, churches, school build- 
 ings, museums, almshouses, and hospitals must be protected and that 
 art treasures can no longer be carried off by an invader for the en- 
 richment of his own galleries;^ that the civil population of the enemy 
 territory are not to be regarded, generally speaking, as enemies; that 
 
 ^Compare the American Rules, Art. 225; the British manual, Art. 133; and the French manual. Art. 65. 
 
 ^Morgan, pp. 105, 169. The following from an article by Major General Disfurth published in the Ham- 
 burger Nachrichten, November, 1914, has been quoted as an example of the estimation in which historic 
 monuments are held by German military commanders: "War is war and must be waged with severity. 
 The commonest ugliest stone placed over the grave of a German grenadier is a more glorious monument 
 than all the cathedrals in Europe put together. They call us barbarians. What of it.'' For my part 
 I hope that in this war we have merited the title of barbarians. Our troops must achieve victory. What 
 else matters?" Quoted by Sir Gilbert Parker in his book, "The World in the Crucible," p. 80. 
 
 ^Morgan, p. 197. ^Ibid., pp. 161 and 177. 
 
 *Ibid., p. 181. Ubid., p. 170. 
 
 mid., p. 180. ilbid., p. 169. 
 
 ■ 29 
 
they cannot therefore be injured, insulted, maltreated, carried away 
 into bondage, or killed;^ that the sick and wounded of the enemy 
 should be protected and cared for; etc.- In fact, however, every one 
 of these rules has been violated — some of them many times — by the 
 German armies during the present war. 
 
 The German manual, therefore, must be studied not merely as a 
 document but in the light of German practice in order to arrive at a 
 just conception of the real German philosophy of the nature and ob- 
 jects of war and the means and instruments that may be employed in 
 prosecuting it to a successful termination. One can no more obtain 
 a true notion of this philosophy by confining his study to the text of 
 the manual than he can understand the real character of the German 
 government by reading the formal prescriptions of the constitution. 
 
 THE GERMAN CODE OF NAVAL WARFARE 
 
 Happily what is said above in criticism of the German manual 
 of land warfare cannot be applied to the German manual for the con- 
 duct of war at sea.^ The rules of the German prize code in respect 
 to blockade, contraband, capture, search, and the destruction of 
 prizes are quite in harmony with the generally recognized laws and 
 usages of naval warfare. In the main they are literal reproductions 
 of the corresponding rules of the Declaration of London, although 
 there are some unimportant divergencies. 
 
 Before capturing a vessel, the prize code tells us, the commander 
 must cause it to stop by means of a signal, he must then send aboard 
 a searching party, its papers must be examined for the purpose of 
 determining its nationality as well as the character and destination 
 of its cargo, etc. If the examination establishes the liability of the 
 ship or cargo to capture, a prize crew must be placed on board and 
 the vessel taken in for trial by a prize court. Members of the crew 
 who are subjects of a neutral state must be released without condi- 
 tions.^ Following the rules of the Declaration of London, the prize 
 code allows the captor under certain conditions to destroy his prize 
 instead of taking it in for adjudication^ but it takes care to add that 
 "before proceeding to a destruction of the vessel, the safety of all per- 
 sons on boards and, so far as possible, of their effects, is to be provided 
 for, and all the ship's papers and other evidentiary material of value 
 for the formulation of the judgment of the prize court are to be taken 
 over by the commander."^ Regarding the destruction of neutral ves- 
 sels for carrying contraband, the prize code expressly declares, fol- 
 lowing the Declaration of London, that such vessels may be destroyed 
 
 nhid., pp. 147-148. 
 
 nhid., p. 115. 
 
 3The Prxsen Ordnung of Sept. 30, 1909, and the Prij^n GirrifA«/orinu«j of April IS, 1911, together pro- 
 . mulgated as a prize code on Aug. 3, 1914. Both have been translated into English by C. H. Huberich 
 
 and Richard King and published under the title "The Prize Code of the German Empire as in Force 
 
 July 1, 1915" (New York and London, 1915). 
 ♦Arts. 81-98. 
 6Art. 113. 
 'Art. 116. This humane requirement regarding provision for the safety of the crews and passengers is 
 
 repeated in Art. 129. 
 
 30 
 
only when subject to condemnation by a prize court; and it adds that 
 they are not subject to condemnation unless the contraband on board 
 constitutes more than half the cargo. ^ 
 
 As to blockades, the prize code lays down the universally ac- 
 cepted principle that a blockade to be legal must be effective,- that 
 is, it must be maintained, in the language of the prize code, by a "cor- 
 don" of ships off the blockaded ports, ^ and that, when vessels are 
 destroyed by the captor for breach of blockade, provision must be 
 made for the safety of the persons on board. ^ Finally, the prize code 
 in accordance with Conventions No. X and XI of the second Hague 
 Conference declares that hospital ships and vessels engaged on mis- 
 sions of philanthropy and relief are exempt from capture, and of 
 course from destruction.^ 
 
 GERMAN METHODS OF WAR AT SEA 
 
 These rules are beyond criticism; unlike so many of those in the 
 German manual of land warfare they conform to the requirements of 
 the great international Conventions as well as the best usage of mod- 
 ern naval warfare. Unfortunately, however, German practice during 
 the present war has been in flagrant contradiction to them. The re- 
 quirement that vessels shall be searched, their nationality verified, 
 and their liability to capture established before destruction, has rarely 
 been observed by German submarine commanders. Their examina- 
 tion has usually consisted of nothing more than a long distance view 
 through a periscope, under circumstances which make it impossible 
 for the commander to determine the destination of the ship or the 
 character and destination of the cargo. Hundreds of neutral vessels, 
 more than a thousand altogether, have been torpedoed, in most cases, 
 for carrying contraband, yet there appear to be few or no instances 
 in which the destroying commander stopped the vessel, inspected its 
 papers, or examined its cargo — this in the face of the rule of the Ger- 
 man prize code that a vessel may not be destroyed for carrying con- 
 traband unless it is liable to condemnation by a prize court and unless 
 the contraband goods constitute more than half the cargo. How it 
 is possible for a submarine commander peering through the narrow 
 slit of a periscope to determine the character of a cargo in the hold of 
 a distant ocean liner, much less to determine what proportion the con- 
 traband goods, if there Se any, bear to the total cargo, has never been 
 explained. 
 
 The provision of the German prize code that the captor shall 
 make provision for the safety of all persons on board before destroy- 
 ing the vessel has, as is well known, been ruthlessly disregarded. 
 Ocean liners by the hundred have been torpedoed by German sub- 
 marines sorrietimes without a word of warning, sometimes with warn- 
 
 lArts. 41 and 113a. 
 
 2Art. 59. 
 
 3Arts. 76, 77. . . . . ■ - 
 
 4Arts. 78, 113. . ... .":.. , 
 
 6Art. 5. - ■■ . 
 
 31 
 
ing entirely insufficient to enable the crews and passengers to take to 
 the life boats. Even when provision was made for the safety of those 
 on board, it consisted of nothing more than placing them in small life 
 boats, frequently in rough weather, sometimes hundreds of miles from 
 land, leaving them to drift about for many days exposed to the rigors 
 of winter, to suffer the tortures of thirst and hunger, and often to be 
 washed overboard and drowned in the seas which they were innocently 
 traversing and for the freedom of which the German government pre- 
 tends to be fighting. According to official British returns published 
 in March, 1918, 12,836 noncombatants of British nationality alone, 
 including many women and children, had lost their lives in conse- 
 quence of this method of warfare.^ Down to May, 1918, the toll 
 taken in this way of Norwegian ships and seamen amounted to 755 
 vessels and 1006 lives, not counting 700 men on 53 missing vessels 
 most of which are now regarded as lost.- 
 
 Notwithstanding the rule of the German prize code that for a 
 blockade to be legal a "cordon" of vessels must be stationed off the 
 blockaded coasts and ports so as to make the blockade effective, the 
 German government pretends to have established a lawful blockade 
 of England by means of the submarines, which, of course, by reason 
 of their number and character, are incapable of maintaining a block- 
 ade. Such a blockade is very much like the expedient of a police 
 commissioner who without having a sufficient number of officers at 
 his disposal to close a street depends upon the occasional dash of a 
 policeman upon the scene who shoots innocent bystanders and tres- 
 passers alike. There in no formality of search, no notification, no 
 adjudication. The whole procedure is like ambushing a man and 
 sending him to his death without warning and without a trial. 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF HOSPITAL AND BELGIAN 
 RELIEF SHIPS 
 
 In a similar manner the immunity of hospital ships and vessels 
 engaged in charitable work, proclaimed by the German prize code in 
 its very first chapter, has been deliberately overridden again and again 
 by German submarine commanders. On October 26, 1914, the 
 French steamer Amiral Gaiiteaume with 2500 Belgian refugees who 
 were being transported to England from their stricken country was 
 deliberately torpedoed by a German submarine without warning and 
 without excuse. The French government justly characterized the 
 act as the "murder of inoffensive individuals" and asserted that "never 
 before in the most barbarous times had a crime comparable to this 
 been committed."^ Among hospital ships similarly torpedoed were 
 
 ^New York Times, March 14, 1918. See also an address by Wesley Frost, United States Consul at 
 Queenstown, published in the London Weekly Times of Dec. 7, 1917; also his despatch to the Depart- 
 ment of State, text in New York Times of April 23, 1917. Mr Frost, who saw hundreds of the rescued 
 victims, gives many harrowing details of the sufferings which they endured. See also a book by Alfred 
 Noyes entitled "Open Boats" (New York, 1917) and a very frank and illuminating account by a Ger- 
 man submarine commander in his book entitled "The Journal of a Submarine Commander" (English 
 translation by Russell Codman, Boston, 1917). 
 
 ^Despatch from the Norwegian Foreign Office published in the New York Times, May 7, 1918. 
 
 ^Rei'ue Generate de Droit International Public, July-Oct., 1915, Docs. p. 112. 
 
 32 
 
the Asturias (31 persons lost their lives), th&Anglia (with a loss of 
 100 lives), th&Britannic (about 50 lives being lost), the Bremer Castle, 
 the Gloucester Castle, the Donegal, the Lanjranc (75 lives lost), the 
 Stephano, and others. Every one of these vessels bore in conspicu- 
 ous letters the Red Cross markings which at night were highly illu- 
 minated. In some cases the excuse given by the German govern- 
 ment was mistake; but in January, 1917, the German government 
 threw off the mask and announced that in the future all British and 
 French hospital ships would be regarded as vessels of war and would 
 if encountered in the war zone be sunk without warning^ — this on the 
 pretext that the Entente hospital ships were engaged in transporting 
 troops and munitions of war. The British and French governments 
 emphatically denied the charge and caused the attention of the Ger- 
 man government to be called to the provision of the Hague Conven- 
 tion which allows belligerents to stop and search hospital ships and 
 to verify any suspicions which they may have that the Red Cross 
 privilege is being abused. But German submarine commanders ap- 
 parently did not care to take the trouble to observe this humane 
 requirement of the Convention and they continued to sink every hos- 
 pital ship which they pretended to suspect of misusing the Red Cross 
 flag, without making any effort to verify their suspicions by an exam- 
 ination. There is no evidence that one of the ships thus torpedoed 
 was ever employed for any other purpose than the transportation of 
 the sick and wounded and the neutral world has accepted the denial 
 of the British and French governments as a truthful statement of 
 facts. The decree of January, 1917, was justly regarded in America 
 as the climax of German savagery in its methods of submarine war- 
 fare. 
 
 Many relief ships engaged in the transportation of food and other 
 supplies to the stricken people of Belgium, and equally protected by 
 both the Hague Conventions and the German prize code, were simi- 
 larly treated. The Harplyce, the Ulriken, the Otamas, the Tokomaru, 
 the Hendron Hall, the Friedland, the Storstad, the Lars Fostenes, the 
 Haelen, the Tunisie, the Hinghorn, the Camilla, the Trevier, 
 the Anna Fostenes, the Euphrates, the Ministre de Smet, the 
 Festein, and various others whose names were not given in the press 
 despatches were some of the victims. Every one of them bore in 
 huge letters the markings of the Belgian Relief Commision, and what 
 is more, every one carried a safe conduct issued by authority of the 
 German government. In a few cases the excuse alleged was mistake, 
 which could have been avoided had German submarine commanders 
 taken the trouble to observe the formality of search and verification 
 which the German prize code itself requires. In most cases, how- 
 ever, the pretext put forward was the same as that alleged in justifi- 
 cation of the sinking of hospital ships: namely, that they were en- 
 gaged in carrying troops and munitions, and in some instances they 
 
 ^Memorandum of Jan, 29, 1917, to the American government for transmission to the governments, of 
 Great Britain and France. 
 
 23 
 
were even charged with attacking German submarines. How sub- 
 marine commanders, in view of their practice of destroying without 
 searching and verifying the character of the cargoes carried by their 
 victims, could have known that the vessels in question had on board 
 troops and munitions is not apparent. Most of the relief ships thus 
 destroyed were in fact of neutral nationality and could have had no 
 motive in transporting troops or munitions for either belligerent. No 
 evidence was ever offered in support of the charges made by the Ger- 
 mans, and the vigorous denial of the officials of the Relief Commis- 
 sion may be taken as an absolutely truthful statement of the facts. 
 Such is the manner in which German naval commanders have 
 respected the rules of their own prize code promulgated by the Ger- 
 man government on August 3, 1914. It is hard to see how it can be 
 reconciled with the noble utterance of Germany's great diplomat, 
 Marschall von Bieberstein, at the second Hague Conference: "The 
 officers of the German Navy, I loudly proclaim it {je le dis a voix 
 haute), will always fulfill in the strictest fashion the duties which 
 emanate from the unwritten law of humanity and civilization. As 
 to the sentiments of humanity and civilization, I cannot admit that 
 there is any government or country which is superior in those senti- 
 ments to that which I have the honor to represent."^ 
 
 ^La Devxiime Conference de la Paix, Actes et Documents, T. Ill, p. 382. 
 
 34 
 
THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 THE STATE UNIVERSITY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY INCLUDES 
 
 The Graduate School, which offers courses of graduate study in ail departments of 
 
 the University. 
 The College of Liberal Arts and Sciekces. 
 
 The College OF Commerce AND Business Administration. - ' \ 1 
 
 The College of Engineering and the Engineering Experiment Station. 
 The College of Agriculture and the Agricultural Experiment Station. 
 The College OF Law. - „ --,. . , - 
 
 The College of Medicine (Chicago). "" ^ 
 
 The College of Dentistry (Chicago). 
 
 The Schools of Education, Music, Library Science, and Pharmacy (Chicago). 
 The Summer Session of eight weeks, held each summer. 
 
 The State Laboratory of Natural History, the State Geological Survey, the State 
 Water Survey, located at the University, all offer unusual facilities for researck. 
 
 The Libraries at Urbana contain 390,867 volumes and 100,284 pamphlets. 
 For catalogs and information address 
 
 The University Registrar -~ ' 
 ^ .= Urbana, Illinois 
 
Publications of the University of Illinois 
 
 Following Is a partial list of the publications issued by or at the University: 
 
 1 . The University Studies. A series of monographs on miscellaneous subjects. 
 
 2. The University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences. Monographs 
 in history, economics, political science and sociology, issued quarterly. Three dollars 
 a year, 
 
 3. The University of Illinois Studies in Language and Literature. Quar- 
 terly monographs. Three dollars a year. 
 
 4. The Illinois Biological Monographs, published quarterly. Three dollars a 
 year. . 
 
 5. The Journal of English and Germanic Philology, published quarterly. 
 Three dollars a year. ' - 
 
 For any of the above, address Room 161 Administration BuildingyUniversity'Of Illinois, 
 Urbana, Illinois, U.S. A. . . • 
 
 6. The Bulletin of the Agricultural Experiment Station. Address 
 Director of Agricultural Experiment Station, University of Illinois. 
 
 7. The Bulletin of the Engineering Experiment Station. A reportr of -the 
 research work in the Engineering Experiment Station. Address Director of Engineer- 
 ing Experiment Station, University of Illinois. \ 
 
 8. The Bulletin of the State Laboratory of Natural History. Address 
 Director of State Laboratory of Natural History, University of Illinois. 
 
 9. The Bulletin of the State Geological Survey, University of Illinois. 
 
 10. The Bulletin of the State Water Survey. Address Director of State 
 Water Survey, University of Illinois. 
 
 IL The Report of the State Entomologist. Address State Entomologist, 
 University of Illinois. 
 
 12. The Bulletin of the Illinois Association of Teachers of English. 
 Address 301 University Hall, University of Illinois. 
 
 13. The Bulletin of the School of Education. Address 203 University Hall, 
 University of Illinois. 
 
 14. The general series, containing the University catalog and circulars of special 
 departments. Address the Rrgistrar, University of Illinois. 
 
 15. War Committee Leaflets and Pamphlets. Address 109 Commerce Building, 
 University of Illinois. 
 
 16. The Law Bulletin. Address College of Law, University of Illinois. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 
 Vol. XV AUGUST 19, 1918 No. 51 
 
 [Entered as secor.d-class iratter December 11, 1912, at the post offce at Urbana, Illinois, under 
 the Act of August 24, 1912.] 
 
 The Responsibility for the 
 Great War 
 
 BY 
 
 LAURENCE M. LARSON 
 
 Professor of History 
 
 An address delivered at a convocation of this College cf^Agriculture, 
 University of Illinois, May 16, 1918. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
^■ 
 
 THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE 
 GREAT WAR. 
 
 In the summer of 1914, when the Great War suddenly broke upon 
 Europe, there was much perplexity and confusion of thought among 
 neutral observers. Signs of a coming test of strength had been plenti- 
 ful, but thus far they had proved false: diplomatic "crises" had been 
 successfully handled ; sabers had rattled but had remained in the sheath ; 
 ' ' storm clouds ' ' had failed to break. And now, almost without warning, 
 the most malignant forces of civilization were loosened and the world 
 war was a fact. 
 
 There was nothing in the European situation of that year that should 
 "inevitably" have led to war. Armed conflicts usually come when 
 statesmen, diplomats, and the controlling classes lack wisdom in dealing 
 with real crises or when the ruling elements actually desire war. Justice 
 sometimes demands warfare, but in 1914 justice was evidently aot 
 active in the councils of Central Europe. Neutral observers were soon 
 in fair agreement that in August of that } ear a crime had been com- 
 mitted — the greatest crime in all the ages. 
 
 In their search for the criminal they received but slight help from 
 the belHgerent parties; all tried to load the responsibility for the war 
 on the backs of their opponents. Soon after the outbreak, Count 
 Andrassy, an eminent Hungarian statesman, in a book entitled "Whose 
 Sin is the World War," placed the blame on Russia; England and France 
 were responsible in a lesser degree. The Germans, however, were un- 
 willing to accept Andrassy 's dictum; they regarded England as the chief 
 criminal and called fervently on the Almighty to join in punishing that 
 wicked state. England in her turn found the responsibihty in Berlin 
 and poured forth her wrath upon the Kaiser as the symbol of Prussian 
 power and perfidy. 
 
 Before many months the neutral world had come to feel that the 
 burden of responsibility must ultimately be placed on one of these two 
 powers, England or Germany. And, as the war developed, a constantly 
 growing number came to feel that the guilt must be charged to the 
 German government. It may, therefore, be worth while to review a few 
 
outstanding facts of recent history, the fuller understanding of which 
 has helped to drive mankind toward this conclusion. 
 
 One of the chief controlling factors in British foreign policy in the 
 second half of the nineteenth century was a deep-seated fear of Russia. 
 Spann'ng the vast plain from the Baltic Sea to Bering Strait, a distance 
 of nearly 5,000 miles, and controlling the destinies of more than 150,000,- 
 000 people, the Russian Empire made a tremendous impression on states- 
 men two generations ago. But as the century marked its close it 
 gradually dawned upon Western Europe that Russia was not able to 
 play the part that she had chosen. The outcome of the Russo-Japanese 
 war convinced the world that there was much clay in the feet of the 
 Russian giant. In England the dread of "the Bear" passed away, but 
 it was replaced by another fear — the fear of Germany. 
 
 The belief that Germany might some day become a menace to 
 British power began to find expression about thirty years ago, and had 
 its origin in competition and rivalry, of which three forms developed: 
 commercial, naval and imperialistic. 
 
 I. Commercial Rivalry. 
 
 The commercial rivalry originated during the eighties, when Ger- 
 many was beginning her wonderful development along industrial lines. 
 Before this time England had largely provided the world with manufac- 
 tured products; now Germany appeared with a demand for a large 
 share of the world's commerce ; her merchants even began to sell their 
 wares in the markets of the British Isles. Their success irritated the 
 English, and parliament (1887) passed an act requiring all goods of 
 German origin to be clearly marked "made in Germany." This law did 
 not work out ss was intended, however, for the Germans seized on the 
 phrase and began to use it for trade-mark purposes. 
 
 For a time it was feared in England that the German merchants 
 might succeed in their efforts to obtain the leadership in the world's 
 trade; but English commerce soon began to show a parallel growth, 
 especially during the five years just preceding the war. England was 
 apparently on the way to regain her commercial supremacy — to the 
 great disgust of the industrial barons of Germany. There was in 1914 
 no reason why England should wish to risk a war for the destruction of 
 German commerce. 
 
II. Naval Rivalry. 
 
 The naval rivalry foUowed the economic expansion of Germany and 
 was in a measiu-e an outgrowth of the same. Germany was building a 
 large merchant marine, and there is a superstition abroad that such a 
 fleet must have the support and protection of a great and efficient navy. 
 Twenty-five years ago certain influences in Germany began to agitate 
 for a strong naval armament. In 1897 Admiral Tirpitz became the 
 chief of naval affairs. It was his purpose to develop a German navy 
 so strong that no other power would care to attack it. In this he was 
 supported by a powerful organization, the "Navy League," which the 
 ICrupps helped to finance, and which in a few years could count its 
 membership by the hundred thousands. 
 
 It has long been the policy of England to maintain only a small 
 standing army, but to keep afloat a navy as large and as efficient as 
 any other two navies : this is known as the two-power standard. The 
 character of the British empire necessitates such a polic}': nine-tenths 
 of the subjects of Britain live outside Europe, most of them thousands 
 of miles away. To maintain communication with her dependencies 
 over the sea and to provide for their prompt and adequate defense, 
 Englands needs a large navy. 
 
 But now comes Germany with a proposal to maintain the greatest 
 and most efficient army in the world and to add to it a navy that would 
 rival that of England and perhaps ultimately surpass it. If the British 
 government were to maintain the two-power standard, more English 
 ships must be built; and now began a dangerous competition in ship 
 construction which continued to the beginning of the war. This meant 
 vast expendittu-es of money and consequently high taxation. This led 
 again to much complaint, especially in England where the government 
 was anxiously seeking methods by which to finance certain important 
 social reforms, such as national insm^ance of workingmen and pensions 
 for the aged poor. 
 
 Much has been said in recent years about the menace of Prussian 
 militarism, to which the Germans have replied by calling attention to 
 English navalism. A navy, however, is essentially a defensive weapon; 
 its use in offensive warfare is narrowly limited and ordinarily requires 
 the cooperation of an army. A great military force, on the other hand, 
 can often be used effectively mthout the support of a fleet, as German 
 warfare in the present conflict has abundantly proved. Militarism is a 
 
greater menace than navalism; but a combination of militarism and 
 navalism, as planned by the war lords of Berlin, is the greatest menace to 
 the world's peace imaginable. 
 
 About 1901 the English people began to appreciate the dangers of 
 the new situation. The Boer War, which had just been ended, had 
 revealed the difficulties of imperial defense ; it had also revealed the fact 
 that England had no real friend among the great powers. The "splen- 
 did isolation" of which a prime minister had boasted a dozen years 
 earlier did not look attractive then, more partictdarly because across the 
 North Sea an unfriendly rival was developing a wonderful naval estab- 
 Hshment, and England suddenly remembered that she had no fleet with 
 which to match and to meet the battleships of Germany riding at 
 anchor only 200 miles away. 
 
 In the decade before the war two great problems lay before the 
 English government on the side of the admiralty; to maintain the tWo- 
 power standard and to establish a North Sea fleet. 
 
 The government began by forming an alliance with Japan, according 
 to the terms of which the latter power should take over the protection of 
 British interests in the North Pacific. This would release a number of 
 British men-of-war, which could be brought home and assigned to duty 
 in the North Sea. 
 
 Another important step was the appointment of Sir John Fisher to a 
 high office in the British admiralty. Sir John was more than a mere 
 administrator; he was a real seaman and appreciated the possibilities 
 of naval development. He rebuilt and reorganized the British navy, 
 beginning the work by assigning 180 ships to the official junk heap. But 
 John Fisher's activities were not all destructive; he directed the building 
 of a new battleship which was larger, swifter, and carried heavier guns 
 than any other battleship afloat. This was the famous Dreadnought, 
 which was completed for service in 1906. 
 
 The launching of the Dreadnought produced a sensation in the naval 
 world. All the older battleships were suddenly relegated to second 
 place. The other great powers immediately felt that they, too, must 
 have dreadnoughts. Incidentally the launching of John Fisher's new 
 man-of-war postponed the great European conflict for eight years. The 
 Germans had cut a canal across Schleswig between the North and Baltic 
 seas so as to facilitate naval movements and to provide a refuge for 
 their warships and merchantmen at times of great danger. Now it 
 
was discovered that the Kiel Canal was too narrow to accommodate 
 battleships of the dreadnought type. The German government at once 
 proceeded to enlarge this waterway and on July 1, 1914, the work was 
 completed. A month later the Kaiser called out his forces, and the 
 peace of Europe was at an end. 
 
 III. Imperialistic Rivalry. 
 
 In its early stages the Great War was a struggle for empire; the 
 Germans hoped to win colonies and dependencies ; Great Britain wished 
 to retain what she already possessed. England did not covet any 
 German territory; on the other hand Prussian agitators and publicists 
 were constantly calling on the English "land-grabber" to disgorge, not 
 for the benefit of subject Asiatics or Africans, but in the interest of 
 Prussian capitalists. Though many Englishmen felt that the expansion 
 of England had already passed desirable limits, they were averse to 
 hauling down the British flag on the demands of a rival and apparently 
 unfriendly power. So the Briton set his teeth and informed the Prus- 
 sians that "what we hold we shall keep." 
 
 For more than three hundred A^ears the English have been engaged 
 in colonizing ventures. Not even a German historian in his serious 
 moments would care to deny that the building of the British Empire has 
 brought great benefits not only to England, but to the cause of civiliza- 
 tion throughout the world. The German government began to take a 
 half-hearted interest in coknial expansion only thirty-five years ago. 
 While the English Puritans were settHng New England and laying the 
 foundations of the present United States, Germany was fighting the 
 Thirty- Years' War. While the English East India Company was 
 establishing British power in India, Frederick II and the Prussians were 
 engaged in the presiunably laudable effort to deprive the Hapsburg 
 dynasty of one of its choicest provinces. While Englishrren were 
 settling Canada and Australia and making those great regions securely 
 British, the two great German states, Prussia and Austria, were occupied 
 with the far more spectacular and congenial task of slaughtering Poland 
 and dividing the carcass with the Russian Czar. While David Living- 
 stone and Cecil Rhodes were exploring and winning South Africa for 
 England, Germany was busy strengthening herself in Europe and inci- 
 dentally trying to impose KulUtr on sundry Danes and Frenchmen who 
 had become unwilling subjects of the Kaiser a few years before. 
 
When the Fatherland at last was ready to consider territorial ex- 
 pansion outside Europe, the desirable regions had long been appropria- 
 ted. The territories that fell to Germany in the "scramble for Africa" 
 in the eighties were not su 2h as would gladden the Prussian imperiaHst, 
 and he looked with longing eyes toward Egypt, India, and South Africa, 
 — but there was the Union Jack! 
 
 In 1901, however, Paul Rohrbach, a German publicist, sketched and 
 put forth a plan that looked highly promising; it was to utihze in 
 modern fashion the aticient Persian road and trade route from the 
 Bosporus to the Persian Gulf. The project was to build a railway from 
 Constantinople through Asia Minor and Mesopotamia to the mouth of 
 the "rivers of Babylon." Ostensibly this railway was to be the means 
 for the development of the Near East ; and to this the English had no 
 serious objections. But as they reflected on the possibilities of the 
 Baghdad railway scheme British statesmen began to feel somewhat 
 uneasy. 
 
 (1). East of the Persian Gulf in the Middle and Far East Hves one- 
 half of the population of the entire world. The European trade of this 
 vast region, which in recent years has been carried in large measures in 
 English ships through the Suez Canal, would, in part at least, be diverted 
 to this far shorter railway route. 
 
 (2). An important branch of the Baghdad system was to run south 
 through Syria to the neighborhood of the Isthmus of Suez. In a war 
 with Germany this might prove extremely important as it would endan- 
 ger the English possession of the Suez Canal. If the Germans and Turks 
 should seize the isthmus, the Germans would possess both of the two 
 short routes to the Orient, the Baghdad Railway and the Suez Canal. 
 
 (3). The Syrian branch of the Baghdad Railway could easily be 
 connected with the terminus of the Cape to Cairo Railway, which the 
 English were building in eastern Africa. It might be an advantage to 
 be able to travel by rail from Cape Town to Hamburg, but the English 
 feared that the advantage would be chiefly with the Germans. 
 
 (4). It also seemed possible that somewhere on the Persian Gulf 
 at the terminal of the Baghdad Railway the Germans might develop 
 a naval station sufficiently strong to endanger English supremacy in 
 India, which is only four days' sailing distant. India has long been and 
 still remains the central fact in the British Empire. It is the richest and 
 most populous dependency in all the world and the English are naturally 
 not disposed to surrender India to the Germans. 
 
The German expansionists, who talk glibly of Kultur in Egypt, 
 Mesopotamia, India, and China, doubtless based their hopes largely 
 on the Baghdad project. And then suddenly the dream vanished. It 
 was learned that the chief of an Arab tribe on the shores of the Persian 
 Gulf, the sheikh of Koweit, had, even before the Germans had arranged 
 to build their railway, placed his territories under the protection of 
 England. And the port of Koweit was the only available terminal for 
 the great road ! 
 
 The English did not come into these regions as interlopers. For 
 three hundred years the Union Jack has waved over the Persian Gulf. 
 For three hundred years the English navy has policed its waters and 
 given trade what security it has been able to enjoy. The Union Jack 
 was there even before the Turkish Crescent appeared in the Persian 
 Gulf; but the English annexed no territory; they were in those waters 
 in the interest of trade only. 
 
 British imperialism is not wholly altioiistic; and yet, when it is 
 compared with the imperialistic policies of other nations, it reveals a 
 remarkably unselfish spirit. England does not tax her colonies; the 
 taxes raised in Canada, Australia, or India are spent in and for the 
 colony that pays the tax. What England wants in the Orient is an 
 opportunity to trade on the same terms that are granted to other nations. 
 She seeks no monopoly for herself nor does she discriminate in her own 
 favor by means of protective tariffs. It ma}" be said in passing that 
 the Germans are not able to understand the spirit of British imperial- 
 ism; to them it is incontestable evidence that the "shop-keeper" nation 
 is an inefficient and inferior race. - -• 
 
 IV. The Entente. 
 
 During the decade when the German expansionists were preparing 
 to challenge British power in the Orient, the English diplomats were 
 seeking to establish friendly relations with other powers. The alliance 
 with Japan (1902) has already been noted. More important were the 
 understandings with France (1904) and with Russia (1907) which 
 became the basis of the Triple Entente. 
 
 There was no real hostility between France and England in 1904, 
 but the feeling was not wholly cordial and in certain parts of the world 
 the English and the French were keen rivals. They had come near to 
 collision in central Africa where French Soudan jostles English Soudan. 
 
10 
 
 But M. Delcasse, the French foreign minister, felt that with the German 
 enemy gaining yearly in strength France coiild not afford to be on 
 unfriendly terms with England. Negotiations were opened with the 
 English foreign office, which resulted in a settlement known as the 
 entente cordiale. France gave England a quitclaim deed to Egypt 
 while England on her part promised not to interfere with the plans of 
 France with regard to Morocco. Other questions were also taken up 
 and settled to the satisfaction of both parties. 
 
 In 1907 England, to the great astonishment of Europe, came to a 
 similar "cordial imderstanding " with Russia. As noted above, English 
 statesmen had long feared the steady expansion of Russian territory. 
 In spite of her length of coast line, however, Russia was not favorably 
 situated with respect to over-seas trade. It was believed, therefore, 
 that the Muscovites had an ambition to force their way to the ocean on 
 three sides: northwestward into northern Norway to an ice-free port 
 on the Atlantic ; southward through the Turkish Straits to the Mediter- 
 ranean; southeastward through upper India to the Indian Ocean. 
 
 With the passing of this fear it became possible to arrange certain 
 limits in Asia within which the contracting parties agreed to confine 
 their operations. Among the arrangements was the much condemned 
 partition of Persia into "spheres of influence." On the British side 
 this transaction was entered into with honorable intentions toward Persia 
 and perhaps in part from a fear that the German menace, which was 
 creeping forward along the Baghdad route, might continue its march 
 eastward along the Persian Gulf. . _. - 
 
 The Germans professed to see in these negotiations not an effort to 
 maintain the balance of power and to secure the interests of England, 
 but a diplomatic offensive, a policy of "encirclement," directed against 
 Germany to defeat her ambitions and to strangle her economic develop- 
 ment. Two men were credited with the chief responsibility for this 
 policy: Edward VII, the crafty intriguer who traveled from court to 
 court for the piu"pose of stirring up enemxies against the lovers of peace 
 in Potsdam; and Sir Edward Grey, the English secretary of state for 
 foreign affairs, who sat in his secluded office in Westminster devising 
 means to ensnare naive and unsophisticated diplomats. 
 
 To one who is not a German the policy of encirclement is by no 
 means evident and for several reasons seems to be a creature of Prussian 
 imagination. ■ • ;: 
 
11 
 
 (1). The Prussian theory credits King Edward with greater abilities 
 than the EngHsh people were able to discover in His Genial Majesty. 
 It is true that the king had a wide acquaintance in royal circles, but it 
 is not likely that his influence with foreign governments was very 
 great. 
 
 (2). The entente had its origin in France rather than in England; 
 the statesman most responsible for the entente cordiale was Delcasse. 
 
 (3). Sir Edward Grey was not in office in 1904 and had nothing to 
 do with the tmderstanding with France. The negotiations on the 
 English side were carried on by Lord Lansdowne, whose intentions were 
 surely not to provoke war or even resentment. Lord Lansdowne was 
 in the war office during the Boer War and did not come out of that 
 conflict with much credit. It was the same Lord Lansdowne who some 
 months ago wrote a letter in which he seemed to favor "peace by dis- 
 cussion." 
 
 (4). When Sir Edward Grey came into office in 1905, he continued 
 the policy of his predecessor and strove to establish friendly relations 
 with as many Eiuropean powers as possible. He came to an understand- 
 ing with Russia and succeeded in making certain important agreements 
 with Italy and Spain respecting English interests in the Mediterranean 
 Sea. In 1914 he was even on the point of reaching a cordial under- 
 standing with Germany. 
 
 (5). From 1905 to 1914 the government of England was adminis- 
 tered by a cabinet of a Liberal-Radical type , several members of which had 
 strong leanings toward pacifism. Two of the ablest ministers. Lord 
 Morley and John Bums, resigned in August, 1914, rather than agree to 
 make war on Germany. Another member, Lord Haldane, was even 
 under suspicion as being too friendly to Germany. The cabinet as a 
 whole was pledged to enact a great program of social reforms, and the 
 achievements of the Asquith ministry in this direction are surely notable. 
 It was a government that gave nearly all its energies to domestic affairs 
 a;nd was deaf to appeals for a larger army and militaristic legislation. 
 
 (6). English sentiment diuring this decade was — we may safely 
 affirm it — overwhelmingly for peace. There has never been much 
 jingoism in the Liberal ranks and the Unionists had come out of the 
 Boer War in a very chastened mood. 
 
 Diuing the same period Germany displayed a spirit that was any- 
 thing but pacific. In 1907 the English government suggested that the 
 
12 
 
 subject of a general reduction of armaments be discussed at the second 
 Hague Conference; the Kaiser promptly replied that in that case he 
 wotdd have nothing to do with the conference. The following year 
 King Edward visited his imperial nephew and proposed that England 
 and Germany should cease their competition in the building of war 
 ships, but to no purpose. The Kaiser "avowed his intention to go to 
 war rather than submit to such a thing."' The King returned to the 
 subject in 1909, but without success. Lord Haldane was sent to Berlin 
 on a similar mission in 1912; and in 1913 Winston Churchill suggested 
 that the two countries should declare "a naval holiday"; but results 
 were not forthcoming, and the two governments continued to build 
 more and larger ships. In 1911 the Kaiser created a crisis in Morocco, 
 which happily found a peaceful outcome. In 1913 the Reichstag voted 
 large additions to the German army. Various suggestions looking 
 toward the arbitration of disputes were made, by our own government 
 among others, but Berlin would not listen. And during the whole 
 period a series of chauvinistic and abusive books and pamphlets came 
 from the German presses in which England was characterized as the 
 rival and enemy which must be dealt with at the earliest opportunity, 
 whether the Kiel Canal were finished or not.- 
 
 V. The Eve of the War. 
 
 Time came, however, when those responsible for governmental 
 action in Berlin felt less inclined to provoke England. Naval competi- 
 tion with the island kingdom looked hopeless, and von Tirpitz finally 
 concluded that Germany need not be disturbed if England should build 
 sixteen warships to her own ten. A timid, cautious man of rather 
 limited abilities, von Bethmann-HoUweg, had come into the chancellor- 
 ship, and he even began to hope for better relations with the English. 
 Accordingly, in 1912, he sent to England as German ambassador, Karl 
 Max, Prince Lichnowsky, a Silesian nobleman who was not without 
 successful diplomatic experience and was known to favor an under- 
 standing with England and Russia. In Westminster the new ambassa- 
 dor found Sir Edward Grey anxious to accomplish the same purpose, 
 and the two men proceeded to discuss the terms of a new "cordial 
 understanding . ' ' 
 
 'Quoted by Bernadotte E. Schmitt, England and Germany, p. 184. 
 
 2Albrecht Wirth in a book on "German foreign policies," (1912), favored a war for Morocco. 
 "They say we must wait for a better moment. Wait foi the deepening of the Kiel Canal, for our 
 naval program to have taken full effect," etc. Conquest and Kultur (1918), p. 117. 
 
13 
 
 Since von Tirpitz had accepted the naval ratio of ten to sixteen, 
 there remained only two matters that needed serious consideration : the 
 Baghdad Railway and Germany's demand for colonial possessions. 
 On both these points the negotiators seem to have reached satisfactory 
 agreements. 
 
 (1). England agreed that the Germans might extend the Baghdad 
 Railway to Basra, a point about 70 miles from the Persian Gulf. From 
 Basra to the Gulf the road was to be built and controlled by the English. 
 This left almost the whole of the great river valley to German capitalists 
 and engineers. In return the Germans agreed to recognize the rights 
 of earlier English investments in this region. 
 
 (2). Portugal still had important colonial possessions in East and 
 West Africa which the Germans coveted. The Portuguese had held 
 these for four centuries, but had done very little to develop them and 
 might find it expedient to sell them. Sir Edward Grey could not dispose 
 of these colonies, but he agreed that, in case Portugal should wish to sell 
 them to Germany or ask Germany to assist in developing them, England 
 would offer no objections. 
 
 These agreements were made, but the treaties were never signed. 
 Sir Edward Grey insisted that the agreements must be made public; 
 Berlin demanded that they be kept secret. Finally, in July, 1914, the 
 Germans concluded that the treaties might be of value and agreed to 
 Sir Edward's terms; but it was then too late. 
 
 Meanwhile a spirit of dissatisfaction and wrath had descended upon 
 the ruling classes in Germany. To the earlier chauvinism, bigotry, and 
 lust for territorial expansion there was now added a painful sense of 
 humiliation and defeat. The Fatherland, though destined, as the 
 Prussians believed, to direct and reshape the world, found its aims and 
 ambitions foiled or balked at every turn. The Morocco venture (1911) 
 had brought nothing but disappointment. In the First Balkan War 
 the Turk, now a friend of Germany, had been disastrously beaten. In 
 the second Balkan War, Bulgaria, for whom the Central Powers had 
 hoped a victory, was defeated (1913). As a result of these wars the 
 Turkish frontier was moved 400 miles away from the Austrian border, 
 and Serbia had planted her flag in the route to the Aegean. Roumania, 
 though ruled b}' a Hohenzollern, was cultivating the friendship of the 
 Triple Entente, and there was danger that the Baghdad Railway in its 
 European section would have to pass through unfriendly territory in 
 
14 
 
 Serbia or Roumania. The ties that bound Italy to the Central Powers 
 were loosening. The outlook was not pleasant. 
 
 True to their history the Prussian war lords determined to strengthen 
 the position of Germany by increasing the strength of the army. By 
 the military law of 1913 the peace strength of the military forces was 
 increased from 723,000 to 870,000. In other respects, too, the army 
 was made stronger and more efficient. 
 
 The result of this legislation was a panic in the neighboring capitals. 
 France in the face of strong Socialistic opposition voted to strengthen 
 her army by lengthening the term of service. Belgium followed the 
 example of her greater neighbors and provided for universal service. 
 Russia also lengthened the term of military service. Sweden went 
 through a violent agitation for greater preparedness. England, alone, 
 refused to make any changes in her military establishment. 
 
 During the earlier months of 1914 there was much talk about 
 "inevitable" war in Germany. A host of agencies, unofficial but 
 effective, were combining to force the nation over the precipice. The 
 Socialist newspaper Vorwaerts wrote with regret about the constant 
 barking of the war dogs: "The naval League of Germany numbers 
 100,000 members, while the various associations of veterans, which 
 include about 2,000,000 members in all, are genuine hotbeds of jingoism."* 
 The paper also calls attention to ' ' the venomous character of the teach- 
 ing in our public schools" and notes the fact that the "first atlas put 
 into the hands of children nine years old" contains plans of the impor- 
 tant battles of the Franco-Prussian war and traces the routes of the 
 German forces in that war. 
 
 VI. The Outbreak of War. 
 
 The "will to war" was evidently present among the Prussians in 
 the spring of 1914, but there must always be a good cause or at least a 
 colorable pretext, if war is to be justified. Suddenly the pretext came 
 in the murder of the Austrian Archduke on June 28 of that year. Two 
 days later the Kiel Canal was completed; Germany was ready at last. 
 The recent increases in the armies of her neighbors had not yet proved • 
 very fruitful; the situation was really fortunate. In France there was 
 violent opposition to the new military law. Russian industry was 
 threatened with paralysis from labor troubles. In Ireland 80,000 
 Ulstermen were in arms against 80,000 Irish volimteers to prevent the 
 
 'See The Literary Digest, Feb. 28. 1918, p. 423. 
 
15 
 
 extension of "home rule" to northern Ireland. The signs were favor- 
 able; Germany ought to strike. 
 
 On July 5, a week after the murder of the Archduke, the Kaiser 
 presided at a war council at Potsdam where the great crime was deter- 
 mined upon. Little is known about the personnel and the discussions 
 of the Potsdam Conference, but it is known that Austria was given 
 assurance of support in the matter of Serbia even to the point of war 
 with Russia. 1 The financial magnates of the empire asked fo two or 
 three weeks to set their house in order, and the request was granted. 
 Foreign secretary von jagow went to Vienna to arrange details, and 
 in due time the famous ultimatum was presented to Serbia. On July 
 28 Austria declared war on the Serbs. Three days later Germany 
 declared war on Russia and prepared to invade France. 
 
 The German government has tried to make the world believe that 
 war came when it did because Russia had mobilized, the order having 
 been issued in the afternoon of July 31. Whether this was a general 
 mobilization has been questioned; but the matter is unimportant, as 
 partial mobihzation may fall only a very little short of a general mobili- 
 zation. It is quite likely that, duj:ing those last days of July, all the 
 great powers were mobilizing, for it was clear that Europe was steadily 
 being pushed toward war. 
 
 Germany was also mobilizing with the rest. The German White 
 Book states that "the Kaiser ordered the mobilization of the entire 
 German army and navy on August 1st at 5 p. m."^ The word entire 
 should be noted, as it may be important. On that same day, August 1, 
 presumably after 5 p. m.. Kaiser Wilhelm telegraphed to the king of 
 England that he had ordered mobilization. "I hope that Frarce will 
 not be nervous. The troops on my frontier are at this moment being 
 kept back by telegraph and by telephone from crossing the French 
 frontier."^ 
 
 That an army strong enough and sufficiently equipped for invasion 
 could be gotten together in the few hoiirs that remained of August 1 
 ssems unthinkable. And yet, on that date, there was e\idently a 
 strong force on the French border tugging at the reins. The truth seems 
 to be that German fear of Russian mobilization was pretense merely. 
 
 1 For information as to the Potsdam Conference, see the War Cyclopedia (Washington. 1917), the 
 World's Work. June, 1018 (article by Ambassador Morgenthau), and the recently published Mem- 
 orandum of Prince Lichnowski, German Ambassador to England. 1912-1914:. 
 
 ^Diplomatic Documents of the European War (London, 1915), p. -113. 
 
 *Ibid., p. 540. 
 
16 
 
 Earlier than August 1 there must have been a partial though quite exten- 
 sive German mobilization on the French frontier, the imperial telephone 
 service holding the forces in check until proper orders for mobilization 
 could be issued. Meanwhile, it was feared that a "nervous" France 
 might also mobilize. 
 
 During those fateful days of July, 1914, the eyes of England were 
 tiuned toward Ireland, where civil war was threatening. The govern- 
 ment was struggling with a series of difficult domestic problems and 
 was not prepared for war. The British navy was ready for immediate 
 action, but military and financial preparedness had been neglected. 
 
 The English telegraph service (like that of Germany, though in a 
 different spirit) was set in motion to restrain the armies on the frontiers 
 of Europe. Sir Edward Grey fought valiantly to preserve the peace of 
 the world and was almost successful. He proposed a scheme of media- 
 tion which even Austria, the nation most directly concerned, was willing 
 to a ccept. "We are quite prepared to entertain the proposal of Sir E. 
 Grey to negotiate between us and Servia''^ wrote the Austrian foreign 
 minister on July 31. 
 
 On that day fate laid the issues of war and peace into the hands of a 
 single man, the Kaiser at Berlin. His position was such that he, and 
 he alone of all the rulers in the world, had the power to choose whether 
 peace should continue in Europe. For two days he entertained the 
 temptation ; on the second day he announced his choice ; and the forces 
 of destruction — war and famine, disease and death — leaped forth across 
 the world. 
 
 ^Diplomatic Documents of the European War, p. 526. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XV. 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 AUGUST 5, 1918 
 
 No. 49 
 
 lEntered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the po3t_ office at Urbana, Illinois, under the act 
 
 of August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for 
 
 in section 1103, Act of October 3, 1917, authorized July 31, 1918] 
 
 REPORT OF 
 THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 of the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 For 1917-18 
 
 [Ed. SM] 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 URBANA - 
 
HONORARY CHAIRMEN 
 
 The Governor of the State — Ho^r. Frank O. Lowden 
 
 The President of the University — Dr. E. J. James 
 
 The Chairman of the State Council of Defense — ^Hon. Samuel Insull 
 
 GENERAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Chairman, Professor David Kinley, Vice President 
 
 Dean Eugene Davenport 
 
 Professor S. A. Forbes 
 
 Professor F. H. Newell 
 
 Professor S. P. Sherman 
 
 Professor C. A. Ellis 
 
 Professor C. M. Thompson 
 
SUMMARY OF THE REPORT OF THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS* 
 
 1917-1918 
 
 July 13, 1918 
 
 President E. J. James 
 Dear Mr. President: 
 
 I beg to submit herewith the report of the activities of the War 
 Committee for the University year just closed. 
 
 David Kinley, Chairmo,n. 
 
 The appointm.ent of the War Committee v;as authorized by action 
 of the Board of Trustees December 11, 1917. In accordance with this 
 authority, the President of the University appointed a committee of 
 seven, as follows: Dean Eugene Davenport, Professors S. A. Forbes, 
 F. H. Newell, S. P. Sherman, C. A. Ellis, C. M. Thompson and the 
 Vice President, Professor David Kinley, Ckairrnan. 
 
 This Committee requested the Governor or the State, Flon. Frank 
 O. Lowden, the President of the University, Dr. Edmund J. Jam^es, and 
 the Chairman of the Illinois State Council ot Defense, Hon. Samuel 
 Insull, to permit the use of their names as honorary chairmen. They 
 assented to this request. 
 
 The following divisional committees were created: 
 
 1, Publication of leaflets and pamphlets; 2, Publicity; 3, Talks and 
 lectures at the University; 4, Lectures through the state; 5, Collection 
 of funds; 6, The University program for war purposes; 7, United States 
 Savings Certificates and Loans; 8, Students' cooperation; 9, The Uni- 
 versity Service Flag; 10, University war service records; 11, War em- 
 ployment for people connected with the University; 12, Military organ- 
 ization and exhibition; 13, Conservation and economy; 14, Legal advice 
 to drafted men; 15, On the Literature of the War; 16, W^omen's War 
 Relief and Red Cross; 17, American University L%ion. 
 
 PUBLICATION OF WAR LEAFLETS 
 
 The following bulletins have thus far been published under direc- 
 tion of the war committee; most of them in editions of 50,000: 
 
 The War Committee of the L niversity of Illinois. 
 
 Practical Suggestions for Food Conservation, by Prof. Isabel Bevier. 
 
 Municipal War Work, by Dr. R. E. Cushman. 
 
 Wheat Saving, by Dr. Ruth Wheeler. 
 
 The War Garden, by Prof. J. W. Lloyd. 
 
 h Program in Food Production, by Dean Eugene Davenport. 
 
 War Legislation, by Dr. R. E. Cushman. 
 
 War Activities and Moral Leadership, by President Edmmnd J. 
 James. 
 
 *The printed report is a sammary of the report submitted to the President. 
 
 1 
 
Milk, by Dr. Ruth Wheeler. 
 
 The German War Code, by Prof. J. W. Garner. 
 
 Sugar in War Time, by Miss V. J. Anderson. 
 
 The Great Condition, by Prof. David Kinley. 
 
 CollegeMen and the War, by President Edmund J. James. 
 
 (The Aims and Claims of Germany, by Prof. David Kinley, was 
 published by the College of Agriculture and reprinted by the State 
 Council of Defense.) 
 
 COMMITTEE ON PUBLICITY 
 
 Beginning April 24, nev/s bulletins were sent out every Saturday to 
 a selected list of from four hundred to five hundred newspapers in 
 Illinois and adjoining states, and some special articles to newspapers 
 an the larger cities. 
 
 A concise statement of the wartime activities of the University 
 was printed, of a size to be enclosed without folding in letters. Over 
 twenty thousand of these were sent out. 
 
 LECTURES AT THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 War Talks. — Various sub-committees were appointed for the pur- 
 pose of ascertaining what war talks v/ere desired by the student organ- 
 izations and of submitting programs for such talks. The schedule was 
 brought to a conclusion May 9, when a total of 182 had been delivered. 
 
 War Book Discussion Club. — A War Book Discussion Club, organ- 
 ized partly for the purpose of preoaring more thoroughly for giving war 
 lectures and talks, met every third week. The books discussed were 
 provided gratis by the American As'-'-ciation for International Concil- 
 iation. 
 
 The Northfteld Movement. — Closely allied with the war talks were 
 the Northfield Discussion Groups, for giving special consideration to 
 political problems from the Christian point of view. 
 
 Fifty-three discussion groups were organized. The average at- 
 tendance was twelve. 
 
 University Lectures by Faculty Members. — Two series of lectures 
 bv faculty members were given, one consisting of four lectures on "War 
 on Waste", the other, of ten lectures, on "'Food and the War". 
 
 Other lectures were given as follows: 
 
 Oct. 10. Organization of the Army Major E. W. McCaskey 
 
 Oct. 17. Aviation Major T. J. Hanley, Chanute Field 
 
 Oct. 24. Life in the Trenches Lieut. H. R. Kingston 
 
 Nov. 7. Aviation in War Lieut. Paul Montariol 
 
 Nov. 14. Explosives in War E. A. Holbrook 
 
 Nov. 21. Camouflage N. A. Wells 
 
 Dec. 5. The Italian Battle Front (Moving Pictures) Major E. W. McCaskey 
 
 Dec. 12. Army Signal Work Lieut. Col. L. D. Wildman 
 
 Jan. 9. The Government's Building Program as Applied to Cantonments, National 
 
 Guard Camps and Aviation Fields Major W. A. Starrett 
 
 Jan. 15. Our Natural Resources and National Defenses F. H. Newell 
 
 Jan. 16. War Powers and Military Law Major Joseph Wheless 
 
 • 9 . . • 
 
Feb. 6. "Many a Mickle Makes a Muckle" A. W. Jamison 
 
 (This lecture was of special interest as preliminary to the thrift campaign.) 
 
 Feb. 12. Geography of the War Zone J. L. Rich 
 
 Feb. 19. War Prices and Profiteering Simon Litman 
 
 Feb. 20. What the War News Means Mr. S. J. Duncan-Ciark 
 
 Mar. 5. The American Farmer and the Allied Menu Eugene Davenport 
 
 Feb. 25. The World's Food H. B. Lewis 
 
 Mar. 6. Transportation Problems J. M. Snodgrass 
 
 Mar. 13. Milk Production Eugene Davenport 
 
 Mar. 19. Food Administration and Conservation Isabel Bevier 
 
 Apr. 3. War Economies in Food Viola J. Anderson 
 
 Apr. 9. The World's Bread Supply C. G. Hopkins 
 
 Apr. 16. Wise Selection of Food for the Individual Ruth Wheeler 
 
 Apr. 24. Rations in This and Other Lands Lucile Wheeler 
 
 Apr. 30. The Meat Question H. W. Mumford 
 
 Feb. 15. Historical Features of the War L. M. Larson 
 
 Feb. 26. Aims and Hopes of the German Government Ernest Bernbaum 
 
 Mar. 1. Newspapers in War Service K. F. Harrington 
 
 Mar. 2. Psychical and Social Aspects ot the War C. A. Ruckmich, E. C. Hayes 
 
 Mar. 4. The Coal Problem S. W. Parr 
 
 Mar. 8. Arming Our Forces Capt. H. D. Oberdorfer 
 
 Mar. 12. The Alsace-Lorraine Question Kenneth McKenzie 
 
 Mar. 20. The Geography of the Front J. L. Rich 
 
 Mar. 26. The World's Debt to England L. M. Larson 
 
 Mar. 27. War Words from Washington Eugene Davenport 
 
 Lectures by Visitors. — Lectures by visitors were: "interpreting 
 the War News", by Mr. S. J. Duncan-Clark, Febrviary 20; "Italy's 
 Part in the War", by Professor Charles Upson Clark, February 28; On 
 Some War Experiences, by Lieutenant Hector MacQuarrie of the British 
 army; and the fourth, "Children of the Frontier", by Mrs. Joseph Lin- 
 don Smith, May 18. Mrs. Smith asked that two children be adopted 
 by this community. As a matter oi fact nineteen adoptions were 
 made; fourteen by members of the Lhiiversity community, four by 
 groups of members of the University Club, and one from the proceeds 
 of the Faculty Baseball Game. Each adoption represents a subscrip- 
 tion of 372, the nineteen adoptions making a total of $1,368. 
 
 Vassar Plattsburg Scliolarships. — Another activity of the committee 
 was the war-charity entertainment, "How France Cares for the Wounded 
 Soldiers", of the National Surgical Dressings Committee, given on April 
 25. The net proceeds were $252.98, one half ot which ($126.49) was 
 placed at the disposal of the War Committee, and was used to give a 
 scholarship to one Illinois graduate to the Vassar Plattsburg. Two 
 more $95 scholarships to the Vassar Plattsburg were donated through 
 the Committee, one by the Association of Collegiate Aluminae, the other 
 by the Student Woman's War Relief Committee. 
 
 Masques and Pageants. — Several masques and pageants were 
 written and produced by William Chauncy Langdon. The first was 
 "The Sv/ord of America", a masque representing the entrance of America 
 into the war, given Thanksgiving night. The "Titans of Freedom", 
 which was presented at the Auditorium on Memorial Day, depicted the 
 meeting of Washington and Lincoln to compare notes about the present 
 war. 
 
 Lincoln's birthday was celebrated by a convocation at which the 
 principal address was made by Professor Fernand Baldensperger, cap- 
 tain in the French army. 
 
 3 
 
COMMITTEE ON EXTENSION LECTURES IN THE STATE 
 
 Much of the work of this committee was carried on in connection 
 with the regular University work of the members of the committee. 
 Mr. R. E. Hieronymous, Community x'-ldviser in the State, adapted his 
 work to war conditions. The program, for the Third Annual Better 
 Community Conference, held here April 4-7, emphasized war subjects. 
 
 Lectures at Camp Grant. — The following lectures v/ere given at 
 Camp Grant, each lecturer st.iying two weeks and giving each of his 
 lectures ten times: 
 
 Dr. C. M. Thompson, "The Geographical Background of the War", 
 "American Democracy"; Dr. J. E. Miller, "I'he British Empire and 
 What It Stands For", "How the War Came A.bout and How it De- 
 veloped"; Prof. J. W. Garner, "Germany and Her Ambitions", "The 
 French Republic and What It Stands For". 
 
 Dr. Carl Rahn gave a series of ten lectures before the Intelligence 
 Section of the 344th Infantry at Camp Grant. 
 
 Entertmirment. — From the beginning of February, the comm.ittee 
 worked in cooperation with Mr. K. P. Gordon, General Y. M. C. A. Secre- 
 tary at Chanute Field, in supplying weekly entertainment for the boys 
 in training there. For seventeen weeks, arrangements were made for 
 at least one musical or dram^atic entertainment each week. 
 
 Sob-Comiriittee osi Farmers' Institutes. — The work in Flome Eco- 
 nomics under the emergency food bill was conducted through the exten- 
 sion departments of the agricultural colleges. Practically all of the ex- 
 tension work of the Household Science Department was adapted to 
 war needs. 
 
 Four conferences, of a week's duration each, were held for training 
 extension workers. At the High School Conference the Hoover Les- 
 sons and Graphic Exhibits were given to the high school teachers of 
 Home Economics as a basis of lessons on conservation to be presented in 
 their schools and neighborhoods. 
 
 During the year fifty-three shows bearing on food conservation were 
 held in different parts of tlie state. In six centers, leaders for canning 
 kitchens v/ere trained by mem.bers of the University staff. 
 
 Following is a summary of the activities of this department: 
 
 Training classes for volunteers 918 
 
 Demonstrations for study clubs 903 
 
 Public lectures 1,136 
 
 Visits to homes 2,020 
 
 Bulletins distributed 64,421 
 
 Press articles written 825 
 
 Public Schools and CH:her Educational Bodies. — Professor FI. A. 
 Hollister, Fligh School Visitor, issued a bulletin on "The War-Time 
 Call of Our Schools", which was sent to about 1,000 newspapers and 
 to about 400 high school principals. Fie also conducted a campaign 
 of patriotic education in the schools of six counties, sending literature 
 and providing addresses. 
 
 4 
 
COMMITTEE ON FUNDS COLLECTION 
 
 Beginning January 1, this committee gave authority to all indivi- 
 duals or organizations desiring to canvass in the University for funds to 
 be used for purposes connected with the war. 
 
 Woman's War Relief Committee. — Of student organizations apply- 
 ing for such authority, the most active and successful was the Wcinan's 
 War Relief Committee. Some items of its work follow: 
 
 Donations made during the year: 
 
 To Y. M. C. A. War Fund $600.00 
 
 Armenian Relief 60.00 
 
 Second Red Cross War Fund 600.00 
 
 Woman's League Auxiliary to Red Cross 397.00 
 
 mini Chocolate and Tobacco Fund 86.73 
 
 Smileage Books 10.00 
 
 Fatherless Children of France 182.50 
 
 Red Cross Nurse at Vassar School 95.00 
 
 ?2,031.23 
 Principal sources oi revenue: 
 
 Voluntary tax of women students at 3 cents per week $432.03 
 
 Woman's' Mixer 88.CO 
 
 Card Party 138.65 
 
 Bakery Sale 158.95 
 
 Peanut Sale at Football Game 394.10 
 
 Moving Pictures 18.77 
 
 Christmas Box Fund.... 47.80 
 
 Popcorn Balls at Carnival 31.23 
 
 Food Sales at Dances 141.00 
 
 MardiGras 988.55 
 
 Otiier Orgaireizations. — April 24, a Food Show was given in the 
 Household Science building by members of Omicron Nu. 1 he sum of 
 ?134.22 netted, was donated to the Wgnian's League Auxiliary to the 
 Fved Cross. 
 
 The sum of ?118.43 which was cleared by the committee in control 
 of the Military Ball, on February 22, was applied to the Second Red 
 Cross War Fund. 
 
 The Illinois Chocolate and Tobacco Fusd. — Illinois Chocolate and 
 Tobacco Fund of the University of Illinois, for soldiers, was originated 
 by the Illini and transferred to the War Committee. By March when 
 the Government forbade further transmission of packages, the results 
 of the work were as follows: 
 
 Receipts $321.94 
 
 Expenditures (Cigarettes, Tobacco, etc.) 58.37 
 
 On June 6 the balance of $263.57 v/as disposed of as follows: 
 
 "To Second Red Cross War Fund $182.35 $263.57 
 
 Wom^an's War Relief Comm.ittee 78.27 
 
 Expenses of Red Cross Campaign 2.00 
 
 $262.62 $262.62 
 On hand \ $ .95 
 
 The Sale of Smileage Books. — Since the sale of these books came 
 at examination time, only a limited canvass was made among the fac- 
 ulty; but books were placed on sale in the various University libraries. 
 The sum of $238.00 was realized. 
 
 5 
 
The Second Red Cross War Fund Collection. — The canvass was 
 begun May 21 and practically completed on the 24th. The quota as- 
 signed the University was $4,000; whereas the total amount subscribed 
 by faculty and students, including the School of Military Aeronautics, 
 was $10,581.23. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON UNIVERSITY PROGRAM 
 
 The Committee on University Program arranged the room schedule 
 for all classes, including those of the School of Mihtary Aeronautics, for 
 the second semester, and introduced several new courses, among them 
 Military Science (Military 10), "Food and the War" (Military 30), 
 Red Cross course (Military 20), and the History of the War (Hist. 41). 
 
 Several war courses were introduced into the summer session. 
 These were: — in economics, War Finance from the Revolution to the 
 Present, The Study of International Trade, and Industrial Resources of 
 the Nations at War; in history, a seminar course on war problems; in 
 sociology, a course on emergency relief; in psychology, a survey of 
 psychological investigations made with reference to military conditions; 
 in electrical engineering, a course in radio communication. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON THE UNIVERSITY SERVICE FLAG 
 
 The University Service Flag, the University's recognition of its 
 men in service, was dedicated February 18, in front of the University 
 Library. The flag is twenty by thirty feet. In the center is the num- 
 ber representing the Illinois men in service. The figures are white on a 
 blue ground; they snap on and can thus be changed from time to time 
 as the number of men represented increases, x^t the time of the dedi- 
 ication the number on the flag was 2,680. The number now, August 
 1, is 3,894. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON WAR SERVICE RECORDS 
 
 The following statement summarizes the participation of the Uni- 
 versity students, graduates, and faculty, in the military and naval serv- 
 ice to June 5: 
 
 Army 3,599 90.1% 
 
 Navy 350 8.8% 
 
 Marines 43 1.1% 
 
 U. of I. Men reported Abroad 632 15.8% 
 
 U. of I. Men in Allied Armies 25 
 
 Volunteers 3,568 89.3% 
 
 Drafted 424 10.7% 
 
 Commissioned Officers: 
 
 Generals 2 
 
 Lieutenant Colonels 4 
 
 Colonels 4 • 
 
 Majors 43 : 
 
 Captains 191 
 
 1st Lieutenants 440 
 
 2nd Lieutenants 534 
 
 Chaplains 4 . 
 
 Naval Officers 36 
 
 Total 1,258 31.5% 
 
 Non-com. Officers and Enlisted Men 2,734 68.5%o 
 
 6 
 
CLASSIFICATION 
 
 Army Ambulance Corps 117 Machine Gun Corps 39 
 
 Aviation Corps 522 Medical Corps 173 
 
 Cavalry 18 Musicians 15 
 
 Coast Artillery 160 Officers' Schools 207 
 
 Engineering Corps 296 Ordnance Corps 175 
 
 Field Artillery 364 Quartermaster Corps 173 
 
 Gas Defense Service 24 Signal Corps 107 
 
 Infantry 632 Branch Unknown 477 
 
 Total 3,599 
 
 Navy Radio Corps 48 
 
 Other Branches 270 
 
 Officers' Schools 32 
 
 Total 350 
 
 Marines 43 43 
 
 Grand Total 3,992 
 
 COMMITTEE ON UNIVERSITY WAR EMPLOYMENT 
 
 The Committee on War Employment was appointed December 18. 
 Assistance was given to 485 individuals in connection with war work, 
 and 259 men and women were recommended for positions. Assistance 
 in securing staff personnel was given the following governmental agen- 
 cies, industrial concerns and war committees: 
 
 U. S. Ambulance Service, U. S. Army Engineers, U. S. Coast Artil- 
 lery, U. S. Naval Engineering and Public Works Dept., U. S. Naval 
 Flying Corps, U. S. Marine Corps, U. S. Signal Corps, U. S. Public Serv- 
 ice Reserve, U. S.' Civil Service Commission, Ordnance Department, 
 Mechanical Research and Investigation Divisions of the Bureau ot 
 Mines and the Bureau of Standards, Division of the Medical Corps, 
 Engineering Branch of the Aviation Section, Army Y. M. C. A., Divi- 
 sion of Immigrant Education, Immigration League, Newport News 
 Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Co., Hooker Electrochemical Company, 
 Art Metal Construction Company, Rippley Boat Company, Midvale 
 Steel and Ordnance Company, Union Carbide Company, U. S. Motor 
 Corporation. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON UNITED STATES SAVINGS CERTIFICATES 
 
 AND LOANS 
 
 War Savings Stamps depots, where stamps could be purchased at 
 any time, were established on the campus and in the University busi- 
 ness district at several places. In the ten days' campaign (February 
 13-22} the following amount was pledged to canvassers: 
 
 Faculty $16,099.75 
 
 Students 7,226.75 
 
 Total $23,326.50 
 
 About 50 per cent of this amount was paid in cash; the remainder 
 was pledged to be paid during 1918. In addition to the amount 
 pledged to canvassers, sales to the amount of about $1,500 were made 
 at the various depots during the campaign. 
 
 7 
 
After the campaign, interest in the stamps and certificates was kept 
 alive. During the first fifteen days of March the total sales amounted 
 to ?2,200, or an average of ?il40 a day. 
 
 Third Libierty Loan Campaign. — The Campaign v/as inaugurated 
 by the University convocation commemorating the entrance of this 
 country into the war. The total subscriptions were more than double 
 the quota set for the University. The following items are of interest: 
 
 Faculty (Urbana-Champaign) 5117,500 
 
 Faculty members on leave of absence 1,900 
 
 Students in Urbana-Champaign 24,000 
 
 Chicago Departments 65,150 
 
 Instructional Corps and Officers, S. M. A 6,100 
 
 Cadets 4,700 
 
 Enough other subscriptions were made to bring the total for the 
 University above ?220,000. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON CONSERVATION AND ECONOMY 
 
 Four sub-committees were appointed, each of which had charge of 
 one phase of conservation, as follows: 
 
 Finances of Organizations. — The Committee on Finances of Organ- 
 izations investigated the system of financial organization in fraternities 
 with a view to economy from better business methods. A conference of 
 the financial officers of all fraternal organizations was called and the 
 outlook for improvemient in financial organization was discussed. 
 
 Coal. — Professor x^rthur C. Willard, the chairman of this com- 
 mittee, prepared a poster explaining the large waste of coal in over- 
 heated houses. Several thousand of these posters were printed and dis- 
 tributed. 
 
 A canvass was made of student organizations to obtain statistics of 
 coal consumption. The figures obtained are as follows, results being 
 based on 34 organizations: 
 
 Average tons coal per person for season 2.86. Maximum 4.70; 
 minimuni 1.34. 
 
 Average cost of coal per person for season $14.70. Maximum 
 $26.20; minimum $7.50. 
 
 Average cost of electricity per person per month $0,661. Maxi- 
 mum $1.18; minimum $0.39. 
 
Food. — Ration cards like the following were distributed by the 
 Food Committee: 
 
 YOUR RATION THIS RATION ALLOWS YOU 
 
 PER DAY 
 
 Can you make this ;'our honor ration 
 until the Food Administration asks you Meat — 4 ounces (as purchased with a 
 
 to change it? reasonable amount of bone) five times a 
 
 Meat 1)4 pounds per week week. 
 
 Fat 1 pound per week Fat — 2 2-7 ounces or 4 level table- 
 Sugar yl pound per week spoons — total tor fried foods, pastries 
 
 Wheat as little as possible salads, butter. 
 
 Sugar — 1 5-7 ounces or 4 level table- 
 Will you try it and so do as well as spoons — total for beverages, cereal, des- 
 England and France? serts, candy, ices, and fruit. 
 
 DON'T BE A FOOD SLACKER In place of wheat, have you eaten 
 
 oatm.eal, cornmeal, rice, potatoes? These 
 
 Check Yourself substitutes, also milk, eggs, cheese, nuts, 
 
 fish, fruit, and vegetables, are not ra- 
 
 For help to do it see other side. tioncd. 
 
 These cards were placed on the tables oi iraternities, sororities, unit 
 houses and boarding clubs. 
 
 On May 1, student leaders inaugurated a campaign against the use 
 of confections. Several hundred women students agreed to eat no 
 candy containing sugar until the food crisis is past. 
 
 Entertammeets. — The sub-committee on entertainments studied 
 the expenditures for social activities in fraternities, sororities and other 
 house units. A report was made showing the saving of about twenty- 
 five organizations for the school year 1917-1918 over the previous year. 
 The aggregate was about $10,000. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON LEGAL ADVICE TO DRAFTED MEN 
 
 The heaviest work of the committee came the latter part of Dec- 
 ember and the beginning of January. The greater part of the v/ork 
 oi the first few weeks was giving advice to members of the faculty, since 
 their cases were usually more complicated than those of the students. 
 
 COMMITTEE ON THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY UNION 
 
 In March the American University Union in Europe asked the Uni- 
 versity of Illinois to contribute $1,000 toward the support of the Paris 
 Branch Union, the purpose of which is to "meet the needs of American 
 university and college m^en and their friends who are in Europe for 
 military or other service in the cause of the Allies". The Trustees re- 
 quested the President to ask the alumni to contribvite this sum. The 
 Chairman of the ¥/ar Committee undertook the work of interesting 
 the alumni in raising the money. At his suggestion the Washington 
 Alumni took charge. On Alumni Day at Commencement time the vis- 
 iting alumni subscribed $1,056.50. In addition, Mr. S. T. Henry report- 
 ed on June 20, subscrip tions by the Washington Alumni amounting 
 to $300 and a pledge of $150 from the i\lumni of New York, making 
 a total of $450, which if added to the previous amount makes a grand 
 totaliof $1,506.50. 
 
 9 
 
COMMITTEE ON THE LITERATURE OF THE WAR 
 
 In June, the library sent 535 books to the Chanute Flying Field 
 Y. M. C. A. At present the committee is preparing 500 volumes for 
 shipment on transports carrying United States troops to France. 
 
 Mr. George A. Deveneau, of the Agricultural Library, has as 
 "Library Publicity Director" of the U. S. Food Administration for this 
 state been active in getting public libraries all over the state to supply 
 themselves with, and to advertise and display, books and pamphlets 
 on food questions. 
 
 THE WOMAN'S LEAGUE AUXILIARY TO THE RED CROSS 
 
 The Woman's League Auxiliary began its work in October 1917, 
 with no official title, the work being done for the Champaign chapter 
 of the Red Cross. A work room was opened for three hours each day. 
 The first semester two hundred signed up to put in a definite number of 
 hours each week. Most of the work done was on refugee garments. 
 There was one surgical dressings class. The following articles -were 
 made: 3,000 gauze and muslin dressings, 500 refugee garments, 4 
 dozen knitted articles, 100 scrap books for convalescent soldiers. 
 
 In the second semester 350 girls enrolled for regular work and an 
 average of 25 unenrolled girls came to work each week. Classes in 
 surgical dressings were held every week day and classes in sewing were 
 held four times a week. The following work was done: 12,000 dress- 
 ings, 12 dozen dressings for Dr. Beard, 28 complete infant layettes, 
 refugee garments. 
 
 OTHER UNIVERSITY WAR ACTIVITIES 
 (Not under Direction of War Committee) 
 
 The Y. M. C. A. Campaign. — November 11-19, 1917, a campaign 
 was conducted for funds for the Y. M. C. A. W'ar Work, The total 
 amount subscribed was ?;28,906.88. 
 
 Tlie Second Liberty Loan Campaign. — This occurred before the 
 organization of the War Committee. The best available information 
 shows that about $50,000 was subscribed by University people living 
 in Urbana. No separate account was kept ot the subscriptions of 
 University people living in Champaign. 
 
 Activities of the Engineering Experiment Station: — To assist con- 
 sumers in their efl^orts to conserve fuel and operators to produce greater 
 quantities the Engineering Experiment Station issued a series of pub- 
 lications: 
 
 Bulletin 97 — Effects of Storage upon the Properties of Coal. 
 
 Bulletin 100 — Percentage of Extraction of Bituminous Coal with Special Reference 
 to^Illinois Conditions. 
 
 Bulletin 102 — A Study of the Heat Transmission of Building Materials. 
 Circular 4 — The Economical Purchase and Use of Coal for Heating Homes. 
 Circular 5 — The Utilization of Pyrite Occurring in Illinois Coal. 
 Circular 6 — The Storage of Bituminous Coal. 
 
 Circular 7 — Fuel Economy in the Operation of Hand Fired Power Plants. 
 Circular 8 — The Economical Use of Coal in Railway Locomotives. 
 
 10 
 
Other publications of the station issued during the year are proving 
 helpful in connection with war production and conservation problems. 
 One such is Bulletin 108 — Analysis of Statically Indeterminate Struc- 
 tures by the Slope Deflection Method. The results developed are be- 
 ing used by the Emergency Fleet Corporation in the design of concrete 
 ships. 
 
 Tests to determine the behavior of various grades of steel under 
 very rapid loadings were made for the Bureau of Construction and 
 Repair of the U. S. Navy. A new type of testing machine was devised 
 and built for these tests. 
 
 The station has been helpful in the solution of materials testing 
 problems which have arisen at Chanute Field and in the design of test- 
 ing apparatus for use there. 
 
 Research Problerns: — Details cannot be given concerning the re- 
 search war problems conducted by the University. It is proper, how- 
 ever, to give a summarized statement: 
 
 On agriculture and food, nine problems have been under investiga- 
 tion; in chemistry, nine inquiries have been undertaken; in the various 
 departments of engineering, sixteen investigations have been conducted 
 in problems relating to the war, all but three or four at the direct re- 
 quest of some of the government departments; in physics, tour impor- 
 tant inquiries have been conducted; in psychology, two war problems 
 have been investigated. 
 
 In addition to the above, other inquiries have been undertaken in- 
 dependently, having relation to food in the war, the preparation of 
 food, wheat substitutes in cooking, coal conservation, proper manage- 
 ment of domestic heating apparatus, and many others. 
 
 The department of Zoology has participated in the campaign to 
 extend the use of fish as food, and has also been in consultation with the 
 government departments on many other topics. 
 
 Various members of the faculty have been granted leaves of absence 
 for various periods to assist in the work of the Committee on Public In- 
 formation, the Historical Research Board, and ether work related to 
 the war. 
 
 School of Military Aeronautics.— A United States Army School of 
 MiUtary Aeronautics is conducted at the University. 
 
 The University authorities initiated the proceedings v,-hich led to 
 the establishment of a flying field at Rantoul. 
 
 Illinois Food Production Program.— The absence of an intelligently 
 planned program of food production influenced the authorities of the 
 College of Agriculture to work out a plan for Illinois. This plan was 
 submitted to the Corn Growers' and Stock Men's Convention, held in 
 February, and also to the State Council of Defense War Conference, 
 and was recommended by both. This plan urged on farmers of Illinois: 
 
 1, An increased production o{ wheat; 2, an increase in pork pro- 
 duction; 3, a diminution of high finished cattle and an increase of short 
 fed cattle; 4, the saving of lambs; 5, caution in the reduction of dairy 
 herds; 6, as large a corn crop as possible; 7, suggestions for the promotion 
 of poultry products; 8, suggestions for relieving the labor shortage; 9, 
 advice concerning necessary farm machinery, its increase and use. 
 
 11 
 
COMPOSED AND PRINTED BY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 VOL. XV 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 AUGUST 12, 1918 
 
 No. 50 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois 
 under the Act of August 24, 1912] 
 
 The College Man and the War 
 
 [Commencement Address, June 14, 1918] 
 
 BY 
 
 Edmund Janes James 
 
 President of the University 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
The College Man and the War 
 
 By Edmund Janes James 
 President of the University 
 
 M 
 
 EMBERS of the Class of 1918: 
 
 I take keen pleasure in welcoming 
 you into the great fellowship of 
 college men and women. It is a fraternity 
 which you may well be proud to join. 
 It is broadly extended not only through 
 our land, but through all lands. The bond 
 holding us together is a very subtle — not 
 easily explainable — but nevertheless a very 
 real and compelling bond. In all the years 
 to come, no matter where you may be, 
 under whatever circumstances you may 
 live, if you run across a fellow alumnus 
 of your Alma Mater on sea or land, in 
 valley or on mountain^ in desert or jun- 
 gle, though you may never have known 
 or even seen him or been in college with 
 him, though you may be half as old or 
 twice as old, yet when you know that you 
 and he were at the University of Illi- 
 nois, — I will not say together, for his 
 class may have been 1870 and yours igi8, 
 his subject may have been Greek and 
 yours Mathematics, — yet in spite of it all, 
 you will both experience a strange warm- 
 ing of the heart as you grasp each oth- 
 er's hands, and the fountains of emotion 
 will flow again — no matter how old you 
 are — as you talk and think of old Illinois. 
 This feeling of college fraternity is not 
 limited to the students of one institution. 
 Next to our own, perhaps, we are stirred 
 to emotion by meeting ' fellow students 
 from other colleges with whom we have 
 contended in oration or debate or on the 
 football field or the river. But it is not 
 even limited to this. When an Illinois 
 man meets a Michigan man or a Harvard 
 man or a California man, be it in the 
 trenches on the blood-stained fields of 
 northern France or in the hilly stretches 
 of Macedonia or the desert wastes of 
 Mesopotamia, think you not that his pulse 
 will beat more quickly and his heart be 
 strangely stirred because he has run across 
 a fellow fraternity man? It doesn't even 
 stop here. When you shall meet, in the 
 
 years to come, men who have studied at 
 Oxford or Cambridge or Paris or Padua 
 or Rome or Tokio, you will feel this same 
 strange companionship in the freemasonry 
 of college men and women. It is one of 
 the things best worth while as a result 
 of four years of college life and work. 
 
 What is the secret of this bond? It is 
 difficult to ascertain and analyze. But I 
 take it we shall find the chief reason in 
 the essential oneness of all college work 
 and efifort. We were of much the same 
 age when in college. We were all trying 
 to find ourselves in this universe of mys- 
 tery. We walked along the same high 
 paths, and peered out into the mysterious 
 depths in front, behind, on either side^ to 
 see what it all meant. We were trying 
 to prepare ourselves to run a worthy 
 race, to do our share in the work of the 
 world, to become a real part in that in- 
 finite process of life in which v/e find 
 ourselves. We were raising the same 
 questions, finding the same answers, leav- 
 ing unsettled the same mysteries. We 
 were reading and studying together the 
 records of the thoughts and feelings of 
 the great ones of earth, of our own coun- 
 try and of other countries, of our own 
 age and other ages. And so we became 
 fellow citizens, intellectual and moral and 
 spiritual, in the same great republic of 
 letters and thought and aspiration — a citi- 
 zenship which we far m.ore often felt than 
 talked about in our personal intercourse. 
 
 This fellowship, my young friends, you 
 will feel more and more to be one of the 
 most valuable results of college life and 
 college graduation. And if some fool 
 asks you sneeringly of what use your col- 
 lege education has been to you — you need 
 not think of anything else; you need not 
 stop to estimate how much higher or 
 lower your salary or greater or less your 
 wealth or reputation because of the op- 
 portunities which college and university 
 have brought you. In this beautiful and sat- 
 
 i't 
 
isfying companionship of the college men 
 and women of all countries and all times 
 you have a full "value received" for every- 
 thing which you have put into this enter- 
 prise of getting a college education — no 
 matter how much money or how much 
 brains or how much effort you have in- 
 vested in it. 
 
 But there are other and even greater 
 things than this. 
 
 I congratulate you that you live in this 
 time and that you are going out into a 
 woild vastly full of wonderful opportuni- 
 ties, such as did not greet us of a pre- 
 vious generation. 
 
 In the first place you come into this 
 life greatly welcomed, greeted with a glad 
 hand tiy men and forces which in times 
 past have been accustomed to ignore or 
 slight the personality and qualities of the 
 college man as such. 
 
 This is the time of year in which the 
 wise penny-a-liner has been in the habit 
 of indulging in cheap wit and covert and 
 open sneers at the college graduate and 
 his unfitness for the practical duties of 
 real life ; in which the cartoonist has 
 loved to represent the combing down of 
 the college graduate by practical men as 
 he crawls disconsolately from office to of- 
 fice seeking a chance to earn his daily 
 bread. 
 
 A most remarkable change has come 
 over the spirit of modern industry and 
 everybody from Uncle Sam to the boss 
 rag-picker or junkman is crying out to the 
 college — I will not say graduate — but even 
 undergraduate — "Come over into Macedo- 
 nia and help us." 
 
 I do not think I am exaggerating in the 
 slightest degree when I say that during the 
 last year T could have placed in remunera- 
 tive positions ten times over every college 
 student in the University of Illinois from 
 freshman to senior, whom I could recom- 
 mend as being reliable and industrious. 
 And the same thing is true of every col- 
 lege president in the country. I have re- 
 ceived letters from many great corpora- 
 tions of many different kinds, from many 
 
 great railway administrations, from every 
 branch of the Navy and Army, urging me 
 to recommend to them members of our 
 student body. 
 
 There has been an equally imperative 
 demand for the services of our faculty 
 members for positions with which college 
 men have rarely been mentioned in pre- 
 vious years. 
 
 Why this sudden and extraordinary de- 
 mand for college men as such — irrespect- 
 ive oftentimes of special training or tech- 
 nical preparation for specific tasks? 
 
 First of all^ of course, because of the 
 economic demand for physical labor ev- 
 erywhere — even for the physical labor of 
 the college men — growing out of the ex- 
 traordinary world conditions now prevail- 
 ing ; but still more from the sudden revela- 
 tion of the important things lying at the 
 basis of a great and complex civilization 
 which the flames of war have made visi- 
 ble. 
 
 War, however justified, however inevi- 
 table, is awful; carried on by anybody, 
 anywhere, for any purpose, it is terrible; 
 and no war in history has brought this 
 fact closer to the consciousness of man- 
 kind than the present Great War to the 
 successful conclusion of which we have 
 all dedicated our lives, our fortunes and 
 our sacred honor. 
 
 But war, aside from the great and im- 
 mediate issues involved, has also its com- 
 pensations. And it brings, sometimes, cer- 
 tain good things to pass with such rapidity 
 and completeness as to surpass the achieve- 
 ments of peace. 
 
 Scholars and patriots and far seeing 
 prophets have been urging for generations 
 that our governments should spend more 
 money on the support of scientific invest- 
 igation in all its different lines. This ever- 
 increasing demand has been met by the av- 
 erage man, the average politician, with 
 smiles and smirks and talk about "academ- 
 ic beggars and looters of the public treas- 
 ury" and by small driblets of private gifts 
 and public appropriations. 
 
 And then the Great War broke out and 
 
our leaders and administrators suddenly 
 became aware of our infinite ignorance in 
 matters of great importance and in their 
 necessary haste have thrown away within a 
 year sums of money as merely incidental to 
 military preparation, which, if spent ac- 
 cording to an orderly plan over two gen- 
 erations would have made us scientifically 
 the best prepared of all the nations now 
 fighting. 
 
 Scientific men have urged upon the 
 American people the necessity of increas- 
 ing and improving our chemical and phys- 
 ical laboratories ; of building and endow- 
 ing our biological institutes ; of establish- 
 ing and equipping our departments of pub- 
 lic health ; of increasing our food supply 
 by increasing and applying our knowledge 
 of scientific agriculture. 
 
 Their cries have largely fallen upon deaf 
 ears — their voices have been of those 
 crying in the wilderness — made sick by 
 hope deferred, owing to the shortsighted- 
 ness and lack of public spirit of our 
 wealthy men or to the ignorance or sloth 
 of our statesmen. 
 
 And then the war comes. This is a cry 
 we can all understand. We need materials, 
 which, if we had searched for them, we 
 should have found at home. We need sci- 
 entific apparatus which we might ourselves 
 have produced instead of drawing it from 
 territory now enemy ; we need optical 
 glass for example which in its best form 
 is still only obtainable, in enemy labora- 
 tories ; we need guns and we are still dis- 
 puting over the kind and quality; we need 
 flying machines and we are nowhere 
 equipped v/ith knowledge or skill to fur- 
 nish them in sufficient numbers. 
 
 Nothing but a great, universal and press- 
 ing war could have brought home to the 
 American people what a service science, 
 properly developed, could render the na- 
 tion in times of peace. 
 
 We must first see its awful power in 
 the creation of means of destruction before 
 we are ready to contemplate the possibility 
 of its great service in the interest of hu- 
 manity and civilization. 
 
 The nation has called for chemists by 
 the thousand and the ten thousand. Where 
 were they to come from? Only the uni- 
 versities could furnish them. It needed 
 physicists. Where were they to be found? 
 Only in the Universities. It called for 
 psychologists. Whence were they to come? 
 Only from university laboratories, — the 
 establishment of which Government officials 
 had only a short time before declared was 
 no proper charge on federal funds, granted 
 for the purposes of higher education ! 
 
 And so university men are thus in a 
 certain sense coming into their own, be- 
 cause the glare of bursting shells reveals 
 everywhere the scientific foundation of the 
 successful waging of a great war. 
 
 I can not but believe that this lesson, 
 taught so plainly that a wayfaring man 
 though a fool can not mistake it, will sink 
 deep into the hearts and minds of the 
 American people and that when this war is 
 over and our victorious boys come march- 
 ing home again with the Kaiser's scalp 
 dangling at the army's belt, our wealthy 
 citizens and our legislators and statesmen 
 will vie with each other in establishing and 
 endowing by public and private money the 
 greatest scientific foundations the world 
 has ever seen ; and you and the like of you 
 will be the men and the women to make 
 these foundations effective — for after all no 
 amount of brick and mortar, no number of 
 books, no amount of apparatus can ac- 
 complish anything unless we can produce 
 in this institution and the like of it the 
 brains and character and training necessary 
 to push forward the bounds of our knowl- 
 edge and control over nature. 
 
 We all understand with ease why the 
 Government has called upon the Univer- 
 sities and technical schools for men with 
 special training like chemists^ engineers, 
 architects, etc. for special work. But why 
 has it called for college men, simply as col- 
 lege men, without reference to special 
 training for specific work — ■ accepting 
 youngsters who have studied Latin, Greek, 
 Entomology, or Archaeology and set them 
 to work upon tasks which have no re- 
 
lation to the lines of study followed in 
 college. This, it seems to me, is the most 
 significant for our future civilization of 
 all the acts of the Government. 
 
 Here we have a recognition on the part 
 of the Federal Government that men who 
 have done three or four years successful 
 work in college have acquired an alertness, 
 adaptability, an outlook, a fitness for un- 
 familiar tasks, a courage in the face of un- 
 expected difficulties which distinguish them 
 in a marked degree as a class from the 
 men who have not had this training and 
 makes it distinctly worth while, therefore, 
 to gamble upon putting them in charge of 
 new enterprises rather than their brothers 
 who have not had this training. 
 
 Of course, you can't make hickory out of 
 buckeye or a silk purse out of a sow's ear 
 — and no amount of college training will 
 supply brains or character and both are 
 needed to make the successful man any- 
 where. You will remember that Cicero in 
 that interesting oration on the Poet Arch- 
 ias says that "men have always disputed 
 whether the training of the schools or nat- 
 ural ability were the more important ele- 
 ment in the highest success of men, but 
 they are all agreed that when to great nat- 
 ural abilities are added the qualities which 
 training can produce, something rare and 
 marvelous is likely to appear." 
 
 So here, the Government, and large and 
 small industry in its wake, acknowledges 
 the immense advantage of school training 
 over the haphazard training of practical 
 business, and so called practical work on 
 the farm, in the bank, in the shops, in 
 such a way that it will impress the imag- 
 ination of even the eighth grade boy or 
 girl in our public schools. 
 
 After the war, in my opinion, the Amer- 
 ican people will recognize as never before 
 the advantages of systematic school train- 
 ing long continued as an element in prep- 
 aration for life. This will make a new 
 world — the world in which you will have 
 to live — which will make it easier for you 
 to live — and, above all, will make it pos- 
 sible for you to do greater things than we 
 
 have done. And so I congratulate you on 
 this outlook and these prospects. 
 
 You are going to face enormous burdens 
 in your work — far heavier than any we 
 have had to carry in our generation. You 
 will answer the call I am sure. 
 
 I congratulate you again my young friends 
 in your coming into your majority, in your 
 beginning your active, independent life in 
 a world which will be vastly different and 
 in my opinion vastly better than that in 
 which we have been living. 
 
 You come in during the greatest war in 
 the history of the human race. It may be 
 you come in at the real beginning of the 
 war in order of time or about the middle 
 of it or as, I believe, toward the close — 
 and toward a victorious close for us. Be 
 that as it may, you are still young and 
 will see the benefits it will work out and ' 
 you will profit by them. 
 
 Other wars have been waged in the name 
 of freedom and humanity. They have 
 often resulted in a freedom for one nation 
 which enabled it to lord it over other na- 
 tions or enabled its privileged classes to 
 reign more absolutely over the lower 
 classes of the same nation. Other wars 
 have united many nations in pursuit of the 
 same end, viz : the overthrow of a power 
 seeking to establish universal dominion ; 
 and the overthrow of such a power has 
 been followed by a kind of national free- 
 dom which was entirely consistent with 
 the growth and maintenance of autocratic 
 forms of government. 
 
 The history of the French Revolution 
 furnishes a striking illustration of this 
 form of development. 
 
 The republican armies of France went 
 forth, more than a century ago, to the con- 
 quest of the world with the sentiments of 
 liberty, equality and fraternity upon their 
 standards. They were greeted with en- 
 thusiastic cooperation in some places, and 
 with only half-hearted resistance in others. 
 And victory perched upon their banners 
 along the entire boundaries of the republic. 
 
 But the times were not ripe for the full 
 realization of this magnificent dream. And 
 
Napoleonism succeeded republicanism and 
 the idea of universal dominion overcame 
 the notion of equal rights among nations 
 and men. 
 
 The uprising of the nations against Na- 
 poleon was in the name of freedom and 
 liberty. The battle of Waterloo brought 
 jiational freedom from Napoleonic dicta- 
 tion but did not bring political, religious 
 or industrial liberty to the masses of the 
 people in Germany, Russia or Austria. 
 
 On the contrary, the dynasties on the 
 thrones of these nations succeeded at the 
 Congress of Vienna and in the years im- 
 mediately following in organizing a com- 
 bination of autocratic and despotic power 
 to crush out every possible semblance of 
 political liberty for the masses of the 
 people in those and other nations. And 
 the Holy Alliance, born of most unholy 
 parentage and guilty of the most unholy 
 acts, was to turn back the wheels of pro- 
 gress and bring to naught as far as pos- 
 sible the designs and purposes of the Great 
 Revolution. 
 
 And in large part, it succeeded for 
 nearly half a century — this we should not 
 forget at this juncture — in repressing all 
 movements of progress toward the real- 
 ization of these great ideals. 
 
 Now we can not conceal the fact that 
 there is a certain fear on the part of many 
 that some such result may come out of 
 this conflict. 
 
 I do not share this fear. The world con- 
 ditions today are vastly different from 
 those of a century ago. Then the major- 
 ity of nations had in form and fact gov- 
 ernments autocratic or aristocratic ; today 
 they are democratic or rapidly becoming 
 so. Then the world fear was of democ- 
 racy. Today, it is of autocracy. Then the 
 real superiority in arms and men was on 
 the side of the autocratic nations — today 
 it is on the side of democratic nations. 
 
 The representatives of the nations at 
 Vienna were men of the stripe of Tally- 
 rand and Metternich and the like of them. 
 Today at such a conference they will be 
 
 Woodrow Wilson^ Lloyd George and Clem- 
 enceau and the like of them. 
 
 But the guaranties of a different out- 
 come are after all vastly greater and more 
 certain than the personality of individual 
 men even though they be as great as these 
 three. 
 
 Slowly and irresistibly the issues have 
 framed themselves in this fierce conflict 
 so that the nations one after another have 
 lined up and pledged their lives, their 
 fortunes and their sacred honor to the 
 maintenance of free government and fair 
 treatment among all nations and all men. 
 Nothing like it has ever happened before 
 in human history. 
 
 The vast majority of nations are now 
 marching together shoulder to shoulder 
 committed to the defense and full realiza- 
 tion of the principles of our Declaration of 
 Independence : that all men are born equal 
 and are entitled to certain inalienable 
 rights among which are life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness, carrying high 
 aloft on their banners the slogan of lib- 
 erty, equality and fraternity to all men ! 
 
 And victory sooner or later is sure to 
 these legions with this legend. 
 
 The Germans may possibly take Paris ; 
 they may possibly take the Channel ports ; 
 they may possibly invent a gun which will 
 lay London in ashes — nothing of this sort 
 seems to them impossible. But it will all 
 be in vain ! The stars in their courses are 
 fighting for us even though now they be 
 dimmed by clouds and mist. 
 
 The greater the German victories, the 
 surer, the more complete, the more irre- 
 trievable their ultimate defeat. 
 
 The farther into France they march, the 
 longer for them the way home — though 
 they may cover it in the return far more 
 rapidly than in the onset. 
 
 The victory of our program over that of 
 the Central Powers is as sure and certain 
 as that there is a sun in the sky or a God 
 in heaven. 
 
 Now what is this program whose realiza- 
 tion will make for us, that is, for 
 you and your children and your children's 
 
children, a new heaven and a new earth 
 here on this globe and during j^our lives? 
 
 First of all we, that is the Allies, are com- 
 mitted to the creation of a real internation- 
 al law, not a mere collection of precedents, 
 illuminated or darkened by the comments 
 of professors of international law in Ger- 
 man or Russian or French or American 
 or English Universities — but a real code of 
 enforcible precepts based upon ethical prin- 
 ciples. 
 
 A code in which the "might of right in- 
 stead of the right of might" shall be so 
 integrally incorporated that no doubt shall 
 exist as to the principle on which it is 
 based. We are all now committed to the 
 support of putting the idea of law — as 
 meaning something more than a disputed 
 custom into international relations ; to vin- 
 dicate for righteous law the claim to be the 
 only real foundation stone of all national 
 and international action ; to substitute the 
 reign of law dominated by ethical consid- 
 erations for the reign of might and force 
 based on national selfishness — to put in 
 the place of the idea of the supreme self- 
 determining, uncontrolled, unmoral, uneth- 
 ical, or if you please, supermoral and sup- 
 erethical nation, the notion of a moral be- 
 ing subject to the reign of moral law, 
 regardful of the rights of other nations and 
 of individual human beings, sensitive to 
 the ever-purifying and ever-rising stand- 
 ards of justice and mercy and fairness in 
 the conduct of international affairs. 
 
 As a nation, subject like other weak 
 human organizations to occasional lapses, 
 we Americans have stood for these things 
 — we have held high these standards in our 
 courts, in our administrative departments, 
 in our legislatures, and now, thank God, 
 the whole strength of the Republic, the en- 
 tire fortunes of its citizens, its sacred hon- 
 or and mighty traditions are lining up on 
 the bloodstained fields of France in furth- 
 erance of these ideas. 
 
 Nay more! The President of the Unit- 
 ed States has voiced these sentiments in 
 lofty and inspiring language. He has read 
 the deepest thought of the American 
 
 people and formulated it in a way to lead 
 each of them to say "that is exactly what 
 I think," and with that, the nation has be- 
 come unified and strengthened and ex- 
 alted. 
 
 With this formulation of our views and 
 sentiments we entered this great conflict 
 and immediately our Allies accepted our 
 statement of this issue and thus it has 
 become the rallying cry of the oppressed 
 nations throughout the world and all these 
 great powers, England, France, Italy, Jap- 
 an, China, and the numerous smaller na- 
 tions, have solemnly undertaken to observe 
 these principles. 
 
 It will be a new world when they shall 
 have been formally adopted and put into 
 practice as they will be at the end of the 
 Great War. 
 
 In the second place, this war in its out- ■ 
 come will, in my opinion, give an immense , 
 impetus to the movement for democratic • 
 government among the sons of men. It j 
 will raise it and exalt it as the only pos- 
 sible form of the highest type of human ' 
 political organization. It will hold it high ' 
 advanced as the ideal toward which we 
 should strive with all our might and 
 strength and soul. All monarchical or 
 aristocratic remnants of previous stages of 
 evolution are destined, in my opinion, to , 
 disappear — nay must disappear, and this 
 war will go a long way to clean them up. 
 If monarchy must be restored to save Rus- 
 sian society or China from dissolution, it 
 will frankly be recognized as only a temp- 
 orary measure to be gotten rid of as soon 
 as Russia and China have reached such a 
 development as will enable them to dis- 
 pense with these crutches. 
 
 Now I believe that this immense im- 
 petus to free government is going to pro- 
 duce wonderful results of many different 
 kinds here in our own society which will 
 make it infinitely easier for the man de- 
 pendent on his own exertion to get on in 
 the world than it now is. 
 
 We have been conceiving the liberty 
 spoken of in the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence in terms of political liberty, in terms 
 
of freedom from legal interference. We 
 are coming to see that that is only a small 
 part of liberty. Liberty is something pos- 
 itive, and not negative. Economic liberty, 
 intellectual liberty, spiritual liberty are as 
 real necessities of a life spent in pursuit of 
 happiness as political liberty itself. 
 
 A society in which every man is free to 
 race ahead as rapidly as he can without 
 reference to his neighbors, except to get 
 ahead of them, is necessarily a society in 
 which the vigorous, able, keen, alert, strong 
 may ultimately reduce their brethren less 
 favorably endowed with brains, nerves, 
 and muscles to the position of a thor- 
 oughly exploited class — and such a society 
 can not be called a democratic society in 
 any true sense even though political lib- 
 erty be fully established and protected. 
 
 Now^ this war, in my opinion, is going 
 to change the face of human society in 
 many important respects, through the 
 agencies it will create or energize to pro- 
 tect and foster the rights of the great 
 mass of the people. And as you will be 
 the people or a part of them you will 
 profit by all such development. 
 
 As a concrete illustration of what this 
 may mean, take the attitude of the Eng- 
 lish Labor Party toward this war. "We 
 are willing," their leaders declared, "to 
 mobilize labor to the limit in prosecution 
 of this just undertaking. But you should 
 not ask us to sacrifice more, relatively 
 speaking, than other classes. And you 
 must therefore guarantee to us that we 
 shall be left at the end of the war in the 
 same position of relative advantage in 
 fixing wages, hours, and the terms of em- 
 ployment as we occupy now." 
 
 No such demand was ever made before 
 in any war. The Government made this 
 promise. The fact that it can never really 
 carry out this promise fully and explicitly 
 is not of nearly as much significance as 
 the fact that it really made the promise 
 in good faith ; nor as the fact that giving 
 such a promise indicates a new attitude 
 on the part of the British Government 
 toward the demands of organized and un- 
 
 organized labor. The action of our own 
 Federal Government in all such matters 
 from the passage of the Adamson Law 
 to the present is equally striking and sig- 
 nificant. 
 
 It will be a new world in which you 
 will live and move and have your being. 
 Your burdens will be heavy, your tasks 
 enormous, but your opportunities wonder- 
 ful. 
 
 And it is on these opportunities I would 
 congratulate you. You are privileged to 
 live and work in one of the greatest eras 
 of human history and to become a part 
 of this country's life and of this era's 
 movement. 
 
 I know not how other men think about 
 it, but as for myself I thank God I was 
 born in the United States of America. 
 None yield more honor than I to those 
 small nations like Athens and Switzerland 
 and Holland and Belgium which have 
 written their names high in the list of 
 those which have deserved well of man- 
 kind. But I rejoice in our. boundless prai- 
 ries, in our mighty rivers, our lofty moun- 
 tains, our endless stretch of sea coast. I 
 draw a fuller breath in contemplation of 
 this mighty realm of which I am a part. 
 I am exalted in spirit as I move over 
 these never-ending railway lines and see 
 these infinite harvests — and dream of what 
 this people will be and do when it finally 
 awakes to its opportunities and to its ob- 
 ligations to mankind. 
 
 My heart thrills with pride as I reflect 
 that I am a citizen of the country which 
 produced Washington and Lincoln and 
 which, having produced them, knew how 
 to honor and magnify their names. I glory 
 in the recollection that it was my country 
 which produced a Grant and a Sherman, 
 a Lee and a Stonewall Jackson. I rejoice 
 in that long list of victories, military, 
 moral, and spiritual^ by which my ances- 
 tors helped to settle and conquer and civ- 
 ilize the wilderness. 
 
 No victories at golf or billiards or lawn 
 tennis, or even football or baseball — no 
 pleasure in fine horses or automobiles or 
 
of any or all the ordinary pleasures of 
 life — ever satisfied me as these impalpa- 
 ble, imponderable delights of American 
 citizenship have done. 
 
 They are going to be enormously in- 
 creased for you and yours as a result of 
 this Great War and its consequences. The 
 names of many heroes will come forth 
 from the mighty womb of time to multi- 
 ply and strengthen our manifold causes 
 for joy and pride in our country and its 
 work. All this will be uplifting and help- 
 ful to you — a source of infinite strength 
 and power in the mighty tasks you have 
 to help solve. 
 
 I congratulate you once again and finally 
 upon the chance you have to get into and 
 become an integral part of this Great War 
 and thus to share personally and imme- 
 diately in its glorious results ; be entitled 
 to feel that you have been a living, work- 
 ing, contributing cell in this life process 
 of the ages. It will exalt you, lift you 
 out of yourselves and into higher regions 
 of life and light. 
 
 No one will suspect me of underesti- 
 mating the value of science and scientific 
 investigation to our society; nor of set- 
 ting a low value on the University of Illi- 
 nois and its services to the State and coun- 
 try. But all this, to my mind, is of sec- 
 ondary importance — nay of far lower im- 
 portance than that compared with the win- 
 ning of this war. If we have been breed- 
 ing and feeding and training a generation 
 of men and women who will permit the 
 Central Powers of Europe to dictate such 
 a peace as they have hoped to win — vain. 
 Vain has been our work — and empty the 
 achievement of building an American na- 
 tion — for such a nation would be un- 
 worthy of Washington and Lincoln, 
 would be unworthy of the men who died 
 that this country might be created, or the 
 men of that far greater army, who died 
 that it might be saved. Ah ! young men 
 and women, if you fail to put forth your 
 best efforts to help win this war, you will 
 regret it as long as you live. You will be 
 ashamed to tell your children and your 
 
 grandchildren that you stood aside and 
 let this great movement of progress 
 sweep on, and looked upon this drive for 
 human freedom with apathy, indifference, 
 or actual hostility. 
 
 Perhaps you do not realize fully what 
 it all means. 
 
 Just remember two or three things and 
 let them sink into your souls. I shall not 
 undertake to describe the remote causes 
 of the v\?ar ; I can not even undertake to 
 give a brief history of its rise and prog- 
 ress. Like other great wars the history 
 can not be written for a century to come. 
 But a few things are now clear and can 
 be known of all men : 
 
 1. Germany began this war, and that 
 in two senses. It refused to prevent it as 
 it might have done ; and it actually first 
 invaded a foreign country. 
 
 2. It invaded a small, defenseless, peace- 
 able country whose neutrality it had guar- 
 anteed to protect. 
 
 When this country resisted, it attempted 
 to break its resistance by a policy of ter- 
 rorism. War is horrible enough at best, 
 but directed not at armed forces but at 
 helpless civilians in order to frighten them 
 into inaction or to serve as an example 
 to other peoples — it is unspeakable. 
 
 Germany not only conquered Belgium 
 but it has laid heavy tribute upon it for 
 attempting to defend itself, compelling it, 
 moreover, by forced contributions of labor 
 and money and material to impoverish it- 
 self in order to help Germany defeat 
 France and England. 
 
 3. Germany has done the same thing 
 in all countries she has overrun. 
 
 4. She proposes to make the peoples 
 she conquers pay the cost of their being 
 conquered. Stop to think what that 
 means. 
 
 5. She proposes to conquer France and 
 England and then she will take the United 
 States. Are you willing that this should 
 be done? If not, then into the conflict 
 with body and soul ! 
 
 6. Germany has proposed to take the 
 coal and iron mines of Belgium and north- 
 
 8 
 
ern France and annex them to the Ger- 
 man Empire. Not content with this, she 
 has proposed to drive out the entire Bel- 
 gian and French population from these 
 territories and let what is left of Belgium 
 and France pay these poor devils for the 
 land and houses Germany has taken. Has 
 there ever been a more cruel or cold- 
 blooded proposition than this in the his- 
 tory of Christian nations? 
 
 7. The doctrine has been enunciated 
 by her philosophers that Germany has a 
 moral right to take any territory which in 
 Germany's opinion is necessary for her 
 welfare or convenience. Can you make 
 any answer to such monstrous proposi- 
 tions except "Back to your own bounda- 
 ries." 
 
 If we had failed to help France and 
 England in their extremity against this 
 menace to all they hold dear, it would be 
 a righteous judgment of God upon us, 
 that Germany should finally do to us 
 what she is trying to do to France and 
 England. 
 
 I know nothing personally about the 
 atrocities attributed to the Germans in 
 Belgium, and France and Roumania — eye 
 witnesses have however reported dreadful 
 things — but I know something of atroci- 
 ties which occur in this country at times in 
 spite of our laws and our police, and I can 
 imagine what may happen in other coun- 
 tries when because of war, laws and police 
 are set aside ; and the soldiers are ordered 
 to make an example of a man, a woman, a 
 child, a town, a province or a whole na- 
 tion. God forgive us if wd permit any 
 nation with this military and moral code 
 to overrun the civilized world — or rather 
 may he not forgive us, but punish us as 
 we deserve ! 
 
 One other thing, young friends, not only 
 is the winning of this war necessary to 
 protect civilization in Europe, and to pro- 
 tect our own homes, our altars, and our 
 fires from devastation and destruction ; 
 but the definite winning of this war at this 
 time will put forward civilization a great 
 way. This is a critical time in hu- 
 
 man history. If the Central Powers win, 
 the ball of human civilization will roll 
 down the hill of time, and we must again 
 take up the Sisyphaean task of pushing it 
 up again toward the top. 
 
 If we win, we shall secure the blessings 
 of civilization thus far attained and add 
 enormously to the certainty of steady and 
 rapid upward progress. 
 
 Surely, it is worth all you have in time 
 and strength and nerve to help win this 
 great war. If you are of the proper age 
 and strength and freedom, seek the trench 
 unless the Government wishes you else- 
 where, and calls you for other work. If 
 you can't do this, do something else, but 
 everywhere and all the time, work at this 
 one supreme problem of winning the war. 
 
 I never wished to be older for but the 
 one reason that I might have carried a 
 -musket in our Great Civil War ; and I 
 have never wished to be younger for but 
 one reason, that I might now be serving, 
 a machine gun in the blood-stained fields 
 of France. ^ly elder son has gone into 
 the navy ; my younger son is about to 
 enter the army service ; my son-in-law is 
 already in, and with him, the entire physi- 
 cal strength of my family is in the ser- 
 vice, and I am doing what I can to re- 
 cruit it. 
 
 Oh, my young brothers, I envy you your 
 chance to get personally into this great 
 world conflict on the side of right and 
 justice and mercy. If I had been a little 
 older, I might have fought at Vicksburg 
 or Gettysburg ; or a little younger at Vimy 
 Ridge or the INIarne. And if I had fallen 
 in the Civil War, I should have joined 
 that great and glorious throng who have 
 made it such a privilege for us to be 
 American citizens ; and if I had fallen at 
 the Marne or Vimy Ridge, I should have 
 entered that noble army wdio died that 
 their brothers across the sea might live. 
 
 I wish you all the greatest good luck ! 
 the highest earthly good fortune and 
 prosperity, consistent with the highest 
 moral and spiritual development of your- 
 selves. I can wish you no greater good 
 
than that somewhere in this great strug- 
 gle you find a place to serve this univer- 
 sity, this Commonwealth, this nation, the 
 whole world by your lofty patriotism and 
 devotion to all that is true and beautiful 
 and good. 
 
 Some of you will go to Flanders. I 
 pray God you may return with the laurel 
 wreath for faithful and distinguished ser- 
 vice long to bless your family and your 
 country. Some of you will doubtless fall 
 there, and lie among the poppies of the 
 Flanders fields. You will have taken up 
 the torch dropped by your predecessors 
 and helped carry it on to victory. Our 
 love, our admiration, our honor, our grat- 
 itude and that of all posterity will follow 
 you as you make this great sacrifice ! 
 
 John McRae has called to you in these 
 beautiful lines from those who lie in Flan- 
 ders fields where he now lies himself: 
 
 In Flanders fields the poppies blow 
 Between the crosses, row on row, 
 That mark our place, and in the sky. 
 
 The larks, still bravely singing, fly, 
 Scarce heard amid the guns below. 
 We are the dead ; short days ago |^ 
 We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, m 
 Loved and were loved, and now we lie 
 In Flanders fields. 
 
 Take up our quarrel with the foe ! 
 To you from failing hands we throw 
 
 The torch ; be yours to hold it high ! 
 
 If ye break faith with us who die 
 We shall not sleep, though poppies gri ' 
 In Flanders fields. 
 
 Not like those Roman Gladiators who 
 they entered the arena turned and chani 
 to the Emperor : 
 
 Morituri te salutanius! 
 
 We who are about to die salute thet 
 
 but with the glad cry, 
 
 "We who are about to live salute thee ! ! 
 
 you rush forward into this conflict, anc 
 if to lie in Flanders fields among the pop- 
 pies — then still to have life and to have 
 it more abundantly. 
 
 10 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Issued Weekly . ■ . 
 
 ol. XVI 
 
 DECEMBER 16, 1918 
 
 No. 16 
 
 ntered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act ot 
 AuRust 24, 1912. Acceptance for Mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section 1103, 
 Act of Oct. 3, 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 Italy and the Peace Conference 
 
 ^ I 
 
 BY 
 
 PAUL V. B. JONES 
 
 Associate in Historv 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
ITALY AND THE PEACE CONFERENCE . r 
 
 Now that peace terms are. under discussion, some of the profoundly 
 difficult problems which must be handled by the representatives of the 
 nations assembled at Versailles are becoming plainly outlined. Among 
 these problems, none are more knotty and fraught with serious danger 
 than those involving an equitable adjudication of certain of Italy's 
 war claims. Because to date Italy insists upon the fulfillment of these 
 claims to the very letter — upon her utter pound of flesh, that country 
 is assailed from all quarters, as she was denounced in 1915, branded 
 again for the narrowest selfishness, and roundly rebuked for an imperial- 
 ism which cannot be squared with the democratic ideals for which the 
 world has been told it was fighting. The country's spokesmen, on 
 the other hand, competent and otherwise, seek to refute these harsh 
 aspersions by demonstrating in speeches and writings the justness of 
 her objectives, while the arch-opponents of her peace programme — 
 South Slavs, Albanians, and Greeks, vigorously use like measures to 
 anathematize them. Meanwhile the report comes that Italy's armies 
 are not to be demobilized, together with curt assertions from certain 
 Slavic quarters proclaiming a fearful readiness to accept again, if it 
 must be, so grim a solvent as war. Such indeed, is the heat already 
 engendered since the signing of the armistice, an ominous premonition 
 of stormy controversy, or infinitely worse, ahead. 
 
 What then are these war claims, and what threatens to prevent 
 their full attainment? Stated briefly, Italy, in this developing world 
 crisis, has sought consistently to make her national existence secure. 
 That has been her great purpose. To gain it meant for her principally 
 reaching the following difficult objectives — first, the completion of her 
 unification through the incorporation of Italia Irredenta so called, that 
 is, the Trentino, certain lands about the lower Isonzo river and Trieste, 
 and second, the attainment of supremacy in the Adriatic sea. This 
 latter ambition is in truth part and parcel of Italian unification also, 
 in so far as it, likewise, involves securing Trieste; further than.that^ 
 however, its consummation means the establishment of Italian dominion 
 over Dalmatia, coast and islands, and the attainment by Italy of a 
 firm hold on the same side of the Adriatic in Albania. The vital impor- 
 tance of these objectives for Italy's welfare becomes manifest upon a 
 brief analysis of them. 
 
 3 
 
Italy, since 1871, has looked forward to the completion of her unifi- 
 cation on purely sentimental grounds; certainly it would be highly 
 gratifying to her to feel that all the regions once a part of her ancient 
 country, and at present inhabited by a majority Italian population, 
 were incorporated forever in the motherland. Irredentism, however, 
 has played its tremendously important role in modern Italian life not 
 on sentimental, but on eminently practical grounds; these coveted bits 
 of territory under alien control have left Italy with threatened frontiers 
 in the north and north-east. A glance at a map, or a survey of Italian 
 military operations in the war, will reveal the very real danger which 
 the country has had to face because of Italia Irredenta. The Trentino 
 is a powerful jut of most difficult mountainous country thrust into 
 northern Italy, -almost inaccessible to attack from the south, as Italy's 
 campaigns in that theatre demonstrated, while, on the other hand, the 
 rich Lombard plain, the heart of Italy, lies practically at the mercy of 
 its possessors. Nor is the situation much better in the Julian Alps 
 region, to the north-east, where again there is no satisfactory frontier. 
 This unfortunate state of affairs dates from 1871. Italy's unification 
 was accomplished tumultuously and piecemeal between 1859 and 1871, 
 contingent for the most part upon intermittent foreign support — a 
 process affording no time for the careful delimitation of frontiers. 
 
 And what of the Adriatic? Italians have long been of the opinion 
 that the country controlling Dalmatia, ipso facto, held their country 
 likewise in its grasp. The Adriatic is a great arm of the Mediterranean, 
 approximately five hundred miles long, with a mean breadth of one 
 hundred and ten miles, narrowing down however, at its southern ex- 
 tremity, across the Straits of Otranto, to a stretch of water some forty- 
 five miles in width. The excellent Albanian harbor, Valona, one of 
 the best in Western Europe, the Gibraltar of the Adriatic as it has been 
 called, perfectly commands these straits. This sea washes an Italian 
 shore, low-lying, shallow, exposed to the vast sweep of the north wind, 
 and practically harborless. Venice and Brindisi lie almost at its 
 respective extremities; neither is a first class haven, while Venice, further- 
 more, has its usefulness as a port constantly impaired because the four 
 rivers, Isonzo, Piave, Adige, and Po, draining great reaches of the Alps 
 and Apennines, steadily bring down into the head waters of the Adriatic 
 great quantities of silt. The Dalmatian coast, on the other hand, is 
 high, irregular, protected by a long fringe of islands, and affords an 
 excellent harbor for everv mile of shore. 
 
As modern states have been organized, physical features hke these 
 must command urgent attention on the part of countries constrained to 
 put up with them, and Italy is no exception to this rule. Under the 
 best of circumstances worry on her part over her general insecurity is 
 readily comprehensible. Moreover, how her fears on this score have 
 grown into a terrible incubus may likewise be understood, at least, 
 when it is recollected that until yesterday, practically, Italy's' hereditary 
 enemy commanded these keys to her house. Austria and Italy indeed 
 have never, in modern times, been friends, and this despite the Triple 
 Alliance which Italy felt herself compelled to join in 1882 because of 
 political exigencies beyond the scope of this discussion. 
 
 Nor is this all: Italy has feared Austria not only because of the latter's 
 position squarely across her most vulnerable parts, but also for the 
 additional reason that since 1875 she has seen in Austria a country with 
 a powerful ambition to entrench herself still more firmly in the Balkans, 
 thus jeopardizing the more Italy's security. In 1887 the Italian states- 
 man, Crispi, said to Bismarck: 
 
 "We Italians must be interested in the near Eastern 
 question. If the great powers, under agreement, would 
 formally renounce all conquest in the Balkans, and declare 
 that any territory taken from Turkey should be left auton- 
 omous, we would enter no objection to those arrange- 
 ments It is stated, however, that Russia, to attach Austria 
 to herself, offers her Bosnia and Herzegovina. Italy can 
 never permit Austria to occup;^ those territories. In 1866 
 Italy was left without a frontier in the eastern Alps; if now 
 Austria secures these provinces, which would further forti- 
 fy her on the Adriatic, our country will then find itself more 
 than ever exposed to an invasion. It will be in a trap." 
 Yet the Congress of Berlin, arbitrarily "arranging" southeastern Europe 
 after the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878, allowed x^ustria to "occupy" 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina — a hard blow for Italy; nor could the latter 
 country accept with any more assurance Austria's annexation of these 
 Balkan lands in 1908. 
 
 Such well known facts in .part explain Italy's intense anxiety when 
 Austria sent her famous ultimatum to Serbia, unloosing the World War. 
 Likewise they explain Italy's conditional neutrality upon the outbreak 
 of the war; her seizure of Valona in Albania, in December, 1914; her 
 nine months of bootless negotiation with the Central Powers through 
 
which she sought to guarantee Italia Irredenta and Adriatic security 
 forever; and, finally, her signature to the now notorious Secret Treaty 
 of London, of April, 1915, and declaration of war against her former 
 allies. 
 
 The country's policy has been consistently one of national defense. 
 And today, though ancient dynasties have fallen, and amid their ruins 
 tiny states- helpless in their puny infancy have been born, Italy's 
 geographical features are unaltered. Shall they never again menace 
 her security — nay, shall they leave her in peace for the next twenty-five 
 years? What historian dare hazard such an assurance! Therefore it 
 IS that to-day Italy still claims the fulfillment of these provisions of 
 her bond. 
 
 Where lies the difficulty in a peace settlement for Italy mainly along 
 these lines of the Secret Treaty of London ? Just here. The Great War, 
 with its outstanding slogan "making the world safe for democracy,'^ 
 has been won for the Allies and America, in no small measure, through 
 the reaction of this magnificent battle-cry on numerous oppressed 
 nationalities groaning under the hard dominion of the Central Powers. 
 P^or the most part, these peoples, with racial and national instincts 
 keyed high by repression, have hailed this bloody struggle against 
 autocracy as a veritable crusade for liberty — a holy war which should 
 make them free. With intense enthusiasm they have grasped the basic 
 principles of democracy, have fought and died with astounding heroism 
 for these fundamentals; now the war is over, and they too demand the 
 fruits of victory, x^cross the Adriatic from Italy are several groups of 
 these peoples, determined to be free and independent, and it is the 
 attainment of this freedom and independence which must clash with 
 the fulfillment of Italy's claims. These peoples are the Jugo (or South) 
 Slavs, and the Albanians. 
 
 The South Slavs, that is, the Serbians, Croats, Slovenes, and Monte- 
 negrins, of whom the Croats and Slovenes have been under the juris- 
 diction of Austria-Hungary, number presumably some 13,000,000 souls, 
 and constitute a heavy majority of the population in much of the land 
 essential to Italian supremacy in the Adriatic, as Istria and Dalmatia. 
 While to date there have been many evidences of antagonisms between 
 these Slavic groups — chiefly due to cultural and religious differences, 
 their political position, and the war itself — on the other hand, signs of 
 a strong unanimity of feeling, a real national consciousness, are yet 
 more obvious. All speak the same language, with slight variations; 
 
their racial characteristics are the same; they have suffered together, 
 and together they must be free. 
 
 In July of 1917, authorized representatives of Serbs, Croats, and 
 Slovenes issued an official statement through the Serbian Press Bureau 
 
 on the Island of Corfu in which they affirm that " the desire 
 
 of our people is to free itself from all foreign oppression and to consti- 
 tute itself into a free, national, and independent state, based on the 
 
 principle that every people is free to govern itself " The 
 
 declaration then describes the "modern and democratic principles" on 
 which this state shall be founded. Jugoslavia, according to this pro- 
 gramme, shall be "a constitutional, democratic, and Parliamentary 
 Monarchy," with the Serbian dynasty for its royal house. It is to 
 include "all the territory where our nation lives in compact masses and 
 without discontinuity, and where it could not be mutilated without 
 injuring the vital interests of the community." Equality before the 
 law, religious toleration, and universal suffrage are likewise proclaimed. 
 
 A year later, Jugoslavs in America had a great celebration at Wash- 
 ington, the principal feature of which was the raising of a Jugoslav flag — 
 an emblem on which were interlaced the Arms of Serbia, Croatia, and 
 Slovenia. Prominent natives made speeches befitting the great oc- 
 casion; peculiarly significant among the addresses was the stirring 
 appeal for an oath of allegiance to the new banner urged upon all Jugo- 
 slavs present, by Don Niko Grskovitch, President of the Croatian 
 League of America. 
 
 In September, 1918, the Jugoslavs declared their independence. 
 They set forth in the remarkable manifesto embodying this act that 
 ethnically they are one nation, and that they base their national rights 
 and claims on that fact. Accepting entirely the principle of self deter- 
 mination, they demand for themselves "a peace which shall bring us 
 union, independence, and liberty." Since this important step, the 
 state of Jugoslavia has been rapidly taking shape. Late in November 
 the National Council at Agram appointed Prince Alexander of Serbia 
 as Regent. A State Council, comprising all the members of the Agram 
 Council, fifty delegates from Serbia, and five from Montenegro, was 
 summoned to meet at Sarajevo, and appointed a Jugoslav cabinet, x'^s 
 soon as conditions are settled enough, elections are to be held for a Con- 
 stituent Assembly which is to sit at Sarajevo, determine the form of 
 state to be set up, and adopt a constitution. The fundamental irre- 
 concilability between all this development and the Italian programme 
 for Adriatic supremacy is clear. 
 
 .7 . • 
 
Next, what of Italy's grip on Albania, likewise recognized by the 
 Treaty of London? An Italian "protectorate" over Albania must 
 thwart the national aspirations of that people. Unfortunately this 
 most interesting but primitive folk is largely inarticulate. Turkey has 
 controlled the country for over four hundred years, so that there has 
 been practically no opportunity for progress; instruction has been quite 
 unknown. Contrasted therefore with the cry of the South Slavs, whose 
 eager passionate yearnings for national independence have found wide 
 response and sympathetic approval throughout most of the civilized 
 world, the thin small voice sounding Albania's longings pipes nearly 
 unheeded. Nay, those are not wanting who affirm that Albania has 
 no voice, no longings; and these interpreters of peace conference prob- 
 lems outline a settlement for Albania largely based on Italy's desire for 
 dominion there, taking cognizance too of the claims of Greece and the 
 Jugoslavs on parts of the country. What of the Albanians themselves? 
 They also have responded strongly to President Wilson's pronuncia- 
 mento on behalf of oppressed nationalities. Having fought and died 
 for liberty and independence, they now look forward tensely to that 
 cherished freedom almost within their grasp. 
 
 Evidences of a national feeling among Albanians are not wanting. 
 When, in June of 1917, Italy proclaimed Albanian independence "under 
 the shield and protection of the Italian Kingdom," the Albanian paper,. 
 Dielli (the Sun), mouthpiece of the National organization in New York 
 City, spoke as follows: 
 
 "The proclamations by Austria and Italy, which came 
 one after the other, are neither welcome nor well sounding. 
 These powers are disputing between them the right of 
 protection over Albania. The way in which each desires 
 to reorganize and dominate Albania cannot meet our 
 approval. We acknowledge with boundless pleasure any 
 friendly protection, but we cannot even for a moment 
 agree that Albania be reduced to the state of a vassal 
 country. The Albanians are fighting for the real inde- 
 pendence of Albania, and for this we can rely for assistance 
 on her friends only. The Albanians desire that Albania 
 should be for the Albanians. They do not wish her to be 
 the tool of either Austria or Italy. Such a servile Albania 
 would be the worst element in the Balkans, a fire-maker 
 in the already troublesome peninsula." 
 
 8 
 
The Albanians again have been decidedly conscious of those arbi- 
 trary adjustments, like that put into effect by the Ambassadorial Con- 
 ference at London in 1912, which have placed sections of their country 
 with the inhabitants under foreign jurisdiction; thus, for example, 
 certain leaders of the country have requested Italy to represent them 
 at the peace conference and to demand for them Epirus and parts of 
 Serbia. 
 
 Furthermore the Albanian Federation in America, with headquarters 
 in Boston, recently issued an authoritative statement to correct dis- 
 torted views of their country and people. It surveys with evident 
 pride the remarkable ancient and modern annals of this, the oldest 
 people in western Europe, protests against their unfair treatment at 
 the hands of their neighbors in most recent times, notes that the Alba- 
 nians have made common cause with the Allies, that many of the seventy 
 thousand Albanians in America are in service in the American armies, 
 that, all told, their people have purchased nearly $1,000,000 worth of 
 Liberty bonds, thereby attesting the loyalty of this hard-working element 
 in our population to their adopted land; and concludes with the note- 
 worthy declaration that they look to America and the Allies at the peace 
 conference for the restoration of their country's independence within 
 ethnical boundaries. 
 
 Such are obvious witnesses of a national consciousness on the part 
 of this people. The evidences may be few; that there are any such, 
 under the circumstances, is highly significant. And finally, the little 
 trustworthy information available about this people shows them to be 
 a folk with intensely strong racial characteristics. Centuries long they 
 have maintained themselves in their mountain fastnesses against suc- 
 cessive waves of invasion, ultimately either absorbing or driving out 
 their would-be conquerors. With a like tenacity, successive genera- 
 tions of Albanians resident in Greece and Italy through hundreds of 
 years adhere staunchly to their native speech. 
 
 Signal virtues are theirs also, despite their tribal organization with 
 its endless local warfare, their blood feuds and their gross ignorance. 
 The following quotation speaks for itself: 
 
 "Brigandage, despite the prevailing myth on the sub- 
 ject, is practically unknown in Albania. The native is too 
 proud and chivalrous — and these are his two main national 
 characteristics — to lower himself to the condition of 
 highwayman As to the reputed fanaticism of the 
 
Albanians and their constant religious strife, it may be 
 said that religious toleration exists in Albania to a degree 
 found nowhere else in the Balkans. Divided as the 
 Albanians are into Moslems, Roman Catholics, and Greek 
 Catholics, they have always managed to get along far 
 better than Catholics and Protestants in Western Europe. 
 In Albania there are today families in which one brother 
 is a Moslem and another a Christian, yet they live in 
 perfect harmony within the walls of the same home. In 
 general the people of Albania are characterized by an 
 innate and irresistible love for liberty, by intelligence and 
 .; practical spirit, and by great eagerness for progress and ^ 
 
 civilization."^ 
 
 Such, in their outstanding features, are these sets of conflicting 
 interests which point themselves more sharply day by day. On the 
 one hand the indisputable national rights of Jugoslavs and Albanians, 
 and on the other Italy's claim to the whole of Istria, to a large part of 
 Dalmatia, and to sections of Albania, which cannot rest soundly on the 
 firm basis of nationality whatever may be said for Italian majorities 
 in various regions; claims, which despite certain good historical foun- 
 dation, must in the last analysis find their truest raison d'etre in the 
 inalienable right of every nation to safeguard its own well being. 
 
 Surely, under the old diplomacy, Italy's objectives are entirely 
 defensible; could she today be assured that the world has indeed been 
 made anew, certainly she would relinquish her Adriatic programme with 
 a profound sigh of relief; unfortunately that sore distraught country, 
 weak and impoverished, cannot secure so splendid a conviction from 
 allied statesmanship! Should Italy,^ therefore, finally decide so to 
 modify her claims that the young nations, her Adriatic neighbors, may 
 be free to work out their several destinies without let or hindrance, in 
 full independence, then shall this venerable mother of our Western 
 civilization be hailed throughout the world for her profound faith in a 
 new era to the ideals and security of which she has made heroic sacrifice! 
 
 i"The Albanian Nationality", Constantine A. Chekrezi ■ (formerly secretary to 
 the International Commission of Control for Albania) in Current Hisfory, November, 1918. 
 
 ^Signs indeed are not wanting which indicate a strong current in Italy in this direc- 
 tion. Over half a year ago now, a group of her intellectuals, including the historian 
 Salvimini, certain Deputies and other notables, acting semi-officially, reached what 
 promised to be a highly satisfactory agreement with the Jugoslavs. Both sides made 
 concessions, or at least indicated a willingness to yield points in their conflicting ambi- 
 tions. Presently again the horizon was overcast, and until the present all available 
 
 ! 10 
 
information indicated intense antagonism. Now however comes the news of the resigna- 
 tion of several members of the ItaHan Ministry, conspicuous among them being Leonida 
 Bissolati, who, in highly commendable manner publishes his reasons for breaking with 
 the Government. In short, he disagrees radically with Baron Sonnino, Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, in regard to the peace settlement. Whereas Sonnino insists upon the 
 complete fulfillment of the terms of the Secret Treaty of London, Bissolati would make 
 creat concessions to the Jugoslavs, yielding Dalmatia to them, for example. 
 
 In addition, an auspicious report comes via Paris of "the first meeting of the Italian 
 Society for a League of Free Nations, which has 150 branches in Italy, and includes in 
 "ts membership nine Ministers, among them Premier Orlando, former Premier Boselli, 
 General Busati, chief aid to the King, and Senator Mattioli Pasqualini." 
 
 KEY TO MAP — Shaded area shows extreme Jugoslav claims Heavy line marks limit of Italian 
 claims, According to the treaty of London, practically all the Adriatic coast from the southern limit of the 
 Italian claim in Delmatia, to Durazzo, is to be neutralized, with relaxations in favor of Montenegro. 
 
 11 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 DECEMBER 23, 191! 
 
 No. 17 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at tlie post office at Urbana. Illinois, under the Act of 
 August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section 1103 Act of 
 October 3, 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 The New Arab Kingdom 
 
 and the Fate of The MusHm World 
 
 BY 
 
 ALBERT TEN EYCK OLMSTEAD 
 Professor ot History 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
J\^,=c==„ 
 
 
THE NEW ARAB KINGDOM AND THE FATE OF THE 
 MUSLIM WORLD 
 
 In the autumn of 1916, a bored newspaper correspondent at Wash- 
 ington amused his readers with an account of a new power, somewhere 
 in Arabia, whose request for recognition had caused our Department of 
 State no little search to discover its exact location. Shortly after, 
 professional orientalists were afforded that first of all proofs that a 
 state actually exists: stamps marked "Hijaz Post." Since then, the 
 metropolitan papers have occasionally devoted two or three lines to 
 the advance made by the sultan of that country east of the Jordan and 
 little more has been contributed by our periodicals. 
 
 Prophecy has%ever been more at a discount than at the present, 
 and yet we may venture the prediction that here we have an event of 
 world meaning, that problems are raised which America must aid in 
 settling, that the historians of the future may see in this event one of 
 the most important results of the war. Americans have devoted little 
 enough attention to the Near Eastern Question as a whole; the x^rabian 
 phase is virtually unknown. 
 
 What has happened is no less than the rebirth of Islam. We all 
 know from our school books that Islam began with Mohammed in 
 Mecca, that under his immediate successors it conquered the greater 
 part of the civilized world, and that there was developed within the 
 century a civilization without a contemporary rival. We may further 
 remember that the original Arab rulers were supplanted by Persians, 
 Moors, and Turks, and that the civilization was transformed and then 
 began to decline. Here our knowledge is likely to end. Few of us 
 realize that Islam is one of the most potent forces in the world today, 
 that it counts its adherents by the hundred millions, that in the waste 
 places of the earth it converts its hundreds where Christianity wins 
 its tens, that its followers occupy a belt of the best territory on earth, 
 extending from Morocco and the Sudan to China and the Philippines. 
 What happens in Mecca becomes matter for more than amusement 
 when we realize that hundreds of thousands of men under our own flag 
 feel exactly the same sentiments toward that city that other millions of 
 our fellow-citizens feel toward Rome. 
 
 Contrary to the general belief, the "Unspeakable Turk" has his 
 good points. He is a soldier without superior, has much administrative 
 
 3 
 
ability, and, where he has not been corrupted by intermarriage with 
 other races or by so-called "Liberalism" in the guise of the pro-German 
 "Young Turk," he is, man for man, the equal of his western brother of 
 similar social standing. Unfortunately, he is a northerner ruling 
 southerners. He is slow, stolid, solid, rather contemptuous of the man 
 from the south who is quicker in guile as in the field of the intellect. 
 He takes over and patronizes, by virtue of his being a better soldier 
 and ruler, a culture he is incapable of producing. To the man of the 
 south, he is a northern barbarian, speaking a language which has no 
 connection with the sacred speech used by the Prophet and preserved 
 to posterity in the Koran. He clings to customs which are only nominal- 
 ly glossed over by the Sacred Law and is no fit successor to the Prophet. 
 The Arab has never forgotten that his was and Is the sacred language, 
 that the Koran can rightly be read only in Arabic, that from his race 
 came the Prophet, that in his land are found the four holy cities of 
 Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, and Hebron, and that all the cities most 
 intimately connected with the glories of the Caliphate — Alexandria, 
 Damascus, ■ Baghdad, still speak Arabic. He would be more than 
 human did- he not look forward to the day when once more from Mecca 
 would the Law go forth. 
 
 In the eighties of the last century, Islam seemed about to follow 
 Turkey into dissolution. That it did not do so was largely the work 
 of Abdul Hamid, who first discovered the worth to the state of a pan- 
 Islam in which Constantinople might supplant Mecca as Rome had 
 supplanted Jerusalem in the Middle Ages. History might today be 
 profoundly different had this ideal continued pure and undefiled. 
 Hungarian writers assisted in transforming the pan-Islamic into the 
 pan-Turanian movement; but if Hungarian, Finn, and Russian Tatar 
 were thereby won to Turkish support, the Arab speaking world was 
 definitely alienated. Rebellion became chronic in the Yemen, in south- 
 west Arabia, the most desirable part of the peninsula. Army after army 
 was lost by battle, disease, and treachery. The Turkish Revolution of 
 1908, with its brief "Era of Good Feeling," for the moment checked 
 the Arab movement, but it revived at once when the Young Turks, in 
 their unfortunate imitation of western nationalism, began the Ottoman- 
 ization of the Empire. Radicals went so far as to demand a Turkish 
 translation of the Koran, the use pf that language exclusively on trains, 
 in newspapers, in private bookkeeping. By such means, the close 
 connection with Hungary was continued, Bulgaria suddenly discovered 
 
that the original Bulgars had been Turanians and so fit alhes for the 
 Turks, MusHm intellectuals in Trans-Caucasian Russia longed for the 
 day when they should be restored to Turkey. To the debit side of the 
 account must be placed the complete alienation of all the other nationali- 
 ties in Turkey, Muslim equally with Christian. When the Great War 
 began, the Arabic,-speak'ng peoples were ripe for revolt. 
 
 Before any overt act occurred, Turkish officials seized and killed the 
 Syrian leaders in several cities. Among the patriots thus executed 
 were members of the tribe of the Sherif of Mecca, a descendant of the 
 Prophet, and the official head of the sacred city. Already predisposed 
 to revolt by the "Liberalism" of Enver Pasha and the Committee fo 
 Union and Progress, by their scarcely concealed agnosticism, and by 
 the deliberate abrogation of provisions of the Sacred Law laid down in 
 the Koran itself, the Arabs felt themselves provoked beyond endurance. 
 In a ringing address to "all our Muslim brethren," Husein, the son of 
 Ali, appealed to Allah as judge, in the words of the Book, mourned the 
 loss of Muslim prestige brought about by the Young Turk fiascoes in 
 Tripoli and the Balkans, and its present perilous position. He con- 
 demned the horrors of deportation, the murder of leading Muslims, the 
 banishments and confiscations of property belonging to the innocent 
 families of victims. Then he told of the revenge taken by the Turkish 
 garrison for the revolt of Mecca, how a shell fell but four feet from the 
 very house of Allah, how the rug that covered the Sacred Black Stone 
 was fired, the despair of the pious as they saw it and the killing of 
 worshippers every day within the sacred precincts until worship was 
 perforce discontinued. No westerner can realize the thrill of horror 
 such sacrilege must produce in the breast of every true Muslim. Islam 
 had not risen when the Turks, at the dictation of their infidel masters, 
 had preached the Holy War. Henceforth, there could be no doubt as 
 to the position every true Muslim must take. 
 
 The cup of Young Turk iniquity was full, and on the sixteenth of 
 November, 1916, Husein was declared Sultan of the Hejaz and was 
 promptly recognized by the Entente Powers. By their operations east 
 of the Dead Sea, the Arabs did much to render futile the Turko-German 
 advance against Egypt, thus saving the Suez Canal and the route to 
 India and Australia. They played their part in the redemption of 
 Jerusalem by drawing off troops at a time when these were desperately 
 needed by the Turks. In the last campaign, they assisted the British 
 in the great drive which carried the allies from Samaria to x^leppo. 
 
The war in the Near East has ended in the complete triumph of our 
 allies and only the political settlement remains. A son of the Sherif 
 has arrived in Paris, has been assigned two delegates at the conference, 
 and has given tea to American correspondents. Already we can see, 
 at least in outline, the problems which must be solved. First, a new 
 state has come into the world; and, whatever aid it may receive from 
 the Entente Powers, it must be independent in every sense, or Muslim 
 thought will be outraged. At present, it occupies only the Hejaz, the 
 strip along the west coast of Arabia, with the holy cities, plus a line of 
 advance up the Mecca Railroad to Syria, but its claims are far wider, 
 even to Syria as a whole. Yemen is in anarchy, with the chance that 
 the anarchy will be ended with some sort of British rule, for Yemen 
 forms the back country to Aden, and Aden commands the exit of the 
 Red Sea, the route to India. The center of the peninsula is the home 
 of the fickle wandering tribes or of oasis cities ruled by emirs who may 
 admit the Sultan as first among equals, but will not surrender their 
 local autonomy without a struggle. Oman and the other states along 
 the seaboard are more or less under British protection; Syria, Babylonia, 
 Mesopotamia, are actually being administered by British soldiers; next 
 door, across the narrow Red Sea, Egypt is a British protectorate; and 
 India, with its hundred million Muslims, is likewise British, however 
 much this fact may be hidden by native rulers with splendid courts. 
 General Maude, in the proclamation issued after the capture of Baghdad, 
 expressed the "hope and desire of the British people and the nations 
 in alliance with them that the Arab race may rise once more to great- 
 ness and renown among the peoples of the earth, and that it shall bind 
 
 itself together to this end in unity and concord that you may 
 
 be united with your kinsmen in north, east, south, and west, in realiz- 
 ing the aspirations of your race." 
 
 Whether practical politics will permit the coming true of these and 
 similar aspirations remains to be seen. The pure Arab is an extreme 
 individualist, and there is much the same spirit among the others who 
 speak Arabic. The Near East has rarely been a unity, and then gen- 
 erally under foreign control. If Muslim Arabs could for once be induced 
 to abandon their old time desert individualism, there is still the fact 
 that they do not comprise all the Arab speaking population, and that 
 they are not a religious unity among themselves. The tiue Arab of 
 the desert permits his religion to sit lightly upon him, and with the mass 
 of the Muslim Arabs, is nominally Sunni or orthodox, though without 
 
fanaticism. Babylonia is largely occupied by Shias, or Dissenters, who 
 are among the fanatics of the world. Here are the sacred cities of the 
 Persians, Kerbela, Nejf, Kadhemin, with their minarets plated with 
 solid gold, their trade in corpses brought from afar to be buried in the 
 sacred soil where once flowed the blood of Ali, martyred son-in-law of 
 the Prophet. To them come bands of pilgrims, who will not give a 
 drink of water to the fainting traveller, lest he defile the cup by lack 
 of orthodoxy, who work themselves up into a frenzy in acting the sacred 
 dramas which relate the death of Hassan and Hussein, the murdered 
 grandsons of the Prophet, until the blood flows from the self-inflicted 
 wounds, and the stranger betakes himself away for safety. Here are 
 to be found the spiritual leaders of Persia, and from here came the 
 impulse for the short lived Persian constitution. Babylonia is the port 
 of entry for much of Persia's commerce, she is likewise the center of 
 Persian life. 
 
 In the mountains to the north and east are the Nestorian Christians,, 
 further west are the Jacobites, both clinging to the remnants of their 
 Syriac language and literature. Armenians press into the northern 
 parr of the Mesopotamian area, while many Christians now speak the 
 Kurdish of their barbarous masters who roam the prairies with their 
 flocks of sheep and goats, or exchange their black goat's hair tents for 
 adobe huts without thereby abandoning their rapacious habits. For 
 the most part, however, Mesopotamia is still virgin soil, for even in 
 antiquity the land was tilled only close to the rivers. The problem 
 today is that of the scientific conservation and use of water; this affects 
 the problem of boundaries. At first glance, no finer example of a 
 scientific frontier could be found, for the Armenian barrier range is 
 almost a straight line from east to west, cut by few and dif^cult passes, 
 and with the population on the two sides essentially different in type. 
 Today, when irrigation is the great problem, we see that irrigation must 
 be based on the Euphrates, not the Tigris, and that inevitably means 
 the control of the Euphrates watershed far to the north of the barrier 
 range by the power which owns Mesopotamia. 
 
 Central Syria affords a problem of more than usual complexity. 
 The inhabitants of Mount Lebanon are among the best of the earth in 
 physical and mental strength. Unfortunately, half are Christians, the 
 other half Druses, an unorthodox Muslim sect, and warfare between 
 the two is the one theme of Lebanon history. The Christians are largely 
 Maronites, Syrians reconciled with the Latin Church, who have been 
 
 7 
 
permitted to retain their liturgy in their native language and many of 
 their peculiar customs in return for their recognition of Rome. As 
 such they were protected by the French, the official defenders of Catho- 
 lics in the Near East. When an unusually vigorous conflict resulted in 
 the Damascus "massacres" of 1860, French troops were landed to "re- 
 store order" and the Lebanon was given local autonomy under a Chris- 
 tian governor appointed with the approval of the Powers. The denun- 
 ciation of the Concordat by the French government ended the protecto- 
 rate and the French flag no longer floated on holy days over every 
 Catholic institution in Syria, but French influence continued strong and 
 many of the Lebanese received their training in the splendid Jesuit uni- 
 versity of St. Joseph in Beirut. The Druses, forced to look elsewhere for 
 a defender, found one in the English, who long exercised great influence 
 over their "brethren." In a secret treaty, soon after the outbreak of 
 the war, the British threw over their allies and assigned the Lebanon 
 to France. 
 
 For two generations, American missionaries have carried on work 
 in the Lebanons which can only be termed magnificent. The Syrian 
 Protestant College in Beirut has been a worthy rival of the Jesuit insti- 
 tution. American ways have been introduced by its staff of American 
 teachers, the scientific investigation of the country has begun, on the 
 football field the most diverse races and religions have learned team 
 work and self-control. The lower classes have meanwhile migrated to 
 America. No village in the most remote mountains but will furnish 
 a man to salute you with "Hello there, you an American? I am an 
 American too," to inform you that he came from San Antonio, Texas,. 
 or Fort Wayne, Indiana, to swear a little just to show you that he is a 
 genuine American. In his house, he will proudly exhibit the papers 
 which prove that he is "an American citizen, just like you." Long 
 ago, some of these men dreamed of the day when America would oust 
 the Turk, and now the New Syria National League demands a federated 
 Syria, "from the Taurus Mountains to the Sinai Peninsula," and "that 
 the United States assume guardianship and administration of Syria 
 until such a time as the Syrians are able to perform the functions of full 
 self-government." 
 
 America is again brought into contact with the Near East in Pales- 
 tine. Zionism has received the support of many of our citizens of Jewish 
 descent and there are few Christians but would rejoice that there is 
 hope of a "Return to Zion." None the less, we cannot overlook the 
 
obstacles to a Zionist state. The majority of the population of Pales- 
 tine, descendants of pre-Mosaic Canaanites, are Muslims, and there 
 exists a large sprinkling of Christians. The site of Solomon's temple 
 is the third most holy Muslim shrine. When Jersualem was taken by 
 General Allenby, it was not handed over to the Jews. Instead, to quote 
 his official report, "The Mosque of Omar and the area around it have 
 been placed under Moslem control, and a military cordon of Moham- 
 medan officers and soldiers has been established around the mosque. 
 Orders have been issued that no non-Moslem is to pass within the cordon 
 without permission oi the military governor and the Moslem in charge;" 
 Christian and Jew excluded from so sacred a place, and in favor of 
 Muslims! The policy is clear. Equally clear is the proclamation which 
 declared that the sacred shrine of Hebron, where Abraham, Isaac, and 
 Jacob, with their wives, are supposed to be buried, "has been placed 
 under exclusive Moslem co)itroiy 
 
 The lands belonging to Muslim mosques and schools, to Christian 
 churches and monasteries, add the complication of vested interest. Much 
 of the remainder is owned by Christian and Muslim notables and they 
 are up in arms over the new invasion. Massmeetings of Christians 
 and Muslims have been held, protection has been demanded against 
 forced sales under unfair conditions, and the use of Arabic as the only 
 official language. This has been conceded in principle and Allenby has 
 refused to register land transfers made since the occupation. Sir Syed 
 Ameer Ali, probably the greatest living Muslim publicist, has strongly 
 declared the Germanic origin of Zionism and has categorically stated 
 the displeasure of Muslims at the change of policy. British policy in 
 the east does indeed rest on Muslim support and when he points out 
 the relative numbers of Muslims and of Jews in the world and the num- 
 ber who today support Britain, he brings forward what after all must 
 be the most serious objection, from the British point of view, to an 
 independent Palestine. 
 
 The clash of Muslim and Zionist interests is undoubted. We need 
 not on that account believe them hopelessly impossible of reconciliation. 
 Many of the Zionists are now stating that it is "not only unwise but 
 positively unjust to ask the peace Conference for an immediate Jewish 
 state. It was for them to ask, in the first place, for recognition by the 
 world that Palestine was the Jewish land in the past and would again 
 be the Jewish land in the future. They should ask for opportunities 
 to bring the Jews back to Palestine. It would depend on the Jews 
 
themselves to build up the Jewish commonwealth. When once Great 
 Britain was appointed trustee, they would, in conjunction with Great 
 Britain, prepare and carry out a detailed scheme for building up the 
 Jewish Commonwealth. The Jewish land-holding must first of all be 
 greatly increased. By democratic legislation this could be brought 
 about, with due regard to the rights of all other inhabitants. There was 
 ample elbow-room there, as the land was very sparsely populated. It is 
 obvious that a vast population can be brought into the country without 
 the slightest encroachments upon the rights of the Arab peasant." 
 Such, somewhat condensed, is the statement made by Dr. Weizmann, 
 chairman of the Zionist Commission sent out under the auspices of the 
 British government. Contrasted with the dreams of many believers 
 in the "Return to Zion," it is very modest, but it represents a program 
 which is perfectly possible to execute, and, what is at present much more 
 to the point, it represents what the practical Briton believes to be the 
 utmost which can be conceded in view of the promises made to the 
 Arab kingdom. 
 
 For Husein, Sultan of the Hejaz, is no small force to be reckoned 
 with. When Faisul, his son, entered Damascus, he "announced that 
 he made no distinction between members ot the Arab nation, of whatever 
 creed or religion. I shall never betray the Arabs, and I trust that the 
 Arabic language v/ill attain the position that it deserves. It is the suffer- 
 ing of the Syrian nation and the atrocities which they have suffered from 
 the Turks which have brought about this day." "The sword of the 
 Arabs could not be sheathed until the other regions held by the Turks 
 were freed," and he pointedly included Aleppo, far to the north in Syria, 
 in the "Arabian country." All Syria might be claimed on this basis. 
 Yet when he arrived in London, he could declare "The two main 
 branches of the Semitic family, Arabs and Jews, understand one another, 
 and I hope that, as a result of interchange of ideas at the Peace Con- 
 ference, which will be guided by ideals of self-determination and na- 
 tionality, each nation will make definite progress towards the realiza- 
 tion of its aspirations. Arabs are not jealous of Zionist Jews, and 
 intend to give them fair play, and the Zionist Jews have assured the 
 Nationalist Arabs of their intention to see that they, too,- have fair play 
 in their respective areas. Turkish intrigue in Palestine has raised 
 jealousy between the Jewish colonists and the local peasants, but the 
 mutual understanding of the aims of Arabs and Jews will at once clear 
 .away the last trace of this former bitterness, which, indeed, had already 
 
 10 
 
practically disappeared even before the war by the work of the Arab 
 secret Revolutionary Committee, which, in Syria and elsewhere, laid 
 the foundation of the Arab military successes of the past two years." 
 To the practiced ear, there is a marked difference between the two 
 speeches. In the intervening time, Mecca as well as Jerusalem had 
 heard from London. 
 
 Whatever the immediate decision as to the territories controlled bv 
 the Hejaz Sultan, his spiritual position is a portent for the future. The 
 present Sultan still calls himself the Caliph, the "Successor of the 
 Prophet," but he is now completely discredited. Historically, his title 
 was of more than doubtful legality, and he was accepted only because 
 Turkey was the one important Muslim power. Muslim publicists have 
 •of late challenged his title anew and the strong protest of the Meccan 
 Ulema, perhaps the most respected body of theologians and jurists in 
 the Muslim world, closes with the sinister rec^uest that their opponents 
 consider this question:" What is the Caliphate and what are its condi- 
 tions? .... As to the question of the Caliphate, in spite of all that is 
 known of the deplorable condition in which it is situated at the present 
 moment, we have not interfered with it at all, and it will remain as it 
 is pending the decision of the ivhole Muslim world.'' The significance 
 of the last few words cannot well be exaggerated. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Sultan of the Hejaz is the most observed of all 
 Muslims. Thus far, his actions have been such as to secure the respect 
 and admiration of all who fight for freedom. For the first time in 
 centuries, the annual pilgrimage to Mecca has been conducted without 
 robbery and slaughter on the road. Mecca has at last something like 
 modern sanitation, and travellers need no longer hasten to reach rail 
 head before the coming of the pilgrim caravan and the concomitant 
 cholera. Public schools, public works, a newspaper, the use of foreign 
 and Christian agencies, even to the Red Cross, all are to be noted. 
 
 In the last analysis, it is still the Golden Rule which measures a 
 man and a religion. We all know how "Christian" Germany was 
 responsible for the murder or deportation of millions of unfortunate 
 Armenians. On the borders of the desert east of Palestine, Faisul, son 
 and general of the Hejaz Sultan, found some of the unfortunates the 
 Young Turk had left to perish. He freed them, aided them to the best 
 of his ability, and sent out of the country such as wished. An Armenian 
 Pasha in Egypt sent him this telegram: "Every Armenian throughout 
 the world is today the Ally of the Arab movement." To similar words of 
 
 11 
 
appreciation for this act, Sultan Husein replied: "Faisul, in assisting 
 the oppressed, has only performed one ot the first duties of our religion 
 and of the Arab's faith. I say with confidence and pride that the 
 Armenian race and other races in similar plight are regarded by us as 
 partners in weal and woe. We ask God before everything to give us 
 strength to enable us to do them helpful service by which to prove to 
 the world the true feelings of Islam, whose watchword is freedom." 
 
 With such a confession of faith, we need not wonder that of the 
 two hundred and fifty million Muslims of the world, a bare five per cent 
 was ever on the side of our opponents, that nearly the entire remainder, 
 before the breakdown of Russia, was definitely pledged to the cause 
 of liberty, that many were fighting side by side with our boys in France. 
 By their action in this war, as well as by the weight of their numbers 
 and their unrivalled position at the very heart of the old world, they 
 demand and will secure adequate treatment at the peace table. 
 
 ^This article is a revision of one presented in the Historical Outlook, IX: 480 fF. 
 
 12 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 December 30, 191f 
 
 No. 18 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11. 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois .under the Act of August 
 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section 1103, Act of October 3. 
 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.) 
 
 Territorial Problems of the 
 Baltic Basin 
 
 BY 
 
 LAURENCE M. LARSON 
 
 Professor of Historv 
 
 PRICE TEN CENTS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
TERRITORIAL PROBLEMS OF THE BALTIC BASIN. 
 
 In these days we often think of seas, rivers, and other waterways as 
 natural boundaries separating nations and peoples, and affording a 
 certain security against attack and invasion. But in earlier centuries, 
 in the age before strategic railways, this was not the prevailing belief. 
 Three generations ago the seas were not regarded as barriers: they were 
 connecting influences that served to bind states and regions together. 
 The sea has always been important as the great highway of commerce, 
 " and it has also facilitated the exchange of beliefs and ideas. In the 
 past, nations have therefore been peculiarly interested in the seas that 
 washed their shores, and also in the other shores that were touched by 
 the same waters. 
 
 In spite of changed conditions of travel and transport, the interest 
 in waterways has persisted. Italy seems anxious to control both 
 shores of the Adriatic; and England feels that she must control the 
 entire circuit of the Irish Sea. No nation at present can hope to make 
 the Baltic Sea its own; but such ambitions have been cherished in the 
 past and at times almost realized. Four hundred years ago Denmark 
 was the greatest power on the "Eastern Sea." In the seventeenth 
 century Sweden developed an even more complete hegemony in those 
 waters, but was forced to surrender it to the Russians early in the 
 eighteenth century. In recent years Germany has dominated the 
 Baltic, and for a year after the Russian collapse the shores and the ship- 
 ping of the entire sea was at her mercy. 
 
 It should be noted that Sweden has all her sea coast on these inland 
 waters, that Denmark and Prussia have a number of important ports 
 : on the Baltic, and that in 1914 Russia, too, had a long "window" look- 
 ing out upon this same sea. Economically speaking, the Baltic region 
 is to a great extent a unit. In the years before the outbreak of the 
 ;S Great War the exports of Russia were directed chiefly toward Germany, 
 from which country she also drew more than half of her imports. The 
 commerce of Sweden has always traveled chiefly eastward and south- 
 Si ward, to Russia and to Germany. It is therefore quite natural that 
 |i the peoples occupying the shores of this great waterway should be 
 ,!i interested in every important change that appears in any other part of 
 • ' the basin. 
 
 U There was great anxiety in Sweden when the Tsar began to mobil- 
 
 H ize, and the Danes trembled when the Kaiser drew the sword But 
 ;; now there is chaos in Russia and turmoil in Germany, x^nd out of 
 
 ^ 2 
 
the confusion that prevails along the eastern and southern shores of 
 the Baltic basin have arisen a series of intricate territorial problems, 
 some of which appear to be almost incapable ot satisfactory solutions. 
 
 North Sleswick 
 
 English and American writers have recently referred to a problem 
 of Sleswick-Holstein, to a Danish Alsace-Lorraine, the restoration of 
 which is said to be stoutly demanded in Denmark. It happens, however, 
 that there is no problem ot Sleswick-Holstein, and the Danish Alsace- 
 Lorraine is a much smaller area than is usually described by those who 
 write on territorial peace problems. For a period of four hundred years 
 the kings of Denmark were also counts or dukes of Holstein; but Hol- 
 stein was never Danish either in race, language, or sentiment, and was 
 never a part of the kingdom of Denmark. 
 
 Sleswick, on the other hand, at one time actually did belong to 
 Denmark and it is a question whether it was not still a part of the 
 kingdom, when the German powers seized the two duchies, Sleswick and 
 Holstein, in 1864. There are Danes at present who wish to claim the 
 greater part or even the whole of Sleswick on historic grounds, but this 
 desire is not general. With the passing of time the southern part of 
 the old duchy has become German in speech and sentiment, and the 
 Danish people do not care to annex or even to reannex territory the 
 population of which is of an alien nationality. 
 
 The case of North Sleswick is wholly different; this region has been 
 Danish and Danish only for more than a thousand years. The same is 
 true of parts of Mid Sleswick where both the German and the Danish 
 nationality are strongly represented. The Danes were glad in 1864 tO' 
 sever the old connection with Holstein; they yielded South Sleswick. 
 with great reluctance; but the separation from North Sleswick has ever 
 since been a source of national grief. 
 
 The fact that Sleswick was not all German was recognized in the 
 treaty of Prague (August 23, 1866), by which the emperor of Austria 
 yielded his rights in the conquered duchies to the king of Prussia. This 
 treaty stipulated that the inhabitants of "the northern districts of 
 Sleswick" should be allowed to decide by referendum whether their 
 country should continue a part of Prussia or be returned to Denmark. 
 No such referendum has ever been allowed. In 1878 Austria released 
 Prussia from this obligation; but the Danes of Sleswick insist that the 
 pledge is still a binding one and that the' right of decision belongs to 
 them. 
 
 3 ' •• 
 
The problem ot North Sleswick is, therefore, not whether a certain 
 territory shall be restored to Denmark, but whether the inhabitants of 
 that region shall be allowed to exercise the right of self-determination 
 which was promised them more than fifty years ago. 
 
 Time and again the Danish members in the Reichstag have risen to 
 demand a referendum with refusal as the invariable result. During 
 the present war German opinion seems to have become more favorable 
 to the cause of the inhabitants of North Sleswick, who for more than 
 half a century have fought to maintain their nationality; but the policy 
 of the government has been more repressive than ever before: it was a 
 criminal act even to mention the Sleswick question in the public press. 
 To discuss the matter at a public meeting' was also forbidden. 
 
 But early in October, 1918, the citizens of North Sleswick were in- 
 formed by their representative in Berlin that the Prussian regime was 
 doomed and that the throne itself was tottering. A week later certain 
 important steps were taken preparatory to another demand for a ref- 
 erendum. When the German government announced that it was 
 willing to accept President Wilson's peace program, the Slesv/ick Danes 
 felt that their day had arrived, and on October 23 the question of their 
 future status was brought up in the Reichstag. The secretary for 
 foreign affairs. Dr. Solf, denied vigorously that Denmark had any claim 
 on any part of the old duchy, but privately he informed the Sleswick 
 Danes that the government was disposed to grant their request. 
 
 A few days after the armistice had become a fact and Germany was 
 still in the throes of the revolution, the Sleswick Danes took action to 
 bring their case before the peace conference. The Electoral Union, 
 the political organ of the Danish part of the population, at a meeting 
 in Aabenraa (November 16) adopted a series of resolutions in which a 
 referendum was demanded and certain conditions laid down of which 
 the following are the most important: 
 
 (1) The southern boundary of North Sleswick is defined as a line 
 beginning at a point a few miles north of Flensborg and drawn in a 
 general westerly and slightly northwesterly direction across the penin- 
 sula. It is desired that the area north of this boundary shall vote as a 
 unit. 
 
 (2) It is also demanded that such adjacent districts in Mid Sleswick 
 as may wish to vote on the question of reannexation to Denmark shall 
 be permitted to do so. 
 
 (3) All men and women of the age of twenty or above who are 
 residents of the- districts concerned (except Germans who have lived 
 
 4 . 
 
less than ten years in the country) shall be allowed to participate in 
 the referendum. Former residents who have been exiled by the Prus- 
 sian authorities shall also be allowed to vote. 
 
 The Danish government has been requested to present the case of 
 North Sleswick to the Allied powers and has consented to do so. It 
 seems extremely probable that the peace conference will take favorable 
 action. That North Sleswick will cast an overwhelming vote for reun- 
 ion with Denmark is beyond question. The referendum, if held, will 
 add at least 150,000 persons to the Danish population; if Mid Sleswick 
 is also allowed to participate, the number may exceed 200,000. It was 
 argued at the Aabenraa conference that the present anarchic conditions 
 in Germany are likely to influence the voters of Mid Sleswick very 
 strongly in the direction of a choice of allegiance to Denmark. But 
 the conference was also agreed that "we must not demand more than 
 what is really ours." 
 
 The Kiel Canal 
 
 It has been urged by certain influential English editors and states- 
 men that not only the Danish-speaking part of Sleswick but the entire 
 province of Sleswick-Holstein should be transferred to Denmark. The 
 origin of this suggestion lies in an effort to find a satisfactory solution 
 for the problem of the Kiel Canal. For there seems to be a strong 
 feeling in certain quarters that Germany must be deprived of the con- 
 trol of this waterway. 
 
 The Kaiser Wilhelm Canal (usually called the Kiel Canal) begins 
 at Brunsbiittel at the mouth of the Elbe River and terminates at Halte- 
 nau on the Baltic Sea, two or three miles north of Kiel Brunsbiittel 
 is in Hclstein, while Haltenau is just within the boundary of Sleswick. 
 For a distance of twenty miles or more (between Rendsborg and Halte- 
 nau) the canal runs very close to or along the border separating the two 
 old duchies; for a short distance it cuts through what has always been 
 Sleswick territory. 
 
 The annexation of the entire province would consequently place the 
 Danes in possession of the entire canal. The annexation of Sleswick 
 alone might, perhaps, be sufficient, as it would make the canal an inter- 
 national waterway. Such an arrangement would leave the Germans in 
 possession of the greater part of it, but the Danes would control the 
 Baltic terminal, and they would also share to some extent in the control 
 of the traffic on the canal because of its character as a waterway on the 
 boundary. Shortly after the armistice had been proclaimed a writer 
 
 5 
 
in the London Times suggested that the real problem in Sleswick is not 
 North but South Sleswick. Though he realized that objections would 
 be raised to the plan, he argued that the necessities of the situation de- 
 mand that Denmark should assert her right to all of ancient Sleswick. 
 South Sleswick might be given a large measure of political and cultural 
 autonomy, but it should become an integral part of the Danish king- 
 dom. The writer added that the annexation of the whole of Sleswick 
 would give Denmark a strategic boundary, of which that country 
 seems to be in real need. 
 
 There are, however, several excellent reasons why such a transfer of 
 territory should not be made, any one of which should be sufficient to 
 defeat the project. 
 
 (1) It violates the principle of nationalism: what is Danish should 
 be Danish; what is German must be permitted to remain German. A 
 lasting peace cannot be built on the disregard of this principle. If 
 South Sleswick should declare her willingness to renew the old allegiance, 
 that would be another matter; but such a decision is quite unlikely. 
 
 (2) The Danes do not desire to renew the old relationship with 
 Holstein. From its very beginning this connection was a source of 
 trouble and even of danger. The revolt of 1848 and the calamities of 
 1864 can be traced directlv to the plottings of the intellectuals and the 
 junkers of Holstein and German Sleswick. But complete annexation, 
 such as is suggested at present, would be far more dangerous to Denmark 
 than was the old personal union, for it would mean the addition of a 
 German element numbering nearly 1,500,000 tf) a Danish population 
 counting a little more than 2,700,000. It is quite clear that Denmark 
 could not accept a gift of this sort without endangering the peace of 
 the kingdom and the future of the Danish nationality. 
 
 (3) The Danes have scarcel}' sufficient military strength to be 
 entrusted with the guardianship of so imp(;rtant a waterway as the 
 Kiel Canal. It has been argued that in time of war it could easily be de- 
 stroyed, if the Danes should find themselves unable to hold it. The 
 Kiel Canal was, indeed, built for military purposes chiefly; but it is also 
 of great commercial value, and it is to the interest of the world that it 
 be kept intact. In the past it has been used mainly by German ships, 
 but it has also been utilized to some extent by those of other nations. 
 
 (4) It is not possible to find a strategic boundary for Denmark 
 that would be of any particular value. Perhaps the most satisfactory 
 would be the old "Danework" line between the Sley inlet and the 
 Trene River; but this would leave the Kiel Canal wholly within German 
 
 6 
 
territory. It should be noted that Denmark is broken up into frag- 
 ments, all of which can be readily isolated. Real strategic boundaries 
 are therefore impossible in this case. 
 
 If the Kiel Canal is to be taken away from the Germans, some form 
 of international control will have to be devised. This is by no means 
 an ideal arrangement, but it seems likely that the peace conference will 
 find many other problems, especially where waterways are in question, 
 that will admit of no other solution. ^. ^, 
 
 Finland 
 
 By the treaty of Brest-Litovsk (signed March 3, 191(S) the Bolshevik 
 government formally surrendered a broad strip of territory lying along 
 the western frontier of the Russian empire from the Arctic regions to 
 the Sea of Azov. In parts of this great area nationalistic movements 
 had been in active progress for some months or years; in others the 
 dem.and for separation from Russia appears to have been artificially 
 created to promote the plans of the Pan-Germanists. 
 
 When the armistice was agreed upon last November, one of the 
 conditions laid down by the Allies was that the German government 
 should repudiate the treaty of Brest-Litovsk. Technically, therefore, 
 Russia may be said to have recovered her territorial rights in the west 
 and southwest, except in the case of Finland, the independence of 
 which was recognized by the Bolsheviki at Brest-Litovsk early in March, 
 1918. But the facts and conditions are not what they were in the earlier 
 months of 1918; governments have been set up in the various units 
 surrendered at Brest-Litovsk, five or six in all; and some of these are 
 likely to receive recognition at the peace conference. 
 
 Among those that will probably survive is the new state of Finland. 
 From 1808 to 1917 the Finns were counted among the subjects of the 
 Russian Tsar. Constitutionally Finland was an independent granci 
 duchy united with Russia in the person of the emperor; practically this 
 meant merely that the grand duchy occupied a privileged position 
 among the many dominions of the Tsar. During the last twenty-five 
 years of the union the Russians were actively seeking to obliterate all 
 traces on Finnish independence and to "Russify" the country. This 
 led to determined opposition on the part of the Finns, and when the 
 Great War broke out the young men of Finland left their homes in large 
 numbers, stole across the Baltic to Sweden, and ultimately found their 
 way into the German army. 
 
 When tsardom collapsed, early in 1917, the Finns seized the opportu- 
 nity to assert their independence. They contended that the union 
 
 7 
 
with Russia was wholly personal and that when the imperial office was 
 abolished, all connection with the R.ussian government automatically 
 terminated. After a period of civil war between the Bolshevik elements 
 and the more conservative classes, the middle class groups with the 
 assistance of German forces were able to organize a government of the 
 conservative type and with leanings toward Germany. A monarchical 
 form of government was agreed upon and the crown was offered to a 
 Hessian prince, a brother-in-law of the Kaiser. Then came the German 
 collapse with serious results for the plans of the Finnish monarchists. 
 A change in government became inevitable and the country is at present 
 administered by a senate counting seven monarchists and six republi- 
 cans. It is significant that the new regent. General Mannerheim, tele- 
 graphed his acceptance of the office from London. 
 
 Thus far the French government alone of the Allies has recognized 
 the new state. A vigorous propaganda has been carried on to prevent 
 further recognition and to induce France to rescind her action; but this 
 is not likely to be successful. The probabilities favor the general recog- 
 nition of an independent Finland at a reasonably early date. 
 
 The Finnish problem at the peace conference is chiefly one of bound- 
 aries. Finland as a political unit is a product of Swedish imperialism. 
 The Swedes began their career of conquest east of the Baltic in the 
 twelfth century, and they held the grand duchy continually to the 
 earlier years of the nineteenth century. But they never came into 
 control of all the regions inhabited by Finns: east of their borders lived 
 a considerable number of that race (Karelians) who had accepted 
 Russian rule and civilization and were adherents of the Greek Orthodox 
 church. 
 
 During the past year the government at Helsingfors has asked 
 that all eastern Karelia be transferred to Finland, and that the limits of 
 that country be extended eastward to Lake Onega and northward to 
 the Arctic Ocean. This suggestion naturally found no favor at Moscow. 
 The Bolsheviki, in whom the passions of national feeling and patriotism 
 are not strong, might conceivably be induced to surrender the territories 
 between Finland and the great lakes; but the great peninsula north of 
 the White Sea they will scarcely be willing to yield. The Murman 
 (Norman) coast and Kola peninsula are almost without economic value 
 and resources; they comprise a vast frozen area almost uninhabiteci 
 except for a few nomadic Lapps and roving Karelians. But the Mur- 
 man coast has an ice-free harbor, and Russia has lost more ports than 
 she can afford to lose. 
 
About sixty miles east of the Norwegian frontier on Kola Bay lies 
 Alexandrowsk (Catherine Harbor) where ships may enter and leave at 
 almost any time of the year. In 1915 the serious military situation (the 
 Baltic and the Black Sea were both closed by the enemy) forced Russia 
 to carry out an old plan which called for a railway from Petrograd to 
 Catherine Harbor. If the claims of the Finnish state are allowed, Rus- 
 sia will lose Catherine Harbor and about one hundred and fifty miles of 
 the Murman railway. She will have but one remaining port on the 
 Arctic: Archangel, which is ice-bound nine months of the year. 
 
 The conflict between Helsingfors and Moscow thus involves two- 
 separate problems: eastern Karelia and the Murman coast. The Kare- 
 lians outside Finland number about 350,000; most of them live between 
 the Finnish boundary and the Murmian railway. In this case the 
 principle of nationalism may perhaps come into collision with the 
 principle of self-determination. Being of the same racial stock as the 
 western Karelians, they ought, it would seem, to take gladly to the 
 suggestion that their country be joined to Finland. But if they are 
 allowed to decide by referendumx it is not at all sure that they will vote 
 to separate from Russia. The civilization of Finland is Swedish and 
 the religion is of the Lutheran type; while in eastern Karelia the faith 
 and the civilization of Russia have ruled the minds for at least six cen- 
 turies. 
 
 The problem of the Murman coast is essentially economic. It 
 means that the Finns are determined to secure an outlet on the Arctic,, 
 which they have never had. As long as Finland promised to remain 
 under German influence, the neighboring states of Norway and Sweden 
 were reluctant to see Finland extend her territories to the frozen sea; 
 but as the situation is at present they are not likely' to interpose any 
 objections, provided that their own territories be left intact. 
 
 The Alayid Islands 
 
 Finland has long been a land of strife. Recently it was the bour- 
 goisie against the Bolsheviki; earlier it was the Finn contending against 
 the Russian; still earlier it was Turanian Finn against Swedish Fin- 
 lander. The Swedish element in Finland is not great numerically: 
 about 400,000 in a population of about 3,250,000. But it controls to a 
 large extent the wealth of the country; in earlier days the Swedes were 
 the ruling class, and even at the present day their political influence is 
 far out of proportion to their numbers. 
 
The Swedes probably entered Finland by way of the Aland archi- 
 pelago. The Alands are a group of rocks and small islands lying across 
 the entrance to the Gulf of Bothnia; only one (Aland) is of any appre- 
 ciable size. They approach to within twenty miles of the Swedish coast 
 and form a natural series of stepping stones to the Finnish mainland. 
 Geographically they may be regarded as fragments of the Finnish land 
 mass; but they have been inhabited by Swedes as long as their history 
 can be traced. There is at present a strong, almost unanimous senti- 
 ment on the islands in favor of a reunion with Sweden. 
 
 The material value of the Aland Islands is very slight. The inhabi- 
 tants (about 15,000 in number) are chiefly farmers, sailors, and fisher- 
 folk, subsisting on what they can wrest from a thin soil or gather from 
 the waters about them. The importance of the islands in European 
 diplomacy is due to their strategic position with reference to the capi- 
 tals of Sweden, Finland, and Russia. The harbor facilities are good 
 and the islands possess real possibilities as a military stronghold. The 
 Russians soon came to see the advantage of a naval station at Aland and 
 erected fortifications at Bomarsund, which were destroyed by the Eng- 
 lish and the French in the Crimean War. On the request of Sweden, 
 Russia agreed not to rebuild the fortifications, and Aland remained 
 unfortified until some time after the outbreak of the Great War. 
 
 As Stockholm is only seventy-five miles distant, any plan to build a 
 naval establishment on the Alands is sure to produce uneasiness in 
 Sweden. For similar reasons Finland and Russia are anxious that the 
 archipelago shall not fall into the hands of the Swedes. Soon after 
 the outbreak of the Finnish revolution a Swedish force landed on the 
 islands ostensibly to maintain order; but they were soon displaced by 
 German garrisons. At Brest-Litovsk it was agreed that the islands 
 should belong to Finland, but also that they should never be fortified 
 and that the shipping conditions in the waters about them should be 
 regulated by a special agreement among the nations most interested: 
 Germany, Sweden, Finland, and Russia. 
 
 The efforts of Sweden to gain control of the archipelago and the evi- 
 dent desire of the inhabitants to be reunited with the mother country 
 has caused much uneasiness and resentment among the Finns. The 
 feeling that the Alands must remain a part of Finland is shared by the 
 Swedish Finlanders as well as by the Turanian Finns. The former 
 have organized a separate political party the object of which is to secure 
 Swedish nationalism in Finland and they call loudly to their brethren 
 
 ■ * 10 
 
on the islands not to desert them but to remain with them and help 
 them in the struggle that is sure to come. 
 
 The program recently published by the Swedish party in Finland 
 does not promise a wholly peaceful development in the new state. It 
 calls for equal rights for the two languages, Swedish and Finnish, and 
 for equal opportunities for each in the schools of the land. It also 
 calls for the creation of new administrative areas in order that the 
 regions occupied by Swedish Finlanders may be formed into compact 
 territorial units. For these units an extensive autonomy is demanded 
 and it is also suggested that the Swedish churches should be grouped 
 into a separate diocese. The Swedes also demand what virtually 
 amounts to a distinct organization for their part of the army and the 
 navy. But these demands (some of them, at least) are sure to meet 
 strenuous opposition from the Turanian Finns. 
 
 The problem of the Aland Islands, though in large part a military 
 •consideration, is involved in the nationalistic conflict between Swedes 
 and Finns. The Swedish Finlanders cannot afford to weaken their 
 strength by surrendering the islands to Sweden. The Finns on their 
 side are anxious to prevent the Swedish boundary from approaching 
 the Finnish mainland. 
 
 The EstJwiiians and the Letts 
 
 South o\ the Gulf of Finland lie the Baltic Provinces, a broad strip 
 ■of coast land extending to the frontiers of Prussia. There are three 
 provinces in this group: Esthonia, Livonia, and Courland. Their com- 
 bined area is" about 36,000 square miles, and they have a total popula- 
 tion of approximately 3,000,000. There is scarcely any other region in 
 Europe that offers more serious problems than this strip of coast on the 
 ■east side of the Baltic. 
 
 All the great states in the Baltic basin have at some time or other 
 held possessions on the eastern shore. In the thirteenth century the 
 greater part of the Provinces was held by the Danes. Later in the 
 same century came the Teutonic Knights, a crusading order that was 
 looking for a new field for their military and religious activities. Dur- 
 ing the sixteenth and the seventeenth century the Swedes came into 
 possession of Esthonia and Livonia, while Courland (1561) was united 
 to Poland. Ultimately the whole region was annexed to Russia. Ex- 
 cepting the Danes, whose occupation was for a brief period only, these 
 -conquering peoples have left deep traces on the history, the intellectual 
 life, and the civilization of these three little states. 
 
 11 
 
The earliest known inhabitants oi this region were the Letts, an 
 ancient people closely related to the Lithuanian stock. The Letts and 
 the Lithuanians must have come into this part of Europe long before 
 the arrival of either the German or the Slav; their language is very 
 ancient: it is said that "almost any Lithuanian peasant can understand 
 simple phrases in Sanskrit" (the language of ancient India). 
 
 Soon after the beginning of the Christian era the Finns entered the 
 country from central Russia. The Letts and the Finns are still the 
 dominant races in the Baltic Provinces. The Letts occupy the country 
 from the Gulf of Riga eastward: Courland and the southern half of 
 Livonia. The Finns (Esthonians) inhabit the remainder of the Prov- 
 inces: Esthonia and the northern half of Livonia. There is no longer 
 a Livonian people. 
 
 Scattered throughout the three Provinces are small groups of other 
 peoples, Germans, Slavs, Swedes, Jews and mixed races. Of these the 
 German element is the most important and also the most ancient, 
 dating, as it does, from the time when the 7'eutonic Knights controlled 
 the land. LIntil quite recently the German nobility was the land- 
 owning class in the rural districts; the German merchants controlled 
 the trade in the cities; German scholars manned the institutions of 
 higher learning; and German clergymen oi the Lutheran faith directed 
 the affairs of the church and the primary schools. The Germans com- 
 prised only from five to ten per cent of the total population; but their 
 importance in the public life of the Letts and the Esthonians was very 
 great. 
 
 In the treaty of Brest-Litovsk Lenine and his associates were com- 
 pelled to surrender the Baltic shore-land. It is not known just what 
 the Prussians intended to do with the Provinces, but it is clear that 
 they planned to organize them in such a way as to bring themi into 
 some sort of a vassal relationship to the German empire. The Prussian 
 expansionists realized that it would be unwise to add extensive alien 
 elements to the German citizenship; but they believed it possible to 
 annex the Baltic lands (with other neighboring regions) to the economic 
 system of the Fatherland without seeming to impair their national 
 rights. The extension of the German strategic railway system from 
 the east Prussian border to the Gulf of Finland, perhaps even to some 
 port on the Arctic, and the admission of the Baltic states to the project- 
 ed Mid-European tariff union would give the commercial interests of 
 Germany an unassailable position on the east coast of the Baltic Sea. 
 
 Economic dependence naturallv carries with it a certain measure of 
 
 '12 
 
political vassalage. Military alliances and the election of German 
 princes to Baltic thrones were also important items in the Pan-German 
 program. During the summer of 1918 several princelings from the 
 lesser German states held themselves in readiness to accept crowns or 
 coronets in the conquered lands. It was reported at one time that the 
 Kaiser thought seriously of assuming the title duke of Courland. 
 
 At the conclusion of the recent armistice it was stipulated that the 
 Germans should withdraw the forces that were still being kept in regions 
 formerly belonging to Russia. When this became known the inhabi- 
 tants of the Provinces began to look forward to national independence. 
 There was already a working governmental organization among the 
 Esthonians, and late in November the Letts proclaimed a repviblic in 
 Riga to be known as Lettland. It was announced that it was to be a 
 state primarily for native Letts and that no German Baits were to be 
 admitted to office in the ministry. At the same time one Karl Kull- 
 mann (or L'llmann) was appointed prime minister; if his name is an 
 indication, the new regent oi Lettland is surely not innocent of Teuton- 
 ic ancestry. 
 
 When the German forces began to retire, the Letts and the Esthon- 
 ians suddenly found themselves facing a new danger from the east. 
 On the heels of the retreating Teutons came the hosts of the Bolsheviki, 
 who had seized the opportunity to begin a vigorous campaign of recon- 
 quest. In the neighborhood of Narva the Red army met a decisive 
 defeat, however, and the invasion seems, at this writing, to have been 
 checked, though perhaps only temporarily. The Finns apparently 
 came to the assistance of their Esthonian kinsmen and the Swedes ap- 
 pear to have shown some interest in the cause of the Letts. But the 
 situation remains very precarious: the Russian forces are evidently 
 undisciplined and inefficient; but they are strong in numbers and it is 
 doubtful whether the Baltic levies can defeat another offensive. 
 
 The future of this region is therefore extremely uncertain. There 
 are no indications as to how the controlling minds at the peace con- 
 ference regard the problems of the old Russian frontier; consequently, 
 all that can be done at present is to indicate a few of the more probable 
 solutions. 
 
 (1) The Provinces may be restored to Russia. There seems to be 
 a Bolshevik element in the Baltic lands which naturally favors some sort 
 of a reunion with the great neighbor to the east. In the earlier days of 
 the Lenine regime, the "people's commissioners" depended largely on 
 the military services of the "Lettish guard," a force of Lettish soldiers 
 
 13 
 
with strong revolutionary tendencies. But this element is probably 
 not a numerous one, as the population of the Provinces is chiefly agri- 
 cultural, and the problem of the land has been to some extent solved by 
 the extension of a system of peasant proprietorship. 
 
 There is, indeed, something to be said for reunion with Russia. The 
 war has left Russia in great need of commercial outlets. The best 
 ports on the Black Sea have been seized by the Ukrainians; and in the 
 Baltic region a single port remains: Petrograd, which is ice-bound for 
 several months of the year. Practically the only ice-free port remain- 
 ing within the borders of Russia is Catherine Harbor on the Arctic 
 coast. The Bolshevik mind may be deficient in patriotism but it no 
 doubt understands the importance of commercial outlets and the 
 economic value of ice-free ports. In the Baltic Provinces there are at least 
 six fair harbors, all of which have a longer period of navigation than 
 Petrograd. Of these the best known is Riga, though it is less important 
 than Libau, which is open for navigation every month in the year. 
 
 It is quite evident that Russia needs the Baltic ports, but it is also 
 clear that these ports are in real need of Russia. Their prosperity has 
 in large measure been built up on the commerce of the vast plain to 
 the east and if means should be found to divert this trade to another 
 series of ports, there would be economic distress along the whole shore 
 from Libau to Narva. 
 
 (2) They may be allowed to organize themselves into two inde- 
 pendent states (as appears to be their desire), in which case the common 
 boundary would probably be the Salis River, a small stream that ap- 
 proximately separates the Esthonian settlements from those of the 
 Letts. It is a grave question whether these two peoples have sufficient 
 strength and resources to maintain a self-respecting existence. At the 
 highest the population of the proposed Lettland will not exceed 2,000,- 
 000, while that of Esthonia will be less than 1,000,000. It would 
 seem that such an arrangement m.ust mean serious difficulties in the 
 future. 
 
 (3) Esthonia may decide to join Finland. Recent years have seen 
 the development of a strong national feeling among the Esthonians, but 
 being, after all, a branch of the Finnish race, they ought to be able to 
 live in reasonable happiness with their brothers in a greater Finland. 
 If the Finns are permitted to annex Karelia to the east and Esthonia 
 to the south, their country will have a population of approximately 
 5,000,000. 
 
 14 
 
(4) The Letts may be asked to join forces with their Lithuanian 
 kinsmen in .a revived Lithuanian state. Six hundred years ago Lithua- 
 nia had a period of greatness, her area covering an extensive region east 
 of Poland between the Baltic and the Black Sea. Since then a consid- 
 erable part of the Lithuanian race has been absorbed into the Slavic 
 mass; there have also been strong currents of emigration from the 
 Lithuanian territories to Siberia and to other parts of Russia and even 
 to lands across the Atlantic. x'\t present the Lithuanian popula- 
 tion in its native territories numbers less than 3,500,000. 
 
 The Lithuanian area is not extensive, perhaps not more than 30,000 
 square miles. The future of this region has not been much discussed; 
 the organization of a Lithuanian state has been urged and is within the 
 realm of the possible; but it is not a promising solution, especially if 
 the Letts should insist on establishing a separate state. 
 
 For several centuries the Lithuanians and in part also the Letts 
 were subjects of the king of Poland. It is possible that they might be 
 induced to renew this historic relationship, though it is doubtful, since 
 racially Poles and Lithuanians have nothing in common. They will^ 
 however, have common rivals and perhaps enemies to the east and the 
 west, and such a union may in time be forced by circumstances, as it 
 was forced in the middle ages. An arrangement of this sort would add 
 considerably to the strength of Poland, and, what is more important, 
 it would give the Poles a satisfactory commercial outlet on the Baltic. 
 
 Danzig 
 
 As a result of the Great War and the consequent readjustment of 
 frontiers, several important European states are likely to find them- 
 selves deprived of direct access to the sea. These are German Austria, 
 Hungary, Bohemia (the republic of the Czechs and Slovaks), and 
 Poland. In the case of German Austria this condition may be reme- 
 died by the admission of the Austrian territories to the new German 
 republic; but for Bohemia and Hungary the only solution of this dif^- 
 culty appears to be an economic arrangement with some neighboring 
 state. 
 
 It is possible, as suggested above, that Poland may be able to reach 
 the sea through the lands of the Letts and the Lithuanians. The Poles 
 hope, however, to secure a shorter and more direct route by way of the 
 Vistula. Libau and Riga are, indeed, desirable ports; but from the Polish 
 viewpoint Danzig at the mouth of the Vistula is the natural outlet. 
 
 The Poles insist that the Vistula is a Polish river and should therefore 
 
 15 
 
be under their control throughout Its entire course. It is true that 
 both banks of this river have a Polish population to a point some dis- 
 tance below Thorn or about one hundred miles from its mouth. Along 
 the lower course between Thorn and the Baltic, the Polish population 
 occupies a narrow tongue of land from twenty to fifty miles wide lying 
 along the west bank of the river, while the opposite bank is occupied 
 a'most exclusively by Germans. The Poles insist that this strip of 
 territory is not only essentially Polish, but is also necessary to their 
 economic life and to the successful defense of their country; they de- 
 mand, therefore, that it be included in the revived Polish state. 
 
 This area was for several centuries a part of the Polish kingdom but 
 was taken by the Prussians in the partitions of Poland in the eighteenth 
 century. To return what territory is still Polish in speech and senti- 
 ment, seems, therefore, a matter of justice merely. There are, however, 
 certain facts and conditions that must be taken seriously into account 
 before the left bank of the Vistula is definitely handed over to the 
 Polish state. 
 
 (1) The tongue of land in question lies wholly within the territory 
 of Prussia; if it is annexed to Poland that part of Germany east of the 
 Vistula will be separated completely from the rest of the Fatherland. 
 It is inconceivable that the Germans will remain satisfied with this 
 condition. The Poles are consequently likely to find that the pos- 
 session of this strip is a danger as well as an adv^antage. In case of 
 war with Germany it could not be successfully defended. 
 
 (2) The territory, while largely Polish in population, is not exclu- 
 sively so; it has a strong German minority which in certain sections is 
 almost as strong as the Slavic majority. This is particularly true of the 
 cities where the Germans are, in places, even the more numerous element. 
 
 (3) The region would lose much of its economic value to Poland 
 unless Danzig were included. But Danzig is essentially a German 
 city, nine-tenths of the population being German in race and speech. 
 Through most of its history Danzig has been German rather than 
 Polish; though for a long time it was counted as a part of the Polish 
 kingdom, its relationship to that state was almost wholly nominal, as 
 it enjoyed privileges which made it practically a self-governing republic. 
 
 At the same time it must be remembered that the prosperity of Dan- 
 zig is based largely on the great trade that flows toward it from the 
 valley of the Vistula. And it must not be forgotten that the disposal 
 of the tongue of land between Thorn and Danzig involves the political 
 fate of more than 500,000 Poles. 
 
 16 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 JANUARY 20, 1919 
 
 No. 21 
 
 Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinoi . under the Act of 
 August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section, 1103 Act 
 of October I. 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 The Republic of Ukraine 
 
 BY 
 
 SIMON LITMAN 
 
 Assistant Professor of Economics 
 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
V( ^/j\ KALUGA ^ , „, ""„ \ ■^. 
 
 UKRAINIA 
 
 KEY TO MAP — The heavily shaded area is the original Little Russia. The lightly 
 shaded area shows the territory which is now Ukrainia as claimed by the Ukrainian 
 national assembly or the Rada. The territory where Ukrainians predominate is enclosed 
 in the heavy belt. 
 
. THE REPUBLIC OF UKRAINE 
 
 The newly formed Republic of Ukraine stretches from the shores of 
 the Black Sea and the Sea of Asov northward into the heart of what was 
 formerly European Russia. Within her somewhat loosely defined bor- 
 ders are included the former Russian governments of Volhynia, Podolia, 
 Kiev, Kherson, Tchernigov, Poltava, Kharkov, and Ekaterinoslav cov- 
 ering an area of about 150,000 square miles and having a population of 
 approximately 35,000,000 souls. It is thus composed not only of Little 
 Russia (Ukraine proper) but also of Southern Russia, the new realign- 
 ment having placed under the control of the Ukrainian government the 
 northern part of the Black Sea littoral with its rich hinterland and with 
 its important harbors of Odessa and Nicolayev. On the other hand 
 Eastern Galicia and Northwestern Bukowina, which were at one time 
 parts of Ukraine, are not included in the present Ukrainian Republic. 
 The greater proportion of the inhabitants of this new political unit are 
 Ukrainians, better known as Little Russians. They are a branch of 
 the Russian Slavs although some recent leaders of the separatist move- 
 ment working from and with the aid of the Imperial governments of 
 Germany and Austria-Hungary have been trying to prove that there 
 was nothing in common between the Ukrainians and their northern 
 neighbors — the Great Russians, The seeds of discord which the workers 
 for the dismemberment of Russia have been sowing found a fruitful 
 soil in Ukraine because of the policy pursued by the old Czarist govern- 
 ment of ruthlessly repressing every manifestation of national individu- 
 ality. 
 
 Ukraine means borderland and borderland this country has been 
 through many centuries of its turbulent existence; borderland between 
 the frivolous aristocracy of republican Poland and the autocratically 
 ruled, communistically inclined Muscovites; borderland between the 
 nomadic tribes sweeping from the plateaus of Central Asia and the 
 sedentary populations of the Mediterranean regions. Over its large 
 stretches of gently undulating steppes swept one after another the Huns 
 and the Avars, the Khazars and the Pechenegs, the Kalmucks and the 
 Tatars. Living on a frontier, constantly fighting, pillaging and in turn 
 being pillaged, attracting to themselves all the lawless and all the 
 liberty loving elements of the adjoining lands, the Ukrainians have 
 developed certain qualities of mind and heart which distinguish them 
 from their kinsmen, the Great Russians and the White Russians. As 
 
warriors they have evolved in Zaporogia, which was the soul of the old 
 Ukraine, a peculiar military organization of Cossacks. The Cossacks 
 were ruled by a "Hetman" elected each year from the ranks of the 
 people and responsible to a general assembly, called the Rada. 
 
 The early history of Russia is closely linked with that of Ukraine; 
 there, in the ninth century, on the banks of the river Dnieper, arose the 
 first important Russian principality, that of Kiev. It was from Kiev 
 that the Scandinavian princes who ruled over the Russian Slavs made 
 their expeditions against Byzantium and it was through Kiev that the 
 Byzantine influences gradually penetrated northward and westward into 
 Russia, making themselves felt in Vladimir and in Smolensk, in Novgo- 
 rod and in Moscow. Prince Vladimir of Kiev accepted the Greek form 
 of Christianity in 988 and after that for about two centuries Kiev, "the 
 mother of Russian towns," played the leading role in the political and 
 cultural life of the Russian Slavs. The Kievite Russia became a victim 
 of internal dissensions; it disintegrated even before Ghenghiz Khan with 
 his Mongolian hordes in the thirteenth century sv/ept over the country, 
 filling it with terror and devastation, and exacting tribute from all. 
 
 Submerged for over two centuries and a half beneath the flood of 
 the Tatar invasion the Ukrainians were too weak in the fifteenth cen- 
 tury to withstand the encroachments of the Polish-Lithuanian State; 
 they were conquered, but not subdued. Frequent bloody uprisings 
 took place in which the ruthless and fiendish brutality of the Ukrainians 
 was matched by the refined cruelty of the Poles. It was in 1653, when 
 one of the most ambitious attempts to regain freedom had failed, that 
 the Ukrainians offered their allegiance to Czar Alexei Mikhailovich. 
 The cautious Muscovite Government at that time showed little inclina- 
 tion to make common cause with the unruly Cossacks. However, after 
 lengthy negotiations the eastern part of Ukraine came under the suze- 
 rainty of Russia. For over one hundred years the Cossacks continued 
 to enjoy autonomy, this being destroyed by Catherine II in 1775. The 
 second partition of Poland brought under Russian control the rest of 
 the Ukrainian lands, those west of the river Dnieper, with the exception 
 of eastern Galicia and northwestern Bukowina, where there dwell at 
 present about 4,000,000 Little Russians known under the name of 
 Ruthenians. 
 
 Since the second half of the eighteenth century Ukraine ceased to 
 be the land of wild freedom and of stormy strength. The Syetch, 
 the chief military post of the Dnieper Cossacks, disappeared, and with 
 
it went the restless spirit of adventure, of rebellion, of continuous offen- 
 sive and defensive warfare. Ukraine became an integral part of the 
 Russian Empire which established itself firmly over the vast territory 
 of southeastern Europe, for many centuries the battleground of tribes, 
 races, and nationalities. Peaceful communities, peaceful because of the 
 iron hand from Petrograd, spread gradually over the beautiful land of 
 Little Russia with its broad navigable rivers, its rich black soil, its 
 huge deposits of metallic and non-metallic minerals. The sword and 
 the m.usket gave way to the plow and the scythe. As cultivators of the 
 soil, the Ukrainians, to whom were added many other ethnical groups 
 of the Russian population, spread southward into Taurida and east- 
 ward into the region of the Don. They transformed the plains and the 
 hillsides into fields of wheat, rye, and corn, of sugar beets and tobacco, 
 into fruit orchards and vineyards; they dotted the country with farm 
 sites, hamlets, and villages, where the only reminder of the old days of 
 bloody strife and of military glory is the song of the kobzar. Some of 
 the Little Russians achieved distinction in Russian literature, art, and 
 sciences; some of them have become prominent in industrial and com- 
 mercial pursuits; others have occupied responsible governmental posi- 
 tions under the old regime, but the majority of them are peasants and 
 shepherds, having little inclination and aptitude for manufacturing and 
 trade activities. Most of the cities of Ukraine as well as of Southern 
 Russia owe their development and prosperity to the Great Russians, 
 the Jews, and the foreigners. 
 
 The peasants of Little Russia do not lack natural intelligence; they 
 love poetry and music, but they are poor and ignorant; they still use 
 in many parts of the country the wasteful three field system of agri- 
 culture; they have no modern implements and machinery, and thus, 
 notwithstanding the favorable climatic conditions and the fertile soil of 
 their land,* they do not get on an average more than ten bushels of wheat 
 a year per acre. Occupying the "Black Earth Belt" of the old Russian 
 Empire, they produced before the present war about 35 per cent of 
 Russia's wheat and close to 80 per cent of her sugar beets and tobacco; 
 they also raised about 40 per cent of Russia's live stock output. 
 
 In the Donetz basin of Little Russia are found large supplies of coal, 
 iron, manganese, and limestone. This proximity of fuel, metals, and 
 fluxes, coupled with heavy import duties on iron, attracted foreign 
 capital and led to the establishment of important iron and steel works. 
 In 1914, Ukraine produced over 70 per cent of the coal, 60 per cent of 
 
the Iron, and all the mercury of Russia. Ukraine possesses also impor- 
 tant salt deposits, particularly in three districts — the Carpathian foot- 
 hills, the Donetz plateau, and the Pontian-Caspian salt-lake and liman 
 region. Scattered through the country are pottery clays, kaolin, slate, 
 chalk, gypsum, and many other non-metallic minerals. Some gold, 
 silver, lead, and copper are also found, but the output of these metals is 
 comparatively small. 
 
 The most important cities of Ukraine are Kiev, Odessa, Kharkov, 
 Ekaterinoslav, Nicolayev, and Kherson. Kiev is situated almost in the 
 center of the basin of the Dnieper where the main stream after having 
 gathered its upper confluents carries the concentrated traffic of all its 
 tributary territory to the Black Sea. The University of Kiev ranks 
 third among those of Russia. Odessa is the leading seaport of the 
 Black Sea, and it is, next to Petrograd, the most European-like of all 
 the towns of Russia. Both Odessa and Kharkov, the latter in an inter- 
 mediary position between the Dnieper and the Don, are intellectual 
 centers; they possess flourishing universities and many schools. Nico- 
 layev is a naval station as well as a commercial harbor. Kherson, near 
 the mouth of the Dnieper, although less important than Odessa or 
 Nicolayev, is an active business town; it exports large quantities of 
 wood, cereals, and hides. 
 
 The movement to free Ukraine from the despotic control of Russian 
 autocracy began long before the present war. The renaissance of the 
 Ukrainian language and literature started in the early part of the last 
 century and under the stimulus given to it by the great poet Shevchenko 
 as well as by many other writers it made considerable headway when 
 Russian authorities took alarm and passed in 1876 a decree forbidding 
 the publication of works in the Ukrainian language. Those who pro- 
 tested against this drastic measure were thrown into prison or sent into 
 exile. The result of the decree was the driving of the Ukrainian move- 
 ment into Eastern Galicia, where it was welcomed by the Austrian 
 government partially as a weapon to be used against the Austrian Poles, 
 partially as a means for eventually disrupting the unity and the power 
 of the Russian Empire. 
 
 After the revolution of 1905, the use of the Ukrainian language was 
 once more permitted in Russia, but this concession did not satisfy the 
 Ukrainians; it did not satisfy the Ukrainian masses whom the revolu- 
 tionary aftermath left with a feeling of bitter disappointment; they had 
 won a shadow of representation at Petrograd, but they had not sue- 
 
ceeded in throwing off the yoke of petty officialdom, the heavy burden 
 of taxation, the poverty and the squalor of their every day existence; 
 neither did this concession satisfy a coterie of Ukrainian literary men 
 who aspired towards nothing less than a complete emancipation of their 
 native land from what they termed foreign domination. When Czar- 
 dom fell, a number of the latter constituted themselves into a Rada or 
 Council and presented demands to the Provisional government for the 
 recognition of Ukraine as a separate administrative unit. In vain did 
 Kerensky's government point out to them the needlessness and the 
 dangers of their action at a time when strong enemy armies were light- 
 ing their way into Russia and when the Revolutionary government was 
 doing its best to solve the many perplexing problems left by the old 
 regime. The Rada insisted that the principle of self-determination of 
 peoples proclaimed by the Revolution applied to the Ukrainians not 
 less than to the Poles, to the Finns, or to the Letts. "Ukrainia for the 
 Ukrainians" became the watch-word of a number of politicians many 
 of whom had just arrived from Vienna or from Lemberg; with this 
 watch-word they stirred up the slumbering nationalistic feelings in a 
 part of the Ukrainian peasantry bringing it to the support of the sepa- 
 ratist movement. Taking advantage of the weakness of the Provisional 
 government the Rada issued on June 26, 1917, a Manifesto announcing 
 that the Ukrainian people would henceforth manage their own affairs. 
 The Provisional government had to give way; it recognized the General 
 Secretariat of Ukraine as the highest administrative power of Southern 
 Russia; the future constitution of the country was left to the decision 
 of the Constituent Assembly which was expected soon to convene. 
 
 With the overthrow of the Provisional government by the Bolshe- 
 viki, the conflict between the North and the South of Russia became 
 most bitter and intense; its character, however, changed materially. 
 The Bolsheviki cared little for the integrity of Russia as a unified state; 
 what they wanted was the spreading of the doctrine of social revolution 
 into Ukraine; they were opposed to the Rada not because of its insistence 
 upon Ukrainian autonomy but because it was, according to them, 
 bourgeois and counter-revolutionary in character. 
 
 Threatened by the Bolsheviki on the one side and by the Russian 
 nationalists on the other, the Ukrainian Council decided that it had 
 nothing to gain and perhaps everything to lose by delaying radical 
 action; .and accordingly, on November 20, 1917, it proclaimed the 
 establishment of the Ukrainian People's Republic. In a manifesto 
 
 7 
 
issued at that time the Rada stated that it took this step in order to 
 spare the country the horrors of a civil strife; it disclaimed any desire 
 to bring about the disintegration of Russia, the establishment of the 
 Ukrainian Republic being, according to the statement, merely a step- 
 ping stone towards the formation of a federation of free and equal peoples 
 of Russia. 
 
 On February 9, 1918, the Ukrainian Republic, whose representatives 
 sat at Brest-Litovsk, alongside the delegates of the Bolshevik govern- 
 ment, concluded a separate peace with the Central Powers. It is 
 impossible at the present time to state v/ith any degree of certainty 
 whether the ease with which peace was negotiated can be attributed to 
 the fact that many leaders of the Rada belonged to the secret Austrian 
 Bund and were supported by German money. Whatever the case may 
 be, the fact remains that Ukraine was the first country to withdraw 
 from, the war and to give to the Central Powers a decided temporary 
 advantage in the gigantic struggle. 
 
 Great Russia and Little Russia are mutually complementary geogra- 
 phic and economic regions; lor over a century and a half the life of these 
 two parts of the Russian Empire has been linked together, the Russian 
 language having become the language of trade, of literature, of official 
 and social intercourse between the various nationalities dwelling in the 
 southern provinces of the country. Many parts of the present Ukrainian 
 Republic never belonged to Ukraine and the people inhabiting these 
 parts have not expressed the desire of renouncing their Russian citizen- 
 ship. They feel, and think, and hope in the terms of the great country 
 stretching from the Arctic Ocean to the Black Sea and from the borders 
 of Austria-Hungary and Germany to the shores of the Pacific. 
 
 The effect of the breaking away of Ukraine from Russia can be best 
 compared with the effect which the separation of our own Southern 
 Section would have produced upon the United States. Economically 
 it is utterly undesirable and under a truly democratic regime in Russia 
 it is unnecessary either politically, socially, or culturally. An inde- 
 pendent Ukraine means the setting up of hundreds of miles of artificial 
 boundaries within the confines of which national or quasi-national 
 jealousies and animosities will solidify and grow, and will lead to the 
 creation of many complicated problems which would not occur if Great 
 Russia and Little Russia become parts of a Federated Republic united 
 by a community of economic interests and by the ties of mutual under- 
 standing. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 MARCH 3, 1919 
 
 No. 27 
 
 Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, lUinoi', under the Act of 
 August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in isection 1103, Act 
 of October I, 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 e Conflict of Parties in 
 Russian Revolution 
 
 e 
 
 BY 
 
 JACOB ZEITLIN 
 
 Assistant Professor of English 
 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
THE CONFLICT OF PARTIES IN THE RUSSIAN 
 REVOLUTION 
 
 The feelings of a person who from far away is watching the develop- 
 ment of the Russian drama and who tries to keep his friendliness for 
 its people undisturbed by partisan sympathies are likely to have but 
 little constancy. The incidents are manifold and shifting. The infor- 
 mation concerning them is incomplete and under the control of an 
 interested censorship both at the transmitting and the receiving ends. 
 The accounts by participants and witnesses are no more trustworthy 
 on one side than on the other. There has been much scandalous lying 
 against the Bo'sheviki and no little misrepresentation in their favor. 
 Perhaps some of it has been deliberate and malicious; for the most part 
 it arises from misunderstanding and from those bl'nd enthusiasms and 
 antagonisms which such a struggle inevitably begets. But the distrac- 
 tion of people in this country who try to understand can be no greater 
 than that of the Russians who are one day driven into the arms of the 
 monarchists by the brutalities of the Bolsheviki and on the day follow- 
 ing recoil toward the Bolsheviki from the atrocities of the monarchists. 
 The present sketch makes no pretense of superhuman detachment, but 
 in the survey of principles and actions here attempted, the aim has 
 been to deal fairly with both parties to the controversy, to tell the 
 truth as far as it can be construed from the published documents avail- 
 able to the writer. 
 
 From this survey a number of features emerge to serve as clues to 
 the progress of events. (1) From the very beginning of the revolu- 
 tion all the real power was with the Workmen's and Soldiers' Councils 
 and not with the ever-shifting provisional administrations. (2) The 
 Workmen's and Soldiers' councils, in which originally the moderate 
 socialists predominated, by degrees came under the complete control of 
 the Bolsheviki. (3) The coup d'etat which was effected through the 
 dissoution by the Bolsheviki of the Constituent Assembly was only 
 the inevitable step in the fulfilment of the revolution. (4) The Bol- 
 sheviki arrived at their power by unscrupulously resorting to every 
 demagogic art and maintained themselves by every device known to 
 arbitrary despotism, but made use of their power in a sincere attempt 
 to carry out their promises, to give the people peace and bread, and to 
 reconstruct society with a view to rendering justice to the exploited 
 classes. (5) Many liberal and democratic elements continued to wage 
 a struggle against the Bolsheviki but weakened their influence with the 
 Russian people by making common cause with monarchist factions and 
 calling in the military assistance of the Allies. (6) The developments 
 
in the rival governments, where the power invariably passed from the 
 hands of liberals to reactionaries and terminated in a military dicta- 
 torship, have served to reconcile Russians to the evils of Bolshevism 
 and created a disposition on the part of former enemies to cooperate 
 with the Bolshevik leaders. (7) The Bolsheviki, on their side, have 
 been growing more conciliatory in their methods and have been more 
 and more making those concessions to the views and prejudices of 
 other parties which suggest a hope of arriving at a workable settlement. 
 (8) Whether owing to the program of the Bolsheviki or to the other 
 difficulties with which the country has had to contend, the economic 
 condition of Russia is precarious and may result in the early downfall 
 of the ruling party. 
 
 Three political parties have been prominent in the history of the 
 revolution. The Constitutional Democrats (Cadets), who continue to 
 be so called though they have changed their official title to the Party 
 of Popular Freedom, represent the views of the liberal professional and 
 mercantile classes and believe in a representative, parliamentary form 
 of government such as exists in the United States or England. More 
 important are the two great Socialist parties, Socialist Revolutionaries 
 and Social Democrats. The primary distinction between them is that 
 the former views the problems of social reconstruction from the stand- 
 point of the peasant's interests, the latter from that of the working- 
 man's. But the cleavage within these parties is of greater significance 
 than the difference between the parties as a who'e. They are both split 
 up into moderate and radical factions, each having a tendency to coalesce 
 with the corresponding group in the other party. The moderate and 
 radical wings of the Socialist Revolutionaries are designated as Right 
 and Left respectively. In the Social Democratic party the moderates 
 are known as the Mensheviki and the extremists as Bolsheviki. The 
 Bolsheviki became closely allied with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, 
 while their most determined opposition came from the Right Socialist 
 Revolutionaries. The official name by which the Bolsheviki now pre- 
 fer to call themselves is the Communists; it describes their ideal of 
 government. At present the name of the Bolsheviki is closely linked 
 in people's minds with the Soviets. The connection between them, 
 however, is not a necessary one. The word Soviet means a council 
 and was a title adopted by the organizations of workmen and soldiers 
 formed at the beginning of the revolution without any reference to 
 party distinctions. The Mensheviki at first formed a vastly prepon- 
 derating majority in the Soviets, but as the Bolsheviki identified them- 
 selves more particularly with the interests of the workingmen and made 
 
 3 
 
themselves spokesmen of a demand that all governmental power be 
 transferred to the Soviets, their influence became dominant in those 
 bodies and they became the agents for carrying the idea into practise. 
 
 The Provisional Government 
 
 The weakness of the Provisional Government and the strength of 
 the Soviets are complementary elements in the first six months of the 
 revolution. When the abdication ot the Czar was announced, the 
 members of the Fourth Duma at once chose a ministry on the basis of 
 the party alignment in that body. With equal promptness the work- 
 men in Petrograd organized their Councils and elected their deputies 
 to watch lest their revolution sustain a mischief at the hands of the 
 Provisional Government. The reason for the mistrust was the un- 
 representative character of the body which had chosen the ministers. 
 The members of the Fourth Duma had been elected by a narrowly 
 restricted class suffrage. The largest representation in it was enjoyed 
 by the Octobrists and Centrists. "Both these parties," according to 
 the statement of a conservative Russian, "had in their time been in- 
 vented to create the semblance of a governmental majority in the 
 Duma, and had no sort of roots in the land. The best evidence of this 
 is that after the Revolution they did absolutely nothing to testify to their 
 existence."^ Next in size was the delegation of the Constitutional 
 Democrats, while the various socialist parties formed a small minority. 
 The first cabinet contained seven Constitutional Democrats, three 
 Octobrists, and only one socialist. If the chief desire of the Russian 
 people at this time had been an efficient prosecution of the war against 
 Germany, doubtless the new ministry would have served well. Its 
 members had given ample proof of their devoted patriotism, and they 
 had sincerely at heart the greatness and prosperity of the Russian 
 people. But among the people themselves a new impulse was stirring. 
 Worn out by their unimaginable losses and privations, their economic 
 life utterly demoralized, their military situation precarious, they had 
 no immediate desire but for peace, and the Soviets made themselves 
 the mouthpiece of their longing. While the Government was pledging 
 itself to the war aims of the Allies, the Soviet was issuing an appeal not 
 only to the Allies, but to the neutral countries as well, and even to the 
 workmen of the enemy, for peace on the basis of no annexations, no 
 indemnities, and the self-determination of peoples. The ministers were 
 making sincere efforts to induce the Allies to restate their war aims in 
 accord with these principles but were having no success. The people 
 
 1. A. Bublikov:^The Russian Revolution, New York, 1918. p. 31. (In Russian.) 
 
 4 
 
remembered that Guchkov, the Minister of War, had once been a 
 minister of the Czar's, and that Milyukov, the Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, had at an unhappy moment risen in the Duma and announced 
 that if a revolution were necessary for victory, he would prefer no 
 victory at all. Under these circumstances it is not strange that the 
 relations between the Government and the Soviet began in suspicion 
 and jealousy. 
 
 For several months the Soviets merely sat behind the scenes and 
 pulled the strings. They drew up the terms on which they would 
 tolerate the authority of the existing government. They presented 
 their demands through a "committee of contact" and practically dictat- 
 ed policies. The Workmen's and Soldiers' Council drew up the famous 
 order abolishing the death penalty in the army and destroying military 
 discipline, and the order was duly authorized by the ministry. When 
 Guchkov, who was probably the strongest personality in the cabinet, 
 but utterly without popular backing, made an effort to restore the old 
 discipline, the Soviets drove him from his office. Milyukov dared to 
 defy the peace program of the Soviets and to reaffirm his imperialist 
 ideals, but his party, the Constitutional Democrats, bowed before the 
 storm of opposition and he also was compelled to resign. There was 
 scarcely a demand made by the workmen which the cabinet of Prince 
 Lvov was able to resist. A determined purpose existed nowhere but in 
 the Soviets. "The workmen in the factories," says Emile Vandervelde, 
 the Belgian socialist who at this time was on a political mission in 
 
 Russia, "were at that moment (May, 1917) the masters of Russia 
 
 The Soviet which represented them as well as the soldiers constituted 
 the only political power capable of making itself felt in the country, 
 for they alone had power at their disposal. They had their militia; 
 they were closely associated with the soldiers; and especially they had 
 cohesion and capacity of coordination. There were neither police nor 
 armed guards of any kind to oppose their will."^ 
 
 This use of power without res'ponsibility could not continue indefi- 
 nitely. But though the Soviets agreed to let their leaders enter a 
 coalition government, the antagonism between the two forces continued. 
 The growing radicalism of the ministry failed to keep pace with the 
 spread of the Bolshevik gospel. As economic and military demoraliza- 
 tion grew more serious, the demands of the people became more exorbi- 
 tant and more insistent. The Government knew not how to make head 
 against the pressure of the current and so was hurtled along its fatal 
 course to the inevitable catastrophe. Despairing talk was its substi- 
 
 2. "Three Aspects of the Russian Revolution," London, 1917, p. 42. 
 
tute for action. After the disaster following the July 18-August 1 
 offensive, representatives of all organized groups gathered in a great 
 congress at Moscow where everybody made speeches emphasizing the 
 perilous situation of the country. Bitter truths were bravely uttered. 
 Again the voice of Guchkov was raised to declare that the chief trouble 
 with the Government was that it had no power. "The revolutionary 
 democracy which was created first in Petrograd and then throughout 
 the country is at present the actual master of the situation."^ Every 
 minister arose in turn to make a pathetic exposure of the affairs of his 
 department. Several weeks later, General Kornilov, in announcing his 
 revolt, gave as his justification the incompetence, weakness, and inde- 
 cision of the government and its yielding to the pressure of "the Bolshe- 
 vik majority in the Soviets."^ 
 
 The mysterious circumstances connected with the uprising of Korni- 
 lov, the suspicion, not up to the present time cleared away, that Keren- 
 sky, the one popular man among the ministers, had somehow or other 
 compromised with the military party, did more than any preceding 
 event to undermine the Government. Failures in administration might 
 have been tided over, but against loss of faith the leaders had no rem- 
 edy. The Bolsheviki were quick to seize their opening and to stigmatize 
 the Minister President as "counter-revolutionary." They were gen- 
 erally believed. From this time forth their star was in the ascendant 
 and the progress of the revolution has to be followed with the clue which 
 they provide. 
 
 The Bolsheviki 
 
 It is clear that in the summer of 1917 the workmen's Soviets were 
 the real power in Russia, and that in these Soviets the Bolsheviki had 
 by September or October become completely the masters. They had 
 gained this mastery by virtue of their implacable adherence to a single- 
 minded policy, and their readiness to employ any measures that would 
 help them to attain their end. A French military observer who looked 
 upon their propaganda with great horror, was forced to admit that 
 they alone among the Russian parties seemed to have a program 
 which, abominable though it was, had the advantage of being definite 
 and precise. It seemed to him as if every man of energy and daring 
 in the large cities was an unqualified supporter of Bolshevism.^ What- 
 ever the causes of ind'gnation against them, no one who has been on the 
 
 3. A. J. Sack. "The Birth of the Russian Democracy," New York, 1918, p. 460. 
 
 4. Ibid, p. 476. 
 
 5. Rene Herval: "Huit Mois de Revolution Russe." Paris, 1918, p. 110. 
 
scene is disposed to deny the courage, the enterprise, and the enthusiasm 
 o' the Bolsheviki — quahties wh ch go far to account for their success. 
 
 The great event which the Bolsheviki wished to bring about was the 
 seizure of the wealth of the world by the workers, to be used for the 
 benefit o the workers. This they looked upon as an international 
 movement, a movement which could not be carried out successfully 
 unless the workers of the whole world participated in it. Russia, for 
 them, merely happened to be the country which formed the nucleus and 
 provided the base o'" operations. To the charge of treason they were 
 supremely indifferent, for patriotism and loyalty were not theoretically 
 in thei " catalogue of virtues. But their program, whih it doubtless 
 looked to large constructive designs in the distance, was for the time 
 being purely negative. It had immediately in view only the grasping 
 of power, the overthrow of the existing government and of every insti- 
 tution surviving from the old regime. The entire political and social 
 structure of Russia had to be swept away in order to prepare the ground 
 for the building of their own dream. When it is merely destruction 
 that is to be accomplished, the most violent means are the best, and 
 when there is nothing to be saved, there is no incentive to precaution. 
 The Bolsheviki conducted their campaign with the shrewdness of prac- 
 tical politicians and the moral irresponsibility of Supermen. Every 
 symptom of popular distress they transmuted into a devastating fire. 
 The people wanted peace, and they were told to wipe out their armies, 
 for if men would not fight, there could be no war. To the cries for 
 bread the Bolsheviki said, "There is plenty of land; seize it, cultivate 
 it, and enjoy the food you produce. And if you want clothing, there 
 are the factories, and your hands are accustomed to work. Nothing 
 else is necessary." They gave advice that was palatable, and they 
 promised whatever any considerable body of people desired. The con- 
 vocation of a Constituent Assembly was something that all Russia was 
 eagerly looking forward to: the Bolsheviki were shrill in their outcries 
 against Kerensky's delay in calling such an assembly and proclaimed 
 their own solemn pledge to bring it about. If they could accomplish 
 their object by parliamentary methods, they v/ere content to make use 
 of them; if not, they were equally ready to have recourse to mass vio- 
 lence. In all their outgivings at this time, nothing is clear or consistent 
 except the determination to gain power at whatever cost. 
 
 Their principles and tactics appear incarnate in their great leader 
 Nicholas Lenine, whose real name is Vladimir Oulianov. Leni-ne is an 
 intense fanatic for whom all objects are valued in relation to the one 
 idea of constructing a society on a communal basis. When warned that 
 
 7 
 
his ideas thre?itened ruin to the revolution in Russia, his reply was, 
 "So be it! But we shall kindle a world revolution! We shall pass on. 
 the standard to other lands and other peoples!" He accepts the dis- 
 graceful peace of Brest-Litovsk, "a brigand peace" he calls it, and is 
 ready to accede to even more humiliating conditions for the sake of a 
 little breathing-space in which to conduct his experiment. As for the 
 temporary mutilation, what are five or ten years in the life of a country 
 like Russia? Unlike other Utopians, Lenine does not base his hopes on 
 faith in human nature. His incisive logical faculty penetrates into 
 realities and his estimate of men is pretty low. He finds himself sur- 
 rounded by characters of all degrees of disrepute, his ideas travestied 
 in the minds of the unintelligent multitude. For every genuine Bol- 
 shevik, he admits, there are sixty fools and thirty-nine rascals, but he 
 is too impatient to wait for the moral growth of men to bring about the 
 changes he desires. He has confidence in his power to convert them into 
 useful tools and perhaps hasten their moral education. To a man who 
 dared so boldly manipulate the explosive forces latent in one hundred 
 and fifty millions of untutored and uncontrolled human beings, the 
 game with the mechanical German bureaucrats must have seemed very 
 trifling. In the pursuit of his aim Lenine would not have balked at 
 more serious violations of the conventional code of hcnor than was 
 involved in accepting German money or German assistance of any sort. 
 This utter and cynical unscrupulousness as to means characterized 
 every step of his propaganda before he came into power, and it has 
 marked his policy after he gained power when his task became one of 
 getting unruly f'orces under control. Lenine is not to be classed with 
 the democratic leaders who were prominent at the beginning of the 
 revolution. Ga ning ascendancy by the methods of the destructive 
 demagogue, he ripened quickly into the role best suited to his talents 
 and after a short interval emerged before the world the self-confessed 
 dictator. 
 
 The Bolsheviki in Power 
 
 In the light of a clear understanding of the spirit of the parties which 
 opposed each other, the events of the Russian Revolution appear al- 
 together intelligible; they even assume a kind of logical necessity. The 
 Bolsheviki had made a test of force as early as July, 1917, but had found 
 that they were not yet strong enough. In a few months, however, they 
 gained in strength and confidence. The following figures /or the voting 
 in Moscow in June and September testify to the change that was taking 
 place. The Socialist Revolutionaries fell from 374,885 in June to 
 
54,374 in September, the Mensheviki fell from 76,407 to 15,887, while 
 the Bolsheviki increased from 75,409 to 198,320. The vote of the 
 Constitutional Democrats remained about the same: 108,781 in June 
 and 101,106 in September.'' In the weeks following the September 
 elections, the Bolsheviki directed their efforts toward bringing about 
 the exclusion of the Cadets, representing the middle classes, from a 
 share in the government. Failing in that, they began preparations for 
 overthrowing the government by force. The revolt broke out in Petro- 
 grad on October 25-November 7 and in Moscow on the next day, and 
 meeting with alm.ost no military resistance, it succeeded easily in both 
 places. While there were many protests from democratic bodies, in- 
 cluding a strike by the organized teachers, the only party to make 
 serious trouble at first were the Anarchist-Syndicalists, who were dis- 
 appointed that the Bolsheviki did not act rapidly or drastically enough. 
 Against them measures of repression were promptly taken. 
 
 But most people did not find the new rule hesitating or gentle. The 
 first measures of the Bolsheviki were the distribution of the land and 
 the beginning of negotiations for peace. They remembered, too, their 
 promise to convoke the Constituent Assembly and arranged for its 
 election. The election, though conducted under their own auspices 
 and, as is alleged, not with the strictest regard tor a square deal to 
 their opponents, was not altogether satisfactory to the Bolsheviki. 
 They obtained only 154 seats out of a total of 495 while the Socialist 
 Revolutionaries had 260. The weakness ot the Cadet representation, 
 14 members in all, is possibly accounted for by the terrorizing of voters 
 in the cities. The opposition came from the rural districts into which 
 Bolshevik influence had not penetrated. The Bolsheviki tried to con- 
 struct a lame pretext for questioning the validity of the elections, and at 
 once launched a campaign against the Constituent xA-Ssembly, claiming 
 that the Soviets were the only bodies truly representing the Russian 
 people. It became evident to clear-sighted Russians that the Assembly 
 was doomed to failure, that if h ever did meet, its existence would de- 
 pend on subservience to the Soviets as entirely as did the provisional 
 governments of Lvov and Kerensky. On January 5-18, 1918, the 
 Assembly met. A radical group under the leadership of Maria Spirido- 
 nova broke away from the Socialist Revolutionaries and aligned itself 
 with the Bolsheviki, but the moderate majority still retained control and 
 elected Victor Chernov presiding officer. The Bolsheviki thereupon 
 withdrew and on the following day sent a squad of armed sailors from 
 the Baltic fleet to disperse the Assembly. 
 
 6. Rene Herval, op. cit., p. 108. 
 
For five months following the dissolution, the defeated elements 
 continued to hope in the justice of their cause. Allegiance to the idea 
 of the Constituent Assembly was the passion inspiring the liberal oppo- 
 sition, as it was also the subterfuge of the monarchist reactionaries. 
 Peaceful demonstrations in behalf of it were put down by the same 
 bloody weapons as in the days of Czar Nicholas. The Second AU- 
 Russian Peasants' Congress, meeting in Petrograd in December, 1917, 
 had, in spite of bullying, declared itself by a vote of 359 to 314 in sup- 
 port of the Constituent Assembly. The Bolsheviki in reply dispersed 
 and outlawed the refractory majority and then declared that the Con- 
 gress of Peasants was ready to support the Soviets. The Third All- 
 Russian Peasants' Congress, which met on January 10, 1918, had 
 similar sympathies and was similarly treated. Discontent continued 
 to express itself, but the Bolsheviki simply rode rough-shod over every 
 party and group that stood in their way. They dissolved meetings of 
 hostile political parties and persecuted leaders of opposing factions. 
 They exercised a severe censorship over the press. They refused to 
 recognize local governments chosen in September, 1917, on the basis of 
 universal suffrage. They even did violence to the sacred institution of 
 the Soviets and dispersed such bodies when the majority happened to 
 be adverse to them. They are also charged with a multitude of atroci- 
 ties, but in this perhaps they suffer an injustice. It should be 
 remembered -that a very dark picture can be drawn of law- 
 lessness in Russia under the provisional government. Doubtless license 
 and criminality continued also under Bolshevik rule. There is no 
 evidence, however, that this had the encouragement or sanction of the 
 authorities. On the contrary, there is an impression of growing orderli- 
 ness and discipline under the high-handed Bolshevik administration. 
 
 In May and June of 1918 the political unrest culminated in the sharp 
 clash of civil war, disrupting the Russian state into the fragments which 
 now remain and creating the situation which is still confusing the rest 
 of the world. In April, 1918, there were said to be 132,000 workingmen 
 in Petrograd. About 100,000 of these, it is asserted, formed an organi- 
 zation, held a congress, and issued "instructions" to the workmen of 
 Russia in which the government was arraigned and its resignation 
 demanded.'^ A special delegation was sent to Moscow and brought 
 about similar action by the workmen there in May. At the same time 
 the eighth Congress of Right Socialist Revolutionaries was meeting in 
 Moscow and adopting resolutions in favor of foreign intervention. 
 A fraction of this party along with some other democratic groups, 
 
 7. V. I. Lebedev, in Narodnaya Gazeta, (New York), December 12, 1918. 
 
 10 
 
among whom the Cadets were most prominent, formed the Union for 
 the Regeneration of Russia and entered into official relations with the 
 Allies. They were joined by conservative and reactionary bodies which 
 had independently been preparing to fight the Bolsheviki. They estab- 
 lished their first capital in Cossack territory at Samara. Though their 
 government was called All-Russian and was professedly based on the 
 elections to the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviki and their partners 
 were outlawed as the Party of National Treason. A body of Czecho- 
 slovaks in the Ural region became the nucleus of their National Army, 
 and negotiations were begun for the landing of Allied troops at Archangel 
 and Vladivostok. Civil war was on. 
 
 Association with notorious monarchists and the calling in of foreign 
 assistance turned out to be serious tactical errors. It gave the Bolshe- 
 viki a chance to play not only on the favorite watchwords of the revolu- 
 tion, but on the hitherto despised sentiment of patriotism as welL 
 Their hands were immensely strengthened and they felt justified in 
 increasing the pressure against their opponents by way of reprisal. 
 Pointing out that many of the Right Social Revolutionaries and Menshe- 
 viki were working with the Czecho-Slovaks and Allies against the revo- 
 lution, they voted to exclude those parties from membership in the 
 Central Executive Committee of the Soviets. 
 
 Subsequent events tended to vindicate the position of the Bolshe- 
 viki. They proved that the democratic elements in the newly organized 
 governments were not strong enough to sustain their part and sooner 
 or later fell victims to the ambitious scheming of a military clique. 
 In the western and southwestern provinces dominated by the Germans, 
 it was to be expected that the reactionary elements should control. 
 But what was to be thought of the proceedings of the Government of 
 the North at Archangel where the venerable socialist, Nicholas Tchai- 
 kovsky, had been established as president? An influential group was 
 formed in favor of a dictatorship, Tchaikovsky was arrested by a 
 Colonel Chaplin and put into prison. The refusal of our ambassador, 
 David Francis, to countenance the act compelled the restoration of the 
 president, but he was restored with only the shadow of power. The 
 other members of his government were replaced with "safe" officials, 
 and some of his followers, completely disheartened, left the country. 
 In the Far East the spectacle offered by the personal ambitions of men 
 like General Horvath and General Semenov was not edifying. 
 
 There still remained the "All-Russian" government at Omsk, which 
 for many months was administered by a directorate chosen from among 
 the members of a Constituent Assembly. To this government the 
 
 11 
 
friends of Russian freedom attached their hope, but in the early days of 
 November came the disillusioning shock. A party of officers arrested 
 Avksentsev and the other socialist directors, accused them of Bolshevik 
 leanings and treason, and without even giving them a hearing, deported 
 them swiftly toward Japan. Admiral Kolchak was proclaimed dictator. 
 The stroke was neat and complete. At first Kolchak mumbled some- 
 thing about giving the people an opportunity to choose their form of 
 government and to elect a new Constituent Assembly, but actually he 
 went about restoring the golden days of Czaristic rule. Popular assem- 
 blies were suppressed, political discussions forbidden, and the sale of 
 vodka reestablished. The record of atrocities committed by him in the 
 name of order has not been widely advertised, but an American cor- 
 respondent tells o: 1200 Bolsheviki dragged in a train backward and 
 forward from station to station till most of them perished of cold and 
 hunger while the living lay in torment beside the bodies of their dead 
 companions. Admiral Kolchak's idea of governing Russia is revealed 
 by some of his remarks to this correspondent. "In a deep sense," he 
 said, "Russia was democratic under the Czars. . . . Russian people 
 understand nothing about socialism — whether that of the Bolsheviki 
 or any other sort."^ 
 
 The Bolsheviki point to these events as demonstrating the rorce of 
 their claims that they alone are both willing and able to create an order 
 which shall assure social and economic justice to all. True, their meth- 
 ods are dictatorial and undemocratic. The dilemma is a dictatorship 
 of the Bolsheviki in the interest of the masses or a dictatorship of Admi- 
 ral Kolchak in the interest of the old bureaucracy. Whether fairly or 
 not, this is the form in which the alternative presents itself to the 
 Russian people. The revolution stands to them lor certain definite 
 gains which they are loth to relinquish. There is doubtless also the 
 feeling that it will be easier to correct the excesses of Bolshevik rule than 
 to wrest concessions from restored privilege. And so they cling to 
 the evils which they have rather than fly to others that they know too 
 well. 
 
 It may be seen now how the civil war has strengthened the grip of 
 the Bolsheviki, in the first place by providing them with a bo7ia fide 
 excuse for making their government purely partisan, and in the second 
 place by discrediting the opposition 'which allowed the rival govern- 
 ments to drift into the power of the feared reactionaries. Deprived of 
 their leaders, who were either driven into the recesses of their own vast 
 country or scattered over the face of the globe, the people who had 
 
 8. Herman Bernstein, In New York Herald, Jan. 27, 1919. 
 
 . 12 
 
 I 
 
stood out in protest were compelled to make the best of their situation. 
 To what extent the Bolsheviki have captured the confidence of the 
 populaftion it is impossible to judge at our distance from the scene, but 
 it can scarcely be questioned that a considerable number of those who 
 had been standing aloof, and some prominent persons among them, 
 have by degrees been reentering the life of the nation. The Socialist 
 Revolutionaries have formally abandoned their struggle against the 
 Bolsheviki, giving as their reasons the defeat of Germany and the fact 
 that "the intervention in Russia by the victorious powers is assuming 
 more and more the character of assistance given by the bourgeoisie." 
 
 The spirit of the government has not been uncompromising. The 
 party has abated the rigor of its principles for the sake of immediate 
 results. Overtures have been made to leaders of other socialist groups 
 with a view to bringing about a modus vivendi, and these have met with 
 some response. In spite of the accusation of opportunism by the more 
 fanatical, concessions have even been made to the prejudices of the 
 bourgeois class. One American correspondent, recently returned from 
 Russia, had his revolutionary sensibilities outraged by what seemed to 
 him a restoration of a middle-class ideal of order and seemliness in the 
 outward aspect of Russian life. Whether these manifestations are to 
 be interpreted as symptoms of weakening or of increasing confidence 
 depends altogether on the sympathies of the interpreter. 
 
 What can be asserted with some assurance is that the Governments 
 of the Allied countries are undergoing a change in their attitude toward 
 the Bolsheviki. Not that they are a whit more inclined than ever to 
 endorse their principles. But they have officially admitted that the 
 policy of military intervention was mischievous. They perceive that 
 the Bolshevik authority is for the time the only authority that counts 
 in Russia, and they are resigning themselves to the necessity of nego- 
 tiating with it. On their part the Bolsheviki are manifesting the same 
 spirit of compromise as in their domestic policy. Far from shunning 
 contact with the "capitalist" and "imperialist" rulers whom for two 
 years it has been their chief pastime to denounce, they have declared 
 their readiness to refrain from official propaganda, to pay all their 
 foreign debts, and to enter into economic relations with the Allies. 
 The repugnance to the meeting at Prince's Island proposed by the Peace 
 Conference has been shown primarily by the Kolchak government 
 and by those exiled representatives of Russia whose credentials are the 
 most questionable. 
 
 13 
 
In an address to the workingmen last April, Lenine declared, "We 
 have won by methods of suppression. We will be able to win also by 
 methods of management." The Bolsheviki were faced with a "task of 
 gigantic proportions. They had to devise and set in motion a new 
 and elaborate machinery for controlling the political, economic, and 
 social relations of a vast population. More adverse conditions for the 
 work could hardly have been imagined. Their richest farming and 
 industrial provinces torn away, the economic foundations of their life 
 disrupted, hemmed in and isolated from the rest of the world, without 
 access to the sea and to the materials necessary for a revival of normal 
 activity, fighting domestic and foreign foes within and without, dealing 
 with an untutored population that had grown accustomed to looking 
 upon its demands as the law of the land, having no leaders experienced 
 in affairs of state or in the management of great business undertakings, 
 the immediate and ignominious failure of the Bolsheviki would have 
 been no occasion for surprise. For more than a year it has freely been 
 predicted as imminent in a week or a day. Perhaps the doom is not 
 far off, but meanwhile it is of interest to observe the efforts of the 
 government to solve its important economic problems. 
 
 The first great task which confronted the Soviet was the settlement 
 of the land question. Practically all parties in Russia agreed that the 
 land ought to be distributed among the peasants, but the method and 
 principles of distribution involved many nice and complicated problems 
 requiring time and study for their satisfactory solution. Prince Lvov's 
 government had appointed Land Committees to exercise control in the 
 transition, to prevent lawless appropriation, and to settle disputes be- 
 tween peasants until such time as the Constituent Assembly should 
 meet to make definite enactments. But the peasants were impatient 
 and feared that the property, which they had already come to regard 
 as theirs, would be seriously damaged and despoiled. Upon these fears 
 the Bolsheviki played in order to undermine the supports of Kerensky's 
 government. Their first act after seizing power was to issue a decree 
 abolishing the right of private property in land without compensation 
 to the owners. 
 
 Its operation was what might have been foreseen. The enforcement 
 of the loose provisions was in the hands of small local groups which pro- 
 ceeded to divide up according to their own notions of equity and right. 
 It resulted in a free-for-all scramble. The man who had two carts 
 carried off more movables than his neighbor who had only one. The 
 farmer best provided with seed planted the greatest acreage. It is 
 
 14 
 
alleged that the distributing committees were not above taking advan- 
 tage of their opportunities, and that the person who benefited least by 
 the change was the very one in whose favor the revolution had been 
 proclaimed. It does not need a very credulous mind to believe the 
 many stories of pillage and destruction which the temporary dissolution 
 of authority made all too possible. 
 
 The more detailed Land Decree which they issued in September, 
 1918, seems to recognize the defects ot the former decree and to look 
 forward to the correction of its errors.^ In theory the land is now 
 completely socialized. It is the property of the state, which is loaned 
 to individual tillers to be cultivated for the public benefit. In fact, 
 however, most holdings are in the hands of peasants who think the 
 land has been given to them as a free gift in perpetuity. The Decree 
 admits that the socialization of the land has not been fully accom- 
 plished and outlines an elaborate set of instructions which is to govern 
 its gradual distribution. "The apportionment of land on the produc- 
 tion and consumption basis among the agricultural population is to be 
 carried on gradually in various agricultural sections, according to regula- 
 tions stated herein." Meanwhile "the relations of agriculturalists will 
 be regulated by the land departments of the Soviets in accordance 
 with a special instruction." 
 
 Evidently the task before the government is to wean the tiller of the 
 soil from his personal attachment to it, to develop in him an attitude 
 toward it like that of the workingman for his craft and its machinery, 
 and it is proposed to do this by encouraging the peasant in every way 
 to organize in groups for cultivating on a large scale. The land depart- 
 ments are entrusted with the duty of developing collective homesteads 
 in agriculture (in preference to individual homesteads) as the most 
 profitable system of saving labor and material, with a view to passing 
 on to socialism. In arranging the order in which land is to be appor- 
 tioned, it is provided that preference be given to laboring agricultural 
 associations over individual homesteads, and again, in offering specific 
 aid for the general tilling of the soil, in the form of machinery, seeds, 
 education, preference is given to communistic and cooperative home- 
 steads. 
 
 The Russian peasant has during the last fifteen years been learning 
 rapidly the lessons of cooperation. "^° He has an enormous network of 
 organizations of producers and of consumers, supported by credit asso- 
 
 9. The text of this decree is printed in The Nation, Jan. 25, 1919 (International 
 Relations Section). 
 
 10. See the interesting booklet by J. W. BubnoiT: "The Cooperative Movement in 
 Russia", Manchester, 1917. 
 
 15 
 
ciations, with the People's Bank of Moscow serving as the financial 
 heart. These have been a beneficent force in the life of the Russian 
 agriculturalist. They continued to expand during the war and they 
 are the one feature of Russian economic life with which the Bolsheviki 
 have not tampered. The difficulties placed in the way of private owner- 
 ship have already resulted in a great access of power to these coopera- 
 tives, and the prestige which they have earned may prove helpful to 
 the Bolsheviki in their endeavor to impose communism on the Russian 
 peasant. It will also be open to the government to effect its aims by 
 coercion through its monopoly of the grain trade and the trade in agri- 
 cultural implements. 
 
 News that reaches us of economic conditions in Russia is not calculated 
 to create confidence in the ability of the Soviets to set the country upon 
 a prosperous course. In the factories the lowering of the output has 
 been enormous and continuous. It is stated officially that only three 
 percent of employees in the West Moscow textile region are at work. 
 In a certain district of Soviet Russia only forty sugar factories remain 
 where there were once 232. The five hundred and thirteen industrial 
 and commercial undertakings which have been nationalized up to the 
 beginning of 1919 have yielded losses to the state and have adversely 
 influenced the returns from privately owned enterprises. Owing to the 
 breakdown of transportation there are wide differences in the prices of 
 commodities at various points and the influence of the government has 
 not availed to bring about uniformity. "At a time when the best 
 quality flour was selling in Petrograd at 700 rubles a pud, it could be 
 bought at Tver for 63 rubles." The supply of food is scant, and in 
 its distribution the "bourgeois" are made to suffer in order that they 
 may be forced to enter the ranks of the proletarians. The condition of 
 the national finances may be inferred by economists from the statement 
 that 30,000,000,000 rubles in credit notes have been issued since Janu- 
 ary 1, 1918. If these facts are typical, they constitute the severest 
 possible arraignment of Bolshevik rule, and the Russian people must be 
 reaching the limit of their endurance. It is true that the leaders can 
 plead in excuse that they are the victims of foreign enemies, especially 
 of the bourgeois class, who are bent upon throttling their popular exper- 
 iment by military as well as by economic coercion, but excuses will not 
 long be accepted as a substitute for results. Unless there is some truth 
 in the assertions on the other side, that in the last few months a decided 
 improvement has been in evidence, it is difficult to see how the present 
 government can survive. 
 
 16 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol. XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 March 10, 1919 
 
 No. 28 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act of 
 August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section 1103, Act 
 of October 3. 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 Asiatic Turkey 
 Its Problems and Resources 
 
 BY - 
 
 FREDERICK HAYNES NEWELL 
 
 Professor of Civil Engineering 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
ASIATIC TURKEY— ITS PROBLEMS AND RESOURCES 
 
 The Turkish Empire, with its great but only partly developed natural 
 resources and declining political strength, has long been regarded as 
 a tempting prize by the more powerful governments of Europe. It 
 would long since have been torn apart and its fertile lands divided, had 
 there not existed certain mutual jealousies which have served to bring 
 in turn to the support of the "sick man of Europe" one or another 
 powerful force — each hoping by the preservation of Turkish rule to 
 keep from its rival the acquisition of Turkish territory and ultimately 
 to find profit for itself. The great world war was unquestionably in- 
 cited largely by the peaceful but effective penetration by Germany into 
 and through Asiatic Turkey. The unstable condition of European 
 policy was rendered even more dangerous by the rapid building of the 
 Berlin to Baghdad railroad pointing directly toward India. 
 
 Tho for the time being the German Empire has disappeared from 
 the map and Russia can no longer threaten England's supremacy in 
 India, the Turkish questions continue to have alarming proportions. 
 This is largely due to the fact that misrule — culminating in the inde- 
 scribable massacres of the recent war — has convinced the awakening 
 world that the Turks can not safely continue as the dominant class and 
 that immediate steps must be taken to organize some form of govern- 
 ment which will permit the millions of people lately under Turkish 
 rule to enjoy life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and at the same 
 time facilitate the expansion of trade and commerce made possible — 
 and even necessary — to the rest of mankind by the natural wealth 
 of the country. 
 
 The continuation of the Turks as rulers in Western Asia is no longer 
 to be seriously considered; they must be replaced, but by whom? It is 
 hardly possible to conceive that any of the subject peoples can assume 
 effective control. Altho they have lived in adjacent villages or mingled 
 in the market places, there has been cultivated and kept alive by the- 
 Turkish government such intense racial and religious hatred that the 
 possibility of their working together in the near future to form an effec- 
 tive government is beyond belief. Moreover, it is a serious question; 
 whether even in a few decades it will be possible to develop free institu- 
 tions and effective autonomous government among these peoples wha 
 for hundreds of years have acquiesced more or less hopelessly in the 
 rule of outsiders, and who have not had the opportunity possessed by 
 many of the nations of Europe to acquire the arts of self-government. 
 
 3 
 
Is it not absolutely necessary for a generation or two that they be 
 under the control of some strong authority which will reverse the policy 
 of the Turks and which will seek to develop among them the habits of 
 mutual toleration and respect upon which free institutions rest? 
 
 But why should we here in America be concerned about these 
 matters? Why not let the governments of Europe settle these trouble- 
 some problems among their neighbors or, if this can not be done — 
 simply keep hands off and permit the various peoples of Asiatic Turkey 
 to work out their own salvation, the more powerful or aggressive forcing 
 a solution according to their ability? 
 
 Unfortunately perhaps for us, the most favored among nations, 
 the time in the history of the world has passed when we can maintain 
 our splendid isolation. Our commercial and economic interests, as 
 well as the moral obligations growing out of the war, have become too 
 greatly involved to be ignored. Any struggle which originates in 
 Asiatic Turkey and which must necessarily bring in one or another of 
 European nations will deeply concern the whole world and injure 
 American interests which already are too vast to be thrown away and 
 which tend rapidly to increase rather than to diminish. 
 
 Americans have a peculiar concern with the affairs of Asiatic Turkey 
 and its future development, not only because the land is full of historic 
 cities and was the birthplace of the great religions of the world, but 
 more especially from the fact that in area, topography, climate, and in 
 engineering and industrial problems, it is similar to our own arid west. 
 There is a strong commercial attraction, as well as a fascination in the 
 land, a call for service, a longing to put to the test in Western Asia 
 some of the experiences acquired on this continent; a desire to show the 
 practicability of American skill and enterprise in reviving the historic 
 places and in putting to the use of mankind the great resources which 
 have lain dormant for centuries under Ottoman rule. 
 
 Civilization originated or reached its highest development in what 
 we usually consider as arid lands, not in the densely forested and wet 
 regions of Europe, Asia, or Africa, but in those parts ordinarily too dry 
 for the production of the common food crops. 
 
 W'here life was simple and where the daily needs of food were met 
 by hunting in the forests or by fishing in the streams, man apparently 
 did not advance far beyond the satisfying of these needs; but in the 
 cirier lands, where the climate was conducive to health and yet where 
 food could be procured only intermittently through the overflow of 
 
 4 
 
rivers, there man was forced to be provident, to look ahead far enough 
 to plant and care for the crops which would yield a return only after 
 weeks or months. As he advanced higher in the scale, the overflow of 
 rivers obliterated his landmarks and forced him to make practical 
 applications of the principles of geometry; the need of the regulation of 
 overflow led him gradually to develop engineering practises or a knowl- 
 edge of hydro-economics which marks the beginning of the work ot the 
 civil engineer. 
 
 In the Biblical tradition as to the origin ot the human race the land 
 of delight, or Paradise, was placed in what is now known as Mesopo- 
 tamia — down on the Euphrates, the great stream whose waters before 
 the dawn of written history were regulated or divided into the four 
 rivers or, as we would now term them, canals, which irrigated the great 
 area, at present largely marsh, to the south and east of Baghdad. Here 
 were located the vast city ot Babylon and many other ancient centers 
 of wealth and empire; while near Kerbela, according to Arabic and 
 other traditions, was the home of Noah and his contemporaries. 
 
 However we may regard these legends, there is no c|uestion but 
 that canals of antiquity, built thousands of years ago by engineers 
 whose names and nationality are unknown, furnished water to millions 
 of acres of highly cultivated land supporting a great population, the 
 ruins of whose cities are to be seen on every side, and whose culture and 
 traditions have had great influence on the past and have been handed 
 down even to the present day. 
 
 While the ancient lands of Babylonia are most alluring from the 
 magnitude ot the canals and structures (such as will be built in the near 
 future), there is an infinite variety of interest and opportunity through- 
 out Asiatic Turkey. This area embraces the widest possible range ot 
 topographic conditions, trom the snow clad peaks of Ararat rising to an 
 altitude of 17,000 feet to the' Dead Sea depression more than 1200 
 feet below sea-level. In this respect it is more extreme than our own 
 arid west, where the highest peaks in the Rocky and Cascade moun- 
 tains do not attain much above 14,000 teet and the lowest depression, 
 that of the Salton Sea, is about 300 teet beneath the level of the ocean. 
 
 A striking resemblance between these two widely separated countries 
 is afforded by the climate. The greater part of Asiatic Turkey is arid 
 or semi-arid. The surface is broken by high mountains, whose steep 
 slopes or summits wring from the clouds the rain or snow fall which 
 gives rise to innumerable small streams. These descending with rapid 
 
fall are usually lost in the parched valleys. Sometimes in flood these 
 rivers penetrate to considerable distances from the mountains and may 
 even force their way to the ocean; but for the most part their waters 
 either sink into the thirsty sands and gravels around the edges of the 
 valleys or disappear in marshes, salt lakes, or sinks, similar to those of 
 Utah, Nevada, and eastern Oregon. 
 
 Throughout this part of western Asia as well as the western United 
 States, the possibilities of progress are found in the occurrence or ab- 
 sence of the most valuable of all minerals, that is, water. .Without it 
 the lands, even where the soil is very rich, are worthless; but where 
 water can be had in proper quantity and of good quality, agriculture 
 and- other industries can flourish and have flourished; a high degree of 
 prosperity has -been reached, checked only by devastating wars or 
 destroyed by the long continued misrule of the Turks. 
 
 In considering the reconstruction of Asiatic Turkey, the restoration 
 of Its ancient cultural conditions, or the extension of industry, the first 
 and foremost undertaking, after a fair and stable government has been 
 assured, is the conservation and use of the water supply, scanty m most 
 places but abundant in ethers. 
 
 Before any considerable development of the water resources can 
 take place, it will be necessary to build highways and railroads — the 
 conditions here being similar to those encountered in our own arid 
 west, where the first step in utilizing the public lands was the building 
 of railroads and the construction of roads over which could be moved 
 eccncmical'y the labor and materials needed in the building of dams for 
 stormg floods and in the excavation of canals, tunnels, and other works 
 needed in the conservation of water. Care must be taken, however, 
 to locate and build these railways where they will not interfere with 
 the future building of reservoirs or the development of water power. 
 
 The water power resources of the country as a whole, particularly 
 in Armenia near the headwater of the Tigris and Euphrates, are 
 large, and the first operation toward construction work pertains to the 
 study of these water powers and to the consideration of how these may 
 be used practically in the building of other needed improvements. 
 Fuel is expensive, and altho coal mines do exist, the coal is not available 
 at points near where most of the heavy work must be undertaken. 
 Petroleum is known to occur in many localities, some of which have 
 already been acquired by the British; but the use of fuel oil for produc- 
 ing power in large quantities should not be encouraged if water power 
 can be emploved. 
 
 . ^ 6 
 
In what has been said above, reference has been had mainly to the 
 great inland country. The lands bordering the Black Sea on the north 
 or the Aegean and the Mediterranean on the west are, as a rule, low 
 and humid, having a rainfall adequate for the production of most crops 
 and a genial or even hot climate contrasting strongly with the cooler, 
 more extreme temperatures of the plateaus and mountains which make 
 up the greater part of Anatolia and Armenia. These fringing lands 
 not only differ in climatic conditions but are inhabited by peoples quite 
 unlike those living inland. Here the problems of engineering impor- 
 tance include not only the building of railroads and highways, but also 
 the dredging out and improving of harbors and the draining of lands, 
 particularly those near the mouths of the streams which come from the 
 highlands. While irrigation is essential to agriculture throughout the 
 greater part of the remaining area, its counterpart — drainage — is 
 needed in the coastal region. 
 
 Included with Asiatic Turkey and until the present tim.e forming part 
 of it, altho quite distinct in many ways, is the Arabian desert covering 
 the greater part of the peninsula which juts far to the south into the 
 Indian Ocean. The interior is little known; few travelers have pene- 
 trated the wilderness sparsely occupied by wandering, hostile tribes of 
 Arabs, "the People of the Camel," but enough is known to indicate 
 that there is a limited water supply which in a few localities was devel- 
 oped centuries ago, most of the works being now in ruins. It is quite 
 possible that a thoro geological exploration and the sinking ot deep 
 drilled wells may reveal the existence of artesian or other water, as has 
 been found to be the case in portions of our own so-called American 
 desert. The construction of wells is one of the first undertakings to be 
 considered in this vast area. 
 
 Fringing the Arabian desert on the northwest between the wilderness 
 and the Mediterranean lies a narrow strip of country of intense concern 
 to all peoples, namely, Palestine, for centuries the home of the Jewish 
 race. Altho a relatively small spot on the map, it possesses extraordi- 
 nary interest. For the greater part it is semi-arid; only a small per- 
 centage of the land is suitable for cultivation; but these lands, if supplied 
 with water, can be made highly productive and capable of supporting 
 a larger population than that now living within the country. It 
 possesses little or no mineral wealth, and its value from a commercial 
 standpoint may be said to reside almost entirely in the tourist or pilgrim 
 traffic. 
 
 ■ 7 
 
Palestine and the peninsula of Sinai are cut off from the Arabian 
 desert to the east by one of the most extraordinary of natural phenomena, 
 the depression of the Dead Sea. This has been formed by the dropping 
 of a long slender portion of the earth's crust, thus forming a steep-sided 
 valley at the bottom of which the Jordan riverruns from north to south 
 and loses its water in the lowest point, now occupied by the Dead Sea, 
 more than 1200 feet beneath the level of the Mediterranean. This 
 long narrow valley forms a formidable obstacle to travel, especially to 
 the construction of railroads and highways directly from the Medi- 
 terranean into or across the Arabian desert toward Baghdad. 
 
 Because of this condition, namely, the deep narrow valley and the 
 broad desert, travel and trade have been confined largely to the sea 
 coast; in going from the highly cultivated lands in Egypt to the densely 
 populated area in the vicinity of Baghdad the caravans have crept up 
 northerly along the Mediterranean to a point west of the upper end of 
 the valley of the Jordan and then turning easterly have cut across to the 
 Euphrates, avoiding the more direct desert route. There are known 
 to exist, out on the desert, the ruins of ancient places, which indicates 
 that water has been had and possibly may be had again. It is believed 
 that the lines of travel may be shortened and made more direct by the 
 discovery and development of underground water supply. 
 
 The greatest of all undertakings, however, as far as the food supply 
 and the future prosperity of Asiatic Turkey are concerned, is the com- 
 plete irrigation and drainage of the vast plains and low lands between 
 the Tigris and Euphrates rivers extending down to the Persian Gulf. 
 Here have dwelt at various times millions of people; here were construct- 
 ed and operated for centuries large canals, not only those leading from 
 the Euphrates but others taking water from the Diala and other streams 
 issuing from the Persian highlands to the east. These great works of 
 ancient times have been neglected and many of the canals have become 
 filled by drifting sand or, occupied by the unregulated mountain 
 streams, have lost their character as artificial channels and appear as 
 creeks or rivers. 
 
 Shortly before the outbreak of the great world war, the Turkish 
 government employed Sir William Willcocks to begin an examination 
 with a view to restoring some of these works. Fortunately operations 
 had progressed to such a point that when the British occupied the 
 country in 1917, they were able to put into use a hundred of the smaller 
 Arabian canals and get under cultivation approximately 300,000 acres 
 of land. The corn, rice, and other foodstuffs produced on this land 
 
were of inestimable value in maintaining the British army and in re- 
 ducing the transportation of supplies from overseas. 
 
 With a stable government assured the time will not be far distant 
 when storage reservoirs and power development should be planned at 
 the head waters of the Tigris and Euphrates. All of this work should 
 be controlled in accordance with the superior uses in irrigation of the 
 water lower down in Mesopotamia and Babylonia. Endless troubles 
 are likely to arise if an attempt is made to include under one government 
 a portion of the headwaters of these streams, and under another the 
 lower portions where the waters are employed in agriculture. 
 
 Irrigation is not by any means confined to the regions watered by 
 the Tigris-Euphrates and their tributaries. Here, it is true, are the 
 largest canals and the greatest extent of nearly level land capable of 
 being utilized in the production of crops. To the north on the plateaus 
 and in the valleys of Anatolia and to the west in Syria the artificial 
 watering of agricultural fields has been practised from time immemorial. 
 There are innumerable small irrigation systems utilizing the water of 
 mountain streams, as at Damascus, Aleppo, and other important cities, 
 making possible the maintenance of a large population and diversified 
 industry through the ability to obtain foodstuff in the near vicinity. 
 
 Most of these irrigation systems have deteriorated through lack of 
 helpful governmental control and oversight; the efforts of the culti- 
 vators have not been properly directed nor have they been encouraged 
 or even permitted to make many needed improvements. The entrance 
 of the Germans into portions of Asiatic Turkey marked a new era, in 
 that the irrigation possibilities were appreciated and various enterprises 
 entered upon, the most notable being in the vicinity of Konia, the 
 ancient Iconiun, the former capital of the country. Here the outlet 
 of one of the large lakes behind the mountains west of Konia has been 
 controlled and a suitable canal provided to carry the water to the edge 
 of the desert southeasterly from Konia. This has permitted a wide 
 expansion of agriculture, and the success here illustrates what may be 
 accomplished elsewhere. 
 
 The agricultural products of Asiatic Turkey are as varied as the 
 climate, and range from the highly valued tropical and semi-tropical 
 fruits, dates, oranges, figs, and the like, to the more bulky but essential 
 field crops of the plateaus and mountain slopes, such as barley, wheat, 
 and corn. There has always been a considerable export trade, especially 
 of dried fruits; and the country as a whole has produced more than has 
 
 9 
 
teen necessary for the sustenance of its inhabitants — this being due in 
 part to the low standard of living. There is a possibility of notably 
 increasing the agricultural area in all parts of the country especially 
 through the conservation of water and the development of irrigation; 
 but the largest gains will come through better agricultural methods, 
 notably from the use of artificial fertilizers. 
 
 Grazing, on the open sheep and cattle ranges, covers by far the 
 greater part of the land surface, as is the case in western America. In 
 both of these countries it is highly probable that on account of the 
 scarcity of water the tilling of the soil will not require at the utmost 
 more than 5 per cent of the area of the country, while over 80 per cent 
 of the land, if utilized at all, must necessarily be devoted to grazing. 
 In this classification as grazing area may be included the vast deserts 
 where, tho feed for cattle or camels is scanty or even entirely absent 
 for months or years at a time, yet, following one of the rare rains, there 
 springs up a sparse growth which is utilized by the wandering herds. 
 This desert or semi-desert country, like that of New Mexico and south- 
 ern Arizona, will be more completely utilized when, as stated above, it 
 has been possible to search out the sources of v/ater and dig or drill 
 wells to furnish a supply for the animals, which withsuch water resour- 
 ces will be able to graze over considerable tracts of scanty herbage. 
 
 Forests occupy perhaps 10 per cent, more or less, of Anatolia and 
 Armenia; they are confined to the rougher higher country, the elevated 
 table lands and mountain slopes. Much of the woodland is open, with 
 scattering trees and shrubs, and might be classed either as grazing land 
 or as forest, the conditions being similar to those in our own country 
 where many of our great national forests contain relatively few large 
 trees and are valuable chiefly for grazing purposes. Nevertheless, 
 this tree growth should be encouraged, as it has great value in fur- 
 nishing timber in a country where this is greatly needed and in favoring 
 water conservation. The destruction of the forest growth by unregu- 
 lated grazing, particularly by goats, has greatly reduced the prosperity 
 of the country. 
 
 The known mineral resources, while valuable and attractive, are 
 not so large as might be anticipated in a country of this extent, being 
 far below those of an equal area in the United States. As in our own 
 arid west, the absence of large deposits of coal is particularly notable. 
 There are, however, a certain number of coal mines, which have been 
 worked for many years and which under better political organization 
 will undoubtedly be more largely utilized. 
 
 10 
 
Copper and the more precious metals occur in a few localities, and 
 ;gold mines have been worked from time immemorial. The legendary 
 ^wealth of Croesus was derived from the auriferous streams in western 
 Anatolia. 
 
 Petroleum is for the present the most important of the raw materials. 
 It has been known and used from earliest times, the pitch of Hit being 
 employed in making water-tight boats and for embalming purposes. 
 Reconnaissance of the oil fields and localities where oil may be dis- 
 covered has been conducted by agents of the Standard Oil Company 
 and by British officials. The results have not been made public, but 
 enough is known to lead to the belief that extensive deposits may yet 
 be revealed by deep drilling. The oil fields on the extreme southeast 
 in or near Persia have been largely developed by the Anglo-Persian Oil 
 Company. The utilization of the oil from this field was one of the most 
 important factors in aiding the British in the advance of their army up 
 the Tigris River to Baghdad. In fact it may be said that the control 
 of these valuable deposits of oil is one the great factors of international 
 importance and of future commercial success. 
 
 The above enumeration of the resources of the country, the com- 
 parison of present conditions with possible improvements, and prospec- 
 tive gains to individuals or to states, emiphasizes the danger which will 
 continue to threaten the peace of the world if this vast country is left 
 in its disorganized and helpless form as a tempting bait, to arouse the 
 predatory instincts of men in control of corporate or national forces. 
 The many diverse races or religions held together in one empire by the 
 ruling Turkish class are each clamoring for independence and are 
 asserting the claims of nationality. This condition has beeh recognized 
 in the proposed covenant of the League of Nations as reported to the 
 Peace Conference, February 14, 1919, in Article 19, paragraph 4, where 
 the following provision appears: 
 
 "Certain communities formerly belonging to the Turkisli Empire 
 have reached a stage of development where their existence as indepen- 
 dent nations can be provisionally recognized, subject to the rendering 
 of administrative advice and assistance by a mandatory power, until 
 such time as they are able to stand alone. The wishes of these commu- 
 nities must be a principal-consideration in the selection of the mandatory 
 power." 
 
 This brings up the question as to whether in fact — as opposed to 
 theory — these communities are so located as to permit their segrega- 
 tion geographically as separate states, or whether the nationalities are 
 
 11 
 
so intermingled as to render the "unscrambling" as difficult as it has 
 been founci to be in the Balkans. 
 
 The country as a whole is usually considered as falling into certain 
 divisions as follows: 
 
 1. Armenia, on the northeast. This is made up of high plateaus 
 and snowy or forest clad mountain masses from which issue the great 
 rivers. Here the agricultural conditions and possible industries are 
 quite distinct from those of other portions of Asiatic Turkey. This 
 country might be more or less arbitrarily outlined and set off as the 
 home of the Armenians, but even here they are in the minority, being 
 outnumbered by the Kurds and other peoples who occupy the land. 
 
 2. Anatolia or Asia Minor proper. This lies farther west and is 
 composed of somewhat lower and more arid plateaus. It is the home 
 of the Turkish peasantry, which is here the predominating class and race. 
 
 3. Mesopotamia and Baylonia stretch from the foothills of Armenia 
 toward the south and east to the Persian Gulf. Here is the land of 
 extreme heat — a country needing irrigation but capable of supporting 
 an immense population. It is now held by Great Britain; the Arab 
 tribes and town 'dwellers appear to be content under British rule. 
 
 4. Arabia with its great desert — the home of the Bedouin — with 
 its fringing sea coasts and sacred cities of Mecca and Medina has appar- 
 ently been promised recognition as an independent kingdom of the 
 Hejaz. 
 
 5. Syria stretching from the Mediterranean coast to the valley of 
 the Euphrates and overlapping into Arabia has been largely within the 
 sphere of Prench influence and js quite distinct in its cultural develop- 
 ment. As part of Syria it is customary to include the small, but very 
 important, country of Palestine, where it is proposed that the Jews 
 may have a national home, tho at present the Jews are in the minority 
 in that country and most of the land is owned and has been occupied 
 for centuries by Arabic-speaking people. 
 
 6. The Greek islands and cities fringing the coast are distinct in 
 climatic and industrial factors from the rest of the country, but are not 
 easily separated from the more typically Turkish lands by any well 
 marked geographical feature. 
 
 While it is relatively easy to point to a general map and say that 
 this is Armenia and that Arabia, yet it is practically impossible to draw 
 a sharp line or to select any natural boundary which can be agreed upon 
 as definitive. This is peculiarly the case as between the sea coast 
 
 12 
 
cities inhabited largely by Greeks and the interior towns occupied 
 almost exclusively by Turks. In no one locality is there a predominance 
 of people of a sufficiently high degree of experience in self-government 
 to permit the carrying out of the broad rule of self-determination. For 
 example, a place may be known as a Greek city and be characterized 
 by Greek culture and yet the total number of Greeks may be so small 
 as to render it impracticable for them to control the vast majority of 
 Muslims. 
 
 Moreover, any suggested division emphasizes the dependence of 
 one part of the country upon the other. In trying to parcel out the 
 the land in this way one state or governing body will be given practically 
 exclusive control of the petroleum or other mineral wealth and another 
 of products whose ifianufacture is dependent upon the use of these 
 minerals or fuels. In a country ot this kind the very diversity of 
 topography and of mineral and agricultural resources emphasizes the 
 fact that any attempt to divide or cut off these provinces from each 
 other only intensifies the struggles for existence which must take place 
 if the people — forages accustomed to one government — are grouped into 
 many small states. ' 
 
 Moreover, the population in each of these smaller areas, as indicated 
 above, is at present not sufficiently homogeneous or experienced readily 
 to adopt self-government. There is no one dominating factor or large 
 number of people of the same characteristics or religion to form a safe 
 working majority. For example, the' Christian communities almost 
 everywhere would be in a minority; if their ideals of self-government 
 should be enforced, those of their more numerous Mohammedan neigh- 
 bors must be neglected or suppressed. 
 
 In considering any division of the country according to nationalities 
 it is important to emphasize that in Asiatic Turkey nationality is not 
 so much a matter of ancestry or race as it is of religion. If, for example, 
 the Armenian ceases to be a Christian and is converted to Mohammedan- 
 ism he is no longer considered as an Armenian but as a Turk, and so 
 on through the category. The Turks, at least the ruling classes, are 
 not of Turkish descent except to a remote degree, as for generations 
 the mothers of the Turkish rulers have been Christian captives or 
 purchased slaves. Moreover, the different nationalities or religions are 
 mingled together in nearly every important city, ea<:h having a con- 
 siderable proportion of the various warring sects of Mohammedans, of 
 Christians, and of Jews. 
 
 13 
 
In spite of these difficulties it is generally assumed that there must- 
 be a division of the Turkish Empire into separate states; but in framing- 
 new constitutions the natural obstacles as well as those interposed by 
 discordant races and religions must be given full consideration. There 
 is need of more complete information and reliable statistics concerning 
 the actual number and location of the various peoples who may be 
 regarded as having proper national aspirations. The figures now 
 available are contradictory and misleading; nevertheless, they indicate 
 that, if Armenia is to be devoted primarily to the Armenians, then this 
 minority ultimately must have full authority and power to hold in 
 subjection the majority of the population who, tho perhaps not quite 
 so high in the scale of civilization, are yet recognized as of sufficient 
 intelligence to become citizens. 
 
 If the Greek cities are to pass under Greek control, there must be 
 provision for protection of the interests of the non-Greeks who now 
 form the majority of the population. In the same way there must be 
 a system of treaty arrangements securing to the citizens of adjacent 
 states the enjoyment of the use of water which arising in Armenia or 
 Anatolia is needed for cultivation of lands in Mesopotamia, Syria, or 
 near the Greek cities. Furthermore, the inhabitants of the lower 
 lands should be assured of their rights to store or control the floods at 
 the head waters even tho these are in the adjacent states. There must 
 be ample provisions not only for freedom of commerce, but also for 
 religious toleration and the pursuit of happiness. These things not 
 having been permitted by the Turks, their conception in these regions 
 where strife has been so long encouraged is almost unknown. 
 
 While the opinion of the world will probably not tolerate the return 
 of the Turks to power and is inclined tov/ard the division and subdivision 
 of the country into smaller nationalities, yet there is little doubt that 
 the general future prosperity and well being of all would be more readily 
 secured by having the entire area held as a whole under the control of a 
 single mandatory povv^er broad enough and strong enough not only to 
 prevent internal strife, but more than this to build up the attitude of 
 mutual toleration and respect among the closely intermingled but 
 mutually antagonistic peoples. 
 
 Assuming that the unity of the country cannot be preserved, it 
 becomes apparent that steps should be taken to the end that an agree- 
 ment satisfactory to all concerned may be arrived at allowing large 
 bodies of people to be shifted from one state to another, the land being 
 
 14 
 
exchanged or purchased, thus permitting the scattered Armenians tO' 
 be brought together within Armenia and the Kurds, in part at least,, 
 to be moved to communities of their own. 
 
 While the difficulties involved in any of these proposed adjustments 
 are great, yet it is believed that wise statesmanship based upon a full 
 knowledge of the country, its people, and its laws will be able ultimately 
 to overcome them. The crying needs of the natives, the depth of 
 degradation and despair to which they have been subjected, and the 
 contrast offered by the natural opportunities which surround them 
 should inspire unselfish effort and confidence in ultimate success. Look- 
 ing beyond the immediate toil and trouble involved there can be seen 
 the vision of great achievement. Already the British in Babylonia 
 have shown what can be accomplished in two years of just and intelli- 
 gent control. Their success may be considered as a forerunner of that 
 which may be achieved throughout the length and breadth of this land 
 in securing permanent homes, prosperity, and happiness to its recently 
 oppressed inhabitants. 
 
 15 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS BULLETIN 
 
 Vol XVI 
 
 Issued Weekly 
 ^PRIL 7, 1919 
 
 No. 32 
 
 [Entered as second-class matter December 11, 1912, at the post office at Urbana, Illinois, under the Act of 
 August 24, 1912. Acceptance for mailing at the special rate of postage provided for in section 1103, Act 
 of October 3. 1917, authorized July 31, 1918.] 
 
 The New Poland 
 
 BY 
 
 PAUL V. B. JONES 
 
 Associate in Histor)- 
 
 Price 10 cents 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE WAR COMMITTEE 
 
 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 URBANA 
 
THE NEW POLAND 
 
 In the year 1795 the "Republic" of Poland disappeared from the 
 face of the earth. Despite her thousand yearsof independent existence, 
 and an enviable record for remarkable achievement along many lines of 
 human endeavor — political, religious, literary, artistic, and other — 
 this ancient state fell ingloriously, an inert, helpless victim, to the 
 merciless rapacity of her neighbors, Prussia, Russia and Austria, each 
 of them with vulture instincts but greedy enough for their sorry repast. 
 Despite the fact that Poland displayed some of her old time militancy, 
 and tried to fight to the last, she was not really conquered by her ene- 
 mies. She was simply "partitioned." The shameful spoliation began 
 in the year 1772, under the able auspices of that ruthless autocrat, 
 Frederick 11. With a blasphemous humor characteristic of his age, 
 this cynical Hohenzollern writes to his brother, Henry, on April 9, 1772, 
 as follows : "The partition of Poland will unite three religions, the 
 Catholic, the Orthodox, and the Protestant; Poland will thus be for 
 us a sort of Holy Communion of which we shall all partake. If this 
 act does not bring salvation to our souls, it will at any rate contribute 
 considerably to the prosperity of our realm." — An observation entirely 
 worthy of Voltaire himself! 
 
 Substantially a century and a half have elapsed since this grim 
 tragedy was begun, but who can read to-day, without recoil, that amaz- 
 ing manifesto addressed to the Poles by Catherine II, announcing the 
 first partition, and inviting their assistance in this major operation on 
 their own body politic and fatherland! Asserting as causes for so 
 drastic a procedure that turbulent Poland was a constant menace to 
 the well-being of adjacent peoples and that these same neighboring 
 peoples had, each of them, old claims on parts of her territory, there- 
 fore, this terrible proclamation continues "... his Majesty the King 
 of Prussia, her Majesty the Empress, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, 
 and her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, having mutually set forth 
 their rights and claims, and having come to an agreement, will each take , 
 an equivalent of the district to which they lay claim, and will put them- 
 selves in effective possession of those portions of Poland which are 
 calculated to serve hereafter as the most natural and secure boundary 
 between them." 
 
 Such was the preliminary move in this altogether shameful transac- 
 tion. A second operation, in 1793, lopped off additional segments of 
 
 2 . 
 
the then moribund state, while a third act of partition, in 1795, com- 
 pleted the work, concluding as clear-cut a drama of survival as was ever 
 played amid the political creations of men. 
 
 Students of Polish history find the remarkable weaknesses directly 
 responsible for the ruin of this, one of Europe's greatest states, in Poland 
 itself. Poland is a land of plains, with no really satisfactory frontiers, 
 thus inviting attack by any aggressive neighbor with predatory inclina- 
 tion; a land made through conquest, and ill pieced together, lacking 
 racial homogeneity with its Lithuanians, Ruthenians, and other peoples, 
 different from the warrior Poles in language, religion, manners, and 
 customs, never really assimilated, always mindful of their one-time 
 independence and chafing to regain entire liberty; a land of two social 
 classes only — a proud, fighting, proprietary nobility, and, ultimately, 
 a degraded, utterly subservient, blackly ignorant serfdom with no 
 stabilizing middle stratum such as makes back-bone for most states; 
 a land, finally, with a political system as strangely and completely 
 decrepit as any deteriorated governmental machinery told of in human 
 history: a Republic with an elected monarch at its head, a kingship 
 reduced, through the jealous fear of possible royal power, on the part 
 of an independent nobility, to nonentity, to an empty manifest of rule, 
 grasped at now and again even by venturesome foreigners. Full as 
 serious a flaw as this was that curious liberwn veto, formerly a staunch 
 bulwark of their libert}' for the nobles, now an abused institution, con- 
 stantly operated by these utterly selfish. Utterly unpatriotic lords of the 
 land to thwart every act of the government. Some v/riters, noting the 
 dark havoc wrought for Poland by a state of affairs so bad and so long 
 enduring, affirm that the Poles deserved their fate; and these same 
 students, observing the seventeen odd political parties vigorously flour- 
 ishing in Poland to-da}', gloomily shake their heads over this ruinous 
 twentieth century recrudescence of the ancient national malady — 
 assertive individuality and otherwise-mindedness — and assert that an 
 independent Poland is an utter im.possibility. 
 
 As a matter of fact it is highly probable that Poland could have 
 amended her vicious system, had the time been afforded. Eighteenth 
 century Poland, keenly av/are of many of her problems, was indeed 
 striving quite vigorously to handle them; unfortunately for her, other 
 statecraft was at work, far stronger at the time than her own with its 
 depleted vitality: mighty, uncouth Russia with her irresistible surge 
 towards the attractive west, where alone chance for development seemed 
 to lie; vigorous, half barbarous Prussia, with her ragged, piecemeal 
 
 3 
 
snippets of territory, pointing for any dullard of a king an obvious policy 
 of consolidation — and Frederick II was as alert and unscrupulous a 
 monarch as ever growing state could desire. 
 
 Upon the annihilation of her state a strange chapter in Polish history 
 opens. Approximately 300,000 square miles of territory with an esti- 
 mated Polish population of 11,500,000 souls had been divided by Prus- 
 sia, Russia, and Austria. To cut up and apportion was one thing, to 
 assimilate, however, quite another accomplishment, as the three power- 
 ful and guilty states were to discover. The years from 1795 to 1914 
 mark in Polish annals a period during which those hapless people, exist- 
 ing perforce under three alien regimes, developed a more vivid national 
 sense than ever they had known before; and when in the fullness of time 
 the great war broke upon a horrified humanity, the Poles, Prussian, 
 Russian, and Austrian, knew to a man that their hour of deliverance 
 was at hand. 
 
 This strenghtening nationalism presents an interesting study. Of 
 the three groups of submerged Poles that under the Dual Monarchy 
 tared the best, and nearly attained, in late years at least, a complete 
 autonomy. On the other hand, the Poles under the iron heel of Prussia 
 endured most from their rulers, for, while the Russian autocracy was 
 by instinct cruelly brutal, it was too poorly organized to be perpetually 
 ruthless, and bore but fitfully on its victims; whereas the highly organ- 
 ized Prussian regime followed practically from the beginning a consis- 
 tent policy of the sternest denaturalization or Germanization of the 
 Poles. 
 
 Ex-chancellor von Bulow, an able exponent of the Bismarckian 
 theory in this regard, well expresses the spirit and purpose of Prussia's 
 policy as follows — "No concern for the Polish people must hinder us 
 from doing all we can to maintain and strengthen the German nationality 
 in the former Polish provinces. It is the duty and the right of the 
 government to see that the Germans do not get driven out of the east 
 of Germany by the Poles. The object is, to protect, maintain, and 
 
 strengthen the German nationality amiong the Poles In the 
 
 struggle between nationalities one nation is the hammer and the other 
 is the anvil, one is the victor and the other is the vanquished." 
 
 To play her role successfully in this awful smithy game, Prussia 
 fashioned for herself characteristic instruments; restrictions on the use 
 of the Polish language, German only passing current in the schools, 
 law-courts, public meetings, and finally in the church services; bans on 
 Polish songs and the Polish national dress; reservation of governmental 
 
 4 . ^ 
 
offices for Germans or dependable Germanized Poles; and finally a 
 drastic policy of German colonization in the Polish provinces which 
 ultimately resulted in the harshest legislation, like those laws compelling 
 Poles to sell out their land to Germans, the whole unnatural process 
 heavily subsidized by the state. 
 
 And the Poles? So vigorously did they react, once they caught the 
 tune, that before the Prussians were aware, this despised people matched 
 case-hardened steel to Junker iron, and von Biilow himselt didn't know 
 whether the state were hammer or anvil. Statements like the following 
 from the Polish press reflect the temper and purpose of these determined 
 Slavs after one hundred years of Prussian control: "To-morrow the 
 Kingdom of Prussia celebrates the second century of its existence. We 
 cannot manifest our joy, because Prussia's power has been erected chiefly 
 upon the ruins of ancient Poland. Prussia's history consists of a number 
 of conquests made by force and in accordance with the old Prussian 
 principle revived by Bismarck, 'might is better than right.' " And again, 
 this violent diatribe: "If one asks a Pole whether he would rather live 
 under German or under Russian rule his reply will be 'I would rather a 
 hundred times have to do with Russians than with Germans, and the 
 Prussians are the worst of Germans.' . . . The Russian is our Slavonic 
 brother, and in his heart of hearts every Pole is glad if his brother is 
 prospering and when he can tell the world, 'There you see our common 
 Slavonic blood'. The more we hate the Prussians the more we love 
 the Russians." Or, finally, this suggestive excerpt: "Take heed, you 
 Polish women and Polish girls! Polish women and Polish girls are the 
 
 strongest protectors of our nationality For a Polish woman 
 
 it is a disgrace to marry a German or to visit German places of amuse- 
 ment or German festivals. So long as the Polish wife watches over her 
 husband and takes care that he bears him.self everywhere as a Pole, so 
 long as she watches over his home and preserves it as a stronghold of 
 Polonism, so long as a Polish Catholic newspaper is kept in it, and so 
 long as the Polish mother teaches her children to pray to God for our 
 beloved Poland in the Polish language, so long Poland's enemies will 
 labor in vain." 
 
 Meanwhile, the Poles were doing something besides talking, and 
 nursing a deeply burned hatred. They learned thrift from their German 
 masters, formed remarkable co-operative organizations, and developed, 
 under the management of their priests who well understand their 
 people and their needs, an excellent banking system, conforming rigidly 
 to the very letter of the Prussian banking laws, and able to pay a slightly 
 
 5 
 
better rate of interest than the German banks. Thus they have sus- 
 tained themselves under the heavy economic pressure of the state. 
 In 1912, deposits in the co-operative organizations stood at the hand- 
 some figure of £46,970,354, as against £12,420,057 in 1900 — an amazing 
 development — while deposits in the Polish banks reached a total of 
 £6,150,000 in 1907, representing a per capita wealth of nearly ^15. 
 
 Through the success of these co-operative organizations is reflected 
 that sturdy determination of the Polish peasant to get ahead — an 
 ambition envisioned nearly always in term.s of land ownership. Helped 
 by his bank, and willing to assume a debt for land purchase he cannot 
 live mayhap to wipe out — glad to whittle down such a staggering obliga- 
 tion by long years of labor in the industrial regions of Western Germany 
 (Westphalia) separated from his family perhaps eight or ten years at a 
 time, he was rapidly making his laborious goal, economic inde- 
 pendence. Whereas the Prussian State expended 3 170,000,000 
 to quarter Germans on Polish land, the Poles since 1896 have 
 secured fully 250,000 acres of land from the Germans, and in May of 
 1903 the Prussian Minister of Finance, Herr von Rheinbaben, com- 
 plained that in fifteen years the German population in Prussia diminished 
 by 630,000, while in five years as many as 300,000 Polish immigrants 
 had settled there! Von Biilow himselt finally admitted that the scheme 
 for colonization had failed owing to the fact that the German was apt 
 to lose his nationality if not continually subsidized by the state, or even 
 in spite of such support, since he was always ready to dispose of his 
 land for a good figure, whereas the Pole "thought it shameful to sell 
 land to the Germans" and "held fast to the land." 
 
 Under these hard circumstances, the Prussian Poles, faithful to 
 human nature, have becom.e the most Polish of the Poles. They have 
 benefited greatly from the rigid disciplining or their stern masters, and 
 now, chastened in temper, steadfast, thrifty and aggressive, they have 
 their reward: leadership in the new Poland must devolve on them — an 
 amazing retribution for Prussia! 
 
 I This new Poland has come into being to-day by processes which it is 
 not possible to follow carefully now, through want of information on the 
 one hand, and lack of comprehension of such reports as are forthcoming 
 on the other. Therefore, a bare outline of what appear to be the 
 principle events in the intricate story must suf^ce here. 
 
 Despite the fact that from the outbreak of the war a bewildering 
 number of forces as well within the old Poland as over the rest of the 
 world — National Committees, Democratic Congresses, Armed Legions, 
 
 6 
 
Polish Bureaus, and the like — concentrated on the great objective, 
 Polish union and independence, the career of one man from 1914 to this ' 
 moment lends a remarkable coherence to the entire process. And thus 
 featuring in this great crisis in her history, the activity ol Joseph Pilsud- 
 ski, Poland plays true to her great past in the narrative of which lie 
 revealed the beloved achievements of other national heroes like Sobieski 
 and Kosciusko. 
 
 Born at Vilna, in 1867, of noble Lithuanian-Polish stock, young 
 Pilsudski, while a student of medicine at the University of Kharkov, 
 became intensely interested in the social problems of Russian Poland — 
 too keenly interested indeed to suit the ever watchful, suspicious Rus- 
 sian police who in 1888 sent the vehement young fellow to Siberia. 
 Returned to his native land after five years of banishment, an aggressive 
 socialist, Pilsudski aided in the organization of that party among his 
 countrymen. Constrained always to dodge the police, now by so des- 
 perate a ruse as feigned insanity — a policy bringing him a year's sojourn 
 in a mad-house — now by flight to England — he busily developed his 
 program: armed revolution against Czarist Russia. Efforts to further 
 Polish independence in this wise, like those abortive movements at the 
 time of the Russo-Japanese war, failed through inadequate support and 
 the opposing strength of a better organized party intensely hostile to 
 the Socialists, the National Democrats. 
 
 Whereas Pilsudski's group — working-men, for the most part, are 
 described at that time (1904-1906) as more socialistic than national, 
 with a hatred for the Polish capitalistic, landholding element, akin to 
 their abhorrence of Russian autocracy, and with small respect for the 
 Church, the National Democrats, on the other hand, representing land- 
 holders, bourgeoisie, peasants, and like their opponents with a scattering 
 of intellectuals, were strongly national, but pro-Russian, with the hope 
 of securing an autonomous Poland. 
 
 This latter party, able, after the Revolutionary crisis following the 
 war with Japan, to control the Polish seats in the Duma, made his 
 home land too warm for Pilsudski, who forthwith migrated to that 
 stamping ground for disaffected Poles of all persuasions, Galicia. Elere 
 through his organization of the Polish Legions, subsequently so famous, 
 this persevering patriot continued his revolutionary work, x-^n original 
 group of these Legionaries, some 400 strong, mostly Russian Poles of 
 strongly anti-Russian sympathy, created a tremendous sensation, when, 
 in August, 1914, they boldly sallied across the Russian border. From 
 that time on, the Legions, supported by representatives of all Polish 
 
 7 
 
parties in Galicia, and by many Russian Poles, through an organization 
 known as the Supreme National Committee, made an attractive appeal 
 to all Polish patriots, even to the National Democrats, in whose hearts 
 the war had stirred vast hopes of independence. 
 
 The Central Powers were only too glad to work hand in hand with 
 the Legions, whose leaders, like Pilsudski, saw in such an unholy alliance 
 but opportunist means to a noble end. Russia appeared to them to be 
 the great enemy. Once get her out of the way, then were there time 
 enough to grapple with the next obstacle to Polish Independence. 
 Behold this arch-patriot then, become a Brigadier-General by order of 
 the venerable Franz Joseph; his Legions enrolled in the armies of the 
 Central Powers, all fighting the while, like tigers, winning iron crosses 
 with the best of them, in that hideous surging see-saw of those vast 
 hordes of men back and forth across Poland, ultimately establishing 
 German control over the devastated land in the fall of 1915. 
 
 L'pon this success, Pilsudski became restless, anxious to secure 
 assurance of a free-Poland from the triumphant Central Powers. There- 
 fore, when the armies of the Central Powers were facing Brusilow's 
 offensive in 1916, Pilsudski played a bold stroke. His purpose to resign 
 his command being thwarted by Austria's refusal to accept the resigna- 
 tion, at a critical juncture he simply withdrew from the front with an 
 entire brigade. While this act cost him considerable prestige, it did 
 precipitate a crisis which was probably the greatest factor in forcing 
 the Central Powers to issue their decree of November 4, 1916, proclaim- 
 ing with flourish an independent Poland. 
 
 The manifesto was read in the Royal Palace at Warsaw on November 
 5, by Governor General von Beseler "in soldierly ringing tones," and 
 then was re-read in Polish, by the Palace Commandant, Count Hutten- 
 Czapski. This act proclaimed that Russian Poland was to be a National 
 State in the form of an Hereditary Monarchy with a constitutional 
 government. For the time being, the Central Powers were to admin- 
 ister the new State, pending the gradual development of her proper 
 public institutions. Careful determination of the frontiers also could 
 only come later. Subsequently a provisional government was set up. 
 Its principal organs were an all-Polish Council of State of twenty-five 
 members, which in turn nominated an Executive Committee, the mem- 
 bers of which had ministerial functions. Pilsudski had a seat on the 
 minority Left in the Council, and also presided over the Army Com- 
 mittee. 
 
This regime was at best a makeshift arrangement, but, even so, it 
 endured too long to suit Pilsudski. Ordered to develop a Polish army 
 to fight with the Central Powers, the General refused unless he could 
 receive assurances that such an army would operate under the direction 
 of a real National Polish Government. This was a mean impasse, and 
 when the Central Powers failed to yield his point, Pilsudski used his 
 popularity with his countrymen to hinder the formation of a Polish army. 
 
 Then came the Russian Revolution, with its recognition of an Inde- 
 pendent Poland. Here at length was a capital opportunity to strike. 
 Under Pilsudski's supervision an ultimatum was addressed to the 
 Central Powers by the Polish Council of State. Unfortunately, how- 
 ever, his colleagues on the Council were not of their leader's fibre, and 
 unable to co-operate with them, he and the Left resigned. Next, as 
 another step against furthering the interests of the Central Powers, 
 Pilsudski began to disband his Legions. Nearly four-fifths oi their 
 members refused to take the oath exacted from them by the Austro- 
 German governments. This was rebellion. The disaffected Legion- 
 aries, therefore, were interned, and Pilsudski, himself, was sent a pris- 
 oner to Magdeburg. 
 
 So the situation stood near the middle of 1917. In September of that 
 same year, it is asserted that Austria sent Polish troops raised ostensibly 
 for a home army to the Italian front, whereupon the Polish Council of 
 State resigned. Then by another decree (September 12) the Austro- 
 German rulers promulgated a new constitution for Poland. According 
 to this instrument the principal organ of government was a Council of 
 Regency, whose personnel of three was appointed by the Central Powers; 
 this body had certain legislative functions; its decrees were to be counter- 
 signed by a Premier likewise under the control of the Central Empires; 
 with the Regency were to operate a Cabinet and a Council of State. 
 
 Meanwhile other forces were beginning to effect developments in 
 Poland. In March, 1915, Sir Edv/ard Grey had proclaimed to the 
 world one of England's ideals in these words: "We wish the nations of 
 Europe to be free to live their independent lives, working out their own 
 forms of government for themselves, and their own development, whether 
 they be great states or small states, in full liberty — that is our ideal." 
 The Allies, however, so far as they had a distinct Polish policy, shaped it 
 perforce with reference to their great eastern member. Thus, for 
 example, France had a secret agreement with Russia which recognized 
 Russia's "complete liberty in establishing her western frontier." There- 
 fore Russia's open declaration proclaiming an autonomus Poland, issued 
 
 9 
 
by the Grand Duke Nicholas shortly after the beginning of the war, 
 stood as the manifesto of Entente agreement as to Poland's future down 
 to the time of Russia's collapse. 
 
 After the Russian debacle it was necessary for the Entente Powers 
 to state anew their attitude towards Poland, and on January 8, 1918, 
 in his address to Congress embodying the ever famous "fourteen points," 
 Mr. Wilson affirmed as his 13th article in a real peace program that 
 "An independent Polish State should be erected which should include 
 the territory inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should 
 be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose social and 
 economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed 
 by international agreement." The clearest definition of a real future 
 status vouchsafed to the Poles up to that date! The declaration of 
 Allied representatives at Versailles, on June 3, 1918, in favor of "a free 
 and independent Poland with access to the sea" demonstrated sub- 
 stantial unanimity of intent among all the Entente Powers. These 
 manifesto had, all of them, a powerful reaction in Poland. 
 
 On June 26, M. Swiezuski, representing three-tourths ol the elected 
 
 members of the Warsaw Council of State, and the "overwhelming 
 
 majority of Poles" addressed the council on behalt of the Inter-Party 
 
 Club, concerning the Versailles declaration: 
 
 "At the same time," said he, "when the entire world has recognized the Polish 
 question as an international problem and the Polish nati'onal and political aims as just, 
 and their realization as a condition of the new order of the world, an order based on right 
 and liberty; at the time when the solemn declaration [that of the Allies! by responsible 
 statesmen has given these aims positive and collective expression — at this moment 
 nothing has taken place on Polish territory to show that the powers which have to-day 
 the practical possibility of confirming their promises by deeds are guided by a real inten- 
 tion of restoring the Polish State." 
 
 Subsequently the Inter-Party Club published the following declaration: "Taking 
 into consideration the declaration made after the meeting of the Prime Ministers ot 
 France, England, and Italy .... the undersigned parties belonging to the Inter- 
 Party Club declare that the above statement will meet with a sincere response in the 
 souls of the Polish Nation, the Nation which during more than a century ot slavery has 
 always longed for the restoration of Poland (censor) independent and united (censor)." 
 
 Indeed it was but a short step in this humor,(and one must remember 
 the perilous condition of the Central Powers at the time) to the demands 
 made by the Poles at a conference at German Headquarters in August, 
 1918, including a change in the administration, cessation of the joint 
 Austro-German control of the country, recognition of certain territorial 
 claims in Lithuania, access for Poland to the Baltic via Danzig, and the 
 like. This outspoken bid for independence, was presently followed by 
 the demand itself emanating from the Regency Council, that the new 
 
 10 
 
state must embrace all the territority inhabited by Poles. Subsequently 
 a separate manifesto, on October 13, by the Prussian Poles 
 asserted that "nothing but the union into one State of all peoples 
 living in Polish lands, a State which shall possess full rights, can 
 guarantee a lasting League of Nations." 
 
 Such was the tense state of affairs when the collapse of the Central 
 Powers shook the world. From then on developments moved rapidly 
 in Poland, the three sections of which were now working practically 
 together. Pilsudski was released in Germany. Frail, nervous, bent 
 with ill health, but with all the old indomitable energy, he hastened 
 back to Poland where he refused to co-operate as Minister of War in a- 
 weak Government of the National Democrats hastily formed by the 
 Regents. Soon afterwards that ephemeral creation fell, and the Re- 
 gency Council through two decrees of November 11 and 14, 1918, 
 pronounced the dissolution of its own body, and "in view of the threaten- 
 ing dangers from within and without" transferred the sovereign power 
 to Pilsudski, his dictatorship to endure until a National Government 
 could be formed. 
 
 The excellent temper of the now all-powertui patriot may be jutiged 
 from his own statement to the people issued likewise on November 14, 
 upon the assumption of his great responsibility — "Upon my return 
 from Germany," this frank manifesto reads, "I found the country in a 
 most chaotic state in the face of exceedingly difficult tasks, for the 
 performance of which the nation must reveal its best organizing abilities. 
 In my conversations with the representatives of almost all the political 
 parties in Poland, I found to my delight that the great majority share 
 my opinion that the new Government should not only rest on democratic 
 foundations, but be composed in a considerable porportion of representa- 
 tives of the rural and urban masses " 
 
 The new Cabinet, set up under the direction of Andrev/ Moraczewski 
 as Premier was described by Moraczeswki himself towards the end of 
 December, 1918, as " .... a truly national one," but in almost f^at 
 contradiction to this statement stand the assertions of many Poles, and 
 others apparently in ' a position to know, that the new regime was 
 decidedly Socialistic. However this all may have been, Pilsudski 
 presently faced a grievous difficulty on the score of his government's 
 com.position. At eleven o'clock on the night of January 1, 1919, Ignace 
 Jan Paderewski, renowned the world over as the greatest living pianist, 
 and also more recently known as a vigorous Polish patriot, arrived in 
 Warsaw. According to the press dispatches Paderewski upon his 
 
 11 
 
arrival was greeted with wild enthusiasm. The newspapers expressed 
 the hope that he would be able to strengthen the patriotic elements in 
 Poland and "undo the efforts of those who have been working towards 
 disorder." "The Maire predicts that his arrival will precipitate certain 
 changes in the Ministry which the Conservatives desire, so that they 
 may secure full recognition from the Allies." 
 
 As a matter of tact, Paderewski represented a powerful element 
 among the Poles — the Conservative, or National Democratic group. 
 The principal organ of this party after the establishment of German 
 control over Russian Poland was the so-called Polish National Com- 
 mittee at Paris, under the Presidency of M. Roman Dmowski, a power- 
 ful and in many respects a very able man. 
 
 The energetic efforts of this Committee in the Allied capitals and 
 at Washington, in the summer and fall of 1918, secured from the x^llies 
 and from the United States recognition of the Polish National army,, 
 under the supreme political authority of the Polish National Committee 
 as an associated force, co-belligerent, the product of a belligerent State, 
 acts again, which aroused high enthusiasm among Poles everywhere. 
 
 What, however, of Paderewski? All in America to-day know his 
 zeal on behalf of a beloved cause — united and free Poland. A remark- 
 able series of "benefit concerts," interspersed with eloquent addresses, 
 and the writing and publication of excellent articles — these activities, 
 together with the expenditure of his personal fortune, bear true witness 
 to a sincere devotion on behalf of this lofty ideal. After more than 
 three years of such yeoman's service, Paderewski left America, on 
 November 23, 1918, for England, arriving at Warsaw, finally, as ob- 
 served, on New Year's Day, 1919. 
 
 He himself declares that he carried with him a power of attorney 
 to act for all the Polish Committees in the United States, representing 
 some 4,000,000 Poles, also that he was empowered to make loans to the 
 Polish Government. It is alleged, furthermore, that full authority was 
 conferred upon him by Austrian and Prussian Poles "through legally 
 organized organs of Polish opinion which had been created by regularly 
 appointed delegate conventions in both territories" to speak and act 
 for them, and that he bore messages from the Allies to the effect that 
 the Pilsudski Government was not to be recognized, as it represented 
 less than one-tenth of the people. 
 
 Despite such powerful assets, however, the accomplishment of 
 Paderewski's purpose, namely the organization of a coalition Govern- 
 ment in Poland which should be more broadly representative of all 
 
 .12 
 
parties there, was a difficult task. Both of the great leaders were 
 apparently suspicious of each other's motives; Pilsudski, too, was fearful 
 lest any readjustment oi the government at such a critical time should 
 precipitate a revolution. Unfortunately a modus vivendi was not ex- 
 pedited by an abortive attempt on the part of Conservatives and 
 Liberals, under the leadership of Count Eustache Sapieha, to overthrow 
 the Pilsudski regime by force, on January 5: a hazardous undertaking 
 af best, and entirely thwarted by the loyalty of the troops, with ludicrous 
 and very disconcerting developments for the perpetrators. 
 
 And then, just as the Journalistic Prophets everywhere were getting 
 up a lachrymose unison "We told you so" — the horizon cleared. After 
 all, on the deeper issue — an independent, united Poland — both 
 patriots were agreed; the threatening dangers to the nascent State 
 likewise urged compromise, which both Pilsudski and Paderewski say 
 they desired. Therefore, about the middle of January, Paderewski's 
 plan for the formation of a new Ministry, representing Russian, Prus- 
 sian, and Austrian Poland, began to materialize. In fact, Pilsudski 
 signed an agreement to reorganize the Government at midnight on 
 January 16, while the new Ministry, then in formation, was definitely 
 announced on January 19, Paderewski being the Premier and holding 
 the portfolio for foreign affairs, while Pilsudski remained still "head" 
 of the Nation and Commander-in-Chief of the army. 
 
 Complete recognition of this new provisional Government by the 
 United States was officially announced on January 22, this brisk act 
 being re-inforced by a similar Allied pronouncement on February 21. 
 Meanwhile, the elections for a Polish Constituent Assembly, held late 
 in January, gave Paderewski's party a considerable victory, the National 
 Democrats claiming ninety-one seats out of two hundred odd in the 
 first meeting of the Assembly, held February 9. 
 
 Such, then, is the coalition Government in Poland which is now 
 grappling with a great round of decidedly baffling and dangerous prob- 
 lems, intensely interesting, but too detailed and intricate for even survey 
 consideration here. Among these problems, however, the question of 
 new Poland's frontiers, while all told the most perplexing, is of such 
 vast importance to the entire world, as well as to Poland, that a brief 
 consideration of its principal features is essential in concluding this 
 narrative. 
 
 It is not difficult to ascertain the desires of leading Poles everywhere, 
 in regard to this all-important matter; they have expressed themselves 
 fully; and to the great jeopardy of their best interests, forces among 
 
 13 
 
them have gone out to secure what they desire, quite on their own ad- 
 vices, it appears. Even before the armistice was signed, Poles and Ruthe- 
 nians flew to arms over the disposition of Lemberg and Eastern Galicia, 
 and they are still fighting. Since November 11, the world at large 
 has been following sympathetically, or with irate disapproval, the alter- 
 nate advance and retreat of Polish forces at all points of the compass 
 about their distracted land, not only in bitter contest with Germans in 
 the Prussian Polish provinces of East Prussia, Posen, and Silesia, to 
 the north and northwest, and in Lithuania to the northeast, but also 
 with the newly liberated Czecho-Slovaks on their southv/estern border, 
 where the tiny region of Teschen, with its coal fields, is in hot dispute 
 between the two peoples. There is also conflict with Bolshevik Russians 
 wherever the two encounter, and under cover of this Red bugaboo, 
 new Poland announces that at the request of the President of the new 
 Lithuanian Republic, Poland has taken over "provisionally" the admin- 
 istration of Lithuania. 
 
 Thus the impetuous energy of the Poles forges a fiery circuit of Mars 
 about them welded complete and fast but for that uncongenial segment 
 in the due north — the Baltic Sea! And for the most part this militant 
 aggressiveness is on behalf of that "large, strong Poland," economically 
 independent, capable of sustaining the powerful forces which must in 
 future be brought to bear on a buffer state so strategically placed — 
 nay, in the magnified imaginations of the truly far-visioned, a state 
 virile enough to assume henceforth great Russia's mighty role as leader 
 of the-Slavic peoples! 
 
 More specifically, what of the New Poland as the now dominant 
 party group would have it? Paderewski himself expresses the opinion 
 of a very large number of his fellow-countrymen when he writes as 
 follows: — "The interests of peace require a large, powerful, and eco- 
 nomically independent Poland. This can be attained through a com- 
 plete union of all provinces once belonging to the Polish crown. Only 
 a Poland with access to the sea through Danzig will be able to maintain 
 direct relations with England, France, and America. . . . And only 
 with the mines of Silesia, her ancient province, will Poland be able to 
 acquire economic independence of Germany, to support her surplus 
 
 population, and to check excessive emigration A New Poland 
 
 should be a continuation of that which she has been, otherwise she can- 
 not find again the ideal which she has in her own soul. If one should 
 plan to cut out a certain part of the former Poland to make a new one, 
 if instead of erasing the artificial confines, one should only modify their 
 
 14 
 
 I 
 
direction, it would be creating irredentism which would fatally lead to 
 a new crisis. If we are to have a lasting and durable peace, we must 
 reunite in the New Poland all the Polish land." 
 
 Can such a Poland as is here envisioned be re-established? Emphat- 
 ically no! Not if the now classic norm of President Wilson be used as 
 the gauge in rehabilitation. Founded strictly on the basis of massed 
 majority Polish population the New Poland would constitute a country 
 roughly one-third the size of Poland at the time oi the first partition. 
 Or, in terms of Russian-Prussian-Austrian political geography, such a 
 new State of Poland v/ould include the so-called Congress Kingdom of 
 Poland, Russian since 1815, Western Galicia and a small part of 
 Silesia, formerly Austrian, together with territory formerly Prussian — • 
 the southern part of East Prussia, a considerable area, the heart of West 
 Prussia (but without the land about the mouth of the Vistula, conse- 
 quently without Danzig), by far the largest part of Posen, and a section 
 of upper Silesia. This more modest Poland would not include any such 
 large number of other nationals as Paderewski's state must control if 
 it were established, all of which aliens are determined to be independent, 
 and strong enough to breed a considerable amount of trouble if their 
 desires for separate statehood are thwarted. 
 
 Furthermore, the re-establishment of an indisputably Polish Poland 
 will be difficult enough to erect and maintain. One resultant alone, 
 the separation of German East Prussia from the mother country, presents 
 a very grave menace for the future — to say nothing of the threat 
 involved in the violent German opposition to the loss of any Prussian 
 territory whatever, Polish or not. Paderewski calls East Prussia the 
 centre and stronghold of Hohenzollern support, and the it is German he 
 says, "... to lop this limb from the German body-politic, would be a 
 political surgery of the highest order. Until that major operation, is 
 performed, we can hardly hope to witness any true democratization of 
 the German system." He proposes to perform this operation by unit- 
 ing West Prussia together with Danzig to Poland, and suggests several 
 proposals for the future status of isolated East Prussia. It might be 
 erected into a small independent Republic, "connected to Poland by 
 a customs union, and amply safe-guarded as to its administrative integ- 
 rity," or it might be united to Poland on the basis of home rule. 
 
 What an assumption of inordinate responsibility for Poland this 
 solution of the problem would involve! Paderewski, with all respect 
 for his great enthusiasm, fails to recollect that under the best of cir- 
 
 . 15 
 
cumstances 75,000,000 Germans versus 22,000,000 Poles may become a 
 most sinister ratio! 
 
 Finally, in view of these considerations, what shall be said for the 
 mounting ambitions of the Polish leaders, surely not desirable in their 
 entirety? Indeed their glorious vision of a mighty Poland is very 
 comprehensible. A proud race, capable of the best achievement, so 
 long submerged, has turned the while for solace and bright hope's sake 
 to an ardent study of its ancient, more auspicious past. Polish leaders 
 well know what old Poland was. How can the new-born State be 
 less than the old! 
 
 This sentimental force is obviously strong in their calculations; 
 but these are shaped again, and colored by many other forces, less worthy 
 perhaps, but vigorously insistent, notwithstanding. Since the partitions 
 all the Poles built up instinctively a powerful strength of opposition 
 against their oppressors; suddenly the dominant alien Governments 
 are crashed down, and forthwith the unrestrained tide of long-pent 
 Polish rancor breaks like a devastating flood sweeping all before it, and 
 scarce to be checked. 
 
 Again, Polish patriots, without exception, declare that they face 
 in their country "black with famine and utter destruction" the near and 
 constant menace of Bolshevism, a terror to them all with. their vehement 
 Catholicism and their peasant lust for land ownership; this real danger 
 from their point of view seems to them to warrant the large armies and 
 the Allied support which they so insistently demand. 
 
 Lastly, purely selfish interests play also their lusty role. Wealthy 
 Polish landlords in Lithuania and East Galicia, heretofore the dominant 
 class in a peasant population, see with dismay their all on the brink of 
 ruin in the developing independence oi these regions. 
 
 Surely when these elemental currents are sounded, and it is borne 
 in mind that by no means all of the Poles are carried away by them, 
 unthought, harsh criticism of this truly great but threatened and be- 
 wildered people dies on the lips. Poland to-day, like all of the new-born 
 nations of Europe, must have the unselfish support and firm guidance of 
 a sympathetic world. Only a true League of Nations can guarantee 
 her that beneficent future of which her peculiar genius is so eminently 
 deserving! 
 
 In this paper free use has been made ot materials taken chiefly from the following 
 sources: — New York Times, London Times, The New Europe and Current History 
 (documents and articles) the British magazines, especially the excellent articles by 
 O. de L. in The Contemporary and by J. E. Baker in the Nineteenth Century, and 
 modern books on Poland like the compact little volume by W. A. Phillipsjn the Home 
 University Library. 
 
 16 
 
OKe 
 
 AIMS and CLAIMS of GERMANY 
 
 B>> DAVID KINLEY 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 FEBRUARY, iqi8 
 
Tlie following address was delivered ty Dr. David Kinley, 
 Vice-President of the University of Illinois, upon tlis occa- 
 sion of the War Conference called at the University hy the 
 State Council of Defense, the Corn Growers' and Stockmen's 
 Convention, and the College of Agriculture, for the purpose of 
 discussing the relations of the farmer to the war and arrang- 
 ing a program of production to he recommended to the state. 
 
 January 31, 1918 
 
THE AIMS AND CLAIMS OF GERMANY 
 
 By DAVID KINLEY 
 
 Three times since western civilization was established has 
 it been in danger of overthrow and its light in danger of being 
 blotted out under the attacks of more barbaric social orders. 
 The first was by the invasion of the Huns who, in the fourth 
 century after Christ, appeared on the eastern borders of 
 Europe and drove the inhabitants in thousands across the 
 Danube. Pushing westwards they later crossed the Rhine. All 
 that had been accomplished by Roman civilization in the west 
 was endangered; but, in the providence of God, the embattled 
 armies of the Goths and Romans combined, on the plains of 
 Chalons in France, overthrew the Hunnish army of 700,000 and 
 turned back the deluge of barbarism. The second great crisis in 
 the life of that civilization of which we are the heirs occurred 
 when the Saracens, after a wonderful career of victory, estab- 
 lished the banner of Mohammedanism through all Western 
 Asia and Northern Africa and finally carried it across the 
 Straits of Gibraltar with the avowed purpose that the Cres- 
 cent which they bore was to float over a Universal Empire 
 built upon the ruins of Christendom. "The dream of Mithri- 
 dates and of Caesar was to be realized in the actual achieve- 
 ments of the lieutenants of the Caliphs. The Saracen chief 
 now upon the soil of Gaul was to subjugate the Franks and 
 their confederates, cross the Rhine and crush the tribes beyond 
 that stream, and then follow down the course of the Danube 
 to its mouth. Upon the shores of the Hellespont the bands 
 of the Faithful were to join hands and together give thanks 
 to Allah for the conquest of the World." But in 732 A. D. the 
 heirs of the civilization of the Roman Empire, the defenders 
 of progress and of Christianity, met the Moslems on the battle- 
 field of Tours and, after a seven days' terrific conflict, delivered 
 the civilization of Europe from a danger which had not threat- 
 ened it since the invasion of Attila and his Huns. 
 
Today a plan of conquest for the domination of Europe, as 
 the first step towards the domination of the world, very similar 
 to that of the Saracens, has endangered once more the progress 
 of centuries of civilization. The ultimate aim of the German 
 Empire in the present war is no less the conquest of the world 
 than was the ultimate aim of the Saracens. In the intervals 
 between these great crises men and nations have fought for 
 various causes. They have warred for creeds, for commerce, 
 for land, for prestige, and for no reason at all except the bid- 
 ding of princes and kings ; but never before in the history of 
 the modern world has any nation, any people, any govern- 
 ment, deliberately set about the destruction of their fellow 
 peoples, fellow nations, fellow governments, for the purpose 
 of crushing out their separate national existences, on the 
 theory that all people but themselves were inferior races de- 
 serving only extinction or complete subordination. That this is 
 the purpose and spirit of the German nation as avowed by its 
 Government and its leaders in literature, education and public 
 life, we find abundant evidence from their own testimony, to 
 which I shall shortly advert. But before doing so it will help 
 us to inquire somewhat into the character and growth of a 
 government which, in the twentieth century, could precipitate 
 upon the world so great a danger and avow itself an agent of 
 Almighty God to destroy all that other peoples have accom- 
 plished and other civilizations have achieved. 
 
 For centuries the land that is now Germany had been torn 
 asunder by constant dissensions and wars among the princes 
 and small groups of people which formed the various duchies 
 and kingdoms that made up the so-called Holy Roman Empire 
 after imperial Rome had lost her grip upon the rest of Europe. 
 Through generations there existed a longing among these 
 peoples, frequently expressed in their literature, for a combi- 
 nation or union into one great country. The unity of Germany 
 was a dream for the realization of which every patriotic Ger- 
 man worked and prayed. But rivalries and disputes, due to 
 one cause and another, delaj/^ed the realization of the dream 
 until the middle of the 19th century. For a hundred years or 
 more the military power of Prussia, the most powerful of the 
 
separate German states, had been growing and it was with 
 this as a tool that the project was finally accomplished. After 
 Bismarck became prime minister of Prussia in 1862 a definite 
 policy of militarizing the whole Prussian nation was adopted 
 and thereby an army created which, when the time came, 
 would be effective for the purposes of Bismarck and his mas- 
 ter. King William. Cynical and unscrupulous, recognizing 
 no law nor right of God or man that stood in the way of his 
 purposes, using cajolery, treachery or force as suited the occa- 
 sion, Bismarck, first appealing to the ambitions of Austria, 
 made war on Denmark and took from her the provinces of 
 Schleswig-Holstein which Germany has retained ever since. 
 Then he quarrelled with Austria over the spoils, made war 
 upon his late ally, and inflicted upon her a humiliating defeat 
 which deprived her of all influence over the German states 
 and left Prussia their acknowledged leader. Four years later, 
 in 1870, he struck at France and took from her the two prov- 
 inces of Alsace and Lorraine, together with an indemnity of 
 about one billion dollars with which to strengthen and improve 
 the German military machine. Aside from aversion to the 
 methods, or some of the methods, employed by Bismarck to 
 accomplish his purposes, the civilized world at large sympa- 
 thized with the German people in their desire for national 
 unity. No one appreciated the deep laid plan of the master- 
 hand of blood and iron and his coadjutors whereby these 
 preliminary conquests and this accomplished national unity 
 were to be made but stepping-stones to larger conquests and 
 wider domination. 
 
 The thirty years which succeeded the Franco-Prussian war 
 were utilized to develop the military system which made Ger- 
 many the foremost military power in the world. Meantime, 
 the Government of the Empire set about devising conditions 
 of social and economic life which would remove internal agita- 
 tion and develop the Empire industrially and commercially. 
 The progress of Germany became the wonder of the world. 
 In industry and trade, in literature and education, in military 
 growth and civil administration she assumed to take the place 
 of leadership and was acknowledged as leader not only in these 
 
matters, not only among the peoples of Europe, who feared 
 to cross her will, but by thousands of our own people who, 
 too busy to look below the surface, or too shallow in their 
 appreciation of German political philosophy and its goal, 
 preached and taught for years the doctrines of German supe- 
 riority and German efficiency. 
 
 American students and American university professors 
 went for higher education to Germany, and without realizing 
 the trend of the philosophical ideas which underlay the educa- 
 tion they received, came back in scores and hundreds to spread 
 the story of German efficiency and intellectual progress. Some 
 of them were slavish followers of the doctrines of their teach- 
 ers, and have been unable ever to rid themselves of the impe- 
 rialistic point of view which they acquired at these German 
 seats of learning. They have unconsciously spread doctrines 
 that are pernicious in a democracy. They have urged the 
 adoption of German methods, standards and plans, apparently 
 without any consciousness of the fact that these methods and 
 plans were adopted in Germany for the sake of furthering 
 certain purposes which have no place in the life of a demo- 
 cratic people. They have become in many cases apologists 
 for things German, even some of the worst things that have 
 disgraced humanity in the present war. They have become 
 centers of influence for the promotion of German Kultur 
 in university classrooms, in the school room and in the press. 
 They have gone so far in some cases as to be, whether pur- 
 posely or not, agents of the propaganda of German Kultur. 
 Some of them have made themselves ridiculous by publishing 
 works trying to establish the doctrine that everything of im- 
 portance in the United States had a German origin ; that some 
 of the greatest writers in English literature and philosophy 
 were indebted exclusively to Germans for their inspiration and 
 their principal doctrines ; that, in short, the roots of all that is 
 good among the English-speaking peoples, and indeed, among 
 others, lead back to German sources. 
 
 The doctrine of efficiency has been much preached of late 
 years, and German example in this respect has been held up 
 
for the world to follow. We must remember, however, that 
 efficiency, after all, is a relative matter. Efficiency is desirable 
 only if its purpose is approvable. Efficiency, or perfection in 
 the performance of a given act, is worth while only if the act 
 is worth while. To make a thief efficient is not a good thing. 
 To be an efficient liar, or robber, or murderer is not a good 
 thing. Now it is true that in industry and trade, in the art 
 of war and the machinery of education, as well as in other 
 lines, the German people in the past two generations have 
 attained, in some respects, a greater perfection or efficiency 
 than most of the rest of the world. They have done so, how- 
 ever, because they have been bending all their energies for a 
 definite specific purpose: preparation for war. Any people 
 could become efficient if they devoted themselves to a par- 
 ticular end for a long enough time. The rest of the world has 
 thought other things better worth while. Moreover, this effi- 
 ciency about which we talk so much has proven, after all, a 
 broken reed. In less than four years since the outbreak of the 
 war the nations which the German Government regarded as pe- 
 culiarly inefficient in military matters have beaten Germany at 
 her own game. In the supply of munitions, in the command 
 of the air, in the command of the sea, in the art of trench mak- 
 ing and keeping, in the number and power of great guns, in 
 the use of that devil's device, poisonous gas, and in nearly 
 every other respect, the military technique of the Germans 
 has been attained and surpassed by the French and British. In 
 the so-called chemical industries, of which it was supposed 
 that Germany had an unconquerable monopoly, especially in 
 such matters as the manufacture of dyes and certain kinds of 
 glass, both the British and we have already put ourselves in 
 a position to supply our own wants. In other words, we have 
 not done these things hitherto, because we had other things 
 of more importance to do. As soon as it was necessary for 
 us to turn our attention to these we did them. There is now 
 no dye of importance formerly imported from Germany, that 
 we are not making. We have the secrets of more kinds of 
 optical glass than Germany ever made. The same is true in 
 other lines. The hollowness of the whole organization could 
 
not have been better shown than by the rapidity with which 
 the rest of the world has adapted itself to the conditions forced 
 upon it by this long-conceived and slowly-worked-out plan for 
 military ascendency. 
 
 For education, art, religion, industry, trade, philosophy, 
 public administration, all have been directed to the attainment 
 of that end — the perfection of military power. German mili- 
 tary methods became the standard for the armies of other na- 
 tions. The world watched and did not understand that the 
 awful engine of war was constructed for the purpose of terror- 
 izing and dominating the world. Few saw clearly and fewer 
 still believed. But it is evident now that it was all part of a 
 deliberate plan of preparation for a war which it was believed 
 would establish German supremacy over a beaten, mutilated, 
 murdered world. Briefly put, the present war was begun by 
 the German Government in order to effectuate a third in a 
 series of steps planned since the days of Bismarck. The first 
 was the accomplishment of German unity ; the second the cre- 
 ation of the strongest military power in Europe ; the third, the 
 attainment of a military position sufficiently strong to dominate 
 the world. Men ask, and History will ask, what claims, what 
 defense, does Germany offer in explanation of such a crime. 
 
 Some German public men and writers claim that they are 
 engaged in a war of defense, and that the responsibility for the 
 present world catastrophe does not rest on them. It is hardly 
 worth while, in view of all the testimony and evidence that 
 /lave been published on this matter, to discuss this now. The 
 claim was not advanced until the advance of the German army 
 was checked. It may be said, how^ever, that there are few in- 
 cidents in history for which the responsibility can be fixed as 
 definitely as can the responsibility for beginning this war. 
 Following Bismarck's policy, the German Government had in 
 its diplomacy always tried to shape events so that it would 
 seem not to be the aggressor. This was the case with Den- 
 mark in 1862. It was the case with Austria in 1866. It was 
 the case with France in 1870, Bismarck even going so far as 
 to falsify a telegram in order to make his position more plau- 
 sible. So in the present case. Germany accepted the murder 
 
of the Austrian Archduke as the opportunity for her to strike 
 at her neighbors and enlarge her power. We know now on 
 German testimony that a conference was held as early as July 
 5, 1914, at which it was decided that there would be war. We 
 know now as well as we know anything, that the German Gov- 
 ernment knew and approved beforehand the Austrian ultima- 
 tum to Serbia. Germany knew that Russia was unprepared for 
 war, and that France was not fully prepared. She knew that 
 Great Britain was wholly unprepared. That she knew these 
 things we know from the testimony of her own statesmen. 
 The very diplomatic statements made to excuse their conduct 
 in the early days of the war show that they felt that they must 
 strike both Russia and France because Germany was ready 
 and they were not. She herself, as somebody has remarked, 
 was ready to the last cannon, the last reservist, and the last 
 railroad car. In the great mass of diplomatic correspondence 
 between the middle of July and the second of August, 1914, 
 there is not a telegram or a communication of any kind to show 
 that Germany made the slightest effort to secure delay by 
 Austria. In short, Germany not only planned the war but 
 seized the opportune time and planned the stroke. 
 
 Some Americans apologizing, before we entered the war, 
 for Germany's action, have assumed to take the high intellec- 
 tual ground that the great conflict, historically speaking, was 
 inevitable ; that it is the inevitable result of the clashing inter- 
 ests of rival peoples. True, the conflict was in a sense inev- 
 itable. When a criminal breaks into a man's house at night 
 and is discovered, a conflict is inevitable. When a band of 
 pirates or robbers undertakes to interfere with the livelihood 
 and orderly, peaceable living of honest men, a conflict is inev- 
 itable. If, therefore, by this statement it is intended to say 
 that a conflict was inevitable because a group of people in one 
 part of the world were wrongfully planning to attack another 
 group, the statement is correct. If, however, it is intended to 
 mean, as undoubtedly its sponsors have wished it to mean, that 
 the clashing "interests" of the aggressor were morally justifi- 
 able, or that the aggressors were unconscious of the iniquity of 
 their claims, or that the so-called inevitableness of the conflict 
 
removes responsibility for it from the shoulders of those who 
 plotted it and started it, the statement is neither correct nor 
 worthy of argument by honest minded men. A conflict has 
 been inevitable whenever in the history of the world brigands, 
 robbers or wild beasts have attacked the peaceful settlements 
 and homes of men who were trying to live their own lives in 
 their own way. As long as courage remains, conflicts under 
 such circumstances will be inevitable. But there is no room 
 in the code of men of honor for an excuse or apology of this 
 kind set up as a defense of the most outrageous violation of the 
 laws of humanity, and the most tremendous transgression of 
 the principles of morality and of national conduct that the 
 world has ever seen. 
 
 One argument to justify themselves, advanced by the pres- 
 ent leaders of German thought, is that might makes right ; that 
 therefore the German nation may possess itself of the posses- 
 sions of the weaker; and that the moral law which obtains 
 among individuals does not hold as between states, which are, 
 so to speak, beings of a different order of morality. We need 
 not go far to find evidence of the truth of this statement from 
 the mouths of the Germans themselves. For example, we are 
 told by the author of Gross-Deutschland, published in 1911, 
 that: "in the good old times it happened that a strong people 
 thrust a weak one out of its ancestral abode by wars of exter- 
 mination. Today everything goes on peaceably on this 
 wretched earth, and it is those who have profited who are for 
 peace. The little peoples and the remnants of a people have 
 invented a new word — that is international law. In reality it 
 is nothing else than their reckoning on our good-natured stu- 
 pidity Room ! they must make room ! Since we are 
 
 the stronger the choice will not be difficult/' 
 
 Again we are told, in a volume published in 1895, that: 
 
 "Germans alone will govern They alone will exercise 
 
 political rights; however, they will condescend so far as to 
 delegate inferior tasks to foreign subjects who live among 
 them." Still again, we are told : "Let no man say every peo- 
 ple has a right to its existence, its speech, etc. With this 
 saying in one's mouth one can easily appear civilized, but only 
 
 10 
 
so long as the respective peoples remain separated from one 
 another and do not stand in the way of a mightier one." The 
 writer of this fine piece of ethics goes on to say that if people 
 are not Germanic, and they are essentially aliens to Germanic 
 culture, the only question is : Are they in our way? "If they 
 are," he says, "to spare them would be folly." 
 
 We are told that "between states regarded as intelligent 
 beings disputes can be settled only by force." This idea was 
 advanced by Lasson as early as 1868. He was one of the pro- 
 fessors of philosophy at the University of Berlin, under whom, 
 doubtless, many American students have sat. He tells us, too, 
 in the same volume, that the state can realize itself only by the 
 destruction of other states, which, logically, can be brought 
 about only by violence. 
 
 Of course, in this conflict of states, the German is always 
 the best. Professor Haeckel, whose name was once honored 
 throughout the world, but who has joined the band of degraded 
 intellectuals who have thrown morality, common sense and 
 honesty to the winds, tells us that "One single, highly culti- 
 vated, German warrior of those who are, alas, falling in thou- 
 sands, represents a higher intellectual and moral life value 
 than hundreds of the raw children of nature whom England, 
 France, Russia and Italy oppose to them." The same ethics, 
 or lack of ethics, is shown in the remark of Karl Kuhn, of 
 Charlottenburg, who in philosophical ecstacy exclaims : "Must 
 kultur rear its domes over mountains of corpses, oceans of 
 tears and the death rattle of the conquered? Yes ; it must, . . . 
 The might of the conqueror is the highest law before which 
 the conquered must bow." 
 
 The state, we are told, need pay no attention to the moral 
 law. As long ago as 1906 the German doctrine was expounded 
 by various writers from whom I quote, as the right of might. 
 "By right of war the right of strange races to migrate into 
 Germanic settlements will be taken away. By right of war the 
 non-Germanic [population] in America and Great Australia 
 
 must be settled in Africa By right of war we can send 
 
 back the useless South American romance peoples and the 
 half-breeds to North Africa." 
 
 11 
 
Again, we are told that "There [in Livonia and Kurland] 
 no other course is open to us but to keep the subject race in as 
 unciviHzed a condition as possible, and thus prevent them from 
 becoming a danger to the handful of their conquerors." 
 
 In short, the inferior races, and all races are inferior to the 
 German, are to be excluded from political life. Their individ- 
 uality, their political, their lingual and their moral existence is 
 to be crushed. 
 
 At times they have been out-spoken and frank concerning 
 their designs on other countries. Twenty years ago, in 1897, 
 one writer, Bley, told his compatriots : "You cannot talk and 
 sing about an indefensible watch on the Rhine as long as the 
 Dutch and the Swiss do not sing the same tune." 
 
 "As for Belgium and Holland," Frymann told us in 1911,^ 
 "it must be clear to both that this [coming] war will deter- 
 mine their future. As matters in Europe have come to a head 
 one may freely avow that such little states have lost their right 
 to exist. For only that state can make a claim to indepen- 
 dence which can make it good, sword in hand." And with 
 shame be it said, there are Americans who have endorsed this 
 doctrine by writing essays to prove that Belgium is economi- 
 cally only an appanage of Germany and should be absorbed. 
 
 In 1901 we were told by another German that "Holland 
 must eventually be amalgamated with Germany, as both coun- 
 tries stand and fall together; the same language, ideals and 
 
 ideas distinguish both peoples, v/ho must be one But 
 
 Germany is in the position to dictate terms and to force Hol- 
 land economically to seek union and absorption." Still again,, 
 a distinguished German economist, speaking of Belgium, tells 
 the world that the "destinies of the immortal great nations 
 stand so high that they cannot but have the right, in case of 
 need, to strike every existence that cannot defend themselves, 
 but support themselves shamelessly upon the rivalries of the 
 great." 
 
 Under the policy of Bismarck, as I have said, German na- 
 tional unity was achieved through the establishment of the 
 Empire. After that his plan was to consolidate the various 
 German states, promote their unity of interests and ideals, and 
 
 12 
 
to live on good terms with his neighbors. Germany was sat- 
 isfied with the accomplishment of her unity, and Bismarck's 
 influence was largely and strongly thrown against extra-terri- 
 torial ambitions. But when the present Emperor came to the 
 throne and forced Bismarck's retirement, a change gradually 
 came over the mind of the German nation. As one writer, 
 Frymann, put it some years ago : "Since Bismarck retired 
 there has been a complete change of public opinion. It is not 
 longer proper to say Germany is satisfied. Our historical de- 
 velopment and our economic needs show that we are once 
 more hungry for territory, and this situation compels Germany 
 to follow paths unforeseen by Bismarck." 
 
 The ambition of the nation became the domination of Eu- 
 rope, on the ground that they needed more land for their grow- 
 ing population. They proceeded to argue that the land of the 
 world was practically all occupied. Everywhere we go, they 
 tell us, we find that the Englishman has been before us ; and, 
 they added, we know that America has begun the same land- 
 grabbing policy, by your seizure of the Philippines, your tute- 
 lage of Cuba and Central America. Therefore, they concluded, 
 we must tear the land from the possession of those who have it. 
 A simple illustration will make clear the ethics of this wonder- 
 ful proposition. In this country, since the adoption of the Con- 
 stitution until now, there has been abundance of land open 
 to settlement on easy terms, or for nothing. Hundreds of 
 thousands of enterprising citizens have gone in and occupied 
 the land, so that now our population reaches in an unbroken 
 stretch from ocean to ocean. Now there are no more oppor- 
 tunities. The present generation and the next and the next, 
 and all succeeding generations, will be born only to find the 
 land all occupied. They want it, however, as ardently as you 
 wanted, or as your fathers or grandfathers wanted it, when 
 they took up the government patent for the acres that now are 
 yours. What shall we think of a proposition that we who 
 have come later and find the land all occupied, shall now drive 
 you off because we, forsooth, in our opinion, can make a better 
 use of it? Yet this precisely is the proposition of the German 
 Empire. 
 
 13 
 
It became, then, an accepted doctrine of German foreign 
 policy, that neighboring small countries, Belgium, Denmark, 
 Holland and Switzerland should become a part of the German 
 Empire. Their lands were to be seized, whether the people 
 were willing or not. In addition, northern France was to be 
 taken so as to give the German Empire a sea line running from 
 Havre to the east end of Prussia. This perhaps was the first 
 form that their thoughts took, — an empire running therefore 
 from the western boundary of Russia south to Vienna and 
 west to the Atlantic ocean. 
 
 For one reason or another obstacles which they could not 
 or dared not try to surmount at the time prevented the early 
 fulfillment of this plan. But one of the remarkable features of 
 German policy is its elasticity. It was possible to accomplish 
 the purpose of domination in some other way. If an empire 
 cannot be established reaching from the Gulf of Riga to the 
 Bay of Biscay, one running from the North Sea to the Persian 
 Gulf, as the world has recently become aware, will serve the 
 purpose as well, — perhaps better! "The territory open to 
 future German expansion," Professor Hasse tells us, "must 
 extend from the North Sea to the Baltic and the Persian Gulf, 
 absorbing the Netherlands, Luxemburg, Switzerland, the 
 whole basin of the Danube, the Balkan Peninsula and Asia 
 Minor." So now the phrase "from the North Sea to the Per- 
 sian Gulf" has become the rallying cry of the Pan-Germans. 
 
 But one thing was only a stepping-stone to another. If, in 
 the first murderous onrush of her army in 1914, Germany had 
 succeeded in overrunning all of Belgium, and seizing the north- 
 ern part of France as far as Havre, or even Dieppe, she would 
 have been content for a time. For such an increase in terri- 
 tory, if she could keep it, would give her the means for 
 strengthening her army and navy for the next onslaught. For 
 rest assured, there is to be a next onslaught, as I will 
 show in another place, unless the world succeeds in destroying 
 German military autocracy. This territory would have served 
 as a stepping-stone for an aggression to realize the dream of an 
 empire to the Persian Gulf, and that in turn would have laid 
 the foundation for a new grip, reaching into Asia, for the con- 
 
 14 
 
trol of India and China. These are avowed purposes, as may 
 be learned from the works of many German writers. Failing 
 for the present to accomplish the seizure of the Atlantic lit- 
 toral from Antwerp west ; check-mated in the dream of "Berlin 
 to Bagdad" ; thrown out of the colonial empire which he pos- 
 sessed ; the German militarist now turns for enlargment of the 
 Empire by the seizure of Poland and of Russia territory as far 
 as the Gulf of Riga. It makes little difference where the foot- 
 hold is, so long as it is a larger foothold that will enable him 
 to prepare himself to deliver his next blow with mightier force. 
 "Land, more land," as the cry is expressed by Maximilian 
 Harden, who is now so frequently quoted by pacifist poltroons 
 among our own countrymen who are seeking peace at the ex- 
 pense of principle. Harden was one of the loudest shriekers 
 for blood at the beginning of the war, when prospects seemed 
 favorable to complete German success. Lately he has been 
 advocating what he calls a moderate policy, holding up to his 
 country the moderation of President Wilson and Lloyd- 
 George. Now that he sees that the purposes which he sup- 
 ported cannot be attained he is whining for the best mode of 
 escape. 
 
 But the establishment of this European empire was for the 
 purpose of furnishing another stepping-stone on which to 
 stand and dictate to the world. "Germany," we are told by 
 Pastor Lehmann, "is the center of God's plans for the world." 
 "Germany," another tells us, "as the preponderant power in a 
 Great-German league will v/ith this war attain world suprem- 
 acy." And still again, Nietzsche, writing thirty-three years 
 ago, tells us that "the time for petty politics is past, the next 
 century will bring the struggle for the dominion of the world." 
 It was in keeping with this purpose and plan that the Kaiser 
 declared some years ago to his people: "Our future lies on 
 the sea" ; that he and his associates in government planned a 
 great colonial empire. As another German professor tells us, 
 writing some years ago : "If we do not soon acquire new ter- 
 ritory a frightful catastrophe is inevitable. It signifies little 
 whether it be in Brazil, in Siberia, in Anatolia, or in South 
 Africa." Anywhere in the world they were ready to seize the 
 
 15 
 
best. They recognized no rights on the part of the existing 
 population. The fact that Germany wanted land gave her a 
 moral right to take it at the expense of the property and lives 
 of its present occupants, or of anybody else. "Let us," says 
 Karl Wagner, "let us bravely organize great forced migrations 
 
 of the inferior peoples The inefficient must be hemmed 
 
 in and at last driven into reserves where they have no room to 
 
 grow and where, discouraged and rendered indifferent 
 
 to the future by the spectacle of the superior energy of their 
 conquerors, they may crav/1 slowly towards the peaceful death 
 of weary and hopeless senility." 
 
 But the dough must be leavened before it can be baked. 
 Therefore Germans must be scattered over the world and 
 wherever possible brought together into localities which will 
 develop a German spirit and German point of view, and secure 
 a dominating influence on the public opinion and politics of the 
 country. Later on these groups will serve admirably as cen- 
 ters around which to organize new colonies under the German 
 flag! 
 
 These, then, are the main outlines of the plan of the Ger- 
 man autocracy to bring the world into subjection. Can any 
 man understand this plan and fail to see that its attainment 
 would strike at the roots of liberty, free government and de- 
 mocracy everywhere? The insidious influence and power of 
 autocracy v/ould be established in a multitude of centers scat- 
 tered over the globe, like the suckers on the tentacles of a 
 mighty devilfish, whose body rested on and drew its suste- 
 nance and strength from the main part of the autocratic em- 
 pire. Sensitive to every touch, its body v/ould react to throw 
 its strength wherever there was an opportunity to attach a 
 tentacle, or a sucker on a tentacle, to a new object that it could 
 absorb, and whose life it could destroy. There would be no 
 safety for a freedom-loving people anywhere on the globe, be- 
 cause these tentacles of influence and power would be contin- 
 ually reaching out and constantly growing. No nation, not 
 even our own, would have been able to stand up alone with any 
 assurance of ultimate success against such a power. At any 
 rate, ultimate success by us in such a struggle, when it came, 
 
 16 
 
would have had to be attained at a cost of life, form of govern- 
 ment, and all that democracies hold dear, which would have 
 made men pause and ask whether the struggle were worth 
 vv^hile. 
 
 Laying down as their fundamental and unchallengeable 
 premise that what the Germans want is right, and that since 
 they wish to expand, to seize other people's land and dominate 
 the world, they, as the chosen people of Almighty God, have 
 a right to do it; that no such word as ''wrong" can be recog- 
 nized in their vocabulary; the defendants of the monstrous pro- 
 gram of German autocracy make certain claims in their own 
 defense and certain complaints which we will proceed briefly 
 to examine. 
 
 Being very scientific, by a perversion of reasoning, they ar- 
 gue that what they call the biological law of life, the right of 
 the fittest to survive, confers upon the strong the right to ex- 
 tirpate the weak. They do not ask who is fittest to survive. 
 They beg the question by taking it for granted that the only 
 being fit to survive is the one endov/ed with brute strength. 
 They then confuse the exertion of brute force with moral right. 
 In short, in this matter they have followed the custom which 
 runs through all German political and philosophical as well as 
 psychological arguments. They first have made up their 
 minds what they want to establish, and then they interpret the 
 data which they have at hand in such a way as to sustain their 
 point. I have read a good deal of German political and eco- 
 nomic literature in the past fifteen years, and have been im- 
 pressed every time with this fact. They prove what they want 
 to prove, and show either a real indifference to the facts, or a 
 complete failure to realize that they are not on their side. 
 
 Concerning the German claim of their right to expand, it 
 may be said, in reply, that no country has ever objected to 
 receiving desirable members of the fatherland who in years 
 past have left her shores. No better citizens of our own coun- 
 try have come from any part of the world than those of Ger- 
 man stock. It would have been a great thing for German 
 moral and educational influence to spread over the civilized 
 world through the impress of the character and training of her 
 
 17 
 
sons and daughters. But this was not enough to satisfy the 
 autocratic government of the Empire. Wherever a German 
 goes he must still remain a German, and retain his connections 
 with the home government! The flag must be established 
 and the language spoken wherever Germans go! The right 
 to expansion in this sense is, of course, a right that the world 
 cannot grant. 
 
 With reference to the German claim that they are waging 
 a war of defense and not of conquest, it would be laughable if 
 it were not tragic, to see how they have shifted their ground. 
 The utterances of every spokesman of the Teutonic Empire at 
 the outbreak of the war, the literature of Germany for more 
 than a generation, her state of preparedness to wage war, and 
 her utter neglect to attempt to stay the beginning of war, are 
 all evidence that she entered the conflict with a desire, and pur- 
 pose, and intention, for conquest. To be sure, when she found 
 herself hemmed in and unable to advance further, especially 
 on the western front and, indeed, on the eastern, until the Rus- 
 sian collapse, then we find a change of tone. Through the 
 utterances of her spokesmen now there runs the note of that 
 whine which characterizes them in defeat. Some people "can- 
 not stand the gaff." They lack the spirit of sport. 
 
 Germany claims, as she has claimed for a generation, that 
 she has been forced to become a military state, to develop the 
 strongest army in the world in self-defense. "On the one 
 side," she says, "we are threatened with the eruption of the 
 barbarian hordes of Russia ; while on the other hostile peoples 
 hem us in. We must always be in a position to defend our- 
 selves." If Germany had developed her military strength only 
 far enough to enable her to repel attacks, the world might take 
 this view and sympathize with this argument, but she went 
 far beyond this. Of the danger of the Russian bogey and 
 French revenge, I shall speak later. 
 
 Again, Germany declares that one nation after another has 
 blocked her program of expansion, has kept her from finding 
 her "place in the sun." This tune has been harped on very 
 strongly, especially with reference to Great Britain, largely for 
 consumption in this country. We have been told with an iter- 
 
 18 
 
ation that has become tiresome, that Great Britain was trying 
 to prevent German commercial expansion, and throttle German 
 trade. There is not a scrap of proof in diplomatic correspon- 
 dence or political history since Germany became an empire 
 that lays a sufficient warrant for such a statement. Great 
 Britain is and has been a free-trade nation. Her ports have 
 been open to the ships of all the world on the same terms as 
 to her own. The ports of her independent colonies have been 
 open to the ships of all the world, including those of the 
 mother-country, on the same terms. All that the Germans 
 had to do was to do the service better and cheaper than the 
 British, and they could have the carrying trade of Canada, Aus- 
 tralia or Great Britain herself. The only possible ground for 
 taking any other view is that certain lines of British ships re- 
 ceived high pay, which some called subsidies, in return for 
 mail service, in order that the government might be at liberty 
 to take them over as cruisers in event of war. But these so- 
 called subsidies were for a few passenger lines traveling cer- 
 tain routes, and had no reference to the great mass of British 
 shipping. German steamship companies had docks in various 
 parts of the British Empire, including India, as well as in the 
 British Isles themselves. When, however, the German com- 
 plainants of alleged British monopoly forgot themselves, as 
 they did once in a while, they told the world that Germany was 
 driving British commerce from the seas ; that the world over 
 German trade was driving out British. Now both statements 
 could not be true. That is, it could not be true that Great 
 Britain was throttling German commercial expansion and at 
 the same time that German commerce was driving out British 
 all over the world. The truth is that neither statement was 
 correct. British trade during the years when her foreign crit- 
 ics and some of her own renegade people called her a decaying 
 nation, was advancing by leaps and bounds, as statistics will 
 show. So was that of Germany. And no one welcomed the 
 German expansion more frankly and cheerfully than did the 
 statesmen of Great Britain. When Germany was beginning 
 her colonial program in 1884, Mr, Gladstone said: "If Ger- 
 many is to become a colonizing power all I can say is God 
 
 19 
 
speed her." And Mr. Chamberlain added: "If foreign na- 
 tions are determined to pursue distant colonial enterprises we 
 have no right to prevent them." In 1911 Sir Edward Grey 
 said the same thing in almost the same words. Similar state- 
 ments are on record from authoritative British statesmen and 
 publicists with reference to German commerce. 
 
 No evidence has ever been produced to show that any one 
 or all of these countries had any designs upon the peaceful de- 
 velopment of the German Empire. The Entente Alliance be- 
 tween Great Britain, France and Russia was, on the other 
 hand, a measure entered into as a protection against threatened 
 German aggression. The policy of Germany was to sow dis- 
 sension among the other states of Europe, keeping them apart 
 while she herself maintained, through the Triple Alliance, a 
 solid barrier of force separating eastern Europe from western. 
 
 In order to create prejudice in her favor, German writers 
 have dwelt strongly upon the bogey of navalism, and when 
 militarism has been criticised have immediately brought out 
 this jack-in-the-box to make an impression. Unthinking or 
 prejudiced individuals among ourselves, not fully acquainted 
 with the facts, have been caught by the phrase. The world 
 has objected to German militarism in the sense that it was a 
 mighty military organization, created for the purposes of ag- 
 gression, and in ways that made its use for aggression not only 
 possible but almost certain. No such statement can be made 
 of the alleged British navalism. Search the history of the past 
 hundred years and you will find that the preponderant British 
 navy has been used not for the subjugation of alien peoples and 
 the imposition of foreign law upon unwilling subjects, but has 
 been engaged in suppressing piracy, in advancing the interests 
 of science, and in no case has been an aggressor. Nor can a 
 great naval power dominate in the same sense that a great 
 military power can do so. For it has been proven over and 
 over again, the latest instance being the Gallipoli campaign, 
 that navies cannot overcome land defenses and military power. 
 But the country which, with a strong navy, backed by a mighty 
 army, is able to effect a landing, can then use its military 
 strength for subjugation. The term "freedom of the seas" 
 
 20 
 
has been used to conjure with, and to attack British policy. 
 But the seas have been open and free, the British navy to the 
 contrary, to the ships of every nation for more than a hundred 
 years. Indeed, they have been open because of the British 
 navy. I have been often puzzled to understand just what the 
 Germans meant by the freedom of the seas. Lately, however, 
 I have run across the explanation. Here it is as recently given 
 in one of our newspapers : "In March, 1917, Count Reventlow 
 explained the phrase at a great meeting in the Berlin Phil- 
 harmonic Hall. On the authority of the Naval and Military 
 Record of England this bloodthirsty person thus put himself 
 on record : 'What does Germany understand by the freedom 
 of the seas? Of course we do not mean by it the free use of 
 the seas, which is the common privilege of all nations in time 
 of peace, or the right to the open highways of international 
 trade. That sort of freedom of the seas we had before the war. 
 What we understand today by this doctrine,' he continued, *is 
 that Germany should possess such maritime territories and 
 such naval bases that at the outbreak of war we should be able 
 with our navy reasonably ready, to guarantee ourselves the 
 command of the seas. We want such a jumping-off place for 
 our navy as would give us a fair chance of dominating the seas 
 and of being free on the seas during a war.' " 
 
 Again, the Germans have tried to create a prejudice against 
 Great Britain by harping upon the mightiness of the British 
 Empire. They have found it, in their writings and speeches, 
 rotten and ready to fall apart — because that was what they 
 wanted. It was amusing to me when I was in Germany to see 
 the assurance with which the Germans talked of misrule of 
 Great Britain in her colonies, and of the certainty with which 
 these colonies would desert her in her hour of trial. Their 
 conversation and their writings showed that they knew noth- 
 ing at all about the real facts of the situation. They had lis- 
 tened, as even some in our neighborhood here had listened and 
 taken at one hundred per cent value, the diatribes of a few dis- 
 contented foreigners. The answer to the criticism that the 
 British Empire should be broken up because it was a tyranny 
 has been found in the glorious response of the Empire in this 
 war. 9-j^ 
 
As I have already said, another claim of the Germans in de- 
 fense of their program of expansion was that Russia was a 
 menace to her. Slav barbarism threatens to overwhelm us, 
 they said. Our ignorance of real conditions in Russia made it 
 easy for us to believe this. But the claim could be shown to 
 be in large measure untrue. Without, however, entering into 
 the merits of that question, it is sufficient to point out that on 
 this point as on others the German statements were inconsis- 
 tent. While professing a fear of Slav domination, they con- 
 stantly expressed contempt for Russia's military strength. 
 They had no reason to fear her if they were not afraid of her 
 army. 
 
 At another time it was France that blocked the way of this 
 chosen people of God in their program of robbery and murder. 
 Therefore, France must be punished, and in their phrase "bled 
 white" beyond recovery. I will not insult your intelligence 
 by answering this claim. 
 
 Finally, in order that the world and posterity might be sat- 
 isfied that she was a much abused and deeply wronged nation 
 by all the rest of the world, Germany told us that the United 
 States of America has been in recent years following a policy 
 that blocked her way. "What do you people want with the 
 Philippines?" is the question that was frequently asked of 
 Americans in the days immediately following the Spanish war. 
 Germany went as far as she dared during our Spanish war to 
 impede our operations, and to secure the Philippine Islands 
 for herself. She secured a foothold in the Samoan Islands, and 
 attempted to secure one in Venezuela. 
 
 In short, in seeking to attain her aim of world domination 
 Germany has planned to absorb her small neighbors and de- 
 stroy the British Empire, to inculcate propaganda favorable to 
 herself in every country where her interests could be subserved 
 thereby. She has established agencies for corrupting and un- 
 dermining public opinion in every country of the globe where 
 her plans could thereby be furthered. She has established 
 through her emigrants in different countries groups strong 
 enough to dominate opinion and action, or to try to set up in 
 time a new state under German Government, as in Brazil. She 
 
 22 
 
3ias used the gains of every war and every diplomatic struggle 
 as the basis for future aggression. She has permitted nothing 
 to be done in world politics for twenty years without insisting 
 on having her "share," whether she had an interest in the par- 
 ticular matter or not. She shook her mailed fist at Morocco 
 and rattled her sword at Manila. She has insidiously tried to 
 destroy the industrial and commercial plants of other coun- 
 tries, and undermine their economic and social organization. 
 She has stirred up internal dissensions by bribery and the dis- 
 semination of falsehoods, and has even gone so far as to stir 
 up foreign enemies against countries which supposed she was 
 their friend. 
 
 Not only has the German autocracy thrown the shadow of 
 its sinister designs across the path of the world's progress, but 
 in its immediate methods of carrying out its purposes, it has 
 crucified humanity and has violated every principle of kindli- 
 ness and righteousness. Under the instruction of their mili- 
 tary staff, the German army went into Belgium and northern 
 France with the avowed purpose of so terrorizing the inhabi- 
 tants that the world would be afraid to oppose the Germans. 
 The belief on their part that such was human nature not only 
 casts a reflection on their good sense, but makes one v/onder 
 v/hether they themselves are the kind of people they thought 
 the rest of us were. In their conduct of the war they have 
 defied and broken treaties and international law whenever and 
 wherever it suited their purpose, and they stand today before 
 the judgment bar of God and men as a people forsworn. They 
 have violated every moral principle, in the commission of rob- 
 bery, murder and rape. Neither age, sex nor condition has 
 been a protection against their violence. Old men, women 
 and even babes in arms — -it made no difference, all must be 
 trampled in the march of their glorious army. It would have 
 been bad enough if such conduct had gone only so far as it 
 could be defended reasonably on military grounds, if ever mili- 
 tary grounds require such conduct; but no shadow of excuse 
 that will stand the test of a moment's thought can be brought 
 forward that v/ill justify the treatment of Belgium and of 
 northern France. The evidence is abundant and unimpeach- 
 
 23 
 
able. We need not seek the testimony of outsiders. We need 
 rely only on the private diaries of German soldiers and officers, 
 official proclamations and the photographs of the outraged, the 
 dead and the dying. 
 
 They have destroyed private property and desolated the 
 country that they have occupied — even while prating about 
 the sacredness of private property at sea ! No one who knows 
 them and their program doubts for a moment that this is done 
 in accordance with official plans for the very purpose of mak- 
 ing it impossible for a desolated land to be their competitors in 
 the future. "Anybody who knows the present state of things 
 in Belgian industry will agree with me," says Deputy Beumer 
 of the Prussian Diet, "that it must take at least some years — 
 assuming that Belgium is independent at all — before Belgium 
 can even think of competing with us in the world market. And 
 anybody who has traveled, as I have done, through the occu- 
 pied districts of France, will agree with me that so much dam- 
 age has been done to industrial property that no one need be 
 a prophet in order to say that it will take more than ten years 
 before we need think of France as a competitor or of the re- 
 establishment of French industry." Here, then, we have the 
 real motive of the utter desolation which the Germans have 
 wrought in the occupied territory. 
 
 Again, contrary to international law and the custom of war, 
 for generations, they have resorted to the practices of the Mid- 
 dle Ages by imposing fines on conquered and occupied cities. 
 
 They have violated the treaties of generations, the conduct 
 of honorable soldiers, the law of nations, and the tenets of 
 modern civilization by seizing hostages, making them respon- 
 sible for the acts of other people, and murdering them to suit 
 their pleasure. 
 
 They have violated military law by killing unofficial civil- 
 ians. They have violated military law, international law, their 
 own specific pledges, and the law of humanity, by using civil- 
 ians, including even women and children, as screens before 
 their advancing soldiers in battle. They have outraged the 
 conscience of the world, violated international agreement and 
 set civilization back, by restoring slavery through the deporta- 
 
 '24 
 
tion of defenseless inhabitants of conquered territory, tearing 
 them from their families and transporting them to work in Ger- 
 many or elsewhere. 
 
 Through their piratical submarine attacks they have vio- 
 lated international law, restored piracy and committed murder, 
 even of neutrals on peaceful ships, innocent travelers, — men, 
 women, girls, boys and babes in arms. 
 
 They have gone back to the war practices of five centuries 
 ago by their cowardly use of poison gases that inflict the most 
 awful tortures, so that their opponents are more than justified 
 in the moderate criticism which they have made, that the Ger- 
 mans are "not clean fighters." 
 
 They have been guilty of inhumanity and violating law by 
 killing the wounded, by attacking hospitals and Red Cross am- 
 bulances, and by attacking undefended cities. They have 
 placed themselves in the same class with the fanatical Turks, 
 by condoning the massacre of Armenians. Do you doubt the 
 truth of these statements? Out of their own mouths again, 
 judge them. 
 
 I give a single instance out of many in each case. As to 
 robbery : "After living about a week in a chateau near Liege, 
 His Royal Highness, Prince Eitel Fritz, the Duke of Bruns- 
 wick, and another nobleman of less importance, had all the 
 dresses that could be found in the wardrobes belonging to the 
 lady of the house and her daughters packed before their own 
 eyes and sent to Germany." 
 
 As to incendiarism : "The village was surrounded and the 
 soldiers posted one yard apart so that no one could escape. 
 Then the Uhlans set fire to the place one house after another. 
 No man, woman or child could possibly escape. Any one try- 
 ing to escape was shot." 
 
 As to murder, here is one case: "All the villagers fled. 
 The dead were all buried, numbering 60. Among them were 
 
 many old men and women Three children were clasped 
 
 in each others arms and had died thus." 
 
 As to outrages on women and children, I dare not quote. 
 
 As to killing the wounded, I need but recall the order of 
 General Stenger : "No prisoners are to be taken. All prison- 
 ers, whether wounded or not, must be slaughtered." 
 
 25 
 
As to sheltering themselves behind women and others ins 
 battle, hear Lieut. Eberlein: **I made them sit on chairs in; 
 
 the middle o£ the street The civilians whom they had. 
 
 put in the same way in the middle of the street were killed by^ 
 French bullets. I saw their dead bodies." 
 
 As to killing prisoners, I have already quoted General 
 Stenger. 
 
 As to being liars about their conduct, I need not quote- 
 Read almost any statement of their military chiefs or of any 
 pro-German. 
 
 As to the deportation of civilians, and the restoration of 
 slavery on a scale unparalleled since the days of the Calmuck 
 Tartars, read the statements of your own Ambassador Gerard 
 and other Americans who were on the ground. 
 
 Then as to the general character of their procedure in the 
 conduct of the war, listen to the testimony of one of our own 
 distinguished fellow-citizens, Mr. F. C. Walcott, one of Mr. 
 Hoover's staff in Belgium. 
 
 A year ago I went to Poland to learn its facts con- 
 cerning the remnant of a people that had been deci- 
 mated by war. The country had been twice devas- 
 tated. First the Russian army swept through it and 
 then the Germans. Along the roadside from Warsaw 
 to Pinsk, the present firing line 230 miles, near half a 
 million people had died of hunger and cold. The way 
 was strewn with their bones picked clean by the 
 crows. With their usual thrift, the Germans were 
 collecting the larger bones to be milled into fertilizer, 
 but finger and toe bones lay on the ground with the 
 mud covered and rain soaked clothing. 
 
 Wicker baskets were scattered along the way — 
 the basket in which the baby swings from the rafters 
 in every peasant home. Every mile there were scores 
 of them, each one telling a death. I started to count, 
 but after a little I had to give it up, there were so 
 many. 
 
 That is the desolation one saw along the great 
 road from Warsaw to Pinsk, mile after mile, more 
 than two hundred miles. They told me a million 
 people were made homeless in six weeks of the Ger- ^ 
 
 26 
 
man drive in August and September, 1916. They 
 told me four hundred thousand died on the way 
 
 In the refugee camps, 300,000 survivors of the 
 flight were gathered by the Germans, members of 
 broken families. They were lodged in jerry-built 
 barracks, scarcely water-proof, unlighted, unwarmed 
 in the dead of winter. Their clothes, where the but- 
 tons were lost, were sewed on. There were no con- 
 veniences, they had not even been able to wash for 
 weeks. Filth and infection from vermin were spread- 
 ing. They were famished, their daily ration a cup of 
 soup and a piece of bread as big as my fist 
 
 In that situation, the German commander 
 
 issued a proclamation. Every able-bodied Pole was 
 bidden to Germany to work. If any refused, let no 
 other Pole give him to eat, not so much as a mouthful, 
 under penalty of German military law. 
 
 This is the choice the German Government gives 
 to the conquered Pole, to the husband and father of a 
 starving family : Leave your family to die or survive 
 as the case may be. Leave your country which is de- 
 stroyed, to work in Germany for its further destruc- 
 tion. If you are obstinate, we shall see that you surely 
 starve. 
 
 Staying with his folk, he is doomed and they are 
 not saved ; the father and husband can do nothing for 
 them, he only adds to their risk and suffering. Leav- 
 ing them, he will be cut off from his family, they may 
 never hear from him again nor he from them. Ger- 
 many will set him to work that a German workman 
 may be released to fight against his own land and peo- 
 ple. He shall be lodged in barracks, behind barbed 
 wire entanglements, under armed guard. He shall be 
 scantily fed and his earnings shall be taken from him 
 to pay for his food. 
 
 That is the choice which the German Government 
 offers to a proud, sensitive, high-strung people. Death 
 or slavery. 
 
 When a Pole gave me that proclamation, I was 
 boiling. But I had to restrain myself. I was prac- 
 tically the only foreign civilian in the country and I 
 wanted to get food to the people. That was what I 
 was there for and I must not for any cause jeopardize 
 
 27 
 
the undertaking. I asked Governor General von 
 Beseler, "Can this be true?" 
 
 "Really, I cannot say," he replied, "I have signed 
 so many proclamations ; ask General von Kries." 
 
 So I asked General von Kries. "General, this is a 
 civilized people. Can this be true?" 
 
 "Yes," he said, "it is true" — with an air of adding. 
 Why not? 
 
 I dared not trust myself to speak; I turned to go. 
 "Wait," he said. And he explained to me how Ger- 
 many, official Germany, regards the state of subject 
 peoples. 
 
 This, then, men and women of America, is, so far, the story. 
 Let us turn back, quietly still, and read a little history. 
 
 The writings of many Germans make it clear that the an- 
 ticipated success in the present war was to be a basis for future 
 action against ourselves. Sixteen years ago a professor of 
 history in the Royal Academy in Posen and the Academy 
 in Berlin, Dr. Hotsch, wrote: "The most dangerous foe of 
 Germany in this generation will prove to be the United 
 States." Lieut. Edelscheim wrote, in 1901 : "Operations against 
 the United States of North America must be entirely different. 
 With that country in particular political friction manifest in 
 commercial aims has not been lacking in recent years, and has 
 until now been removed chiefly through acquiescence on our 
 part. However, as this submission has its limit, the question 
 arises as to what means we can develop to carry out our pur- 
 pose with force in order to combat the encroachments of the 
 United States upon our interests If the German invad- 
 ing force were equipped and ready for transporting the mo- 
 ment the battle fleet is dispatched under average conditions, 
 these corps can begin operations on American soil within at 
 
 least four weeks The United States at this time is not 
 
 in a position to oppose our troops with an army of equal rank. 
 
 As a matter of fact, Germany is the only great power 
 
 which is in a position to conquer the United States." 
 
 Still another writer, in 1897, expressed the opinion that 
 "the Monroe doctrine lacks as yet a justification in the unified 
 
 , 28 
 
character of the people" ! Still another tells us : "It is there- 
 fore the duty of every one who loves languages to see that the 
 future language spoken in America shall be German." 
 
 In 1903 Vollert wrote : "From all this it appears that the 
 
 Monroe doctrine cannot be justified And so it remains 
 
 only what we Europeans almost universally consider it, an 
 impertinence." So distinguished an authority as the econo- 
 mist Schmoller wrote some years ago : "We most desire that 
 at any cost a German country containing some 20 or 30 million 
 
 Germans may grow up in the coming century in Brazil 
 
 Unless our connection with Brazil is always secured by ships 
 of war, and unless Germany is able to exercise pressure there 
 our development is threatened." 
 
 Another professor of political economy (Schulze-Gaever- 
 nitz) wrote in 1898 : "The more Germany is condemned to 
 an attitude of peaceful resistance toward the United States, 
 the more emphatically must she defend her interests in Central 
 and South America where she today occupies an authoritative 
 
 position For this purpose we need a fleet capable not 
 
 only of coping with the miserable forces of South American 
 states but powerful enough if the need should arise to cause 
 Americans to think twice before making any attempt to apply 
 an economic Monroe doctrine in South America. Still again, 
 we are told by another that it depends on the political situation 
 when Germany shall take possession of a harbor in Venezuela. 
 Before doing so, however, this writer tells his fellow-country- 
 men that they should determine first whether they are to ac- 
 quiesce in the American order of "hands off in South America." 
 
 In 1904 Friedrich Lange asserted that all the republics of 
 South America would accept the advice of the German Govern- 
 ment and listen to reason, either voluntarily or under coercion, 
 while two years later another wrote that not only North Amer- 
 ica but the whole of America must become perhaps the strong- 
 est fortress of the Germanic races. This is one of the writers 
 who advocated the sending of people of non-Germanic blood 
 now living in South America to Africa so as to have "a free 
 South America for those of Germanic blood." This was twelve 
 years ago. At about the same time another aspirant for his 
 
 29 
 
country's expansion told the world that Germany would take 
 under her protection the republics of Argentina, Chile, Uru- 
 guay and Paraguay, and other parts of South America where 
 Germans had settled predominantly. 
 
 Still again, in 1915, Professor Hettner of Heidelberg told 
 his countrymen that in treating with America German public 
 opinion was to some extent lacking in courage. "Just because 
 the United States has set up the Monroe doctrine to exclude 
 Europeans from America it does not follow that we should 
 acquiesce in that doctrine." 
 
 Throwing a flood of light on the opinions which I have 
 quoted concerning the attitude of Germany towards the United 
 States, is the story told by Major N. A. Bailey and published 
 in the New York Tribune, August 11, 1915. It is as follows: 
 "At the close of the Spanish-American War, I was returning 
 on the Santee — I think it was — from Santiago, Cuba, to Mon- 
 
 tauk Point On board there was a military attache from 
 
 Germany, Count von Goetzen, a personal friend of the Kaiser. 
 Apropos of a discussion between Count von Goetzen and my- 
 self on the friction between Admiral Dewey and the German 
 Admiral at Manila, von Goetzen said to me: 'About 15 years 
 from now my country will start her great war. She will be in 
 Paris in about two months after the commencement of hostil- 
 ities. Her move on Paris will be but a step to her real object 
 — the crushing of England. Everything will move like clock- 
 work. We will be prepared and others will not be prepared. 
 I speak of this because of the connection which it will have 
 with your own country. Some months after we finish our 
 work in Europe we will take New York and probably Wash- 
 ington and hold them for some time. We will put your coun- 
 try in its place with reference to Germany. We do not pur- 
 pose to take any of your territory, but we do intend to take a 
 billion or more dollars from New York and other places. The 
 Monroe doctrine will be taken charge of by us, as we will 
 then have put you in your place, and we will take charge of 
 South America, as far as we want to.' " 
 
 Finally, we have to bear in mind the remark of the gentle- 
 man who has several times proclaimed that he took his stand 
 
 30 
 
beside his allies in shining armor, the Emperor himself. Am- 
 bassador Gerard tells us that in conversation with him the 
 Emperor repeatedly said : "America had better look out after 
 this war," and "I shall stand no nonsense from America after 
 the War." 
 
 The sentiments that have been described above have come 
 to the surface on several occasions in the history of the past 
 two decades. The story of the attitude and interference of the 
 German Admiral Diedrichs with the operations of Admiral 
 Dewey and his attempt, without success, to persuade the Brit- 
 ish Admiral to take the same view, are well known. Yet 
 Chancellor von Bulow, speaking in the Reichstag in 1899 evi- 
 dently approved the truculent attitude of his Admiral. He 
 said among other things, that the need of Germany for coaling 
 stations was most clearly indicated at the time of the Spanish- 
 American war, and that the introduction in the Reichstag of a 
 bill for the increase of the German navy was justified by the 
 occurrences of the Spanish-American war, the disturbances in 
 Samoa and the war in South Africa. 
 
 In connection with the Spanish war, not only did the Ger- 
 man Admiral by his actions show contempt for the American 
 fleet, but he gave indirect aid to our enemy ; he interfered as far 
 as he dared in an obstructive way in the operations of Dewey's 
 fleet, and tried the patience of our Admiral almost to the break- 
 ing point. Later on the same commander in the same cruiser, 
 the Panther, slipped into a harbor of Venezuela and en- 
 deavored to get a foothold there. German influence has been 
 thrown against the construction and the control of the Panama 
 Canal by ourselves and against the purchase by us of the 
 Danish West India Islands. 
 
 In spite of this fearful indictment, in spite of this long series 
 of truculent acts against every people in the world who were 
 imagined by German leaders to stand in their way, we still 
 find some of our people asking why we went into the war ! We 
 went in for a variety of reasons. 
 
 In the first place, we were called on as one of the leaders 
 of humanity to take a stand in defense of civilization, right- 
 eousness and law. When our forefathers published the Decla- 
 
 31 
 
ration of Independence they said that among other reasons for 
 issuing their statement was a decent respect for the opinions 
 of mankind. No such respect has been shown by the German 
 Government in this war, or the incidents that preceded it. Has 
 a man no duty when he sees his neighbor beaten, robbed or 
 murdered? Has a people, a country, a nation no duty to act 
 when it sees the principles for which it stands trampled to the 
 earth; and its neighbors maltreated, robbed and murdered? 
 Has a nation no duty, nay, has a nation no interest to protect, 
 when it sees principles and practices antagonistic to its own ex- 
 istence established in a neighboring community? The answer 
 is given in our own Declaration of Independence when the 
 writers said that one of the causes for rebelling was the 
 attempt of the king of Great Britain to establish in a neighbor- 
 ing province a government that would be inimical to our own. 
 Every principle and precept of humanity, the duty to defend 
 righteousness and law among nations, every interest involved 
 in the maintenance of our own democratic form of govern- 
 ment, called us to join in this war. 
 
 Again, were we to stand apart when the moral sense of the 
 world was outraged by the murder and oppression of the peo- 
 ple of Belgium and northern France? What defense can a 
 man or a nation offer if he stands passive and silently acquies- 
 ces in such deeds as the massacre of the Armenians, the Ser- 
 bians and the Poles, and the enslavement of the Belgians? Is 
 it worthy of a free people to refuse to resent such things as the 
 murder of Edith Cavell, or Captain Fryatt, or the innocent 
 travelers on the Lusitania? 
 
 We said we went to war with Spain to free the people of 
 Cuba from tyranny and misery and give them an opportunity 
 to live as freemen. That is a humanitarian motive. Did we 
 lie? If we did not, then such a motive justifies our entry into 
 this war. 
 
 But there are more important reasons for our intervention. 
 Our pride and national dignity have been insulted by the 
 system of propaganda which has undertaken to corrupt and 
 undermine our public opinion, to falsify and to destroy our 
 political and moral ideals, to interfere with our industry and 
 
 32 
 
trade by the destruction, at the risk of life, of industrial and 
 other establishments. As a far-seeing people we are called 
 on to interpose ourselves to prevent the growth of an auto- 
 cratic government to a point of strength where at its leisure 
 and pleasure it can defy that Monroe doctrine which we have 
 regarded as one of the greatest safeguards of liberty in the 
 western hemisphere. 
 
 But even more specifically : We were insultingly told that 
 we must not sell munitions of war. Apparently it was the high 
 prerogative of the German nation to do this to any belligerent, 
 but we might not do it if it injured or even displeased the 
 German autocracy. We patiently pleaded our cause, showing 
 the reasons for our action. The German Government tried to 
 stir up internal sentiment against us. She then issued her 
 edicts about shipping. We protested against attacks on neutral 
 ships by submarines and particularly against the sinking of 
 neutral vessels or of any vessel in ways contrary to maritime 
 international law endangering the lives of the crew and pas- 
 sengers. Pretending to acquiesce, the German Government 
 waited for an opportune time, when she had increased the 
 number of her submarines, and then defied the request and the 
 wish of the United States. She sent to an untimely death inno- 
 cent children and women as well as men, and in too many 
 instances her submarine commanders sank vessels in such a 
 way as to make it almost impossible for passengers or crew 
 to survive. "Sink them so that not a trace will be left behind" 
 seems to have been the order of other representatives of the 
 German Government than the fool who spoke for it in Buenos 
 Aires. "Public policy prompted by the emotions is stupidity. 
 Humanitarian dreams are imbecility. Diplomatic charity be- 
 gins at home. Statesmanship is business. Right and wrong 
 are notions indispensable in private life. The German people 
 are always right because they number 87,000,000 souls." 
 
 But why prolong the horrible story? If in the face of the 
 evidence easily accessible to all, and only part of which I have 
 touched upon, there is any one among us who still is in doubt 
 about the wisdom and necessity of our entering the war, then 
 he would not listen if the country were covered with the in- 
 
 33 
 
vaders and we were experiencing the same ruthlessness that 
 has befallen the people of Belgium, Serbia, Poland, Armenia 
 and France. If any one now does not believe that it has been 
 the set purpose of the imperial German Government to domi- 
 nate the earth, to destroy democracy and establish autocracy, 
 then he too must be one of those 87 million German people 
 who are always right because they are German. 
 
 Therefore, fellow-citizens, in going to Europe to fight side 
 by side with glorious Britain, heroic France and courageous 
 Italy, we are simply defending our own shores, our own lives, 
 our own families. For it is as clear as the sunlight that if 
 German autocracy succeeds in establishing its aims on the con- 
 tinent of Europe, the Republic of America will be the next 
 victim. And if we had not undertaken to stem the rising tide 
 of slavery and terror on the other side of the Atlantic we would 
 have found it necessary to do it on this side alone. It would 
 not have been only the burning of New York, or Boston, or 
 Washington, or Charleston ; it would not have been only the 
 imposition of fines and indemnities of billions of dollars; it 
 would not have meant merely the destruction of our property 
 and the robbery of our sustenance ; it would have meant the 
 dishonor or the death, or both, of those who are dear to us; 
 it would have meant the destruction of that great national 
 spirit and national organization which has been established 
 and cemented by the blood of our fathers ; it would have meant 
 the turning back of the liberty of the individual and the world 
 to the conditions of five centuries ago ; it would have meant the 
 blotting out of that spirit of freedom, that spirit of indepen- 
 dence, that spirit of duty, that spirit of high idealism, which 
 we like to characterize as American ; it would have meant that 
 instead of America's being, as she always has been, the hope 
 of the world, she would take her place among the beaten and 
 degraded and enslaved nations under the heel of an emperor 
 who claims to represent God, and whose shining armor, no 
 longer shining, but begrimed with the blood of the innocent 
 and the weak, is still waving his sword in defiance of law and 
 order and right. 
 
 84 
 
Think about these things. Go home, look at your barns, 
 and remember that if "This Thing" comes to our shores it will 
 be well for you to burn them before the invader does. Look at 
 your crops and your trees. If he reaches our shores cut them 
 down and burn them. It will be better to do that than to let 
 them fall into his hands. Look at your wife and your daugh- 
 ters, and be ready to follow the example of Virginius, in an- 
 cient Rome. For it were better that they were dead. Think 
 of the liberty you have enjoyed, and choose to lie dead rather 
 than give it up. Think of the country of which you are a part 
 and which your fathers and yourself have helped to build up, 
 and make up your mind to lay it desolate in universal ruin 
 according to your own way, because if you do not and are 
 beaten it will be done in the invader's way. 
 
 To prevent these things is our task. "To such a task," in 
 the words of our great President, "we can dedicate our lives 
 and our fortunes, everything that we are, and everything 
 that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day 
 has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and 
 her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness 
 and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she 
 can do no other." 
 
 I see a vision! "I see a drumhead court-martial.^ I see an 
 English woman, tall, sweet-faced and pale. I see her calm 
 
 under the lash of words of torment I see her led away. 
 
 I see her blindfolded as six men with rifles step away. 
 
 I see the garments torn, exposing her left breast so that they 
 v/ill need no other white mark to reach her heart. I hear a 
 command. I hear a report. A form crumples into a grave, and 
 a soul takes flight to the God that gave it." 
 
 But wait. My eye turns back to our own land. A mes- 
 senger boy with a thin yellow envelope in his hand has just 
 entered a quiet cottage in central Illinois. The messenger 
 leaves. The father and mother sit alone dry eyed and still. 
 By and by the woman, rising, goes to her husband and taking 
 one lapel of his coat in each hand she shakes him fiercely, and 
 
 Trom "The Cross of Gold," by C. F. Johnson, Twin Falls, Idaho. 
 
 35 
 
says : "John, they have killed my boy in France, and I want 
 you to DO SOMETHING." So when 500,000 more or less 
 are murdered in France, and parents begin to go all over the 
 nation saying "They have killed my boy in France, won't you, 
 and you, and you, do something?" we will plow, and dig, and 
 mine, and nail, and work, and think, and pray and fight. And 
 still the call will ring in our ears : They've killed my boy in 
 France; won't you do something? and, by the Eternal God, 
 we will! 
 
 36 
 
MOBILIZATION FOR FOOD PRODUCTION 
 
 A PLAN FOR 
 
 CIVIL-MILITARY SERVICE 
 
 TO INSURE AN ADEQUATE FOOD SUPPLY FOR THE UNITED 
 STATES AND WESTERN EUROPE 
 
 Proposed by the University of Illinois 
 
 Prepared by the Faculty of the College of Agriculture and the 
 Department of Economics 
 
 This Plan is based upon the following facts: 
 
 1. The present production of food in the United States is not 
 increasing in proportion to the increase in population. 
 
 2. In going to war, the production of food is our strongest asset, 
 particularly in view of the reduced food production in Canada and in 
 western Europe, 
 
 3. The experience of all time indicates that every nation in going 
 to war puts men into active military service without regard to the 
 disturbance of basic industrial conditions, even the production of the 
 food of the people. 
 
 4. Indiscriminate enlistment from the farms with no plan for 
 labor replacement is certain to reduce food production below the level 
 of positive need, for we already have two lean years behind us and 
 under present conditions of a hungry world continued shortage may 
 mean disaster. 
 
 5. If an adequate food supply is to be assured, tJie military plan 
 must include an enlistment for food production as definite as for service 
 at tJie front. From the first the Department of War should as rigor- 
 ously protect the food production as it does any other means of 
 national defense. 
 
 6. Anything like limiting the food of the people is wholly un- 
 necessary if reasonable attention be given to the business of produc- 
 tion. America has land enough, if it is properly handled, to feed both 
 
herself and w estem Europe ; besides, more men would be required to 
 enforce a police restriction of food than would be required to turn a 
 scarcity into an abundance. 
 
 7. For years labor has been deserting the land and building up 
 conditions of employment that the farmer cannot meet, for it is impos- 
 sible to conduct a farm upon the eight-hour plan and according to 
 union rules. The typical family of five cannot work to the best ad- 
 vantage the typical farm of one hundred and twenty to two hundred 
 and forty acres, and the farmer has reached the limit in the use of 
 machinery and in the employment of his children to replace the hired 
 help that has gone to the city. Any plan to be safe, therefore, must 
 not only make good the enlistment from the country, but must actually 
 add to the present labor supply of the farmer. 
 
 DETAIL PROCEDURE 
 
 I. Registration. — Register every farm operator, whether owner, 
 tenant, or manager, together with the number of acres of tillable land, 
 pasture, and timber ; the men he usually employs, including his sons, 
 and the number of men he would need to employ in order to insure 
 maximum crops, 
 
 II. Enlistment. — Enlist in the Civil-Military Service and under 
 military pay the following classes : 
 
 1. Men above military age, especially with farm experience. 
 
 2. Men of military age and of good health but either 
 
 permanently or temporarily unfit for war service at 
 the front. 
 
 3. Boys from fifteen to eighteen years of age, whether from 
 
 the country or from the city. 
 
 ni. Training Camp Farms 
 
 1. Establish at convenient points on land rented by the 
 government and suitable for intensive farming, military camps where 
 the enlisted men not otherwise employed (see under Employment) may 
 be gathered and housed, such farms to be devoted to the raising of 
 crops requiring a maximum amount of hand labor, such as vegetables, 
 small fruits, cotton, and tobacco. 
 
 2. Erect at these centers facilities for drying and canning 
 Buch food products for preservation and for transportation. 
 
IV. Employment 
 
 1. On farms: The largest asset for food production is the 
 thousands of farms already organized under the management of ex- 
 perienced farmers, each with an independent business operating thru 
 established channels of trade. Here should go the maximum of the 
 enlisted men, and the camps should be ready at all times to furnish 
 lists of available help, it being understood that men under employment 
 by the farmer are on furlough and off government pay, receiving from 
 the farmer the ''going wage" of the locality, dependent upon the work 
 the man or the boy is able to do. All such enlisted men should be re- 
 ported from time to time as may be required by the military authorities. 
 
 It should be understood as a part of the plan that an en- 
 listed man having taken service with a farmer and becoming dissatis- 
 fied may return to the camp and the lower wage, or if he is unable to 
 give satisfaction he may be discharged, in which case he must return 
 at once to camp. 
 
 2. Enlisted men not employed on private farms should be 
 at the camp farms under military discipline, but under agricultural 
 leadership ; such men to devote their first attention to the production 
 of food under the direction of an agricultural leader, chosen in each 
 case for his ability in the particular kind of farming followed at this 
 special camp. 
 
 The plan of farming should be such as to afford time for 
 regular military drill for those of military age and below, not only 
 for the welfare of the camp, but in order to afford preparation for such 
 as are going to the front as soon as their age limitations or physical 
 disabilities are removed. In general, men of military age and above 
 without farm experience should be quartered in regions engaged in 
 intensive farming where oversight is possible. 
 
 As the camp is depleted by members entering the active 
 military service, its numbers should be systematically replenished by 
 new enlistments. 
 
 Registration or enlistment for Civil-Military Service 
 should be considered as truly patriotic as any service, and such enlist- 
 ment should be made attractive thru formal recognition, as by uni- 
 forms and the use of special organizations, ranks, and degrees of 
 efficiency, even promotion and commissions. Especially is this true for 
 the younger men and boys. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS i 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 210 
 
 THE FARM MACHINERY SITUATION 
 
 By E. A. WHITE^ 
 
 In answer to the call for more food, the citizens of Illinois will 
 plant every square foot of ground possible in 1918. To accomplish 
 this end, farm machinery is a necessity, and it becomes a patriotic 
 duty as never before to give attention to the early purchasing and 
 care of implements. The United States Government has ol^cially 
 recognized the necessity of farm machinery by giving to the raw ma- 
 terials for its manufacture a rating in Class Bl, next to the materials 
 for munitions. It noAv devolves upon us to rise to the occasion and do 
 our "best" to insure that w^e go into the fields this coming spring 
 mechanically equipped for the great drive. 
 
 An Adequate Supply of Machinery Is Necessary. — The present 
 labor shortage can be partially offset by an adequate supply of ma- 
 chinery to insure the proper planting, cultivating and harvesting of 
 a large crop. Stock should be taken of the machines on hand, keeping 
 in mind the labor conditions and the crops wdiich should be planted. 
 If there is any possible doubt of a sufficient supply being on hand, 
 take a trip to the dealers and order what may be necessary. Look 
 over new machines, and see if there is not some new implement 
 which could be used to advantage. ; ■ ■' ' 
 
 ^Assistant Professor of Farm Mechanics, College of Agriculture. 
 
2 Circular No. 210 {February, 
 
 Order New Machines Now. — If a new machine is needed, pur- 
 chasing should not be put off until the season opens. Order it now. 
 The best authorities agree that prices will not be lower. Transporta- 
 tion is very slow. The dealers, fearing retrenchment on the part of 
 the users, are reluctant to lay in their usual supplies. The purchaser 
 can render a patriotic service by placing his orders early, thereby 
 taking advantage of present prices, relieving the dealer of unneces- 
 sary risks, giving the manufacturer an idea of the number of ma- 
 chines required, relieving the transportation situation later in the 
 year, and insuring that the machines will be on hand when needed. 
 
 Order Repairs Now. — All machines on hand should be gone 
 over and the repair parts which will be needed this next season listed. 
 List not only broken parts and worn parts, but also parts which are 
 known to wear out and break. Take this list to the dealer. If he has 
 the parts on hand, take them home ; if not, place an order immediately 
 for the same. Express service can not be relied upon as in the past. 
 Waiting to order until a machine breaks, may prove disastrous. 
 
 We should go into the field this coming spring prepared for emer- 
 gencies. A machine with one part broken is useless. The ordering of 
 repair parts now^ will insure an adequate supply in the hands of the 
 user, thereb}^ reducing to a minimum the time lost in breakdowns. 
 The home army must be just as thoro and ei!icient in its work as the 
 army on the firing line ; it behooves us to be forehanded. 
 
 Begin Now to Put the Machines in the Best Possible Working 
 Condition. — Under present conditions neglecting to care properly 
 for farm machinery is certainly unpatriotic. Go over every imple- 
 ment, putting on repair parts, tightening the bolts, and replacing 
 wooden parts which are worn out. Sharpen all soil-preparation ma- 
 chines, such as plows, disk harrows, and spike-toothed harrows. G-ive 
 the cultivators an overhauling. Put the mowers and binders in re- 
 pair. Clean out all the oil holes. Secure new bearings where they are 
 needed. Have this work done on the farm or at the local blacksmith 
 shop. The efficiency of farm machinery can be greatly increased for 
 the coming season by careful attention to the above points. All this 
 should be taken care of hefore the spring work opens. "Do it now" is 
 the motto for repairing farm machinery. 
 
 Care of Machinery. — When using a tillage implement, make an 
 especial effort to have the wearing surfaces scour, and then keep 
 them in this condition. No such implement works properly when it 
 does not scour. This is especially true of soil-preparation implements 
 and ciiltivators. When thru with one of these implements, coat the 
 bright surfaces with axle grease or a mixture of axle grease and 
 Venetian red. 
 
1918] The Farm Machinery Situation 3 
 
 It is a common saying that "machinery does not wear out ; it rnsts 
 out" — a condition that can be largely prevented. Every implement 
 should be housed if possible. Wherever stored, implements should be 
 off the ground, away from contact with dirt, straw, manure, or trash. 
 Keep the chickens away from them. 
 
 Go over every machine at the end of the season and list the repairs 
 which it will require for another season on a tag attached to the ma- 
 chine. Then place an immediate order for any new parts which will 
 be needed. 
 
 It is imperative at tlie present time tliat every precaution possible 
 he taken to lengtlien tJie life of macJiinery. Raiv materials are scarce, 
 labor difficult to secure, and in addition to tlie domestic demands the 
 American manufacturer must supply our allies ivitli farm implements. 
 In some lines, orders from England and France liave increased 500 
 per cent since the war started. Here is an opportunity to render direct 
 service! Care for the American machinery, thereby making available 
 an adequate supply for our allies across the sea. 
 
 The Tractor. — The gas tractor has arrived in the corn belt. In 
 the hands of successful farmers it has proved to be a most desirable 
 source of farm power. It works day and night, if necessary. It en- 
 ables the farmer with a minimum of help to do a large amount of heavy 
 work, such as the preparation of the soil, in a short time. It is not 
 susceptible to the effects of flies and hot weather. "Where winter wheat 
 is grown, it has proved to be a desirable source of power, as it permits 
 the proper preparation of a seed bed when ploAving is difficult and the 
 soil hard to work. 
 
 To insure more efficient use of the tractor this coming season, 
 especial attention should be given to two things : First, take steps to 
 put the tractor in the best possible condition now ; and second, leam as 
 much as possible about the fundamentals of tractor operation. 
 
 The tractor requires more attention than any other machine which 
 the farmer owns. Do not expect it to work without this attention. 
 Before spring work opens, every tractor should be gone over by an ex- 
 pert. If the operator understands his machine thoroly, he is the man 
 to do the work. If not, try to secure a local mechanic who is to be 
 trusted, or obtain the services of a representative from the companj^ 
 which manufactured the machine. 
 
 The fundamental principles upon which a tractor operates are new 
 to most of us. This fact has led to an endless amount of trouble, which 
 can be remedied only when each and every one who operates a tractor 
 makes a special effort to become thoroly familiar Avith the fundamentals 
 of cycles, ignition, carburization, etc. There is available much litera- 
 ture on these subjects. Books and newspaper and magazine articles 
 furnish a wealth of information. Read carefully the instruction book 
 
4 Circular No. 210 
 
 which should be furnished with every tractor ; if it has been lost, secure 
 another. If possible, attend one of the tractor schools which will be 
 conducted this Avinter. Leave nothing undone that will fit you to be- 
 come a more proficient tractor operator. 
 
 Service from the Dealer and the Manufacturer. — Some dealers 
 and most manufacturing companies maintain a corps of experts whose 
 services are available to farmers whose machines are not working 
 properl}^ Before calling for such services, be certain that the trouble 
 cannot be remedied by a local mechanic. If it cannot, put in a request, 
 thru the dealer, for help from the company. If a machine gave trouble 
 last season, put in such a request now, thereby giving the manufactur- 
 ers an opportunity to become familiar with the trouble and to plan 
 for taking care of it before the rush season opens. 
 
 Thus, ive 'must take better care of our macliinery. We must an- 
 ticipate our needs. We must use our macliinery more efficiently, reduc- 
 ing in every way possible tlie man labor required for producing maxi- 
 mum crops. 
 
 To put tJie production and use of macliinery on a war footing 
 requires co-operation and foretliougJit on tlie part of manufacturers, 
 dealers and farmers. Ordinary methods of doing business in tliis field 
 are not sufficient to meet tlie demands of a nation at war. 
 
March, 1918 Extension Circular No. 20 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 IN COOPERATIOX WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 V,'. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 
 - THE USE OF FARM LABOR 
 DURING THE WAR 
 
 By W. F. HANDSCHIN' and J. B. ANDREWS^ 
 
 The war has brought to our farmers an increased demand for 
 food and a decreased supply of labor. Under these conditions it 
 seems plain that if food production is to be maintained or increased, 
 there must be a considerable change in the methods of production 
 on the majority of our farms. 
 
 The suggestions made in this circular are based mainly upon the 
 following sources of information : first, upon detailed cost-account- 
 ing studies made during the past five years on some twenty to twenty- 
 five farms located in various parts of the state ;'^ second, upon gen- 
 eral accounts kept on approximately four hundred farms in ten 
 counties in northern and central Illinois during the past two to three 
 years; and third, upon a considerable amount of first-hand experi- 
 ence, by the authors, in handling farm labor in several middle west- 
 ern states. The suggestions are offered in the hope that they may, 
 in a measure, help to meet the labor problems that confront our 
 farmers. Unless we can solve these problems reasonably well, we 
 shall not be able to feed ourselves and our allies in 1919, to say noth- 
 ing of 1920 and later, should the war continue that long. 
 
 To any one who knows anything of farmers and farm life, it is 
 useless to suggest that farmers work harder. The majority of farm- 
 ers are already working up to the limit of their ability, at least 
 during all of the cropping season. The only hope of meeting the 
 demand for increased food production, so far as labor is concerned, 
 must come thru the better utilization of the labor at hand. It is now 
 almost certain that such labor will be reduced either in amount or in 
 
 'Assistant Professor of Farm Organization and Management. 
 
 -Instructor in Farm Organization and Management. 
 
 ^These studies were carried on by the Animal Husbandry Department in 
 its investigations of systems of live-stock farming during the years 1913 to 
 1916 inclusive. 
 
2 Extension Circular No. 20 [March, 
 
 quality, or more likely in both, during the period of the war. In 
 view of these facts it seems plain that the situation at best will be 
 very difficult. It is therefore all the more important that we make 
 every possible effort to solve the labor problem in so far as we can. 
 In increasing the efficiency of the labor we have, the following 
 factors will probably be the most important: 
 
 The more even distribution of labor thruout the growing season by means 
 of a good rotation of crops 
 
 The equipping of every laborer with enough horse power and with the 
 size and type of machinery that will enable him to do the greatest possible 
 amount of work 
 
 The planning of all the farm work so that every operation that is not 
 definitely fixed as to time or season may be fitted in between the busiest, or 
 "peak-load" periods, when every minute may be of special importance in 
 producing or saving a crop 
 
 The practice of letting live stock harvest crops and feed themselves in 
 so far as is practicable 
 
 The use of a careful follow-up system to help in planning and executing 
 the work from week to week and from day to day 
 
 In any plan to make the best use of labor, no one of the factors 
 mentioned is likely to entirely solve the problem. Each one, how- 
 ever, will help use labor to somewhat better advantage, and the com- 
 bined effect of several or all of the six factors will certainly go a 
 long way toward getting the necessary work done with the labor 
 at hand. 
 
 Plan a Good Rotation.^ — A very large part of the man labor nec- 
 essary in the production of farm crops is used during relatively 
 short periods. For example, much of the labor required in produc- 
 ing a corn crop is used during a period of about two months, from 
 May 1 to July 1, approximately. The major part of the labor neces- 
 sary for most other farm crops is used over still shorter periods. 
 Most of the labor they require is used during a period of from ten 
 to fifteen days at planting time and a similar period during harvest. 
 For different crops, however, the "peak-load" of labor comes at dif- 
 ferent times. If, then, crops can be selected which will spread the 
 labor needed as evenly as possible thruout the growing season, 
 instead of piling it up for short periods, the labor available can be 
 better used ; or stated in another way, one man can grow more acres 
 of crop, or a given number of crop acres can be handled by a lesser 
 number of men, which is the chief aim during the period of the war. 
 
 Groiu Wheat and Rye. — Corn is in general our most profitable 
 crop and produces relatively larger amounts of food per acre than 
 most crops grown in this section. We shall therefore not likely want 
 to greatly reduce our corn acreage. Less than 5 percent of the 
 corn crop is consumed directly by people, however, and only a small 
 portion of it can be so consumed as long as we produce from 25 to 
 30 bushels per capita. From the standpoint of producing food crops 
 that are consumed directly by people in any large way, wheat is far 
 
WIS] The Use of Farm Labor During the War 3 
 
 more efficient in the use of land than any other of the crops common 
 to the corn belt. For this reason wheat should be grown at least to 
 a reasonable extent in all sections where soil and climate are at all 
 well adapted to its production. In the corn belt this means largely 
 winter wheat. Fortunately this crop is one of the best fitted to help 
 in the more even distribution of labor. Preparing the ground and 
 seeding does not conflict to any great extent with other important 
 crop work, and harvesting usually comes when corn cultivation is 
 fairly well along. The same is also true of rye, which is better 
 adapted to some sections than wheat. 
 
 Many corn-belt counties normally grow from 50 to 65 percent of 
 their improved acreage in corn and from 20 to 25 percent in oats. 
 In these counties wheat or rye should make up from 10 to 20 percent 
 of the improved area, from the standpoint both of the use of farm 
 labor and of the production of food for human consumption. These 
 crops should replace oats mainly, but also corn to some extent, es- 
 pecially where the latter occufjies more than 50 percent of the im- 
 proved acreage. 
 
 Grow More Legumes. — The proportion of legume crops, such as 
 medium red, alsike, and sweet clover, and alfalfa, needs also to be 
 considerably increased in many corn-belt counties, first from the 
 standpoint of maintaining soil fertility, and second from the stand- 
 point of a better distribution of labor. Many Illinois counties still 
 have from 75 to 85 percent of their improved area in corn and oats, 
 with less than ten percent in legumes. A fairly good rule in plan- 
 ning a rotation for our best corn-growing sections is, 40 to 50 per- 
 cent in corn, 20 to 25 percent in small grain, and 20 to 25 percent 
 in legumes. Unless especially heavy-producing legumes are grown, 
 the rotation must include at least 20 to 25 percent of some legume if 
 the nitrogen content of the soil is to be kept up. 
 
 The accompanying charts showing the distribution of man labor 
 for diiTerent crops indicate how various crops may be selected in 
 order to distribute more evenly the man labor. ^ 
 
 Use Enough Horse Power; Work Horses in Shifts. — It seems now 
 tliat the supply of labor will determine to a large extent how much 
 food we can produce during the war. Every laborer, therefore, 
 should be provided with as much horse power as he can use to good 
 advantage, especially during the period when the crops are being 
 put in — that is, from about April 1 to May 15. This is the period 
 which taxes farm horse power to the limit. It is seldom that any 
 other period, except occasionally that of fall plowing, demands really 
 the maximum use of the horse power at hand. 
 
 *When these distributions of man labor are studies in connection with the 
 distributions of horse labor for these crops, the importance of a good rotation 
 of crops is still further emphasized. 
 
MWS Mcin lobor rt^uirnd jo produce ona ocrgof cofn.Tb4al houc5 - 18 
 
 HOURS Man loborrmuircd k)prodi;cg one ocrg, of clover- Toj^qj hour.3- I4ii 
 
 MAN 
 HOURS 
 
 YVINTCR WHtAT 
 
 ri<^A 
 
 JAN FEB|MAR|APR|MAY|JUN|JUL |AUG|SEP |OCT |NOV|D£C 
 
 [^an\c^orr tci(iirc6^oprodu<ji one pert of winder wh<af. Total hour^ - 15 
 
 Sail p'^porerHon ond i*.tdiina labor vc<io'iiTcd *or ^ollowino cjtori crop. 
 
 Figs. 1-4. — Number and distribution of man hours, by months, used in 
 producing four common corn-belt crops. The clover crops shown include second 
 crops harvested for seed. This somewhat increases the man labor used on these 
 crops. If no second crop were harvested, or if a part of the crop were pastured, 
 the man labor used would be considerablj^ reduced. 
 
 Fig. 5.^-Poor distribution of man labor resulting from the common corn- 
 belt rotation consisting of two years of corn followed by one year of oats. 
 
 Fig. 6. — Distribution of man labor in growing a rotation of two years of 
 corn, one year of oats, one year of clover, and one year of wheat. The "peak- 
 load," or highest labor requirement, is considerably less than for the rotation 
 shown in Fig. 5, and the distribution thruout the season is considerably better. 
 
6 Extension Circular No. 20 [March, 
 
 It is often possible to save man labor by doubling up horse 
 power. ^ This is sometimes done by using enough horses to draw a 
 harrow attachment on a gang plow, or by having a man who is 
 disking lead another team hitched to a harrow or to a second disk. 
 While this has been done only occasionally in normal times, it may 
 be possible to effect a saving of man labor more generally in this 
 way, especially where the kind of men and horses used make it prac- 
 ticable. Some saving in man labor is often made by working horses 
 in shifts, changing teams perhaps every quarter day. This is done 
 during very hot periods, especially for such operations as corn 
 plowing and wheat and oats harvesting. Most farms usually carry 
 enough horses to make the shift for such operations. While many 
 farmers have practiced shifting horses for the work mentioned, more 
 will find it profitable during the present crisis. 
 
 Use Large-Type Machinery. — Corn-belt farmers are already quite 
 generally using large-type machinery. It is desirable, however, that 
 the practice of combining large units of machinery and horse power 
 be carried still further wherever it is practicable to do so. This 
 should be done in spite of the fact that farm machinery generally 
 is costing just about twice as much as before the war. Such changes 
 in the type of machinery should be made for two reasons : first, be- 
 cause it promises to be profitable, and second, because it makes pos- 
 sible the greatest production per man. 
 
 The purchase of a few items of larger-type machinery, even at 
 double the normal price, will not increase the total machinery charge 
 per acre by more than from 10 to 20 percent, even if the entire in- 
 crease in cost is charged off the first year. It is safe to assume that 
 the increase in the price received for farm products will be consid- 
 erably greater than this expense. Entirely aside from the question 
 of profit, however, is the question of maintaining and increasing the 
 food production. This is of far greater importance and must be 
 given first consideration by every loyal American farmer. It is im- 
 portant, therefore, that in just so far as it can be used to advantage, 
 and can be obtained, farmers buy large-type machinery. It would 
 be both unwise and unpatriotic not to buy really needed machinery 
 just because it is high in price. . , 
 
 Plan the Farm Work.^ — In general all farm work may be divided 
 roughly into three classes: fixed, semi-fixed, and movable. 
 
 Fixed Work. — Good farmers know that a large part of the work 
 of the farm must be done at definite periods. Each of the planting, 
 cultivating, and harvesting operations must be done usually within 
 a few days or a week of a definite date if l)cst results are to be ob- 
 tained. These dates may vary somewhat from one year to another, 
 
 ^The tractor, especially of the larger size, is one of the chief means of 
 doubling up horse power. This will be discussed in detail in a later publication. 
 
 I 
 
I 
 
 LABOR CAL-END/ 
 
 PREPARED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF FARM-OR<^AN| 
 
 JANUARY FEBRUARY MARCH APRIL- 
 
 MAY 
 
 (0 
 
 a 
 
 
 
 
 Buy necessarij seed (M) 
 
 lest 5eed corn (M) 
 
 Clean &tesl^lloiher seed (M) 
 
 Break corn sfa I ki (M) 
 
 Haul --manure^M) 
 
 I ' 
 
 Haul limestone(M) 
 
 DisK Disk for com(F: 
 
 corn slalkstS) 
 
 Row for corntS) 
 
 Dtsk tor cxihlf) 
 
 IPIantpoioioeiin 
 Treot8i5owoah(r) 
 Sow c lover (Fi 
 
 Sow bflrley(f) 
 Sow TXipe(n 
 Sow wheoilF) 
 5av grtus seed (f) 
 Sow alfalfa (F; 
 
 5owton3<je crops for live ^fock 
 
 Rant corn If) 0| 
 
 HaiTOWoi 
 
 Ro\lcornC5l Us! 
 roi 
 
 5ow 3oy b 
 
 5ow c 
 
 Qj 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 
 h 
 
 > 
 
 to 
 
 D 
 O 
 Id 
 
 z 
 < 
 
 _l 
 _l 
 u 
 u 
 
 Break - 
 
 ■colts(Ml 
 
 Lambing (T) 
 
 Too I'm <j IF) 
 
 5hear5hcepf) 
 
 Costraie lombstS) 
 Dock lombs(5) 
 
 reed 
 
 I 
 feeding and general 
 core or live sfock 
 
 Overhoul all machineri) 
 "tools A equipment (M) 
 
 Repair build [095 (M) 
 
 Cui wood(M) 
 
 FVuoe frees (M) 
 FVune vines fM) 
 
 Sproy for (MI 
 5onJose scale 
 
 Farrow Market Cajlnafe 
 
 5prin<3pigs(F) fall p»(js(S) 5pnrjg pi^($) 
 
 Clip hor^es^Sl 
 
 Beef coitle 
 colvin^JF) 
 
 Marke-f sfeer^-* 
 
 s{cers Turn stock 
 
 I on pasiore(5^ 
 
 Hofch & cans for ijoung chick^nslF) 
 
 Cleanup 
 farfnsteod( M) 
 
 OiUwerhoul 
 harness fM) 
 
 Cleanup 3| 
 repoir tile(M; 
 
 Makcganden - conlinucKjardet 
 
 Spray- . fruUff 1 Spray f 
 
 Cut- 
 
 Fen ce(M^ 
 
 G-ENERAL REPAIRING OF BUILD! N&5, MACHINERY, T00L5.F 
 
 WHEN THE REGULAR f/ 
 
 J I L= 
 
 This calendar is based on the condiVtons found on the g«r 
 Many operations listed will varif with lQ+i4ode on 
 The Ictter5follo/ving the operofion^ listed above ore used +0 ind 
 
IE. CORN BELT 
 
 ^^AMA<=rEMENT - UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF ILLINOIS 
 
 -V 
 
 AUGUST SEPTEMBER OCTOBE.R NOVEMBER 
 
 DECEMBER 
 
 if] 
 rheaf(F) 
 
 I Shock (5; 
 
 harvest 50IJ bain^FJ 
 Harvest covy peas (H 
 
 Drill wheaiiD 
 Drill rije (/=) 
 
 thres hing 
 
 GaHier(n 
 5e^a corn 
 
 I 
 Hull clover 
 seed (S) 
 
 Sloe k(5» 
 thresh i 05 
 
 aiiarfalfa(F) 
 
 Gjiclovcr(n 
 
 3r olfalfafS) 5owQtfQtffll$>foMharrowlSl 
 
 HaulmanurelMl f^^'^»5^^ ^' 
 
 Haul rock P'^^'^P^^^^/^'sllaae? 
 Haul lime5tone''Mr 1 ' 
 
 Husk corn(F) 
 
 uihaf] 
 
 ilF) 
 
 C51 
 
 Thresh 501; beanslS) 
 Thresh covy p&as^S) 
 Di^ roots (5 > 
 
 Haul monurcfM) 
 
 imbs(5^ 
 
 MarJieF ' Houje liveiiock 
 
 sprino piq5(3^ 
 
 HoulCSM .tonkagc^A millf c€d(M ] 
 
 .farrow 
 
 fall pig5(r) 
 
 ca 
 
 itfle 
 
 5haep(S) 
 
 on qross 
 
 I € roosters frem hcfls(5) 
 
 i(j fiiitfF) 
 
 Marked 
 
 HaulcoalfM) 
 
 Buv) slcersl?) feed skeers 
 
 Sell old hcnsis; 
 
 pit & repair 
 ^'PP'^i^Tiie -Tile(M> ^'^'■""^ 
 
 Mak£ I » ... 111-,,. 
 
 Qper7ti/edrain(M) 
 
 |RcpoirbuiU/n^j(M 
 
 House '5> 
 
 machin«ru 
 
 sViltoui 
 
 weed s(M) 
 
 fall buildinqiM) 
 Cbncrek work(M) 
 
 Feedirw 3i general 
 core or live ;k>c.k 
 
 HquI gravel m) 
 Hoolcind«ri(M) 
 
 hedge (M) 
 
 Rain^ farm buiidinasfM] 
 LLANE0U5 EQUIPMENT ON RAINY DAYS& 5T0RMY WEATHER, 
 
 NNOTVYELLBE DONE 
 
 I I 
 
 the corn belt , mom lu, Cen tra f 111 in o\ 5 , 
 i, +0 some extent , with individual farms. 
 ■ if ic<af>on-(f ), -torfixedwork/S),s<2.mi-f ixed;Qnd (M),fop movable work. 
 
lOlS] The Use of Farm Labor During the War 7 
 
 but the time allotted to each operation cannot usually be extended 
 beyond a few days, without serious injury or loss to the crop. 
 
 Because of this fact, it is very important that the crop work 
 especially be pushed with the greatest possible energy at these crit- 
 ical periods. This can be done only by carefully planning so that 
 the entire time of every man and horse may be used to the best ad- 
 vantage. This means that every machine and tool be on hand, thoroly 
 overhauled, and in as nearly perfect working condition as possible 
 before the critical time comes. It means that seed be secured, 
 cleaned, tested, and treated if necessary beforehand during less busy 
 periods. 
 
 So also has been somewhat definitely fixed, altho perhaps to a 
 lesser extent, much of the work connected with live-stock opera- 
 tions, such as feeding, breeding, and general management. 
 
 Seyni-fixed work can usually be shifted from one to three or four 
 weeks. Beyond this it cannot ordinarily be moved without loss or 
 disadvantage. Fall plowing and shock threshing are good illustra- 
 tions of semi-fixed work. 
 
 Movable work can usually be shifted over considerable periods, 
 usually from one to two or three months, and frequently it can be 
 shifted to almost any time during the year, depending on the time 
 when it can best be fitted in. Hauling manure and other fertilizers 
 and overhauling and repairing farm machinery, are good examples 
 of movable work. This classification, however, can be at best only a 
 general one. What would be at one time and place movable work 
 might be at another semi-fixed, and vice versa. 
 
 Plan to Fit Together tlie Tliree Classes of Work. — In the planning 
 of the farm work, the operator should aim to have the semi-fixed 
 work fit in between the fixed work just as largely as possible. The 
 movable work should be fitted in between the other two classes. If 
 this can be done, it will go a long way toward securing the greatest 
 amount of work from the labor at hand. The most successful farm- 
 ers already carry out this scheme to a considerable extent, but even 
 they will need to study their operations and make every possible 
 improvement during the period of war. Such improvements will be 
 of special importance, however, on the large number of farms where 
 the matter has received all too little attention up to date. 
 
 Study tJie Farm Work Calendar. — The accompanying work calen- 
 dar listing practically all of the operations that are likely to occur 
 on any corn-belt farm, and showing the approximate dates when 
 they should be done, may be helpful in planning the farm work. The 
 important aim in planning all farm work is to make sure that no 
 semi-fixed or movable work will need to be done when the critical 
 crop or live-stock operations must have the labor or suffer. Enough 
 unavoidable delays will still come in even with the best made plans, 
 but without such plans such delays are certain to be much greater. 
 
8 Extension Circular No. 20 [March, 
 
 Let Live Stock Harvest Crops. — ]\Iuch labor can be saved by let- 
 ting- live stock harvest crops instead of harvesting them by hand. 
 This is especially true of the practice of growing pork on forage 
 crops and also of hogging-down corn and other crops, and of grow- 
 ing and fattening market hogs on the self-feeder. All of these prac- 
 tices are already common on the most successful hog farms in the 
 corn belt, but they should be much more generally practiced, in 
 order first, to save man labor, and second, to make possible the use 
 of more legume forage and less corn and other grain in making pork. 
 
 Swine alone, however, cannot consume so large an acreage of the 
 legume crops as is necessary to maintain the soil nitrogen. Beef cat- 
 tle and sheep are especially fitted to consume these crops with the 
 minimum use of man labor. If legume pasture mixtures^ make up a 
 considerable part of the necessary legume area, the man labor re- 
 (juirements for the entire farm may be materially cut down. If hogs 
 produced on forage require less corn, more corn will be left for beef 
 cattle and sheep. Beef cattle, sheep, and hogs require relatively little 
 labor. A combination of either beef cattle or sheep, or both, with 
 hogs would therefore be wxll adapted to the consumption of our 
 corn-belt crops and the best utilization of our man labor. Practically 
 all of the corn crop must be consumed by animals. Unless plowed 
 under directly, all of the legume crop commonly grown must also 
 be fed to animals. At least a portion of these can be pastured off 
 to good advantage. It is important to let the live stock do the work 
 as far as possible. ■ - v 
 
 Plan All Work Some Time Ahead. — The best farmers carefully 
 plan all farm work for a considerable time ahead. Most of the fixed 
 work can be planned for only a day or two or a week at most. 
 Changes in weather may make replanning necessary from day to day 
 or even from hour to hour. The chief advantage of a carefully 
 made plan at the beginning of the year and of a follow-up system to 
 keep tab on the work from day to day is that it keeps before the 
 operator the things that need to be done. This will help him in 
 deciding which need to be done first, and in fitting the various jobs 
 together in such a way that the greatest amount of work may be 
 done with the time and energy available. 
 
 The most important farm operations either with crop or animals 
 are seldom overlooked. Much time is often lost, however, by not 
 keeping careful tab on the miscellaneous work, such as overhauling 
 and repairing machinery and tools, fixing fences, getting seed ready 
 beforehand, castrating and ringing pigs, castrating and docking 
 
 ^Bueli mixtures should contain a considerable proportion of legumes, in- 
 cluding some of tlie rank-growing ones. The latter are important from the 
 standpoint both of adding nitrogen to the soil and also of resisting dry sea- 
 sons. One of the most promising pasture mixtures being used is a seeding of 
 4 pounds of alsike. 4 pounds of alfalfa, 4 pounds of sweet clover, and 4 pounds 
 of timothy. 
 
191S] The Use of Farm Labor During the War 9 
 
 lambs, and breeding animals at the proper season. Thru being neg- 
 lected at the proper time (i. e., usually between the busiest seasons 
 and on rainy days and bad weather), these matters often conflict 
 with the most important work at the rush periods. Every such mis- 
 cellaneous job that could have been done at some other time means 
 practically a waste of time at the most critical periods, when every 
 hour is of greatest importance in producing or saving a crop. 
 
 Keep Tab on the Farm Work. — A small notebook carried in the 
 pocket or a pad kept in some convenient jjlace may be used to jot 
 down from day to day such items as come to the attention of the 
 operator. Such notes help greatly in providing profitable work for 
 rainy days and at odd moments during the cropping season. Used 
 in connection with the work calendar, such notes will add much to 
 the most efficient use of man labor. 
 
 Farm Labor Must be Drawn from Other Sources. — In order to 
 maintain as nearly as possible the normal supply of farm labor, the 
 farmer must draw upon other than the usual sources. The most im- 
 portant of these will probably be the following : 
 
 1. Eetired farmers from the small towns and villages, especially at the 
 critical periods, such as planting and harvesting. 
 
 2. Merchants and other business men from the country towns and villages. 
 These can usually get away from their business for a few days at a time, 
 especially during the farmers' rush seasons, when business is very quiet in town. 
 
 3. Boys of high school age who do not normally work on farms. 
 
 4. Women workers for some of the lighter work of the farm. 
 
 5. Other workers, especially those who have had more or less farm 
 experience, who are engaged in less essential industries, many of which will no 
 doubt be curtailed if the war continues for any length of time. 
 
 Retired Farmers Make Skilled Hands. — Many so-called retired 
 farmers normally do some farm work, either on their own farms or 
 elsewhere. Last season many more of them responded to the call 
 for service in raising crops. During the coming season every retired 
 farmer who is physically able should be on the "firing line" again. 
 Most of these men have been not only high-class farm hands, but 
 also skilled farm managers, and can now be of great service both 
 in doing actual farm work and in helping to direct unexperienced 
 labor, such as will necessarily be used to a greater extent than usual. 
 
 It is especially impoi'tant that the retired farmers help at the 
 rush seasons, such as planting and harvesting. It will also help 
 greatly to have these men actually agree in advance, in so far as 
 they can, to take the job of "tending" thirty or forty acres of corn. 
 This could be done in many cases, and it would help greatly in assur- 
 ing the farm operator that he can put in somewhere near his normal 
 acreage of corn and have it taken care of. The able-bodied retired 
 farmer is going to have an opportunity to render a really important 
 service during the present emergency. 
 
10 Extension Circular No. 20 [March, 
 
 Merchants and Others Can also Help. — Many merchants and other 
 business men and their assistants in small towns and villages have 
 had farm experience. Most of them are occupied with their own 
 business, but they can often spare some help, and that at the periods 
 when it is of the most importance. During the rush season on the 
 farm, very few farmers go to town. This is, in fact, the dull season 
 in the rural village. If the need for farm help should be really 
 critical at such periods, the men from the small town will have an 
 opportunity to render a very important service in crop production, 
 especially if they are somewhat experienced in farm work.^ 
 
 Town Boys Soon Learn. — The past season has already dem- 
 onstrated the value of boys of high-school age for doing farm work. 
 Even tho they have no experience in farming, many of these hoys 
 will develop, under proper direction, into really valuable hands in 
 the course of a season. Many of them will no doubt prove of little 
 value. In the main, however, the value of their service will depend 
 in a large measure upon the skill of the farm operator in training 
 them. The nation-wide organization of the boys, thru the United 
 States Boys' Working Reserve and other agencies, promises to do 
 much for the farmer in the way of selecting the boys who are really 
 interested in farming and in placing the best ones on farms where 
 they will have a fair chance to make good. Farm boys have always 
 done much of the farm work. City boys carefully selected should 
 be an important factor in solving the farm labor problems after they 
 have had a chance to get some training in the affairs of the farm. If 
 the war continues beyond the year 1918, as we must now assume it 
 will, it is very important that we train as many boys during the 
 coming year as possible. They will be experienced farm help in 
 1919 and 1920. 
 
 Women Can Help at Rush Periods. — In general American farm 
 women do little work in the field. In so far as they actually take 
 any part in production, it is confined almost entirely to the dairy, 
 garden, and poultry enterprizes. To all of these, women are well 
 adapted, and many farm women and girls find them both enjoyable 
 and profitable. The farm work actually done by women and girls 
 will likely be confined to the lighter operations, such as raking hay, 
 mowing, using a riding cultivator or plow,' and similar work, and 
 these only in case of the most critical needs for a few days at a time. 
 
 Farm Labor Must Come from Other Industries. — Our industrial 
 life as compared with that of the other nations at war, is as yet 
 
 ^The most critical period as regards tlie need of skilled labor accustomed 
 to handling machinery and teams comes perhaps during soil preparation, plant- 
 ing, and corn cultivation. During haying and harvesting, a larger proportion 
 of unskilled labor may be used. 
 
1918] The Use of Farm Labor During the War 11 
 
 only slightly affected. Should the war continue for two or three 
 years or more, many forms of production and service will no doubt 
 be greatly reduced. Many important industries not directly con- 
 nected with war production are already running with short crews 
 or are entirely shut down. This curtailing of industries will make 
 available relatively more men for military service and the essential 
 war industries, including the manufacture of munitions and other 
 war materials, transportation, shipbuilding, and agriculture. 
 
 Farm Wages Must Be Fair. — In competing for labor with other 
 industries, the farmer must naturally expect to pay wages which are 
 somewhere near comparable with those paid elsewhere if he is to 
 have help. Just how far he can go in this competition is a difficult 
 question for him to solve. The present price of most of our ordi- 
 nary farm products is from one and one-half to three times as high 
 as it was just before the opening of the war. The expense of pro- 
 duction, however, has also increased, tho just what this increase has 
 been it is hard to estimate accurately. The chief items of expense 
 in producing farm crops are rent, man labor, and horse labor. Kent 
 or interest on land investment, which makes up about 40 to 50 
 percent of the cost of producing crops, has increased relatively little 
 during the war. The cost of horse labor has increased about 50 per- 
 cent. Upon the whole, the increase in the cost of production during 
 1917 amounted to perhaps 35 to 40 percent over the pre-war basis. 
 If this should be somewhat further increased in 1918, it may become 
 50 percent greater than before the war. The average value of the 
 crops actually grown on our corn-belt farms has about doubled 
 during the past three years. 
 
 On the basis of these increases it would seem that the farmer can 
 aiford to pay considerably more for labor than he has been paying. 
 This would be especially true if he could be assured of these prices 
 for a year or two after the war, as he has already been assured, to 
 some extent, of the price of wheat and pork for the period of the 
 war. 
 
 American Farmer Will Do his Duty. — At the present moment it 
 is difficult to see just how the farmer is going to get enough labor to 
 increase or even to maintain his production. However, the combined 
 result of the additional labor from sources not usually counted upon 
 and the efficient use of the total labor at hand, should go a long way 
 toward accomplishing what appears to be impossible at this date. 
 Changes in the usual systems of production may have to be made. 
 The situation at best will be very difficult, but from what is known 
 of the American Farmer, it is safe to assert that if he has any rea- 
 sonable chance in the way of favorable seasons and an adequate 
 labor supply, he will feed not only us ])ut our allies. 
 
April, 1918 Extension Circular No. 22 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 IX COOPERATION ^VITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 W. P. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 
 PROTECT THE WHEAT CROP 
 
 ERADICATE THE COMMON BARBERRY FROM 
 
 ILLINOIS 
 
 THE ESSENTIAL FACTS 
 
 Every grain of wheat is needed. 
 
 Wheat rust causes large loss. 
 
 The COMMON BARBERRY harbors the rust, serves 
 as a source of infection, and thus increases this loss. 
 The Japanese barberry is harmless. 
 
 Any rusted barberry bush is surely injurious to 
 wheat, and a barberry bush even if not rusted is a pos- 
 sible danger. 
 
 The only safe course is to remove all the common 
 barberry on your premises. 
 
 Inspectors will soon be on the watch for barberry in 
 Illinois, and they will have the authority to force its 
 removal when infected. 
 
 The State Council of National Defense and the State 
 Department of Agriculture join with the U. S. Depart- 
 ment of Agriculture in this movement. 
 
SOME OF THE FACTS IN MORE DETAIL 
 WHEAT RUST 
 
 There are two stages of the black stem rust on wheat ; the summer 
 stage comes first, as yellow spots, and is followed by the winter stage, 
 consisting of black spots (Fig. 1.) 
 
 The growth of this rust in the plant saps its vigor, stunts its 
 growth, and results in an inferior grain. The loss from severe rusting 
 is many bushels per acre. This loss is largest on spring wheat but it 
 is also large on winter wheat. 
 
 THE BARBERRY RELATION 
 
 The spores of the black, or winter stage of the rust, can infect 
 only the common barberry ; they cannot directly infect wheat. In 
 the spring they produce on the barberry leaves swollen spots bearing 
 minute orange-colored cups full of another crop of spores. If the 
 barberry leaves are not available, the crop of black winter spores be- 
 comes absolutely harmless and one great source of spring infection 
 is avoided. 
 
 These facts have been known and scientifically proved repeatedly. 
 Any farmer who has observed a barberry bush to windward of a wheat 
 field has had opportunity to see the fan-shaped area of rust arising 
 from the barberry bush. Such cases are obvious enough. A barberry 
 busli that is not near a wlieat field is also to be feared because the 
 spores from the barberry may reach other susceptible grasses, of which 
 there are many kinds, and there produce crops of summer spores which 
 blow farther to other fields and so carry the disease to wheat fields. 
 
 It is an absolute fact that the common barberry increases wheat 
 rust and that to remove the barberry would diminish wheat rust. 
 Early law^s requiring the removal of the barberry were made, but 
 since they were not enforced they were not effective. The experience 
 of Denmark, hoAvever, proves the wisdom of barberry eradication. The 
 law enforcing the eradication was made in that country in 1908 and 
 after eleven years we read : 
 
 "1. That the black rust has disappeared gradually, contemporary 
 with the barberry bush. 
 
 "2. That the violent, destructive black rust attacks, which af- 
 fected the whole or most of the country, with two or three 
 years interval, have now ceased. 
 
 "3. That the weaker attacks which affected the grain and grasses 
 and especially the oats in Jutland are now practically un- 
 heard of, or at least come late in the fall. 
 2 
 
Eradicate the Common Barberry 3 
 
 '.'4. That, where there is still found a barberry bush, the black 
 
 rust has the power to infect and cause strong attacks upon 
 
 the wheat. 
 
 ■'We cannot deny that here in Denmark Ave have as definite 
 
 proofs as we can obtain about the hand-in-hand elimination of the 
 
 barberry bush and the black rust." 
 
 There are two species of barberry commonly planted in Illinois : 
 
 (1) The tall, common, or European barberry {Berheris vulgaris) ; 
 
 (2) The Japanese barberry {Berheris Tliunhergii) . There is a pur- 
 ple-leaved variety of the tall barberry, know^i as Berheris vulgaris 
 purpurea, which of late years has been planted more extensiv^ely 
 than the green-leaved form. The tall barberry is distinguished from 
 the Japanese by the following characteristics : 
 
 Japanese Barberry 
 (Do\es not harbor rust) 
 
 Edge of leaf smooth 
 
 Twigs of last year reddisli brown 
 
 Berries single or, rarelv, in groii]is 
 of 2 or 3 
 
 Thorns nsnally single 
 
 Common (European) Barberry 
 {Harbors rust) 
 
 Edge of leaf saw-toothed 
 Twigs of last year dun or grey 
 Berries in a cluster on one main 
 
 stem 
 Thorns usually three-pointed 
 
 Fig. 1. — Black Stem Eust ox Wheat 
 The elongated black spots are the 
 spores in masses. (After Freeman) 
 
 Fig. 2. — Leap op the Common Bar- 
 berry AND op the Japanese 
 
 A — Common barberry leaf infected; 
 r, Eust spots, orange red in color. 
 Note saw-toothed edge of leaf. 
 
 B — Japanese barberry leaf. Note 
 smooth edge of leaf and relative size 
 as compared with A. This species does 
 not harbor rust. 
 
Extension Circular No. 22 
 
 The European barberry and 
 rust, while the Japanese barberr 
 
 Fw. 3. — Two Twigs of Barberry 
 A — Japanese barberry (Berheris 
 Tliun'bergii) has single-podnted spines. 
 It is safe to plant. B — European or 
 Common Barberry (Berberis vulgaris) 
 has three-pointed thorns. It harbors 
 black rust and should not be planted. 
 
 its purple-leaved variety harbor the 
 y does not. Several species of Ma- 
 honia {Mahonia ilicipolia, M. aqui- 
 folia and M. repeiis) are also 
 known to produce the rust, and 
 these should not be planted. Other 
 species of barberry are rarely 
 found in ornamental plantings in 
 Illinois, and may be passed over 
 with a word of warning to all who 
 desire to use such species. All spe- 
 cies Avhich resemble the European, 
 or tall form, in general habit are 
 susceptible and should not be 
 planted. 
 
 Fortunately the common, or tall, 
 barberry is not wide-spread in Illi- 
 nois and is not of any value es- 
 thetically or otherwise. Look upon 
 it as you do upon the rat and ex- 
 terminate it. This recommendation 
 is made by the U. S. Department 
 of Agriculture, and concurred in 
 by the State Department of Agri- 
 culture, and the State Council of 
 National Defense. 
 
 We Urge Your Cooperation 
 
 Send to us : 
 
 1. Facts concerning the location of any common barberries that 
 
 are not removed. State name and address of oAvner or occu- 
 pant of premises. 
 
 2. Also information concerning the existence of the rust on such 
 
 bushes. 
 
 P. L. Stevens 
 H. W. Anderson 
 Commission in Charge of Barberry Extermi- 
 nation in Illinois, University of Illinois 
 
July, 1918 ■ • Extension Circular No. 24 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 EXTENSION SERVICE IN AGRICULTURE AND HOME ECONOMICS 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 
 GROW MORE WHEAT IN ILLINOIS 
 
 By W. L. BURLISON and W. F. HANDSCHIN 
 
 If "FOOD Will Win The War," bread and the men who 
 produce it will play a large part in winning it. 
 
 To insure ourselves and our Allies against a serious shortage 
 of bread grains, we must plant a large enough acreage to take care 
 of our need, not only in a favorable crop year, but in a year of 
 poor crops. 
 
 Our present wheat acreage is about one-third of what we 
 should have if farmers generally used a four- or five-year rotation 
 in which the wheat crop occurred once. 
 
 Growing fall wheat in the rotation saves labor, because the 
 work is then more evenly distributed thruout the cropping 
 season. 
 
 The yield as well as the acreage of wheat should be increased 
 in every way practicable. 
 
 Plow as soon as the previous crops are removed. Prepare a 
 good seed bed. Choose a standard variety of seed. GET YOUR 
 SEED Now. 
 
Fig. 1. — ^Wheat Seeding Calendar 
 
 The date for the seeding of winter wheat so as to avoid Hessian Fly injury 
 can be determined for any county by referring to the dates given in the above 
 figure. 
 
GROW MORE WHEAT IN ILLINOIS 
 
 By W. L. BUELISON, Associate Chief in Crop Production, and 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, A^iceDirector Agricultural Extension Service 
 
 Wheatless days and the use of wheat substitutes during the past 
 year have taught us to place new values on wheat. The substitutes 
 we have learned to use in an emergency have only helped to empha- 
 size the fact that there are no really satisfactory substitutes for this 
 standard bread grain. It is therefore important that we produce 
 enough wheat to provide bread for our armies and our Allies across 
 the water and for our civil population at home. If "Food Will 
 Win The War," bread and the men who produce it will play a large 
 part in winning it, 
 
 WE MUST PLANT A LARGER ACREAGE 
 
 On the basis of the best figures available we shall need all of 
 the wheat we can grow on our normal acreage in a favorable crop 
 year in order to thoroly meet our own needs and those of our Allies. 
 To insure ourselves and those depending upon us against a serious 
 shortage of bread grains, we must plant a large enough acreage to 
 take care of our needs, not only in a favorable crop year, but also 
 in a year of poor crops. The most important wheat producing areas 
 in the United States are already growing a large proportion of their 
 improved acreage in this crop. They can increase their wheat acre- 
 age only moderately without throwing their systems of farm man- 
 agement still further out of balance from the standpoint of good 
 rotations and the best use of man and horse labor. The increase in 
 the wheat acreage should be made mainly in those sections which 
 are fairly well adapted to its production but which ordinarily grow 
 this crop in only a limited way. 
 
 MORE WHEAT FOR ILLINOIS 
 
 The corn belt generally and Illinois in particular, perhaps, should 
 increase considerably its wheat acreage. This should be done not 
 only to supply the wheat that is needed to win the war, but also 
 in the interest of good rotations and good farm management. Ac- 
 cording to the census of 1910, Illinois had in 1909 slightly less than 
 8 percent of its improved acreage in wheat. According to the Year- 
 book of the United States Department of Agriculture, this state had 
 in both 1916 and 1917 less than 6 percent of its improved acreage 
 in wheat. These acreages could be more than doubled without reach- 
 ing the proportions we should have in a four-year or five-year rota- 
 tion in which the wheat crop occurred once. 
 
4 Extension CiRCtfLAR No. 24 [July, 
 
 EOTATIONS FOR CENTRAL ILLINOIS 
 
 111 the most important corn-producing section of the state, that 
 is, central Illinois, a five-year rotation consisting of two years of 
 corn, one year of oats, one year of clover or other legume crop, and 
 one year of wheat would be fairly satisfactory to meet the present 
 emergency. This rotation (with 20 percent of wheat), would pro- 
 vide just about three times the average proportion of wheat now 
 grown in the state. In central Illinois it would represent an even 
 greater increase over the proportions grown at the present time. 
 
 A four-year rotation consisting of one year of corn, one year 
 of oats, one year of clover or other legume crop, and one year of 
 wheat would also be satisfactory for this section, especially for grain 
 farmers. This rotation would still further increase the proportion 
 of wheat. 
 
 Both these rotations are coming into somewhat common use 
 among the best farmers in the corn-belt section of the state. Both 
 make possible a very satisfactory distribution of man and horse labor 
 during the cropping season, and both permit the seeding of sweet 
 clover in the wheat as a cover crop to be plowed under for corn. 
 Farmers in central Illinois should plan to grow from one-fifth to 
 one-fourth of their improved land in wheat. 
 
 Rotations for Southern Illinois 
 
 In southern Illinois, which grows a major part of the wheat pro- 
 duced in the state, the proportion of wheat grown may be still 
 further increased. Rotations containing from one-fourth to one-third 
 of wheat may be used to good advantage in this section. The four- 
 year rotation consisting of corn, oats, clover, and wheat is usually 
 a satisfactory one on well-limed land. By seeding wheat in the 
 standing corn, or after the corn is cut for silage or shocked in the 
 field, a three-year rotation of corn, wheat, and clover may be used. 
 Other good rotations are : corn, cowpeas or soybeans, wheat, and 
 clover; and corn, cowpeas or soybeans, and wheat (with a cover crop 
 of sweet clover, if the land has been well treated with limestone). 
 
 More Wheat and Greater Profits 
 
 Naturally the rotations, or the proportions of wheat here sug- 
 gested, may have to be varied somewhat for different soil areas or 
 for individual farmers. The two chief facts to be kept in mind, 
 however, are : first, that we need to increase our acreage of wheat 
 in order to . insure for ourselves and our Allies a really satisfactory 
 bread supply; and second, that such increases are really desirable 
 from the standpoint of the best rotations and the most profitable 
 systems of farm management. 
 
1918] 
 
 Grow More Wheat in Illinois 
 
 SHALL WE GROW WHEAT OR RYE? 
 
 In deciding whether to grow wheat or rye, Illinois farmers should 
 be guided by the following facts. Wheat is in general more satis- 
 factory as a bread grain than rye. The price of wheat is fixed by 
 Congress, and there is therefore less risk in growing it than in grow- 
 ing rye ; the price of rye is not fixed, and may be higher or lower 
 than that for wheat when the farmer comes to sell it. This latter 
 point adds to the necessary uncertainty as to yields, the additional 
 uncertainty as to prices. If the farmer's land is adapted to grow- 
 ing wheat, it would seem wise for him to take only one chance 
 instead of two and grow wheat instead of rye. 
 
 Rye should therefore be grown only on soils and under condi- 
 tions to which it is distinctly better adapted than wheat. 
 
 Adaptation of Wheat and Rye 
 
 Winter wheat can be grown on a wide range of soils, varying 
 from clay to the loam types. On all of these soils, the crop responds 
 to rational soil treatment. Rye may well be substituted for wheat 
 on the poor or untreated soils in Illinois. On such soils it will pro- 
 duce greater returns than wheat. Rye also withstands winter-killing 
 better than wheat. It does not lodge badly, and in general the 
 
 Winter Wheat 
 
 Winter Eye 
 
 Fig. 2. — The above figure shows the more serious lodging of winter wheat 
 as compared with rye. The crops shown are growing side by side under the 
 same conditions as to soil and other factors. 
 
6 Extension Circular No. 24 ■ [July, 
 
 Hessian fly is not kno^^^l to seriously injure it in this country. In 
 Europe, however, where rye is sometimes grown to the exclusion of 
 wheat, it is often much damaged by the Hessian fly. 
 
 The Price of Wheat and Rye 
 
 The price just now being offered for the 1918 rye crop is con- 
 siderably lower than that fixed for wheat. This is in harmony with 
 usual conditions, the price of wheat having been 25 percent above 
 that of rye as an average of the ten years preceding the war, even 
 tho the price of rye ranged above that fixed for wheat during a 
 considerable portion of the year just past. If we assume, however, 
 that the price for rye is to be somewhat less than that fixed for 
 wheat, there are still two very good reasons why we should grow 
 rye on the lands that are somewhat better adapted to it than to 
 wheat or other crops : first, because it will increase by that much 
 our supply of bread grain, which is so necessary to the successful 
 conduct of the war; and second, because on such soils rye, even at 
 present prices, will likely be as profitable as any other crop which 
 can be grown. 
 
 GROWING FALL WHEAT SAVES LABOR 
 
 The growing of fall wheat in the rotation is of special impor- 
 tance in helping to distribute more evenly the man and horse labor 
 required in crop production. The work of plowing, soil prepara- 
 tion, and seeding comes in late summer, when farm work is not 
 especially pressing, and it can therefore be done with the least amount 
 of conflict with the growing of other crops, such as corn, oats, and 
 hay. Also, the harvesting of fall wheat usually comes at a time 
 when corn is fairly well laid-by and oats are not as jet ripe. The 
 wheat harvest may conflict somcAvhat with hay-making, especially in 
 the case of clover, but the wheat crop reduces by that much the corn 
 and oats acreage. This helps to cut dowai somewhat the greatest 
 rush of work, or "peak load", which usually comes at the time of 
 oats seeding and corn planting. As a general rule, the introduc- 
 tion of fall wheat into the rotation makes possible a much better 
 distribution of labor, and this is particularly important during the 
 Avar, when the labor supply is certain to be short and the need for 
 handling it to the best advantage is of vital importance. 
 
 YIELDS AS WELL AS ACREAGE SHOULD BE INCREASED 
 
 In attempting to increase the production of wheat, we should 
 not only increase the acreage planted, but we should make every 
 effort possible to maintain or increase the yields per acre. This will 
 be best done by making careful use of all manures produced on the 
 
19 IS] Grow More Wheat in iLLirois 7 
 
 farm; by growing legume crops such as the clovers, soj^beans, and 
 eowpeas; by using mineral fertilizers, such as limestone and phos- 
 phate, where these are needed; and by good methods of soil prep- 
 aration, cultivation, and general good farming practice. 
 
 DANGER FROM CHINCH BUGS 
 
 Perhaps the greatest objection to the more extensive growing of 
 wheat in the corn belt is the danger from the chinch bugs, which 
 may breed in the wheat (or in rye, if that be grown), and then de- 
 stroy the corn. The corn-belt farmer must therefore be prepared 
 to drop wheat out of the rotation if the chinch bugs begin to ap- 
 pear in dangerous numbers. 
 
 PREPARING THE SEED BED 
 
 The seed bed for wheat should be plowed as soon as the pre- 
 ceding crop is removed. As a rule, five to seven inches will be found 
 a desirable depth. During a dry season or on soils which are most 
 seriously affected by drouth conditions, it is well to disk the fields 
 before plowing. This will help to retain the moisture and kill the 
 weeds that spring up after the previous crop has been removed. 
 
 As soon as the ground is plowed it should be harrowed. This 
 will break up most of the clods. Some time before seeding, a good 
 double-disking and a stroke with the spike-tooth harrow will be found 
 sufficient additional preparation for wheat ground. 
 
 If the previous crop was one such as soybeans or eowpeas, plow- 
 ing is not necessary unless the soil for that crop was poorly pre- 
 pared and carelessly cultivated. A thoro double disking and har- 
 rowing will develop a satisfactory seed bed in most instances. If 
 corn has been removed for silage, treatment similar to that for soy- 
 bean ground is satisfactory. In some sections, wheat is seeded be- 
 tween the rows of corn with good success. This considerably re- 
 duces the labor required, but the yield will be somewhat less than 
 on a well-prepared seed bed. 
 
 CHOOSE A STANDARD VARIETY 
 
 It is very important to use a variety of wheat well adapted to 
 local conditions. There is a marked difference in varieties. Some 
 varieties winter-kill much worse than others, while certain kinds 
 lodge and shatter badly. It is well to use varieties which grade 
 and sell best on the market. As a rule, hard wheats command 
 higher prices than soft wheats. 
 
 There is not so large a number of varieties of rye as there are 
 of wheat, nor is the difference in varieties so great. 
 
8 E ^TENSION CiRCULAK No. 24 [July, 1018 
 
 Whevt Varieties for Illinois^ 
 
 Northern Illinois. — Continued tests have shown that Turkey Red 
 is the highest yielding variety for northern Illinois. Turkey Red 
 is a bearded hard wheat. It is one of the best kinds for resisting 
 winter-killing. Minnesota Reliable, Kharkof and Malakoff are other, 
 promising wheats for this section. 
 
 Central Illinois. — The leading varieties of wheat are, TurKey Red, 
 Malakolf, Fultz, Hungarian, Pesterboden, Kharkof, and Dawson's 
 Golden Chaff. Red Wave and Red Cross are two other standard 
 wheats much used in many localities. 
 
 Soutliern Illinois. — Hard wheats are not w^ell adapted to south- 
 ern Illinois. The more important varieties which are successfully 
 used are Fulcaster, Economy, Indiana Swamp, Harvest King, Mis- 
 souri Pride, Rudy, and Poole. 
 
 TIME OF SEEDING AND AMOUNT OF SEED 
 
 AVheat should be seeded early, but not ahead of the time when 
 there will be danger from the Hessian fly. Dr. S. A. Forbes, for 
 many years State Entomologist, recommends the dates indicated in 
 Fig. 1. So far as possible these dates should be observed. As indi- 
 cated above, the Hessian fly does not usually attack rye, and there- 
 fore in seeding rye it is not so important to follow these dates closely. 
 Rye may be seeded before or after the planting of wheat; the seed 
 bed for rye should be prepared about the same as for wheat. 
 
 As a rule, wheat is seeded at the rate of five pecks per acre. This 
 amount is increased sometimes to a bushel and a half per acre. Rye 
 is seeded at about the same rate. 
 
 ^For further information on varieties of wheat and rye send for Illinois 
 Experiment Station Bulletin 201, "Yields of Winter Grains in Illinois." 
 
July, 1918 Extension Circular No. 25 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension service in agriculture and home economics 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 WAR TIME SUGGESTIONS 
 
 FOR HOME ECONOMICS EXHIBITS AT 
 
 COUNTY OR COMMUNITY FAIRS 
 
 BY 
 
 MAMIE BUNCH 
 
 AND 
 
 NAOMI NEWBUEN 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 
PURPOSE 
 
 The purpose of this circular is to present information which will 
 help to prevent the waste ordinarily incurred in exhibits at fairs, 
 and to encourage special effort to have in war time only such exhibits 
 as will help to U'hi the war and to make our homes and communities 
 better afte?^ the war. 
 
WAR TIME SUGGESTIONS FOR HOME 
 ECONOMICS EXHIBITS 
 
 MAMIE BUNCH, State Leader in Home Economics Demonstration 
 NAOMI NEWBUKN, Instructor in Home Economics Extension 
 
 In order that exhibits may be a real benefit to the community, 
 it is necessary to have some fairly definite ideas of what to exhibit, 
 how to exhibit, and a basis for comparison of values. Exhibits should 
 be made inspiring and helpful by showing the housewife in the home 
 how to help win the war by conserving food, clothing, energy, health, 
 and ideals. If the exhibit of one person excels in some point, that 
 of his neighbor may excel in some other; then each has a chance 
 to work up the highest standard reached and to avoid making again 
 the errors discovered by comparison. 
 
 If exhibits are organized, standardized, and graded so that the 
 best from one community competes with the best from other com- 
 munities in a township, the best from one township with the best 
 from other townships in the county, then the best from one county 
 vath the best from other counties in the state, the home exhibit at 
 the State Fair will really represent the activities of Illinois homes. 
 The joy of excellent achievement in patriotic endeavor for production 
 and coTiservation will mean much more than the mere winning of 
 a premium. 
 
 Since exhibits are examples of the best products of each kind from 
 the homes ; and since home economics has to deal, not only with the 
 kind and quality of materials, but also with both time and money- 
 saving in a comparison of values, it seems wise to call attention in 
 such exhibits to the cost to the exhibitor of the material of each entry 
 and the time required to prepare it. Such information may be stated 
 on the entry card. Economy of time and strength should be a factor 
 in determining and rating the entries in the exhibits in order that 
 people may be influenced to consider time and strength as well as 
 money in the planning and doing of household tasks. 
 
 It is suggested that this circular be widely distributed in dis- 
 tricts planning exhibits and that local societies use the suggested score 
 cards and entry tags presented here. 
 
 FOOD EXHIBITS 
 
 In planning the exhibits one must remember that our country's 
 food problem is to use less of the foods which must be shipped "over 
 there" — wheat, meat, fat, and sugar — and substitute for them in the 
 diet the foods which are plentiful. 
 
Extension Circular No. 25 [July, 
 
 Exhibit in Place of Wheat Products 
 
 1. 
 
 Corn 
 
 2. 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 3. 
 
 Oats 
 
 4. 
 
 Barley 
 
 5. 
 
 Eice 
 
 Yeast breads must contain as little wheat as possible. There 
 should be a good exhibit of wheatless quick breads. Cakes, cookies, 
 and pies, if exhibited, ought to be wheatless. The use of corn products, 
 oats, potatoes, and potato products to save wheat should be featured. 
 
 II. Exhibit to Eeplace Meat in the Dietary 
 
 1. 
 
 Milk 
 
 2. 
 
 Cottage cheese 
 
 3. 
 
 Eggs 
 
 4, 
 
 Nuts 
 
 5. 
 
 Beans 
 
 6. 
 
 Peas 
 
 Home produced foods which will adequately replace meat in 
 the diet may be shown in one section. Here belong milk and milk 
 products such as cottage cheese. Here, too, should be egg exhibits 
 with equipment for candling and marketing eggs. The method and 
 equipment for preserving eggs should be illustrated. Nuts, beans, 
 and peas are vegetable foods which help to serve the same purpose 
 in nutrition as meat. Because of their high nutritive value and low 
 cost, soybeans may be featured. . 
 
 III. Exhibit to Eeplace a Part of the Sugar in the Dietary 
 
 1. Honey 
 
 2. Molasses 
 
 3. Sirup 
 
 4. Dried fruits 
 
 In the section of foods which help to take the place of sugar, 
 exhibit honey, molasses, corn sirup, and dried fruits. Corn sirup 
 can be used to replace a large part of the sugar ordinarily used in 
 camiing, and in making preserves, jams, butter, marmalades, and 
 jellies, and this is one very practical way of saving sugar. 
 
 IV. Exhibit of Perishable Foods for Home Consumption 
 
 1. Fruits 2. Vegetables 
 
 a. Fresh a. Fresh 
 
 b. Canned b. Canned 
 
 c. Dried c. Dried 
 
 d. Preserved d. Pickled 
 
 e. Pickled ' e. Brined 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Economics Exhibits 5 
 
 Diagrams or models of equipment and plans for drying and 
 storing vegetables should be displaj-ed. Vegetables which can be 
 kept more simply by storage, such as onions, cabbage, potatoes, and 
 parsnips, should not be canned. Such products sometimes appear in 
 collections of canned goods, but they detract rather than add to the 
 value of the collection, since canning them represents a waste of 
 time, energy, fuel, glass, and space. In collections of canned products 
 selection and quality are the main points to be considered. Announce- 
 ment should be made of the minimum number of jars which will be 
 considered a collection. 
 
 Foods which have been exhibited must be disposed of in such a 
 way that nothing is w^asted. 
 
 TEXTILE EXHIBITS 
 
 In the textile department there is need to remember that every- 
 thing should be considered in relation to the war. Red Cross supplies, 
 knitting, and relief work should have an important place. Because 
 of textile conditions, it is very necessary that remodeling, renovating, 
 and mending of garments be practised by every housewife. This 
 work can w^ell be featured at the fairs. 
 
 In the handwork department, certain standards should be kept 
 constantly in mind, for more time is consumed in making "fancy 
 work" which has little use and no artistic value than in any other 
 field of household art. The following suggestions wall be useful 
 in determining whether or not the articles are worthy of being ex- 
 hibited: Have the articles a real use; are the materials suitable 
 and harmonious; and do they fulfill the purpose for which they 
 were intended? Does the decoration conform to the principles of 
 decorative design; is it subservient to the use of the article? Is the 
 workmanship worth displaying? A little thought on such funda- 
 mental principles will greatly improve the educational value of textile 
 exhibits. 
 
 Let our textile as well as our food exhibits shoAV our interest 
 in w^ar relief. Energj^ and material which should be devoted to war 
 purprses should not be used in making textile exhibits. « 
 
 HOME DECORATION AND EQUIPMENT EXHIBITS 
 
 It is often desirable to exhibit pictures which are really works 
 of art and which are valuable as a means of self-expression. Along 
 with these there may be pottery, reed work, etc. Ideals of good home 
 decoration may be fostered by suitable combinations of wall cover- 
 ings, floor coverings, draperies, and curtains. Suggestive plans for 
 arrangement of kitchen equipment may prove exceedingly helpful to 
 
6 Extension Circular No. 25 [July, 
 
 some. A display of kitchen utensils and demonstrations or sugges- 
 tions of how to care for them will help to answer the housewife's 
 question of what to buy and how to care for it. Decorative lawn 
 features, such as an arbor, a garden seat, and a trellis for vines, may 
 be suggestive. 
 
 The question of home sanitation and methods of meeting it 
 could be suggested by models of proper water and drainage sys- 
 tems, models showing systems of garbage disposal, models of home- 
 made fly traps and of proper window screening, and arrangement 
 for protection from flies and for adequate ventilation. 
 
 Any homemade labor-saving device, Such as a wheel tray, a wood 
 box to be filled from without, and a cabinet or closet for mops, 
 brooms, and cleaning materials, may be exhibited. 
 
 GENERAL DIRECTIONS 
 
 The list of entries and the score cards should be published in 
 the local papers far enough in advance to enable people to prepare 
 the exhibits in such a way that they will conform to the standards 
 and ideals which have been set. Posters or static exhibits will be 
 effective in bearing the message of the times. Such material can often 
 be obtained from the Agricultural Library of the State University. 
 
 The exhibit hall should be pleasing in general appearance, clean, 
 and as well lighted and ventilated as possible. Food materials must 
 be protected from flies and dust ; glass cases are preferable for baked 
 goods, and butter. Exhibits should be so classified and grouped 
 that they can be judged easily. A superintendent in charge of each 
 department should have products properly entered and should assist 
 in the judging. The scores and entries should be printed on cloth 
 or heavy paper tags, which may be ordered in quantity since they 
 can be carried over from year to year. The plan of having the score 
 on the back of the entry card will save both confusion and expense. 
 These tags should be neatly attached to containers of the product. 
 In case of baked goods they can be attached, by means of clips, to 
 the paper plate. With canned products, jellies, etc., it is better if ^ 
 the tag is tied around the jar or glass and not to the lid, because 
 lids are likely to be mislaid or exchanged during the judging process. 
 
 Provide for the judge the following: 
 
 Small tabic or enough 1 fork 
 
 space for judging 2 spoons 
 
 Hand towel 1 plate 
 
 Dish cloths 2 enamel pie plates ' 
 
 Sharp knives or utility pans 
 
 An assistant to open cans and to help in rearrangement of 
 products facilitates the judging process. 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Economics Exhibits 7 
 
 SUGGESTED SCORE CARDS 
 
 In the case of all baked products, greater recognition should be 
 given to those containing the higher percentage of wheat substitutes. 
 
 In the case of cakes, cookies, canned fruits, jellies, jams, preserves, 
 butters, and marmalades, sugar saving should be encouraged by giving 
 greater recognition to good products containing a large proportion of 
 substitutes for sugar. See last paragraph, page 4. 
 
 VICTORY BREAD 
 
 For judging, classify together the breads which contain equal 
 amounts of substitutes. More satisfactory bread is obtained by using 
 small, individual loaf-size pans. Better bread, as far as palatability 
 and texture are concerned, is obtained by the use of a mixture of 
 substitutes. 
 
 Include recipe in exhibit. Cost of entire recipe . 
 
 How many loaves like this sample will the recipe yield 
 
 Entry Class Number . 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General appearance 15 
 
 Size 
 . . . Shape 
 
 Crust 
 Palatabilitv 50 
 
 Odor " 
 
 Taste 
 Texture 30 
 
 Porosity 
 
 Lack of moisture 
 Color 5 
 
 100 
 
 WHEATLESS QUICK BREADS 
 Include recipe in exhibit. Cost of entire recipe . 
 What quantity like sample will recipe yield 
 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General appearance 15 
 
 Crust 
 
 Shape 
 
 Size 
 
 Palatability 50 
 
 Texture 35 
 
 Lightness 
 
 Lack of moisture 
 
 Tendency to crumble 
 
 100 
 
8 Extension Circular No. 25 [July, 
 
 SPONGE OE LOAF CAKE 
 
 Include recipe in exhibit. Cost of recipe 
 
 Time required to mix and bake 
 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General appearance 10 
 
 Shape 
 
 Way exhibited 
 
 Flavor 40 
 
 Lightness 10 
 
 Crumb 30 
 
 Tendency to crumble 
 
 Moisture 
 
 Tenderness " ' 
 
 Crust 10 
 
 100 
 Note: Chocolate cake is one in T^'hich chocolate is incorporated in the 
 dough and not a white cake with chocolate icing. 
 
 LAYEE CAKE 
 
 Include recipe in exhibit. Cost of recipe 
 
 Time required to mix and bake 
 
 Entry Class , Number. 
 
 score 
 
 General appearance 10 
 
 Flavor 30 
 
 Lightness 10 
 
 Crumb 25 
 
 Tendency to crumble 
 
 Moisture 
 
 Tenderness 
 
 Crust 10 
 
 Filling 15 
 
 Flavor (choice as to blending with taste of cake) 
 
 Absence of sugar 
 
 Texture 
 
 100 ' 
 
 COOKIES 
 
 Include recipe in exhibit. Exhibit six on a plate. Cost of entire 
 
 recipe How many cookies like the sample will the 
 
 recipe yield 
 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Ecoxomics Exhibits 9 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General appearance 15 
 
 Size 
 
 Shape 
 
 Uniformity 
 
 riavor 45 
 
 Texture 30 
 
 Hard, soft 
 
 Tendency to crumble 
 
 Absence of grittiness 
 
 Baking and crust 10 
 
 100 
 
 CANNED VEGETABLES 
 
 Underline method of canning used : open kettle, hot water bath 
 (single period or intermittent), steam pressure. 
 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 Name of Vegetables 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Vegetable 85 
 
 Condition of product ■nhen canned 15 
 
 Condition of finished product 20 
 
 Color , 15 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Pack 15 
 
 Neatness and uniformity 10 
 
 Proportion of vegetable to liquid 5 
 
 100 
 
 CANNED FKUIT 
 
 Underline method of canning used : open kettle, hot water bath 
 (single period or intermittent), steam pressure. 
 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 Name of fruit 
 
 Proportion of sugar substitute used 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Truit 50 
 
 Condition 10 
 
 Color 10 
 
 Flavor 30 
 
 Sirup 30 
 
 Color, clearne&s 10 
 
 Quality 10 
 
 Flavor 10 
 
 Pack 20 
 
 Neatness and uniformity of pack 10 
 
 Proportion of fruit juice 10 
 
 100 
 
10 Extension Circular Xo. 25 [Jiily, 
 
 JELLY 
 
 Owing to the scarcity of sugar, probably less jelly will be made 
 than formerly. Corn sirup can be substituted successfully for part 
 of the sugar in jelly-making. If exhibited, the jelly should be in 
 glasses or containers from which it can be turned out whole. ' ' Ideal 
 fruit jelly is a beautifully colored, transparent, palatable product 
 obtained by so treating fruit juice that the resulting mass will quiver, 
 not flow, when removed from its mold; a product with texture so 
 tender that it cuts easily with a spoon, and yet so firm that the angles 
 thus produced retain their shape; a clear product that is neither 
 sirupy, gummy, sticky, nor tough ; neither is it brittle and yet it 
 will break, and does this with a distinct, beautiful cleavage which 
 leaves sparkling characteristic faces. This is that delicious, appe- 
 tizing substance, a good fruit jelly.^ " 
 
 Entry . Class Number Kind 
 
 Proportion of sugar substitute used 
 
 SCORE^ 
 
 Choice of fruit for jelly-making 5 
 
 Color '. 10 
 
 Clearness 10 
 
 Absence of crystals 5 
 
 Texture 30 
 
 Taste or palatability 40 
 
 100 
 
 PRESERVES AND CONSERVES 
 
 The preserved product should retain as nearly as possible the 
 original shape, appearance, and flavor of the fresh fruit. Two es- 
 sentially different parts can be distinguished — the fruit, Avhich ap- 
 pears clear, and the juice. A conserve is a preserve made from a 
 mixture of fruits. Nuts are usually added. 
 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 Proportion of sugar substitute used 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Fruit 60 
 
 Appearance, color, and clearness 10 
 
 Flavor 25 
 
 Texture 15 
 
 Uniformity and neatness of pack 10 
 
 Juice or sirup 40 
 
 Clearness and color 10 
 
 Flavor 15 
 
 Consistency 10 
 
 Proportion of juice 5 
 
 100 
 
 'N. E. Goldthwaite, "The Principles of Jellv-ilaking, " University of Illi- 
 nois Bulletin No. 31, Vol. XI. 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Economics Exhibits 1 1 
 
 JAMS AND BUTTEES 
 
 Jams are made from whole fruits, usually the small ones, so 
 prepared as to give a homogeneous mixture. Butters are made from 
 fruits -which contain a larger proportion of fleshy material and the 
 seeds and skins are discarded. This mixture is smoother than the 
 jam mixture. 
 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 Proportion of sugar substitute used 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Homogeneity or smoothness 25 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Consistency and texture 30 
 
 Color . . ." 10 
 
 100 
 
 mae:\ialades 
 The fruit pulp in marmalade does not form a smooth consis- 
 tency. The fruit is cooked until it is somewhat clear, and the partly 
 congealed sirup or juice may be clear. 
 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 Proportion of sugar substitute used 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Evenness of distribution of material 15 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Consistency and texture 25 
 
 Clearness 15 
 
 Color 10 
 
 100 
 
 eelish 
 This includes finely chopped pickled products. 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 score 
 
 Appearance 25 
 
 Attractiveness of pack, garnish 
 
 Size and uniformity of pieces 
 
 Choice and proportion of materials 15 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Texture 25 
 
 Crisp yet tender 
 
 : - 100 
 
12 Extension Circular No. 25 [July, 
 
 PLAIN VEGETABLE PICKLES 
 Sweet, sour, and dill 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Appearance 25 
 
 Color, size, and shape 
 
 Uniformity, pack 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Texture 35 
 
 Crisp and firm, not tough or soft 
 Proportion of pickle to liquid 5 
 
 100 
 
 SWEET FRUIT PICKLES 
 Entry Class Number Kind 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Fruit 75 
 
 Appearance 10 
 
 Flavor 35 
 
 Texture 30 
 
 Sirup 20 
 
 Clearness 10 
 
 Consistency 10 
 
 Pack 5 
 
 100 
 
 BUTTER 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE^ 
 
 Flavor 45 
 
 Body 25 
 
 Color 15 
 
 Salt 10 
 
 Package 5 
 
 100 
 
 ^College of Agriculture, University of Illinois 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Economics Exhibits 13 
 
 LUNCH BOX 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General outward appearance 10 
 
 Neatness of package 
 Packing 20 
 
 Neatness, separate wrapping, and arrangement 
 Selection of food 35 
 
 Suitability 
 
 Food value 
 Quality and preparation of food 35 
 
 100 
 '''^ GAEMENTS 
 
 Entry. Class Number . 
 
 Suitability of dress to purpose 50 
 
 Material 20 
 
 Hygienic quality 
 Wearing quality 
 
 Suitability to purpose and individual 
 Texture 
 Weave 
 
 Design of fabric 
 Color 
 
 Design 30 
 
 Suitability to individual 
 Line 
 
 Proportion 
 Harmony 
 Color 
 Hygiene 
 
 Construction 50 
 
 Pattern lines 15 
 
 Finishes 20 
 
 Stitching 
 
 Seams 
 
 Gathers 
 
 Bindings 
 
 Facings 
 
 Hems 
 
 Fastenings 
 
 Ease of adjustment 5 
 
 General appearance 10 
 
 Cleanliness 
 
 Pressing 
 
 100 
 
14 Extension Circular No. 25 [July, 
 
 HAND WOEK 
 Entry , Class Number 
 
 ■ ' SCORE 
 
 Suitability of article to purpose 30 
 
 Suitability of materials 20 
 
 Fiber 
 
 Weave 
 
 Size of thread 
 
 Color 
 
 Design 25 
 
 Adaptation of design to area decorated 
 
 Conformity of design to flat surface 
 
 Conventionalization 
 
 Appropriateness of design to material 
 
 Subordination of design to purpose of article 
 
 Quality of rhythm, harmony, balance 
 
 Workmanship 25 
 
 Stitch 
 
 Beginning 
 
 Joining 
 
 Finish 
 
 Tension 
 
 Size 
 Accuracy in execution 
 Cleanliness 
 Pressing 
 
 100 
 
 PATCHING AND DAENING 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Materials 40 
 
 Suitability of materials applied 30 
 
 Weight 
 
 Weave 
 
 Design 
 
 Color 
 
 Kind and weight of thread 10 
 
 Workmanship 60 
 
 Method 15 
 
 Stitch 15 
 
 Size 
 
 Tension 
 
 Direction 
 Accuracy 15 
 
 Matching of ■n'eave 
 
 Matching of design 
 Neatness of finish 15 
 
 100 
 
1918] War Time Suggestions for Home Economics Exhibits 15 
 
 WINDOW AEEANGEMENT 
 
 A window has three reasons for being: to admit light, to aid in 
 ventilation by providing an inlet and an outlet for air, and to provide 
 an attractive outlook. 
 
 Entry -Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Photograph from inside shoeing outlook 25 
 
 Model showing curtaining material and mode of hanging 35 
 
 Model showing screening and arrangement of sash for circula- 
 tion of air 40 
 
 100 
 
 HOMEMADE SHOWEE BATH 
 
 Entry . Class Number 
 
 score 
 
 General appearance 10 
 
 Efficiency of shower 55 
 
 Force 
 
 Spray 
 
 Quantity of water 
 
 Ease of manipulation 20 
 
 Drain 15 
 
 100 
 
 ICELESS REFEIGEEATOE 
 Entry ■. .Class— Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 ' General appearance 10 
 
 ;' . Effectiveness 60 
 
 Kind of material 
 Circulation of air 
 
 Ease of manipulation 20 
 
 Drain 10 
 
 100 
 
 HOMEMADE FIEELESS COOKER 
 
 It is advisable to use the tireless cooker where practicable to 
 save fuel. 
 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 General appearance 10 
 
 Heat-holding power 60 
 
 Kind, amount, and packing of nonconducting material 
 
 Soapstone or heaters 
 Nest-lining and cooking vessel 20 
 
 Suitability, materia], size 
 Ease of manipulation 10 
 
 100 
 
16 Extension Circular No. 25 
 
 AEBOE AND GARDEN SEAT OE TEELLIS FOE VINES 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Working drawings showing dimensions 20 
 
 Estimate of material as to quantity 10 
 
 Estimate of material as to cost 10 
 
 Eecord of time required for making 10 
 
 Exhibit of finished product or a photograph of it as used 50 
 
 Suitability to purpose 
 
 Harmony with surroundings 
 
 Workmanship, beauty of design 
 
 . — 100 
 
 BABY PEN 
 
 Entrv Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Working drawings 20 
 
 Estimate of material as to quantity 10 
 
 Estimate of material as to cost 10 
 
 Estimate of time required for making 10 
 
 Finished product, as to — 50 
 
 Comfort 
 
 Ease of moving 
 
 Neatness of finish 
 
 100 
 
 FLY TEAPS 
 Entry Class Number 
 
 SCORE 
 
 Estimate of material, as to quantity and cost 15 
 
 Eecord of time required for making 10 
 
 Efficiency for catching and holding flics 50 
 
 General appearance and neatness of finish 15 
 
 Ease of manipulation 10 
 
 100 
 
 If the foregoing suggestions are followed out in the planning and 
 conducting of fairs, the exhibits Avill be of real value in helping 
 to win the war and in raising the standard of home and community 
 life. Ideals such as these, and not the mere winning of premiums, 
 should be the determining factor in all community enterprises. If 
 such standards are not to be maintained at a time like this, there 
 can be no reason for the expenditure of materials, time, and money 
 for exhibits. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, JANUARY, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 209 
 
 SHALL I PLANT A GARDEN THIS YEAR? 
 
 Br J. W. LLOYD, Chief in Olericulture 
 
 It may seem to be rather an inopportune time to be thinking of 
 planting a garden when the winter wind is howling about the house and 
 the ground is solidly frozen. Yet time passes rapidly, and unless some 
 thought is given the garden in winter, the season for planting Avill find 
 us unprepared. If we expect to have good gardens this year, now is 
 the time to make definite plans to that end. 
 
 One of the advantages, from a personal standpoint, of having a 
 good home garden, is that it can be made to furnish a continuous 
 supply of vegetables for the table thruout the season. Furthermore, 
 vegetables of the best quality can be supplied to the owner of a garden 
 at a minimum expense and in a much fresher condition than if pur- 
 chased in the market. At the present time, however, the personal 
 advantages to be gained from a home vegetable garden are much less 
 important than our duty to the nation. The substitution of vegetables 
 for some of the more concentrated foods in the diet of those who 
 remain at home will release for the use of the American army and the 
 Allies large cpiantities of cereals, meats, and other food supplies that 
 are readily transported because of their more concentrated form. And 
 the substitution of homegrown vegetables for those shipped in from a 
 distance and handled thru the market will reduce the amount of trans- 
 portation necessary to supply food for the folks at home, and thus will 
 assist in relieving the car shortage, and enable the railroads to use their 
 ecpiipment in the way that will best serve the interests of the entire 
 nation. 
 
It seems, then, that both from the standpoint of personal advan- 
 tages and of patriotic duty every one who can should plant a garden 
 this year. It should be remembered, however, that planting is only the 
 initial step in gardening. Many gardens planted in hope and enthu- 
 siasm last year were utter failures ; many planted this year are 
 likely to be failures also, unless the people who plant them realize that 
 gardens require continued care. The two great causes of failures in 
 home gardens are the lack of knowledge of the cultural requirements 
 of the different vegetables, and the lack of sustained interest in the 
 garden thru the season. Too many beginners at gardening are filled 
 with enthusiasm in the balmy days of spring, and proceed to plant, 
 plant, plant, without giving due consideration to the tasks that are to 
 follow under the blistering heat of the summer sun. ., Their interest 
 wanes with the increasing length of the days, and their crops become 
 choked with weeds and are attacked by beetles and blight. What 
 started out as a garden becomes a waste ; and the owner 's enthusiasm 
 for gardening is likely to be forever dampened. 
 
 The logical thing for a prospective gardener to do is to make a 
 definite decision to give his garden consistent care thruout the whole 
 season, and then to let nothing move him from that determination. In 
 order to give his garden proper care, he must know what to plant in 
 his particular localitj" and when to plant it. He must know which 
 varieties will best meet his needs. He must know what insects and 
 diseases to expect and how to combat them. The more he can learn 
 about each of the crops he proposes to grow before he attempts to 
 grow it, the better prepared for the season 's tasks he will be. 
 
 It is none too early to begin preparations for this year's garden- 
 ing. There are three things which should be done now: 
 
 (1) Bulletins and circulars and books on gardening should be 
 read, and as much as possible learned about the various crops that are 
 to be grown. ^ 
 
 ^The following publications of this station on various phases of vegetable 
 gardening are available at the present time, and may be procured free of charge 
 by addressing the Illinois Agricultural Experiment Station, Urbana, Illinois. 
 Bulletin 144 Growing Tomatoes for Early Market 
 
 ' ' 155 Fertilizer Experiments with Muskmelons 
 
 ' ' 174 An Efficient and Practicable Method for Controlling Melon Lice 
 
 " 175 Experiments in Onion Culture 
 
 ' ' 184 Tests with Nitrate of Soda in the Production of Early Vegetables 
 
 ' ' 188 Methods of Fertilizing Sweet Potatoes 
 Circular 139 How to Grow Muskmelons 
 173 Onion Culture 
 
 ' ' 182 The Fertilizer Problem from the Vegetable Grower 's Standpoint 
 
 ' ' 198 Home Vegetable Gardening 
 
 " 200 Possibilities of the Fall Vegetable Garden 
 
 " 201 Dried Bean Production in Illinois 
 
(2) Seed catalogs should be procured, and a list made of varie- 
 ties and quantities of seeds needed. If an order is placed for the seeds 
 now, there will be no delay waiting for the seeds at planting time, or 
 substitution of undesirable varieties in order to procure the seeds in 
 a hurry. ^ 
 
 (3) A definite plan of the proposed garden should be made on 
 paper. This plan should indicate the location of each kind of vegetable 
 in the garden, the distance between the rows, and the approximate 
 time of planting each crop. Since a home garden is a personal matter, 
 the plans made by different individuals will reHcct their particular 
 tastes. However, in all garden plans, it is desirable that an arrange- 
 ment of the crops be employed which will make the best possible use 
 of the available space and at the same time minimize labor in prepara- 
 tion and care. Suggested plans are given in Figs. 1 and 2. Plans for 
 gardens of various sizes are also gh en in Circular ] 98 of this station. 
 
 ^A list of desirable varieties is contained in Circular 198. 
 
 SPiNUCH, roLLOi^fO Br CuCLrM3£fl5 anD Bush SQyASn 
 ONION sers 
 
 ruRniiPs II MuiTftiKD 
 
 — C»RL\ °Cfii>. rOLLOVtCD BY bTRIHo Qt/tNii 
 
 CABBflOC " CAl/LirLOWEP 
 
 LCTTUCL. fOLLOnCD Sv CELCKY a HflOlSMEi. KLLOtVEO BY CELERY 
 
 L/JTf PERi> 
 
 3TRING BCafVi, 
 
 LflRCf inECT CORN rOLLOWCO BY rURMPi 
 
 i-.'TTE Sivfrr CORH 
 
 OWflRF i.iMfl REfiN::, '-3 PEPPCRS ■ 
 
 Fig. 1. — Diagram of a Suburban Garden 30 Feet by 60 Feet 
 
IQ 
 
 6 t 
 
 I 
 
 lu q! 
 
 
 k 
 
 in lu 
 
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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, JANUARY, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 211 
 
 THE SEED-CORN SITUATION FOR 1918 
 
 By W. L. BUELISON and GEOEGE H. DUNGAN 
 
 GERMINATION TESTS 
 
 A — A poor germination. The ear from wMch these kernels came should 
 be thrown into the feed crib. 
 
 B — A test that indicates weakness. In a year of seed scarcity this ear 
 may be as good as the average. A second set of kernels should be tested. 
 
 C — A good eight-day test. 
 
THE SEED-CORN SITUATION FOR 1918 
 
 By W. L. BURLISON, Associate Propessoe of Crop Production, and 
 GEORGE H. DUNGAN, Assistant in Crop Production 
 
 The seed-corn situation in Illinois is the most serious in the his- 
 tory of the state. Seed corn is scarce. Many counties will be unable 
 to supply their own seed. This means that large quantities must be 
 brought in from other localities. Much has been published to dis- 
 courage shipping seed in from distant sections, for in most cases 
 marked differences in soil and climate result in poor yields from the 
 imported seed. The general rule has been not to recommend the use 
 of the imported seed corn, but the application of this rule can be 
 carried too far even in normal times, and during the present critical 
 condition which confronts the Illinois producer, a more liberal atti- 
 tude must be assumed if seed corn is to be available for all who wish 
 to plant this crop next May. 
 
 For the present season, seed must be shipped from central or 
 more southern counties to areas in the northern part of the state. 
 
 The University of Illinois has some specific data bearing on the 
 movement of corn from Urbana, Champaign county, in central Illi- 
 nois, to DeKalb, DeKalb county, in northern Illinois, a distance of 
 125 miles in latitude. These figures are submitted because they seem 
 to have a value in throwing light upon the question whether im- 
 ported seed may be expected to produce satisfactory results. The 
 soils on which this corn was gTown are very similar. Both would be 
 considered very good corn land. The original seed was produced 
 near Urbana and sent each year to DeKalb for planting. 
 
 Comparative Yields of Corn Grown at Urbana and at DeKalb from Seed 
 Produced Near Urbana, Illinois 
 
 (Bushels per acre) 
 
 Variety 
 
 Years compared 
 
 Urbana 
 
 DeKalb 
 
 Reid 's Yellow Dent 
 
 1908-1913, 1915 
 
 1908-1913 
 
 1912-1916 
 
 1907-1914 
 
 1907-1915 
 
 1907-1915 
 
 57.8 
 56.5 
 56.6 
 56.9 
 43.2 
 51.3 
 
 57.9 
 
 Learning 
 
 59.2 
 
 Riley 's Favorite 
 
 54.5 
 
 Silvermine 
 
 Illinois High Ear 
 
 57.9 
 41.5 
 
 Illinois Low Ear 
 
 49.9 
 
 It will be observed from the above figures that the yields for 
 Urbana and DeKalb vary but slightly, and in the present emergency 
 these differences would appear negligible. At DeKalb, however, the 
 corn is not always so well matured as at Urbana. 
 
The Seed-Corn Situation foe 1918 3 
 
 The score card, which has often been used as a gnide in selecting 
 seed com, must be discarded for this season. 
 
 Practical experience and the results of investigation have shown 
 that fancy points are not necessarily associated with high yield. The 
 University of Illinois has figures which seem to show that small ears 
 selected from the crib may yield about as much as larger ears. It 
 sJiould he kept in mind that these figures are based on crib selection, 
 and that this method is not to be recommended in normal years. 
 
 This year in order to get corn that will grow it will be necessary 
 to disregard many of the points which have been considered im- 
 portant. If necessary, we must sacrifice everything for strong, vig- 
 orous germination. 
 
 From every section of the state reports have been received which 
 indicate that most of the corn saved for seed is very low in germina- 
 tion. This means that in most cases every ear of seed must be tested, 
 altho if a composite test shows a germination of 95 percent the indi- 
 vidual ear test is not very important. This composite test may be 
 made as follows : 
 
 Go thru the crib and pick out 100 ears which would ordinarily 
 be considered fit for seed ; select six kernels from the ears according 
 to the method described later under the rag-doll test, and place them 
 in some sort of a germinator. If, by the above method, a test of 95 
 percent is obtained (at least 570 kernels showing good germination), 
 further examination of the corn in this respect will be unnecessary. 
 
 It is probable, however, that very little corn will be acceptable 
 by the composite test. Therefore, the individual ear test will be 
 found necessary. This means that every ear must be tried for ger- 
 mination. There are numerous methods of applying this individual 
 ear test, and there are many kinds of commercial testers on the 
 market, but homemade devices are as good as those which cost 
 money. Two general types of homemade testers and general sugges- 
 tions for their management are described below . 
 
 THE RAG-DOLL TESTER 
 
 The rag-doll tester is suggested for the following reasons : 
 
 1. It will, if propel ly handled, give a reliable index of tlie vitality of seed 
 
 corn. 
 
 2. It is cheap and easily made. 
 
 3. It is simple in operation, and takes no more time than other more ex- 
 
 pensive testers. 
 
 4. As a rule, there is little difficulty experienced with molds which develop 
 
 in certain other testers. 
 
 5. It is easily disinfected. 
 
 6. Counting the grains is less difficult, because the entire kernel with its 
 
 roots can be observed. 
 
 7. The rag-doll tester is small, and ' ' dolls ' ' can be stored away in a limited 
 
 space. 
 
 Note. — The rag-doll tester was first used and described by the Iowa Agri- 
 cultural Experiment Station. 
 
Circular No. 211 
 
 [January^ 
 
19JS] The Seed-Corn Situation for 1918 S 
 
 Making tlie Tester. — Cut common muslin into strips 5 to 7 feet 
 long and 10 inches wide. Hem the edge in order to prevent raveling. 
 Then leaving at each end an unmarked area 8 to 10 inches deep, 
 divide the strip of cloth down the center with a heavy line which can- 
 not be easily erased and which will not blur upon wetting. Mark 
 this area off into rectangles 3 inches wide and 5 inches long by 
 crossing the center line perpendicularly with lines 3 inches apart. 
 The tester is nov/ ready for filling. 
 
 Arranging the Ears. — Place the ears in a convenient location 
 where they will not be disturbed. The ears should be numbered to cor- 
 respond with the squares in the tester. These may be placed in con- 
 secutive order on a table, but numbering them is better. (See Fig. 1) 
 
 Preparing the "Boll" for the Test. — First dip the tester in water, 
 then wring gently, and spread it on a table of convenient height for 
 comfortable work. The cloth when slightly moist will be more easily 
 handled, and the grains will not slip about on the tester before it is 
 rolled up. 
 
 Removing and Placing the Kernels. — Six kernels from each ear 
 should be used in each division of this tester. The grains should be 
 placed germ-side up, and all the tips should point in the same direction 
 in order to make possible the rapid reading of results at the end of the 
 test. Remove one grain about two inches from the butt. Turn the ear 
 one-fourth around and remove a kernel from the middle of the ear. 
 Turn the ear again one-fourth around in the same direction as before 
 and remove a grain two inches from the tip. Holding the ear in the 
 same position, remove a kernel about two inches from the butt. Turn 
 the ear and repeat the above operation, taking a kernel from the middle 
 and one two inches from the tip. Thus, when the ear has been turned 
 around once, six kernels will have been removed: two from the butt, 
 two from the middle, and two from the tip ; and each of the two 
 grains from the butt," the middle, and the tip will have come from 
 opposite sides of the ear. 
 
 Fig. 2. — The Tester Should be Eolled Firmly but not Tightly Around a 
 Stick or Small Cardboard Mailing Tube as a Core 
 
CiKCULAR No. 211 
 
 [January, 
 
 Rolling the "Doll" and Germinating tJie Corn. — Roll the cloth, 
 with the grains, firnily but not tightly around a stick or a small piece 
 of wire screening, bent in the form of a cylinder, for a core (Fig. 2). 
 Place around each end, and the center if desired, a string or a 
 rubber band (Fig. 3). Place the roll in a bucket of water with a tem- 
 perature of about 80° F., and let it remain for about ten or fifteen 
 hours. At the end of this period, pour off the water and store the 
 tester in a warm room. A box, a bucket, or a moist sack may be placed 
 
 Fig. 3. — The Rag Doll Eolled and Ready for Soaking 
 
 over the roll so that it will not dry out, but some allowance should be 
 made for ventilation. A number of ' ' dolls ' ' may be used at the same 
 time, making it possible to test a large quantity of corn quickly. It 
 requires about two yards of 36-inch muslin to each li/4 bushels of com 
 tested. 
 
 At the end of five to eight days the count may be made and the 
 germination test recorded. 
 
 Observing Results and Discarding Ears. — Untie the string, or slip 
 off the rubber bands, and unroll the doll carefully so that no kernels 
 
19181 
 
 The SeedhCorn Situation for 1918 
 
 are displaced. Note the germination of the kernels in each rectangle 
 and count those good that show strong, vigorous shoots and roots 
 from all six kernels (see illustration on front cover). Ears showing 
 one or two kernels with weak shoots and roots should be discarded 
 or laid out and retested. If the same results are obtained in the sec- 
 ond test, the ear should be discarded. All ears in the test that show 
 more than two kernels with weak shoots and roots should be thrown 
 out at once. If only one kernel of the six from any one of the ears 
 fails to grow, and the others are good, the ear should be retested ; 
 but if no better results are obtained in the second test, the ear should 
 be thrown into the feed crib. All ears with more than one dead 
 kernel among the six kernels in the test should be thrown out 
 immediately. 
 
 After Each Test the cloth should be sterilized by boiling, in or- 
 der to guard against trouble with molds when using it again. 
 
 THE SAWDUST AND THE SAND-BOX TESTER 
 
 The Sawdust Box is a favorite type of tester. Construct a box 24 
 by 30 inches, and 3 inches deep, inside measurements, and fill to within 
 an inch of the top with sawdust which has been thoroly moistened. It 
 is best to soak this material for 10 to 12 hours before placing it in the 
 test box. When the sawdust is put into the container, pack it firmly 
 and smooth it down even, to within about one inch of the top. Place 
 stout muslin over the sawdust and tack it securely to the edges of the 
 box ; then rule it into 2-inch squares. Number the squares, and then 
 take from each ear six grains as described for the rag-doll method, and 
 place them on the squares, being careful that they are placed on num- 
 bers corresponding to the numbers of the ears from which they have 
 been taken. Put these ears away where they will not be disturbed. 
 
 
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 Fig. 4. — The Sawdust Box is a Favorite Type of Tester 
 
 When the box is filled, cover the grains with a clean cloth, and moisten 
 cloth and grain. Place moistened sawdust over the top, and if this 
 material should become somewhat dry it should be moistened as occa- 
 sion demands. 
 
8 ClKCTJLAR No. 211 
 
 After six to eight days at room temperature, a count may be made 
 and all poor ears discarded. The same rigid method of elimination 
 must be followed here as indicated for the final count and rejection in 
 the rag-doll test. 
 
 TJie Sand Box is very commonly used by corn growers. It is made 
 in the same way as that indicated for the sawdust box, the only differ- 
 ence being that sand is employed instead of sawdust. The sand is 
 moistened before the grains are put in place. The grains are usually 
 pushed into the sand point downward, or they may be pressed into the 
 sand with the germ side up. Glass may be put over the tester, in which 
 case the germination and growth of the grains may be observed. More 
 frequently, however, layers of moistened cloth are put over the sand. 
 The grains from different ears are kept separate by means of wires. 
 It is suggested that sand gives a more even moisture supply and more 
 even temperature than sawdust. 
 
 CHOICE OF VARIETY 
 
 For NortJiern Illinois. — Continued tests have shown that for 
 northern Illinois the leading high-yielding varieties which have been 
 grown for a minimum of four years are Western Plowman, Riley's 
 Favorite, Griffith's Early Dent, Reid's Yellow Dent, Hecker's Red, 
 and Funk's 90 Day. 
 
 For Central Illinois. — At Urbana, seventeen vaj?ieties of corn have 
 been under test for five years or more. Reid's Yellow Dent, Boone 
 County White, Learning, Silvermine, Riley's Favorite, Champion 
 White Pearl, Golden Eagle, Farmer's Interest, Johnson County 
 White, and Beatty's Yellow are all high-yielding strains. 
 
 For Southern Illinois. — On well fertilized land in southern Illi- 
 nois, the leading high yielding varieties tested for a minimum of four 
 years are Funk 's 90 Day, Reid 's Yellow Dent, Perrine 's White Pearl, 
 Chinese Poor Land, Grave 's Yellow Dent, Champion White Pearl, and 
 Silvermine. On unfertilized land. Champion White Pearl, Perrine 's 
 White Pearl, and Esterly's White have been the highest yielders for 
 three years. 
 
 For a further discussion of varieties, see Bulletin 191 of the Illi- 
 nois Agricultural Experiment Station. Early varieties should be 
 selected when the crop is to be grown for grain alone. Later matur- 
 ing varieties may be seeded for silage. This will help to make the 
 best use of early varieties, which must be used in the northern part of 
 the state and the supply of which at best is very limited. 
 
February, 1918 
 
 Extension Circular No. 19 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITHl THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OP AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 
 THE RAG-DOLL TESTER FOR CORN 
 
 By W. L. BURLISON and GEOEGE H. DUNGAN 
 
 THE RAG DOLL ROLLED AND READY FOR SOAKINCi 
 
TO CLUB MEMBERS IN ALL PROJECTS 
 
 Many of yon, perhaps, have read the story of the Leak in the 
 Dike, and how Peter, the lad in far away Holland, saved his country 
 by putting his arm into a little hole in a dike and stopping the leak. 
 The dike in Holland is, as you know, all that stands between that 
 country and destruction. If the dike should give way, the ocean 
 would sweep in and death and devastation would follow. 
 
 Our own country, the United States, at the present time stands 
 in much the same position as does Holland. Instead of a threatening 
 ocean of water, we are menaced by a sea of German autocracy. Did 
 you ever think what would be the result if it should engulf us? Do 
 you know that it would sweep away the things that are nearest and 
 dearest to the hearts of every American boy and girl ? 
 
 Like Holland, we are protected by mighty dikes — our army and 
 our navy. But the mightiest dike of them all is Food. During the 
 past year you have done your bit in producing Food. It may not 
 seem to you that you have done very much, but every ounce of food 
 produced in garden, field, or feed yard has helped to build the dike. 
 Now a leak has been discovered. AVill you, like Peter, help to stop it ? 
 
 Our corn crop, the pride of Illinois, is threatened unless good 
 seed can be obtained. It can be obtained only by picking over and 
 testing ear by ear the corn which has been gathered. Every un- 
 tested ear that is planted is a leak in the dike, and every club mem- 
 ber who tests an ear of corn, whether he plants it or whether some- 
 one else plants it, is stopping a leak in the dike. 
 
 This little circular will tell you how to go about this. It is placed 
 in your hands with the hope that whatever your club interest may 
 be, wherever you may live, whether in the city or in the open coun- 
 try, you may see this opportunity for patriotic service. 
 
 Uncle Sam has done a great deal for club boys and girls. Here is 
 a chance to do something for him. Take this up in your club meet- 
 ings, and talk with your club leader. See if there is not some way 
 of cooperating with the farmers in your neighborhood in this work. 
 Then Avhen this great conflict is over, other boys and girls may read 
 your story as you have read Peter's. - ■ ^ , >. 
 
 JAMES H. GEEENE 
 State Leader in Junior Extension 
 
 College op Agriculture 
 
 Urbana, Illinois 
 
THE RAG-DOLL TESTER FOR CORN 
 
 By W. L. BUELISON", Associate Professor of Crop Production, and 
 GEORGE H. DUNGAN", Assistant in Crop Production 
 
 The seed-corn situation was never so serious in Illinois as it is 
 the present season of 1918. Corn was injured last fall in practically 
 every section of the state by very early frost, and for this reason 
 very little mature seed was selected from the field. Reports on the 
 germination tests this year are very discouraging. The vitality of 
 corn probably has never been so unsatisfactory. 
 
 It will be necessary to make germination tests of every ear which 
 is to be planted this spring. There are several methods of doing 
 this, but the simplest and least expensive one is by means of the 
 rag-doll tester. This plan is suggested for boys' and girls' clubs for 
 the following reasons : 
 
 1. It will, if properly handled, give a reliable index of the 
 vitalit}^ of seed corn. 
 
 2. It is cheap and easily made. 
 
 3. It is simple in operation, and takes no more time than 
 other more expensive testers. 
 
 4. As a rule, there is little difficulty experienced with molds 
 which develop in certain other testers. 
 
 5. It is easily disinfected. 
 
 ! 6. Counting the grains is less difficult, because the entire 
 
 i kernel with its roots can be observed. 
 
 7. The rag-doll tester is small, and "dolls" can be stored 
 away in a limited space. 
 
 Making the Tester. — Cut common muslin into strips 5 to 7 feet 
 long and 10 inches wide. Hem the edge in order to prevent rav- 
 eling. Then leaving at each end an unmarked area 8 to 10 inches 
 deep, divide the strip of cloth down the center with a heavy line 
 which cannot be easily erased and which will not blur upon wetting. 
 Mark this area oft' into rectangles 3 inches wide and 5 inches long- 
 by crossing the center line perpendicularly with lines 3 inches apart. 
 Make a mark on the back of the doll in the upper left-hand corner 
 to indicate the top after it is rolled up. The tester is now ready for 
 filling (see Fig. 1). 
 
 Arranging' the Ears. — Place the ears in a convenient location 
 where they will not be disturbed. The ears should be numbered to 
 correspond to the squares in the tester. These may be placed in 
 
 Note. — The rag-doll tester Mas first used and described by the Iowa Agri- 
 cultural Experiment Station. 
 
 3 
 
Extension Circular No. 19 
 
 [February, 
 
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LOIS] 
 
 The Rag-Doll Tester for Corn 
 
 consecutive order on a table, but numbering- tliem is better (see 
 Fig. 2). 
 
 Preparing' the "Doll" for the Test. — First dip the cloth in water, 
 then wring it gently, and spread it on a table of convenient height 
 for comfortable work. The cloth when slightly moist will be more 
 easily handled, and the grains will not slip about on the tester be- 
 fore it is rolled up. i 
 
 Removing and Placing the Kernels. — Six kernels from each ear 
 should be used in each division of this tester. The grains should 
 be placed germ-side up, and all the tips should point in the same 
 direction in order to make possible the rapid reading of results at 
 the end of the test (see Fig. 3). Remove one grain about two inches 
 
 
 
 
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 Fig. 3. — Placing the Kernels with Germ-side up and Tips roiNTiNG in One 
 Direction Facilitates Eeading the Test 
 
 from the butt. Turn the ear one-fourth around and remove a kernel 
 from the middle of the ear. Turn the ear again one-fourth around in 
 the same direction as before and remove a grain two inches from the 
 tip. Holding the ear in the same position, remove a kernel about 
 two inches from the butt. Turn the ear and repeat the above opera- 
 tion, taking a kernel from the middle and one two inches from the 
 tip. 
 
 Thus, when the ear has been turned around once, six kernels 
 will have been removed : two from the butt, two from the middle, 
 and two from the tip ; and each of the two grains from the butt, 
 from the middle, and from the tip will have come from opposite 
 sides of the ear (see Fig. 4). 
 
Extension Circulak Ko. 19 
 
 [Fchruarij, 
 
 
 tl_L.i,J -::- 
 
 1 — Eemove one grain about 2 inches from the butt 
 
 2 — Turn ear % around and take kernel from middle of ear 
 
 3 — Turn again i/4 around in same direction; take grain 2 inches from tip 
 
 4 — Holding ear in same position, remove kernel 2 inches from butt 
 5 — Again turn the ear and lemove kernel from middle of ear 
 6 — Make one more quarter-turn and take kernel 2 inches from tip 
 
 Fig. 4. — Eemoving the Kernels for Testing 
 
1918] 
 
 Thk Rag-Doll Tester for Corn 
 
 Rolling the "Doll" and Germinating- the Corn. — Begimiiiig at the 
 end having the highest numbers, roll the cloth, with the grains, 
 firmly but not tightly around a stick or a small piece of wire screen- 
 ing bent in the form of a cylinder for a core (Fig. 5). Place around 
 each end, and the center if desired, a string or a rubber band (see 
 front cover). Place the roll in a bucket of water Avilh a tempera- 
 ture of about 80°F., and let it remain for ten or fifteen hours. 
 At the end of this period, pour oft" the water and store the tester 
 top side up in a warm room. A box, a bucket, or a moist sack may 
 
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 Fig. 
 
 -The Tester Should Be Eolled Firmly but not Tightly Around a 
 Stick or Small Cardboard Mailing Tube as a Core 
 
 be placed over the roll so that it will not dry out, but some allow- 
 ance should be made for ventilation. A number of "dolls" may be 
 used at the same time, making it possible to test a large quantity 
 of corn quickly. About two yards of 36-inch muslin is required for 
 each 11/4 bushels of corn tested. 
 
 At the end of five to eight days the count may be made and the 
 germination test recorded. 
 
 Note. — For fuller information concerning Corn Club work, the reader is re- 
 ferred to Extension Circular 7 of the Illinois College of AgTiculture. If informa- 
 tion concerning the organization and direction of boys' and girls' clubs is desired, 
 it will be found in Extension Circular 5 of the lUinois College of Agriculture. 
 Personal help thru correspondence, conferences, or meetings may be secured thru 
 the State Leader in Junior Extension, College of Agriculture, Urbana, Illinois. 
 
8 Extension Circular No. 19 
 
 Observing- Results and Discarding- Ears. — Untie the strings, or 
 slip off the rubber l)ands, and unroll the doll carefully so that no 
 kernels are displaced. Note the germination of the kernels in each 
 rectangle and count those good that show strong, vigorous roots and 
 shoots from all six kernels (see Fig. 6C). Ears with one or two 
 kernels producing weak roots and shoots should be discarded or 
 laid out and retested (see Fig. 6B). If the same results are ob- 
 tained in the second test, the ear should be discarded. All ears in 
 the test that show more than two kernels with weak roots and shoots 
 should be throAvn out at once (see Fig. 6A). If only one kernel of 
 
 Flg. (3. — Germination Tests 
 
 the six from any one of the ears fails to grow and the others are good, 
 the ear should be retested;" but if no better results are o'btained in 
 the second test, the ear should be thrown into the feed crib. All 
 ears with more than one dead kernel among the six kernels in the 
 test should be thrown out, immediately. 
 
 Treatment of a Used Doll before Putting in Other Tests. — Often 
 molds develop during the germination of the corn, and a tester used 
 over and over again will become badly infected with a fungous 
 growth. To prevent this trouble it is advisable, before putting in a 
 new test, to sterilize each "doll" by immersing it for a few minutes 
 in boiling water. By following this practice, the tester may be used 
 again and again and continue to give as good results as a new one. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 213 
 
 APPLE FLAKES 
 
 By W. p. JAMES 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, MARCH, 1918 
 
APPLE FLAKES 
 
 By W. p. JAMES, Assistant in Pomology 
 
 Each day the responsibilities of the United States in the World 
 War are increasing. Along with the great task of feeding our own 
 ever-increasing number of soldiers in Europe, we have fallen heir 
 to the supplying of much food for our Allies. 
 
 Meat and grain have been rushed to Europe, but very little fruit. 
 Our fruits have not been offered to our Allies, not because of scarcity 
 or lack of supply, but because we could not export them. Where 
 Europe needs f]-uit the most today is in the trenches. It is in the 
 trenches that life is most strenuous, where a balance of ration is 
 most needed, as only highly concentrated foods are available in 
 most instances. Men in the trenches are begging for fruit, not as a 
 luxury, but as a source of fruit sugar, fruit esters, and acids, to aid 
 in digestion and give a balance of ration. 
 
 With this idea of supplying fruit for the army foremost, it was 
 resolved to tind a method whereby the apple could be put to use in 
 the trenches in a practical way as an army food. 
 
 INEFFICIENCY OF THE SULFUR-BLEACHED APPLE AS A 
 
 WAR FOOD 
 
 The present sulfur-bleached commercially dried apple has fallen 
 so short in retention of natural flavor, color, cell structure, and ade- 
 quate keeping quality, that it has not even warranted consideration 
 as an army food. On account of the thick slicing, sulfur bleaching, 
 and high moisture content, dried apples, as offered to the public in 
 their present form, are a leathery product, the outer layers of cells 
 having dried first, making it impossible to lower the original per- 
 centage of moisture in the inner layer of cells without destroying 
 the chemical and physiological construction of the outer cells. The 
 ready spoiling of the sulfur-bleached apple is doubtless due to fer- 
 mentation or chemical rearrangement within the cells of the inner 
 layers of the di'ied fruit, a result of insufficient dehydration accom- 
 panied by an increase in temperature. 
 
 PLAN OF EXPERIMENT 
 
 At the beginning of this work it was recognized that the four 
 factors of vital importance to be controlled were: (1) percentage 
 of moistur(\ (2) cell structure, (3) flavor, and (4) color. These 
 
Apple Flakes 3 
 
 factors were taken up in order of theii' importance as influencing the 
 use of the product as an army food in Europe. 
 
 Control of ^Moisture Context and Cell Structure 
 
 Apples were sliced and dried in a large-sized tin drier heated by 
 a gas burner placed in the fire box. A current of ciir was forced thru 
 the drier by one electric fan running continually. The temperature 
 was held at approximately 120° F. ; a second fan was connected thru 
 a make-and-break box and pilot lamp, Avith a thermostat in the di'ier 
 set at 120° F. to prevent the temperature from running up and caus- 
 ing changes that would prevent the material from ever regaining its 
 original consistency. 
 
 Apples in the following forms were ])ut into the driei': whole, 
 halved, quartered, whole-peeled, peeled and halved, peeled and quar- 
 tered, and peeled and sliced. After two days of constant drying it 
 was found that only the surface layers of cells were dried in each 
 instance. The thickness of the di'ied surface was approximately the 
 same in all cases, the inner portion of the tissues having retained 
 the original moisture content. As was expected, the portion left 
 covered with the epidermis had dried but little, since the epidermis 
 is almost impermeable to moisture. The difference in the rate of 
 drying is also evident between different varieties, the Ben Davis, 
 for example, drying much more readily than the AVinesap under 
 the same treatment. 
 
 It was self-evident that the slicing of the apples must be done in 
 such a way as to permit the escape of the cell water of all the layers 
 of cells and yet leave the material capable of taking up water readily 
 and assuming approximately its normal consistency, without marked 
 chemical changes liaving occuri'ed. In this work an oi'dinai'y apple 
 peeler was used, the peeling process being continued until the entire 
 apple was cut into thin, narrow strips. This method, it will be ob- 
 served, eliminates slicing and coring, and, when operated on a large 
 scale, will greatly reduce labor and the use of extra machinery. Sev- 
 eral series, prepared in the manner described, were dried from twelve 
 to fourteen hours under mechanical conditions corresponding to those 
 used in commercial drying. The result was a product dried to a 
 moisture content of 5 to 8 percent, a crisji, flakelike form easily pow- 
 dered in a mortar. The flakes, when allowed to absorb water ecjual to 
 the amount driven off, regained approximately their original form, 
 thickness, and consistency. 
 
 The keeping ((uality of the flakes has been demonstrated in two 
 ways. The product has been kei)t in open packages in a crisp foi'iii. 
 at room temperature, for a i)criod of four weeks, without appreciably 
 
4 Circular No. 213 [March, 
 
 absorbing inoistiire or losing flavor. In closed receptacles, similar 
 samples have been preserved for ten to twelve months without altera- 
 tion. The low moisture content, in itself, makes it probable that the 
 product will keep, under reasonable conditions, more or less indefi- 
 nitely. When to this is added the preservative effect of the sugar, 
 the keeping quality of the product seems assured. 
 
 Control of Color and Flavor ' . 
 
 The browning, or undesirable coloring, of apples dried without 
 being bleached, is doubtless due to the naked cell walls and the in- 
 tercellular spaces coming into contact with the oxygen of the air.^ 
 By accelerating the action of the enzymes on the disaccharides, the 
 oxygen of the air is in part responsible for the change in the 
 flavor of the product. It follows, therefore, that any control of 
 browning by a method which protects the exposed cell walls and 
 intercellular spaces from the air will also tend to prevent to a 
 marked degree the change in flavor, or chemical rearrangement of 
 the cell, which otherwise results. In preserving the color of the 
 commercial sulfur-dried apples by bleaching rather than by the pro- 
 tection of the exposed intercellular spaces and cells, there is a marked 
 loss of flavor. 
 
 In previous investigations by the writer, no difference in coloring- 
 was observed whether drying took place in the light or in the dark. 
 However, a photo-chemical change occurs when the fruit is dried in 
 direct sunlight : there is first a slight browning, then the photo- 
 chemical change, which gives the original light color, the product later 
 turning brown again. 
 
 The use of a one-percent solution of commercial salt as a dip 
 to prevent discoloring in drying has been recommended for some 
 time in vegetable drying. Dipping the apples in various solutions 
 of salt was therefore first tried. It was found that the original color 
 of the fruit could be retained by dipping the apple, when prepared 
 for the drier, in a salt solution. Starting with a one-percent solu- 
 tion of salt, it was found that as the concentration of solutions in- 
 creased, the degree of browning decreased in inverse proportion. 
 AVith a solution of 30 percent or above, the original apple color was 
 retained. 
 
 When distilled water was used it was found that the cell struc- 
 ture was destroyed and a leathery product was obtained which was 
 unable to absorb an amount of moisture equal to that given off. This 
 showed that dipping the product in a less concentrated solution 
 than the cell sap had brought about osmosis and the cells had at 
 
 ^Whether the browning is due directly to oxidation or to the activating 
 of an oxidative enzyme that acts upon a glucosidal flavone, is of little im- 
 portance at this time. 
 
1918] Apple Flakes S 
 
 first taken up moisture, thus altering the cell content and destroying 
 the tissue structure. By tlie use of a solution of equal concentration 
 with the cell sap, osmosis would not occur. Then, to use a higher 
 concentration than the cell sap, the osmotic reaction would be re- 
 versed, and would seal over the intercellular spaces, and exclude 
 the air. The use of a high percentage solution of salt makes the 
 food of no commercial value, as it gives the undesirable salt taste 
 to the product. 
 
 To obtain the same desirable effect on color and to avoid the un- 
 pleasant concentrated saline taste, sugar solutions were next tried 
 instead of salt. Different concentrations of sugar solutions gave 
 parallel results with those of salt. A solution ranging from 20 to 
 30 percent retained the original color of the apple. An acidity test, 
 based on dry matter, showed that the apple had undergone no 
 appreciable change in acidity thru the drying processes. 
 
 The use of a sugar solution was therefore immediately taken up 
 as the basis for the control of coloring and the prevention of acidity 
 changes. The sugar of course added to the food value of the prod- 
 uct; and as any sugar left in the discarded solution was distilled 
 and recovered, there was no waste whatever. The method of dip- 
 ping was as follows: The apples were prepared for drying, then 
 placed in the solution of sugar and stirred in order to get the sur- 
 faces of all the pieces into contact with the solution, and removed 
 and spread on a drying pan. Enough of a 5-percent solution (5 
 grams of sugar per 100 cc. of distilled water) was used to give one- 
 tenth of a gram of solution for each gram of prepared apple tissue. 
 
 Fig. 1. — Left to Right: Color Comparison Showing the Decrease of 
 Browning as the Percentage op Sugar Used AVas Increased. The Sample 
 on the Extreme Left Was Not Treated 
 
 Later a method was discovered whereby the process of dissolving 
 the sugar and then dipping the apples in the solution could be elimi- 
 nated. When the sugar, in the dry form, was added or mixed with 
 the prepared apple tissue just before the apple was placed in the 
 drying trays, enough cell sap was liberated from the ruptured cells 
 of the apple to dissolve the sugar in a very short time. Even in the 
 case of varieties with low moisture content, as the Grimes, enough 
 
6 Circular Xo. 213 [Marcli, 
 
 cell sap was present to dissolve 2 grams of sugar per 10 grams of 
 apple tissue. No sugar was lost by dripping, as was the case when 
 sugar was used in solution as a dip. The use of dry sugar had the 
 same effect as dipping upon the color, flavor, and structure of the 
 finished product. The time required for drying was not affected. 
 Another advantage of this method of dry sugaring over the dipping 
 method was that the spreading on the trays was simplified. The 
 sug'ar did not all dissolve immediately, but part of it adhered to the 
 tissues in the granular form until it went into solution. Then as the 
 sugar went into solution it was equally distributed over the surface 
 of the pieces of apple, even when a very low percentage was used.^ 
 Thruout the first part of the work only Grimes apples were avail- 
 able, but later Ben Davis, Winesap, and Jonathan varieties were 
 used. The distinctive flavor of each variety was readily detected 
 in the flakes. The snappy, high-acid, and fruit-ester taste of the 
 Winesap greatly contrasted with the low-flavored taste of the Ben 
 Davis. 
 
 UTILIZATION OF THE PRODUCT 
 
 The product having been obtained, wdiat is the most practical 
 Avay of handling this food for the armyl 
 
 As the flakes came from the drier, a carton measuring 3x2x1 
 inches, with paraffin wrapper, was used to hold the crisp and dried 
 product of one apple of the 125-box pack size. It was found that the 
 product from four such apples could be placed in one of these small 
 boxes by breaking up the flakes. The flakes arc at present being' 
 put up in sample form in these boxes, with 30 grams per box. This 
 is equivalent to approximately 300 grams of apples, without the 
 core or peeling. Thirty grams of dried pi'oduct in these 3x2xl-inch 
 boxes is equivalent in food value to 492 grams of apples in the l)ulk, 
 or 4.8 apples measuring 8 inches in circumference. This estimate is 
 based upon comparative weights of peeling, core, and meat as ob- 
 tained by the use of a small-sized commercial type of peeler. 
 
 The question is, How can the apple flakes be used in the trenches 
 or back of the trenches by our armies in Europe at present? Where 
 mess shacks are possible, the product can be utilized either raw — 
 eaten directly from the box — as a breakfast dish, requiring only 
 
 ^The writer hopes later to make out a percentage table stating the amounts 
 of sugar required to give the different degrees of color and sugar coating de- 
 sired, basing the computations of the table upon the amount of sugar required 
 per unit weight of bulk apple and taking into consideration the different sized 
 apples as determined by commercial grading. The relative-size phase must 
 necessarily be considered, as the ratio of core and peeling to size of apple 
 decreases as the size of ajaple increases. Consideration of this pliase, as well 
 as of others noted in this work, has been postponed as being of relative un- 
 importance; jiresent effort is directed toward making the product available for 
 army use. 
 
1918] Apple Flakes 7 
 
 three minutes for th-e flakes to soften in milk or cream, or it may 
 be used as a sauce, stewed, or in other forms of cooking. Stewing 
 requires practically the same amount of time as the stewing of fresh 
 apples. Put up in small packages containing from 8 to 30 grams, 
 this product may l3e distributed to the men at the front and eaten 
 direct from the ])ox. With the use of 20-percent sugar solutions the 
 intercellular spaces are filled with sugar; the first taste is of the 
 sugar, followed by the original apple taste or flavor. A 20-percent 
 solution gives a slightly candy-coated product. 
 
 Ftg. 2. — QuAXTTTATivE Co?.rpARTSox OF Fresh, Flaked, and Powdered Forms 
 OF Four Jonathan Apples, Each Form as Illustrated Containing the Same 
 Total Dry Weight of Apple 
 
 Tho the flake form seems at present the most logical for army 
 use, as it retains some bulk, three other more highly concentrated 
 forms have been prepared. One is in the form of powder, the flakes 
 being ground into powdered form similar to powdered sugar. This, 
 put up in vials, may he used as a seasoning for puddings, pies, cakes, 
 etc. It is, however, very concentrated. Tlie second form is obtained 
 by pressing the powdered flakes into small capsules similar to the 
 commercial junket capsules. Tho pectic bodies in the apple cells, 
 which at least in part cause the gelatinizing of concentrated aqueous 
 extract of the apple, retain enough of their former mucilaginous 
 state to cause the particles of the powder when compi'essed to ad- 
 here, and the sugar further aids as an adhering agent. The product 
 of one 125-size apple, when powdered, may be compressed into the 
 form of a small tal)let, the size depending upon the amount of 
 pressure used. The third form is that of a small cake, compressed 
 only enough to give it shape and sta])ility. This form can be made 
 about the size of the small chocolate l^ar. Dipped in a sirup to give 
 a candy coating, or coated with powdered sugar, and wrapped in 
 tinfoil, a very desira])le product for confectionery trade is obtained. 
 
8 CmcuLAR No. 213 
 
 APPLE FLAKES AS A COMMERCIAL PRODUCT 
 
 The new product meets the requirements of a successful dried 
 apple product in the following ways: 
 
 1. Control of Moisture Content. — The low moisture content ap- 
 pears to insure long keeping of the product. By sealing the par- 
 affined cartons, even a slow change in moisture content is prevented ; 
 thus we have a product of high keeping quality sufficient to stand 
 the adverse conditions which a successful war food must meet. 
 
 2. Cell Structure. — The physical structure of the tissues on be- 
 ing dried permits the product to absorb water readily up to the 
 original content, and so regain approximately its original form. 
 
 3. Coloring. — The coloring, or browning, is controlled without 
 bleaching the tissues or inducing marked chemical changes. 
 
 4. Flavor. — The flavor, the sugar, the acid, and probably the 
 original food constituents are not appreciably affected by the proc- 
 esses used in this method of drying. 
 
 5. Use of Sugar. — By the use of sugar there is an addition of 
 food value to the product. A concentration as low as 5 percent will 
 give satisfactory results as far as the structure, flavor, and keeping 
 quality are concerned. Higher concentrations may, however, be de- 
 sirable from the standpoint of attractiveness and food value. 
 
 6. Economical Production. — The expense of production should 
 be less than that of the production of the present form of sulfur- 
 dried apple. The expense of sulfuring, slicing, and coring are elimi- 
 nated, with only the addition of sugaring and the time required to 
 run the entire apple thru the peeler, which is negligible as com- 
 pared with the time eliminated in the slicing, coring, and sulfuring. 
 The addition of the sugar can be accomplished mechanically as the 
 prepared tissue is being mechanically transferred to the drier room. 
 
 7. Transportation.- — In its highly concentrated form the expense 
 of transporting this product is reduced to the minimum. To put 
 1,000 bushels of fresh apples, or approximately 50,000 pounds, into 
 the trenches in Europe, would require the handling of only about 
 5,500 pounds of the dried product ; that is, twenty-five tons of fresh 
 apples would make approximately two and three-quarters tons of 
 dried product. 
 
 With an abundant supply of storage apples in the United States, 
 with only slight changes necessary in the present facilities for the 
 drying of apples in commercial driers, and with the urgent neces- 
 sity for fruit in the trenches, this product can be transported to 
 Europe in large quantities, as food for the soldiers, within a short 
 period, if properly handled. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, MARCH, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 214 
 
 SHALL WE PLANT MORE SPRING WHEAT? 
 
 By W. L. BUELISON^ 
 
 A Real Need for Spring- Wheat. — Last summer when tlic United 
 Department of Agriculture launched a campaign for more wheat, 
 Illinois was asked to increase the acreage planted to this crop by 
 24 percent. The campaign was begun after many farmers had 
 planned their cropping systems for 1918. It was not possible, there- 
 fore, to increase the acreage of winter wheat sufficiently to meet 
 this demand. The only way in which the state can now attempt 
 to do what is expected of it is to increase the acreage of spring 
 wheat. It may not be possible to increase the Illinois wheat crop 24 
 percent, but it will be possible to add considerable in this direction. 
 There is a great shortage of wheat in the country and every acre 
 which can be put into spring wheat with a possibility of success 
 should be seeded to this crop. 
 
 Where to Grow Spring" Wheat. — ^Spring wheat does best in cool 
 climates. Northern Illinois can alford to seed a larger acreage of 
 spring wheat than it has put in heretofore. Counties north of a line 
 connecting the southern boundaries of Kankakee and Mercer coun- 
 ties are within the spring wheat zone. Counties south of this line 
 and north of a line drawn between the southern boundaries of Cham- 
 paign and Adams counties are generally considered as out of the zone 
 of spring wheat production, but even in these counties there is likely 
 to be a large acreage of spring wheat planted this year. (This state- 
 ment is made on the basis of numerous inquiries which are coming 
 from patriotic people of these counties.) In localities in the southern 
 part of central Illinois some spring wheat may also be planted. In 
 
 ^Assoeiato Chief in Crop Production. 
 
2 . CiKCULAR No. 214 [March, WIS 
 
 northern Illinois a large acreage of spring wheat should be planted. 
 
 In central Illinois it is sug-gested that from five to ten acres be 
 planted on each f ai'm ; this acreage to be taken from the land which 
 is normally planted to oats. 
 
 Varieties Best to Use. — For some time the University of Illinois 
 has conducted variety tests of spring wheat in DeKalb county, in 
 northern Illinois, and in Champaign county, in central Illinois, and 
 in both regions the Marquis wheat has given results which indicate 
 that it is one of the best, if not the best, variety. As an average of 
 results for the last three years, the Marquis produced 32.2 bushels 
 per acre at DeKalb and 24.2 bushels at Urbana. Durum, Red Fife, 
 and Blue Stem have also given fairly good yields — more than 20 
 bushels per acre as a throe-year average. 
 
 Soil and Soil Preparation. — Spring wheat should be seeded on 
 rich land. It is highly desirable that land for spring wheat be 
 treated with manure and phosphate ; but clover plowed under may 
 take the place of manure. Good corn ground is likely to produce 
 good spring wheat. Fall-plowed land is desirable always, but in 
 many instances growers have disked stalk land thoroly and seeded 
 to spring wheat and have obtained good yields. Plowing, however, 
 is more desiralile if this can be done without delaying seeding too 
 long. 
 
 Time and Rate of Seeding. — Spring wheat should be seeded in 
 central Illinois during the month of March ; or just as soon as the 
 land can be w^ell worked and the crop planted. As a rule, one and 
 one-half bushels per acre will be found most satisfactory. It is best 
 to seed spring wheat before seeding barley or oats. 
 
 As a rule, spring wheat is harvested at about the same time that 
 early oats are harvested or just before late oats are cut. 
 
 Market Value. — At the present time there is no difference in the 
 price of winter and spring wheat, based upon government schedule. 
 
 Note — The Experiment Station does not have seed of spring 
 wheat for sale. 
 
Growing Plants for War G.ardens 
 
 Supply of this Bulletin exhausted 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, APRIL, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 219 
 
 CONSERVING SUGAR IN ICE CREAM 
 MANUFACTURE 
 
 H. A. EUEHE^ 
 
 Since the Food Administration has limited the ice cream manu- 
 facturers to 80 percent of their 1917 sugar supply, the question that 
 is uppermost in the mind of every ice cream manufacturer is, How 
 am I to meet the sugar situation and maintain my business? 
 
 Altho the sugar contributes to the food value of the ice cream, 
 its prime function is to properly sweeten the product to make it 
 palatable. The food value can be replaced by other food products 
 less precious than sugar. 
 
 There are several substances that have been used in ice cream 
 in order to conserve sugar. Some of these substances are glucose, 
 corn sugar, and commercial invert sugar. The glucose and corn 
 sugar are considered sugar substitutes l^y the Food Administration 
 but the invert sugar is not so considered because it is manufactured 
 from the same sources as sugar. Sugar, however, can be saved by the 
 use of invert sugar because inversion increases the total sweetness. 
 
 Sugar when taken into the body is acted upon by the invertase 
 in the intestines and changed from sucrose to dexti'ose and levulose 
 in equal proportions. Dextrose is not so sweet as sugar, but levulose 
 is sweeter. In addition, levulose possesses a pronounced flavor which is 
 quite characteristic of honey and which makes it taste sweeter than 
 sugar. Accordingly, if sugar is inverted before being used in ice 
 cream, its sweetening power is increased. 
 
 Cane sugar (or beet sugar) can be inverted by the simple process 
 of heating in the presence of an acid. The chemical reaction that 
 takes place results in the same products being formed as are formed 
 when the sugar (sucrose) is taken into the human body, the sugar 
 
 'Associate in Dairv ^raiiiifaofcuros. 
 
2 CiRCtJLAR No. 219 [April, 1918 
 
 forming equal parts of dextrose and levulose. The following formula 
 may be used in making invert sugar syrup of such sweetness that a 
 pound of the syrup will replace a pound of sugar. 
 
 100 pounds of sugar 
 44 pounds of water 
 50 grams of powdered tartaric acid 
 
 These ingredients are mixed together and boiled for 30 to 35 
 minutes. If boiled longer than 35 minutes, the syrup darkens in 
 color and a flavor develops which tends to make the syrup resemble 
 glucose syrup, and this is somewhat undesirable. This solution boils 
 at a temperature of about 221 degrees Fahrenheit. A steam pressure 
 kettle can be used very satisfactorily or an open candy kettle over 
 a steady fire may be used. If the solution is boiled too vigorously, 
 there will be too large a loss by evaporation. Ordinarily the loss will 
 be from 3 to 5 percent. 
 
 The above formula should make 140 pounds of syrup, and if there 
 is considerable loss due to evaporation, the syrup can be .brought up 
 to this weight by the addition of water. The resultant invert sugar 
 syrup is not unlike strained honey in appearance and taste. It con- 
 tains about 71.4 percent of sugar and it tastes considerably sweeter 
 than a sugar syrup of the same strength. It does not crystallize, aud- 
 it mixes readily with the ingredients of the ice cream. It can be used 
 in the same prO'portions as sugar, the amount necessary for ten gallons 
 of ice cream being 6.5 to 7 pounds. It gives very satisfactory results 
 in freezing and a pleasant flavor in the finished product. 
 
 It can be readily seen that by using the above method the sugar 
 supply can literally be stretched, for with only 71.4 percent as much 
 sugar as is now being used in ice cream, the same degree of sweet- 
 ness can be obtained. 
 
 A further saving of sugar can be accomplished by substituting 
 either corn sugar or glucose for part of the invert sugar syrup. 
 Neither of these substitutes can be used to totally replace the sugar 
 or invert sugar because of the undesirable flavors w^hich are imparted 
 to the ice cream when used in such amounts. However, they can be 
 used to replace from 25 to 40 percent of the syrup, depending upon 
 the quality of these products. Neither glucose nor corn sugar is as 
 sweet as cane sugar, so that it is not possible to use either of them 
 to replace cane sugar pound for pound. Glucose is about 60 percent 
 and corn sugar is about 80 percent as sweet as cane sugar. 
 
 The United States Department of Agriculture has permitted the 
 use of these sugar substitutes providing that the consumer is properly 
 informed that such substitution has been made. Some of the state 
 food departments have taken the same attitude, whereas others have 
 not as yet given any decision on^this question. 
 
 Conserving sugar at this time is not only meeting the demands 
 of the ice cream business, but it is also a patriotic duty. 
 
June, 1917 Extensiox Circular No. 9 
 
 UNIVERSn^Y OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture And Home Economics 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 CORN AND CORN PRODUCTS USED AS FOOD 
 
 BY 
 
 T.UCILE WHEELER 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 
CORN AND CORN PRODUCTS USED AS FOOD 
 
 LuciLE Wheeler, Associate in Household Science 
 
 In every home the various mill products derived from the wheat 
 kernels are used as food. White bread and entire wheat bread may 
 be the only breadstuffs which are in common use in the household; 
 Cream of Wheat, Farina, Puffed Wheat, with the oatmeals, may be 
 the only breakfast foods. The three most important crops in extent 
 of production at present are wheat, oats, and rice. Corn ranks 
 fourth. This crop is easily grown wherever a long summer season 
 prevails and, by using an early variety, it may be grown successfully 
 in sections having a fairly short summer season. The South naturally 
 spends its greatest energy on the cotton crop, while New England 
 lacks the extensive level fields for corn cultivation. The raising of 
 corn and the increases in its utilization are of particular interest to 
 the Middle West. 
 
 Demands from abroad may be made upon the wheat crop whether 
 it proves larger or smaller than in previous years, which will mean 
 necessarily less for the people here at home. In such cases the 
 breadstuffs so largely derived from wheat must be supplemented by 
 other cereal products. Whether or not extreme emergencies arise, 
 it seems of value to consider the uses of corn and to try to make it 
 a more common article in the dietary. Many ways of utilizing the 
 corn products to a much greater extent may be found, thus helping 
 to- lessen the demand for wheat and at the same time practising an 
 economy which will decrease the food budget. 
 
 Composition of Corn Compared with Other Foods 
 
 Water 
 per- 
 cent 
 
 Pro- 
 tein 
 per- 
 cent 
 
 Fat 
 per- 
 cent 
 
 Car- 
 bohy- 
 drates 
 per- 
 cent 
 
 Min- 
 eral 
 per- 
 cent 
 
 Fuel 
 value 
 
 per 
 pound 
 
 Cost 
 
 per 
 
 pound 
 
 Corn, dry, whole grain 
 Corn meal, granular. . 
 
 Corn, green 
 
 Potato, as purchased . 
 
 White flour 
 
 Eice 
 
 10.8 
 
 10. 
 
 4.3 
 
 73.4 
 
 1.5 
 
 1795 
 
 .... 1 
 
 12.5 
 
 9.2 
 
 1.9 
 
 75.4 
 
 1.0 
 
 1770 
 
 $.05 
 
 75.4 
 
 3.1 
 
 1.1 
 
 19. 
 
 .7 
 
 470 
 
 
 62.6 
 
 1.8 
 
 .1 
 
 14.7 
 
 .8 
 
 310 
 
 .06 
 
 12.8 
 
 10.8 
 
 1.1 
 
 74.8 
 
 .5 
 
 1640 
 
 .08 
 
 12.3 
 
 8. 
 
 .3 
 
 79. 
 
 .4 
 
 1630 
 
 .10 
 
 Cost 
 per 
 1000 
 calo- 
 ries 
 
 $.028 
 
 .193 
 
 .048 
 .061 
 
4 Extension Circular No. 9 [June, 
 
 From the table it is seen that : 
 
 Corn contains as much carbohydrate as flour. 
 Corn contains more fat than flour or potatoes. 
 Corn has more protein than potatoes and practically the same percent 
 
 protein as flour. 
 Corn is higher in mineral content than either flour or potatoes. 
 
 The ash content of corn is, however, more like that of rice and 
 wheat than like that of potatoes, having an excess of acid elements over 
 the basic elements. Potato has more basic or alkaline forming ele- 
 ments than acid. For that reason when corn or rice replaces potato, 
 it is necessary to use milk, fruits, and vegetables even more plentifully 
 in the diet to supply the basic elements, such as calcium, magnesium, 
 sodium, and potassium. Corn meal from the pecuniary standpoint 
 supplies more than one and one-half times as much energy materials 
 as flour for the same money, and six times as much as potatoes at the 
 present prices. None of the cereal products from oats or corn or wheat 
 supply adequate protein for maintenance and growth if used exclu- 
 sively in a limited dietary. Milk, which is rich in all the proteins 
 adequate for growth, supplies those which are essential and rounds 
 out their "incompleteness." 
 
 CORN MEAL 
 
 The following recipes, some used in laboratory courses in food 
 work and some from the United States Farmers' Bulletins, are sug- 
 gestive of a few of the many ways in which corn and hominy may 
 be used as a vegetable, and corn meal, a mill product, may be used 
 in batters and doughs. The prices on which costs were computed are 
 those paid in Urbana-Champaign, Illinois, May 1, 1917. 
 
 The term fat is used in the recipes to indicate any shortening, 
 butter, oleomargerine, lard, Crisco, or drippings. With corn meal mix- 
 tures, bacon drippings may be used to advantage. Chicken fat and beef 
 drippings combined give a fat more like lard in consistency and may 
 be used as its substitute. The amount of liquid in recipes will be 
 affected by longer scalding of corn meal, necessitating more liquid, 
 or by using a bread flour which has great absorptive power. 
 
 CORN MEAL MUSH 
 
 1 cup corn meal 4 to 6 cups water 
 
 % to 1 teaspoon salt or 
 
 4 cups or more milk 
 
1917'] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food S 
 
 Methods of mixing : 
 
 1. Combine dry ingredients with cold water and heat in a double 
 boiler over boiling water. Cook thoroly at least one hour. 
 
 2. Start as above. Cook fifteen to twenty minutes, then remove 
 to fireless cooker and cook overnight. 
 
 3. Have water boiling violently and add cornmeal slowly, stirring 
 constantly. Bring to a boil and cook five minutes directly over fire. 
 Remove from fire and cook in a fireless cooker overnight. When cooked 
 in a fireless cooker use five cups of water to one cup of meal if for a 
 cereal ; if to be moulded and sliced, use four cups of water to one cup 
 of meal. If to be cooked in a double boiler, use six cups of water. 
 
 One cup of meal v/hen cooked for cereal equals four cups or enough 
 to serve six to eight people, furnishes 550 calories, and costs less than 
 two cents. 
 
 Milk may be used in place of water if desired. Serve with milk 
 or cream. 
 
 FETED MUSH 
 
 Mush left from breakfast may be packed in tins, covered to pre- 
 vent formation of a crust, and allowed to stand. Tins, such as baking 
 powder cans, coffee cans, or small bread tins, may be used. Rinse 
 them in cold water or grease before filling with cereal. When the 
 mush has stood for twenty-four hours, it may be turned from the 
 moulds, sliced, dipped in fiour, and sauted in drippings or fat. Serve 
 v/ith maple syrup, corn syrup, or caramel syrup. 
 
 CARAMEL SYRUP 
 1 cup sugar % cup water 
 
 Method 1. Boil together until syrup becomes the color of caramel. 
 Add one-half cup boiling water and boil to desired consistency. 
 
 Method 2. Sugar may be melted in a frying pan and browned to 
 the color of caramel. Then add one-half cup boiling water to dissolve, 
 and boil until it becomes a syrup of the desired consistency. 
 
 BROWN SUGAR SYRUP 
 
 1/^ cup granulated sugar % cup brown sugar 
 
 ^2 cup water 
 
 Boil the ingredients three minutes. This makes one cup of syrup. 
 
 CORN CAKE- 
 
 % cup corn meal % teaspoon salt 
 
 1^ cups flour 1 cup milk 
 
 % cup sugar 1 egg 
 
 4 teaspoons baking powder 1 or 2 tablespoons fat 
 
6 ExTENsioiJ Circular No. 9 [June, 
 
 In using one cup sour milk instead of the sweet milk, use one-half 
 teaspoon soda and two teaspoons baking powder. 
 
 Mix and sift dry ingredients. The sugar may be omitted if de- 
 sired. Add milk and egg well beaten. Add melted butter and bake 
 in a shallow pan in a hot oven twenty minutes. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 8 160 1530 $ .12 
 
 MOLASSES COEN CAKE 
 
 1 cup corn meal 14 cup molasses 
 
 % cup flour 1 cup milk 
 
 314 teaspoons baking pow- 1 egg 
 '- der 1 tablespoon melted fat 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 With one cup of sour milk or one cup of buttermilk instead of the 
 sweet milk, use one-half teaspoon soda and one and one-half teaspoons 
 baking powder. Mix as for corn cake, adding molasses to milk. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 8 127 127Q $ .10 
 
 SPIDEE COEN BEE AD' 
 
 1% cups corn meal 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 2 cups sour milk 2 eggs 
 
 1 teaspoon soda 2 tablespoons fat 
 
 Mix soda, salt, and corn meal. Gradually add Avell beaten eggs 
 and milk. Heat frying pan with butter, turn in mixture, place on 
 middle grate in hot oven, and cook twenty minutes. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 8-10 150 1050 $ .13 
 
 COEN MEAL MUFFINS 
 
 1 cup corn meal % teaspoon salt 
 
 1 cup flour 1 cup milk 
 
 2 tablespoons sugar 1 egg 
 
 2 tablespoons fat 3 teaspoons baking powder 
 
 Turn scalded milk on meal, let stand five minutes, and add flour 
 sifted with dry ingredients. Add beaten egg. 
 
 Cost 
 
 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 8 large 
 
 160 
 
 1470 
 
 Eecipe 8 large 160 1470 $ .12 
 
 muffins 
 
 'C. F. Langworthy and Caroline L. Hunt, "Corn Meal as a Food and Ways 
 f Using It," Farmers' Bui. 565, U. S. Dept. of Agr. 
 
1917] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food 7- 
 
 CORN MEAL GRIDDLE CAKES 
 
 2 cups flour 2 tablespoons sugar 
 
 % cup corn meal 1% cups boiling water 
 
 4% teaspoons baking pow- I14 cups milk 
 
 der 1 egg 
 
 IY2 teaspoons salt 2 tablespoons melted fat 
 
 Add meal to boiling water and boil at least five minutes, stirring 
 constantly. Turn into a bowl, add milk and flour sifted with dry in- 
 gredients. Add egg either beaten or unbeaten. Fry on a hot iron 
 griddle slightly greased. 
 
 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 Cost 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 
 pe 16 cakes 
 
 192 
 
 1630 
 
 $ .125 N 
 
 JSED CORN BREAD 
 
 (BELGIAN 
 
 RELIEF 
 
 RECIPE)* 
 
 
 Weights 
 
 
 Measures 
 
 Corn meal 
 
 6 ounces 
 
 
 1% cups 
 
 Rye or graham flour 
 
 11 ounces 
 
 
 2^2 cups 
 
 Yeast 
 
 1/2 ounce 
 
 
 1/^-1 cake 
 
 Salt 
 
 % ounce 
 
 
 1 teaspoon 
 
 Sugar 
 
 Vs ounce 
 
 
 1 or 2 teaspoons 
 
 Fat 
 
 % ounce 
 
 
 1 or 2 teaspoons 
 
 Water to make a stiff dough 
 
 Add three tablespoons cold water to yeast and rub to a smooth 
 paste. Put sugar, fat, and salt in a bowl and add one cup scalded 
 milk or water to start with ; use more if needed. When lukewarm, add 
 yeast mixture and stir in flour and corn meal mixed together to 
 make a stiff dough. Corn meal may be scalded with water or milk 
 and then added to the dry ingredients, and the rye or graham flour 
 added last. Let rise overnight if a small amount of yeast is used. 
 When double in bulk, knead, shape into a loaf, let rise again until 
 double in bulk, and bake in a hot oven. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Recipe 1 loaf 228 1850 $.088 
 
 YEAST MIXTURE WITH MAGIC YEAST OR YEAST FOAM^ 
 
 2 cups vpater 2 tablespoons flour 
 
 2 cakes dry yeast 1/4 cup boiled mashed pota- 
 
 2 tablespoons sugar toes 
 
 1/4 teaspoon salt 
 
 Soak yeast in one cup of water. Mix dry ingredients, add potatoes 
 and the other cup of water. Add soaked yeast, beating mixture thoroly. 
 Let rise over night. The yeast will be ready for use in the morning. 
 
 ^Mrs. Melinda I. Manchester, Teachers College, 1915. 
 =Mrs. F. L. Stevens, 1917. 
 
8 Extension Circular No. 9 ' [June, 
 
 COEN MEAL BEEAD* 
 
 1 cup lukewarm scalded 3 tablespoons butter or lard 
 
 milk 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 2 tablespoons sugar 1 cake dry yeast prepared 
 
 1 cup corn meal cooked in according to directions 
 
 2 cups water above 
 
 Mix ingredients, adding yeast mixture and flour to make a thin 
 batter. Beat thoroly with a spoon or egg beater, finally adding the 
 scalded corn meal which has been thoroly cooled. Add flour and 
 knead to make a firm, elastic dough. Let rise until the mass has doubled 
 its bulk. Shape into loaves. Let rise again until the loaves have 
 doubled their bulk. Bake. 
 
 CORN MEAL FOR CRUMBING 
 
 Use corn meal in place of bread crumbs for croquettes. Dip pieces 
 of fish or chicken in corn meal mixed with one-fourth as much flour 
 as corn meal. Fry in deep fat or saute. 
 
 INDIAN PUDDING^ 
 
 5 cups milk % cup molasses 
 
 Ys cup Indian meal 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 1 teaspoon ginger 
 
 Pour scalded milk slowly on meal, cook in double boiler twenty 
 minutes, add molasses, salt, and ginger. Pour in buttered baking dish 
 and bake two hours in slow oven. Serve with cream. Figs and dates 
 may be added to vary the recipe. 
 
 Cost 
 Recipe 6 195 1500 $.145 
 
 BROWN BREAD= 
 
 1 cup rye flour % cup molasses 
 
 1 cup corn meal 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 1 cup graham flour 1% teaspoons soda 
 
 2 cups sour milk i/^ cup raisins (if desired) 
 
 Mix and sift dry ingredients. Add milk and molasses. Beat thoroly 
 and pour into well greased moulds, filling them one-half full. Steam 
 three hours, then remove covers and dry in the oven to brown the top. 
 Bread may also be made in a double boiler. 
 
 Cost 
 
 Recipe 4 loaves 244 2475 $ .19 
 
 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 6 
 
 195 
 
 1500 
 
 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 4 loaves 
 
 244 
 
 2475 
 
 ^Mrs. F. L. Stevens, 1917. 
 
 -C. F. Langworthy and Caroline L. Hunt, "Corn Meal as a Food and We 
 of Using It," Farmers' Bui. 565, U. S. Dept. of Agr. 
 
1917] 
 
 Corn and Cokn Products Used as Food 
 
 HOMINY 
 
 Composition of Hominy 
 
 Hominy 
 
 Water 
 percent 
 
 Protein 
 percent 
 
 Fat 
 
 percent 
 
 Carbohy- 
 drates 
 percent 
 
 Mineral 
 percent 
 
 Fuel 
 
 value per 
 
 pound 
 
 Cost per 
 pound 
 
 Fine, dry 
 Coai'se, dry 
 Boiled 
 
 11 
 
 10.8 
 79.3 
 
 9.4 
 8.3 
 2.2 
 
 .7 
 .5 
 .2 
 
 78.2 
 79.4 
 17.8 
 
 .3 
 .3 
 
 .5 
 
 1810 
 
 1770 
 
 380 
 
 $ .06 
 .06 
 .06 
 
 Hominy, like other cereal foods, requires long-continued and thoro 
 cooking, especially when coarse. 
 
 HOMEMADE EOMINY 
 
 The following old time recipes are included to suggest home pre- 
 paredness at the present time. The tin can shortage will soon decrease 
 our supply of canned hominy, necessitating either drying of hominy 
 or home preparation. 
 
 HOMEMADE HOMINY OR HULLED CORN P 
 
 Husk one dozen ears of corn and cover with cold water. Put one 
 quart of wood ashes in a bag and add to the water; boil until the 
 strength is out and remove bag. Add more warm water and boil un- 
 til water boils down. Put corn in cold water and hull. Salt and 
 drain off water. 
 
 HOMEMADE HOMINY OR HULLED CORN IP 
 
 Pour hot water over corn and soak overnight. In the morning put 
 the corn in an iron kettle with warm water enough to cover. For 
 each pint of corn put in one tablespoon baking soda. Boil until the 
 hulls come off readily. Wash in clear water. Slip off hulls with 
 hands or with little broom by stirring around in water. Soak hulled 
 corn in water and wash until alkaline taste is gone. Boil or let freeze 
 until tender. Salt as desired. Drain off water or cook it down until 
 concentrated. 
 
 CANNED HOMINY 
 
 Canned hominy was used in the recipes below and costs have been 
 estimated on the following data for one can of hominy. 
 
 2 ounces 
 
 Weight 
 
 Cost 
 
 Contains 
 
 z, pounc 
 12 cents 
 3 cups solid hominy and 
 2 cups liquid 
 
 ^Dr. A. W. Chase, "Last Receipt Book," 1885. 
 
10 Extension Circular No. 9 [June, 
 
 HOMINY GEIDDLE CAKES 
 
 1 cup milk % cup hominy, chopped 
 
 iy2 cups flour ^ 1 egg 
 
 Mix and sift the dry ingredients. Add slowly the milk with beaten 
 egg, then the hominy. Fry on hot griddle. 
 
 Number Protein Total 
 
 Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 
 pe 4 140 880 
 
 $ .13 
 
 HOMINY MUFFINS 
 
 
 4 tablespoons fat 1 egg 
 4 tablespoons sugar 1 cup milk 
 11/4 cups flour 3 teaspoons 
 1 cup hominy i^ teaspoon 
 
 baking powder 
 salt 
 
 Cream butter and sugar, add beaten egg and salt. Add alternately 
 flour, sifted with baking powder, and milk, then hominy ground with 
 coarse knife of meat grinder. Bake in buttered iron muffin pans for 
 thirty-five minutes. . i - . ' 
 
 Number Protein Total , ' ' Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Recipe 8 large 160 1430 $ .21 
 
 muffins 
 
 EEHEATED HOMINY I 
 
 2 cups hominy % cup liquid 
 
 Heat the hominy and liquid together till the liquid has concen- 
 trated and the hominy is moist. Brown in a frying pan with two 
 tablespoons melted butter. Grated cheese may be added if desired. 
 Serve in place of potato. 
 
 EEHEATED HOMINY II 
 
 Reheat hominy with liquid, drain, and serve as a border around 
 lamb or chicken. Tomato sauce or meat gravies may be used. 
 
 HOMINY A LA SOUTHEEN 
 
 2 cups hominy put thru meat 1 egg 
 
 grinder i/^ teaspoon salt 
 
 1 cup milk 
 
 Mix beaten egg with milk, add salt, and hominy. Bake in buttered 
 baking dish till it becomes firm like a custard or until a knife when 
 inserted is clean when removed. Avoid over baking which causes 
 curdling. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 6 80 600 $ .12 
 

 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 Eecipe 
 
 6 
 
 40 
 
 350 
 
 1917] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food 11 
 
 HOMINY SOUP I 
 
 2 cups liquid drained from 1 tablespoon flour 
 
 hominy 1 cup milk 
 
 1 tablespoon butter i/^ cup chopped hominy 
 
 2 slices onion, chopped fine 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 Ys teaspoon pepper i tablespoon chopped parsley 
 
 Melt butter and add the flour. Cook butter and flour together. 
 Add slowly the hot milk and hominy liquid, then add hominy, onion, 
 salt, pepper, and parsley. Cook twenty minutes in double boiler. 
 
 Cost 
 $ .055 
 
 HOMINY SOUP II 
 
 2 cups liquid drained from 1 tablespoon chopped green 
 hominy pepper 
 
 1 cup milk 1 tablespoon butter 
 % cup hominy pulp put 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 thru sieve after cook- 1 hard cooked egg, chopped 
 
 ing fine 
 
 Few drops onion juice 
 
 Heat liquid and milk, adding hominy pulp and seasonings. Cook 
 twenty minutes in a double boiler. Add chopped egg just before 
 serving. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Recipe 6 64 400 $ .078 
 
 HOMINY SOUP III 
 
 2 cups liquid drained from % cup hominy pulp put thru 
 
 hominy sieve after cooking 
 
 • % cup milk V2 cup celery pulp put thru 
 1 tablespoon butter sieve after cooking 
 
 1 teaspoon salt Speck of pepper 
 
 1 tablespoon chopped parsley 
 
 Heat liquid and milk with hominy and celery pulp. Add seasoning 
 and cook one-half hour. 
 
 Cost 
 
 Eecipe 6 22 300 $ .14 
 
 HOMINY CEOQUETTES P 
 
 2 cups hominy 2 teaspoons sugar 
 % teaspoon salt or less Speck of pepper 
 
 Y2 cup thick white sauce 
 
 Number 
 
 Protein 
 
 Total 
 
 servings 
 
 calories 
 
 calories 
 
 6 
 
 22 
 
 300 
 
 ^Tests for fat: 
 
 1. Fat should be smoking hot and should brown a cube of bread golden 
 brown in forty seconds. 
 
 2. Temperature 190° C. or 370° F. 
 
12 Extension Circular No. 9 [Juu'?, 
 
 Put hominy thru a meat grinder using a coarse knife. Mix hominy 
 with thick white sauce (see below) and other ingredients; use salt or 
 sugar, depending on whether or not a sweet croquette is desired. Chill 
 mixture and shape into balls. Koll in fine bread or cracker crumbs, then 
 in egg, then crumbs again, and fry in deep fat till brown. May be 
 served with jelly. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 6 croquettes 50 600 $ .097 
 
 HOMINY CEOQUETTES IP 
 
 2 cups hominy i/^ cup thick white sauce 
 
 y^ cup grated cheese % teaspoon salt 
 
 Pepper, paprika 
 
 Mix hominy, which has been put through a meat grinder, with 
 white sauce, cheese, and seasoning to such a consistency that it can 
 be moulded or shaped. Chill, shape into croquettes, roll in fine bread 
 or cracker crumbs, then in egg, then crumbs again, and fry in deep 
 fat till brown. 
 
 Number Protein Total ' Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 6 croquettes 80 600 $ .115 
 
 HOMINY CEOQUETTES IIP 
 
 2 cups chopped hominy 1 egg, slightly beaten 
 
 2 tablespoons melted butter Few drops onion juice 
 Speck of cayenne pepper 1 tablespoon minced parsley 
 
 Mix all the ingredients together, shape mixture into balls or cylin- 
 ders. Roll in sifted bread crumbs, then in egg, then in crumbs again. 
 Fry in deep fat until brown. Serve with tomato or cheese sauce. 
 
 In coating croquettes, add one tablespoon water to egg and beat 
 slightly. 
 
 WHITE SAUCE FOE CEOQUETTE MIXTUEES 
 
 4 tablespoons flour 2 tablespoons butter 
 
 Yi teaspoon salt 1 cup milk 
 
 Pepper 
 
 Melt butter, add flour and salt ; cook together, then add hot milk 
 slowly. Cook till thick, cool, and use for binding croquettes. 
 
 ^See note on preceding page. 
 
1917] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food 13 
 
 TOMATO SAUCE TO SERVE WITH CE0QUETTE5 
 
 2 tablespoons flour 1 cup tomato juice 
 
 % teaspoon salt 2 tablespoons butter 
 
 Paprika 
 
 Combine as above. 
 
 CHEESE SAUCE TO SERVE WITH CROQUETTES 
 
 1% tablespoons flour 1 tablespoon butter 
 
 % teaspoon salt Paprika 
 
 Yi cup grated cheese 1 cup milk 
 
 1 egg yolk 
 
 Combine as above. Add cheese after milk is added. Slightly 
 beaten yolk is added just as the sauce is removed. . 
 
 : HOMINY AND OYSTERS 
 
 iy2 cups chopped hominy 2 dozen or more oysters and 
 1 tablespoon butter liquor 
 
 ^ cup bread crumbs % cup milk 
 
 Pepper % teaspoon salt 
 
 Butter a baking dish and put in a layer of hominy, then a layer 
 of oysters, adding seasoning to each. Alternate until all materials are 
 used. Pour milk and oyster liquor over oysters and put buttered 
 bread crumbs on top. Bake in oven till browned on top or for about 
 thirty to forty-five minutes, depending on the shape of the dish. 
 
 SAUSAGE AND HOMINY ROLLS 
 
 ' 2 cups chopped hominy 1 egg, beaten 
 
 % teaspoon salt Pepper 
 
 Shape the above mixture like sausages and roll in crumbs. Place 
 them in a roasting or iron frying pan, alternating with six link sau- 
 sages. While baking, turn once or twice in sausage fat. 
 
 Bananas cut once crosswise may also be cooked in the pan. This 
 makes an easy dinner or lunch. 
 
 CASSEROLE OF MEAT AND HOMINY 
 
 Drain one cup hominy, chop and put it into a buttered casserole 
 in layers, alternating with one-half cup of meat cut in cubes. Chicken, 
 veal, or beef may be used.- Add seasonings, salt, pepper, chopped 
 parsley, and onion salt. Add one cup meat stock or hominy liquid. 
 Cover with buttered bread crumbs and cook covered one hour. One- 
 third of a cup of bread crumbs in one tablespoon melted butter is 
 required. 
 
14 Extension Circular No. 9 [June, 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Kecipe 2-3 50 328.6 $ .067 
 
 HOMINY PUDDING 
 
 2 cups hominy, chopped fine % cup milk 
 
 ^2 cup chopped dates or 1 egg, beaten 
 
 raisins % teaspoon salt 
 Yi cup sugar 
 
 Mix the above ingredients and put in buttered custard cups. Put 
 in a pan containing water and bake in a moderate oven till set like 
 a custard or until a knife when inserted will be clean when removed. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe 6 80 1035 $ .168 
 
 Serve with the following soft custard sauce : 
 
 11/^ cups milk 2 eggs 
 
 34 cup sugar Speck salt 
 
 Beat eggs slightly, add milk, sugar, and salt, and cook in a double 
 boiler till the custard coats a wooden spoon. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Eecipe .. "96 " 611.3 $ .078 
 
1917] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food IS 
 
 GREEN CORN • 
 
 As ' ' all that glitters is not gold, ' ' all that is called corn is not corn 
 for table use. Corn fed to cattle and corn raised for the corn products 
 trade is not the typical sweet corn which is best for cooking. In the 
 home vegetable garden, plant a good quality of sweet corn for table 
 use and canning. 
 
 The following varieties and times of planting for Central Illinois 
 are taken from "Home Vegetable Gardening" by Mr. C. E. Durst :^ 
 
 Date 
 
 Planting 
 
 Variety Sweet Corn 
 
 May 1 
 
 1 
 
 Golden Bantam 
 White Cob Cory 
 Howling Mob 
 
 
 
 Stowell's Evergreen 
 
 June 1 
 
 2 
 
 Stow^ell's Evergreen 
 
 June 15 
 
 3 
 
 Stowell 's Evergreen 
 
 July 1 
 
 4 
 
 Stowell's Evergreen 
 
 The first planting of four varieties insures corn as early as is pos- 
 sible, and with the later plantings of "Evergreen" insures a continu- 
 ous succession until about the time of frost. Corn to be best for the 
 table should be pulled when of the right size and sweet in flavor, not 
 when it has become too mature and the sugar has been converted into 
 starch. Stowell's Evergreen and Golden Bantam are particularly 
 recommended for canning and drying. 
 
 In selecting corn for table use and particularly for canning or 
 drying, be sure to select only perfect ears. Corn may be infected 
 with a fungus growth, smut, or may harbor the familiar tobacco worm. 
 All ears which show any infection by smut should be discarded ; even 
 when not visible this disease sometimes gives the corn a bitter, un- 
 pleasant flavor and makes it unfit for canning. The tobacco worm 
 does not necessitate rejecting the entire ear. Be sure to remove all 
 parts which show traces of being eaten. This pest is so common that 
 if corn partly spoiled by it were not used, it would often mean wasting 
 almost an entire crop. 
 
 BOILED GREEN CORN 
 
 Remove husks and silky threads. Cook ten to fifteen minutes in 
 boiling water. Place on platter covered with. napkin and cover by 
 folding corners over the corn or with another napkin. 
 
 K}. E. Durst, "Home Vegetable Gardening," Circular 198, Agr'l. Exper, 
 Sta., University of Illinois, 
 
16 Extension Circulak No. 9 [June, 
 
 SUCCOTASH 
 
 Cut raw corn from cob. If the corn is rather old, score each row 
 of kernels thru the center before cutting off. Add an equal quantity 
 of boiled shelled beans, either kidney or lima beans, and cook twenty 
 minutes. Season with butter, salt, and milk or cream. Boiled corn 
 may be cut from the cob and combined with beans. 
 
 _ . CORN OYSTERS 
 
 1 cup chopped corn or pulp 1 egg 
 
 % cup flour 1/^ teaspoon salt 
 
 % teaspoon pepper 
 
 Grate raw corn from cob or put thru meat grinder. Canned corn 
 or Kornlet may be used. To the corn pulp, add egg, flour, and sea- 
 sonings. Drop by spoonfuls and fry in deep fat. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Recipe 6 ■ . 54 301 
 
 CORN FRITTERS 
 
 2 cups corn 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 1 cup flour 14 teaspoon paprika 
 
 1 teaspoon baking powder 2 eggs 
 
 Chop corn or put it thru meat grinder. Add dry ingredients 
 mixed and sifted. Add beaten eggs. Fry in hot fat. 
 
 Number Protein Total - _ Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 ReeiiJO 8 134 800 '\ ... 
 
 CORN A LA SOUTHERN ' . 
 
 2 cups corn 2 eggs 
 
 1 teaspoon salt Vs teaspoon pepper 
 
 1% tablespoons butter li^ cups milk 
 
 Use green corn which has been boiled and cut from the cob, or 
 canned corn. Add beaten eggs to chopped corn, add seasonings, 
 melted butter, and milk. Pour into a greased baking dish and bake 
 in a slow oven. Test as for baked custard by cutting with a pointed 
 knife. If it comes out clean, the custard is done. The mixture sep- 
 arates if over cooked. 
 
 Number Protein Total Cost 
 
 servings calories calories 
 
 Recipe 10 200 1500 
 
1917] Corn and Corn Products Used as Food 17 
 
 COEN SOUP 
 
 1 pint canned corn 1 pint milk 
 
 1% teaspoons salt i^ teaspoon pepper 
 
 2 tablespoons butter 2 tablespoons flour 
 
 2 cups water 
 
 Run corn thru food chopper. Add water and let boil for five 
 minutes. Melt butter, add flour, stir together and add milk and sea- 
 sonings. Cook until smooth and add corn. Bring to the boiling point 
 d,nd serve. 
 
 CORN CHOWDER 
 
 2 cups corn 2 cups potatoes cut in one- 
 1^2 inch cube fat salt pork, fourth inch pieces 
 
 cut fine 4 cups scalded milk 
 
 2 tablespoons butter 2 cups boiling water 
 
 . ' 8 crackers _ Salt 
 
 • ' 1 sliced onion Pepper 
 
 Fry out salt pork, add onion, and cook five minutes. Stir so as 
 not to burn. Parboil potatoes five minutes in boiling water. Add to 
 fat and cook until potatoes are soft. Add corn and milk and bring 
 to boiling point. Add seasoning, butter, and crackers. Serve very hot. 
 
 COEN RELISH 
 
 5 pints sweet corn cut from 5 pints finely chopped cab- 
 cob bage 
 
 5 seeded and chopped pep- 1% pounds sugar 
 
 " pers i/i pound mustard 
 
 4 pints of vinegar 2 tablespoons salt 
 
 Mix all together and cook in a granite pan until tender. Seal in 
 
 sterilized jars. 
 
 PICKLED CORN 
 
 Drop the silked roasting ears into boiling water. As soon as the 
 milk is set, take from the water and cut from the cob. Pack the cut 
 corn into a container in the proportion of nine parts of corn and one 
 of salt. Pound down with wooden potato masher. Cover with a clean 
 cloth and a plate, weighting down the plate. If brine does not form 
 to cover the plate in a week, add brine made of nine parts of water 
 and one part of salt, sufficient to stand two or three inches above the 
 plate. Take out the amount desired for use and wash in cold water. 
 Cover with twice the amount of cold water and bring to a boil ; pour 
 off water and repeat process. Drain through a colander and return 
 to the fire to sizzle dry. It is now ready to serve in any way. 
 
 DRIED COEN 
 
 Blanch corn on the cob ten to fifteen minutes in boiling water. 
 Score each row of kernels thru the center with a sharp knife, and cut 
 
18 Extension Circular No. 9 [June, 
 
 from the cob. Scrape off any pulp remaining. Spread thinly over 
 pans or baking sheet and put in slightly warm, not hot, oven. Leave 
 door ajar. Stir or shake pan occasionally. Corn may be dried very 
 slowly till process is entirely complete, or it may be dried on succes- 
 sive days for short periods. This is done easily by using the oven 
 heat when fire is allowed to die out after dinner is prepared, or it may 
 be dried by placing the trays in the sun. Little or much corn may be 
 dried at a time. The trays should be covered with screening to pro- 
 tect from insects. If extra corn on the cob has been cooked for 
 dinner, the remaining ears may be used for drying. 
 
 RECIPE FOR CANNING SWEET CORN ON THE COB^ 
 
 Can corn the same day as picked. Remove husks and silks, and 
 grade for size. Blanch on the cob in boiling water ten to fifteen min- 
 utes. Plunge quickly into cold water. Pack ears, alternating butts 
 and tips, in half gallon glass jars or gallon tin cans. Pour boiling 
 water over them and add two level teaspoonsful of salt to each gallon. 
 Place rubbers and tops in position. Seal partially but not tightly. 
 Cap and tip tin cans. Sterilize, using one of the following methods : 
 in hot- water bath outfit 180 minutes, one period ; 90 minutes in water 
 seal outfit; 60 minutes in steam pressure outfit under five pounds of 
 steam ; 35 minutes in aluminum pressure cooker under twenty pounds 
 of steam. Remove jars ; tighten covers. Cool and test joints. Wrap 
 glass jars with paper, and store. 
 
 Note : — When sweet corn is taken from the jar or tin can for table 
 use, remove ears as soon as jar or can is opened. Heat corn, slightly 
 buttered, in steam. Do not allow ears to stand in water or to be 
 boiled in water the second time. ~ , ' 
 
 RECIPE FOR CANNING SWEET CORN CUT FROM COB^ 
 
 Can corn the same day as picked. Remove husks and silks. Blanch 
 on the cob in boiling water ten to fifteen minutes. Plunge quickly into 
 cold water. Cut the corn from the cob with a thin, sharp-bladed knife. 
 Pack in jar tightly until filled to the neck of the jar. Add one level 
 teaspoonful of salt to each quart and sufficient hot water to fill jars. 
 Place rubber and top in position; seal partially, but not tightly. 
 Sterilize, using one of the following methods: 180 minutes in hot- 
 water bath outfit; 90 minutes in water-seal outfit; 60 minutes in 
 steam pressure outfit under five pounds of steam; 35 minutes in 
 aluminum pressure cooker under twenty pounds of steam. Remove 
 jars; tighten covers. Cool, and test "joints. Wrap with paper, and 
 store. 
 
 Torm N R-24, States Relations Service, U. S. Dept. of Agr. 
 
ID 17] 
 
 Corn and Corn Products Used as Food 
 
 19 
 
 MARKET PRICES OF MATERIALS USED IN RECIPES 
 
 The following market prices are those paid in May, 1917, in Ur- 
 bana-Champaign, Illinois, In some recipes, as in those for corn used 
 as a vegetable, the cost of the dish was not computed as it varied 
 decidedly and gave misleading conclusions as to its expensiveness, de- 
 pending on whether a commercial canned corn or a home product was 
 used. In some recipes where prices vary particularly due to seasons, 
 as with oysters, or in recipes where the ingredients would vary de- 
 pending on personal preference, cost was not estimated. 
 
 Material 
 Baking Powder 
 
 Eoyai 
 
 Calumet or Eumford 
 Beef round 
 Butter 
 
 Oleomargerine 
 Lard 
 Crisco 
 Celery 
 Cheese 
 Corn meal 
 Eggs 
 
 Flour, bread 
 Flour, graham 
 Hominy 
 Milk 
 --. Molasses 
 
 Onions 
 Oysters 
 Peppers 
 Eaisins 
 Sausage 
 Sugar 
 Yeast, dry 
 Yeast, compressed 
 
 Amount 
 
 Price 
 
 1 pound 
 
 $ .50 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .25 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .24 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .45 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .30 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .30 
 
 11/2 pounds 
 
 .50 
 
 1 bunch 
 
 .10 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .30 
 
 7 pounds 
 
 .35 
 
 1 dozen 
 
 .35 
 
 49 pounds 
 
 3.25 
 
 8 pounds 
 
 .65 
 
 1 can 
 
 .12 
 
 1 quart 
 
 .10 
 
 2 pounds 6 ounces 
 
 .25 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .15 
 
 1 quart 
 
 .40 
 
 3 
 
 .10 
 
 1 box 
 
 .15 
 
 1 pound 
 
 .20 
 
 25 pounds 
 
 "^- 2.75 
 
 5 cakes 
 
 .05 
 
 1 cake 
 
 .02 
 
August, 1917 Extension Circular No. 13 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 WAR BREAD RECIPES 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 
WAR BREAD RECIPES^ 
 
 The following compilation of recipes for war breads has been 
 prepared in the hope that it may be helpful in lessening the use of 
 wheat. 
 
 : BREAD 
 
 Bread is made from flour of wheat or other cereals by the addi- 
 tion of water, salt, and a ferment. Wheat flour is best adapted for 
 bread making, as it contains gluten in the right proportion to make 
 a spongy loaf. Gluten, the protein of the wheat, is a gray, tough, 
 elastic substance, insoluble in water. Gluten, being elastic, is ex- 
 panded by the gas developed in bread dough by fermentation, 
 thereby causing the bread to rise. Flour should always be sifted 
 before measuring. 
 
 Yeast is a microscopic plant of fungus growth, and is one of 
 the lowest forms of vegetable life. The yeast plant reproduces by 
 a process known as budding, multiplying very rapidly. Like other 
 plants, favorable conditions for its grov/th are (1) food, (sugar) ; 
 (2) warmth, (25° to 35° C. or 70° to 90° F.) ; (3) moisture. Fer- 
 mentation, the production of alcohol and carbon dioxide, is the re- 
 sult of the growth of the yeast plant. The yeast plant is killed at 
 a temperature of 100° C. or 212° F. Liquid, dry, or compressed 
 yeast may be used for raising bread. Good bread depends primarily 
 upon good yeast. Fermented bread is made by mixing flour to a 
 dough with water or milk, salt, and a ferment. The dough should 
 be thoroly kneaded to mix the ingredients and should be allowed 
 to rise in a favorable temperature until it has doubled it bulk. It 
 is then ready to be shaped into loaves. When it has doubled its 
 bulk again, it is ready to be baked. 
 
 Bread is baked (1) to kill the ferment, (2) to render the starch 
 digestible by cooking, (3) to drive off alcohol and carbon dioxide, 
 (4) to develop flavor. The loaf should continue rising for the first 
 fifteen minutes while baking, and continue browning for the next 
 twenty minutes. The heat may then be reduced and the baking 
 finished in fifteen minutes. 
 
 Rolls require more heat than bread. They should continue ris- 
 ing for the first five minutes and begin to brown in eight minutes. 
 
 ^Used by Mrs. F. L. Stevens at tlie University of Illinois School for House- 
 keepers. 
 
 ' 2 ■ . . ■ 
 
1917] War Bread Recipes "3 
 
 YEAST 
 
 Yeast Foam is used in this demonstration. For yeast mixture 
 when Magic Yeast or Yeast Foam is used: 
 
 2 cups water 2 tablespoons flour 
 
 1 cake dry yeast % cup boiled mashed pota- 
 
 2 tablespoons sugar toes 
 
 Yi teaspoon salt 
 
 Soak yeast in one cup of water. Mix dry ingredients, add pota- 
 toes and the other cup of water. Add soaked yeast, beating it 
 thoroly. Let rise over night. The yeast will be ready for use in 
 the morning. 
 
 VvHEAT BREAD 
 
 3 tablespoons lard 1 cup lukewarm (scalded) 
 2 tablespoons sugar milk 
 
 1 cake dry yeast prepared 1 teaspoon salt 
 according to directions 
 
 Mix ingredients, adding yeast mixture last. Beat together 
 thoroly and add flour, beating with spoon or egg beater. Add flour 
 and knead until a firm, elastic dough is obtained. Let rise until the 
 mass has doubled its bulk. Shape into loaves. Let rise again until 
 the loaves have doubled their bulk. Bake according to preceding 
 directions. 
 
 PARKER HOUSE ROLLS 
 
 For Parker House Rolls add an unbeaten egg, two tablespoons 
 sugar, and two tablespoons butter at first mixing. Let the mass rise 
 until it has doubled its bulk. Roll out on floured board, mould into 
 shape, and let rise again until slightly increased in bulk. Spread 
 melted butter over half of each bread roll, fold over, pressing the 
 edges together. Place on buttered pan, one inch apart, and let rise. 
 Bake from twelve to fifteen minutes in hot oven. 
 
 SALAD OR DINNER ROLLS 
 
 Use the same ingredients as for Parker House Rolls, adding four 
 tablespoons of butter to the first mass of dough. Shape as for 
 Parker House Rolls, crescents, bow knots, clover leaf, braids, twists, 
 sticks or other fancy shapes. 
 
 SWEDISH ROLLS 
 
 Use the recipe for Salad Rolls, roll to one-fourth inch in thick- 
 ness, let rise fifteen minutes, spread with butter, sprinkle with two 
 tablespoons sugar mixed with one-third teaspoon cinnamon, one- 
 third cup chopped, stoned raisins, and two tablespoons chopped 
 
4 Extension Circular No. 13 [August, 
 
 citron ; roll like a jelly roll and cut into three-f ourtlis inch pieces. 
 Again let rise. When taken from oven, brush over with white of 
 egg slightly diluted with water ; return to oven to perfect the glaze. 
 
 BREAD, USING ONE-THIRD STALE BREAD CRUMBS 
 
 Use proportions as for Wheat Bread recipe given above, working 
 into the batter one cup of stale bread crumbs. The absorbent quality 
 of the crumbs permits the use of less flour than in other dough 
 mixtures. 
 
 BREAD, USING ONE-THIRD CORN MEAL 
 
 1 cup boiling water 2% cups corn meal 
 
 ■ V2 cup lukewarm scalded 2 tablespoons sugar 
 
 milk 1 teaspoon salt 
 
 2 tablespoons lard 1 cake dry yeast prepared 
 
 according to directions 
 
 Add the boiling water to the corn meal, cook in a double boiler 
 for a few minutes, and proceed in the manner given in directions for 
 bread. 
 
 Three cups of liquid of the recipe requires about seven cups of 
 liour, varying slightly according to the quality of the flour and meal. 
 
 OLD VIRGINIA BATTER BREAD 
 
 , . 1 pint corn meal 1 quart scalded milk 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 1 teaspoon sugar (may bo 
 
 1 egg omitted) 
 
 "^tir the corn meal into the quart of scalded milk ; stir and cook 
 to a mush. Allow to cool a little and add salt, sugar, and the milk, 
 beaten yolk of egg, and lastly fold in the white of egg, beaten stiff. 
 Melt two tablespoons of shortening in a baking pan, pour in mixture, 
 and bake for forty-five minutes. .. * 
 
 SOUTHERN SPOON BREAD 
 
 V2 cupful sifted corn meal 1 tablespoon butter 
 V2 cupful sweet milk 1 cupful boiling water 
 
 % teaspoon salt 1 egg 
 
 1 teaspoon baking powder 
 
 Pour the boiling water over the meal, and stir until smooth. 
 Let cook briskly for five minutes ; add butter and salt, stirring as 
 it cooks. Take from fire. Add milk and the egg well beaten and 
 then the baking powder. Pour it into a well buttered, shallow bak- 
 ing dish and bake for twenty minutes in a moderate oven, letting 
 it brown carefully before removing. Serve from the dish in Avhich 
 it was baked. 
 
1917] War Bread Kecipes ' • " S 
 
 COEN MEAL AND EICE WAFFLES 
 
 % cup corn meal % cup flour 
 
 .% teaspoon soda 1 tablespoon melted butter 
 
 1 cup boiled rice 2 eggs, well beaten 
 
 1 teaspoon salt 1 cup sour milk 
 
 Sift together the flour, soda, and salt; add the other ingredi- 
 ents and beat thoroly; have irons hot and well greased. 
 
 GEM CRACKEES 
 
 Sift one and one-half pints of flour, one-half pint corn meal, one 
 teaspoon baking powder, and the same amount of salt. Rub in two 
 tablespoons butter, two-thirds of a pint of milk ; work into a smooth, 
 fine dough. Place on bread board, kneading a few times and roll 
 to quarter-inch thickness ; cut with a small oval or round cutter, 
 lay on greased baking tin, puncture the top of each cracker with 
 a fork, brush over with milk, and bake in hot oven. 
 
 COEN MEAL PUFFS 
 
 Into one (}uart of boiling milk stir eight tablespoonfuls of meal, 
 four tablespoonfuls powdered sugar, and one teaspoonful nutmeg. 
 Boil five minutes, stirring constantly. Remove from fire and when 
 cool stir in six well beaten eggs. Mix well and pour the mixture 
 into buttered cups, nearly filling them. Bake in moderate oven one- 
 half hour. Serve with lemon sauce. 
 
 COEN MEAL BISCUITS 
 
 1 cup yellow corn meal 2 cups peanut cream 
 
 2 teaspoons salt - — 
 
 Put the meal into a shallow pan and heat in the oven until it 
 is a delicate brown, stirring frequently. Make the nut cream by 
 mixing peanut butter with cold water and heating. It should be 
 the consistency of thick cream. While the nut cream is hot, stir 
 in the corn meal, which should also be hot. Beat thoroly. The 
 mixture should be of such consistency that it can be dropped from 
 a spoon. Bake in small cakes on a greased pan. 
 
 If preferred, these biscuits may be made with cream or with 
 butter in place of peanut cream, and chopped raisins may be added, 
 one cup being the allowance for the quantities given above. 
 
 DELICATE INDIAN PUDDING 
 
 1 pint sweet milk 4 tablespoons sugar 
 
 2 tablespoons butter 2 large tablespoonfuls corn 
 
 3 eggs meal 
 
 Salt 
 
6 Extension Circular No. 13 [August, 
 
 Boil milk and sift meal in slowly ; add butter, sugar, and salt. 
 Set aside to cool, then add beaten eggs. Put in a baking pan and 
 cook for three-quarters of an hour. 
 
 V OAT MEAL BEEAD , 
 
 Oat meal or rolled oats, passed thru a food chopper, may be 
 used in the same proportion as corn meal. Cooking before adding 
 to dough mixture .as with corn meal is, however, not necessary. 
 
 OAT MEAL AND CORN MEAL BREAD 
 
 1% cups rolled oats 3% cups flour 
 
 1^/4 cups corn meal 2 cups boiling water 
 
 y2 cup brown sugar 2 teaspoons salt 
 
 , • 1 yeast cake 
 
 Dissolve the yeast cake in the lukewarm water. Pour the boil- 
 ing water over the rolled oats, salt, and sugar, and let stand until 
 lukewarm ; add the dissolved yeast, corn meal, and flour. Let rise 
 until light. Beat well, let rise again, and put into pans. Bake when 
 light. 
 
 This combination of oat meal, corn meal, and wheat makes ■; 
 l>alatable and economical variation. 
 
 EYE BREAD 
 
 Another cereal which may well be substituted for wheat in 
 breads is rye. When this is used about one-half wheat and one- 
 half rye make a good combination, as all rye is likely to be too 
 strong for American tastes. 
 
 "OLD GLORY BREAD'" 
 
 1 cup rye 3 cups whole wheat flour 
 
 8 cups white flour 4 cups water 
 
 1 teaspoonful salt 1 yeast cake or more ac- 
 3 tablespoons shortening cording to the length 
 
 (may be omitted) of time allowed for using 
 
 Add salt and shortening to boiling water. Cool to lukewarm. 
 Add yeast cake, dissolved in a little of the cool water. Add flours 
 sifted together and knead until smooth and soft. Let rise in warm 
 room until double its size. Knead and divide into loaves. Let rise 
 as before and bake one hour. This recipe makes four medium sized 
 loaves. 
 
 "Old Glory Bread" is used much in France at present. 
 
 ^University of Vermont, Agricultural Extension Service. 
 
l!=>17] War Bread Eecipes 7 
 
 The following recipes for barley bread are recommended by 
 the University of Wisconsin and were published in the Journal of 
 Home Economics for July, 1917. 
 
 rw 
 
 BAELEY BREAD I 
 
 4 cups whole wheat flour 1 cup milk 
 
 2 cups barley meal 2 tablespoonfuls molasses 
 
 1 cup water 1 teaspoonful salt 
 
 % yeast cake 
 
 Boil milk and water and cool ; add molasses, salt, and yeast 
 mixed with a little cold water ; stir in flour and barley meal which 
 have been sifted together. Knead to a soft dough, adding more 
 flour, if necessary. Cover and let rise until the mixture is double 
 its bulk. Knead a second time, form into loaves, place in well 
 greased pans and let rise a second time until dough has very nearly 
 doubled its bulk. Bake in a hot oven from one-half to one hour, 
 depending upon size of loaves. 
 
 • • BARLEY SPOON BREAD 
 
 Yi cup salt pork cut in % 1 cup barley meal 
 inch cubes 4 cups boiling w^ater 
 
 2 or 3 eggs 
 
 ' Cook salt pork in saucepan until slightly brown, add water and 
 M^hen boiling, sprinkle in barley meal, stirring constantly. Cook 
 in a double boiler one hour, cool, and add well beaten eggs. Turn 
 into a buttered dish and bake in a moderate oven three-fourths of 
 an hour. 
 
 BARLEY MUFFINS 
 
 1 cup whole wheat flour 1 egg 
 
 1 cup barley meal IVi cups sour milk 
 
 % teaspoonful salt % teaspoon soda 
 
 : 2 teaspoonfuls baking pow- 2 tablespoonfuls beef drip- 
 
 der pings or lard 
 
 Sift flour, barley meal, salt, and baking powder. Dissolve soda 
 in a little cold water and add to sour milk. Combine flour mixturo 
 and sour milk ; add beaten egg and melted fat. Bake in muffin pans 
 in a moderate oven. 
 
 BARLEY SCONES 
 
 ' 1 cup whole wheat flour 2 tablespoonfuls lard or 
 
 1 cup barley meal beef drippings 
 
 Vi teaspoonful salt % cup sour milk 
 
 1/3 teaspoonful soda 2 teaspoonfuls baking powder 
 
 Sift flour, barley meal, salt, and baking powder together and 
 work in lard with tips of fingers or two knives. Dissolve soda in 
 
3 Extension Circular No. 13 
 
 a little cold water and add to sour milk. Combine flour mixture 
 and sour milk to form a soft dough. Turn out on a well floured 
 board, knead slightly, roll to one-half inch in thickness; cut in 
 diamond shapes and bake in a hot oven. 
 
 POTATO BREAD' (STRAIGHT-DOUGH METHOD) 
 
 The following recipe for potato bread has been so made as to 
 use a large amount of potato as compared with flour. Excellent 
 bread can be made with less potato. In making recipes it should 
 be remembered that a pound of mashed potato contains about one 
 and one-fourth cupfuls of water and starch and other substances 
 about equivalent for the purpose to those in one cupful of wheat 
 flour. 
 
 3 pounds boiled and peeled II/2 level tablespoons salt 
 potatoes (equivalent to 3 level tablespoons sugar 
 about 3% pounds water 2 cakes compressed yeast 
 and 3 cups flour) 4 tablespoons ^^ater 
 
 214 pounds bread flour 
 
 Clean thoroly and boil, without paring, twelve potatoes of me- 
 dium size, allowing them to become very soft. Pour off the water, 
 peel and mash the potatoes while hot, being careful to leave no 
 lumps. Take three pounds, or five solidly packed half-pint cupfuls 
 of mashed potato, and when at the temperature of lukewarm water 
 add to it the yeast, rubbed smooth with three tablespoonfuls of 
 lukewarm water. Rinse the cup in which the yeast was mixed with 
 another tablespoonfui of water and add to the potato. Next add the 
 salt, the sugar, and about four ounces of the flour, or one scant half 
 pint of sifted flour. Mix thoroly with the hand, but do not add any 
 more water at this stage. Let this mixture rise until it has become 
 very light, which should take about two hours if the sponge is at 
 a temperature of about 86° F. To this well-risen sponge, which will 
 not be found to be very soft, add the remainder of the flour, knead- 
 ing thoroly until a smooth and elastic dough has been formed. The 
 dough must be very stiff, since the boiled potato contains a large 
 amount of water, which causes the dough to soften as it ferments. 
 Therefore, add no more water to the dough unless it is absolutely 
 necessary. Set back to rise until it has trebled in volume, which 
 will require another hour or two. Divide the dough into four parts, 
 mold them separately, and place in greased pans which have been 
 warmed slightly. Allow the loaves to rise until they have doubled 
 in volume and bake forty-five minutes at a temperature of 400° to 
 425° F. This recipe makes four one-pound loaves. 
 
 'Caroline L. Hunt and Hannali Jj. Wessling, "Bread and Bread Making in 
 the Home," Farmers' Bui. 807, U. S. Dept. of Agr. 
 
January, 1918 Extension Circular No. 16 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 COLLEGE OF AGRICULTURE 
 
 Extension Service in Agriculture and Home Economics 
 
 IN COOPERATION WITH THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE 
 W. F. HANDSCHIN, VICE-DIRECTOR 
 
 Urban A, Illinois 
 
 THE WINTER FEEDING OF IDLE FARM 
 ; HORSES 
 
 By J. L. EDMONDS* 
 
 Economy in wintering idle farm horses, like many other good 
 practices, may easily be overdone. Many hundreds of horses in the 
 corn belt are fed and cared for each winter so poorly as to leave 
 them entirely unfit for hard work when spring comes. In fact, the 
 poor care given often weakens them so as to lower their resistance 
 and cause unnecessary losses from disease during the winter or when 
 they go into hard work in the spring. 
 
 It will be especially important in the spring of 1918 to see that 
 every needed farm horse is in prime condition to do good service in 
 the collar. This is necessary in order to get the largest possible re- 
 turn in work performed out of the man labor available, which will, 
 without doubt, be the most important limiting factor in determining 
 the size of the 1918 crop. 
 
 Three Things are Necessary in the wintering of work horses 
 satisfactorily: sufficient exercise, proper shelter, and the right 
 amount of well-selected feed. Naturally, in their efforts to provide 
 these, some horse owners may use more high-priced feed or spend 
 more on care and shelter than is needed for best results. Except in 
 the case of growing animals and breeding stock, which require the 
 food materials needed for growth of bone and muscle, idle horses can 
 be satisfactorily carried thru the winter to a large extent on such 
 coarse roughages as oat straw, corn stover, sorghum hay, and simi- 
 lar feeds. These feeds are commonly spoken of as carbonaceous 
 
 *Assistant Professor cf Horse Husbandry. 
 
2 The Winter Feeding of Idle Faem Horses [January, 
 
 roughages. They furnish mainly heat and relatively little bone and 
 muscle-forming material. 
 
 Stalk Fields Not Adequate. — In some years stalk fields furnish a 
 considerable amount of fairly satisfactory feed. It is a mistake, 
 however, to assume that they will furnish adequate feed and shelter 
 for an idle horse. The exercise and fresh air may be beneficial to 
 the horses, but often the value of the feed obtained, especially late 
 in the season, when the ground is likely to be soft, is more than 
 offset by the damage done to the field by the tramping of the animals. 
 
 Feed Legume Hay. — To keep the work horse in good, healthy 
 condition it is advisable when possible to give one feed a day of 
 legume hay, such as clover, coarse alfalfa, sweet clover, or soybean 
 or cowpea hay where these are grown. It is good practice to give 
 this feed in the evening, allowing free access to the straw or other 
 roughage during the day. If no such legume hay is supplied, at 
 least a small amount of grain must be fed if the carbonaceous rough- 
 ages mentioned are to be used to good advantage and the animals 
 kept in good, healthy condition. Ear corn and oats are the standard 
 grains for mature horses, oats being preferable especially for horses, 
 being carried largely on the rough carbonaceous feeds mentioned. 
 
 Avoid Damaged Corn. — The large crop of oats produced in 1917 
 makes it possible to use this grain rather largely in our horse-feed- 
 ing operations. The large amount of soft corn makes it safe to 
 assume that much of it will be moldy or otherwise damaged. Special 
 attention should be given to avoiding such corn in feeding horses, 
 since horses are especially susceptible to sickness and poisoning from 
 these sources, many dying each year from this source of poisoning. 
 If damaged corn must be fed, the danger is lessened if it can be fed 
 mixed with oats or oats and bran. r 
 
 Little Grain Needed with Good Ronghag-e. — In general, the 
 amount of grain required to keep an idle horse in good condition 
 during the winter will depend to a great extent upon the kind and 
 quality of roughage fed. If some good legume hay is used, little, 
 if any, grain is needed, since such hay helps to supply all of the food 
 materials needed and also to keep the bowels in good condition. The 
 general condition of the horse as to flesh and general thrift must be 
 the best guide to the feeder in selecting the ration. 
 
 Use Bran Mashes. — One or two bran mashes a week for the horse 
 that is being wintered largely on coarse carbonaceous feed is good, 
 cheap health insurance. For winter feeding the mash may be made 
 by mixing three to four pounds of dry bran with hot water and 
 allowing it to cool to feeding temperature in a covered pail. Bran 
 
1918] Extension Circular No. 16 3 
 
 mashes help to prevent much sickness and death due to impaction 
 of the digestive organs, ''straw colic," and similar troubles. A 
 handful or two of oil meal a day may take the place of the bran 
 mashes, and will help to keep the bowels properly regulated. Bran 
 mash or oil meal fed as recommended is one of the best remedies that 
 can be used by those in search of a good conditioner for their horses ; 
 and it is much cheaper than the condition powder and medicated 
 stock foods often used to improve the general thrift of the horse 
 being wintered on rough feed. 
 
 Succulent Feeds, such as roots and corn silage, have not been 
 used in this country to any great extent for horse feeding. Of the 
 root crops, carrots are considered best for horses. Altho low in food 
 value, when compared with grains, they have a high value as con- 
 ditioners. The serious objection to their extended use is the large 
 amount of hand labor required in their production. Careful feeders 
 have secured good results in feeding moderate amounts of good corn 
 silage to horses that are being carried thru the winter. Such silage 
 should be made from well-matured corn, put up in a good air-tight 
 silo, with enough moisture to insure its being packed solid and ex- 
 cluding all air. If the corn is fairly dry when put into the silo, 
 enough water should be added to insure its packing solid. Ten to 
 fifteen pounds of good silage fed in connection with legume hay or 
 carbonaceous roughage will usually give fairly satisfactory results. 
 The greatest care must be exercised in feeding silage to horses, how- 
 ever, as any mold either in the silo or in the feed troughs is almost 
 sure to cause trouble, and frequently death. Naturally, more risk 
 may be taken with cheap horses than with high-class, valuable ones. 
 
 Exercise is necessary to good health. Probably the best place to 
 provide this is a blue-grass pasture which has been allowed to grow 
 up somewhat during summer and fall, where not only exercise may 
 be had, but considerable good picking as well. Small lots and straw 
 yards, unless used in connection with a larger area, are not satis- 
 factory because horses do not move about enough. In some instances, 
 stacks, yards, and protected wood lots furnish sufficient shelter. Un- 
 der most conditions, however, it is more satisfactory to get up the 
 horses in the evening and give them some feed and a dry bed in the 
 barn. 
 
 Other Items of Good Care. — A few other items of good care 
 should not be neglected. Digestive troubles are sometimes caused 
 by bad teeth. Experience shows the importance of having the horses' 
 teeth gone over once a year by a competent veterinarian. This ap- 
 plies particularly to horses with some age. Feet should be care- 
 fully leveled with a hoof rasp once a month. The edge of the wall 
 
4 The Winter Feeding of Idle Takm Hokses 
 
 should be rounded somewhat to prevent its chipping or breaking off 
 irregularly. 
 
 Good, clean drinking water should be supplied liberally. In cold 
 weather a tank heater should be used to keep the water trough free 
 from ice. Salt should also be provided, either thru free access or 
 regular salting once a week or oftener. 
 
 Every Gain in Horse Power Will Mean a Saving of Man Labor. — 
 
 It is neither economical nor wise to starve the horse thru the winter 
 by giving either too little feed or poorly selected feed. He cannot 
 do full work in this condition even tho he is given enough good feed 
 when he goes to hard work in the spring. Most farmers have suffi- 
 cient time to give their idle work horses every necessary attention 
 during the winter, and it will be of the greatest importance in the 
 spring of 1918 to have every farm horse in prime condition to do a 
 real horse's work. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, JULY, 1918 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 225 
 
 SELECTION AND STORAGE OF SEED CORN 
 
 By W. L. burl 1 son and E. A. WHITE 
 
 No Time is Wasted When a Hoop is Placed ix the Top of the Sack Used 
 
 FOR Gathering Seed 
 
Fig. 1. — This is a Good Type to Keep in Mind When Selecting Seed Corn 
 
SELECTION AND STORAGE OF SEED CORN 
 
 By W. L. Bublisox, Associate Chief ix Crop Production, and 
 E. A. White, Assistant Professor in Farm Mechanics 
 
 Illinois has passed thru a scGd-corii crisis. The seed-corn situa- 
 tion for 1918 will be recorded as the most serious in the history of 
 corn-growing America. 
 
 The northern part of Illinois produced practically no seed corn. 
 Central Illinois saved a small amount of good seed, but not even 
 enough for its own use. Great quantities of corn had to be moved 
 from southern counties of the state and many nearby sections of Indi- 
 ana and Missouri, in order to supply the demand created by the lack 
 of seed corn in northern Illinois. This meant that seed grown in lo- 
 calities with rather long seasons had to be used in localities of shorter 
 seasons. All this contains an element of danger, and in order to 
 eliminate so far as possible late maturing seed for the 1919 planting, 
 strong emphasis must be placed on the early selection of a full supply 
 of seed this fall. 
 
 If the supply is to be sufficient for next year, two facts are to be 
 kept clearly in mind : 
 
 1. Seed corn must be selected early, and from the field. 
 
 2. It must be properly stored. 
 
 WHEN AND HOW TO SELECT SEED CORN 
 
 Select seed corn before the first killing frost. For the extreme 
 northern part of the state, October 12 is the average date for the first 
 killing frost ; for the central-northern, October 15 ; for the central, 
 October 16 ; for the central-southern, October 20 ; and for the extreme 
 southern, October 24. However, general killing frosts sometimes oc- 
 cur three weeks earlier than these dates, so that seed-corn week should 
 begin September 15 for northern Illinois, September 20 for the central 
 district, and September 25 for the southern third of the state. Let 
 ea>ch community proclaim a "seed-corn iveek" to begin ivitli the date 
 mentioned for the district. 
 
 If corn is allowed to remain in the field during cold, moist weather, 
 the germination and vitality will be greatly diminished, if not entirely 
 lost. The moisture content of corn is often 30 percent or more when 
 the seed is ready to pick. If freezing weather catches the seed ears 
 when they contain a relatively high percentage of water, the corn is 
 likely to be of no value for seed purposes. 
 
Circular No. 225 
 
 [Juhj, 
 
 Fig. 
 
 -Why Not Have a Seed-Corx Week for Each of These Districts? 
 
1918] 
 
 Selection and Storage of Seed Corn 
 
 The following points should be observed in selecting seed corn 
 from the field : 
 
 T 
 
 1. Ears of niedinm size only should be ehoscB. 
 
 2. The grains should be well dented (corn will make satisfactory seed as 
 
 soon as the grains are well dented). 
 
 3. The ears should be of good shape, but early maturity must not be sacri- 
 
 ficed for fancy points. 
 
 4. Ears should be chosen which hang down, because they shed water. 
 
 5. The shank should be of medium length and diameter. 
 
 6. There should be two good stalks in the hill from which a seed ear is taken. 
 
 Let the state have a seed-corn reserve. Select sufficient seed for 
 two years. This will not cost much as compared to what it might 
 mean to Illinois. It is a standard insurance against the recurrence 
 of the near disaster of 1917-1918. 
 
 Fig. 3. — The Ear on This Stalk has the Eight Angle 
 
Circular No. 225 
 
 [July, 
 
 Moisture Content and Germination of Corn Harvested at Various Dates 
 
 During Fall and Winter of 1917-1918 
 
 From Nebraska Experiment Station Bulletin 163 
 
 Condition of corn at time 
 , of first frost, October 8 
 
 Shocked corn : 
 
 1. Fairly well matured, ears 
 
 solid 
 
 Corn standing in field: 
 
 2. Fairly well matured, ears 
 
 solid 
 
 3. Somewhat rubbery, ears 
 
 twist 
 
 4. Very rubbery, grain me 
 
 dium soft 
 
 5. Grain very soft . 
 
 Late dough stage 
 
 Milk stage 
 
 6. 
 
 Minimum temperature, degrees 
 F 
 
 Moisture and germination of corn 
 gathered on — 
 
 October 8^ 
 
 Mois- 
 ture 
 
 percent 
 
 30 
 
 35 
 
 43 
 47 
 50 
 63 
 
 Germin- 
 ation 
 
 ■percent 
 
 98 
 
 98 
 
 94 
 
 92 
 92 
 
 82 
 44 
 
 24 
 
 November 19 
 
 Mois- 
 ture 
 
 percent 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 21 
 
 26 
 27 
 34 
 36 
 
 Germin- 
 ation 
 
 percent 
 
 83 
 56 
 
 34 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 1 
 
 17 
 
 January 17 
 
 Mois- 
 ture 
 
 percent 
 
 14 
 
 Germin- 
 ation 
 
 percent 
 
 14 
 17 
 
 19 
 
 22 
 
 61 
 
 20 
 6 
 
 
 
 -21 
 
 ^The first selection was made after the first 
 the early morning of October 8. 
 
 killing frost which occurred in 
 
 It will be noticed from the accompanying table that the germina- 
 tion test of the corn gathered early was satisfactory in every case ex- 
 cept when gathered in the milk stage. The moisture content, however, 
 of corn gathered early is high, and this necessitates care in handling 
 the seed ears. Additional data in the Nebraska bulletin from which 
 the above figures are taken show that in nearly every case seed selected 
 after October 8 fell in germination test. 
 
WIS] Selection and Storage of Seed Corn 7 
 
 STORAGE OF SEED 
 
 The chief problems in storing seed corn are to provide a means 
 whereby the moistnre content can be reduced to such a point that 
 the germ is not injured by freezing, and then to maintain this con- 
 dition until planting time. The minor j^roblcms are to afford pro- 
 tection against the ravages of vermin, to reduce the work of storage, 
 and to have the ears so placed that they are accessible when the ger- 
 mination test is made. 
 
 The two prime necessities for successful seed storage are ventila- 
 tion and heat. Ventilation provides a means for removing the excess 
 moisture. Heat prevents freezing and hastens the drying process. 
 In many years proper ventilation is all that is required. However, 
 some artificial means for heating should be provided in case it is 
 needed. Kiln-dried corn possesses strong germination usually. The 
 seed ears should be dried in a room having a temperature not above 
 110 degrees. Corn containing less than 14 percent of moisture is not 
 easily injured by cold weather, but seed containing more moisture 
 should not be exposed to freezing temperature. 
 
 The Wisconsin Experiment Station has reported some very defi- 
 nite facts in this connection. In tests by that station corn kept in a 
 warm, dry room or attic, gave a germination test of 98 to 100 percent ; 
 corn Avell dried before freezing germinated as well ; when the seed was 
 left in the shock or in the open crib during the wanter months, the 
 germination and vitality were so low that the product was unfit for 
 seed. 
 
 A large amount of the trouble experienced with seed corn in 
 1917-18 could have been prevented by heating the storage rooms, if 
 no more than just enough to prevent freezing. The protection against 
 vermin can generally be secured by using a form of construction which 
 offers no harbors for mice and rats ; or, if this is not sufficient, wire 
 netting can be used to line the seed room. The presence of cats also 
 helps to reduce this trouble. 
 
 Seed corn should never be stored in sacks, piles, or even by 
 placing one row of ears immediately on top of another. The individual- 
 ear method of storage is the only safe one to use, at least until the 
 moisture content has been reduced to 18 percent or lower. This 
 method of storage facilitates ventilation, which hastens the drying 
 process, tends to prevent molding, and lessens the trouble caused by 
 mice and rats. 
 
 Systems of Storage 
 
 There are several systems that have given excellent satisfaction 
 for the individual-ear method of storage. No matter what method is 
 used, seed corn should be stored at least one foot off the floor, and for 
 convenience it should not be placed over seven feet above the floor. 
 
Circular No. 225 
 
 [Juty, 
 
 Fig. 4. — Lath Rack System, a Favorite Method of Storage 
 The ears need not be removed until after the germination test. 
 
 Latli-Rack Systejn.—The lath-rack system is shown in Fig. 4. 
 By placing two sets of racks side by side and leaving an alley between 
 the rows of racks, every seed ear wdll be accessible. There should be 
 a space of at least three inches between the laths. The ends of the 
 racks should be at least lx6-inch lumber; the footings 2x6-inch lumber, 
 2 feet long. If desired, these racks may be built as part of the seed 
 house, in which case the footings would not be required. 
 
1^18] 
 
 Selection and Storage of Seed Corn 
 
 Fig. 5. — Xail System 
 
 Fig. 6. — Post System 
 
 Nail System. — The nail system is shown in Fig. 5. Two rows 
 of ten-penny nails, three inches apart, are driven from each side of a 
 lx4-inch piece of lumber, so that they will make an angle 45 degrees 
 from vertical. The nails are four inches apart in the vertical direc- 
 tion. The lx4-inch pieces are placed six inches center to center. The 
 rows of racks are placed four feet apart, which allows for alleys. 
 
10 
 
 Circular No. 225 
 
 [July, 
 
 Post System. — In the post system (Fig. 6), nails from which the 
 heads have been cut are driven into a post, with the same spacing as 
 used in the nail system. Whenever the posts are available, this 
 method is very satisfactory ; otherwise it is not to be recommended. 
 
 Fig. 7. — Twine System. Oxe op the Commox Methods of Haxging Seed Ears 
 
 By this plan large quantities of corn can be stored in a limited Fpaee. The 
 ears are held firmly in place. 
 
 Twine Systeyn. — The twine system (Fig. 7) requires about one- 
 fourth pound of bundle twine per bushel. The units can be sus- 
 pended from the rafters or from especially constructed racks. When 
 this system is used, the seed room can be filled from the back forward, 
 leaving no aisles. 
 
1918] 
 
 Selection axd Storage of Seed Corn 
 
 11 
 
 f^ 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
12 
 
 Circular No. 225 
 
 [July, 
 
 Wire-Prong System. — The wire-prong system (Fig. 8) is com- 
 parable in every respect with the twine system, except for the different 
 method of holding the ears. No. 9 wire, woven or electric-weld, may 
 be used. The patent-prong hanger (Fig. 9) can be purchased on the 
 open market. 
 
 Fig. 10. — Wire Eack tor Storing Seed Corn 
 
 Wire-Rack System. — The wire-rack system (Fig. 10) has been de 
 veloped commercially. Each rack holds 100 ears. The seed room 
 can be filled with these racks, or alleys may be left, as desired. 
 
 Space Required for Storage 
 
 If alleys are left in the storage room, making every ear accessible, 
 approximately 20 cubic feet of space is required for each 100 ears 
 stored; if no alleys are left, approximately 12 cubic feet of space is 
 required. (About 80 to 100 ears make a bushel.) Alleys are neces- 
 sary if the rack, lath, nail, or post system is used. The twine, prong, 
 or wire-rack system can be used with or without alleys, as desired. 
 
1918] Selection and Storage of Seed Corn 13 
 
 SEED HOUSES 
 
 The very common practice of hanging seed ears in corn cribs or 
 other open buildings may secure excellent ventilation, but it offers no 
 protection against freezing. In order to insure a supply of seed in 
 adverse seasons, this method of storage should be discontinued. It is 
 economical but not safe. Under certain conditions seed corn may be 
 stored in a dry basement, but this practice should not be encouraged 
 unless the ventilation is good. Frequently the ventilation of a base- 
 ment is very poor and the relative humidity of the air high, aft'ording 
 excellent conditions for the growth of mold. There is probably no 
 better place in which to store seed corn than in a well ventilated room 
 in the house, provided this room can be heated. This reduces the 
 danger of freezing to a minimum. There are decided objections, how^- 
 ever, to the litter w^hich is certain to result when corn is brought 
 into a dwelling-house. The safest and most desirable arrangement is 
 to have a house built especially for storing seed corn. 
 
 In designing a seed-corn house, especial attention must be given 
 to the problems of ventilation and heating. Just so far as possible, 
 advantage should be taken of natural conditions for providing venti- 
 lation. The heating of the house will have to be provided for by 
 artificial means. From the standpoint of economy it is desirable to 
 combine the storage room wath some other building, as the same 
 foundation and roof will then serve two purposes. The most desirable 
 combination to make will, of course, depend upon local conditions. 
 Work such as washing or butchering, requiring the use of hot water, 
 should not be done in such a house if the steam produced passes into 
 the place used for keeping seed corn. 
 
 Fig. 11 illustrates a combined garage and seed house constructed 
 of wood. This building is 16x22 feet. On the first floor there is 
 I'oom for an automobile, *a work bench, and a stove. By installing 
 double doors and putting the work bench under the stairway, this 
 building can be used to house two automobiles. The second story will 
 hold from 45 to 90 bushels of seed corn, depending upon the system of 
 storage wdiich is used. Ventilation can be secured by opening the 
 second-story doors. In cold weather these doors are closed and the 
 building heated from a fire in the stove. The heat passes from the 
 first to the second story thru openings around the inside of the walls. 
 
 Fig. 12 illustrates a combined garage and seed house the same 
 size as the one described above but constructed of clay blocks with a 
 stucco exterior. Brick may be used in place of the clay blocks and 
 stucco, if desired. If the first floor of such a building is not needed 
 for a garage, it would make an excellent work shop where a forge 
 
 Note. — The buildings illustrated by Figs. 11, 12, and 13 have been designed 
 by Mr. C. W. Billiard, architect, of the University of Illinois, 
 
14 
 
 Circular No. 225 
 
 [July, 
 
1918] 
 
 (Selection and Storage of Seed Coen 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 Fig. -12.— Combined Garage and Seed-Corn House. Clay Block; Stucco 
 
 Exterior 
 
 //i 
 
 
 Fig. 13.— Combined Farm Shop, Garage, and Seed-Storage House. Wooden 
 
 Construction 
 
16 Circular iSTo. 225 
 
 could be installed. In cold weather a fire could be started in the stove, 
 which would make the shop a very comfortable place in which to 
 repair machinery. 
 
 If a large seed house is desired, the building illustrated in Fig. 13 
 can be used. This building is 24x46 feet, giving room on the ground 
 floor for a garage, shop, and seed cleaning and grinding room. The 
 second floor will hold from 150 to 300 bushels of seed corn and 1,500 
 bushels of small grain. The six bins are located in the taller part of 
 the building, and an inside cup elevator is necessary to flll them. A 
 gasoline motor is necessary to generate the power required to operate 
 the machinery in this building. By the use of slides and an elevator 
 the grain in the bins can be cleaned or ground and delivered to a 
 wagon outside the building with no hand work, everything being done 
 by machinery. Two stoves are provided for heating the building. 
 
 Working drawings for these buildings will be furnished upon re- 
 quest. Address the Division of Farm Mechanics, College of Agricul- 
 ture, Urbana, Illinois. The drawings should be ordered by series •and 
 number according to the following : 
 
 Series A No. 1 Garage and seed house, wooden construction 
 
 Series A No. 2 Garage and seed house, clay block and stucco construction 
 
 Series A No. 3 Garage, shop, and seed house, wooden construction 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 Agricultural Experiment Station 
 
 CIRCULAR No. 215 
 
 THE WAR GARDEN HOTBED 
 
 By C. E. DUEST 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS, MARCH, 1918 
 
THE WAR GARDEN HOTBED 
 
 I I By C. E. durst, Assistant Chief in Olericulture 
 
 In order to grow some vegetables successfully in our climate, the 
 plants must be started under glass. Head lettuce, early cabbage, and 
 cauliflower, for instance, require such a long season of cool weather 
 that they could seldom be matured properly in this section if we 
 waited to plant the seeds in the open. In other words, we must fur- 
 nish them a longer period of cool weather than our climate ordi- 
 narily affords, by planting the seeds under glass. On the other hand, 
 sweet potatoes and eggplants require such a long season of warm 
 weather to complete their growth that we could not grow these crops 
 in Illinois at all if we did not give them a good start under protection. 
 Again, the earlier we bring tomatoes into bearing, the larger crops 
 we secure, for on good soil and with a suitable variety, fruit is borne 
 continuously after bearing begins until the plants are destroyed by 
 frost. Even if none of the above circumstances applied to our cli- 
 mate, the starting of many vegetables under glass would be justified 
 by the greater earliness of the products thus obtained. 
 
 The best conditions for growing plants are furnished by green- 
 houses, but these are expensive to build and to operate, and most 
 home gardeners will find it preferable to use a hotbed. The expense 
 of a small hotbed, distributed over its lifetime, will probably not 
 exceed one dollar per season. If the initial cost is too great for one 
 family, two or more may cooperate in the expense and management. 
 
 LOCATION 
 
 A hotbed should be located in a well-drained spot protected on 
 the north by a building or a tight fence. On level land, the desired 
 drainage and exposure may usually be obtained by plowing or dig- 
 ging so as to leave a good slope to the south, and by opening a fur- 
 row or trench to lead surplus water away. 
 
 KINDS OF HOTBEDS 
 
 Hotbeds are always provided with some form of artificial heat. 
 There are three kinds, depending on how the heat is furnished. The 
 fire hotbed^ is heated from an open fire pit at one end, the smoke 
 and gases being led thru flues extending beneath. The pipe-heated 
 hotbed is heated by hot-water or steam pipes placed under, or around 
 the edges, of the bed. The manure hotbed is heated by fermenting 
 horse manure placed beneath the surface. ' 
 
 ^Directions for building a fire hotbed are given in Bulletin 144 of this station. 
 
The Wak Garden Hotbed 3 
 
 The manure hotbed is the most practicable for home gardens, and 
 is the only type which will be discussed here. There are two kinds, 
 the surface and the pit hotbed. The pit hotbed is sunk partly be- 
 low the surface, while the surface hotbed is built entirely above the 
 ground. 
 
 HOW TO CONSTRUCT A PIT HOTBED 
 
 Unless the location is poorly drained, the pit hotbed will be 
 found most satisfactory. It is harder to make than a surface bed, 
 but it is warmer, it requires less manure, and it is adapted for much 
 colder weather. 
 
 Thawing Out tlie Soil. — The site for a pit hotbed should be cov- 
 ered with 18 to 24 inches of fresh horse manure some time during 
 January in order to thaw out the ground in time for digging. There 
 should be no snow or ice on the surface when this is applied, other- 
 wise thawing may be greatly delayed. The same manure may be 
 used for this purpose that will later be placed in the pit. 
 
 Tyi^e of Construction. — The war garden hotbed, in order to be 
 in keeping with the national policy of conservation, should be eco- 
 nomical of constructional materials. Fig. 1 shows a cross-section of a 
 hotbed that not only meets these requirements but is of the greatest 
 efficiency as well. Instead of having plank, brick, or concrete walls 
 that extend all the way to the bottom of the pit, this bed has a frame 
 at the top only, which is supported on bricks or stakes. This plan 
 of construction not only economizes material to the utmost, but per- 
 mits a pit that extends out 5 or 6 inches farther on all sides than 
 the frame ; thus the edges of the bed are kept practically as warm 
 as the center. Furthermore, this kind of frame can be raised with- 
 out difficulty when the plants become large. It can be taken apart 
 at the close of the season and the lumber stored in a dry place ; thus 
 it will last longer than the permanent frame of lumber. With the 
 frame removed, the site can be readily dug up and used for summer 
 crops, whereas a permanent frame would be an obstacle to the prepa- 
 ration and use of the area and might offer a lodging place for in- 
 sects, plant diseases, and vermin. A temporary frame permits chang- 
 ing the location of the hotbed from year to year if desired. A wood 
 frame radiates less heat than one of brick or concrete. 
 
 When to Make the Hothed. — The hotbed should be made early in 
 February. In our climate, the pit should be dug deep enough to 
 hold 12 to 15 inches of manure. Fairly fresh horse manure is the 
 only kind adapted for hotbeds. It should contain only enough bedding 
 to make it fork well. Better results are secured if the manure is piled 
 up two or three weeks in advance and turned occasionally to insure 
 uniform fermentation thruout the pile. Water should be used if 
 necessary to prevent fire-fanging. 
 
 Size and Shape. — The hotbed should l)e of a size and shape that 
 will fit the kind of sash at baud. Any odd window sash may be 
 
Circular No. 215 
 
 [Marchf 
 
1918] 
 
 The War Garden Hotbed 
 
 used. Standard hotbed sash, as used by gardeners, are 6x3 feet or 
 6x3 feet, 2 inches, and if the sash are to be purchased, this kind 
 should be selected. Double-strength glass is preferable to the single 
 strength. Four of these sashes make a hotbed of very satisfactory 
 size for a large garden and two of them will serve for a small garden. 
 
 The Frame. — The frame for a hotbed like that illustrated is made 
 of 12-inch boards. However, narrower boards will give satisfactory 
 results. When the bed is longer than 6 feet, the boards on those 
 sides should be 2 inches thick ; otherwise 1-inch lumber will suffice. 
 The parts of the frame may simply be nailed together, but in this 
 case the boards are certain to split at the ends sooner or later. By 
 using cleats across the ends of the boards as shown in Fig. 2, much 
 tighter joints are secured and the frame will last several years 
 longer. An inside support should be placed across the middle of the 
 frame to prevent the sides from bending inward (see Fig. 2). 
 
 Digging the Pit. — After the frame is made, it should be placed 
 over the hotbed site, and the outline of the pit marked around it 
 with a spade, allowing 5 or 6 inches on all sides. The frame should 
 then be set aside and the pit dug. This should be of such a depth 
 that, when the bed is finished, the surface of the soil inside the bed 
 
 J'^if!. 2. — Method of .Jointing tiie Frame 
 
6 CiKCULAK No. 215 [March, 
 
 will be slightly higher than the ground level on the outside; this 
 precaution may prevent flooding of the bed with water from melting 
 snows or heavy rains. For Illmois conditions, a pit 12 to 15 inches 
 deep will hold enough manure to provide the necessary warmth. 
 
 Setting tlie Frame. — After the pit is dug the next operation is 
 to set the frame. Some persons first place the manure in the pit and 
 simply set the frame on top of it, but it is far better to support it 
 on stakes or temporary brick piers to prevent it from settling out of 
 place. One support should be placed near each corner. The frame 
 should be set at a pitch to the south of about II4 inches to the foot. 
 
 It is important to set the frame squarely so that the sash will 
 fit snugly. To accomplish this in the easiest way, compare the diag- 
 onals. When these are of equal lengths, the frame will be exactly 
 square, that is, if the opposite sides of the frame are of equal lengths. 
 
 Placing Manure in the Pit. — After the frame is set, the manure 
 should be placed in it. Spread about 6 inches over the bottom, shak- 
 ing to pieces any hard lumps, and tramp it well. Then add another 
 layer, and so on, until the proper height is reached. If the manure 
 promises not to heat readily, moisten it with hot water occasionally 
 when placing it in the pit. 
 
 With a frame 12 inches deep, as illustrated (Fig. 1), the manure, 
 when thoroly compacted, should reach slightly above the lower edge. 
 Thus, when 5 or 6 inches of soil are added, there will remain about 
 the right amount of room for the growing plants. 
 
 The Soil. — If the plants are to be grown directly in the bed, about 
 5 to 6 inches of soil should be used. If they are to be grown in flats, 
 which is the better method for most plants, only 2 to 3 inches of 
 soil should be placed over the manure. The soil may be added when 
 the bed is made or a few days later. Sand and rotted manure are 
 often mixed with the soil to improve the texture and fertility. 
 
 Soil that is too rich in organic matter encourages diseases of 
 the seedlings. Therefore, if the seedlings are shifted to richer soil 
 before they begin to need much plant food, it is better to use a soil 
 that is rather low in organic matter ; some florists use pure sand. 
 
 It is often difficult to secure a good mellow soil when the beds 
 are made. If the surface soil removed when digging the pit is of 
 suitable nature, this may be used. Sufficient soil is sometimes stored 
 in a cellar or pit during the winter. But it is better to expose it 
 to freezing weather as much as possible. One of the best methods 
 is to place the soil in a conical pile on the outside in the fall. Here 
 it will remain comparatively dry, and by covering it with manure 
 early in January, it will be in good condition when needed. 
 
 After the soil or the plant flats are placed in the bed, there should 
 remain 5 or 6 inches of growing space for the plants. As the manure 
 decays, the surface will settle somewhat, thus allowing more room 
 for the plants as they become larger. 
 
1918] 
 
 The Wab Gaeden Hotbed 
 
 After the bed is made, the sash 
 should be placed on top, and a 
 layer of soil and manure should be 
 banked around the outside to re- 
 tain the heat, and to protect the 
 bed from driving winds. All soil 
 and manure not needed should be 
 carted away; if left near the hot- 
 bed they may interfere with sur- 
 face drainage. 
 
 Protection in Cold Weather. — 
 For protection in cold weather, ex- 
 tra covers in the fonn of mats, 
 boards, shutters, burlap, or old car- 
 pets, should be placed over the 
 sash. Very satisfactory covers can 
 be made of building paper^ nailed 
 to frames constructed of lx4-inch 
 strips. The best method of making 
 the frame is to saw the pieces at 
 a 45° angle and connect them by 
 means of corrugated joints, as 
 shown in Fig. 3. Enough straw 
 or manure should be kept at hand 
 to cover over the edges of the frame 
 at night during early spring. In 
 severe weather, the entire bed may need covering to keep the plants 
 from freezing. 
 
 Time to Plant the Seeds. — If a good grade of manure is used, the 
 bed will heat violently for a week or ten days. The temperature 
 may rise as high as 125° F. During this time the bed should be aired 
 every day and covered at night. Do not plant the seeds until the 
 bed has gone thru this period of heating and the temperature has 
 dropped to about 75° or 80° F. 
 
 Fig. 3. — Hotbed Cover Made of 1x4- 
 Inch Strips and Building Paper 
 
 HOW TO MAKE A SURFACE HOTBED 
 
 Surface hotbeds are well adapted for poorly drained locations 
 and for use late in the season. As already stated, they are difficult 
 to keep warm in cold weather, and require more manure than pit 
 hotbeds. They are easier to make, however, for digging is unneces- 
 sary and frozen ground is no hindrance. The manure is simply 
 spread out over the ground and packed well, and the frame and sash 
 are placed on top. More manure is then banked around the outside. 
 
 ^Tar paper should not be used, as the fumes are injurious to plant life. 
 
Circular No. 215 
 
 J( 
 
 
 Fig. 4. — Cross-section of a Surface Hotbed 
 
 The same kind of frame as described for the pit hotbed will serve 
 also for a surface bed. The north side of the frame is sometimes 
 made of wider boards than the south side, so that the bottom of the 
 frame may be set practically on the level. In a surface hotbed the 
 frame is scarcely ever placed on any supports other than the manure. 
 A cross-section of a surface hotbed is showai in Fig. 4. 
 
 COLD FRAMES 
 
 Cold frames are like hotbeds except that they have no artificial 
 heat of any kind. They are used chiefly for "hardening off" plants 
 grown in the hotbeds or greenhouses before transplanting them to 
 the open. They are covered with glass sash early in the season, but 
 for use in the late spring, muslin or canvas covers fastened to rollers 
 will be found convenient, cheap, and serviceable. A canvas-covered 
 cold frame is shown in Fig. 5. 
 
 Cloth-covered Cold Frame 
 
 The growing of plants in hotbeds and cold frames is discussed 
 in Circulars 198 and 216 of this station. 
 
SIMPLE APPLICATIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 TRIGONOMETRY TO ARTILLERY 
 
 BY 
 
 Aubrey J. ICempner, Ph.D. 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 
 URBANA, ILLINOIS 
 
SIMPLE APPLICATIONS 
 
 OF 
 
 TRIGONOMETRY TO ARTILLERY 
 
 BY 
 
 Aubrey J. Kempner, Ph.D. 
 
 Assistant Professor of Mathematics in the University of Illinois 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 
 November, 19 i8 
 
.!v; PREFACE 
 
 In writing this pamphlet it was the purpose of the author to bring 
 some topics which occupy a prominent position in the standard text- 
 books on artillery into close connection with the mathematical work of 
 a college course in trigonometry. 
 
 Mr. W. H. Rayner of the College of Engineering at the University 
 of Illinois, who is at present giving a course in Orientation for Heavy 
 Artillery, very kindly read the manuscript. The author is under obli- 
 gation to Mr. Rayner for this assistance, since the range of his own 
 knowledge of artillery matters is limited to a careful study of some of 
 the standard textbooks. 
 
 The following books are particularly mentioned for reference: 
 
 1. Alger, P. R., The Groundwork of Practical Naval Gunnery, 
 2nd. ed., 1917. 
 
 2. Bishop, H. G., Elements of Modern Field Artillery, 2nd. ed., 
 1917. 
 
 3. Moretti, 0. and Danford, R. M., Notes on Training Field Ar- 
 tillery Details, 6th. ed., 1918. 
 
 4. Spaulding, O. L., Jr., Notes on Field Artillery, 2nd. ed., 191 7. 
 
 5. Gunnery and Explosives, War Department Document No. 
 391, 1911, 
 
 6. Manual of Field Artillery, Vol. 2, War Department Document 
 No. 614, 1917. 
 
 The University Library possesses all of these books. In the text 1-4 
 will be referred to by the name of the author, 5 and 6 will be quoted as 
 "Gunnery" and "Manual", respectively. 
 
 Besides, the author had the privilege of reading the proof-sheets of 
 an article by Professor /. K. Whitiemore, entitled "Firing Data," which 
 has since appeared in the American Mathematical Monthly, October, 
 1918. 
 
 The problems i of page 7 andi, 3, and 5 of pages 8, 9, and 10 are 
 taken from Alger's excellent work ; in the problems of Sections B and C 
 emphasis has been laid on the character and on the degree of accuracy 
 of the methods of approximation. 
 
 Sections B and C are independent of Section A. 
 
OUTLINE 
 
 Sec. A: Simple applications of trigonometry (without use of the 
 
 "mil")— The trajectory 5-10 
 
 Properties of the ballistic curve; influence of air re- 
 sistance 5 
 
 Definitions connected with the trajectory; problems.... 6-8 
 
 Formulae concerning the trajectory; problems 8-10 
 
 Sec. B: Definition and simple applications of the "mil". — The parallax 11-17 
 
 Definition of mil; problems 11-12 
 
 The rule kz=h:(-^^); problems 12-14 
 
 ^1000^ 
 
 Definition of parallax; formula for parallax 14 
 
 Correction for obliquity (two methods); problems 14-17 
 
 Sec. C: Calculation of firing data for direct and indirect fire.... 18-29 
 
 I. Target visible from gun; to find range. Problems 18-21 
 
 II. Target not visible from gun; to find range 22 
 
 III. Target visible from gun; to find direction of firing 22 
 
 IV. Target not visible from gun. — Aiming point. — Deflec- 
 tion 22-29 
 
 ' (a) Simplest case: aiming point=battery comman- 
 der's station; problems 22-23 
 
 (b) Aiming point and battery commander's station 
 
 distinct 23-29 
 
 Aiming point; deflection 23-24 
 
 The relation c?=^±P±r 24-25 
 
 Determination of the deflection; problems 26-29 
 
 Remarks 29 
 
SECTION A. 
 
 Simple Applications of Trigonometry {without use of the "mil"). 
 
 The Trajectory. 
 
 There is a marked difference between the methods of calculation 
 applied in the Heavy or Coast Artillery and the Mobile or Field Ar- 
 tillery. In the Heavy Artillery angles must be determined much more 
 accurately than in the Field Artillery, and formulae of approxima- 
 tion which are entirely sufficient for the latter service are totally inade- 
 quate to the needs of the former. In determining the firing data of a 
 heavy gun, the mathematical operations required are often as delicate 
 as in a refined experiment in physics, involving for example five place 
 logarithms. 
 
 In particular, the approximations to which the use of the so-called 
 "mil" measurement of angles leads, are not employed in the Heavy 
 Artillery. 
 
 For this reason most problems of the present section are based on 
 data referring to Heavy Artillery. 
 
 All definitions and therefore also all formulae hold without change 
 for Field Artillery. 
 
 The projectile is assumed to move in vacuo ; then the curve of 
 flight, the trajectory, is part of a parabola ; of course the actual path 
 of the projectile is profoundly modified by the air-pressure. We men- 
 tion particularly the following points concerning the actual path, the so- 
 called "ballistic curve :"* 
 
 1. While the parabola has an axis of symmetry, the ballistic curve 
 is not symmetric with respect to any line ; 
 
 2. the ballistic curve lies entirely underneath the corresponding 
 parabola ; 
 
 3. the ballistic curve is more blunt at the end of the trajectory 
 than at the beginning ; 
 
 4. the highest point of flight lies in the second half of the curve ; 
 
 5. for a considerable fraction of the whole path, the ballistic 
 curve follows the corresponding parabola closely. 
 
 The great influence of the resistance of the air on the trajectory 
 may be seen from the following little table which gives some interesting 
 data for the three-inch Field Artillery gun.** 
 
 *Compare for this section: Alger, pp. 1-34; Moretti and Danford, Ch. Ill; Gunnery, pp. 13- 
 24; Manual, pp. 97-101. There is lack of uniformity among authors concerning the notation 
 of the elements defined on pp. 6, 7 of this pamphlet. 
 
 **Gunnery, p. 19. 
 
 5 
 

 Angle of 
 Departure 
 
 Muzzle 
 Velocity 
 
 Range 
 
 Maximum 
 Ordinate 
 
 Time of 
 Flight 
 
 Air 
 
 Vacuo (appr.) 
 
 1° 11.2' 
 1° 11.2' 
 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 
 1000 yds. 
 1245 yds. 
 
 17.3 ft. 
 
 19.4 ft. 
 
 2.07 sec. 
 2.20 sec. 
 
 Air 
 
 Vacuo (appr.) 
 
 2° 56.7' 
 2° 56.7' 
 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 
 2000 yds. 
 3089 yds. 
 
 93.1 ft. 
 119.2 ft. 
 
 4.46 sec. 
 4.75 sec. 
 
 Air 
 
 Vacuo (appr.) 
 
 5° 12' 
 5° 12' 
 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 
 3000 yds. 
 5434 yds. 
 
 257.0 ft. 
 370.9 ft. 
 
 7.83 sec. 
 9.63 sec. 
 
 Air 
 
 Vacuo (appr.) 
 
 7° 54.2' 
 7° 54.2' 
 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 
 4000 yds. 
 8200 yds. 
 
 536.0 ft. 
 853.8 ft. 
 
 11.25 sec. 
 14.61 sec. 
 
 Air 
 
 Vacuo (appr.) 
 
 11° 10.1' 
 11° 10.1' 
 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 1700 ft. sec. 
 
 5000 yds. 
 11440 yds. 
 
 975.0 ft. 
 1694.0 ft. 
 
 15.12 sec. 
 20.58 sec. 
 
 The table brings out clearly the great flatness of the trajectory at 
 ordinary ranges. For a rough construction of the ballistic curve, the 
 abscissa corresponding to the maximum ordinate may be assumed three- 
 fifths of the horizontal range. (See "Definitions," below). 
 
 Definitions (see Fig. i) : 
 
 Let G in Fig. i be the gun (more accurately the muzzle of the 
 gun), T the target, GN a horizontal line, GB a tangent to the curve at 
 G ; then 
 
 Curve GTN = trajectory (in vacuo a parabola, in air the "bal- 
 listic curve"), 
 
 GN = horizontal range, 
 
 GT = range (as a length) ; also line of sight ; line of position, 
 
 LNGT == e, angle of site, angle of position, 
 
 GB = line of departure, 
 
 LTGjB = 4>, angle of departure, 
 
 I.NGB ^ 4> -\- € = i}/, quadrant angle of departure,* 
 
 ATGA = 4>', angle of elevation, 
 
 /_NGA = <P' -\- €, quadrant angle of elevation,* 
 
 *When no confusion is possible, the "quadrant angle of departure (of elevation)" is called 
 simply the "angle of departure (of elevation)." 
 
/.AG B = j\ jump, • . 
 
 LCTG = &), angle of fall, 
 
 DE = maximum ordinate. , . ' 
 
 The meaning of most of these terms is clear from the figure. A 
 few words must be said concerning the angles <^, 4>', j, e. 
 
 The angle ^' (or <^' + e when referred to the horizontal) is the 
 angle which the axis of the bore makes with the line of sight (or with 
 the horizontal) at the instant before firing. However, the axis of the 
 gun changes its direction by a small (experimentally known) angle /, 
 while the projectile moves in the gun, so that at the moment when the 
 projectile leaves the muzzle of the gun, the axis of the bore, and there- 
 fore also the tangent to the trajectory at G, makes an angle (j)' -\- j = <l> 
 with the line of sight (or <^ + ^ with the horizontal). The angle / is 
 always very small, but may be positive or negative. In aiming the gun, 
 the (known) jump must be taken into account. In case gun (G) and 
 target (T) be in the same horizontal plane, T coincides with N, the 
 ''range" coincides with the "horizontal range," because e = o, and the 
 angle of departure is equal to the quadrant angle of departure, the 
 angle of elevation equal to the quadrant angle of elevation. For the 
 parabola in this case the angle of fall is equal to the angle of departure, 
 while for the ballistic curve the angle of fall is then greater than the 
 angle of departure. — The angle of site, e, is counted positive when target 
 lies higher than gvm, negative when lower. 
 
 PROBLEMS 
 I. For the following quadrant angles of elevation, jump, site, find 
 the angle of departure and the quadrant angle of departure. Draw 
 curves showing all angles. (Alger, p. 26). 
 
 Data Answers 
 
 c^' 
 
 = 2° 
 
 y = + 5' 
 
 e=15° 
 
 </> 
 
 = 2° 5' 
 
 e+^ = 17° 5' 
 
 
 3° 
 
 — 3' 
 
 12° 15' 
 
 
 2° 57' 
 
 15° 12' 
 
 
 3° 
 
 — 7' 
 
 — 10° 30' 
 
 
 2° 53' 
 
 — 7° 37'- 
 
 
 4° 
 
 + 6' 
 
 — 9° 37' 
 
 
 4° 6' 
 
 — 5° 31' 
 
 
 6° 
 
 — 8' 
 
 — 6° 22' 
 
 
 5° 52' 
 
 — 0° 30' 
 
 2. An observation balloon is about 3000 ft. above the surface of 
 the earth ; its horizontal distance from an enemy gun is 4000 yds. Find 
 the angle of site. 
 
 3. A gun is to fire over a hill 270 ft. high. The horizontal dis- 
 tance of the crest of the hill from the gun is 700 yds. How large must 
 the angle of departure be, at least ? Answer : 7°2o'. 
 
 7 
 
4- A target is at a horizontal distance of 3700 yds. from the gun, 
 and is 200 yards lower than the gun. Find the angle of site and the 
 distance in a straight line from the gun to the target (range). 
 
 Since we do not assume any knowledge of analytic geometry on 
 the part of the student, the use of coordinates must be briefly ex- 
 plained by the instructor if the following formulae and problems are 
 taken up. The derivation of the formulae involves analytic geometry 
 and some calculus so that they must be accepted without proof. This 
 set is inserted because it affords good exercise in working with trig- 
 onometric formulae and because the artilleristic meaning of the prob- 
 lems is very clear. 
 
 In figure i let x, y (measured in feet) be the coordinates of any 
 point, P, of the trajectory in vacuo, i// = <^ + e the angle of departure, 
 t the time of flight (in seconds) until the projectile reaches P, V the 
 initial velocity (in feet per second), and g = 32.2, then the following 
 formulae hold :* 
 
 X — t-V- cos }p y — t-V- sin i/' — ^ gt^. 
 
 Eliminating t, we obtain the relation between x and y : 
 
 g-x- 
 y -- X- tan ip zj^ :—■ 
 
 From this the horizontal range X (in feet) is obtained by as- 
 suming V = o: 
 
 _ V^- sin 2\j/ _ 
 
 g 
 
 The total time of flight T (for the horizontal range X) is given by 
 
 X __ j 2X ■ tan ijj 
 
 V- cos i// \ g 
 
 PROBLEMS 
 
 I. The data being as given in the first two columns of the follow- 
 ing table, find the results, in vacuum, required by the other columns. 
 (Alger, p. 32). 
 
 *AIger, p. 28 ■ ' . ' 
 
Initial Velocity 
 
 Angle of Departure 
 
 Horizontal Range 
 
 Time of Flight 
 
 V (f. s.) 
 
 cb -\- e = ij/ 
 
 X (yds.) 
 
 T (sees.) 
 
 1000 
 
 5° 34' 
 
 1999 
 
 6.03 
 
 1100 
 
 4° 35' 
 
 1995 
 
 5.46 
 
 1250 
 
 3° 30' 
 
 1971 
 
 4.74 
 
 1400 
 
 2° 10' 
 
 1533 
 
 3.29 
 
 1500 
 
 7° 28' 
 
 6002 
 
 12.11 
 
 1750 
 
 8° 12' 
 
 8951 
 
 15.50 
 
 2000 
 
 12° 30' 
 
 17500 
 
 26.89 
 
 2400 
 
 7° 40' 
 
 15767 
 
 19.89 
 
 2600 
 
 3° 10' . 
 
 7719 
 
 8.92 
 
 2900 
 
 16° 40' 
 
 47840 
 
 51.66 
 
 2. In the present war the Germans bombarded Paris from the Go- 
 bain Forest, about 70 miles from Paris. Show that, in vacuo, and as- 
 suming g = 32.2, the initial velocity must be at least between 3449 and 
 3450 f. s., and that the corresponding time of flight v/ould be 151.54- 
 sec. (The expression for X shows that for a given V the range is 
 greatest for i/f = 45°). 
 
 3. The data being as given in the first three columns of the fol- 
 lowing table, find the result, in vacuum, required by the fourth and 
 fifth columns (see Fig. i), (Alger, p. 33). 
 
 Initial Veloc- 
 ity V (f- S-) 
 
 Angle of De- 
 parture 
 
 t 
 (sees.) 
 
 (yds.) 
 
 V 
 (ft.) 
 
 1000 
 
 6° 34' 
 
 3.01 
 
 999 
 
 146 
 
 1100 
 
 4° 35' 
 
 2.73 
 
 998 
 
 120 
 
 1250 
 
 3° 30' 
 
 2.37 
 
 986 
 
 90 
 
 1400 
 
 2° 10' 
 
 1.64 
 
 765 
 
 44 
 
 1500 
 
 7° 28' 
 
 6.05 
 
 2999 
 
 590 
 
 1750 
 
 8° 12' 
 
 5.00 
 
 2887 
 
 846 
 
 2000 
 
 12° 30' 
 
 20.00 
 
 13017 
 
 2218 
 
 2400 
 
 7° 40' 
 
 10.00 
 
 7929 
 
 1592 
 
 2600 
 
 3° 10' 
 
 8.00 
 
 
 
 2900 
 
 16° 40' 
 
 30.00 
 
 
 
 In the first five questions of this problem, and in the eighth, 3; is 
 practically the maximum ordinate. 
 
 4. A body is projected in vacuum with an angle of departure of 
 45°, and an initial velocity of 200 f . s. Compute the coordinates of its 
 position after 6 seconds. 
 
 Ans. : X — 848.5 ft., y = 268.9 ft. 
 
5- The measured range in air of a 12" shell of 850 pounds weight, 
 fired with 2800 f . s. initial velocity, and an angle of departure of 7° 32', 
 was 11,900 yds., and the time of flight was 19.5 seconds. What would 
 the range and time of flight have been in vacuum? (Alger, p. 34). 
 
 , Ans. : X = 21097 yds., T = 22.8 seconds. 
 
 6. Vigneulles. in the Saint ]\Iihiel salient in France, is about 24 
 miles from the German fortress of Metz. Under what angle of depart- 
 ure would an American 12" gun with initial velocity 2800 ft. per sec. 
 have to be fired at V. to hit M. (neglecting the air resistance) ? 
 
 Ans.: ij/i = i5°40.9', i/'^ = 74°i9-i'- Explain why there are two 
 answers. Would ifn {xp^) have to be increased or decreased when 
 the air resistance is taken into account ? 
 
 Problems of the type given in this section will make clear to the 
 student the mathematical background of problems dealing with "danger 
 space" and "clearing the crest" or "firing over a mask." However, 
 such problems are treated in Field Artillery by very simple methods of 
 approximation and are for this reason omitted here. 
 
 10 
 
SECTION B. 
 Definition and Simple Applications of the "inil" — The Parallax. 
 
 A first difficulty which the student will encounter in artillery work 
 lies in the fact that the U. S. Field Artillery measures angles generally 
 in so-called "mils".* The sighting instruments of the guns are grad- 
 uated in this unit, instead of degrees, and the tables are all made out 
 accordingly. The mil will therefore have to be carefully considered in 
 a trigonometry course which is to prepare for artillery service. In the 
 Heavy and Coast Artillery the conventional system of measuring 
 angles in degrees, minutes and seconds is used together with the mil 
 system. It should also be noted that the Field Artillery, which has up 
 to the present measured lengths in yards, is, as far as length measure- 
 ments are concerned, in a stage of transition, since, in order to agree 
 with French practice, lengths are in the future to be measured in 
 meters. 
 
 According to some text-books the mil was originally defined as 
 one one-thousandth of a radian.** 
 
 There would thus be 2000.7r = 6283 (approx.) mils in 360°. This 
 would be a very inconvenient unit for numerical computations. The 
 mil actually adopted in the army is the sixteen-hundredth part of a 
 right angle : 
 
 I ' ^ 2/ 
 
 I mil = right angle = .05625° = — , 
 
 1600 " 8 
 
 6400 mils = 360°, 3200 mils = 180°, 1600 mils = 90°. 
 
 The student may verify that the mil is about 4 seconds (that is, 
 about 2 per cent), smaller than i-iooo radian. 
 
 The following is quoted from official instructions of the United 
 States Army : 
 
 Definition: All U. S. mobile artillery sights zvill be graduated 
 clockziiise in mils. A mil is 1-6400 of a circle. The arc zvhicJi subtends 
 a mil at the center of a circle is, for practical purposes, equal to i-iooo 
 of the radius. The arc and its tangent are nearly equal for angles not 
 greater than 350 ■mf/i'.*** 
 
 *Compare for this section: Bishop, p. 47 ff. ; Moretti-Danford, pp. 57, 58 for definitions of 
 
 mil and parallax; numerous applications pp. 62-130; Gunnery, pp. 33, 34, 38; Manual pp. 1 15-121. 
 
 **According to other text books the mil was first defined as arc tan .00 1. The difference 
 
 between this angle and the angle i-iooo radian is only about one millionth of one minute. 
 
 "350 mils zz: 3?o . 360=^ 
 
 6400 
 
 — ^^ 16 
 
 11 
 
PROBLEMS 
 
 1. Change i mil to degrees; to minutes; to seconds. 
 
 2. Change to mils : 
 
 1°; i'; i" ; 60° ; 200° ; 75° 20' ; 142° 35'; 40'; 5° 10'; i/; 1° 25'. 
 
 3. Change to degrees and draw the angles : 
 
 100 mils ; 80 mils ; 2400 mils ; 1360 mils ; 5200 mils ; 50 mils. 
 
 4. Given a triangle with angles 120°; 51° 30'; 8° 30', change all 
 angles to mils and check by 180° = 3200 mils. 
 
 5. Given a triangle with angles 1280 mils; 760 mils; 1160 mils. 
 Change all angles to degrees and check. 
 
 In military textbooks an abbreviation for "mil" does not seem to 
 be in use. Frequently the angle in mils is given without any notation, 
 as A = 310. 
 
 The last two sentences quoted in the official instructions point 
 toward the most important applications of the mil, which we now 
 discuss. 
 
 In the right triangle 
 OMN (Fig. 2) let ZO = 
 a radians = k mils, 0M= 
 r, MN = h, and let / 
 be the arc between OM 
 and ON of a circle about O as center. Then tan — h:r. For very 
 small angles O the ratio h: I is very nearly unity ; with increasing angles 
 O the ratio h : / also increases ; but for O — 20° the fraction h : / has only 
 reached the value 1.04+. For O = 15°, h: 1= 1.02+ ; for O = 10°, h:l 
 = 1.01+; for O = 5°, h:l = 1.003 — . The error made by replacing 
 the arc by the tangent is thus about four to five per cent for a 350 mil 
 angle, about two per cent for a 270 mil angle, about one per cent for a 
 150 to 200 mil angle, about Vs per cent for a 75 to 100 mil angle. There- 
 fore h:r = l:r (approx.) for small angles 0.* But l:r = a, and a 
 = ^:iooo (appr.), hence, for small angles, h:r = k :iooo (appr.), 
 
 k = h:{r/iooo). 
 
 In the most important applications of the mil in gunnery r is the 
 gun range and measures usually some thousands of yards, while h is 
 comparatively small (height of a tree, or of a hill, or a high building, 
 
 *Trigonometrical!y, h:r ^^ l:r (appr.) expresses that lim (tan x:x) ^1:2 i when ,r approaches 
 o and is measured in radians. 
 
 ! 
 
 12 
 
etc. ; or it may be a comparatively short line in the horizontal plafte, 
 such as the distance from the gun to the battery-commander's station). 
 
 We have thus the important 
 
 Rule : // r and h are both measured in the same unit, then the 
 
 angle subtended by h in Fig. 2 is h: ( 1 mils (appr.). 
 
 According to this rule i yd. subtends at 1000 yds. an angle of one 
 mil, 2 yds. subtend at 2000 yds. an angle of i mil, etc. 
 
 A sighting instrument graduated in mils enables an observer to 
 determine immediately each of the quantities r, h, k from the other two. 
 In estimating the error caused by applying the rule stated above, two 
 sources of error must be considered. Firstly, the mil is used as if it 
 were exactly i/iooo radian, thus causing a constant error of about two 
 per cent. Secondly, we have an error which varies with the angle and 
 which is caused by replacing l:r by h:r. These two errors tend to 
 counteract each other. Therefore the rule gives correct results when 
 the error from the second cause is as large as the error from the first 
 cause, that is, about two per cent. This happens for an angle in the 
 neighborhood of fifteen degrees (about 270 mils), as we know. For 
 this question compare Whittemore. 
 
 PROBLEMS* 
 
 1. Given that a target is 3000 yds. distant from the gun and 200 
 feet higher than the gun. Find the angle of site. (See Fig. i). 
 
 2. Find the angle of site when 
 
 (a) range = 2500 yds., target 200 yds. higher than gun. 
 
 (b) range = 4700 yds., target 150 ft. lower than gun. 
 Ans. (b) : — 10.6 mils. 
 
 3. A tower of 150 ft. height subtends at the gun an angle of 30 
 mils. Find the distance from gun to tower. 
 
 Ans. : About 5000 feet. 
 
 4. A tree subtends at a distance of 1500 ft. an angle of 60 mils. 
 How high is the tree? 
 
 1 5. Find the error made in finding k in the following problems by 
 the rule given in the text. 
 
 *Most problems involving the mil are conveniently worked by slide-rule. 
 
 13 
 
(a) ;- -• 2000 yds, h— loo ft. 
 
 (b) r = 2000 yds, h — 400 ft. 
 
 (c) r = 2000 yds, h = 1000 ft. 
 
 (d) r = 2000 yds, h = 2000 ft. 
 
 (e) r = 2000 yds, h = 6000 ft. 
 
 (f ) r — 2000 yds, h = loooo ft. 
 is) ^ ~ 2000 yds, h = 20000 ft. 
 
 PARALLAX. CORRECTION OF PARALLAX FOR OBLIQUITY 
 
 Definition : The parallax of a line at a point is the angle subtended 
 by the line at the point. 
 
 In Field Artillery this angle is measured in mils. 
 
 Assume first that the point O at which a line MN = h subtends 
 an angle of k mils lies on the perpendicular bisector of h. (See Fig. 3). 
 To find the distance 
 
 OF = / of h from O, ^^-^ ^. __,^^ — "f \ 
 
 we should have 
 
 I = h/2 ■ cot k/2. 
 However, when I: his 
 a small fraction, we 
 may apply the rule of page 13 and obtain: 
 
 k/2 = (h/2) : (//looo), or /:iooo = h:k,ov 
 
 1000 h _ , ( k \ 
 k ' V 1000 / 
 
 P h 
 
 M V 
 
 / = 
 
 Since for h : / small, / : /' nearly unity, we may in this case also use ; 
 
 1000 h 
 
 I' 
 
 (appr.). 
 
 We assume from now on the fraction h/l so small that our approx- 
 imation formulae hold. . 
 
 If O does not lie exactly on the perpendicular bisector of h, but so 
 close to it that /^ONM is approximately isosceles, (looo/z) : k will still 
 give a good approximation for the distance of from h. 
 
 If /SONM is not approximately isosceles, this expression cannot 
 be used. We proceed then as follows : 
 
 Consider (Fig. 4) the parallax of MN = h at O. Draw the per- 
 pendicular bisector PO' of MN, making PO' =P0 = / (say). 
 
 14 
 
N /N 
 
 p h 
 
 M ^ 
 
 Then /NO'M = h:-^ mils (appr.), while ZiVOM, the angle we 
 
 lOOO 
 
 are interested in, is obviously smaller. Therefore, a correction must be 
 
 applied to 0' to ob- 
 tain O, (or to to 
 obtain 0'). For this 
 purpose the angle 
 MPO = 7, the so- 
 called "angle of ob- 
 liquity", is introduced. 
 It is easily seen that 
 if we assume a rela- 
 tion of the form 
 O = /(y) ■ 0', then 
 /(y) increases from 
 o to I when y in- 
 creases from o° to 
 90° ; the general be- 
 haviour of the factor /(y) is therefore similar to the sine function. 
 In Field Artillery, the following values are usually chosen, with 
 corresponding rough interpolations : 
 
 60° 
 
 30 
 
 45 
 •7 
 
 00 
 
 /(y) I o .5 
 
 The angle y is frequently estimated ; its accurate value is not re- 
 quired in general."^ 
 
 The factor /(y) is the "factor of obliquity" ; its application gives 
 the "correction for obliquity." When greater accuracy is required, 
 small "obliquity tables" are used. 
 
 Example: Given h = 300 yds., OM = 4400 yds., IMNO = 45°. 
 To find IMON. 
 
 Solution : First method. Let IMON = k mils. 
 
 Since AdN is small as compared with OM, the angle of obliquity 
 y zvill be approximately equal to /LMNO ; we assume y = 45°. 
 
 In AO'MN, if k denotes the number of mils in 0', 
 
 4400 
 
 k' = 300 : 
 
 1000 
 
 68.2 — mils. 
 
 "■Jt may therefore be replaced by angle ONM, if convenient (since h:l is assumed small). 
 
 15 
 
But k ~ k' sin y = 68.2 • .7 = 477 = 48 — mils. 
 
 Another method for treating the correction for obliquity is often 
 employed, for example in the problem of determining the "deflection" 
 in indirect firing (see p. 2"/). This method will be sufficiently explained 
 if we apply it to the example just worked out. (M may be assumed to 
 be a gun, O the target, MO the range, N the "battery commander's 
 station" ; the required angle MON is a so-called "offset"). 
 
 Solution : Second method. Drop a perpendicular MNi from M 
 on to NO, then - 
 
 MNi " h ■ sin MNO = 300 -sin 45° =^ 300 • .7 = 210 (appr.). 
 
 From A OMNi, then, by the rule of p. 13. 
 
 / 0N^ \ ( 0M\ 
 
 k = h: ( )=/i: ( Happr) 
 
 VicxDO / V 1000/ 
 
 210: 
 
 4400 
 1000 
 
 48— mils. 
 
 To estimate the accuracy of our work by these two methods, solve 
 /SOMN by the theorem of sines, obtaining O = 2°45'48" = 49.1 mils. 
 
 PROBLEMS 
 
 I. A line of length h yards has a parallax of k mils at a distance / 
 yards from the line. The angle of obliquity is 90°. From any two 
 values in each line of the following table find the remaining one by the 
 rule of p. 13. 
 
 h 
 
 / 
 
 k 
 
 100 
 
 2000 
 
 50 
 
 200 
 
 1000 
 
 200 
 
 330 
 
 2200 
 
 150 
 
 220 
 
 2500 
 
 88 
 
 270 
 
 500 
 
 540 
 
 2. Find in the preceding problem for each question the error in k 
 due to the use of the method of approximation. 
 
 3. The quantities h, I, y, = k mils, have the meaning indicated 
 in Fig. 4. Solve in each line for the unknown quantity : 
 
 h 
 
 / 
 
 y 
 
 k 
 
 200 
 
 1500 
 
 60° 
 
 7 
 
 400 
 
 ? 
 
 45° 
 
 60 
 
 7 
 
 900 
 
 30° 
 
 100 
 
 4. A ship of 650 ft. length is sailing due northwest. For an ob- 
 server on another boat due west her parallax is 55 mils. How far are 
 the ships apart ? 
 
 16 
 
Ans. : 8400— ft. (taking the corection factor .71). 
 
 5. A bridge crosses a river 850 ft. wide ; the river flows in a 
 straight course. From a boat on the river the bridge appears under an 
 angle of 4^ degrees. Find approximately the distance from the boat 
 to the bridge. 
 
 850 
 
 Ans.:- — -1000 ft. 
 80 
 
 17 
 
SECTION C. 
 
 CALCULATION OF FIRING DATA FOR i;)IRECT AND 
 INDIRECT FIRE. 
 
 For greater simplicity we assume in this section throughout that 
 the gun {more accurately, the muzzle of the gitn), the target, and, as 
 far as they zvill he used, the "battery commander's station" and the 
 "aiming point" all lie in a horizontal plane. 
 
 Moderate differences in altitude between the gun and the target 
 do not offer serious difficulties in practice. 
 
 In pointing a gun it is first necessary to know the range and di- 
 rection of firing.* The determination of these quantities is the only 
 problem which we shall discuss in this section. When range and di- 
 rection are known, "range tables", constructed for each type of gun, 
 give the angle of elevation under which the gun must be fired. 
 
 In the Field Artillery the range is* determined by rough computa- 
 tions or measurements, and an error of a hundred yards or more is 
 apparently accepted as normal ; corrections are based on actual observa- 
 tions of the results of firing. In the Coast and Heavy Artillery, on the 
 other hand, every effort is made to secure a hit with one of the first 
 shots. 
 
 We abstract entirely from relatively small, but very important cor- 
 rections which must be made in pointing the gun and which are due to 
 rifling, wind, etc. for the direction, and to wind, temperature, air- 
 pressure, etc. for the range. 
 
 OUTLINE 
 
 I. Determination of range when target is visible from gun. 
 
 II. Determination of range when target is not visible from gun. 
 
 III. Determination of direction of firing when target is visible 
 from gun. 
 
 IV. Determination of direction of firing when target is not vis- 
 ible from gun. (Deflection). - 
 
 DETERMINATION OF RANGE. 
 
 For the determination of the range several methods are available 
 of which we mention the following: 
 
 I. Target visible from gun; find range. 
 la. From the maps. 
 
 *Compare for this section: Bishop, pp. 49-39; Moretti and Danford, pp. 68-130; Spaulding, 
 Ch. V; Gunnery, Ch. V; Manual, pp. 113-128. 
 
 18 
 
For the whole Western Front in Europe there exist extremely 
 accurate maps of each "sector", covering the whole possible field of 
 operations. Such maps are covered with a system of "index lines", 
 that is, by two sets of parallel straight lines which divide the map into 
 squares. The most detailed maps are on a scale of i : 5000, so that one 
 square mile in nature is represented by about one square foot on the 
 map. When the target is visible, its position on the map can be fairly 
 accurately determined, and since the position of the gun on the map 
 is likewise known,* the range is found either by actual measurement 
 on the map or by using the Theorem of Pythagoras in an obvious way. 
 
 lb. By using range finding instruments. 
 
 Theoretically, the simplest range finder is an instrument consisting 
 of two telescopes joined by a rigid (horizontal or vertical) bar of 
 known length.** 
 
 The telescopes are both focussed on the target and the angles read 
 off which the lines of vision make with the horizontal (or vertical) bar. 
 In the triangle formed by the bar and the two lines of vision one side 
 and two angles are known and the required distance (one of the re- 
 maining sides) may be easily determined. (Since the range is large 
 as compared with the distance of the telescopes, the parallax method 
 with correction for obliquity would apply). However, this type of 
 range finder is not sufficiently accurate, since a very small error in the 
 angles causes a large error in the distance, on account of the short base. 
 (Compare Ic). A type of optical range finder, based on the refraction 
 of light in a system of prisms, is actually used. 
 
 Ic. Trigonometric Methods and Use of Parallaxes, 
 A point C is selected (which we assume, for simplicity, to lie in 
 a horizontal plane with gun and target) from which both gun G and 
 target T are visible. The distance from gun to C is measured, and the 
 angles at G and at C in AGGT are observed. Then the range GT is de- 
 termined by the theorem of sines. Obviously this is again the method 
 of lb except that the base is now chosen arbitrarily. 
 
 The work is considerably simplified if G is made equal to 90°, as 
 is frequently possible. The problem then reduces to the solution of a 
 right triangle. 
 
 *In Heavj' Artillery, trigonometric (surveying) methods are frequently employed, when 
 the position of the gun must be very accurately determined (with reference to fixed points 
 on the map). We assume the location of the gun on the map to be known with sufficient 
 accuracy. 
 
 **In one instrument, Berdan's range finder, a horizontal bar of six feet length is 
 employed. 
 
 19 
 
PROBLEMS 
 
 1. Assuming G = 90°, find the range GT for 
 
 (a) GC = 82oyds., C = 75°55'. 
 
 (b) GC = 20oyds., C = 87° 5'. 
 
 (c) GC= looyds., C = 88°25'. 
 
 2. In problem i, find in (a), (b), (c) the change in the range 
 due to an increase in C of 5'. 
 
 3. GC = 1500 yds., C = 72° 2,0', G = 86°2o'. Using the theorem 
 of sines, find range GT. 
 
 4. GC = 550 yds., C = 45°5o', G = i25°25'. Find range GT. 
 
 When GC is small as compared with the range, and G = go°, the 
 range may be found by the rule of p. 13. 
 
 Example : From G a fine GC of 150 yds. length is measured off at 
 right angles to GT. The angle at C is measured, C = 1560 mils. Find 
 range GT. 
 
 Solution : T -{- C = 90° = 1600 mils, T = 40 mils. Applying our 
 rule, we have, for range = x yds. 
 
 / .r \ 150- 1000 
 
 '5° '• \1^} = 40, ^ - -^ = 3750 yds. 
 
 (The true value of x is 150 • cot 2° 15' = 3818 — yds.). 
 
 Compare for this kind of work the problems of pp. 13-14. 
 
 When GC is small as compared with the range, and G different 
 from 90°, the range may be found by using parallaxes and sufficiently 
 accurate obliquity-factors. 
 
 Example : From the gun G a line GC of 200 yds. length is meas- 
 ured off. AG is found to be 43 "52^/^' = 780 mils, /.C is I33°52%' = 
 2380 mils. Find range GT = I 
 
 (a) by solving the triangle GCT, 
 
 (b) by using the parallax method. 
 
 Solution: (a). From T = 180° — (G+C) = 2°i5', 
 
 /:sin i33°52^/^' = 20o:sin 2°i5', 
 
 we find / = 3672 yds. 
 
 (b). Compare p. 15, first method. Fig. 5 is only schematic. The 
 student is advised to draw a figure to scale. We assume that GT — I 
 
 20 
 
G 100 D 100 
 
 may be replaced with suf- 
 ficient accuracy hy DT = I' 
 (in case the error thus 
 committed is too serious, 
 an estimated correction is 
 easily applied). Since GC 
 is small as compared with 
 GT, the angle of obliquity 
 TDC — y may be zvith suf- 
 ficient accuracy taken to be 
 equal to ITGC. Then, 
 by Section B, /.GTiC = 
 AGTC : s'mTGC (approx.). 
 Taking ITGC as 45° (in- 
 stead of 43°52%' ; in cor- 
 rections for obliquity rough 
 approximations to the angles are always considered sufficient), we 
 have T = 3200 — G — C, and Ti — T: .71 = 40 : 71 mils = 56 + mils. 
 
 Therefore 56 = 200 : ' 
 
 1000 
 
 GTi = GT (appr.) = 3570 + yds. = 3600— yds. 
 The error committed is about 100 yds. 
 
 PROBLEMS 
 
 1. In the triangle formed by the gun (G), the target (T), and the 
 point C assume 
 
 (a) GC = 300yds., G = 90°, C = 1520 mils, 
 
 (b) GC = 180 yds., G =90°, C = 1560 mils, 
 
 (c) GC = 600 yds., G — 90°, C = 1400 mils. 
 
 Find range GT by solving the right triangle and also by using the 
 rule of p. 13, and find the error. 
 
 2. In the triangle GCT assume 
 
 GC ^= 300 yds., G = 2000 mils, C = 1140 mils. 
 
 Find the range GT hy using parallaxes, and determine the error 
 committed. 
 
 Ans. : By the theorem of sines 4585 yds. ; by parallax method 
 4500 (choosing obliquity factor .9). 
 
 21 
 
II. Target not visible from gun; find range. 
 
 Ila. Frequently the position of the target on the map is 
 known and the method indicated under la may be applied. 
 
 lib. In case the position of the target T on the map is not 
 known with sufficient accuracy and cannot be determined for example 
 by aeroplane observations or by aeroplane photography, trigonometric 
 methods may be applied as follows : 
 
 Select two points A, B whose distance can be measured and which 
 are visible each from the other, and such that T is visible from A and 
 from B. Measure angles TAB and ABT. Then in AABT any quan- 
 tity can be determined. Enter the points G, A, B, T on the map and 
 find range GT hy measurement or by the Theorem of Pythagoras. It 
 is of course assumed that the relative positions of A and of 5 to G are 
 known. 
 
 Other trigonometric methods are easily devised. 
 
 DETERMINATION OF DIRECTION OF FIRING. 
 
 III. Target visible from gun. 
 
 Usually the gun and target are not visible one from the other. 
 When the target is visible from the gun, it is possible to sight directly, 
 taking afterwards in aiming the gun the necessary corrections into 
 account. This is called "direct firing" or "direct laying."* In this case 
 only the range has to be determined which may be done by one of the 
 methods explained. Another method consists in entering gun and 
 target on the map and determining the direction of firing by means of 
 map and compass. (.See Moretti and Danford, p. 113). 
 
 IV. Target not visible from gun. — Aiming Point; Deflection. 
 
 3n this problem we may assume not only the range known but 
 also the length of any other segment which may be useful, provided at 
 least one end point of the segment can be reached by an observer. (By 
 the methods explained in I and II). 
 
 IVa. Assume a point B chosen as the "Battery Commander's 
 Station", from which both gun and target are visible and such that 
 BG = c can be measured. Angle GBT is measured at B. In ABGT 
 two sides (range and c) and the angle opposite one side are known 
 
 *See Kemarks, p. 29. • I ' 
 
 ■' \ 
 
so that Z.BGT can be determined by the theorem of sines. The gun 
 first aims in the direction GB, and then swings through the angle EOT. 
 Since in practice the range is usually some thousands of yards while c 
 is a few hundred yards, the given angle lies opposite the larger side and 
 there is no ambiguity. 
 
 It is clear that (for c /range sufficiently small) the parallax method 
 may be used to determine T and hence G = 3200 — B — T mils. If, 
 in particular, the angle at B is not far different from 90°, no correction 
 will be required for obliquity. — IVa. is not usually applied in practice, 
 in spite of its theoretical simplicity (compare Remarks, p. 29). It may 
 serve to arouse interest in the solution of triangles. 
 
 PROBLEMS 
 
 1. Review problem 5, page 13. 
 
 2. For each set of data in the following table find /_BGT by trig- 
 onometry and also by the method of parallaxes. In each case find the 
 error caused by the method of parallaxes. In which cases does inspec- 
 tion show that the method of parallaxes will not give satisfactory re- 
 sults? (See "Definition of mil," p. 11; compare pp. 14, 15 and ex- 
 amples pp. 15, 16, 20). 
 
 
 BG 
 
 GT 
 
 GBT 
 
 (a) 
 
 250 yds. 
 
 3200 yds. 
 
 60° 
 
 (b) 
 
 320 ft. 
 
 1050 yds. 
 
 45° 
 
 (c) 
 
 700 ft. 
 
 900 yds. 
 
 45° 
 
 (d) 
 
 275 yds. 
 
 300 yds. 
 
 30° 
 
 (e) 
 
 400 ft. 
 
 1800 yds. 
 
 60° 
 
 (f) 
 
 1250 yds. 
 
 750 yds. 
 
 30° 
 
 IVb. Use of the "Aiming Point". 
 
 Assume again a point B (Battery Commander) from which G and 
 T are both visible and such that BG is easily measured. (BG will 
 usually be chosen not more than a few hundred yards in length). 
 
 Next, a point P is selected, the so-called Aiming Point, which must 
 be clearly visible from G and from B. (F is usually chosen as distant 
 as possible from B and G consistent with visibility ; GP and BP will 
 therefore measure up to several thousand yards). 
 
 Since all lengths which we shall use may be assumed known, our 
 
 23 
 
problem will consist in determining certain angles. The idea is to have 
 the gun first aimed in the direction GP, that is, as if the (visible) aiming 
 
 P point were the target, 
 -T y^ and then to swing the 
 
 gun through the angle 
 PGT, where the angle 
 POT = c? is the quan- 
 tity which is to be de- 
 termined from the 
 known data. ( See 
 Fig. 6). 
 
 Definition : The angle PGT = d is called flic angle of deflection. 
 It is announced in mils, at least in the Field Artillery. 
 
 The deflection is a fundamental quantity in artillery work, and its 
 determination one of the most important mathematical problems in 
 Field Artillery Service. 
 
 In Field Artillery, the deflection is the angle PGT measured count- 
 er clockzvise. The angle PBT '— A is likewise measured counter clock- 
 wise. Both angles are measured from o mils to 6400 mils. The (small) 
 angles GTE —■ T and GPB — P are the "offset angles" or the "offsets," 
 and are counted positive. 
 
 The figures of p. 25 will illustrate the manner of measuring the 
 angles. 
 
 In each case the equation printed with the figure is read off without 
 any difficulty. For example, in 7a, A -{- P = d -\- T ; in yc, (360° — A) 
 + (/ + T + P = 360°; in7f, (360° — d) +T= (360°— A) + P. 
 
 Rule: One obtains, f^r all petitions of G and Tr a relation of 
 the type n £ x'J cs^x. € . - t' -^ ' ■• P 
 
 d = A±P±T, 
 
 and each of the four possible combinations of signs actually can occur, 
 as our figures show. Many rules exist to decide quickly which combin- 
 ation must be chosen in a given case. In a trigonometry course it is 
 sufficient to derive the relation from the figure in any particular 
 problem. 
 
 ■24 
 
DETERMINATION OF THE DEFLECTION. 
 
 Accurate Solution : Since A is given by measurement, the de- 
 termination of d depends on finding the offsets P and T. 
 
 In APBG the angle at B can always be measured, since by assump- 
 tion both P and G are visible from B. Since the lengths GP and GB 
 may also be assumed known, we find P from 
 
 sin P _ sjruRBG . 
 ~GB~ ' ~GP 
 
 In AGBT the angle at B can be measured, and the sides GT and 
 GB may be assumed known. Hence 
 
 sin T sin TBG 
 
 GB ^ ~Gf 
 
 from which we find T. (The three angles : A, TBG, PBG, are not inde- 
 pendent of each other, so that it would really be sufficient to measure 
 A and one of the other angles. (See problems of p. 28). 
 
 In Field Artillery Service, this method is not employed. Instead, 
 there are several methods of approximation in use which are closely re- 
 lated to each other and which are based on the use of parallaxes. 
 We turn to a brief discussion of one of these methods. 
 
 26 
 
DETERMINATION OF THE DEFLECTION BY MEANS OF 
 
 PARALLAXES. 
 
 The method of parallaxes can, as we know, be applied with advant- 
 age only when we have to deal with lengths of which some are many 
 times longer than others. This is one reason why B is selected close to 
 G, while P is selected as distant as possible. 
 
 To find T, assume the 
 perpendicular GTi dropped 
 from G onto BT (Fig. 8). 
 Then GT. = GBsm GBT, 
 where both factors on the 
 right side are known. From 
 ATGTi we find T by the 
 rule of p. 13 : 
 
 / TT^ \ 
 
 T (in mils) = GTi A 1 
 
 ^ \ 1000/ 
 
 We replace TTi (which is 
 not known) by GT. Since 
 GTi is small compared with 
 GT, the ratio GT:TiT is 
 nearly unity, so that the 
 new error thus introduced 
 
 is small. Therefore 
 
 T (in mils) 
 
 GT. 
 
 \ 1000/ 
 
 In practice GTi is usually not determined from GTi= GBs'm GBT, 
 but is estimated by the battery commander at B from his gnowledge 
 of length GB. 
 
 P is found in the same way by estimating the length of the per- 
 pendicular GPi from G to BP and determining P from the right tri- 
 angle GPiP. Thus 
 
 / GP \ 
 
 P = GPr.{ )• 
 
 \ 1000 / 
 
 In most handbooks on Field Artillery the perpendiculars are 
 dropped from B onto GT, GP. The subsequent work is practically as 
 above. The arrangement in the text is adopted from Professor Whitte- 
 more's article. 
 
 *This is exactly the method explained in the second solution of the example of p. 15. 
 When GT^ is estimated, hardly any computation is required to find T. But it is important to 
 note that an error of, say, s per cent in estimating GT causes an error of s per cent in T. 
 
 27 
 
PROBLEMS 
 
 This set consists of a few problems to be solved by applying the 
 theorem of sines, as explained on p. 26. While the accurate method 
 of finding the deflection is not used in the Field Artillery, it may give 
 the student a clearer understanding of the background of the theory 
 of indirect firins:. 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 cq 
 
 
 CO 9 
 
 t>: =^ M 
 
 
 r£ 
 
 - g^ °oo ^• 
 
 -* 03 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 VO 
 
 
 
 
 era 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 cq- 
 
 
 t- to 
 
 °o S t- 
 
 
 
 00 10 
 
 1 
 
 id 
 
 (M_ 
 
 1-5 CO 
 
 • ^-^ eft 
 
 00 oq g 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 (M ^ 
 CO 00 
 
 t- CO 
 
 t^ r-( (M 
 
 10 ° ^ (^•• 
 
 ^£ 
 
 
 id 
 
 t2 10 CO 
 
 &B 1 
 
 
 t- 05 
 
 J^ i-H '^ 
 '^ (M rH 
 
 • r-( 1 
 
 
 
 fe ^ 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 cq 
 
 
 
 Lfj lb 
 
 «^ 
 
 
 10 M5 
 
 i2 <M CO 
 
 t- 1 
 
 CO 
 
 
 00 e^. 
 i-l (M IM 
 
 ^1 
 
 
 ^ T-i 
 
 l-H CO 
 
 
 
 
 (M iH 
 
 E 0' 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 °o 
 
 
 
 
 ^O 
 
 
 
 
 • CO 
 
 
 
 _ lb ib 
 
 -^ 1 
 
 (m' 
 
 ^ 
 
 i5 ^ '-^ 
 2 ° ° e-' 
 
 tr- 1 
 
 
 ^00 
 
 ;^ 10 c<i 
 
 (M i-H CO 
 
 _6i3 cq 
 
 
 
 CO iH 
 
 
 
 
 + 
 
 
 
 
 "r; 
 
 
 §2 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^S 
 
 T-4 
 
 J^ CO =^ >. 
 § °° 
 
 _bJD 1 
 
 
 
 ■^ 
 
 f^ x; 
 
 II II 
 
 II II II II 
 
 .. II 
 
 cq ^ 
 
 CL, "^ (J) "^ 
 
 ^^ 
 
 ^ (O 
 
 ^ cq 
 
 
 
 
 h. 
 
 28 
 
Since it is necessary to work with the sines of angles in the accur- 
 ate solution, the angles are given in degrees, because every angle in 
 mils would have to be changed to degrees before tables can be used. 
 Besides, the base GB has been chosen larger in comparison with the 
 range GT than is permissible when the method of parallaxes is em- 
 ployed. This was done in order to avoid triangles with one angle 
 nearly zero. The student is advised to construct the figures. 
 
 Problems to be solved by the method of parallaxes have not been 
 inserted, because an artillery officer receives in the army a thorough 
 training in the determination of the deflection by methods of approx- 
 imation. 
 
 Remarks: It will be noticed that if the battery commander's 
 station {B) is chosen as aiming point, that is, if B and P coincide, IVb 
 yields IVa as a special case. 
 
 It might therefore seem an unnecessary complication to choose a 
 separate aiming point. However, the method of approximation ex- 
 plained above (or similar methods) permit a very rapid calculation of 
 P and T within the limits of accuracy required for Field Artillery, so 
 that no appreciable loss of time is involved in choosing for B and P 
 distinct points. 
 
 On the other hand, it is desirable to choose the aiming point as 
 distant as possible, while the battery commander's station is generally 
 desired at a moderate distance from the gun. This arrangement is 
 considered best for practical reasons connected with the question of 
 fire control by the battery commander and which arise largely from the 
 fact that the Field Artillery never uses individual guns as a unit, but 
 whole batteries. 
 
 In fact, the indirect method of pointing, with a distant aiming 
 point distinct from the battery commander's station, is frequently em- 
 ployed even when the target is visible from the guns, on account of the 
 advantage of centralized fire control. 
 
 Correction : p. 24 read Rule : 
 
 One obtains, however B and P are chosen, a relation of the type 
 
 d = A±P±T. 
 
 29 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 FOR THE STUDY QF - - ^, ^Ij: 
 
 ECONOMIC READJUSTMENTS 
 
 following 
 
 THE WAR OF 1914-18 
 
 PREPARED FOR COMMITTEE 
 
 IN CHARGE OF THE COURSE ON WAR ISSUES 
 
 in the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 by 
 
 MAURICE H. ROBINSON 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
 Published 1919 
 
 by the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 
 URBANA 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 FOR THE STUDY OP 
 
 ECONOMIC READJUSTMENTS 
 
 ; following 
 
 THE WAR OF 1914-18 
 
 PREPARED FOR COMMITTEE 
 IN CHARGE OF THE COURSE ON WAR ISSUES 
 
 in the 
 
 UNIVERSITY OP ILLINOIS 
 
 by 
 
 MAURICE H. ROBINSON 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
I. ECONOMIC SYSTEMS 
 
 A. Socialistic Systems 
 
 1. Communism. All capital owned by the State. Men and women 
 assigned to their daily tasks by committees or rulers, who are 
 elected or who seize the authority by force and hold it by might. 
 The products of capital and labor controlled by authorities and 
 distribted in accordance with the rules of the community or- 
 ganization. Children are the wards of the community. Primi- 
 tive tribes are often conducted on the communistic basis. 
 
 2. Socialism. Admits private property in consumption but re- 
 quires community ownership and operation of the tools of pro- 
 duction. This system magnifies the state and minimizes the 
 individual. It stresses justice in distribution more strongly 
 than efficiency in production. 
 
 B. Individualistic Systems 
 
 1. Anarchism. A system in which the individual is given free play 
 and works out his own economic salvation without government 
 control of any kind. 
 
 2. Private Property Operated under Government Control. Some- 
 times called the Capitalistic System. 
 
 (a) This system is in general use among all civilized nations. 
 It is a combination of communism, socialism, and individ- 
 ualism, each system being adopted in those fields of eco- 
 nomic life where experience has demonstrated its peculiar 
 fitness. Some nations are more communistic than others; 
 some more individualistic. Thus, most governments have 
 made the roads common property although they quite gen- 
 erally assess the cost of maintaining the public highways 
 in accordance with certain individualistic norms, such as 
 value of adjacent property, income, or to a certain extent 
 the use of the facilities thus provided. Again some nations 
 are more socialistic than others; some own and operate 
 railways and other public utilities; some own and operate 
 factories and some own and operate, or lease to private 
 operators, mines, lands, forests, and other valuable natural 
 resources. 
 
 3 
 
C. The Characteristic Features of the Present Economic System 
 
 1. Privately owned property 
 
 2. Freedom of association in business enterprises 
 
 3. Business enterprises conducted by 
 
 (a) Individual proprietors 
 
 (b) Partnerships 
 
 (c) Corporations 
 
 (d) Business enterprises, united into aseociations, trusts, and 
 composite corporations. 
 
 4. Individual initiative and individual responsibility in business 
 enterprises. 
 
 5. Large and small business enterprises 
 
 (a) Freely exchanging their products 
 
 (b) Freely competing for capital, for labor, and for markets. 
 
 6. A uniform medium of exchange furnished by the government or 
 controlled by it. 
 
 7. A Private Banking System dealing in money and credits. 
 
 8. Government control over the various activities of the indu^rial 
 organization. 
 
 D. international Commercial Policies 
 
 1. As to freedom of trade 
 
 (a) Free trade countries . ' 
 
 (b) Restricted trade countries 
 
 1. Tariff for revenue 
 
 2. Tariff for protection 
 
 a. Agricultural products 
 
 b. Manufactured products 
 
 3. Preferential tariffs 
 
 4. Export duties 
 
 (c) Foreign trade encouraged 
 1. Bounties and subsidies 
 
 (d) Commercial treaties 
 
 2. International Commerce 
 
 (a) Economic advantages 
 
 1. Geographical distribution of production 
 4 
 
2. Law of comparative costs. 
 
 (b) Shipping facilities 
 
 1. Ships and ports 
 
 2. Sea routes and strategic channels 
 
 Influence of distance and dangers of the sea. 
 
 b. Strategic channels; e. g., Gibraltar, Dardanelles, Suez 
 canal, Panama canal, Straits Settlement, the Baltic 
 canal, Panama canal, the English Channel. 
 
 3. The merchant fleet and the navy 
 
 (c) The freedom of the seas 
 
 (d) The balance of trade and international payments. 
 
 E. Economic Progress under the Present System 
 
 1. In national wealth 
 
 (a) The United States 
 
 (b) Great Britain 
 
 (c) Prance 
 
 (d) Germany annd Austro-Hungary 
 
 (e) Italy 
 
 (f) Other countries 
 
 2. In national income 
 
 (a) Countries mentioned above 
 
 F. The Distribution of Wealth under the Present System 
 
 References: Spargo: Socialism 
 
 Kent: Cooperative Communities in the United States; Bul- 
 letin No. 35 of the Department of Labor, July 1901. 
 
 Orth: Socialism and Democracy in Europe 
 
 Text-books on the Principles of Economics 
 
 Taussig: Tariff History of the United States 
 
 Hough: Ocean Trade and Traffic 
 
 Fisk: International Commercial Policies 
 
 Raymond: American and Foreign Investment Bonds, Ch. II 
 
 King: The Distribution of Wealth in the United States 
 
 Zenker: Anarchism. 
 
 5 
 
11. IMMEDIATE EFFECTS OF THE WAR ON THE ECONOMIC 
 ORGANIZATION 
 
 A. Mobilization of men 
 
 ] 1. Preparation for mobilization 
 2. The call to arms 
 
 (a) In European countries 
 
 1. Number and character of men called to arms in the va- 
 rious countries 
 
 2. Dates of mobilization 
 
 (b) In the United States 
 
 1. The nature of the selective draft system 
 
 B. Mobilization of Capital 
 
 1. Kinds of capital mobilized 
 
 2. Amount of capital devoted to war purposes 
 
 3. Methods of commandeering capital in various countries 
 
 4. The creation of new capital for war purposes 
 
 5. Economic effects of diverting capital from its normal uses to 
 those of v/ar 
 
 6. The speeding up process 
 
 (a) In tlie production of food 
 
 (b) In the production of coal and other fuel 
 
 (c) In tlie production of war material 
 
 7. Curtailing the production of luxuries and non-essentials 
 
 (a) By government order 
 
 (b) By government purchase 
 
 (c) By appeals to patriotism 
 
 (d) By withholding labor and capital 
 
 8. Limiting the use of luxuries and non-essentials 
 
 (a) By government order 
 
 (b) By patriotism r 
 
 6 - 
 
C. The Industrial Army 
 
 1. Effect of mobilization on the character of the working popula- 
 tion in 
 
 (a) Various countries 
 
 (b) Various industries 
 
 (c) The work of women, cliildren, and the physically unfit. 
 
 D. The effects of war on the consumption of goods 
 
 (a) Food 
 
 (b) Equipment for the army 
 
 (c) Clothing for the working classes 
 
 (d) Arms and munitions 
 
 E. Destructive effects of the war 
 
 1. On men in the army 
 
 (a) Men killed; men permanently disabled; men wounded and 
 temporarily disabled 
 
 2. Effect of war in causing labor to be devoted to worl< less pro- 
 ductive than while peace prevailed 
 
 3. On capital 
 
 (a) Destruction of cultivated lands in France, Belgium, Serbia, 
 Roumania, Italy, and Russia 
 
 (b) Destruction of buildings and machinery 
 
 1. Necessary for the progress of the war 
 
 2. For other than necessary purposes 
 
 (c) Capital rendered partially or entirely useless during the 
 period of the war. 
 
 F. The Effects of the Mobilization of IVlen and Capital on the Internal 
 organization of Business Enterprises. 
 
 References: Ne-well, F. H. : Reconstruction Agencies, Political 
 
 Science Review, February 1919. 
 National Industrial Conference Board: Problems of Industrial 
 
 Readjustment in the United States. 
 Littlefield, Walter: War Casualties of All the Nations, Current 
 
 History, February 1919, pp. 239-248. 
 
 Getting Back to a Peace Basis, ibid., pp. 249-254 
 
 Emerging from War Conditions, Current History, 
 
 March 1919, pp. 464-468 
 
 Ford, George B.: Summary of War Damage in France, Current 
 History, March 1919, pp. 516-521. 
 7 
 
Reports, First and Second, of the Provost Marshal General to 
 the Secretary of War, 1917 and 1918. 
 
 Friedman, Elisha M.: American Problems of Reconstruction, 
 Part I and Part II 
 
 Dawson, Wim. H.: After War Problems, Part II 
 
 Reports of Food and Fuel Administrations. Annual Reports of 
 the Secretary of War for the years 1914-1918. Reports of 
 various Corporations, especially the Du Pont Powder Co., 
 The U. S. Steel Corporation, The Bethlehem Steel Corpora- 
 tion, The General Motors Corporation, The Packard Motor 
 Car Co., The Nordyke & Marmon Co., The General Chemical 
 Co., The American Woolen Co., and others. 
 
 The Cost of the War: Mechanics & Metals Nat. 
 
 Bank. 
 
 Bogart, E. L.: The Direct Cost of the War. 1918. 
 
 Crammond, Edgar: Costs of the War, Journal of the Royal 
 Statistical Society, May 1915, p. 362. 
 
 Rossiter, W. S. : Economic Costs of the War, American Eco- 
 nomic Review, March 1916, Supplement, p. 104. 
 
 Lippincott, Isaac: Problems of Reconstruction. 
 
III. THE PROBLEM OF PRICES 
 
 A. The Functions of Money 
 
 1. As a medium of exchange 
 
 2. As a standard of values 
 
 3. As a standard of deferred payments 
 
 B. The Effect of the War on the Output of Gold 
 
 C. The International Flow of Gold during the war — polinies and prac- 
 tises of various nations. 
 
 D. Credit in war time 
 
 1. Issue of paper money based on a reserve of gold 
 
 2. The gold reserve in war 
 
 (a) The proclamation of Sept. 7, 1917 
 
 3. The issue of paper money by various governments 
 
 4. The use of Federal Reserve Notes 
 
 E. The price level 
 
 1. Before the war 
 
 2. Effect of war on the price level 
 
 (a) In various countries 
 
 (b) In various industries 
 
 F. The Effect of the war on 
 
 1. The cost of living 
 
 2, The rate of wages 
 
 G. The Problem of Price Adjustment 
 
 1. To what extent will prices fall 
 
 2. The contraction of credit 
 
 9 
 
3. The effect of high prices on the production of gold — proposals 
 for encouraging the production of gold by governmeat subsidies 
 
 4. The international flow of gold after the war 
 
 5. The proposal for an international clearing house for interna- 
 tional payments 
 
 6. The release of war goods for peace purposes 
 
 7. The resumption of normal production 
 
 (a) The industries 
 
 (b) The crops 
 
 8. Effect of falling prices on 
 
 (a) business activity 
 
 (b) the employment of labor 
 
 H. Government work on roads and buildings 
 
 I. The Prposal for a Tabular Standard of Prices 
 
 1. Jevon's Plan, 1877 
 
 2. Fisher's Plan, 1912 
 
 References: Nat. Ind. Conference Board, War Time Changes 
 in the Cost of Living. Report No. 14. 
 
 Cooper, Henry E. : The Gold Situation. Equitable Trust 
 Co., N. Y. 
 
 Report of British Parliamentary Committee on Problems of 
 Currency and Foreign Exchanges during period of Re- 
 construction. Reprinted in Federal Reserve Bulletin, 
 December 1918. 
 
 Anderson, B. M., Jr.: When Prices Drop, and Price Read- 
 justment. Nat. Bank of Commerce, N. Y., Dec. 1918. 
 
 Price Statistics, reported in Federal Reserve Bulletin, 
 monthly, and in The Annalist, Dunn's and Bradstreet's, 
 weekly. 
 
 Kemmerer, E. W.: The War and Interest Rates, Chapter 
 XVI, in Friedman, American Problems of Reconstruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Fisher, Irving: Stabilizing the Dollar in Purchasing Power, 
 Chapter XX in Friedman, Am. Problems of Reconstruc- 
 tion. 
 
 Fisher, Irving: A Remedy for the Rising Cost of Living, 
 Standardizing the Dollar, American Economic Review, 
 Vol. Ill, No. 1. Supplement, March 1913. 
 
 Kinley, David: Objections to a Monetary Standard Based 
 on Index Numbers. The American Economic Review, 
 Vol. Ill, No. 1, March 1913. 
 
 10 
 
IV. THE GOVERNMENT AND THE PROBLEMS OF ECONOMIC 
 READJUSTMENT 
 
 A. The control of food 
 
 1. Act of August 10, 1917; establishment of the Food Administra- 
 tion 
 
 2. Organization of the Food Administration 
 
 3. The Food Licensing order of October 8, 1917, and amendments 
 
 B. The control of coal 
 
 1. Act of August 10, 1917 
 
 2. The Fuel Administration — created by executive order of August 
 23, 1917 
 
 3. The work of the Fuel Administration 
 
 (a) Contracts for sale of coal and coke, Dec. 21, 1917, regulated. 
 
 (b) The license system of March 15, 1918 
 
 4. Limitation of non-war industries through the Fuel Administra- 
 tion 
 
 C. Control of shipping 
 
 1. Act of May 12, 1917, concerning enemy ships 
 
 2. Foreign ships in Port; Espionage Act 
 
 3. Exportation of Arms and munitions 
 
 4. Control of other exports 
 
 (a) Act of Auggust 10, 1917 
 
 (b) Proclamation of February 14, 1918 
 
 D. Trading with enemy 
 
 1. Act of October 6, 1917 
 
 E. War Insurance 
 
 1. Act of Oct. 2, 1914, as amended Aug. 11, 1916, June 12, 1917, am! 
 
 11 
 
Oct. 6, 1917, in re Marine Insurance, Seamen's Insurance, and 
 Military and Naval Insurance 
 
 F. Control of railway transportation 
 
 1. Priorities Act of August 10, 1917 
 
 2. Control Act, May 21, 1918 
 
 3. Proclamation taking over Railways, December 26, 1917 
 
 4. The Government administration of the Railways 
 
 (a) The administration 
 
 (b) The contracts with the Railways. 
 
 (c) The future of the Railways 
 
 G. The control of telegraph, telephones, and cables 
 H. Control of Financial operations 
 
 1. War Finance Corporation Act of April 5, 1918 
 
 2. The loaning of capital 
 
 3. The control of new and refunding issues 
 
 I. Government Reorganization for war purposes 
 
 1. The Overman Act of May 20, 1918 
 
 References: Statutes and Proclamations relating to the several 
 subjects. Copies of the more important statutes and 
 proclamations may be found in "Collected Materials for 
 the Study of the War." 
 Reports of the various departments and bureaus of the gov- 
 ernment. 
 Current Issues of the Bulletin of the National City Bank. 
 Current Issues of the Federal Reserve Bulletin 
 Current Issues of the Nation's Business, The Chronicle, and 
 
 other periodicals dealing with politics and economics. 
 Report of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce 
 on Economic Reconstruction. Misc. Series No. 73. 
 
 12 
 
V. SHIPPING AND FOREIGN TRADE 
 
 A. The world's merchant fleet before the war 
 
 B. The destruction of shipping during the war 
 
 C. The use of many ships for war purposes 
 
 D. The transfer of enemy ships to the allied nations 
 
 E. The taking over of Dutch ships by the United States; proclamation 
 of March 20, 1918. 
 
 F. The transfer of many lake ships and ships used in coastwise traffic 
 to the transatlantic route 
 
 G. The building of new ships 
 
 1. Privately built ships in various countries 
 
 2. The emergency fleet corporation 
 
 H. The world's merchant fleet after the war 
 
 I. Ship building vs. shipping policy of the United States 
 
 1. American Registry Laws 
 
 2. Panama Canal Act of 1912, as amended August 18, 1914. 
 Its use in war by order of May 23, 1917. 
 
 J. The Seamen's Act 
 
 K. Shipping Subsidies 
 
 L. The merchant fleet and the navy 
 
 M. Government Insurance of War Risks 
 
 N. Arguments for and against Government ownership of merchant ves- 
 sels 
 
 O. Agreements between steamship companies 
 
 P. Freight Rates 
 
 1. Before the war 
 
 2. During the war 
 
 15 
 
3. After the war 
 
 Q. Terminal Facilities 
 
 1. New York-San Francisco, and other cities 
 
 R. Proclamation concerning exports, February 14, 1918 
 
 S. Statistics of international trade during and following the war 
 
 T. Trade acceptances and their use 
 
 U. Post-war international trade as affected by 
 
 1. The return of American securities 
 
 2. Loans to foreign countries 
 
 V. Settlements for the balance of trade 
 
 W. Combinations for Export Trade 
 
 1. The Webb Law of April 10, 1918 
 
 References: Hough: Ocean Trade and Traffic / 
 
 Reports of the Secretary of the Navy ' ' 
 
 Statutes and Executive Proclamations 
 Reports of the Emergency Fleet Corporation 
 Reports of the Bureau of Domestic and Foreign Commerce 
 Snow, C. D. and Krai, J. J.: German Trade and the War 
 
 14 
 
VI. WAR DEBTS AND WAR FINANCE 
 
 X. Debts of the nations before the war 
 
 B. The costs of the war 
 
 1. Costs in destruction of property and the loss of life 
 
 2. Cost in war debts 
 
 C. Raising funds for the war by taxation 
 
 The Constitutional Amendment of 1913 relating to the Income 
 lax. 
 
 2. The Revenue Act of October 3, 1917 
 
 (a) Kinds of taxes provided for. 
 
 (b) Proceeds of the Tax. 
 
 3. The Revenue Act of February, 1919 
 
 D. Taxation in England, France, and Germany. 
 
 E. Raising Funds for the War by loans — the United States 
 
 1. The First Liberty Loan, June 15, 1917 
 
 2. The Second Liberty Loan, November 15, 1917 
 
 3. Tl-e Third Liberty Loan, May 9, 1918 
 
 4. The Fourth Liberty Loan, October 20. 191S 
 
 5. Thi Victory Loan of April, 1919 
 
 F. The use of Loans in England, France, Germany, etc. 
 
 G. Principles governing the use of taxes and loans 
 
 H. Characteristics of the policy adopted by the United States 
 
 1. Extensive use of income taxes — heavy progressive super tax 
 rates witli the exemption materially reduced 
 
 2. Use of excess profits tax. 
 
 3. Extension of consumption taxes — but used to less extent than 
 
 15 
 
\ in former emergency measures — attempt to place tax on luxu- 
 
 ries, e. g., amusements, lodge Initiations, etc. 
 
 4. Discussion of constitutional amendment for federal land and 
 property taxes. Signing of the armistice removed the immedi- 
 ate need for increased revenue. , 
 
 5. Treasury notes used extensively in anticipating the returns 
 from liberty loans 
 
 6. Bank credit greatly expanded — large use of the Federal Reserve 
 
 notes 
 
 I 
 
 7. Use of War Savings Certificates and bonds of small denomira- 
 tions — an appeal to persons of small means 
 
 8. Noticeable attempt to place burden according to ability to 
 bear it 
 
 9. Percentage of expenditure raised thru taxes comparatively Jarge 
 I. Organization for the collection of taxes and the placing of bonds 
 
 1. The work of the Department of Internal Revenue 
 
 2. The organization of the several liberty loan committees 
 
 3. The work of the Federal Reserve System in placing the loans 
 
 J. International loans 
 
 1. By the United States 
 
 2. By England and others 
 
 K. Effects on the War debts on industry and finance 
 
 1. Effect on tax policy 
 
 2. Effect on international trade 
 
 3. Effect on business activity 
 
 L. War Indemnities 
 
 1. War indemnities in the past 
 
 2. Determination of kinds and amounts 
 
 3. Effect of indemnities on international trade 
 
 References: Raymond: American and Foreign Investment 
 Bonds. Chapter IT. | . 
 
 16 
 
Bogart: Direct Costs of the War. 
 
 Statutes relating to the Revenue and the loans. 
 
 Federal Reserve Bulletin. 
 
 Report of the Committee of the American Economic Asso- 
 ciation on War Finance. 
 
 Seligman, E. R. A.: Fiscal Reconstruction, being Chapter 
 XXIII in American Problems of Reconstruction. 
 
 Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 Roberts, Geo. E. : A Creditor Country. 
 
 National City Bank: Internal War Loans of Belligerent 
 Countries. 
 
 National Bank of Commerce: War Finance Primer. 
 
 17 
 
VII. LABOR PROBLEMS OF THE READJUSTMENT PERIOD 
 
 A. The genesis and development of labor problems 
 
 1. The evolution of modern industrial society 
 
 2. Labor and production 
 
 3. Labor and distribution 
 
 4. Analysis of the labor problem 
 
 B. Recent tendencies in the labor problem 
 
 1. Conditions incident to the war 
 
 (a) Temporary conditions: Dislocation of the labor supply, la- 
 bor shortage, breaking down of labor safeguards, acute in- 
 dustrial unrest, etc. 
 
 (b) Permanent results of the war: Greater solidarity of the 
 ranks of labor, development of the idea of industrial de- 
 mocracy, greater demands of labor for a larger share of 
 the differential, international cooperation between labor 
 forces. 
 
 V 
 
 2. Labor problems of the reconstruction period 
 
 (a) Redistribution of the labor supply highly concentrated in 
 war industries. 
 
 (h) Unemployment due to the demobilization of the military 
 and naval forces and the slowing up of industry. 
 
 (c) Industrial unrest accentuated by the lack of employment, 
 the continuation of high prices, and the insistence of labor 
 unions for better standards of pay, hours and conditions of 
 work. 
 
 (d) The child lahor problem 
 
 (e) The woman labor problem 
 
 (f) Autocratic control of industry 
 
 (g) The training of skilled lahor, in which we were found v/ant- 
 
 ing during the war period 
 
 f 
 (h) The adjustment of wages to the price level 
 
 18 
 
(i) The spread of Bolshevism and other forms of radicalism 
 (j) The immigration problem 
 
 C. Suggested remedies 
 
 1. Extensive public works — by federal, state, and local governments 
 to furnish employment during the readjustment period 
 
 2. Land grants to returning soldiers and sailors 
 
 3. Exclusion of immigrants until the readjustment of our indus- 
 tries has been effected and the domestic labor supply has been 
 absorbed 
 
 4. Retention of the present high wage levels, at least until the 
 level of prices falls 
 
 5. The introduction of more democratic control of industry in order 
 to establish industrial peace 
 
 6. Forceful suppression of Bolshevism and other forms of radi- 
 calism 
 
 7. Contir.ustioM of coordinated war labor administration to aid in 
 
 tne settlement of industrial disputes 
 
 8. Extension of the United States Employment Service to connect 
 the sources of supply and demand for labor 
 
 9. Establishment of state and federal bureaus of industrial research 
 to aid in the scientific adjustment of the several problems in- 
 volving labor in industry 
 
 10. The organization of a national labor party to cooperate with 
 «tnte labor parties — when organized — to advance the interest of 
 labor during the reconstruction period and after 
 
 11. Reduction of the hours of employment 
 
 References: Chapman, S. J.: Labor and Capital After the War. 
 Reports of the Secretary of Labor. 
 Cole, G. D. H.: Recent Developments in the British Labor 
 
 Movement. American Economic Review, Sept. 1918. 
 Sprague, O. M. W. : Relations between Labor and Capital 
 and Reconstruction. Am. Econ. Rev. Dec. 1918, p. 763. 
 Monthly Labor Review, Vol. VI, No. 5, pp. 1102, 1163, 1239; 
 
 Vol. VI, No. 3, p. 81; Vol. VII, No. 2, pp. 172, 216; Vol. 
 
 VII, No. 3, pp. 58, 64, 319; Vol. VII, No. 4, pp. 44, 69, 
 
 192; Vol. VII, No. 5, pp. 69, 72, 259. 
 Cole, G. D. H. : Self-Government in Industry. 
 Henderson, Arthur: The Aims of Labor. 
 
 19 
 
VIII. THE ROLE OF CAPITAL 
 
 A. Nature and Function of Capital 
 
 1. The importance of capital 
 
 2. The creation of capital 
 
 3. Varieties of capital 
 
 (a) Land and buildings. 
 
 (b) Roads and vehicles. 
 
 (c) Machinery and tools. '.i 
 
 (d) Live stock. 
 
 (e) Crops, materials, iiuished goods, money. 
 
 4. The uses of capital , 
 
 (a) Capital as an aid in production. 
 
 (b) Capital as an instrument in war. , 
 
 5. The formation, structure, and operation of business enterprises 
 
 (a) Independent business ventures. 
 
 (b) Cooperating business ventures. 
 
 1. Cooperation in peace. 
 
 2. Cooperation in war. 
 
 B. The adaptation of existing business enterprises to war work 
 
 1. Voluntary transition from peace work to war wark 
 
 2. Transition under the direction of the Government 
 
 3. Illustrations of transition in 
 
 (a) The steel industry. 
 
 (b) The motor vehicle industry. . . ' 
 
 (c) The chemical industry. 
 
 (d) Other industries. 
 
 C. The creation of new business enterprises for war work 
 
 1. Provision for new capital 
 
 (a) by private owners , 
 
 (b) through the war Finance corporation i 
 
 (c) by direct Government action. 
 
 20 
 
D. The Interest Rate 
 
 1. Before, during, and after the war. 
 
 2. Effect of a changing interest rate on the formation and opera- 
 tion of new business Enterprises. 
 
 E. Problems of Capital during and after the War 
 
 1. Problems of business management in view of an increasing 
 price level 
 
 2. The increase in the cost of production 
 
 (a) Costs of materials 
 
 (b) Costs of labor 
 
 3. War conditions and efficiency 
 
 (a) Scientific study of costs 
 
 (b) Use of the Taylor system 
 
 (c) The stimulation of shop efficiency by bonuses and other 
 direct methods 
 
 (d) Some results of capitalistic efficiency 
 
 4. The return to normal activities in various lines 
 
 5. The cancellation of war contracts 
 
 6. Changes in the organization incident to return of the soldiers 
 and the munition workers 
 
 F. The Farm problem after the war 
 
 G. The Reward of the capitalist employer 
 
 1. The nature of the capitalist's profits 
 
 2. Profits as affected by war and the return of peace 
 
 3. The excess profits tax 
 
 4. Present position of the entrepreneur 
 
 References: Monthly Labor Review, Vol. VII, No. 5, p. 1198. 
 Kemmerer, E. W. : The War and Interest Rates, Chap. XXI, 
 
 in American Problems of Reconstruction, p. 391. 
 Gilbreath, F. B. and L. M.: Scientific Management, Chap. 
 
 VII, in American Problems of Readjustment, p. 125. 
 Schwab, C. M.: Readjustment of the Steel Industry, Chap. 
 
 VIII, (a), in American Problems of Reconstruction, 
 p. 13.5. 
 
 Hesse, B. C: Readjustment of Chemicals, Chap. VIII, (b), 
 21 
 
in American Problems of Reconstruction, p. 145. 
 Reports of Bureau of Labor Statistics. 
 
 of the Federal Trade Commission. 
 
 of the War Finance Corporation. 
 
 of the Capital Issues Committee. 
 
 22 
 
IX. POST WAR RELATIONSHIP OF LABOR AND CAPITAL 
 
 A. Relationship during the war 
 
 1. The response of labor to the demands of war 
 
 (a) In England 
 
 (b) In France 
 
 (c) In Germany 
 
 (d) In the- United States 
 
 2. The effect of rising prices on the laborer's remuneration 
 
 B. Wage Adjustment 
 
 1. Voluntary adjustment of v/ages based on price statistics 
 
 2. Adjustment through official and semi-official agencies 
 
 (a) The work of the English ministry of labor and the ministry 
 of munitions. 
 
 (b) The work of the United States War Labor Board, created 
 April 9, 1918. 
 
 1. Organization and functions. 
 
 2. jMethod of procedure. 
 
 3. Some important decisions. 
 
 (c) The ship-building labor adjustment Board. 
 
 (d) Other adjustment commissions 
 
 1. The President's Commission 
 
 2. The National Adjustment Commission 
 
 3. The Arsenals and Navy Yards Commissions. 
 
 C. The National Employment Service 
 
 1. Organization and work 
 
 2. Its function during and following the war 
 
 3. The government's policy as to the future 
 
 D. The Soldier and the Land 
 1. The English program 
 
2. Secretary Lane's proposal, as outlined in 
 
 (a) Letter to Hon. H. I. Osborne, Cong. Record, Nov. 12, 1918, 
 p. 12638 
 
 (b) Annual Report for 1918 
 
 E. The Housmg Problem 
 
 1. The housing problem in England, during and following the war 
 
 2. The housing problem In the United States 
 
 (1) Provision by employers 
 
 (2) Housing of the Emergency Fleet Corporation workers 
 
 F. The Workers' Representation in Industrial Management 
 
 1. The program of the British labor party as to wages and repre- 
 sentation 
 
 2. The War aims memorandum of the inter-Allied Labor and So- 
 cialist Conference, London, February 23, 1918, as to wages and 
 participation in management 
 
 3. The Program of the American Federation of Labor 
 
 (a) as to free' transportation 
 
 (b) as to employment 
 
 (c) as to representation 
 
 4. The English program as outlined in the Whitley Reports of 
 March 8, 1917, October 18, 1917, June 31, 1918, and July 12, 1918 
 
 5. The Rockefeller plan for representation 
 
 (a) The Colorado Fuel and Iron Co. system 
 
 (b) The Atlantic City Conference platform of December 5, 1918. 
 
 G. Plans of the Federal and State Governments for the adjustment of 
 economic relationship between owners and workers 
 
 h. To what extent ought workers to be partakers of risk and partici- 
 pants in profits? 
 
 References: Reports of the English Ministry of Reconstruction. 
 McCurdy, Chas. A.: A Clean Peace. 
 The Whitley Reports. 
 The Garton Report. 
 Rockefeller, J. D., Jr.: The Colorado Industrial Plan. 
 
 Representation in Industry. 
 
 Reports of the American Federation of Labor. 
 ■ of the National War Labor Board. 
 
 of the War Labor Policies Board i 
 
 24 
 
X. PLANS FOR SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 A. Safety first movement 
 
 B. Welfare work 
 
 C. Vocational Education and Rehabilitation 
 
 1. The work of the Red Cross 
 
 2. The Federal Board of Vocational Education 
 
 D. Social Insurance 
 
 1. Nature and function of Social Insurance 
 
 2. Varieties of social insurance 
 
 (a) against accidents 
 
 (b) against invalidity 
 
 (c) against premature death 
 
 (d) against unemployment 
 
 (e) old age pensions 
 
 3. Historical development and present status 
 
 4. The program for social insurance in the warring countries 
 
 E. The Problem of National Health 
 
 1. Conditions as to health in the army and among the working 
 population 
 
 2. Program for the betterment of health 
 
 F. The Problem of Thrift 
 
 1. Importance of thrift 
 
 2. Thrift as a habit 
 
 3. Provision for safety in investment 
 
 4. Relation of the thrift habit to individual and national efficiency 
 
 G. Economy in consumption 
 
 25 
 
1. The conservation of national resources 
 
 2. The economic use of food and clothing 
 
 3. V/aste in the use of drugs, narcotics, and stimulants 
 
 4. Prevention of waste in producers' capital through wise invest- 
 ment and through the work of the Capital Issues Committee 
 
 References: Annals of the American Academy of Political and 
 Social Science, January 1919. 
 
 The Survey, December 7, 1918. 
 
 King, W. L. M.: Industry and Humanity. 
 
 McMurtrie, Douglas C: The Disabled Soldier; The Red 
 Cross Institute for Disabled Men; Reconstructing the 
 crippled soldier. 
 
 Proceedings, National Conference on Social Work, May 15, 
 1918 
 
 Proceedings, National Municipal League, Nov. 20, 1918. 
 . , Reports of the Federal Board for Vocational Education. 
 
 Report of Capital Issues Committee. 
 
 Vanderlip, Frank A.: National Thrift, Chap. XXII in Ameri- 
 can Problems of Reconstruction, p. 415. 
 
 Seager, H. R.: Social Insurance. 
 
 Reports of hte Bureau of Labor Statistics, on Workmen's 
 Compensation, Accidents, and Unemployment. 
 
 26 
 
XI. THE PROGRAM OF THE SOCIALISTS AND THE ANARCHISTS 
 
 A. The Socialists' Conception of the Present Economic System 
 
 B. The Socialists' plan for Reorganization 
 
 1. The evolutionary socialists propose that capitalistic enterprises 
 be gradually absorbed by the state, by the purchase of railways, 
 telegraphs, mines, and later factories and stores. 
 
 2. The revolutionary socialists propose to seize all privately owned 
 property in the name of the government and operate it for the 
 benefit of all. 
 
 C. The plans of the British labor party as to private property 
 
 1. As to ownership 
 
 2. As to operation 
 
 3. Their reasons for their program 
 
 D. The plans of the Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Conference — lield 
 in London February 23, 1918 
 
 E. Bolshevism in theory and practise 
 
 1. The principles of Bolshevism 
 
 2. The Bolshevist organization 
 
 3. Their method of procedure 
 
 4. The Bolshevist propaganda 
 
 5. The results of Bolshevism 
 
 (a) on the distribution of wealth 
 
 (b) on the production of wealth 
 
 (c) on the future welfare of the race 
 
 F. Merits and demerits of socialism 
 
 G. Socialism vs. private ownership under government control 
 
 H. The way of the anarchist 
 
 27 
 
References: Spargo, John: Socialism. 
 Kautsky, Karl: Social Revolution. 
 
 Lombart, W. : Socialism and the Socialist Movement. 
 Skelton, O. D. : Socialism, a Critical Analysis. 
 McCurdy, CO.: A Clean Peace. 
 Current Issues of the Nation. 
 Current Issues of the New Republic. 
 Current Issues of the Non-Partisan Leader. 
 Report of the Senate Committee on Bolshevism. 
 Boyle, James E.: The Agrarian Movement in the North- 
 west, Am. Economic Review, September 1918, p. 506. 
 Hobson, J. A.: Democracy After the War. 
 Walling, W. E. (ed.): The Socialists and the War. 
 
/ 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 FOR THE 
 ^ STUDY OF THE 
 
 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES, GREAT BRITAIN, 
 FRANCE, AND GERMANY 
 
 WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THEIR BEARING UPON 
 CAUSES AND ISSUES OF THE WAR 
 
 Prepared for the Committee 
 
 in Charge of the Course in War Issues 
 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 by 
 JAMES W. GARNER 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
 PUBLISHED, 1919, BY THE 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 URBANA 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 FOR THE 
 STUDY OF THE 
 
 POLITICAL AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNITED STATES, GREAT BRITAIN, 
 FRANCE, AND GERMANY 
 
 WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THEIR BEARING UPON 
 CAUSES AND ISSUES OF THE WAR 
 
 Prepared for the Committee 
 
 in Charge of the Course in War Issues 
 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 by 
 JAMES W. GARNER 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
I 
 
1. ^UMDAMENTAL THEORIES 
 
 A. In RcLpect to the Katui^e and FL'ncUcn of the Siate 
 
 1. Prussian Theory. The State is an abstract mystical entity, a spiritual 
 collective personality having a life of its own apart from and above 
 that of the people who compose it. It is not an artificial creation of 
 man; it is an organism, the result of unconscious evolution; it is an 
 end rather than a means; the individual exists for it, rather than it 
 for the individual; there is a certain quasi divinity about it; its chief 
 attribute is power and power is the measure of right; it is omnipo- 
 tent and omnipresent. The State may regulate the life of the in- 
 dividual in all his daily concerns; it alone should educate him; it is 
 a better judge of what is good for the people than they themselves 
 are. (Kant, Hegel, Fichte, Nietzsche, Treitschke). Note that German 
 civilization is regarded by Germans as the product of the State 
 rather than of individual effort and enterprise. . 
 
 Corollaries: (1) There are no limits to the authority of the State; 
 its commands cannot be questioned; it is impiety to attack its auth- 
 ority; blind and unthinking obedience is the duty of the citizen. 
 
 (2) The State has ends and interests distinct from those of its subjects. 
 
 (3) The first duty of the State is to make itself strong and powerful; 
 it must unceasingly strive for power (Nietzsche) ; it must be self 
 assertive, aggressive, imperialistic; the State with a superior civili- 
 zation has a right and a duty to impose its civilization upon those 
 less favorably endowed; it must therefore be militaristic. ("The two 
 functions of the State are to administer justice and assert its power 
 without"; "the second important function of the State is warfare"; 
 "war is an institution ordained of God" — Treitschke). 
 
 (4) The right of small States to an independent existence need not be 
 respected by powerful States ("Small states are ridiculous"; "they 
 are incapable of defending themselves against external attack"; 
 "they do not produce true patriotism or national pride and they ar& 
 generally incapable of culture in great dimensions." — Treitschke.) 
 
 (5) The State is not bound by the law of nations or the moral law ("There 
 is no such thing as international law"; "treaties are voluntary self- 
 limitations, binding only so long as it suits the contracting parties 
 to observe them"; "international arbitration is incompatible with 
 the nature of the State; besides, it is a matter of honor for a state 
 to settle its disputes by itself" — Treitschke). 
 
 3 
 
Query. Was this theory of the State in any way responsible for the 
 late war? Name some instances in which it was applied in 
 practice. 
 
 2. American Thieory. The state has no existence apart from the people 
 who compose it; it has no ends or interests distinct from theirs; it 
 is not a super-personal, super-moral mystical personality. It is the 
 organization of the people for certain common purposes. It is an 
 instrumentality, an agency created by themselves and the form of 
 which they may alter at will; it is a means, not an end; it exists for 
 the individuals who compose it, not they for it; it is entitled to 
 obedience and in some cases of sacrifice but blind worship of the 
 State as though it were a quasi divinity is not a part of American 
 political philosophy. It allows the largest degree of individual free- 
 dom consistent with the rights of all; no industries are monopolized 
 by the State but all are left open to individual enterprise; the life 
 of the individual is not over-regulated; he is not over-governed. 
 Paternalism has no place in American theory or practice. Nor is the 
 United States a militaristic State. War is not considered as a 
 "biological necessity"; the principle of international arbitration has 
 made great progress (over SO controversies settled by arbitration 
 since 1790); international engagements are regarded as perpetually 
 binding; the rights of small States are considered as entitled to the 
 same respect as those of large States. The power of the State is not 
 regarded as absolute; it is limited by the moral law and the law of 
 nations. 
 
 In Respect to Goverr.mant 
 
 1. Prussian Theory. Government exists for the people but cannot be 
 administered by the people. It is a difficult art and requires special 
 training. Government in Prussia is therefore government by trained 
 experts. It is a bureaucracy. Administrative offices are open only to 
 those who follow prescribed courses of study and pass state examina- 
 tions. It is not responsible to the people; they have little share in 
 it; and there is no popular control over it. The Prussian conception 
 of democracy does not embrace the idea of self government. But 
 the Prussian system has a deserved reputation for efficiency. 
 
 Query. To what extent should efficiency be regarded as the test of 
 a good government? Is it the sole test? 
 
 2. American Theory. All governments derive their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed. The people have a right to determine 
 for themselves the form of government under which they live; to 
 choose their public officials; to exercise control over them; and to 
 determine the functions which the government shall exercise. The 
 people are their own masters; public officers are public servants. 
 Efficiency is not regarded as the sole test of good government. 
 Stimulation of interest in public affairs, and the political education 
 of the citizens, which result from their participation in government 
 
 4 
 
outweigh the advantages of efficiency which are claimed for the 
 bureaucratic system. In short democracy serves as a training school 
 for citizenship. 
 
 Queries: Are democracy and efficiency in government necessarily 
 incompatible? What conditions and limitations are essen- 
 tial to the success of democratic government? How does 
 the German conception of democracy differ from the 
 American conception? Dangers of democracy: ignorance, 
 indifference, demagogy. (Compare Bolshevism: govern- 
 ment by a single class — the proletariat.) 
 
 C. In Respect to Constitutional Safeguards 
 
 1. What is Constitutional Government? It is government organized 
 and conducted in accordance with certain fundamental rules, either 
 conventional or customary, which are binding upon those who exer- 
 cise authority. It is therefore a government of "laws and not of 
 men". 
 
 2. How Framed. In the United States constitutions are framed by 
 popularly elected conventions and are generally submitted to the 
 voters for their approval or disapproval. Compare the German state 
 constitutions which were "promulgated" by kings and princes and 
 which may be abrogated by them. What is the American view of 
 such a constitution? 
 
 3. How amended. In the United States the state constitutions are 
 amended by the action of the voters (upon proposal by the legisla- 
 ture or by popular initiative). In England, Germany and France the 
 constitutions may be amended by the Parliaments. No distinction is 
 made between the constituent and the legislative powers. Note that 
 in Germany 14 negative votes in the Bundesrath may defeat an 
 amendment and that the Emperor controlled 21 votes in that body. 
 
 4. Character. A distinguishing characteristic of American constitutions 
 is that they are not only instruments for the granting of powers but 
 are also instruments of limitations and prohibitions. Compare the 
 English constitution which sets no limits to the power of Parliament; 
 also the French and German constitutions which contain few or no 
 express limitations on the powers of Parliament. 
 
 5. Supremacy of the Constitution over Ordinary law. In the United 
 States the courts have the power to maintain the supremacy of the 
 constitution by refusing to enforce a statute which is contrary to the 
 constitution. In England, France, Germany and most of the other 
 countries of Europe, the courts have no such power. If therefore 
 the legislature in those countries passes a law in contravention of 
 the constitution the law is nevertheless valid and there is no judicial 
 recourse against its enforcement. 
 
 D. In Respect to Liberty. 
 
 1. Constitutional Protections. The American constitutions are not only 
 instruments of government but also charters of liberty (First eight 
 
 5 
 
amendments to the Federal constitution; bills of rights of the state 
 constitutions). Compare the constitutions of the German Empire 
 and of France. Nevertheless the French regard the Declaration of 
 the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 as a part of their publi« 
 law. The Prussian constitution contains an elaborate bill of rights 
 but most of its provisions are "empty phrases". Note the power of 
 the American courts to enforce the provisions of the bills of rights 
 and to protect the domain of liberty which they create. 
 
 Conoeptions of Liberty. In the United States, England and France, 
 liberty of speech, press, assembly, religion and education is subject 
 to few restrictions, except in time of war. In Germany no public 
 meetings may be held without a declaration to the police. Speeches 
 must be delivered in the German language, even in Poland and Alsace- 
 Lorraine. Editors are jailed for criticizing the government and pri- 
 vate schools are only tolerated. During the existence of the Anti- 
 Socialist law, (1878-90), 1000 books and pamphlets, over 80 German 
 newspapers and 60 foreign journals were placed on the index, and 
 1500 persons were imprisoned. Compare the following from Prof, 
 Hintze of the University of Berlin: The government of Prussia is a 
 "form of government which does not seek primarily the comfort and 
 happiness of the individual but rather the power and greatness of 
 the State, since without the latter, general prosperity cannot be 
 regarded as secure." "German freedom," says Prof. Troeltsch, "will 
 never be purely political; it will always be bound up with the ideal- 
 istic thought of duty and with the romantic thought of individuality." 
 
 Queries: What is meant by "political" liberty? What effect has the 
 denial of liberty upon the character of the people? 
 Name some restrictions placed upon the liberty of Amer- 
 ican citizens during the late war. , , 
 
 Required reading: 
 
 Beard and Ogg: National Governments and the World 
 
 War, Chs. 1, 10. 
 Lowell: Greater European Governments, pp. 3-4; 98-104. 
 
II. FORMS AND FUNCTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 
 
 1. Monarchy. Great Britain is a monarchy and so was Germany until 
 recently, i.e., States whose titular heads ruled by hereditary right. 
 Is monarchy necessarily incompatible with popular government? Is 
 the English government a government by the people? Note that 
 Belgium is a monarchy but its constitution declares that "all powers 
 emanate from the people". But compare the German monarchies. 
 (In 1905 the people of Norway voted to establish a monarchy in pref- 
 erence to a republic.) 
 
 2. Republic. The United States and France are republics. Their 
 executive heads are presidents elected for definite terms. Is the 
 government of England less republican in spirit? 
 
 Z. Federal Government. A composite type under which there is a com- 
 mon central government and a number of component member-states 
 each with a large degree of local autonomy (the United States, the 
 German Empire, Switzerland, Brazil, Canada, Australia). 
 
 A. American and German types compared: 
 
 <a) In the United States the member-states are on a footing of equality 
 in respect to rights and privileges; in Germany they are unequal. 
 
 <b) In respect to the distribution of powers the American states are 
 left in control of many matters which in Germany are conferred 
 upon the Imperial Government. 
 
 Query: Is the present distribution of powers between the national 
 and state governments in the United States in harmony 
 with modern conditions? 
 
 (c) A distinguishing feature of the German federal system is that it is 
 a system of centralization in legislation and decentralization in 
 administration (the state governments execute in the main the 
 laws of the Empire). 
 
 (d) In the United States the Supreme Court is the umpire which 
 determines disputes between the national government and the 
 states and keeps each within its own sphere. The national govern- 
 ment cannot directly coerce a state. In Germany the Imperial 
 government may, thru the process of "federal execution", compel 
 a state to perform its obligations as a member of the Union. 
 
 B. Merits of Federal Government. 
 
 (a) The only form which combines the advantages of a central govern- 
 ment for the management of common affairs, with the advantages 
 
 7 
 
of local government for the administration of local concerns. It 
 allows uniform regulation where uniformity is essential and at the 
 same time permits diversity where local conditions make it desir- 
 able, 
 (b) It is well adapted to large states composed of diverse nationalities 
 or of populations with widely varying interests and standards of 
 right and wrong. 
 
 Queries: Would any other form of government be so well suited 
 to the conditions prevailing in the United States? 
 Would it not be well adapted to the British Empire? 
 Instead of dividing Austria into a number of petty states 
 would the interests of the various nationalities in that 
 county be better subserved by federation, leaving to each 
 a wide degree of local autonomy or by making them 
 independent? 
 
 C. Weaknesses of Federal Government 
 
 (a) In respect to national defense and the performance of international 
 obligations. 
 
 (b) Danger from diversity of law where there should be uniformity 
 (law of insurance, bills and notes, marriage and divorce, etc.) 
 
 (c) Danger of conflicts between the central and local governments. 
 
 (d) Complexity, delay and expense resulting from a dual system of 
 legislation and administration. 
 
 4. Unitary or Centralized government. A system in which the powers 
 of government are not distributed between a central government and 
 a number of local governments but are concentrated in a single cen- 
 tral government. The government of France is a good example. The 
 local governments are under the control of the central government. 
 What are the merits and demerits of such a system? 
 
 5. Parliamentary Government 
 
 A. Definition: A system in which the executive and legislative functions 
 are not separated. The titular executive is an irresponsible heredi- 
 tary monarch or a president, the real executive being a ministry or 
 cabinet which is usually a committee of the legislature. The ministry 
 formulates all important legislation, steers it through the legislature 
 and then carries it into execution. It is immediately responsible to 
 the legislature and mediately to the people for its political policies 
 and must resign when it ceases to have the confidence of either. 
 (England, France and most of the countries of Europe). 
 
 B. Working in England and Francie. The parliamentary system has not 
 worked as smoothly in France as in England because: 
 
 (a) It is not indigenous. 
 
 (b) The ministers are subjected to excessive control by the legis- 
 lature. 
 
 ■ • - k 
 
(c) The right of interpellation is abused. 
 
 (d) There is a multiplicity of political parties. 
 
 C. The German System. In Germany the true parliamentary system 
 has not heretofore existed, because the ministers are not members 
 of the legislature nor are they responsible to it. They were appointed 
 by the Emperor and were responsible to him alone. (Compare the 
 Saverne case). 
 
 D. Merits of the Parliamentary System. The legislature and executive 
 work in harmony. The same body which formulates legislative pol- 
 icies carries them into execution. By means of the power of dissolu- 
 tion an appeal may be taken at any time to the electorate to deter- 
 mine conflicts between the executive and the legislature. Is the 
 English government more responsive to public opinion than that of 
 the United States, as is sometimes asserted? 
 
 E. Demerits. Instability; lack of concentration of power. 
 
 6. Presidential Government: (the United States). A system in which 
 the executive and legislative functions are in the main kept separate. 
 The executive is independent of the legislature both as to tenure and 
 political policies, being responsible to it only for criminal acts. Mem- 
 bers of the cabinet are not members of the legislature; they do not 
 necessarily belong to the party in control of the legislature; they are 
 appointed by the executive and are responsible to him alone. 
 
 Queries: Should members of the cabinet be allowed seats in Con- 
 gress even if not responsible to it? Why was the Par- 
 liamentary system not introduced into the United States? 
 
 7. Functions of Government: 
 
 A. The Paternalistic Theory: the government is a better judge of what 
 the common welfare requires than the people are; the government 
 should guide and direct them; regulate their daily lives; watch over 
 them; and provide for the satisfaction of all their common needs. 
 (Example: Prussia, to a large extent). What is the effect of such 
 a system of government on the character of the people? 
 
 B. The Socialistic Theory. The State should in addition to its functions 
 of police and defense engage in various industrial undertakings (such 
 as the operation of railroads, telegraphs and the like), promote the 
 social and economic interests of the people, provide them with free 
 education and even amusement, insure them against old age and sick- 
 ness, lend money to farmers, etc. The German governments and 
 especially that of Prussia own the railroads, canals, telegraphs, tele- 
 phones, mines of various kinds, forests, conduct savings banks, pawn 
 shops, employment agencies, systems of insurance, and have a virtual 
 monopoly of education. The German cities own and operate all 
 public utilities, maintain opera houses, public markets, slaughter 
 houses and even milk depots, lodging houses, restaurants, etc. The 
 governments of England, Australia, New Zealand and other countries 
 
 9 
 
are now engaged in many socialistic undertakings. How does the 
 state socialism of these countries differ from that of Germany? 
 Should a government undertake to perform a service which may be 
 as well done by private enterprise? 
 
 C. The Individualistic Theory: The government which governs least 
 is the best. The functions of government should be limited to the 
 maintenance of peace, the defense of the country, the enforcement 
 of contracts, and the punishment of crime. Does the American 
 government belong to this class? Is the theory workable under 
 modern conditions? 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, chs. 3, 11, 18. Lowell, pp. 13-28; 93- 
 
 97; 120-122; 182-183; 233-249; 254-256; 277; 299-301. 
 
 10 
 
III. THE ELECTORAL FRANCHISE 
 
 1. In the United States. Excluded classes, lunatics, persons convicted of 
 
 election offenses and infamous crimes, women in many states. Edu- 
 cational and taxpaying requirements : 
 
 (a) In Northern states. 
 
 (b) In Southern states. The "grandfather" and "old soldier" de- 
 vices in certain southern states. Woman suffrage; limited vote 
 in many states, equal suffrage with men in 16 states. 
 
 Note that in the United States no distinction is made between 
 national and state suffrage as is made in England between the par- 
 liamentary and municipal franchise and in Germany between the 
 Imperial and state suffrage. In the United States there is but one 
 class of voters and their qualifications are fixed by the states subject 
 only to the provisions of the 14th and 15th amendments to the Fed- 
 eral constitution. 
 
 2. In England: By the Reform Act of July 7, 1918, the parliamentary fran- 
 
 chise is conferred on every man over 21 years of age who has re- 
 sided in the same place for 6 months and on every woman over 30 
 years of age who had formerly enjoyed the privilege of voting in 
 local elections or who is tae wife of an elector, and who occupies a 
 dwelling or premises of the annual value of 5 pounds. (Excluded 
 classes, peers, idiots, lunatics, bankrupts). Note: persons in active 
 military or naval service may vote. 
 
 3. In France. All male inhabitants over 21 years of age except convicts, 
 
 bankrupts, persons under guardianship and persons in the active 
 military or naval service are qualified voters. No educational or 
 property qualifications. Women may vote for judges of commercial 
 and industrial courts. 
 
 4. In Germany 
 
 A. The Imperial Suffrage. All males who have attained the 25th year 
 of age, except bankrupts, persons under guardianship, beneficiaries 
 of public charity, convicts, and those in active military or naval ser- 
 vice are qualified to vote. Women are excluded in all elections. 
 
 B. The Prussian Suffrage. Members of the Prussian legislature are 
 chosen not directly but by electors who are in turn selected accord- 
 ing to a three class system under which the voters are grouped on 
 the basis of the amount of taxes they pay. In 1903 the first class 
 represented 2 percent of the voters, the second class 12.7 percent. 
 
 11 
 
and the third, 85 percent. (In 2159 districts in 1911 a single voter 
 constituted the first class.) 
 
 5. Methods of exercising the Franchise. 
 
 A. In the United States secret ballot, screened voting booths, no other 
 persons except election officers allowed in the voting room, no 
 electioneering within a certain distance of the polling place, laborers 
 allowed to be absent from their employment for the purpose of vot- 
 ing, etc. Substantially the same safeguards in England. 
 
 B. In France the system of envelope voting prevails and in 1914 the 
 secret voting booth was introduced. Elections are held on Sundays 
 for the benefit of the working classes. 
 
 C. In the German Imperial elections voting by envelope prevails but 
 there is no screened voting booth. "Voters are therefore exposed to 
 pressure and intimidation. 
 
 D. The Prussian elections are not held on Sundays as in France, and 
 the law does not secure to the working classes a right to absent 
 themselves from their employment for the purpose of voting. More- 
 over, the ancient system of viva voce voting prevails. The intimida- 
 tion to which the voters are thus exposed deters large numbers from 
 voting. (In 1903, 77 percent of the voters refrained from exercising 
 the franchise in the Prussian elections). Compare the following 
 from Treitschke: "The secret ballot is the shabbiest trick that was 
 ever proposed in the name of liberalism." (Politics II, 199). Note 
 that in Germany a strong and effective pressure is exerted by the 
 government upon the voters, in behalf of the candidates whom it 
 desires to be elected. 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, ch. 7; pp. 226-237; Lowell, pp. 32-34; 
 283-291. 
 
 12 
 
IV. LEGISLATIVE SYSTEMS 
 
 1. Origin of the principle of representation. Rise of the British Parliament. 
 
 2. The Bicameral System. Upper Chambers. The House of Lords in Eng- 
 land. Origin, composition, and powers. By the Parliament Act of 1911 it 
 lost the power to reject money bills and was left only the power to delay 
 other legislation. Proposed changes in composition of. 
 
 3. Thie Senate of the United States. 96 members. Now popularly elected. 
 Term 6 years. Equal representation of the States. Special powers, orig- 
 inal purpose and early character. Reason for substitution of popular 
 choice; effect on character of the Senate. Elements of strength and of 
 weakness. 
 
 4. The Senate of France. 300 members. Chosen for 9 years, by depart- 
 mental electoral colleges. Senators must be at least 40 years of age. On 
 the whole, a body of able representatives but popularly criticized for its 
 conservatism. Proposed alteration of mode of election. Special powers. 
 
 5. The German Bundesrath. 61 members. Composed exclusively of mem- 
 bers appointed by the executive heads of the several states. Members 
 vote by state delegations and as a unit. They vote according to instruc- 
 tions and uninstructed votes are not counted. It is not therefore a 
 deliberative body. Of the 61 votes the Emperor controlled 21. All im- 
 portant bills originate in the Bundesrath and its ascendancy over the 
 Reichstag in this respect is well established. Compare its powers in this 
 respect with the English House of Lords. 
 
 6. Lower Chambers. The House of Commons in England, 709 members, is 
 elected for a term of five years by practically universal suffrage (male 
 and female) members being apportioned on the basis of population. (Ex- 
 plain why the recent Parliament served for 8 years — no general election 
 between Dec. 1910 and Dec. 1918). Single-member constituencies (coun- 
 ties, boroughs and Universities). Members not required to be residents 
 of their districts. The ascendancy of the House of Commons in the 
 legislative system is now complete. Note that the House may be dis- 
 solved by the Cabinet at any time and new elections held. 
 
 7. The House of Representatives in the United States, 435 members. Chosen 
 for a term of two years by a suffrage fixed by the states. Members are 
 apportioned among the states decennially by Congress on the basis of 
 population but the districts are formed by the state governments. Single- 
 member districts (occasionally representatives-at-large). Each state at 
 least one member. The house cannot he dissolved. Members required 
 by custom though not by law to be residents of their districts. 
 
 13 
 
8. The French Chamber of Deputies. 602 members. Chosen for a term of 
 4 years, by universal suffrage (exclusive of women) from single-member 
 districts. Recent agitation for substitution of choice by general ticket 
 combined with proportional representation. Special functions. Chamber 
 may be dissolved by the President with the consent of the Senate but 
 the power has fallen into desuetude. 
 
 9. The German Reichstag, 397 members, is chosen for a term of 5 years by 
 manhood suffrage. Single-member districts. Representation based on 
 population but no reapportionment since 1871. Hence great inequalities 
 as to representation. Country districts greatly over-represented and 
 cities under-represented. The government has refused to make a re- 
 apportionment because it would increase the representation of the 
 Social Democratic party. As compared with the Bundesrath, the Reichs- 
 tag plays a subordinate role in legislation. No control over Chancellor 
 or other ministers. In case it refuses to pass the budget the government 
 may collect the taxes and make appropriations. 
 
 10. Local Legislatures. In the United States, both houses of the state legis- 
 latures are chosen by direct popular vote. In Prussia the upper chamber 
 of the legislature is aristocratic and appointive. The lower chamber is 
 chosen indirectly by electors according to a three class system of suf- 
 frage already described. No reapportionment of seats since 1860. Result: 
 Social Democratic party practically unrepresented. (1903 the two con- 
 servative parties with 372,132, votes elected 202 members while the 
 Social Democratic party with 314,149 votes elected none.) 
 
 11. Legislative Procedure. In the English and French Parliaments all im- 
 portant bills are introduced by the ministers. They are prepared by a 
 skilled parliamentary draftsman. Public bills introduced by private mem- 
 bers are rarely passed. Different procedure for passing private bills. 
 Committees play a subordinate role. In England, Parliament cannot 
 increase the budget as presented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
 Contrary practice in France. In the German Parliament most bills orig- 
 inate in the Bundesrath and must be returned to it when passed by the 
 Reichstag. In the United States committees play an important part. 
 Legislation by Congress is largely legislation by committees. Members 
 unlimited right to introduce bills. Usually no distinction between pro- 
 cedure for passing public and private bills. No budget. Legislature free 
 to increase or reduce government estimates of needed appropriations. 
 The "pork barrel" abuse in the United States and France. 
 
 12. Direct Legislation: The initiative and referendum. In a good many 
 American states legislative measures may be initiated and adopted by 
 the people without the collaboration of the legislature. This device does 
 not exist in England, France or Germany. Note other new institutional 
 forms of democracy in the United States, such as the recall and the 
 direct primary. 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Chs. 4, 13; pp. 132-138; 220-226; 237-246. 
 Lowell, pp. 35-61; 104-115; 164-180; 185-194; 251-268. 
 
 I 14 
 
V. THE EXECUTIVE 
 
 Nature of the Executive power. Combined with the legislative function 
 in the parliamentary system. Plural executives (Switzerland). Compare 
 the organization of the national executive power in the United States 
 with that of the States; in the former case the power is concentrated 
 in the hands of a single person; in the latter it is split up and parceled 
 out between the governor and other officers. Effect on efficiency and 
 responsibility. Multiplication of boards and commissions in the Amer- 
 ican states. Executive councils in a few states. 
 
 The President of the United States. Chosen for 4 years indirectly by 
 popular vote. Breakdown of the electoral scheme. Criticism of the pres- 
 ent method. Candidates nominated by national conventions. Presidential 
 preference primary laws. Re-eligibility; independent of Congress as to 
 tenure and political policies. The Vice President. 
 
 The President of the French Republic. Chosen for a term of 7 years by 
 the legislature organized as a national assembly. Criticism of the exist- 
 ing method. 1848 elected by universal suffrage. No nominating machinery. 
 Rarely elected to second terms. No Vice President. May parliament com- 
 pel the resignation of the President (Case of Grevy). 
 
 The Crown in England. Hereditary. Present law of succession. May be 
 altered by Parliament. People through their representatives may deter- 
 mine who shall be their king. King holds his title only by parliamentary 
 will. 
 
 The Crown (formerly) in Prussia. Compare the Prussian law of succes- 
 sion with that of England. Doctrine of divine right. Abandoned in 
 England in the 17th Century. 
 
 Powers of the Executive. The President of the United States. 
 
 (a) Those conferred by the constitution and the laws. 
 
 (b) Those derived from custom and usage. 
 
 (c) Those inherent in the nature of the office. 
 
 Powers: (a) as civil executive; (b) as military executive. 
 
 His share: (a) in legislation; (b) in the conduct of foreign affairs; 
 
 (c) appointments and administration; (d) ordinance power. 
 Woodrow "Wilson assigns to the president the triple role of: (a) admin- 
 istrative head of the government; (b) formulator of legislative pol- 
 icies; (c) party leader. Compare his powers with those of the King 
 of England and the President of France. 
 Query: What were some of the extraordinary powers conferred on 
 the President by acts of Congress during the recent war? 
 
 15 
 
7. Powers of the President of France. Large powers conferred by the 
 constitution but by reason of the parliamentary system they cannot in 
 fact be exercised by the President. Irresponsibility — ^The only constitu- 
 tional power which he is free to exercise is to "preside over national 
 ceremonies". But a strong personality such as Poincare may exert a 
 potent moral influence on the policy of the ministers. Former agitation 
 by the Radical party in favor of abolition of the office. 
 
 8. Powers of the Crown in England. The royal prerogative; statutory 
 powers. Note that the royal prerogative has been greatly reduced by 
 parliament and what remains can be taken away at any time. Distinguish 
 between the theoretical and the actual powers of the crown; the latter 
 are exercised through ministers who are responsible to the House of 
 Commons. Irresponsibility of the King. Value of monarchy and why it 
 survives. 
 
 9. Powers of the Former German Emperor. Extensive powers, both civil 
 and military, conferred by the imperial constitution; other large powers 
 as King of Prussia, including the royal prerogative. He was regarded by 
 German publicists as the fountain and source of all law and authority. 
 The function of Parliament was to furnish the crown with information 
 and advice. In legal theory the legislative power belonged to the King. 
 "There is no will in the State superior to that of the sovereign, and it is 
 from that will that both the constitution and laws draw their binding 
 force." (Laband, Staatsrecht des deutschen Reichs). Since the Parlia- 
 mentary system does not exist in Germany these powers were in fact 
 exercised by the emperor-king. The ministers were his personal and 
 official agents; they were subject solely to his direction and were re- 
 sponsible to him alone for their official acts and conduct. The Emperor 
 considered himself responsible only to God. 
 
 10. Government in Time of War. Increase of the executive power, "War 
 Cabinets", boards and other agencies. 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Chs. 5, 8; pp. 196-202. Lowell, pp. 5-17; 
 
 115-118; 131-135; 269-275; 279-281. . . 
 
 16 
 
VI. JUSTICE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 The Judiciary. 
 
 A. in England all judges are appointed for life by the Crown and are 
 irremovable except upon address of Parliament. They are paid high 
 salaries. Number of judges as compared with Germany and France 
 very small. Courts generally held by a single judge. System of 
 circuit judges. 1907 creation of Court of Criminal Appeal. The House 
 of Lords and Judicial Committee of the Privy Council as courts. 
 Jury trial in criminal cases but juries rarely employed in civil cases. 
 Juries never judges of the law. Justice administered rapidly and 
 without technicality. System of common law and equity. No admin- 
 istrative courts as on the continent. Power of the judge to sum up 
 and comment on the evidence. 
 
 Queries: What is the advantage of the system of circuit judges? 
 Why are juries rarely used in the trial of civil cases in 
 England? What is the objection to making juries judges of 
 the law? Ought the judge be allowed to express an 
 opinion as to the weight of the evidence? 
 
 B. In thie United States. Federal judges are appointed by the Presi- 
 dent with consent of the Senate. Life tenure, but may retire on full 
 salary at 70 years of age. Removable only by impeachment. State 
 judges (except in a few states) are elected by the people for definite 
 terms, ranging from 2 to 21 years. Constitutional protections in 
 Ijehalf of the accused. Jury trial in both criminal and civil cases. 
 (In some states, e.g. Illinois, juries are judges of both the law and 
 the facts.) Judge is little more than a moderator. No power to sum 
 up and comment on the evidence. Emphasize the control which 
 American courts exercise over legislation and administration. Criti- 
 cism of the administration of justice in the United States: slowness 
 in the selection of juries, wide latitude of appeal, reversals for 
 technicalities and harmless errors. 
 
 Query: What are the merits and demerits of the method of choosing^ 
 judges by popular vote? 
 
 C. In France. All judges except those of the commercial and industrial 
 courts are appointed. Popular election tried 1790-1804 but abandoned. 
 Life tenure. Except justices of the peace, colonial judges and judges 
 of the administrative courts, they are irremovable by the govern- 
 ment. All courts except those of justices of the peace are held by a 
 bench of judges. (Compare English and American Courts). Criti- 
 cism: Too many judges (over 6000 in France). Compare the English 
 
 17 
 
judiciary: (Hardly more than 100 judges in England). French judges 
 poorly paid. Jury trial in criminal cases, but not in civil cases. 
 (Seven out of 12 may return a verdict). Criticism of French pro- 
 cedure: secret grilling examination of the accused before indictment 
 by juge d' instruction; harassing examination by the judge at the 
 trial; no cross examination by counsel; hearsay evidence admitted; 
 Judges take an active part in the trial (compare American and Eng- 
 lish practice). Since 1895 provision for reparation in case of con- 
 viction of innocent persons (compare England and the United 
 States.) 
 
 Administrative Courts: Jurisdiction of controversies between individuals 
 and the administrative authorities. Much criticized in England and 
 the United States. French courts no power to adjudge acts of the 
 legislature unconstitutional, but may refuse to enforce illegal exe- 
 cutive ordinances. 
 
 D. In Germany. Uniform system of law, procedure and judicial or- 
 ganization for all the empire. The judicial service is a profession. 
 Admission only after completion of prescribed course of study and 
 a state examination. All judges appointed for life and are irremov- 
 able except by the court of which they are members, sitting as a dis- 
 ciplinary tribunal. No transfer except with equal rank and pay. In 
 both Germany and France members of the bar are rarely appointed to 
 high judicial position. (Contrary practice in England and U. S.) As in 
 France the courts are collegial in organization; rarely held by a 
 single judge. Jury trial in criminal cases (8 out of 12 may return a 
 verdict.) As in France there are special administrative, commercial 
 and industrial courts. Different from France, however, the admin- 
 istrative judges are irremovable by the government. 
 
 2. Local Government. 
 
 A. In thie United States the right of local self-government is regarded 
 as an essential feature of democracy. Counties, cities, villages and 
 townships elect their own officials and determine their own policies. 
 Local officials are rarely appointed by the central government and 
 except in a very few states none of them may be removed by the 
 governor. Nor is the local administration subject to the control of 
 the central government. But the powers of the local government are 
 in general only such as are granted to them by the constitution or by 
 acts of the legislature. (Note that some cities have "home rule" 
 charters). 
 
 Query: Since many local officials (sheriffs, mayors, health officers 
 and the like) are charged with the enforcement of state 
 laws, should not the governor have the power to direct or 
 even dismiss them? 
 
 B. In England. The local areas, counties, cities, boroughs, districts 
 and parishes have popularly elected councils which in turn choose 
 most of the local administrative officials. Large powers of self-gov- 
 
 18 
 
ernment have been conferred upon them by acts of Parliament. 
 Some of their activities, however, such as those relating to police, 
 care of the poor, education, public health and the like are subject to 
 a certain control by the central government. Few officials elected 
 by the people; but are chosen by the council. 
 
 C. In France. The local areas have popularly elected councils, and 
 mayors of towns and cities are chosen by the municipal councils 
 but their powers are very much limited. Many local officials are 
 appointed by the central government at Paris or its representatives 
 in the locality and many acts of mayors and of city councils require 
 the approval of the central authorities. The control and tutelage 
 exercised by the central authorities over the local governments are 
 a survival of the Napoleonic Empire and have been much criticized 
 in recent years by French writers. 
 
 D. In Prussia. The provinces have local assemblies but they are not 
 elected by the people. The assemblies could be dissolved by the 
 Crown and many of their acts required the approval of the Crown 
 or a minister. The circle (K raise) councils are indirectly chosen 
 under a complicated system which gives the preponderance of power 
 to the large landowners and manufacturers. They are largely under 
 the control of a central official called the Land rath. Town and city 
 councils are chosen according to a three-class system of suffrage 
 which keeps the control within the hands of the large tax payers. 
 Mayors are elected by the municipal councils. In none of the local 
 areas have the people any share in the election of administrative 
 officials. Prussian municipal government is government by trained 
 experts; on the whole it has been efficient but it is very undemo- 
 cratic. Compare the view of: Prof. SchmoUer of the University of 
 Berlin: "self government means class rule and corruption; demo- 
 cratic government usually brings forth capitalistic, class rule, cor- 
 ruption, buying of votes and an uncertain changeable foreign policy." 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Ch. 19. Lowell, Ch. 4; pp. 122-130; 
 135-150; 276. 
 
 19 
 
VII. GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES 
 
 1. The British Empire: Growth, population, nature and extent of. 
 
 A. The British Colonies are not tributaries; they make no contributions 
 to the Imperial treasury; they have their own protective tariffs. 
 
 B. Forms of Colonial Government. 
 
 1. The self governing colonies. Their relation to the Empire. 
 
 2. The Crown Colonies. 
 
 3. India. Recent reforms and proposed reforms. 
 
 4. The protectorates. 
 
 5. The government of Ireland. 
 
 C. The Problem of Imperial Federation. Note that none of the British 
 Colonies are represented in Parliament. Why? But in 1918 there 
 was a colonial representative in the Cabinet. 
 
 2. American Territories and Dependencies. 
 
 A. Policy in respect to the domestic territories. Extension of the con- 
 stitution and gradual introduction of local self-government. Repre- 
 sentation in Congress. Ultimate admission to the Union as states. 
 
 B. Policy in respect to the insular possessions. Extension of the Con- 
 stitution. 
 
 1. Military government. 
 
 2. Civil government. Local legislatures; veto power of Congress; 
 governor and principal officers appointed by the President; rep- 
 resentation in Congress; inhabitants made citizens of the United 
 States (except Filippinos). 
 
 C. Results: educational, economic and political. 
 
 D. American semi-Protectorates: Cuba, Hayti, San Domingo and 
 Panama. 
 
 3. The French Colonial Empire: (a) in Africa, (b) insular possessions. 
 
 A. Tunis, Algeria and Madagascar. 
 
 B. Morocco and the Protectorates. 
 
 C. The French West Indies. 
 
 Note that the French Colonies are represented in Parliament. 
 
 4. The German Colonial Empire. How acquired, extent, population. 
 
 A. Extension of the bureaucratic system to the African Colonies. No 
 representation in Parliament. The Kaiser was "protector" of all the 
 1 20 
 
colonies and except as to judicial matters his authority was un- 
 limited. 
 
 B. Loss of the German Colonies during the late War. Problem of their 
 disposition. 
 
 C. Government of Alsace-Lorraine, Poland and Schleswig-Holstein. No 
 liberty of speech or of press. Political policy in respect to Alsace- 
 Lorraine. Compare American treatment of Porto Rico and the Philip- 
 pines; also English policy in respect to non-English races, e.g. in 
 Canada and South Africa. Is the English government of Ireland com- 
 parable in any respect to the German government of Poland? 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Ch. 16. Lowell, Ch. 5; pp. 295-298. 
 
 2i 
 
VIII. POLITICAL PARTIES AND ISSUES 
 
 In England. 
 
 A. The historical parties of England were the Whigs and Tories. Ahout 
 1835 the Whigs came to be called Liberals and the name Tory was 
 displaced by the term Conservative. Since that time the control of 
 the government has alternated between the two parties (Liberals 
 in control since 1906). In 1896 a section of the Liberal party refused 
 to follow the majority on the question of home rule for Ireland and 
 formed a party known as the Liberal Unionists. They ultimately 
 joined the Conservatives. 
 
 B. The Liberal party has laid special stress on the liberty of the in- 
 dividual, freedom of trade and contract, equality before the law, 
 extension of the suffrage, the reform of parliament, and the removal 
 of the disabilities of dissenters. It has been the party of home rule 
 for Ireland, it has combatted high protective tariffs, disestablished 
 the church in Wales, laid heavy taxes on land and unearned incre- 
 ment, shorn the House of Lords of much of its power, made liberal 
 provision for elementary education, opposed church control of the 
 schools and enacted much social reform legislation. Stronghold of 
 this party in Western England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland. 
 
 C. The Conservative party has been the traditional supporter of the 
 existing order of things; it has defended the monarchy and the 
 House of Lords; it has been the party of imperialism and of pro- 
 tective tariffs, (though it favors preferential treatment of the col- 
 onies); it has opposed heavy income and inheritance taxes; com- 
 batted radicalism in social and economic matters; advocated a 
 referendum on bills rejected by the House of Lords; favored the 
 retention of plural voting; opposed home rule for Ireland, etc. 
 Note, however, that the Conservative party has cooperated with the 
 Liberals in the enactment of many important measures of a social, 
 economic and political character. 
 
 D. The Labor Party. Of recent origin. (In 1906, 54 representatives of 
 labor were elected to Parliament). It has generally acted with the 
 Liberal party. Liberal party took over large part of program of 
 Labor party. Socialism and trades unionism coalesced. Labor party 
 favors legislation in the interest of the working classes, of women, 
 children, the aged and the infirm; government ownership; taxation 
 of incomes, inheritances and unearned increment; feeding of school 
 children at public expense; old age pensions, etc. Note that in Eng- 
 land labor representatives are sometimes appointed to places in the 
 
 22 
 
cabinet. The influence of the Labor party has been out of proportion 
 to its strength in Parliament. Why? 
 
 E. The Nationalist Party. An Irish party whose chief object is home 
 rule for Ireland. 
 
 F. The Sinn Fein Party. An Irish party which demands absolute in- 
 dependence for Ireland. 
 
 In France: 
 
 A. 1914-18. Conservatives and Liberals ; 1871-76 Monarchists and Repub- 
 licans; 1876-1919 various Republican groups. 
 
 B. Rise of the Radical party in the early 80's. A party of social reform. 
 
 C. 1893, Socialists elect 50 representatives to the chamber of Deputies. 
 Two groups (a) independents; (b) unifies. 1899 a Socialist (Miller- 
 and) becomes a member of the Cabinet. 
 
 D. 1898, appearance of the Socialist-Radical party. Differs from Socialist 
 party only in degree. Strongly anti-clerical and anti-individualistic. 
 Favors social reform, secular education, decentralization, more de- 
 mocracy. These three groups about 1898 constituted a bloc which 
 has controlled parliament until now (parties of the Left). Other 
 groups constitute the Right. 
 
 E. The General Confederation of Labor. Largely a part of revolution- 
 ary syndicalism. Advocates class war and violence. Weapons: the 
 general strike, boycott, and sabotage. Anti-miliaristic and "anti- 
 patriotic". 
 
 F. Note that the characteristic feature of the French party system is 
 the existence of a multiplicity of parties and groups. What is its 
 effect on the working of the parliamentary system? Note also that 
 in France national issues do not play the part that they do in 
 England and the United States; that the organization of parties is 
 very much like that of a club; and that candidates are not nominated 
 by popular vote. 
 
 In Germany 
 
 A. The two historic parties were the Conservatives and Liberals, the 
 former being the supporters of the government. They were mainly 
 a party of the landed aristocracy. Each group gradually broke up 
 into two groups: (a) Conservatives and Free Conservatives; (b) 
 National Liberals and Radicals. Bismark's reliance was upon the 
 National Liberals until 1879. 
 
 B. Rise of the Centre party (Clericals) in the early 70's, essentially 
 catholic. Combatted radicalism, defended the rights of the states 
 and opposed secularization of the schools. Elected 60 members to 
 Reichstag 1871. By 1903 strongest party in the Reichstag (102 mem- 
 bers). 1879 Bismark turned to this party for support. 1894-190a 
 formed alliance with Conservatives, ("blue black" bloc). 
 
 23 
 
C. Existing Party groups in Germany 
 
 1. Conservatives (various groups). Stronghold in the country dis- 
 tricts (junker aristocracy). Defenders of the monarchy by grace 
 of God, opposed to popular government and responsibility of 
 ministers. Belief in state church and religious teaching in the 
 schools. Advocate militarism and imperialism. 
 
 2. Moderates (Clericals, Radical Liberals and National Liberals). 
 
 3. Social Democrats. Best organized and strongest party in the 
 Empire but inadequately represented in the Reichstag.( Scarcely 
 represented at all in the Prussian legislature). Government 
 repression of, 1878-90. Attitude of Emperor toward. No repre- 
 sentation in the ministry until 1918. Favors responsibility of 
 ministers, universal suffrage (including women), direct voting, 
 secret ballot, redistribution of seats in Parliament, the initiative 
 and referendum, proportional representation, freedom of speech, 
 press, and assembly, secularization of the schools, income and 
 inheritance taxes, international arbitration, militia in the place 
 of a standing army, etc. 
 
 4. Minor parties: Poles, Anti-Semites, Guelfs, Alsatians, Danes. 
 
 5. (1919 various radical groups: Moderate Socialists, Independent 
 Socialists, "Sparticides", etc.) 
 
 4. In the United States 
 
 A. Early parties: Federalists and Anti-Federalists; 1830-54 Whigs and 
 Democrats; present parties: Republicans and Democrats. 
 
 B. The Republican party. Liberal interpretation of the Constitution, 
 extension of the powers of the national government, champion of 
 protective tariffs, colonial expansion, subsidies for the merchant 
 marine, negro suffrage. 
 
 C. The Democratic party. Strict interpretation of the Constitution, 
 states rights; individualism; opposition to protective tariffs, ship 
 subsidies, imperialism and extension of the powers of the national 
 government by "constructions" of the Constitution, But note that 
 neither party has always adhered strictly in practice to its traditional 
 principles. 
 
 X). Minor Parties: The Prohibition, Labor, Socialist and Progressive 
 (1912-16) parties. The I. W. W. 
 
 E. Attitude of Socialist parties toward the War 
 
 (a) In Germany the majority of the social Democratic party sup- 
 ported the war but a minority group in the Reichstag formed 
 an independent organization and issued a manifesto condemn- 
 ing the action of the majority for supporting the war policy of 
 the government. 
 
 (b) In France the Socialists supported the government's war policy 
 from the beginning until the end. 
 
 24 
 
(c) In the United States a national convention of the Socialist 
 party of America held at St. Louis, April 7, 1917, proclaimed 
 their "unalterable opposition to the war", called upon the 
 "workers of all countries to refuse to support their govern- 
 ments in their wars," declared the declaration of war against 
 Germany to be "a crime against the people of the United States 
 and against the nations of the world," asserted that there had 
 been "in all modern history no more unjustifiable war than this" 
 and that no "greater dishonor had ever been forced upon a 
 people." It urged upon all Socialists "continuous, active and 
 public opposition to the war" and "unyielding opposition to all 
 proposed legislation for conscription" (Amer. Year Book, 1917, 
 p. 395). Some of the more moderate Socialists protested against 
 these resolutions and subsequently withdrew from the party. 
 
 Queries: Why have the Socialist and Labor parties in the United 
 States played an insignificant role as compared with those 
 parties in Germany, France and England? (Only one 
 Socialist member of Congress at present; few in the state 
 legislatures). What is the explanation of the rapid growth 
 of those parties in Europe? To what extent are the 
 policies of the Social Democratic parties of Europe em- 
 bodied in the platforms and policies of the Democratic 
 and Republican parties in the United States? 
 
 F. Note that in the United States as in England the two-party system 
 has generally prevailed; that the organization and methods of politi- 
 cal parties are to some extent regulated by law; and that the parties 
 in most states nominate their candidates by direct popular vote. 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Chs. 14, 15, 24. Lowell, Ch. 3; pp. 
 151-166; 302-8. 
 
 26 
 
IX. EDUCATION; THE CHURCH; SOCIAL REFORM 
 
 Education 
 
 A. In the United States. No state monopoly of education but extensive 
 national, state and local aid to education. State Universities and 
 Colleges of Agriculture. Right to establish private schools and 
 higher institutions of learning allowed without restriction. Little 
 or no government control or supervision of private education. Priv- 
 ate institutions allowed to grant diplomas and certificates. No citizen 
 may be required to attend or support a sectarian school. Compulsory 
 attendance of children of school age. Women students on equal foot- 
 ing with men. 
 
 B. In England. No state monopoly of education. Many private schools, 
 and some privately supported colleges and universities. But limited 
 state supervision of private schools which receive state aid. Local 
 school authorities free to choose teachers and determine curricula 
 of studies. No religious tests required of teachers. Religious in- 
 struction not required by the state but church schools receive state 
 aid. Women students generally on equal footing with men. 
 
 C. In France. No state monopoly of education, although demanded by 
 the Radical party, to eliminate clerical influence of church schools. 
 Private schools and universities may be freely organized, though the 
 latter may not grant degrees and they are subject to State inspection. 
 Many church schools but no state aid for such schools. Clerical in- 
 fluence eliminated from public schools (secularization). Religion not 
 allowed to be taught in public schools but teaching of morality 
 required. 
 
 D. In Prussia. Education regarded as a function of the state. Educa- 
 tion determined by the state in accordance with the government's 
 
 views of state functions and power. Virtual state monopoly of edu- 
 cation. Nearly all schools, colleges and universities are maintained 
 by the State. Private schools may be founded only with the consent 
 of the State — a consent which is rarely given, (in 1911 only 480 pri- 
 vate schools in the Empire). No private universities, not even theo- 
 logical schools. Private schools are at all times subject to govern- 
 ment supervision and inspection. The government determines the 
 curriculum, approves text books, prescribes qualiflcations of teachers 
 and tests results by examinations. No freedom of teaching. Special 
 teachers of religion. Teaching of religion required in all schools. 
 Church authorities may visit, inspect and disapprove religious text 
 books. Women students hitherto not on equal footing with men. 
 Separate schools for girls. Not until 1909 were women admitted to 
 
 26 
 
all courses in the Pruasian Universities. "The mission of women may 
 be comprehended under the words Kuche, Kinder, Klrchc" (th« Em- 
 peror). The school system is pervaded by the military spirit, many 
 teachers being reserve officers. 
 
 Criticism of the German System. Excessive State control and interfer- 
 ence. Bureaucratic regulation destroys freedom and initiative of 
 teachers. Domination of the church (compare Paulsen, German Edu- 
 cation, pp. 177-186). 
 
 What are the merits of the German system? 
 
 2. Place of the Church in the State 
 
 A. In the United States. No state church. "Free church in a free 
 state". No taxation for support of religious worship, no compulsory 
 attendance upon religious worship. No teaching of religion required 
 in public schools. But church property exempt from taxation, state 
 protection of public worship, employment of chaplains in the army 
 and in legislative bodies, punishment of blasphemy (Christianity 
 a part of the common law) ; clergy permitted to celebrate marriages. 
 
 B. In England and Scotland. An etablished church, recognized and in 
 part supported by the State; creed prescribed by acts of Parliament; 
 church governed partly by statute law; King head of the church; 
 
 ' representation in Parliament; church courts formerly jurisdiction in 
 
 cases of a matrimonial and testamentary character, "Free" churches 
 in England — their legal position. Disestablishment of the church in 
 
 i Ireland (1868); in Wales (1914). Movement for disestablishment of 
 
 the church of England — respective attitudes of the Conservative and 
 
 Liberal parties. 
 
 -J ^\ 
 
 C In France. Until 1905 church and State united. Catholic, protestant 
 and Jewish clergy paid by the State. Head of the State nominated 
 the bishops and archbishops. Church largely controlled education. 
 ' Alleged hostility toward the Republic. Schools secularized (1882) 
 
 teaching by religious orders prohibited (1904), Concordat abrogated 
 and church disestablished (1905). All religious sects now on equal 
 footing and clergy supported by church membership. 
 
 D. In Prussia. Close connection between church and state. Evangelical 
 State church. Prussian minister of ecclesiastical affairs. Struggle 
 between the Catholic church and the State (Kulturkampf), 1873- 
 1878. The Center party defenders of the Catholic church. Conser- 
 vative party: public schools should be under supervision of the 
 church. Social Democratic party would emancipate schools from 
 church domination (secularization) and bring about complete divorce 
 of church and state. 
 
 3. Social Progress and Reform. In each of the four countries here con- 
 sidered an immense amount of legislation in the interest of social reform 
 and humanitarian progress has been enacted in recent years. Factory 
 legislation originated in England, great attention has been given to 
 
 27 
 
prison reform and social settlement work; England has been the 
 classic land of "public relief" experimentation. The system of industrial 
 insurance against accidents, sickness and old age originated in Germany 
 nearly 40 years ago and has recently been introduced into England, 
 France and the United States. In England and France systems of old 
 age pensions have lately been introduced and workingmen's compensa- 
 tion legislation has been enacted in all four countries. In the United 
 States the liquor prohibition movement has made vastly more progress 
 than in either England, France or Germany. Charity organization has 
 received much attention in the United States; the organization of build- 
 ing and loan associations has provided a means by which workingmen. 
 may own their homes; and the introduction of the indeterminate sen- 
 tence, individualization in punishment, release of prisoners on parole and 
 the establishment of the juvenile court have greatly humanized the ad- 
 ministration of the criminal law. In England and the United States the 
 legal and political disabilities of women have been largely removed; in 
 France considerable progress has been made in this direction; in Ger- 
 many alone they are still without political rights. 
 
 Query: Why have the Social Democrats in Germany uniformly op- 
 posed the social reform schemes of the government? In 
 what respect has English policy been more in accord with 
 the spirit of democracy? i 
 
 28 
 
X. THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 
 
 International law is a body of rules, conventional and customary, which 
 civilized States regard as binding upon them in their mutual relations 
 with one another. 
 
 It differs from municipal (national) law in that it is not enacted by a 
 legislature and there is no sanction for its enforcement other than public 
 opinion. 
 
 Formerly the rules of international law consisted entirely of custom and 
 usage but much of it (especially the rules governing the conduct of states 
 in time of war) has now been reduced to written form and is embodied 
 in treaties and conventions. 
 
 Steps in the process of codification. 
 
 A. The declaration of Paris of 1856. 
 
 B. The Declaration of St. Petersburg 1868. 
 
 C. The Act of Brussels Congress of 1874 (unratified). 
 
 D. The Geneva Conventions of 1864 and 1906. 
 
 E. The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907. 
 
 F. The Declaration of London of 1909 (unratified). 
 
 G. War Manuals of different states. Compare the German War Code 
 
 with those of the United States, England and France. 
 
 Note that most of the Hague Conventions of 1907 were technically not 
 binding on any of the belligerents during the recent war because 
 several of the smaller belligerent powers had not ratified them. But 
 they were nevertheless generally regarded as binding. Moreover 
 such of their provisions as were merely declaratory of the existing 
 law of nations were legally binding. 
 
 Violations of international law during tlie recent war: 
 
 Invasion of neutral States; alleged blockade of neutral ports; extension 
 of the doctrine of contraband; destruction of neutral merchant ves- 
 sels, hospital ships and vessels engaged on missions of philanthropy; 
 violations of the Red Cross Convention; employment of prohibited 
 instruments and methods; unlawful contributions, fines and requisi- 
 tions; maltreatment of prisoners and hostages; deportation of civi- 
 lian populations; forced labor for military purposes; unlawful bom- 
 bardments by land, sea and air; outrages against non-combatants, 
 etc. 
 
 29 
 
6. The German theory of military necessity and the right of reprisal 
 
 7. Ineffectiveness of international law 
 Possible means of strengthening it: 
 
 (a) By application of the rules of the criminal law: trial and pmi- 
 inishment of individual violators of the law. 
 
 (b) By holding the governments of the violating belligerents re- 
 sponsible for damages resulting from violations of the law of 
 nations. 
 
 (c) By the collective intervention of neutral powers in behalf of a 
 nation whose rights have been flagrantly disregarded by another 
 State in violation of the rules of International law. 
 
 (d) By the establishment of a league of nations to compel states 
 to respect their international obligations and to submit their 
 controversies to the decision of an international tribunal. 
 (League to enforce law.) 
 
 8. Possible means of averting wars in the future: I 
 
 (a) Compulsory disarmament. 
 
 (b) Voluntary substitution of judicial methods for the settlement' 
 
 of disputes in the place of recourse to armed force. ; 
 
 I 
 
 (c) Establishment of a system of universal obligatory international 
 arbitration. 
 
 Queries: To what extent has arbitration been resorted to in prac- 
 tice for the settlement of international differences? Give 
 some American examples. With what countries has the 
 United States arbitration treaties at the present time? 
 What classes of disputes are excluded from their appli- 
 cation? What has been the attitude of the German gov-v 
 ernment toward arbitration? What is an international I 
 commission of inquiry? What were Mr. Bryan's "wait-a- 
 year" treaties? Do you think secret diplomacy and the| 
 existence of secret treaties were in any sense responsible'; 
 for the late war? Was the system of alliances between 
 certain European pov/ers prior to the war conducive to 
 the general peace? 
 
 Required Reading: Text of the Hague Convention respecting the Laws 
 and Customs of War on Land; Garner, the German War Code. 
 (Copies on reserve in general library.) 
 
XI. AMERICAN WAR AIMS IN RELATION TO GOVERNMENT AND 
 LIBERTY— PROBLEM OF INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION 
 AND REORGANIZATION 
 
 President Wilson: "The object of this war is to deliver the free peoples 
 of the world from the menace and the actual power of a vast military 
 establishment, controlled by an irresponsible government which having 
 secretly planned to dominate the world, proceeded to carry the plan out 
 without regard either to the sacred obligations of treaty or the long 
 established practices and long cherished principles, of international ac- 
 tion and honor." (Reply to the Pope's Peace Appeal). 
 
 "These are the ends for which the associated peoples of the world 
 are fighting and which must be conceded them before there can be peace: 
 
 1. The destruction of every arbitrary power anjnvhere that can separ- 
 ately, secretly, and of its single choice disturb the peace of the 
 world; or, if it can not be presently destroyed, at the least its re- 
 duction to virtual impotence. 
 
 2. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, 
 of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis 
 of the free acceptance of that settlement by the people immediately 
 concerned, and not upon the basis of material interest or advantage 
 of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement 
 for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery. 
 
 3. The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward 
 
 each other by the same principles of honor and of respect for the 
 common law of civilized society that govern the individual citizens 
 of all modern states in their relations with one another; to the end 
 that all promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private 
 plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with im- 
 punity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation 
 of a mutual respect for right. 
 
 4. The establishment of an organization of peace, which shall make it 
 certain that the combined power of free nations will check every 
 invasion of right and serve to make peace and justice the more 
 secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must 
 submit and by which every international readjustment that can not 
 be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be 
 sanctioned. 
 
 These great objects can be put in a single sentence. What we seek 
 is the reign of law, based upon the consent of the governed and sustained 
 
 31 
 
by the organized opinion of mankind." (President Wilson, address at 
 Mount Vernon, July 4, 1918.) 
 
 Probliem of International Cooperation and Reorganization 
 
 A. Proposed League of Nations. Objects: 
 
 (a) to establish and enforce the rules of international law. 
 
 (b) to compel nations to submit their non-justiciable disputes to 
 examination and report by an international commission of in- 
 quiry and their justiciable disputes to arbitration. 
 
 B. The organization of the League. (Should Germany be admitted to 
 membership?) Establishment of an International Court of Justice; 
 an international police force; an international legislative body. 
 
 C. Means of enforcing the will of the League: 
 (a) Diplomatic. 
 
 (a) Economic pressure, boycotts, non-intercourse. 
 
 (c) Use of force. 
 
 D. Practical difficulties in the way of the organization of the League 
 and the enforcement of its will. 
 
 Query: Would the entrance of the United States into such a League 
 be in contravention of our traditional policy in respect to 
 entangling alliances? 
 
 E. Existing examples of international cooperation. (The universal 
 postal and other unions). Note that the countries belonging to the 
 universal postal union have agreed to arbitrate all disputes arising 5 
 over the interpretation of the Convention creating the Union. 
 
 F. Proposal for the creation of a super-national state embracing the 
 great body of existing states. Is it desirable and practicable? 
 
 Required Reading: Beard and Ogg, Chs. 27-28; Historical Light on the i 
 League to Enforce Peace; pamphlet, League of Nations (No. 131) ;| 
 Becker, America's War Aims and Peace Program. Copies on reserve | 
 in the general library. 
 
 32 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 
 OF THE GREAT WAR 
 
 Prepared for the Committee 
 
 in Charge of the Course in War Issues 
 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 by 
 
 LAURENCE M. LARSON 
 
 PRICE TWENTY-FIVE CENTS 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS 
 
 URBANA 
 
AN OUTLINE 
 
 OF THET 
 
 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 
 OF THE GREAT WAR 
 
 Prepared for the Committee 
 
 in Charge of the Course in War Issues 
 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 LAURENCE M. LARSON 
 
 Professor of History 
 
 PRICE TWENTI'-FIVE CENTS 
 
 /^■N 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Purpoee.— By direction of the War Department, the University of Illi- 
 nois is giving this year a Course on the Issues of the War for members of the 
 Student Army Training Corps. The purpose of this course is to give the 
 citizen soldier an intelligent appreciation of the importance for civilization 
 of the great conflict in which he is called to take his part. This purpose 
 can not be accomplished merely by listening to eloquent speeches; it re- 
 quires serious study. With this end in view, the instruction has been or- 
 ganized as follows: 
 
 War Issues I.— The first quarter will be mainly devoted to the historical 
 background of the war, with due attention to geographic and economic, as 
 well as political factors; the reasons for American participation will be 
 studied in the President's addresses and elsewhere. In the second and third 
 quarters, the ideals of the belligerent nations will be studied in their gov- 
 ernments, their philosophies, and their literatures. This outline covers the 
 work of the first quarter only. 
 
 Each student will attend one lecture a week and two section meetings 
 for discussion, as indicated in the Time Table published by the Registrar's 
 Office. The section meetings will be devoted to oral discussion and written 
 work. In these discussions, which will be based partly on the lectures and 
 partly on required reading, students are encouraged to ask questions freely 
 and every effort will be made to help them in thinking out their problems. 
 
 Written and Spoken English.— Clearness and accuracy in speech and 
 writing are essential qualities of a good officer and will be insisted upon in 
 this course. There will be one or more short written exercises each week 
 prepared In the class room or out of it at the discretion of the instructor. 
 Each student will be required to keep a note-book and to take brief but 
 orderly notes on bis lectures and reading. 
 
 Books Required. — The time required for pieparation will be the same as 
 for other University courses for which three hours credit is given. For this 
 outside study each student will need to secure the following books in ad- 
 dition to this outline: Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, McKInley, Col- 
 lected Materials on the Study of the War; and the following pamphlets: 
 The War Cyclopedia, Conquest and Kultur, and Hazen's Qovernment of 
 Germany. The total cost will be about four dollars. The topics to be cov- 
 ered and the readings assigned are indicated in the following pages of this 
 outline. 
 
 War Issues 2. — This is a combination of War Issues 1 with additional 
 training in English composition based largely on topics connected with the 
 subject matter of the course. In addition to the lecture, there will be three 
 discussion meetings, making four hours in all and entitling the student to 
 four hours credit. 
 
 EVARTS B. GREENE, 
 
 University of Illinois. Sept 27. 1918. 
 
I. GEOGRAPHICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. 
 
 Certain prominent physical facts. 
 
 a. Rivers, lakes, and mountains: important cliiefly as natural defenses. 
 
 (1) The Seine river system: a complex of rivers cutting the region 
 between Paris and the German frontier (the Marne, the Vesle, 
 the Aisne, the Oise, etc.); of great importance as obstructions to 
 German progress, especially since the Germans took the Belgian 
 route. 
 
 (2) The river system of northeastern Italy; note the importance of the 
 Piave and neighboring streams in the last Austrian offensive. 
 
 (3) The rivers of western Russia; note their general directions; of 
 great importance in the Russian retreat, 1915. 
 
 (4) The Masurian lakes: fatal to the Russian invasion of Prussia, 1914. 
 
 (5) The Alps, the Carpathians, and the Vosges; note that the trench 
 lines in the Vosges are only a dozen miles from the Rhine. 
 
 b. Military routes. 
 
 (1) The Tigris valley; the Tigris is also important as a navigable 
 stream. 
 
 (2) The Vardar-Morava valley (Balkans): the route of the Teutonic ad- 
 vance through Serbia southward. 
 
 (3) The lower Danube: important in the Teutonic invasion of Ru- 
 mania. 
 
 c. Waterways and narrow seas. 
 
 (1) The Dardanelles: note the effect of the closing of these straits 
 on Russian participation in the war. 
 
 (2) The Suez Canal, 
 
 (3) Strait of Gibraltar. '* 
 
 (4) The English Channel: note that the better harbors are on the 
 English side of the Channel. 
 
 (5) The Orkney route. 
 
 (6) The entrance to the Baltic. 
 
 d. The North Sea: shallow in places; extensive sandbanks; good chan- 
 nels near the German coast rare; Germany practically immune from 
 invasion. 
 
 Economic factors. -See Collected Materials, 90. 
 
 a. Coal fields of Germany and Austria. 
 
 b. Iron mines of Germany and Austria; note the fact that Germany has 
 also had access to the iron products of Sweden. 
 
 c. Oil fields of Galicia, Rumania and the Caucasus. 
 
 d. Wheat fields of Hungary and southern Russia. 
 
 e. The vast mineral wealth and industrial establishments of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 f. The phosphates deposits of Alsace; Gei'man monopoly of potash. 
 
 Advantages and disadvantages of position and location. 
 
 a. Note the fact that Germany occupies a central place in Europe and 
 that she has found it comparatively easy to shift men and materials 
 from front to front. In this respect the allies have been at a disad- 
 vantage; communication across the Channel is easy, but the western 
 powers have found it almost impossible to assist Russia or Serbia. 
 
 6 
 
Note the fact that England controls all the waterways that allow the 
 central powers to communicate with the larger world: Suez Canal. 
 Strait of Gibraltar, the Channel, the Orkney route. 
 Note that after the Dardanelles and the Danish straits had been 
 closed Russia had only two outlets, Archangel and Vladivostok; dis- 
 tance and climate are important in this case ; today all the Russian out- 
 lets are sealed. 
 
II. GERMANY BECOMES A WORLD POWER. 1864-1875. 
 The Unification of Germany. 
 
 a. The causes. 
 
 (1) The hopelessly inefficient organization of the German Confeder- 
 ation: a union of princes, not of states. 
 
 (2) The rivalry within the Confederation of Prussia and Austria, both 
 claiming leadership. (It is important to note that the aspirations 
 of Austria lay largely outside Germany.) 
 
 (3) Bismarck; prime minister; most important man in Prussia; of tre- 
 mendous force, unusual abilities and ruthless methods (blood and 
 iron); opposed to democracy and popular control of government; 
 ambitious to remodel the Confederation and secure the leader- 
 ship for autocratic Prussia. 
 
 b. The means: the Prussian army; aggressive v/arfare. 
 
 (1) 1864. The German states attack Denmark and deprive the Danes 
 of Schles'vvig-Holstein. 
 
 (2) 1866. Prussia and Austria quarrel over the spoils; the Seven 
 Weeks' War; Prussia is victorious and annexes Schleswig-Hol- 
 stein, also several German states — 4,500,000 new subjects; organ- 
 izes North German Confederation (1867). 
 
 Note: these wars secured for Prussia the important naval station 
 Kiel and the future site of the Kiel Canal. 
 
 (3) 1870-1S71, July to January. The Franco-Prussian War; results: 
 
 (a) France loses her position as first power in Continental Eu- 
 rope; becomes a republic. 
 
 (b) The South German states join the North German Confedera- 
 tion to form the German Empire. 
 
 (c) In the treaty of Frankfort the Germans take Alsace and Lor- 
 raine and exact an indernxUity of $1,000,000,000; the Rhine be- 
 comes a German river; the boundary is pushed to the Vosges. 
 
 (d) The problem of Alsace-Lorraine dates from this treaty; it is 
 kept alive and vigorous by Prussian efforts at Germanization. 
 Note the importance of the iron fields of Lorraine; interesting 
 parallels may also be drawn between the plans of campaign 
 of 1S70 and 1914. 
 
 c. The result: the new German Empire. 
 
 (1) The most populous state in Europe excepting Russia; highly cen- 
 tralized in government — organized for efficiency rather than to 
 secure civil rights; had developed the most efficient educational 
 system in Europe from this point of view. 
 
 (2) Militaristic: had the most efficient army in Europe; the Germans 
 had great faith in the Prussian army— it had been victorious in 
 three wars and had brought territorial increase and indemnity. 
 
 (3) Autocratic: Prussia controlled, and Prussia was ruled according 
 to the ideas of Bismarck. 
 
 ^) The first power on the Continent: on terms of friendship with Rus- 
 sia and Austria (league of the three Caesars, 1872-1878). 
 The government of Germany. 
 a. Prussia controls; has 236 of 397 membei's in the Reichstag (lower 
 
 house) ; is able to veto important measures in the Bundesrath (upper 
 
 7 
 
house); king of Prussia is emperor. (The Prussian Landtag, legis- 
 lature, is not a representative body; it is chosen and dominated largely 
 by the Junkers and the wealthier classes; compare the British House 
 
 of Commons.) 
 
 b. Emperor controls foreign policy; executive officials responsible to 
 the emperor; government not in any sense democratic; administration 
 not responsible to the legislature. 
 
 c. Oppressive as weil as autocratic; treatment of subject races (French- 
 men, Danes, Poles) unintelligent and brutal. 
 
 3. Note: the development of self-confidence, arrogance, and chauvinism 
 
 among the Germans is due largely to military success, profits from war, 
 
 and swift rise to power among nations. 
 Literature. 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 74-116, 163-177. 
 
 *Hazen, Government of Germany (16 pp.). 
 
 *War Cyclopedia; see under "Autocracy," "Alsace-Lorraine," "Bundes- 
 
 rath," "German Constitution," "German Empire," "Kaiserism," "Kiel 
 
 Canal," "Reichstag," "Schleswig-Holstein." 
 
 Notestein and Stoll, Conquest and Kultur (Jan., 1918), 11-41. 
 
 Note: An asterisk (*) indicates required reading. 
 Map Study: — McKinlej'-, Collected Materials, 92: growth of Prussia and 
 
 Germany; on the opposite page note the fact that the German language 
 
 area extends southeastward into Austria. 
 
III. THE BALKAN PROBLEMS TAKE FORM, 1875-1887 
 
 1. Important geographical facts 
 
 a. Constantinople and the straits: gatewaj^ of the Black Sea. 
 
 b. Saloniki: most important port on the Aegean Sea; route from Saloniki 
 northward along Vardar River. 
 
 c. Macedonia: most difficult problem in the peninsula, population a com- 
 plex of mutually hostile races. 
 
 d. Albania: backward mountain country; Albanians a nation but incap- 
 able of self-government. 
 
 2. Conflicting ambitions in the Balkans 
 
 Turkey anxious to maintain her territorial integrity. 
 
 Russia planniHg for an outlet through the straits; this might make the 
 control of Constantinople necessary; closing of the straits by Turks 
 and Germans in 1914 made it impossible for Russia to hold her own in 
 a long war. 
 
 Greece ambitious to annex Greek lands around the Aegean. 
 
 Bulgarians striving for national existence and independence. 
 
 Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro eager for complete independence and 
 enlargement of territories. 
 
 Austria hoping to annex Turkish territory to the Aegean: Bosnia, the Var- 
 dar valley, Saloniki. 
 
 3. Revolutionary movements; the Russo-Turkish War 
 
 1875. Revolt in the northwest (Herzegovina); the movement spreads. 
 
 1876. The Bulgars rebel; "Bulgarian atrocities." 
 1877-1878. Turks defeated in war with Russia. 
 
 1878. Treaty of San Stefano and the Congress of Berlin. 
 
 4. Congress of Berlin (noted chiefly for failure and error; the present war 
 dates from its sessions; its settlement was largely the work of Disraeli 
 and Bismarck) : 
 
 a. Failed to put an end to the Turkish regime in Europe; made possible 
 the present close connection between Turkey and Germany. 
 
 b. Failed to carry out fully the principles of nationality: gave independ- 
 ence to Serbia and Rumania but left millions of Serbs and Rumanians 
 outside the boundaries of these states; did not satisfy the ambitions 
 of the Greeks; divided the Bulgarian lands into three parts, leaving 
 one part wholly under Turkish rule. 
 
 c. Gave the control of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria; an important 
 Austrian advance toward the head of the Vardar valley. 
 
 d. Failed to deal with the Macedoinaii problem. 
 
 e. Note: (a) Serajevo is capital of Bosnia; (b) the "Saloniki front" 
 was established largely to prevent Austria from reaching Saloniki. 
 
 f. Compare the territorial arrangements of the treaty of San Stefano with 
 
 the settlement of the Congress of Berlin. 
 
 5. The Triple Alliance and the Dual Enieiite grew out of the settlement at 
 Berlin. 
 
 a. Austria got two provinces without taking part in the war; Russia 
 gained very little; Bismarck forced to choose between Austria and 
 Russia chose to support Austria; Russia angry and humiliated; League 
 of the Three Emperors dissolved. 
 
 9 
 
b. 1879, Austria and Germany form a Dual Alliance. 
 
 c. France was encouraged (at Congress of Berlin) to seize Tunis; Italy 
 looked on Tunis as her own future possession; disappointed she joined 
 the Dual Alliance which nov/ became the Triple Alliance, 1882. 
 
 d. France seeks a friend and ally in Russia: Dual Entente finally formed, 
 1893. 
 
 5. Later developments in the Balkans 
 
 1881, Rumania a kingdom; 1882, Serbia a kingdom. 
 
 1885. The two Bulgarias united; 1887; Ferdinand prince of Bulgaria 
 (later Tsar). 
 
 Literature. 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 187-223, 246-254, 283-289. 
 Hazen, iVIodern European History, 395-396; 462-463; 540-555. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia; see under "Balkan Problems," "Bosnia-Herzegovina," 
 "Bulgaria," "Congress of Berlin," "Constantinople," "Ferdinand I," 
 "Macedonia." "Saloniki," "Serajevo," "Serbia," "Triple Alliance." 
 
 Map Study. 
 
 Holt and Chilton, 214: the settlement of 1878. 
 
 Collected Materials, 88: Balkan peninsula; note especially the river val- 
 leys ; in mountainous countries these form the obvious routes and high- 
 ways in times of war as well as of peace; note that the Morava and 
 the Vardar valleys form an almost continuous route from the Austrian 
 frontier to the Aegean Sea; at present an important railway runs 
 southward through these valleys. 
 
 10 
 
IV. ECONOMIC EXPANSION OF GERfi^ANY: COLONIAL RIVALRIES 
 
 1. Industrial resources: cheap labor; a limited supply of coal and iron. 
 
 2. Industrial needs 
 
 a. Raw materials: cotton, silk, wool, rubber, copper, precious metals, 
 minerals, woods, etc. 
 
 b. Markets at home and abroad. 
 
 c. Food supply : at maximum efficiency of agriculture Germany can pro- 
 vide food for 50,000,000; but Germany's industrial development has led 
 to a decline in agriculture. 
 
 3. Industrial growth: tremendous development of manufacturing in Saxony 
 
 and the Rhine country (note location of Essen) ; great activity in ship- 
 building; stead}^ growth of foreign commerce — almost trebled in 40 
 years. 
 
 4. Economic policy. Bismarck 
 
 a. Protective tariff, 1879: to stimulate manufacturing; to close Grerman 
 markets to foreigners. 
 
 b. Concessions to foreign traders in order to secure concessions (mark- 
 ets) in return. 
 
 c. State socialism to conserve labor: various forms of state insurance 
 against unemployment, sickness, old age, etc; 1883-1889. 
 
 d. Colonial expansion: to secure raw materials, markets, and homes for 
 surplus population. Bismarck was at first opposed to this policy; ac- 
 cepted it about 1883. 
 
 5. "The scramble for Africa," 1880-1890. 
 
 a. France crosses the Sahara from Algiers and Tunis and takes posses.- 
 sion of the greater part of Sudan. 
 
 b. England works her way from the Cape northward nearly 2000 miles; 
 occupies Egypt 1882; Cecil Rhodes plans Cape to Cairo Railway. 
 
 c. The king of Belgium organizes a state in the Congo valley (1885); 
 this has since become a Belgian dependency. 
 
 d. Germany takes possession of Togoland, Kamerun, Southwest Africa 
 (1884) and German East Africa (1885). 
 
 e. Outcome: Germany secured nearly 800,000 square miles of African 
 territory but was not satisfied; note that most of these colonies are 
 located near the Equator and therefore not suitable for settlement by 
 Germans; the soil in Southwest Africa is not fertile. The plan: ex- 
 tensive possessions in the Tropics for exploitation; colonies in temper- 
 ate regions for settlement. 
 
 Note: the Allies have seized all the German colonies in Africa and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 6. Rivalry with England. 
 a. Commercial. 
 
 (1) English merchants at a disadvantage in Germany because of the 
 high German tariff; English markets open to Germans; English 
 irritated; parliament (1887) enacted that all German wares offered 
 for sale in the British Isles should be marked "made in Germany." 
 
 11 
 
(2) England owned half of all the tonnage on the seas; Germans built 
 vigorously; but England built more than all the rest of the world. 
 Germans irritated. 
 
 (3) German commerce gained steadily on that of England till 1909; 
 since then English trade has advanced more rapidly. 
 
 b. Colonial: England has an empire of nearly 13,000,000 square miles, in- 
 cluding India, Egypt, Australia, and much more; German writers have 
 demanded that England share with Germany. 
 
 Note: England has applied the principle of colonial self-government 
 more extensively and thoroughly than any other European country. 
 
 Literature 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 264-279, 295-299, 317-340. 
 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 368-382, 403-408, 499-514. 
 *War Cyclopedia; see under "Coal and Iron," "German Colonies," "Ger- 
 man Southwest Africa," "Krupp." 
 ♦Conquest and Kultur, 47-51, 71-74. 
 
 Map study 
 
 Collected Materials, 90; maps of coal and iron deposits; note the distribu- 
 tion of coal and iron fields in central Europe, particularly the iron 
 regions of Belgium and Lorraine. 
 
 Holt and Chilton, 334: Africa; note the location of the German colonies 
 with reference to the Equator; note also that Walfisch Bay and Zanzi- 
 bar, the commercial outlets of German Southwest Africa and German 
 East Africa respectively, are British possessions. (Germany in 1890 
 exchanged her claims to Zanzibar for Heligoland, see Holt and Chilton, 
 174, for location of Heligoland.) . 
 
 12 
 
V. THE RIVALRY OF ENGLAND AND GERMANY ON THE HIGH SEAS; 
 
 THE ENTENTES. 
 
 1. 1871-1914; no war in Europe (except in the Balkans), but nearly all the 
 great powers armed to the teeth; old hostilities alive underneath the 
 armor: armed peace. 
 
 a. Militarism: to maintain huge standing armies, professedly for defense, 
 actually for aggressive purposes. In 1914 Germany had the greatest, 
 best equipped, and most efficient army in Europe; England alone of 
 all the powers had no great military establishment. 
 
 h. "Navalism": Germany has charged England with "navalism," excess- 
 ive development of her navy. England tries to maintain a "two-power 
 standard:" a navy equal to any other two. The character of the Brit- 
 ish Empire is such that large and swift-sailing men-of-war alone can 
 hold it together. 
 
 c. A navy is essentially a weapon for defense; militarism is far more 
 dangerous than naval development; but a combination of militarism 
 and "navalism" is the greatest menace to the world's peace. 
 
 d. The German army is an element of influence in the government; in 
 England the military is held to be subordinate to the civil authority; 
 the contrast is important. 
 
 2. The development of the German Navy. 
 
 1897. Von Tirpitz becomes secretary of the navy; continues as such to 
 1916; policy: (1) to make the German navy so strong that it would be 
 dangerous for any nation to attack it; (2) to develop a high seas fleet 
 
 1898. German Navy League formed; to develop sentiment for a great 
 navy; 200,000 members in 1900. Naval power increased. 
 
 1900. Further increase in German navy. 
 
 1906. New navy law; rivalry with England grows more intense. 
 1908. Navy law: four battle-ships to be built yearly. 
 1912. Further increase in ships and men. 
 
 Note: a parallel development of the German merchant marine promoted 
 by government subsidies. 
 
 3. Naval Policy of England 
 
 a. To maintain the two-power standard: 1904, Sir John Fisher appointed 
 first sea lord; designs the first Dreadnought, ready for action, 1906. 
 
 b. To strengthen fieet in the home waters; this accomplished by series 
 of understandings and agreements. 
 
 c. To secure a limitation of armaments: England proposed this in 1906, 
 1907, 1909, and 1912; Germany refused to discuss the proposals; Eng- 
 land suggested a "naval holiday" for 1913; not acceptable to Germany. 
 
 d. English navy (ships built or in building), 1914, 545; German, 302. 
 
 4. The Ententes 
 
 1900. England realizes failure of policy of "splendid isolation;" she has 
 no allies and many enemies; no fleet in the North Sea; Germans build- 
 ing a powerful navy. 
 
 1902. Alliance with Japan; English ships brought from the North Pa- 
 cific to the North Sea. 
 
 13 
 
1904. The Entente Cordiale: settlement of all disputes and questions be- 
 tween England and France; English ships transferred from the Med- 
 iterranean to home waters. 
 
 1907. Understanding with Russia: the Triple Entente. Europe now di- 
 vided into two powerful camps, the Triple Entente and the Triple Al- 
 liance; latter the more definite and complete. 
 
 Understanding with Spain as to Morocco. 
 1913. Effort of Sir Edward Grey to reach an understanding with Ger- 
 many; almost successful; Prince Lichnowsky, the German ambassador, 
 favorable. 
 5. The question of Morocco: Germany twice challenged France in this 
 region, her purpose being in part to test the strength of the entente; 
 found it in "perfect working order." 
 
 1905. Kaiser visits Tangier; serious diplomatic crisis; agreement reached 
 at Algeciras, 1906. Importance of the entente cordiale. 
 
 1911. A German war ship at Agadir; a warning to France; England 
 again supports Prance; Germany forced to yield. 
 
 1912. Morocco becomes a French protectorate; note that Spain has a 
 share of Morocco. 
 
 Literature 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 299-316, 365-387, 456 474. 
 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 406-408. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia; see under "Disarmament," "DreadnaugM," "German 
 
 navy," "Militarism," "Navallsm," "Navy," "Prussianism," "Triple 
 
 Entente." 
 *Conquest and Kultur, 41-46, 111-124. 
 
 Map study 
 
 Holt and Chilton, 334; Morocco, Agadir, Tangier. The student should 
 also be able to locate the chief naval bases of England and Germany: 
 Portland, Portsmouth, Dover, Chatham, the Orkneys (Kirkwall) ; Em- 
 den, Wilhelmshaven, Bremerhaven, Kiel. 
 
 14 
 
VJ. THE PAN-GERiVSAN M0VEIV8ENT. SINCE 1890. 
 
 The Pan-German League 
 
 a. Founded 1890, reorganized 1893; membership about 50,000; closely as- 
 sociated with Navy League; influential with' the imperial government; 
 strongly supported and strongly opposed. 
 
 b. Aims. 
 
 (1) To make the German state coterminous with the German race; 
 this would involve addition of several Austrian states, part of 
 Switzerland, perhaps parts of Russia. 
 
 (2) To add related Teutonic peoples to the great German state: Hol- 
 land, part of Belgium, the Scandinavian states. 
 
 (3) To extend the power of Germany throughout the world; to force 
 England to surrender her best colonies. 
 
 (4) To assist Germans in other lands (United States, Brazil) to main- 
 tain Deutschtum: Grerman speech, ideals, and mode of living. (The 
 Pan-Germanists have always been hostile to the Monroe Doctrine.) 
 
 The Bagdad Railway scheme 
 
 a. The plan (first developed by Dr. Rohrbach about 1900) : to build a rail- 
 vay from the Bosporus by way of Bagdad to the Persian Gulf; to con- 
 nect this with the railway system from Hamburg and Berlin to Con- 
 stantinople; to build a branch line south through Syria and on toward 
 Mecca and further. 
 
 ta. Future possibilities of the plan. 
 
 (1) To develop Asiatic Turkey, especially the Mesopotamian plain. 
 
 (2) To divert a large part of the trade of eastern and southern Asia to 
 this line (half of the world's population lives east of the Persian 
 Gulf). 
 
 (3) To seize at some future time the Suez Canal and thus secure con- 
 trol of both short routes to the Orient. 
 
 (4) To connect the Syrian branch with the Cape to Cairo Railway and 
 divert the trade of East Africa to German ports. 
 
 c. England spoiled the larger features of the plan by raising the Union 
 Jack over Kov/eit, the proposed terminal on the Persian Gulf. (Koweit 
 had asked lor British protection before the Bagdad plan was com- 
 pleted.) 
 
 The Mid-Europe scheme (first fully developed by Naumann, 1915): this 
 
 plan looks toward the formation of a great military and economic union 
 
 of Germany, Austro-Hungary, and the Balkan states; the Bagdad Railway 
 
 scheme fits closely in with the Mid-Europe plan. 
 
 Pan-Germanism ss a cause of war 
 
 a. The Pan-Germanists realized that their plans could be carried out only 
 
 through war and welcomed it. 
 h. Their constant agitation for colonial adventures disturbed the peace 
 
 of the world; they helped to bring on the Morocco crisis. 
 c. They preached constant hostility to England as the great obstacle to 
 
 the achievement of their plans. 
 
 15 
 
Literature 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 303-304, 531-535. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia; "Berlin to Bagdad," "Drang nach Osten," "Mlttel Eu- 
 ropa," "Pan-Germanism," "Place in the sun." 
 
 *Conquest and Kultur, 52-66, 75-110, 136-157. 
 
 *The President's Flag Day Address, 7-30 (including foot-notes). 
 Map Study: see Collected Materials, pp. 92-93; cf. maps on p. 90 and note 
 
 that the Mid-Europe plan would give the proposed union control of grent 
 
 areas of mineral wealth and of the Danubian wheat belt. 
 
 16 
 
VII, THE DECLINE OF RUSSIA 
 
 The Old Russia 
 
 a. Racial situation: 70 languages spoken; population about 70 percent 
 Russian, 
 
 (1) The three Russias: Great Russia (central part), White Russia 
 (west). Little Russia (southwest). 
 
 Note: Little Russia was in 1918 made into the Republic of Uk- 
 raine. The Ukranians speak a dialect somewhat different from 
 that of Great Russia. 
 
 (2) A rim of non-Russian peoples along the western border. Finns, 
 Lithuanians (and Letts), Poles. 
 
 Note: these have all been surrendered by the Bolsheviki. 
 
 (3) To the east a variety of races, chiefly Turanian. 
 
 (4) Russification: since 1870 a determined effort has been made to 
 drive the native languages of the non-Russians from public use 
 (in churches, schools, theaters, administration, business) and com- 
 pel the use of Russian. 
 
 Note: Russification was chiefly responsible for the doubtful at- 
 titude of the Poles in the present war and for the secession of 
 Finland, 1817, 
 
 b. Autocratic and bureaucratic in government: country governed by a 
 host of officials owing obedience to the Tsar only; no security of civil 
 rights. 
 
 c. Medieval in social organization: nobles (highly privileged); official 
 classes (privileged); mercantile class; peasants and laborers. The 
 land was owned in part by the nobles, in part by peasants organized 
 into communities; individual property in peasant land not general. 
 Note: the promise of the Bolsheviki to distribute the land of the aristo- 
 crats among the peasants was an important factor in the success of 
 their revolution, 1917. 
 
 d. Siberia: a vast region thinly populated; settled chiefly by Cossacks, 
 convicts, political offenders, officials, emigrants, or by descendants of 
 such. A broad belt of Russian population to Lake Baikal; a narrow 
 strip from Lake Baikal to the Pacific along the Siberian Railway, 
 
 The New Russia 
 
 a. Revolutionary movements: last half century. 
 
 (1) Liberalism: dissatisfaction with autocracy and repression; de- 
 mand for a constitution, civil rights, religious freedom, freedom of 
 the press; the liberal movement was limited almost entirely to 
 aristocrats and intellectuals. 
 
 (2) Nihilism: violent socialists assumed control of the liberal move- 
 ment about 1875; revolutionary societies organized but hunted 
 down by the police; Nihilists declare war on officialdom — assas- 
 sination the chief weapon; Tsar Alexander II assassinated in 1881 
 (fourth attempt). 
 
 b. Industrial revolution; especially after 1890. 
 
 (1) Russia adopts the policy of state aid to industry chiefly by means 
 of a protective tariff; foreign capital drawn in; loans made largely 
 in France; great development of manufacturing; considerable 
 building of railways: Siberian Railway, 1891-1902, 
 
 17 
 
(2) New demand for labor; peasants migrate to the factory towns; 
 cities grow in size; dissatisfaction grows among labor. Proletariat 
 and rich' middle class grow together. 
 
 (3) Theories of socialism take root in the laboring class; Bolsheviki. 
 
 (4) Ideas of Tolstoi (poverty, communism, non-resistance) receive 
 wide acceptance. 
 
 3. An experiment in constitutional government; since 1906 
 
 1904-1905, war with Japan; unpopular; disastrous; revelations of dishon- 
 estj^ and inefficiency; position of autocracy shaken. 
 
 1905, demand for constitutional rule; riots and massacres; strikes. 
 - 1906, First Duma (legislature) meets; quarrels with government — finds 
 the Tsar had deprived it of real power; dismissed; failure. 
 Later meetings of the Duma also failures. 
 
 4. Situation in Russia, 1914: dissatisfaction to the point of revolt through- 
 ■ out Russia, especially among the socialists of the industrial centers; the 
 
 land problem unsettled; the non-Russians in the west strenuously re- 
 sisting Russification ; international prestige of the empire shaken by the 
 outcome of the Russo-Japanese war. 
 
 Literature 
 
 '^Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 241-246, 341-354, 363-364, 420-425. 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 558-573, 580-582, 585-589. 
 *War Cyclopedia, "Bolsheviki," "Finland," "Lenine," "Milyukov," "Nich- 
 olas II," "Pan-Slavism," "Poland," "Russia," "Slavs," "Ukraine." 
 
 Map Study: Collected Materials, 20; note that Russia is not abundantly sup- 
 plied with coal and iron and that the loss of Finland and Ukraine would 
 be a serious blovv" to Russian industry; note also that Ukraine covers a 
 large part of the great Russian wheat belt. — The map on page 98 shows 
 the territory surrendered by the Bolsheviki in the west and southwest; 
 it should be observed that these regions were not given to Germany, but 
 that Germans hope to organize and control them. 
 
 18 
 
VIII. THE DISINTEGRATION OF TURKEY; THE BALKAN WARS. 
 
 1908-1913 
 
 1. The Turkish Revolution, 1908 
 
 a. Character of Turkish rule: autocratic, arbitrary, inefficient, oppressive, 
 bloody. 
 
 b. The Young Turk movement: party professedly for a constitutional gov- 
 ernment, a humane administration, and liberal institutions of the west- 
 ern type; brought the army at Saloniki to its view; successful revolu- 
 tion; constitution proclaimed; Young Turks seized offices. 
 
 c. Failure of the revolution: Young Turk leaders proved as ineificient 
 and blood-thirsty as their predecessors; attempted Ottomanization. 
 
 d. During the revolution (1908) Austria formally annexed Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina, which she had been administering for Turkey, and Bul- 
 garia declared herself wholly independent under a Tsar. 
 
 Note: this annexation was of tremendous importance, as the new 
 Austrian subjects were largely Serbs; Serbia protested and mobilized 
 but found no support. 
 
 2. The war between Italy and Turkey, 1911. 
 
 a. Italy proceeded to conquer Tripoli, a Turkish dependency. 
 
 b. To hasten the end of the war Italy attacked Turkey in the Aegean Sea 
 and occupied twelve islands, including Rhodes. 
 
 c. Turkey surrendered Tripoli to Italy; Italy promised to return the 
 islands; has not done so— Italy and Turkey again at war. 
 
 3. The Balkan wars, 1912-1913, 
 
 a. 1912, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, Montenegro form alliance against the 
 Turks; Venizelos the chief spirit in the league. Allies demand reforms 
 in Macedonia; Turks unwilling and begin to mobilize. 
 
 b. October, 1912, the Balkan allies attack Turkey at four points; swift 
 and furious fighting for six weeks; the Turk defeated at all points. 
 
 c. May, 1913, treaty of London; dissatisfaction among the allies; Austria 
 insists on an independent Albania — to shut Serbia from the sea. 
 
 d. Second Balkan war: war for Macedonia; Bulgaria against her allies 
 and Rumania; Bulgaria crushed. 
 
 e. Treaty of Bucharest, August, 1913. Bulgaria was forced to return 
 Adrianople to the Turks, to cede a strip of the Dobrudja to Ru- 
 mania, and to leave the larger part of Macedonia to Greece and Serbia. 
 
 4. General results. 
 
 a. The Triple Alliance was practically dissolved: Italy had attacked a 
 friend of the Teutonic powers. 
 
 b. Austria forced Europe two steps in the direction of war: (1) in 1908 
 when she formally annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina and angered 
 Serbia; (2) when in 1913 she insisted on an independent Albania and 
 thus prevented Serbia from securing an outlet on the Adriatic. 
 
 c. Bulgaria became the mortal enemy of Serbia and naturally drifted into 
 the Teutonic alliance in 1915. 
 
 d. Only the Central Powers had shown any real interest in Turkey during 
 the war; Russia was the ancient enemy, England and Prance were 
 
 19 
 
friendly to Russia; consequently closer relations with Germany on the 
 part of the Young Turks. 
 e. The present war grew directly out of the Balkan wars: Austria had 
 been balked by Serbia and Greece: Serbia lay squarely across the 
 route to the Aegean; Greece had Saloniki, 
 
 Literature 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 438-465, 477-503. 
 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 409-415, 555-557, 594-606. 
 War Cyclopedia; see under "Austria and Serbia, 1913," "Balkan Wars," 
 "Enver Pasha," "Macedonia," "Saloniki," "Turkey," "Young Turks." 
 
 Map study. 
 
 A map showing the racial and linguistic situation on the Balkan penin- 
 sula will prove very enlightening; a comparison of such a map with the 
 boundaries drawn by the treaty of Bucharest will to a large extent ex- 
 plain the attitude of the various Balkan states toward the Great War. 
 
 20 
 
IX. THE EVE OF THE GREAT WAR. 1913-1914. 
 
 Conditions and problems. 
 
 a. The balance of power was, in German opinion, seriously disturbed by 
 the outcome in the Balkans: the friends of the Teutonic allies, Turkey 
 and Bulgaria, had both been defeated. 
 
 b. The feeling between Austria and Serbia was approaching the breaking 
 point: 
 
 (1) Austria had twice blocked the plans of the Serbs: by the annexa- 
 tion of Bosnia, and by the creation of an independent Albania. 
 
 (2) Serbia had blocked Austrian nlans of future annexations in the 
 peninsula by extending her to^fitories into Macedonia along the 
 Vardar River. 
 
 (3) Serbians were supporting a strong Pan-Serbian movement in the 
 Austrian provinces to the northwest. 
 
 (4) About the time of the treaty of Bucharest Austria was planning 
 an attack on Serbia (August, 1913) ; see War Cyclopedia under 
 "Austria and Serbia, 1913." 
 
 c. The ancient rivalry and hostile feeling between Austria and Russia 
 had become intensified as a result of the Balkan Wars. 
 
 d. Relations between Russia and Germany were becoming strained: 
 
 (1) Germany had backed Austria in her Balkan ventures in 1908 (Bos- 
 nia) and 1913 (Albania) ; Russia was displeased. 
 
 (2) German officers headed by General tiiman von Sanders were sent 
 to Constantinople (1913) to reorganize the Turkish array; Russia 
 protested against the appointment of von Sanders. 
 
 (3) The Germans feared that Russia would soon proceed against 
 Turkey and that her own plans for operations in Asiatic Turkey 
 might be upset. 
 
 e. Relations between England and Germany were improving: 
 
 (1) Von Tirpitz appeared disposed to accept a naval ratio of ten to 
 sixteen; rivalry passing. 
 
 (2) Sir Edward Grey and Prince Lichnowsky were negotiating an un- 
 derstanding with respect to the Bagdad Railway and German 
 operations in the Portuguese possessions in Africa. 
 
 f. A strong peace movement was active in America and parts of Europe. 
 Germany prepares for war. 
 
 a. Constant and deliberate efforts made during the winter of 1913-1914 
 to stir up the war spirit in the German nation. 
 
 b. Widening and deepening of the Kiel Canal being rushed to com- 
 pletion (it was finished July 1, 1914). 
 
 c. By the military law of 1913 the German army was increased from 723,- 
 000 to 870,000 men. 
 
 d. Plotting and intriguing going forward in the British possessions, par- 
 ticularly in South Africa and India. 
 
 e. Industrial mobilization ordered early in June, 1914 (Sisson Documents). 
 
 f. Unusual military manoeuvres ordered for August, 1914, in the Rhine 
 lands; see Collected Materials, 35. 
 
 21 
 
g. German engineers completing a great system of strategic railways 
 built from the Russian to the French and the Belgian frontier. 
 
 3. Panic in Europe after Germany decides to increase her army: Fiance 
 lengthens the term of service; Russia does the same; Belgium introduces 
 universal service; powerful movement for preparedness in Sweden. 
 
 4. Murder of Archduke Francis Ferdinand by Austrian subjects of Serbian 
 nationality, members of a great Pan-Serbian organization. 
 
 Literature 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 504 538. 
 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 416-426, 590-594. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia: see under "Austria and Serbia, 1913," "Berahardi," 
 
 "Pan-Germans urge War," "Serajevo." 
 Collected Materiais, 32-35. 
 ^Conquest and Kultur, 106-110, 125-131. 
 
 *Prince Lichnowsky, My Mission to London. 
 
 22 
 
X. THE OUTBREAK OF THE WAR. 
 
 1. A month of preparation-, June 28 — July 28. 
 June 28. Assassination ol" the Archduke at Serajevo. 
 July 1. Kiel Canal completed; Germany ready for war. 
 
 July 5. The Potsdam Conference. (At this conference which was at- 
 tended by ambassadors, high officials, military chiefs, and industrial 
 magnates the procedure against Serbia was probably determined upon 
 and the European situation canvassed.) 
 
 July 21. Secret orders for German mobilization are said to have been 
 sent out on this date; see Collected Materials, 38. 
 
 July 23. Austria sends her ultimatum to Serbia: Serbia ordered to put 
 down the Pan-Serbian propaganda and to allow Austria to assist in the 
 work; an an.swer demanded within 48 hours. 
 
 July 25. Serbia replies accepting eight of the ten Austrian demands; a 
 ninth is accepted in principle, the participation of Austrian agents in 
 the promised investigation of the antecedents of the crime at Serajevo 
 is refused as being in violation of the constitution and laws of Serbia. 
 
 July 28. Austria declares war on Serbia, the Great War begins. 
 
 2. The efforts of Grey (England) and Sazonoff (Russia) to avert a general 
 war. 
 
 (1) July 26. Grey proposes a conference of the ambassadors of France, 
 Germany, iand Italy with himself in London to discuss the Serbian ques 
 tion. Germany refuses. July 27. 
 
 (2) July 27. Von Jagow (Germany) suggests negotiations between Russia 
 and Austria. Austria refuses. 
 
 (3) July 27. Sazonoff proposes "friendly conversations" with Austria; if 
 these should fail he favors Grey's plan. No results. Austria de- 
 clares war, July 28. 
 
 (4) July 29. The Tsar proposes a reference of the whole dispute to the 
 Hague Tribunal. No results. 
 
 (5) July 29. Grey asks Austria to limit herself to the occupation of Bel- 
 grade and adjacent territory — to give time for meditation. No results. 
 
 (6) July 30. Sazonoff (Russia) agrees to stop military preparations if 
 Austria will modify her ultimatum to Serbia. German ambassador re- 
 plies that Austria cannot do so. 
 
 (7) July 31. Sazonoff promises to maintain a waiting attitude if Austria 
 will stay her march and allow the powers to discuss h€r grievances. 
 No reply. 
 
 (8) August 1. Austria announces that she is "ready to discuss her griev- 
 ances against Serbia with the other powers." 
 
 (9) Germany had already sent her ultimatums to Russia and France; sh'e 
 declared war against Russia in the afternoon (August 1). 
 
 Note: it must be remembered that Russia had long maintained a sort 
 of Monroe Doctrine among the Slavic peoples and that Serbia re- 
 garded Russia as her protector; an attack on the Serbs could not 
 be a matter of indifference to Russia. 
 
3. Why the Central Powers wanted war, 
 
 a. Austria: to cripple Serbia and promote lier own ambitions in the 
 Balkans. 
 
 b. Germany: 
 
 (1) To recover her position as first power in Europe which she felt 
 she had lost. 
 
 (2) To break up the Triple Entente, or at least render it harmless. 
 
 (3) To promote the Pan-German plans in the Near East. 
 
 4. The plan: a swift march upon Paris while Austria kept the Russians oc- 
 cupied; the war was to be short, first victory over France, next the de- 
 feat of Russia. The plan failed for two chief reasons: 
 
 a. Belgium refused to participate in the crime against France; her re- 
 fusal delayed the march upon Paris and the French were given time 
 to prepare. 
 
 b. England entered the war in defense of Belgian neutrality. 
 Note with respect to Belgium: 
 
 (1) The neutrality of Belgium was guaranteed by the European powers 
 including Prussia. 
 
 (2) A state must defend its independence or (if its neutrality is guar- 
 anteed) the guarantee becomes void. 
 
 5. The European situation, August, 1914: distinctly favorable to Germany. 
 
 a. The recent strengthening of the military forces in Belgium, France 
 and Russia had not yet yielded effective results. 
 
 b. Revolutionary and disintegrating movements were gaining headway in 
 Russia. 
 
 c. The socialists in France were in arms against the military law of the 
 year before. 
 
 d. England was facing a civil war in Ireland and it was thought likely 
 that she wottld have to deal with revolutionary movements in India 
 and South Africa. 
 
 Literature. 
 
 *Holt and Chilton, History of Europe, 539-579. 
 Hazen, Modern European History, 608-618. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia, "Albert I," "Belgium," "Bethmann-Hollweg," "Grey, 
 Viscount," "Mobilization Controversy," "Potsdam Conference," "Saz- 
 onov," "Sazonov's Eiforts to Maintain Peace," "War, Declaration of," 
 "War, Responsibility for, in 1914." 
 * Conquest and Kultur, 131-135. 
 
 24 
 
XI. "HOW THE WAR CAME TO AMERICA." 
 
 The struggle to maintain our neutrality. 
 
 a. President Wilson proclaimed America a neutral, August 4, 1914; ap- 
 pealed for neutrality in sentiment as well as in action; the act was 
 generally approved by the nation. 
 
 b. Controversies with belligerent powers. ' ■ . ■ 
 
 (1) With England: the British government set out to prevent the 
 neutrals from trading in contraband goods with Germany; this in- 
 volved searching ships as they entered or left the North Sea, in- 
 terfering with mails, and disorganizing commercial plans; ques- 
 tions of what was contraband also came forward. 
 
 (2) With Germany: the Germans made war on mercantile shipping 
 contrary to accepted principles of international law; they tor- 
 pedoed our ships and murdered our citizens on the high seas; this 
 led to protests and lengthy diplom-atic discussions, as in the cases 
 of the Lusitania, the Sussex, the Arabic, etc 
 
 (3) The American government and the larger pait of the American 
 public regarded our controversy with Germany as the more serious 
 of the two: in the case of England property rights were involved; 
 in the case of Germany the question was one of human lives. 
 
 The development of anti-German sentiment. 
 
 (1) Strong pro-German sentiment among certain classes of "hyphenated 
 Americans" in the early months of the war; an active minority openly 
 for the allies; mass of the population anxious to remain neutral. 
 
 (2) Slow but powerful growth of anti-German sentiment caused by: 
 
 (a) The outrages on the ocean, especially the sinking of the Lusitania. 
 
 (b) The violation of Belgian neutrality and more especially the atroci- 
 ous treatment of patriotic Belgians. 
 
 (c) The barbarous methods of German warfare. 
 
 (d) The discovery that America was used as a haven for plotters 
 against England in her overseas dominions. 
 
 (e) The discovery that Germany was making war upon us in our own 
 country by the destruction of munition plants, stirring up labor 
 troubles, etc. 
 
 . How America was forced to enter the war. 
 
 April 18, 1916. Our government threatens to break diplomatic relations 
 with Germany over the Sussex affair; Germany yields but breaks her 
 pledge. 
 
 Dec. IS, 1916. President Wilson addresses the belligerents in the interest 
 
 of peace; no results. 
 Jan. 22. 1917. President Wilson addresses the Senate on the subject of 
 
 peace in Europe in the light of American ideals and principles; no 
 
 results; Germany was planning more violent warfare. 
 Jan. 31. Germany informs America that submarine warfare in its most 
 
 ruthless form will be resumed; that a million square miles of the ocean 
 
 are closed to the world's trade. 
 
Feb. 3. Ambassador von Bemstorfl dismissed ; diplomatic relations with 
 Germany broken. 
 
 Feb. 28. The Zimmermann note is published through the associated 
 Press. 
 
 March 12. Orders are issued to arm American merchant ships. 
 April 2. President Wilson urges the recognition of a state of war with 
 Germany. 
 
 April 6. Declaration of war passed by the House and signed by the Pres- 
 ident. 
 
 Dec. 7. War declared against Austro-Hungary. 
 
 4. Why America entered the war. 
 
 a. Because Germany continued in her violation of international law and 
 the accepted rules of warfare. 
 
 b. Because Germany was renewing her submarine warfare in a more ruth* 
 less form, resulting in the destruction of American ships and the loss 
 of American lives. 
 
 c. Because a Prussian victory would endanger the future peace of Ameri- 
 ca and make a maintenance of the Monroe Doctrine extremely diflB- 
 cult. 
 
 d. Because a victory for Prussian autocracy and militarism would en- 
 danger the future peace of the entire world. 
 
 e. Because the war was taking on the form of a struggle between two 
 principles: autocracy and democracy; to permit autocracy to win 
 would be to repudiate our own history. 
 
 Literature. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia, "Ancona," "Arabic," "Atrocities," "Belgium" (several 
 articles), "Bernstorff" (two articles), "Blacklist," "Blockade," "German 
 Intrigue" (and other articles on Germany), "Hyphenated Americans," 
 "Kaiserism," "Lusitania," "Mails, British Interference with," "Mercier, 
 Cardinal," "Monroe Doctrine, German Attitude," "Neutrality," "Neutral 
 Rights," "Peace Terms" (several articles), "Permanent Peace," "Sub- 
 marine Warfare" (several articles), "United States" (several articles), 
 "War Zone, German," "Why We Are at War" (two articles), "Zimmer- 
 mann Note," etc. 
 
 ^Collected Materials, 9-16 (President Wilson's War Adresses); 46-49 
 
 (German War Philosophy). 
 *How the War Came to America, 
 
 '■'The War Message and the Facts behind it. 
 Munro, Sellery, and Krey, German War Practices 
 Garner, Why we are at War with Germany. 
 
 Map Study: owing to the importance of the German submarine warfare as 
 a factor in our entry into the war, It may be advisable at this point to 
 point out the more obvious facts of the geography of this warfare: the 
 submarine bases; the routes followed; the location of the more important 
 sinkings; the sandbanks and shallow stretches in the North Sea, etc. 
 
XII. AMERICA AND THE WAR. , 
 
 War aims of America. 
 
 a. To restore peace to the world. (This can be accomplished only by the 
 defeat of the powers that made the war.) 
 
 b. To secure the future peace of the world. (It should be recalled that 
 German leaders are already discussing the advisability of provoking 
 another great war; President Wilson hopes to prevent future warfare, 
 to some extent at least, by a League of Nations to Preserve Peace.) 
 
 c. To ease the economic burdens of the world and to minimize the likli- 
 hood of future collisions by a reduction of armaments. 
 
 d. To promote the principle of nationality. 
 
 e. To give wider application to the principle of "consent of the governed." 
 
 f. To right the wrong done to France in 1871. 
 
 g. To restore and secure the freedom of the seas. 
 
 h. To liberate the peoples of Europe now held in subjection (Belgians. 
 Serbs, and others) and to force restitution by the enemy. 
 
 War preparations of America. 
 
 a. Administrative: the reorganization of our governmental machinery; 
 extension of the authority of the executive for war purposes. 
 
 b. Military: the creation of a huge army; the draft; the building of can- 
 tonments; the production of munitions and equipment; air craft; pro- 
 vision for the comforts and intellectual occupation of the soldiers. 
 
 c. Naval: expansion of the navy; the building of ships for the transport- 
 ation of men and materials; the Shipping Board. 
 
 d. Economic. 
 
 (1) War taxation and liberty loans. 
 
 (2) Systematic production and conservation of food; the Food Admin- 
 istration; the farmer's share in the war. 
 
 (3) The conservation of fuel; the Fuel Administration. 
 
 (4) Federal control of transportation and of telegraph service. 
 
 (5) Legislation to promote peace and efRciency in the industries. 
 
 e. Moral: systematic dissemination of information as to the issues of 
 the war and our duties and share in the conflict. 
 
 The aciiievements of America in the war. 
 
 a. The entry of America into the war restored the courage and confidence 
 of our Allies after the demoralization and defection of Russia. 
 
 b. America has succeeded in defining the aims and objects of the Allies 
 more sharply than they have been hitherto stated. 
 
 c. America has sent an immense army to France which has rendered not- 
 able service at many points and in many important movements. 
 
 d. The American navy has assisted in reducing the danger from the activ- 
 ities of the Grerman submarine. 
 
 e. America has lent vast sums and shipped immense quantities of food 
 to our Allies. 
 
 f. America has proved that a democracy can strike as swiftly, as vigor- 
 ously, and as effectively as an autocracy. 
 
 27 
 
Literature. 
 
 *War Cyclopedia, "Aim of United States," "Alien Enemies" (two articles). 
 "America" (several articles), "Cantonments" (two articles), "Com- 
 mittee on Public Information," "Council of National Defense," "Draft," 
 "Espionage Act," "Food Control Act, Enforcement," "Food," (various 
 articles), "Four Minute Men," "League to Enforce Peace," "Navy," 
 "New Navy," "President," (two articles), "Red Cross" (several art- 
 icles), "Ship Corporation," etc. 
 ♦Collected Materials, 20-25 (President Wilson's Addresses). 
 Map Study: there are several possibilities in this week's work. 
 
 a. The student should become acquainted with the location of the various 
 centers (cantonments, etc) for the training of the army. 
 
 b. The student should learn the geography of the Western Front, espec- 
 ially the location of the American units. 
 
 c. The student should learn where in other parts of the world our men are 
 at work: Archangel, Italy, Siberia, etc. 
 
 2S