L I B R.ARY OF THL U N IVER5 ITY or ILLl NOIS auMois mmw. sww 0»7 WILLIAM McKENDREE A BIOGRAPHICAL STUDY By BISHOP E. E. HOSS METHODIST FOUNDERS' SERIES Nashville, Tenn. Dallas, Tex,; Richmond, Va. Publishing House of the M. E. Church, South Smith & Lamar, Agents 1916 Copyright, 1914 BY Smith & Lamar '19 \(^ INTRODUCTION. An adequate subject and a capable and dedicated pen are the necessary conditions for making a pur- poseful book, one that in itself has power to live and accomplish the end of its writing. The wide religious fellowship to which the present volume is particularly addressed will, without debate, allow that in it these conditions have been met. Such a presentation as it makes of the apostolic career with which it deals has long been a desideratum in the thought life of the Church. It will not be denied that the biographical studies of the early leadership of Methodism in this country have, until more recent years, been found in writings whose terms, while commendably sympathetic and true to the vitalities involved, are not all that is demanded by both the religious and philosophical in- quisitiveness of our times. It is to effect this new setting of old truths and to revive the too plainly waning appreciation of heroic precedents that this volume and others in the series of which it is a unit have been written. A privileged perusal of these pages while they were yet in ante-publication processes has suggested to the writer of this introductory sketch the possibilities with which they are charged. Without so much as touching upon the question of inspiration — a matter that must remain inviolate in all reverent thinking — the Book of the Acts is properly thought of in connection with the authorship of St. Luke. While it is impossible to imagine what the (I) 2 Life of William McKcndree. apostolic story had been coming from another hand than his, it is quite allowable and reverent to plus its inspiration with the personality and viewpoint of its author. The viewpoint is, in fact, always an integer of first importance, for it is the channel through which tlie capabilities and fitness of the biographer's personality find expression. Changed conditions and the emer- gence of a new historical viewpoint have ripened the conviction that our Methodist biography needs a new and more natural setting. The classics of personal history which we have so long used and revered will continue to have their place in our denominational bib- liography; but they must, more and more, fall to the exclusive use of students and specialists and give place in the hands of the general reader to fresher and apter recitals of their narratives. These conclusions involve the doctrine of the con- tinued activity of individual life. The souls of the worthies of the past not only continue to walk the earth, but their deeds have a continuity of force and vitality which requires anew to be made manifest and anew declared. Doctrines of essential belief and in- stitutions reach the point of fixity both as to fact and as to the forms in which they are expressed. But life has in it no such finality; it is itself a continuous ex- pression of doctrine and institutional truth. In this the life which has entered into history and that which is in the process of living are alike. Biography has this advantage over history, except where history itself is only a species of biography. The earlier history of American Methodism is easily and naturally divisible into three periods, each period Introduction. 3 represented by a name that must survive as long as the Wesleyan movement has a record or a represent- ative on this continent. Asbury, ]^IcKendree, and Soule are the trio of mighty names in which close the details of a record as heroic and as potent for destiny as any written in the uninspired annals of the race. It would be a profitless task to determine which of these was the greatest or which accomplished the greatest end in his living. They rather make a unity in the history which they wrought. The story of one cannot be told without reciting material facts in the lives of the other two. Their services covered well the years of a century, but the witness of the first overlaps the witness of the others so as to give a view of the three standing in the same line of vision. Providence fulfilled itself and fulfilled the ethnic and spiritual needs of life on this continent in the selection of these three men to lead the fortunes of the greatest religious movement w^hich the continent has known. The first, an Englishman, with the religious prejudice of Anglicanism, was a type of one of the dominant elements in early racial America; the sec- ond, a Virginian, embodied the acquired instinct of religious freedom and the political aspirations charac- teristic of the colonists and their offspring; while the third, a New Englander, mingled Puritan predilections with atavistic Norman qualities and represented the best-developed type of later x\merican life. Here was the whole religious and social life of the continent rolled into the three patriarchs of early Methodism; and these, in their turn, were by Providence rolled into 4 Life of WiUiam McKcndree. a unity of thought and action reaching- through prac- tically a century of time. The privilege of treating at this day of the deeds of the second of this triad of early American Methodist leadership is one to be coveted for the reason that it furnishes the vantage for a backward and a forward sweep of vision. It will be a pleasure to discover how this volume has improved its opportunity. John ^lor- ley has, in his life of Gladstone, written a philosophical history of England in the latter half of the nineteenth century. He could not escape this chance, being true to his subject. The modern bishop of the Church, in sketching the career of his illustrious predecessor, has, in various connections, effectively laid bare the secret vitalities of that body of constitutional and adminis- trative life known as historic ^Methodism. The value of this service can be better calculated and will be bet- ter understood after a generation has tried the contents of this volume. The aim of the present revival of study in ^lethodist biography has been not only to certainly find the sources and trace the course of authority in our eccle- siasticism, but more particularly to find the fountains and inspirational causes of that exceptional spiritual life which so long characterized Methodism and ef- fectively to commend it to the generations of to-day. Personal experience has always been the true expos- itive force in the history of religion. This force was the characteristic manifestation of early ^Methodism, which formulated no new doctrine and, at its beginning, contemplated no ecclesiastical departure. It is always to be remembered, too, that Methodism took its con- Introduction, 5 fession out of the body of an older symbol; but it is also to be remembered that it mightily interpreted old doctrines and old formulas in the lives and testimony of its adherents. In this it completed both the letter and the spirit of the Reformation of the sixteenth century, which was a correction of doctrine rather than a revival of spiritual life. Justification by faith as a doctrinal formula described the ultimate advance of Luther's teachings, while the witness of the Spirit as a vital experience described the goal of the Wesleyan revival. The necessity for constantly reverting to this expe- rience as a precedent for all Christian living, and also the possibility of continually expanding it in the hope of uncovering new incentives to seek it and new ave- nues of approach to it, are additional reasons for these latest essays in Methodist biography. The reader is confidently advised that the author of this new biog- raphy of the first native American bishop has not failed to cultivate this possibility. A new and valid reason for the present writing Is the relation of the subject to the past fortunes and future hopes of that branch of Methodism whose hab- itat is in the lands so industriously cultivated by this first American patriarch; and, indeed, the other two mighty ones referred to are not less legitimately claimed in this relationship. Not only Is the earliest spring of historic Methodism traceable to these zones, but here, and under the superintendency of these men, were its earliest victories planned and achieved. The time has come, therefore, to set all these things in the light of a narrative which shall be both unequivocal as 6 Life of William McKcndree. to these claims and also just and discriminating in favor of other relationships in the wider house of Methodism. In a word, this new series of biographies especially seeks to present a catholic story of the days of genesis and heroism, one that shall live on and, while teaching the equities of history, shall minister to its unities in a future of possibilities already at our door. It is not to acquit myself of a service of friend- ship nor to discharge a conventional office, but rather to speak out of the fullness of appreciation and as the result of critical measurement, that I ascribe to this volume the quality of justness, discrimination, and catholicit}* in all these matters. I count it a great happiness to have been accorded the privilege of in- diting this foreword and of commending this volume to the perusal and study of all our people. Horace M. Du Bose. Atlanta, G.\-, July 20, 19 14, CONTENTS. Chapter I. pagk. Parentage, Birth, and Early Life 9 Chapter II. Genesis of Religious Experience l^ Chapter III. Call to the Ministry 33 Chapter IV. Four Years a Circuit Preacher 39 Chapter V. Four Years More on the Circuit, with an Episode 48 Chapter VI. First Five Years in the Presiding Eldership 66 Chapter VII. Set over the Forces in the Great West 73 Chapter VIII. Taking a Fresh Start in Kentucky 88 Chapter IX. Elected to the Episcopacy 106 Chapter X. First Quadrennium in the Episcopacy 120 (7) .8 Life of William McKendree. Chapter XI. Pagb. At His First General Conference as a Bishop 139 Chapter XII. In Full Swing I49 Chapter XIII. Senior Bishop of the Church 161 Chapter XIV. Defending the Constitution I73 Chapter XV. Nearing Port. I97 LIFE OF WILLIAM McKENDREE. CHAPTER I. Parentage, Birth, and Early Life. William McKendree, the first native American bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was born in King WilUam County, Va., forty miles northeast of the city of Richmond, July 6, 1757. He was the eldest of the eight children of John and Mary Mc- Kendree, an intelligent, self-respecting, and God- fearing couple, who belonged to what is sometimes condescendingly called "the middle class of Virgin- ians." If anything at all has been preserved concern- ing his remoter progenitors^ it has wholly escaped my research. The family name, however, shows that they were of Scotch origin, though, as was the case with thousands of others of the same blood, they probably reached America by way of the north of Ireland. These transplanted Scotchmen are a masterful race. Wherever they have gone they have left an Indelible mark. What they have contributed to the life and growth of the United States in particular can scarcely be overestimated. John McKendree does not appear to have been, ex- cept in the matter of his moral and religious probity, a very uncommon man. He was one of the undistin- guished multitude of faithful souls whose names, though not known In the earth, are written In heaven. By vocation he was a planter, owning his own lands (9) 10 Life of William McKendree. and a few domestic servants, and making always a comfortable subsistence; but never accumulating any considerable fortune, nor achieving social or political eminence. Bishop Paine describes him as follows: ''With strong domestic aflfections, and without any de- sire for notoriety, he led a humble, industrious, and re- ligious life." Removing in 1764 to James City County, and again in 1770 to Greenville County, he finally, in 1810, migrated with his youngest son, Dr. James Mc- Kendree, and three other of his children to Sumner County, in the then young State of Tennessee. From this last of his earthly homes, which was the free gift of the generous and large-hearted Rev. James Gwin — a good farm of three hundred acres — he passed to his heavenly home on his eighty-eighth birthday, October, 1810. [Mary McKendree, whose maiden name, strangely enough, is not known, was a woman of great strength and gentleness of character. In every respect she was fit: to be the mother of her famous son. Becoming an invalid in 1769, she was confined to her room till her death, twenty years later. But even under so great a disability she continued the wise management of her household affairs and looked well to the rearing of her children. The exquisite sweetness of her temper, to which there is abundant testimony, left an impression on their minds which neither time nor change could ever obliterate. Speaking of the McKendrees in general. Bishop Paine says that one of their most marked characteris- tics was their strong family love. In the course of years they became widely scattered in Virginia, Ten- Parentage, Birth, and Early Life, il nessee, Alabama, and South Carolina; but they never lost their intense affection for one another. Bishop Asbury in a notable passage in his Journal tells how he and Bishop McKendree once became the guests of the latter's younger brother, Thomas, in South Caro- lina, and dwells on the glad welcome and ''the noble feast" which they received. The life of an average Virginia family In the days of which I write was rather colorless and uneventful. More than a hundred and fifty years had elapsed since the first English settlers came to Jamestown. Pioneer conditions had largely passed away. Except on the Western frontiers, toward the Blue Ridge and the Alleghanies, Indian wars, with their excitements, were things of the past, though as late as 1770 Lord Dun- more sent his famous expedition under Andrew Lewis to Point Pleasant, on the Ohio River. Society, for the most part, had settled down to an easy and common- place way of getting on. There were only a few towns, and they were small and insignificant. The great majority of the white people resided on their own farms and tilled the fields with their own hands. Negro slavery had become a fixed institution, but had taken on a gentler form than anywhere else in the world. Not one-fourth of the people were slave- holders. If riches did not abound, poverty was like- wise rare. There was much good social fellowship, which was always accompanied by an abundance of eating and often by entirely too much drinking. The word "neighbors" meant all those living in a day's horse- back ride of one another. They were much given to 12 Life of William McKendree. the interchange of hospitahties. It was customary to keep open house both for friends and for strangers. Nobody but a churl turned a visitor away from his door. A traveler of decent appearance might pass from one side of the colony to the other and scarcely be taxed for a night's lodging. Here and there lines of social cleavage were more or less distinctly drawn. In the Tidewater region es- pecially and along the Upper A'alley of the James a few great families, nearly all of which had crossed the ocean during Cromw^ell's time, exercised a sort of natural sway over their several communities. But in spite of all that has been said about the dominancy of these Cavaliers, the fact is that in the body and bulk of her citizenship and in the great currents of her life \^irginia was and has always remained essentially democratic. The most of the men who followed George Washington and the most of those who followed Robert E. Lee were what in England would have been called yeomen. It is important to bear this in mind, as the contrary impression has been made by many writers, from one of whom I shall presently quote. Educational opportunities in \^irginia, except for the wealthy, were not good. In all America there were only three or four colleges, and in \'irginia only one. Even ordinary schools were few and generally of inferior quality. Those who could aflford it usually employed private tutors for their sons out of England. Mr. Dempster and Parson Ward, of Thackeray's great novel, are types each of a large class. Many young men besides Henry and George Warrington were sent across the sea to finish their studies and polish their Parentage, Birth, and Early Life. 13 manners. Let us hope that the most of them fell into better company than those two brothers encountered. While many good private libraries could be found in the homes of the richer folk, it must be confessed that books were inaccessible to the masses. Of newspapers, which are now regarded as indispensable vehicles for the dissemination of intelligence, there were none at all; but of oral discussion, both in private circles and in public places, there was a great deal, and it wrought largely on the public mind. Even George Washington grew up with a limited range of book knowledge; and it is not strange that William McKendree should have acquired still less. To the end of his life, though he learned to speak his mother tongue w4th precision and force, he would no doubt have been bothered by an examination in gram- mar, and he often took uncommon liberties with Eng- lish orthography. Who his teachers were, we are no- where told. One of them is handed down to us anony- mously as "a vain man," not much better, probably, than an Irish hedge-master. Seventy-five years ago there was a tradition still floating through the Church to the effect that McKendree was a dull, slow boy' ; but his best biographer discredits it, and says : "While it may have comforted many a lazy and unpopular young preacher, it was probably without foundation in fact." When McKendree was born, the first breath of dis- content with the colonial policies of Great Britain had scarcely passed over the land. The most of the Vir- ginia people still cherished a loving reverence for old England, called it "home," and gloried greatly in the fact that they themselves were men of English speech 14 ^ifc of II' ill ia in McKciidrcc. and blood. In all his wide domain King George had no more loyal subjects than they. Any slightest sug- gestion of rebellion or revolution would have been cried down by them as a piece of treasonable folly. Lut events were shaping themselves beyond the knowl- edge or will of men. There is an element in the growth of nations that operates as inevitably, yet often as in- visibly, as gravitation — the element of Divine purpose. In her season of apparent repose and inactivity Vir- ginia was quietly nursing the strength which she would sorely need in the coming contest for freedom, a con- test in which she bore so conspicuous and glorious a part. It is a little off the track of my theme, but I cannot forbear to reproduce here from Senator Cabot Lodge's *'Life of Washington" a passage which, barring the undue emphasis put on the aristocratic spirit of the colony, is both true and illuminating: ''There was nothing languishing or effeminate about the \"irginia planter. He was a robust man, quite ready to fight or to work when the time came, and well fitted to deal w'ith affairs when he was needed. He was a free- handed, hospitable, generous being, not much given to study or thought, but thoroughly public-spirited and keenly alive to the interests of Virginia. Above all things else, he was an aristocrat set apart by the dark line of race, color, and hereditary servitude, as proud as the proudest Austrian with his endless quar- terings, as sturdy and vigorous as an English yeo- man, and as jealous of his rights and privileges as any baron who stood by John at Runnymede. To this aristocracy, careless and indolent, given to rough Parentage, Birth^ and Early Life. 15 pleasures, and indifferent to the finer and higher sides of Hfe, the call came, as it comes to all men sooner or later ; and in response they gave their country soldiers, statesmen, and jurists of the highest order and fit for the great work they were asjced to do. We must go back to Athens to find another instance of a society so small in numbers and yet capable of such an out- burst of ability and force. They were of sound Eng- lish stock with a slight admixture of Huguenot, the best blood of France ; and although for a centurs^ and a half they had seemed to stagnate in the New World, they were strong and faithful and effective beyond the measure of ordinary races when the hour of peril and trial was at hand." It was such a civilization as this, speaking generally, that constituted the background of McKendree's life. In all that the word can mean, he was a true Virginian, though he never paraded the fact. Before he had quite passed his eighteenth year, the War of the Revolution broke out. In less than a generation Virginia had en- tirely changed front. In spite of her ancient loyalty she was the first of all the colonies, in the "Resolves" proposed by Patrick Henry in 1765, to proclaim un- dying resistance to the unjust exactions of the British Crown and Parliament; and she now threw herself with the greatest spirit into the armed conflict, rejoic- ing that the supreme leadership in this great emergency had been bestowed upon her favorite son. Before the war ended, McKendree joined the army. The exact date of his enlistment is in doubt; but the fact is beyond dispute that he rose to the rank of adjutant, and was present in that capacitv when Corn- 2 l6 Life of William McKendrce. wallis surrendered at Yorktown, being then twenty- four years of age. The probabihties are that he saw, all told, about two or three years' service. The experi- ence that he thus acquired in dealing with men proved of large value to him in coming years. To the end of his life there was something of the soldier and the com- mander in his character. He was in his prime the captain of the itinerant hosts, and rode at the front as one not unused to such a place. But it was only on the rarest occasions, and then with great modesty, that he ever referred to his military career. Nor did he even in extreme old age apply for a pension. He was incapable of putting a market value on his patriotism. Bishop Robert Paine, who was on terms of the closest intimacy with him for many years, acting as his aman- uensis, traveling thousands of miles in his company, and passing over many of the Revolutionary battle fields, says that he never once heard him allude to his own part in the struggle: "In him the soldier of civil liberty was merged into the nobler character of a true and valiant soldier of the Cross. Having done his duty to his country in an emergency, he was contented, and never boasted of the fact." Still, it is a matter of rec- ord that when on a certain occasion in 1807 a company of roughs, led by a Major Somebody, undertook to break up one of his camp meetings on the frontier of Illinois, he announced from the pulpit that he and some of his companions had fought for their country and could not be intimidated or overawed by a show of vio- lence. The hint proved effective, and the roughs re- tired. CHAPTER II. Genesis of Religious Experience. It is proper to say here what ought perhaps to have been said before, that the state of rehgion in Virginia during and immediately after the Revolutionary War was exceedingly low. The Church of England, it is true, had been from the beginning established by law, but it had never been profoundly loved by the people as a whole. In its most prosperous estate it had ninety- six parishes served by ninety-three ministers. By a policy which seems strange indeed, and which would not now be possible, it had never had a resident bishop. The Bishop of London, to whose diocese the colony belonged, and who exercised a sort of absent juris- diction, was represented on the ground by a com- missary. For fifty years the Rev. Dr. John Blair, a Scotchman of ability and character, to whom Virginia owes a greater debt than she can ever pay, had filled that sub-Episcopal post. However it may be with Churches that hold to a non-Episcopal form of govern- ment, it is at least true that an Episcopal Church with- out a bishop in presence and authority is something of an anomaly and cannot develop in an orderly and healthy fashion. When the fighting began, in 1776, a great many of the clergy forsook their flocks and fled to England. It is not at all uncharitable to say that, as far as the most of them were concerned, their room was better than their companv. Their departure was, at anv rate, (17)' 1 8 Life of William McKendrcc. no great loss to the cause of good religion or good citizenship. Leaving out exceptional cases, they were, both in the matter of character and in the matter of competency, far from measuring up to any proper standard, and would not be tolerated to-day in any Church in America. The Episcopal Church in \'ir- ginia would now exclude them without a moment's hesitation. Not a few of them were given to drinking, gambling, cock-fighting, horse-racing, and many other such improprieties. Not many of them showed any deep sense of concern for the honor of their office or for the souls of their flocks. With such ministers it was certain that the laity would not furnish many shining illustrations of the graces of Christianity. Dr. Hawks, the historian of the Church, says that ^'between the two classes there was a mutual action and reaction of evil ; each probably contributed to make the other worse." About the only thing in regard to which these lead- ers in Israel showed any great activity was in seeking to repress all forms of dissent. Though not quite so bad in this respect as the New England Puritans, they were still bad enough in all conscience. The testimony of Dr. Hawks is as explicit as words could make it, and it is fully confirmed by many good authorities. Parsons whose daily lives were a shame and a scandal poured out the full measure of ecclesiastical censure and wrath upon Quakers, Presbyterians, and Baptists who were guilty of no offense except that they would not conform to the usages of the Church of England. These good people were dragged before petty magis- trates, insulted, fined, beaten, and imprisoned. The Genesis of Religious Experience. 19 Baptists, who made their first appearance in the colony as early as 1714 and became very active after 1740, bore the brunt of the persecution, and stood stead- fast as good soldiers of Jesus Christ. Nothing re- strained such acts of violence as those just mentioned except a growing public opinion against them. It is not strange that the successors and descendants of those courageous early Baptists have carefully pre- served the keys and bolts of the jails in which so many noble men were confined and from the grated windows of which they preached to the curious multitudes that thronged upon the outside. "Soul liberty" is a great inheritance, especially when purchased at the cost of suffering and shame on the part of one's ancestors. To any one that knows the historic traits of the Presby- terians, who also began their work about 1740, it is hardly necessary to say that they too stood their ground. In a letter written in 1764 James Madison, then a youth of fine intelligence and aspiring spirit, says: "Pride, ignorance, and knavery prevail among the priesthood, and vice and wickedness among the laity. This is bad enough, but it is not the worst I have to tell you. That diabolical, hell-conceived principle of persecution rages among some ; and to their eternal in- famy the clergy furnish their full quota of imps for such purposes. There are at this time in the adjacent county five or six well-meaning men in close jail for publishing their religious sentiments, which in the main are very orthodox." One of the three things that Thomas Jefiferson ordered to be carved on his tomb- stone was the fact that Virginia in 1785, under his 20 Life of William McKendree, leadership, enacted a statute for religious freedom. On such an achievement he had full right to congratulate himself. Massachusetts did not take the same step till far along in the nineteenth century. But there is another side to this dismal picture. The Church was not wholly nor irreclaimably bad. It never is so. All sweeping criticisms must be taken, there- fore, with a large grain of salt. There is a fine pas- sage in Isaac Taylor's "Xilus" which is pertinent in this connection : "Dark ages or bright ages, and through times of sluggish movement, and through times of progress and energy-, and while the visible course of the world's affairs is prosperous, and while it is tempestuous, and let Church historians make a good report or let them make an ill report of a cen- tury, still it is always true that a host of souls unre- ported of in any chronicle or census, even a great mul- titude of human spirits, is in training for their places in a kingdom that is not of this world.'' Men like Devereaux Jarratt and Archibald ^IcRoberts in the pulpit, though few in number, were a sign of remain- ing vitality in the Establishment. In the dissenting bodies, moreover, which by the close of the Revolution embraced more than half the people, there were many faithful ministers and more than seven thousand lay- men who had not bowed the knee to Baal. Here and there in every part of the colony humble homes could be found in which the light of true piety continued to shine. The ^IcKendrees were no doubt included in this class. They were communicants in the Established Church and attended regularly on its ordinances. All the indications are that their lives were pure and whole- Genesis of Religious Experience. 21 some. The parents were of exemplary morality, and the children escaped contamination from the evil in- fluences by which they were surrounded. Such a family is a sort of saving salt anywhere. A few such would have saved even Sodom. In the meantime a new force was entering the colony. The Methodist movement, which began to take on an organized form in England in 1739, had now crossed the Atlantic, eager for new conquests in the Western world. As early as 1766 it had planted itself, through the instrumentality of Philip Embury and some other humble folk of Irish birth but German ancestry, in the city of New York, and probably a little earlier by the enterprise and zeal of Robert Strawbridge, an un- mixed Irishman, in the colony of Maryland. The first itinerant Methodist to enter Virginia was likewise from the Emerald Isle, though born in England. His name was Robert Williams, and he appeared in 1772. Bishop McTyeire says that "he had not an embarrassingly high respect for the Church and clergy," and seems to have thought none the less of him for the fact. But Wesley was a little bit afraid of his hard-headedness, and As- bury never quite recognized his full worth. He labored only three years in New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Virginia before being overtaken by death, in 1775. But In that brief period he laid Indestructible founda- tions. When he passed on, he left an organized Church behind him in the last-mentioned field. A sentence from Bishop McTyeire may well be repro- duced at this point : "When the undiscovered grave Is found In which Robert Williams sleeps, no monument that can be raised over it will be too high or too hon- 22 Life of William McKendree, orable." Surely all will agree that this judgment is just. Blessed is the man that is first in a great enter- prise. Jesse Lee, who knew much of the early history of Methodism at first hand and still more from trust- worthy witnesses, describes the man and his preaching as follows : *'His manner of preaching was well cal- culated to awaken sinners and to encourage penitent mourners. He spared no pains to do good. He fre- quently went to church to hear the Established clergy, and as soon as divine service was ended he would go out of the church and, standing on a stump, block, or log, begin to sing, pray, and then preach to the people. It was common with him after preaching to ask most of the people about the welfare of their souls." He was not tied to any method, but dealt with every situa- tion as circumstances seemed to demand. A start once made, Methodism throve wonderfully in that quarter, as it has continued to do till the pres- ent day. At the Conference which met in Philadelphia in 1773 Williams was able to report a membership of one hundred. He was followed later by John King, George Shad ford, Francis Asbury, and others of like spirit. The movement probably reached the McKendrees in about 1775 or 1776. They appear to have given it a prompt and hearty adhesion and were afterwards, therefore, included in that class which came to be known in the State as "old Methodists." The new experience that it brought them of the saving power of Christ made an epoch in their history. Thenceforward the service of God was their chief con- cern, a living and inexhaustible spring of blessedness Genesis of Religious Experience. 23 and joy. They had been decent and upright folk all their lives. Now they became vital and active Chris- tians. Without at all losing the respectful regard which they had cherished for the Episcopal Church, they at once enrolled themselves in a Methodist class and became gladly subject to the whole Methodist dis- cipline. In due time all the children followed the ex- ample of their parents and made an open profession of faith in Christ. That William should be moved with the rest was in- evitable. He had what Tertullian called the animiim naturaliter Christianum, the instinctively Christian temperament. Even as a child, and without any very definite instruction, he had entertained very grave thoughts about God. In a letter written to Bishop Asbury in 1803 he mentions it as a cause for grati- tude that he had always been kept free from gross immoralities and had sworn but one oath. The Bible stories greatly stirred his childish heart and awoke in him the desire to love and please God. At that time he was not far from the kingdom, and needed only proper guidance to bring him into it. Unfortu- nately, however, not even his parents fully realized what was going on within him ; and even had they done so, they were scarcely prepared to deal wisely with his peculiar difficulties. The letter to which I have just referred contains the following paragraph: "1 would frequently seek solitary places in the woods, there fall upon my face, and weep freely while I thought I was talking to Jehovah. This practice I followed till I be- came so serious that I was taken note of. The school- master, who was a vain man and boarded at my 24 Life of William McKendree. father's, began to laugh at me and to make remarks, and finally laughed me out of all my seriousness. I then heedlessly pursued the pleasures of the world, and do not remember to have had any more such im- pressions for several years." When will the Christian world fully learn that childhood belongs to Christ ? But when the Methodist revival broke out in the community, being then about eighteen or nineteen years of age, he experienced a resurgence in full force of his early religious feelings. His heart, long cold toward God, was again mightily warmed. Many around received the gift of conscious pardon and son- ship, among them, as already said, several members of his own family. But he for some reason fell short of that satisfying attainment. In spite of this fact he re- solved to lead a new life, and united himself with a class on probation as "a seeker." After some time he halted by the way and failed to obtain the prize. His own explanation of it is that he found it difficult to break with his companions, who did not share his re- ligious desires. "Their conduct," he says, "being con- formed to my reformed manners, I continued to enjoy the friendship both of the society and of the world, but in a very imperfect degree. They continued to counteract and impair each other until the love of the world prevailed, and my relish for genuine piety de- parted. I peacefully retired from the society, while my conduct continued to secure their friendship." This, however, was not the end. He could not easily shake off the convictions that had found a lodg- ment in his soul. The more he thought himself rid of them, the more they rose up to disturb and distress Genesis of Religious Experience. 25 him. In the good providence of God he again fell desperately sick and came to what he thought was the door of death. '*I utterly despaired of mercy," he says, ''unless God should be graciously pleased to raise me up from my bed of affliction, and thus grant me an opportunity to see his face. For this I earnestly prayed. But even while it seemed to myself that I was so willing to embrace mercy on any terms, I well re- member a thought that threw me into confusion by showing me my error. The following question was sug- gested: 'If the Lord would raise you up and convert your soul, would you be willing to go and preach the gospel ?' " Though mercifully brought back to life and strength, he failed to make the full surrender, and went away from Christ, as did the rich young man in the gospel. "At last," he adds, "I lost the desire and returned to my old companions and the business of the world." In the meantime his service in the army intervened. Everybody knows that a military camp is no good place for beginning or maintaining a Christian life. There have been, it is true, many exceptions to the general rule, but they do not break the force of the rule itself. War is in most cases terribly demoralizing. McKendree was fortunate in not losing his sound moral character while serving his country. Of this fact there Is the best of evidence. But he certainly did lose a large part of his religious sensitiveness and his openness to the influence of the Spirit of God. These apparently false and indecisive starts. If taken by themselves, would seem to argue a good deal of natural fickleness of will on the part of young Mc- 26 Life of IVilliam McKendrcc. Kendrcc. Yet we must not judge too hastily or con- fidently. Only God knows what goes on in the depths of the human spirit. We read that many of the strongest and steadiest Christians in history took their first steps as the Lord's disciples in the same halting and hesitating fashion, and were long in reaching the point of a complete and irrevocable commitment to Christ. The time was coming, though he himself knew it not, when ^IcKendree would parley no more, but surrender at discretion. When it did come, nothing could sur- pass the whole-heartedness with which he gave him- self up, keeping back nothing for time or eternity, but putting himself with all he had on God's altar. It reminds us of the final crisis in the career of Augus- tine, ^ly readers will pardon me, I am sure, if I dwell on it at some length, for it is the determining point in McKendree's career. The whole volume of his sub- sequent life flowed out from it as from an inexhausti- ble spring. The year of our Lord 1787 should be written in red letters in the annals of Methodism. That mighty evangelist John Easter was abroad in the land. He had himself been converted under the preaching of Robert Williams, and was carrying on the true suc- cession in a wonderful way. Like a flame of fire he went round and round the Brunswick Circuit, in which the IMcKendrees then lived. In that single year over one thousand eight hundred persons were converted under his ministry. His gospel became a sort of fresh apologetic for Christianity, for it was in demonstration of the Spirit and of power. Wherever he spoke the whole country turned itself out to hear him, and few Genesis of Religious Experience. 27 heard who were not convinced of sin. Whole com- munities broke down before him. The results of his preaching can be visibly traced even to the present time. It was no mere blaze of excitement that he kindled. \''ast transformations of character took place under his ministry. There is scarce anything like it outside of Methodist history. The nearest parallel to it is to be found in the great revival of 1800, of which I shall presently speak. McKendree was at this time thirty years old, a full- grown man and much set in his ways. While not given to dissipation nor flagrant sin of any sort, he was apparently far from God. Because of a lack of perse- verance, he had lost at least ten years of Christian privilege and opportunity. From a merely human point of view, it was little likely that he w^ould now take the step which he ought to have taken long before. But the unseen Spirit whose operations are as silent as the revolutions of the stars was still at work in the abysses of his nature. It came to pass on a certain Sabbath that he visited one of his neighbors who was on the point of going to church to hear a sermon from a Mr. Gibson, a local preacher, but on McKendree's arrival concluded to send a servant with his wife and remain at home. The two friends spent the morning in no very devout way, "drinking wine and reading a comedy." When the good wife returned after considerable delay, she re- ported strange things; how the preacher had brought many to floods of tears, to cries for forgiveness, and to shouts of joy. She also informed them that Mr. 28 Life of William McKendrcc. Easter would preach at tlie same place on the following Tuesday. What effect this report had on the host we do not know, but we do know what effect it had on Mc- Kendree. "My heart was touched," he tells us, "at her representation. I resolved to seek religion, and began in good earnest to pray for it that evening." That was going at the business in the right way. On Tuesday morning he went to church, "fasting and praying." Mr. Easter's text was: "And this is the condemnation, that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light, because their deeds were evil." The Holy Spirit gave effect to the message. "From this time," says ^IcKendree, "I was wholly miserable." But a better day was soon to dawn on him. "Blessed are they that mourn : for they shall be comforted." \Mien Mr. Easter returned, a month later, the trembling penitent found his Saviour and entered into rest. The whole great change is thus de- scribed by his own pen : "^ly convictions were re- newed ; they were deep and pungent. The great deep of my heart was broken up, its desperately wicked nature was disclosed, and the awfully ruinous con- sequences clearly appeared. My repentance was sin- cere. I was desirous of salvation, and became willing to be saved upon any terms ; and after a sore and sor- rowful travail of three days, which were employed in hearing Mr. Easter and in fasting and prayer, while that man of God was showing a large congregation the way of salvation by faith with a clearness which at the same time astonished and encouraged me, I ven- tured my all on Ciirist. In a moment my soul was Genesis of Religious Experience. 29 delivered of a burden too heavy to be borne, and joy instantly succeeded sorrow. For a short space of time I was fixed in silent admiration, giving glory to God for his unspeakable goodness to such an unworthy creature." That sounds not unlike the experience of John Wes- ley in Fetter Lane. The tone of the one is identical with that of the other. After one or two brief seasons of trial, in which McKendree was tempted to doubt the reality of his conversion because it seemed too good to be true and too great to have taken place in so short a period of time, he settled down into an attitude of unhesitating faith and joy, never again to be seriously disturbed in regard to the matter of his personal ac- ceptance with God. To the end of his earthly days he looked back with tender gratitude to this particular season of his life when he could first truly say, ''Abba, Father." Blessed indeed is the man who knows that there came to him once an hour when all sense of dread and condemnation fell away from him, and the peace of God which passeth all understanding flowed like a river through his soul. The early Methodists were diligently taught to grow in grace and to go on to perfection. Nothing less than this, they were assured, should be the goal of all their striving. While no man, so the instruction ran, could reach it by his own unaided effort, every man might hope to do so by the grace of God. According to Wes- ley's best definition of it, it consists in loving God with all one's heart and soul and mind and strength, and others as one's self; and it is nowise incompatible with the presence of many lingering infirmities, but is 30 Life of William McKendrce, incompatible with deliberate and willful sins. That is a Biblical and satisfactory statement. The other state- ment, that it consists in **the absolute extirpation of the roots of inbred sin," is psychological, or assumes to be so, and cannot be verified by any available test. It is better to stick to the doctrine that Christian perfection is Christian love raised to the highest power. If one chooses to call it entire sanctification, there is no objec- tion, provided the terms are duly and fairly weighed and not forced to carry any burden of extra-Biblical meaning. Whether this great attainment is simply the culminating point of growth, at last reaching full maturity, or is the immediate result of a definite act of faith in a given moment of time, was much discussed then and has been debated ever since. Other questions of an incidental character, and not very profitable, w^ere also raised in connection with the main issue. ^len and women whose emotions were more active than their intellects sometimes lost their balance in brooding over it too exclusively. Cases were not rare in which very extravagant professions were blent with very imperfect conduct. These gave the enemy occasion to blaspheme. But the sound and substantial element of Christian truth in the doctrine furnished a sufficient ground for preaching it, and made it, in the language of John Wesley, "the special depositum of Meth- odism." The celebrated Dr. R. W. Dale, one of the foremost theologians of the past generation, says : "It contains a volume of ethical implications, the measure of which has not yet been fully taken." Not long after McKendree's conversion, under the eflFective stimulus of sermons and of public and private Genesis of Religious Experience. 31 exhortations, he began to reach out with all the eager- ness of his renewed heart for this great blessing. He hungered and thirsted for it. He groaned after it. Day and night he gave himself to the pursuit of it. Once more I shall suffer him to speak for himself: "The more I sought the blessing of sanctification, the more I felt the need of it. In its pursuit my soul grew in grace and in the faith that overcomes the world. One morning I walked into the field, and while I was musing such an overwhelming power of the Divine Being overshadowed me as I had never experienced before. Unable to stand, I sank to the ground more than filled with transport. My cup ran over, and I shouted aloud." Let whoever will undertake to explain an experi- ence like that as something that began and ended in McKendree's own mind. I cannot be guilty of such irreverence. Neither have I any desire to explain it in terms of a technical theology. The only thing that a believer can say is that God was in it. It did not terminate in itself, but left an everlasting impress on the character of McKendree, and showed itself there- after in all manner of holiness and uprightness of con- versation. An experience which vindicates itself in that way cannot be lightly put aside as of no real re- ligious importance. This great baptism of the Spirit, not breaking in on him without antecedent conditions, but coming in answer to prayer and faith, was of tre- mendous significance to the young and ardent Chris- tian. He never forgot it. Of the lonely field in which he wandered on that eventful morning, he could truly say: "This is none other than the house of God, and 3 32 Life of IVilUam McKcndree. this is the gate of heaven." Once and again as he moved farther on the way he received similar displays and attestations of grace. As v^e read of them in these colder times we are struck with a sense of awe and wonder. But really we ought not to be surprised by them. If God is the living God and the Father of the souls of men, there is nothing strange nor irrational in his coming to them in the sweet and awful dis- closures of his love. He has not reared any barriers between himself and the creatures whom he has made in his own image. Has not every true Christian felt at one time or another the personal touch of God on him ? Yea, has not every one in his moments of special surrender been almost overborne by the tides of God's life flowing in upon him? Call It perfect love, entire sanctlficatlon, or what you will, it is the experience in full and glorious measure of the powers of the world to come. CHAPTER III. Call to the Ministry. The original and only true method of propagating the gospel may be gathered from John i. 35-51. On the day following his baptism Jesus was passing through the throng that lined the banks of the Jordan. When John the Baptist observed him, he said to two of his own disciples who were standing by: "Behold the Lamb of God." The disciples, so the simple nar- rative runs, ''heard him speak, and they followed Jesus," lingering in his presence for the few remain- ing hours of the day. One of the two was Andrew of Bethsaida, the brother of Simon Peter. He too, as the story discloses, was a man of quick impulses. *'He first findeth his own brother Simon, and saith unto him. We have found the Messias. And he brought him to Jesus." What else could he have done that would have been so natural and appropriate? The next day a similar incident occurred between Philip and Na- thanael. The kingdom of Christ spreads by the spon- taneous activity of those who have already become its subjects. All Christian history is only the exhibition of this simple fact. The instinctive inclination of every newborn Christian is to communicate the glad tidings to his kinsmen, friends, and neighbors. In no respect did Methodism more nearly resemble primitive Chris- tianity than in the evangelistic temper that character- ized its first adherents. It was this that gave It such expansive vigor and caused it to spread so rapidly over the land. N"ot the ministers alone, but also mul- titudes of the laity, men and women alike, threw them- (33) 34 Life of William McKcndree. selves with the greatest possible zeal into the work of gaining fresh converts. The prayer of Moses that all the Lord's people might be prophets received then a large fulfillment. It was altogether sure that young McKendree, being such a man as he was, and living in such an atmos- phere as that which surrounded him, should at once desire to bestir himself for the salvation of others. We have his own testimony that his heart burned within him when he considered the irreligiousness of many of his acquaintances. Almost without knowing what he was doing, and simply following the generous impulses that rose up in his spirit, he began to pray, to exhort, to teach, finding, what many have since found, that his apprehension of his sonship toward God had brought him an unknown gift of utterance. As he himself said: "My heart was enlarged, and I saw more clearly than ever the danger of an unconverted state. For such (unawakened) persons I prayed with anxious care. Sometimes, when called on to pray in public, my soul would get in an agony, and the Lord would in great compassion pour out his Holy Spirit. Souls were convicted and converted, and Zion rejoiced abundantly in those days. Without a thought of preaching I began to tell my acquaintances what the Lord had done for me. It had its effect, and lasting impressions were made. Thus was I imperceptibly led on till the preachers and the people began to urge me tc speak more publicly." When the thought of formally entering the ministry was thus thrust upon McKendree's mind, he was much perplexed by it. The possibility of disobeying the Di- Call to the Ministry, 35 vine will troubled him greatly ; but the danger of run- ning without a call was equally repugnant to him. At times he would be almost ready to say : "Here am I ; send me." But when he reflected on the difficult and weighty responsibilities of the ministerial office and considered the scantiness and inadequacy of his own equipment, he drew back. While he was in this con- fused state of mind, his father, discerning his condi- tion and surmising the real cause of it, said to him one day as they were sitting at the table: "William, has not the Lord called you to preach the gospel? I be- lieve he has, and I charge you not to quench the Spirit." These solemn words, coming from such a source at such a time, impressed him greatly and no doubt helped him to reach a right conclusion. A little later, when he was quite ill, Mr. Easter, to whom he was already so much indebted, came to see him, imploring the Lord to raise him up to health and strength and then to thrust him out as a laborer in the vineyard. With renewed submissiveness and much fasting and prayer he looked to God for direction, and was not disappointed. The direction came to him, as he himself in his later years always thought, through the active but unsolicited intervention of Christian friends. And why not so? The mind of the Church is often the medium through which the mind of the Lord is made known. The Church may not properly issue a call to preach. That is a prerogative which the Lord has expressly reserved in his own lands. But the Church must test all those who profess to have been called, and determine whether their profession is genuine. And her jud'^Tncrtt is never to be despised. 36 Life of William McKendree. About nine months after !McKendree*s conversion, and while he was Hstening with an open ear and a devout spirit for the \'oice from on high, he was in- vited by Mr. Easter to attend in his company the ap- proaching session of the Mrginia Conference, which was to meet in the early summer of 1788 in the city of Petersburg, about twenty-five miles from Richmond. Esteeming himself greatly honored by such a request, and hoping to get both pleasure and profit from the journey, he promptly consented to go. But for several days after reaching Petersburg he saw little or nothing of the Conference, which always sat at that time with closed doors. When, however, the appointments were about to be announced, he was invited to come and hear them. As he had never been present on an occa- sion of the like kind, he was naturally more or less curicrus about it. The writer of these lines, now nearly half advanced in his seventh decade, has never yet for- gotten the thrill of interest that swept through his spirit when he saw the spectacle for the first time, nor the deep feeling of awe when, a few years later, he himself first lined up to get his own marching orders. He expects to carry these memories into eternity. McKendree supposed that he was entering the Con- ference room as a visitor and guest. To his great wonder he found out that he had been received into the traveling connection and sent as assistant preacher or "helper" to the Mecklenburg Circuit. He had not been recommended by any Quarterly Conference. He had not even been licensed to preach. He had not himself been consulted on the subject. Pie was not vet sure of his vocation. Xothine was ever more in- Call to the Ministry. 37 formal or irregular. But the need of men was great and seemed to justify emergent measures. McKendree, moreover, was not entirely unknown. Some of the ablest ministers in the Conference were well acquainted with him and his family. They judged him a "safe case" and cordially commended him to the whole body. So without more ado he was started on that wonder- ful career which was to carry him over the continent as a laborer and a leader in the Lord's host, and was to end only with his triumphant death, more than half a century later. It used to be told that Bishop Robert Paine, one of the strongest and noblest men that ever adorned the episcopal office, was likewise brought into the ministry by a very short route. When he came up to the Annual Conference, his parents being Baptists, he had never been baptized. But neither this fact nor any other lack of technical preparation proved a bar to his being accepted. Such apparently lawless pro- ceedings are not to be taken as a precedent. That the issue was satisfactory in the cases of these two eml- ment men is no argument for a general neglect of pre- scribed methods and usages. It must be remembered, too, that there was a careful preliminary scrutiny of the moral and religious character of McKendree and Paine. That is, after all, the main thing. How was McKendree himself affected by this sud- den and unexpected turn of events ? He says : "Hav- ing been dismissed, I was walking in another room (the Conference sat In a private dwelling )p when my presiding elder came in and, discovering my agitation, took me In his arms and said : While you were stand- ing before the Conference I believed that God showed 38 Life of William McKendree. me he had a work for you to do. Don't deceive me.' This had the most happy effect. It determined my un- settled mind. I had only wanted to know what was right, to do it as well as I could. I had the fullest con- fidence in the preachers ; and in reflecting on the charac- ter and judgment of those who had recommended me, strengthened with what the presiding elder with flow- ing tears had just said to me, I resolved to reject my doubts, submit to their judgment, take the work to which I was appointed, and do as well as I could. Thus after more than eight months of painful suspense my heart was fixed, and I set out for my circuit." This last clause has a pleasant sound. IMounted on a good horse (for he would never ride an inferior one), his saddlebags well packed with his limited wardrobe and his Bible and hymn book and other necessary things, the farewell kisses of the home folks on his lips, he "set out" across the country, across the State, over to\vering mountains and turbulent rivers, and through trackless forests, south to the land of the palmetto and the long-leaved pine, north to the Great Lakes, west to the Father of Waters and beyond, and east to the last extremities of New England. Nor did he halt nor break his gait till increasing years and gather- ing infirmities made it impossible for him to go farther. He "set out for his circuit" first, but kept his eye ever beyond all things visible and temporal on the city which hath the fotmdations. O brave-hearted and modest young man, trembling at thy own weakness, but trust- ing in One who never fails, the angel of the Lord rode with thee on that day, though thou sawest not the shining of his face nor heard the sound of his voice! CHAPTER IV. Four Years a Circuit Preacher. In his first appointment as helper, or junior preacher, on Mecklenburg Circuit, McKendree was in most re- spects very fortunate. The presiding elder of the dis- trict was James O'Kelley, one of the oldest itinerants in the service, an able and effective preacher, and in his best days ranking next to Asbury himself in public esteem. At that time, though he was already beginning to show marked eccentricities of character, he had not yet been betrayed into those schismatic follies which have ever since obscured the greatness of his name. The preacher in charge of the circuit was Philip Cox, an Englishman, some years resident in America, pro- foundly and fervently religious, endowed with signal gifts of evangelism, and leaving a shining track behind him wherever he went. He was particularly noticeable for his zeal in the distribution of religious literature, and was the first traveling book steward, or general colporteur, of American Methodism. McKendree speaks of him with the greatest affection as "an in- structor and a father." The Mecklenburg people were of a superior quality. In general culture and in sound piety they were worthy of praise. Many of them had been Methodists since the days of Robert Williams, and took a great delight In smoothing the way of the young preacher. It was well for him to make a start under such favorable conditions, for he was constitu- tionally timid and bashful and needed all the help that (39) 40 Life of William McKendree. he could get. In a letter written long afterwards he says : "It looked to me as if they wished to bear a part of the cross for me. On this circuit there were many deeply experienced Christians by whose walk and con- versation I profited much. I hope I shall never forget how sweetly they used to talk of the triumphs of grace and the love of Jesus." Even with the encouragement of such noble Chris- tian friends McKendree once in a while suffered dis- comfiture. Dr. Stevens says: "At one of his appoint- ments, after singing and prayer, he took his text and attempted to look at his audience; but such was his embarrassment that he could not lift his eyes from the Bible till he had finished his sermon. After the ser- mon, his host at the appointment left the house, sup- posing the preacher would follow him ; but not seeing him, he returned to the church, and there found him seated on the lowest step of the pulpit stairs. He in- vited him to go home with him. McKendree said in a mournful tone: 'I am not fit to go home with any- body.' " Is there any Methodist minister anywhere in the world who has not sometimes felt just that way? The following year McKendree was sent to Cumber- land Circuit, with John Barker as preacher in charge. Bishop Paine says that "this field of labor lay on James River and principally in Washington County." How the Bishop, usually so accurate, could have lapsed into so serious an error, I do not know. Washington County, Va., is on the extreme western border of the State, next to the Tennessee line. The James River does not touch it by at least two hundred miles. By some curious slip of the pen the Bishop substituted Four Years a Circuit Preacher. 41 Washington for Cumberland. The James River people were also intelligent and hospitable to a marked de- gree. The lines had again fallen to McKendree in pleasant places. But at the end of six months he was returned to Mecklenburg. Such frequent changes were too common in those days to excite any remark. They constituted the rule rather than the exception. The fact that McKendree was able to take the back track shows that he had left a good name behind him. By his diary and by information from other sources we are able to follow him quite closely during these two initial years and to see what manner of life he led. He gave himself up with great zeal to the study of the Holy Scriptures and of other good books. He literally prayed without ceasing. In the quietness of his owm chamber, as he walked in the fields and the forests, and as he rode by the way, he lifted up his soul unto God. The early morning hours, "a great while before day," bore frequent witness to his devotions. Often in the middle of the night he rose from bed to fall upon his knees. He was much given to fasting, and, in fact, sometimes carried it almost to the limit of unwise asceticism. We find him once raising the inquiry as to whether a Christian man ought ever to laugh. Yet the dominant note In his life was one of joy. At times he received overwhelming manifestations of the Holy Spirit, which prostrated him In humility and love and speechless awe before God. His diligence never flagged. He preached nearly every day to all sorts of audiences, in all sorts of places ; led the classes as he went around the circuit; visited the sick, encouraged the penitent, and edified the saints. To do the whole 42 Life of William McKendree. work of a Alethodist preacher was his supreme aim. He could have truly said, as Wesley said long before him : ''Leisure and I have parted company." It is a noteworthy fact that from the earliest begin- nings of his ministry he showed a lively interest in the spiritual welfare of the colored people, preaching to them whenever opportunity afforded and otherwise seeking to do them good. From conviction he was op- posed to slavery and would have been glad to see it wiped out had it been possible to do so by rational and peaceable means. But there is no proof that he at any time coincided with the radical views of Bishop Coke or was ever willing to foster a social revolution to se- cure the freedom of the colored people. He was the last man to approve a program of reformation by as- sassination or to take any part in the canonization of that bold and bloody murderer whose soul is still "marching on" in the disordered imaginations of his followers and admirers. I am saying this here and now to avoid the necessity of saying it later. ^IcKendree's profiting in his studies and other labors appeared unto all men. He grew steadily in grace and in the knowledge of the Lord Jesus Christ. His character, always serious and thoughtful, acquired increased depth and strength. The Church was much quickened under his ministry, and sinners were con- verted unto God. There was nothing spectacular nor dramatic in his methods. Nobody was astonished by the rapidity of his development. He did not come up, like Jonah's gourd, in a single night. Yet even in the beginning he gave the promise of those qualities as a preacher and an administrator that in his maturer man- Four Years a Circuit Preacher, 43 hood drew the attention of the nation. While his rise was by no means rapid, it was steady. The ground that he once gained he kept. He was not a flaming evan- gehst hke John Easter. The multitudes did not throng and press upon him as they did later upon Bascom. But as time went on he had increasingly good au- diences. Those who came once to hear him were likely to come again. He proclaimed the simple truth of the gospel in demonstration of the Spirit and of power. The Lord gave him souls as the sign and seal of his ministry. All the confusing doubts that he had felt about the reality of his call vanished away, and he at last rejoiced in the satisfying certainty that he was in the track of duty. At the Conference which met at Petersburg June 14, 1790, McKendree, having accomplished his probation, was admitted into full connection, and was likewise elected and ordained deacon. His own account of it all is most interesting. Reading it we can easily imagine ourselves back in the little assembly in a pri- vate house and participating in the exercises of the hour. Here is an extract : "Got to Petersburg, found Conference sitting and the young preachers going through their examination, and to my comfort heard eighteen or twenty received without a blemish after standing the time of their probation. In the evening Bishop Asbury read his letters from different quar- ters, which gave accounts of the great work of God going on. The Lord made it a time of sweetness and of power to us in general. At the time of the adjourn- ing of the Conference (for the evening) Mr. Jarratt, an Episcopalian preacher who was with us, went to 44 -^'/^ of U'illia}]i McKendrce. prayer, and a time of shouting we had/' I wonder whether any Methodist Conference has ever since fallen to shouting over the praying of an Episcopal minister. The probabilities are that Jarratt prayed without a book. Anyhow, blessings on his memory ! He was the kind friend of the ]\Iethodists when they were but a feeble folk, and his walk and conversation were a pattern which all men could safely follow. Another quotation from the diary will not be amiss : "On Tuesday, second day of the Conference, Mr. Jar- ratt preached at eleven o'clock. After preaching, seventeen preachers being elected, they were called and presented to the bishop to be ordained deacons. Such a sight I never saw before. It was indeed a solemn time and seemed to affect the extensive congregation. For my own part, I think I was never thus affected before. I felt fresh desires and stronger resolutions than I ever experienced before to live to God alto- gether. The world this day seemed to be left very far behind and my soul encompassed with light." Strange- ly enough, he does not mention that he himself was one of the seventeen men ordained to the diaconate. Did an excess of modesty prompt this reticence? Or was he simply so filled with the solemn emotions of the hour that he forgot to set down his own name in the story ? At the close of the Conference McKendrce was sent to Portsmouth Circuit, Jesse Xicholson in charge, but was removed and spent the latter part of the year with William Spencer on Surry Circuit. His diary for the year reveals nothing extraordinary, but still shows that he was making progress every way : "This was a Four Years a Circuit Preacher. 45 year of much comfort to my soul. I found an affec- tionate people, indeed. Many were deeply experienced saints who were a blessing to me. *As iron sharpeneth iron/ so did the conversation of these brethren provoke me to love and good works. I found father, mother, brother, and sister in deed and in truth. It was my meat and drink to employ my spare moments in study. Fasting and prayer were a pleasure. I had an almost uninterrupted heaven below. The work of the Lord prospered in our hands, particularly in the latter part of the year. A considerable number of members was added to the societies." There was only one thing that gave him much trou- ble or concern. His presiding elder, James O'Kelley, instead of counseling loyalty to the Church and its government, had become so set against Asbury and those who agreed with him that he spent nearly the whole year spreading dissatisfaction and organizing discontent, and, what is w^orse, did it all in the name of the Lord. McKendree was much under his influence, and suffered from it. Of this more by and by. From the Conference which met April 20, 1791, Mc- Kendree was sent to Amelia Circuit. It joined the Cumberland Circuit, on which he had spent a part of his second year. His colleague was John Baldwin. The time for holding the Conference was changed this year from spring till winter, so that he really spent only six months in Amelia, which does not appear to have been marked in any way except by the continued efforts of O'Kelley to thwart Asbury and introduce radical changes into the government of the Church. That sore-headed old preacher had reached the point 46 Life of ll'illiani McKendrcc. where he could not be happy except in opposition to the powers that be. **I enjoyed peace of mind," says McKendree, ''and comfortable fellowship with those among whom I labored. We began to have some hope of a General Conference to adjust our conflicting opin- ions, and our fears began to subside." There is a constant temptation to quote from the diary. I must make space for at least one or two pas- sages as showing that, despite all disturbances, Mc- Kendree kept very close to God. The date of the first passage is August 4, 1790: ''Rose early; poured out my soul in prayer and praise ; rode to Portsmouth ; met the other preacher, and at twelve o'clock met class ; had a comfortable time. Rode into the country and preached at 4 p.m. The power of the Lord was amongst the people ; deep solemnity rested on the whole congregation ; about twelve or fifteen down crying for mercy. One was converted and appeared to be as happy as a creature can be. Returned to town, preached at eight o'clock, and went to rest at half past ten o'clock, much fatigued in body, but with perfect calm- ness of soul." And that of the second is October 10 and 11, 1790: "Sunday. — Rose at 3 a.m. ; family prayer at four, a time of heavenly sweetness to our souls. Went into the lovely fields when the blushing morn is dispersing gloomy night ; breathed the sweet morning air with the love of God in my soul. About sunrise I began and preached to about thirty persons from, 'And the angel said unto the women, Fear not ye, for I know that ye seek Jesus, which was crucified : he is not here, for he is risen, as he said.' My dear Master gave me to feel Four Years a Circuit Preacher, 47 what I preached. Love feast for the band society fol- lowed. O how the saints did shout and tell the won- ders of redeeming love ! But had a cold time at public meeting." ^'Monday. — Rest day. Spent my time in reading, writing, prayer, and meditation, except a little for con- versation witli my brethren. At twelve o'clock in my general prayer for mankind I prayed particularly for the preachers. Bless the Lord for the degree of con- formity I feel to the Lord's will. O give me universal conformity and perfect resignation ! In the evening walked to a distant grove and prostrated myself at the feet of the awful Jehovah. Met my brethren in cove- nant prayer; my soul all on fire." 4 CHAPTER V. Four Years More on the Circuit, with an Episode. All the Conferences which up to this time McKen- dree had attended (four in number) met at Peters- burg in the spring or early summer. But the fifth one, of which we are now to speak, convened at Lane's Chapel, in Southampton County, December 21, 1791. Bishop Asbury says : "This Conference began and ended in peace." The two Conferences immediately preceding it had been anything but peaceable. It is likely that, as a General Conference was now promised for the next year, everybody felt disposed to let con- troversy cease till that time. Not even O'Kellcy showed any spirit of warfare. Having traveled four full years, McKendree was duly elected by the Con- ference to elder's orders ; and on Sunday, December 25, was ordained to that office by Bishop Asbury, who had before ordained him deacon, and afterwards or- dained him bishop. At the close of the Conference he was sent as preacher in charge to Greenville Circuit, with Joel Thacker as his assistant. He did not want to go. Quite possibly he expressed his opposition to doing so. But all the same he went. Let us hear his explanation : "This was the first station that I felt my will opposed to. It fixed me in the midst of my old acquaintances, many of whom were in our societies before me and considered themselves as my superiors. It was a (48) Four Years More on the Circuit. 49 sifting time in those parts, and I expected that some of them would have to be excluded. This I feared they would not bear from me, which was the cause of my unwillingness to go to the circuit. But in this I was disappointed. I believe I never went through the business of a circuit with more ease. Although many were turned out, there were no fixed prejudices in consequence of the administration as far as I know. True, we had but few additions to the Church ; yet we had many sweet and precious meetings." Mc- Kendree was not the first itinerant minister who found out that an appointment might be better than it looked, and neither was he the last one. This brings us to another critical point in McKen- dree's career. I have alluded above to James O'Kelley. Being such a man as he was, and occupying such a position in the Church as he did, he naturally acquired a great influence over McKendree's mind, and came near to turning him quite aside from the path of use- fulness and honor on which he had entered. As an Irishman, O'Kelley had a natural distrust of govern- ment, and for some reason or other he had come to cherish a persistent dislike for Bishop Asbury. The majority of Methodist historians do not hesitate to charge that he was controlled by envy and jealousy. I shall not indulge in so extreme a judgment, for it is well to be charitable even toward a man who has been nearly ninety years in his grave. But I will say that on the supposition of his having been a simple-minded and straightforward man it is difficult to understand the course which he now took. Waiving all other con- siderations, he and Asbury were so differently consti- 50 Life of IVilliam McKendrce, tuted that it would have been difficult for them in any complicated situation to see eye to eye or to act in harmony. The organizing General Conference of 1784 had made no provision for the subsequent meeting of General Conferences, and does not even seem to have thought of taking such a step. As practical men they had met the emergency with which they were then confronted and did not undertake to forecast the difficulties that might arise in the future, nor to make provision against them. The Discipline of the Church they had drawn out in definite form, and left it with no suggestion as to how it might later be altered, amended, or improved. As a matter of course, however, it was still within the power of the whole body of ministers to change it at their will. What they had made they could unmake. If they had once got together, a mere majority vote would have been sufficient to effect this end. But there was the rub. Getting them together was not an easy thing. True, they met annually in different groups, in different parts of the coun- try. These groups were not yet Annual Confer- ences in our present sense of the term. They were without fixed geographical boundaries or definite membership. It was not till 1796 that such limita- tions were attached. Up to that time the number of them and their times and places of meeting were determined from year to year so as to best meet the convenience of the bishops and the preachers. To get any legislative measure through them all — and it had to go through them all before it could be effective — meant, therefore, an almost endless series Four Years More on the Circuit. 51 of debates. The inevitable effect was divisive. Men in different parts of the country could not look one another in the face, nor be sure that they really under- stood one another's minds. Nor was it at all likely that when the debates had been ended and the votes taken and declared there would be general acquiescence in the result. But it was as sure as anything could be that legisla- tion would become a necessity, and that new measures would be required to meet new conditions. That the Discipline of 1784 should come to be accepted as final and unalterable was not possible. No Protestant Church will ever agree that any set of ecclesiastical statutes is unchangeable. While Church polities should not be altered in mere wantonness, they must be held open to such improvements as the enlarging experi- ences of godly men may deem best. The worst enemy to a true conservatism is the temper that doggedly re- sists all innovations, for it is certain to breed radicalism by reaction. Within a few years Asbury and the other leaders began to see that they must devise some workable scheme by which the Connection could express its mind and judgment on living issues in such a way as to avoid the awkward and cumbersome method of voting through the yearly Conferences. It seems strange to us that they did not at once convene another General Conference. The objection offered to it was that it would cost a great deal of time and money. But this objection was no more potent than it would have been in 1784, save that now there were many more preach- ers to come together, and the question of entertaining 1). Qt (LiL Lid. ^2 Life of IVilliam McKeudree. them fn one place would have presented some substan- tial difficulties. Back of the economical argument there was probably the lingering fear that if all the preachers should meet in one body they might do violence to the existing order. Asbury never quite got over his early training, nor ceased to be somewhat doubtful about trusting mere majorities. As an expediency, then, it was determined to create a Representative Council. In 1789 this plan was laid before the yearly Conferences by Bishop Asbury, and met with their almost unanimous approval. Later in the year — that is to say, on December i — the first ses- sion of the Council was convened at Cokesbury Col- lege, Abingdon, Md. As above indicated, it was in some sense a delegated body, being composed of the bishops and the presiding elders. If any one of the presiding elders should find it impossible to attend in person, he was requested to send some other elder from his district as a substitute. It was stipulated that at least nine elders must be present for valid legislation. If for any reason the number should fall short of this stipulation, the bishops were instructed to fill the vacancies by choosing elders from any quarter. The powers of this Council, though apparently great, were really very small ; for it could not perfect legisla- tion, but only mature and frame suggestions which, be- fore becoming laws, must be passed upon by the preachers in the yearly Conferences. Even this it could not do without a unanimous vote. That was simply going round a circle, therefore, and coming back to the same point. The only advantage gained was the pos- sibility — a mere possibility at best — that tlie sugges- Four Years More on the Circuit. 53 tions of the Council would carry so much weight as to be sure of a kindly reception and ratification at the hands of the preachers in the Conferences. The re- sult did not justify even this expectation, but became a fresh source of wrangling and disputation. The men of the first Council were men of light and leading. If the Church had been searched throughout, their superiors could not have been found. They were : Richard Ivey, from Georgia ; Reuben Ellis, South Carolina ; Philip Bruce, Northern District of Virginia ; James O'Kelley, Southern District of Virginia ; Nel- son Reed, Western Shore of Maryland; J. Everett, Eastern Shore; John Dickens, Pennsylvania; J. O. Cromwell, New Jersey; Freeborn Garrettson, New York. But not one of them was chosen by the Confer- ences. They were members of the Council by virtue of their office. Bishop Asbury gives a very brief account of the proceedings. "All our business," he says, "was done in harmony and love." This business seems to have related chiefly to the wants of Cokesbury College, the printing of books and tracts, and the securing of funds for the sufifering preachers on the Western fron- tier. That was not a very formidable program, to be sure. What there was in it to frighten anybody, it is very difficult to see. Meager as it was also, it was of no effect whatever until it should first be carried round by Bishop Asbury for the approval of the brethren. O'Kelley, it will be noticed, was a member of the Council. He had offered no objection to the project in the first place, nor any to the specific measures which it had proposed for acceptance or rejection. If he had been minded to object, his one vote could have stopped 54 Life of William McKendree. everything. But he soon afterwards got it into his head that mischief was brewing. It is possible that on full reflection he saw or imagined that the innocent- looking Council might develop into an instrument in the hands of an oligarchy for the oppression of the Church. So he determined to take up an antagonistic attitude, and he did it at once. Traveling fast, he reached Virginia in advance of Asbury, and opened a crusade of systematic opposition. McKendree fell under his spell. Within a few months the two traveled together to the Conference, June 14-20, 1790, and O'Kelley used all his power to poison the mind of the young man, not only against the proceed- ings of the Council, but also against Asbury himself. From any point of view, it is a pitiful story. When the Conference met, everything w^ent well until Asbury, as in duty bound, brought out the budget from the Council. It had been agreed in advance by O'Kelley and his followers to treat it with scant courtesy. They not only repudiated it, root and branch, but "refused to adopt any accommodating plan." Asbury, w-ho was too wise to fight against such odds, behaved very graciously and went right forward with the customary business. IMcKendree had evidently looked for some tyrannical outbreak from the chair, and was not a lit- tle surprised at the mildness of the Bishop. A taste of success whetted O'Kelley's appetite for controversy. He put in the larger part of the next year keeping up an acrimonious agitation. Wherever he went the burden of his conversation w-as that the Church was in danger of destruction ; that Asburv and the leaders who sided with him — he called them a Four Years More on the Circuit. 55 "party" — were filled with a lust for money and power ; and that it was imperative upon those who truly loved God to take steps for staying the plague. After some delay, he accordingly called the preachers of his dis- trict together at Mecklenburg to consider the whole situation — a sort of Council of his own. The most of them agreed with him, but some dissented. All were ready to demand the calling of a General Conference as the only satisfactory remedy. The demand itself was right and wise, but the spirit which lay behind it was bitter and destructive. A second session of the Council met in Baltimore December i, 1790. In view of the ill success that had attended the efforts of the year before, and of the deep feeling that was generally prevalent in the Church, it adjourned without making any recommendations. No other session was ever convened, and thus ended this well-meant but impotent attempt to deal with the dif- ficulties that grew out of the very successes that the Church had achieved. In the meantime Bishop Coke had thrown his influence in favor of a General Confer- ence, one of the wise things he did among many un- wise ones. The Church at large proved to be of the same mind; and in November, 1792, the General Con- ference met in the city of Baltimore. McKendree was present, having gone up from Greenville Circuit in company with O'Kelley, whose wrath against Asbury was nowise placated, though he had secured the object which was supposed to be the end of his desires. By this time McKendree was pretty thoroughly saturated with the views of his elder and ready to follow him in most measures. 56 Life of William McKendrce. Though he was now in the fifth year of his ministry, he does not seem up to that time to have pondered with special seriousness the problems of Church go\'ern- ment, nor to have taken an accurate measurement of the men with whom he had been intimately associated. Strangely enough, there is no official record of this General Conference of 1792, though its importance was great enough to have justified the most careful preser- vation of its proceedings. Jesse Lee, who was pres- ent, states that it was a large body composed of men from all those parts of the country to which Metli- odism had spread. There was a feeling in the air that something unusual was about to take place, and some- thing did. After one day in framing rules of order, the Conference went regularly over the whole Dis- cipline with a view to such changes as might be needed. O'Kelley was loaded for Asbury. He had come up for the express purpose of putting a curb on the epis- copacy, and evidently expected to succeed in his ven- ture. The Conference of 1784 had left the appoint- ment of the preachers in the hands of the bishops, as it had before been in the hands of Wesley and his chief American assistants. That was the original Methodist plan. It had worked well. O'Kelley had no personal ground of complaint; for ever since his ordination, eight years before, he had served continuously on one district. But the mere sight of power in the hands of other men seemed to madden him. He would have none of it. So he took an early start, and on the second day proposed the following amendment to the Dis- cipline: "After the bishop appoints the preachers at Conference to their several circuits, if anv one think Four Years More on the Circuit. 57 himself injured by his appointment, he shall have liberty to appeal to the Conference and state his objec- tions; and if the Conference approve his objections, the bishop shall then appoint him to another circuit." On the face of it, nothing could be fairer. It is no wonder that at first a majority seemed to approve it. But a long debate followed, and there is nothing that is more illuminating than an honest debate. The state- ment is made by contemporary authority that no sub- ject had ever before so fully called forth all the strength of the preachers. As the Issues involved touched chiefly the administration of Bishop Asbury, Bishop Coke, who was present on one of his flying journeys, presided, and expressed his fair surprise at the vigor and ability of the disputants. Dr. Stevens says : "The discussion lasted nearly a week (to be exact, three days). It was the first of those great parliamentary debates which have given preeminence to the delibera- tive talent of the body. It was led chiefly by O'Kelley, Ivey, Hull, Garretson, and Swift for the affirmative ; and by Willis, Lee, Morell, Everett, and Reed for the negative — all chieftains of the itinerancy and eloquent speakers." After much discussion, on motion of John Dickens, the subject was divided thus: i. "Shall the bishops appoint the preachers to the circuits? 2. Shall a preacher be allowed an appeal?" The first question was carried affirmatively without opposition. But the crux still remained. The negative argument which seemed to have most weight was that an appeal from the Bishop to the Conference would be Imprac- ticable. Tlioinas Ware summarizes It as follows : 58 Life of William McKendree. "Should one preacher appeal, and the Conference say that his appointment should be altered, the bishop must remove some other one to make room for him, in which case the other might complain and appeal in turn." Ware adds that, nevertheless, he believes O'Kelley might have carried his point if he had shown a better spirit. Some of his followers were very violent and said: "It is a shame for a man to accept such lordship as the bishops exercise, much more to claim it, and that they who would submit to this absolute dominion must forfeit all claims to freedom and ought to have their ears bored through with an awl and be fastened to their master's door and become slaves for life." Those old-time brethren were not always mild of speech. The outcome of it all was that the motion to give the right of appeal was lost by a large majority. As- bury was not elated by the result. He knew, it is true, that a bishop without authority to fix the appointments would become a mere moderator, and that the itiner- ancy would soon break down under such an arrange- ment. But he did not covet the heavy responsibilities that the law imposed upon him. ''I have been much grieved for others and distressed with the burden I bear and must hereafter bear." Nor, I feel sure, has he ever had a successor in ofiice that would not have been glad to be exempt from so heart-crushing a duty as that of stationing the preachers. O'Kelley, who was terribly disappointed when his seeming victory was turned into defeat, did not hesi- tate for a day as to what course he should pursue. The next morning he and a few of his adherents addressed Four Years More on the Circuit. 59 a letter to the Conference, stating that they could no longer retain their seats in that body. All possible efforts were made to conciliate them. A committee of three, including Freeborn Garrettson, who had sided with them in the debate, was designated to visit him and urge him to reconsider his determination; but all to no purpose. Not even an interview with Bishop Coke, who shared many of his views, proved of any avail. He and his partisans — those, that is, who were beyond compromise — left the city before the Confer- ence adjourned. Carrying their saddlebags, great- coats, and other bundles, they walked to a place twelve miles distant in the country, where they had left their horses, and rode off home in high dudgeon. William McKendree was one of the company. He had become convinced that O'Kelley's position w^as correct and fol- lowed his convictions honestly, though no doubt with a sad heart. Jesse Lee, who knew O'Kelley well, ex- pressed deep regret at seeing him go off in such a humor, because he was sure that ''the old man" meant mischief. On the way to Virginia O'Kelley fully uncovered his plans to his companions. He had burned the bridges behind him and would take no backward steps. He meant to organize an entirely new Church. It should be a glorious Church in every particular — without bishops, without slavery, without concentration of au- thority anywhere. The program was attractive to many minds, and seemed for a time to have in it the elements of success. But in the long run it came to naught. For many years it created great disturbances in Virginia and North Carolina. The echoes of it 6o Life of William McKendrcc. were heard in the forests of Kentucky and Tennessee, where James Haw, one of the most effective pioneer preachers, was drawn off by it. It arrested, in fact, for two full quadrenniums the growth of the whole Church. But it yielded no valuable and permanent re- sults. The organization which was effected at Mana- kintown, Va., in 1793, with O'Kelley taking the lead in everything, had the seeds of schism in itself and soon split up into several minor bodies. Jesse Lee, writing in 1809, says : "They have been divided and subdivided till at present it is hard to find two of them that are of one opinion." O'Kelley issued pamphlet after pamphlet assailing Asbury and the Methodist Episcopal Church. Nicholas Snethen and others made vigorous replies. Asbury concluded to take no hand in the war of words, though he had gath- ered many documents for his defense. His attitude was patient and noble. Referring to his accusers, he said : 'T bid such adieu and appeal to the bar of God. I have no time to contend, having better work to do. If we have lost some children, God will give us more. Ah ! this is the mercy, the justice of some who under God owe their all to me and my tyrants, so called. The Lord judge between them and me." A few con- gregations yet remain that had their origin in this disastrous schism ; but they have always been a mere backwater in the Methodist movement, without out- look or influence upon the world, and to-day they are a negligible quantity even in the communities in which they at first had their greatest show of strength. Ten years after the revolt Asbury and O'Kelley met at Winchester, Va., talked of things indifferently, but Four Years More on the Circuit. 6l said nothing of their personal antagonisms, prayed, and parted in peace. O'Kelley survived till October 1 6, 1826, and died in his ninety-second year. Dr. Leroy M. Lee says : "He retained to the latest period of his life unabated confidence in the purity and power of his system. In age and feebleness his hope in the work of his hands did not desert him. He went down to the grave, according to one of his followers, satisfied with the past and peaceful and hopeful with respect to the future." But to get back to McKendree. He was not quite ready, even after he left the General Conference, to abandon the ship. He still cherished a lingering hope for some sort of adjustment, though he could not see how it was to be brought about. A few weeks later — that is, November 26 — the Virginia Conference met at Manchester, opposite Richmond. iMcKendree was not present. Bishop Paine says : "The interval between the General and Annual Conferences was too short to af- ford time for the removal of the feeling excited at the former. Sympathizing deeply with his old and ap- parently his best friend, imperfectly acquainted with the subject of Church government, and with the do- cility almost of a child confiding in the representation of Mr. Asbury's character and of the consequences likely to result to the Church from the action of the General Conference as instilled into his mind by Mr. O'Kelley, McKendree respectfully wrote to the Con- ference, declining to take an appointment for the en- suing year." When the Conference was ended, Bishop Asbury, who was sleeplessly vigilant for the welfare of the 62 Life of William McKcndrce. Church, set out on a tour of visitation through the disaffected region of the State, including especially what had long been O'Kelley's district. That was a wise piece of strateg}% well conceived and well exe- cuted. It brought him soon into the neighborhood of McKendree's home. The two met in a friendly and pleasant spirit, with the result that when the Bishop passed on McKendree went with him, by special re- quest, as his traveling companion for a few weeks. The outcome of this jaunt might have been easily foreseen. McKendree gained an entirely new point of view. He came to see that Asbury, instead of being an ambitious tyrant, full of plans for his OAvn aggrandizement, was really a modest and gentle Chris- tian man, bent solely on the welfare of the Church and the glory of God. "It gradually dawned on him, too, that the adoption of O'Kelley's late favorite measure meant the ruin of the general superintendency and of the whole itinerant system. The spell of the enchantress was broken. Humbled and mortified at his own weakness, with characteristic candor he con- fessed his error, was received again into the confidence of the warm-hearted old Bishop, and was at once sent to the city of Norfolk. This was the amount of Mc- Kendree's defection. His itinerancy was temporarily suspended at his own request ; but after about a month he resumed his position and his work in the ranks with his late associates, having become a wiser man." The work at Norfolk proved to be pleasant enough, except that there was a good deal of agitation created by the withdrawal of O'Kelley's partisans from the Church. McKendree bears testimonv to the fact that Four Years More on the Circuit. 63 the grace of God was sufficient for him in the midst of his perplexities : "On this critical station the Lord was singularly good to me. In the midst of my confusion I had access to the throne of grace and was enabled to preach. Mercy and power attended the word, and the people were blessed, so that I had refreshing cor- dials in the midst of many bitter draughts." Ira Ellis was his presiding elder and helped him mightily in every way. To use McKendree's own words : "He was a comfort to me. From him I obtained information and counsel which were of inestimable value to me in my dilemma." This Ira Ellis was a Virginian. He entered the itinerancy in 1781 and continued in it for thirteen years, locating in 1795 on account of domestic necessities. His ministry reached all the way from Pennsylvania to South Carolina and everywhere com- manded great respect. Asbury, who was not effusive in praise, pays him this high tribute: "He was a man of quick and solid parts. I have thought, had fortune given him the same advantages of education, he would have displayed abilities not inferior to Jefferson or Madison. But he had what is better than learning: he had undissembled sincerity, great modesty, deep fidelity, great ingenuity, and uncommon power of reasoning. He was a good man, of even temper." Nothing could have been more fortunate for McKen- dree than to be thrown into close association with such a man. The Conference met at Petersburg November 25, 1793, with fifty-five preachers present, Bishop Asbury again presiding. For some reason or other, which, of course, is not disclosed in the minutes, McKendree 5 64 Life of IVilliain McKcndrce. was moved to Union Circuit, in South Carolina. Ke had never before labored outside of his native State nor traveled beyond its bounds, except occasionally into Maryland. If he lost the blessing of close companion- ship with Ira Ellis by this change, he fell into the equally good hands of Philip Bruce, who was presiding elder on the new district. Bruce was a North Carolin- ian. His name looks and sounds Scotch, but it was orig- inally De Bruise. He was of Huguenot ancestry. He had been a soldier of the Revolution. Joining the Vir- ginia Conference on probation in 1781, he remained thirty-six years in the itinerancy. In 1817 he took a superannuate relation and removed to Tennessee to spend his closing days with his kindred, who had pre- ceded him thither. In every station that he occupied he showed great ability and great consecration. But for his advanced age. he would probably have been elected to the episcopacy in 1816. After the lapse of a centur}- the memory of his name is still a pleasant odor in all the fields in which he labored. For one quarter of this year McKendrce was the traveling companion of Bishop Asbury, his place on the circuit being sup- plied by Tobias Gibson, the same who afterwards be- came the founder of Methodism in ^lississippi. For several years now there had been separate Con- ferences in \'irginia, North Carolina, and South Caro- lina ; but on December 25, 1794, all the itinerants in these three States, about eighty in number, met at Mrs. Mabry's, in Greenville County, \'a. It was perhaps the largest Annual Conference that had ever met in America, and it embraced a good deal of ability and weight. McKendree got still another long move, this Four Years More on the Circuit. 65 time to Botetourt, in Southwest Virginia, with John Kobler as his presiding elder. The two were to be true yokefellows again, after the lapse of some years, in the far West. Dr. Stevens states that this year he really had four circuits under his care, traveling each of them for one quarter ; but I can find no confirmation of the statement elsewhere. On this and on the pre- ceding circuit McKendree's diary fails us, much to our regret. But we know that here, as elsewhere, he meas- ured up to all his responsibilities. After this he was to travel circuits no more, but was to be set in a larger sphere and to be charged with weightier obligations, which could not have been the case if there had been any weakening of his intellectual or spiritual qualities or any diminution in the volume and excellency of his activities. As a circuit pastor he had "purchased to himself a good degree and great boldness in the faith." It was full time for him to move up. 'Thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many things." CHAPTER VI. First Five Years in the Presiding Eldership. As intimated in the close of the last chapter, Mc- Kendree was now about to enter upon a wider field of bbor than any he had hitherto occupied. Having been fully tested in many places as a circuit preacher, and having been found competent and faithful on all the ground, he was deemed worthy to be invested with the duties and responsibilities of the presiding eldership. This office, which has become one of the badges of Episcopal Methodism, had grown up in a natural and orderly way. Nobody designed it in advance. It was not a piece of a preconceived ecclesiastical machinery. It came providentially, and because it filled a felt want it remained and abides to this day. At the Christmas Conference of 1784 only a few of the preachers were elected and ordained elders. There was not the slightest disposition to lay hands suddenly and indiscriminately on just anybody that might desire it. Those who were supposed to be the most compe- tent were picked out for this distinction. On the whole, the results justified the choice that was made. The names of John Tunnell, William Gill, Leroy Cole, Nel- son Reed, John Haggerty, Reuben Ellis, Richard Ivey, Henry Willis, James O'Kelley, and Beverly Allen be- came known throughout the entire Church, though the last two failed to fulfill the expectations that were en- tertained conceming them. These picked men were judiciously distributed in (66) First Five Years in the Presiding Eldership. 67 every part of the country to which Methodism had spread, that they might be able to administer the sacra- ments with reasonable regularity in all the circuits. By successive steps their work was enlarged until it became one of general oversight, and after 1792 they were formally designated as presiding elders. The title, indeed, had been occasionally used prior to that time, but not regularly. Thenceforward it had an ac- credited standing in Methodist terminology. Our brethren beyond the Ohio have swapped it off In re- cent years for district superintendent. If they are pleased with the change, nobody else has a right to object; but I sincerely hope that my ow^n Church will not follow the example. Presiding elder is Biblical, ecclesiastical, historical. It has a fixed and definite meaning, whereas the five-syllabled "superintendent" is not only awkward on the lips, but may have any one of several distinct significations. The Wesleyans shorten their superintendents to supers. If that ab- breviation should become common In America, it will be an additional reason for adhering to the old name. The office Itself has been one of much consequence. In every generation It has been held by many men of might. Merely to call the roll of really great presiding elders would take much more space than I can spare. It must be admitted that the critics of the office have not been few nor gentle. First and last, they have stirred up a good deal of opposition, and they are still at work. The most of them are men who have not themselves been called to preside. They tell us that, whatever may have been the case In the past, there can certainly be no reason nowadays for burdening the 68 Life of JVilliam McKendree, Church with the expense of a needless supervision; and they do say now and then that the office has be- come a sort of city of refuge for broken-down or in- capable pastors. There may be some truth in these allegations, but not enough to give them great weight. Anyhow, if there is nothing the matter with the pre- siding eldership except the presiding elders, that is a condition that can be remedied by wiser appointments. My own opinion is that, in spite of changed conditions, the presiding eldership never before had in it such potencies for good as it has at the present time. Only fill it with the right sort of men, and it will continue to be one of the most important pieces of our polity. Laying all other considerations aside, it is a necessary adjunct of the episcopacy. The two are boimd to stand or fall together. If one goes, the other will not be far behind it. Whether the episcopacy is worth keeping is a question that may itself raise much debate. But in case we desire to retain It, we must hold fast to the presiding eldership also. Bishop McTyeIre says weightily : 'Tt was a great step forward in the efficient and thorough organization of iNIethodism as an Episco- pal Oiurch when this office, with its place and powers, was defined. . . . The presiding elders are the sup- plement of the itinerant general superintendency ; without them It would be Impracticable on a continental scale. They complete the local supervision and make the general one possible." At the session of the Virginia Conference which met at Salem Chapel, Mecklenburg County, November 24, 1795, Bishop Asbury, who had, as he often showed, a keen sense for picking men with a capacity for First Five Years in the Presiding Eldership. 69 leadership, appointed McKendree to a district which stretched from the Chesapeake Bay northward and westward over the Bhie Ridge and the Alleghany Mountains, and included a large stretch of country on the Western waters. Fifty of the North African bishoprics of Augustine's time might have been in- cluded in it, All that part of it lying close to the bay was in the oldest part of the State. But the most of it back toward and beyond the mountains was new, rough, and thinly inhabited, with such general condi- tions of living as made it far from being an inviting field to any except a truly heroic minister. To dwell upon details is not necessary, but it may be well to point out a few things. All traveling was by horse- back. Roads and bridges were few and of inferior character. Hotels were scarcely known. The private houses, though usually open to strangers, were not tidy nor comfortable. In the remotest mountain sections they were often lacking in common decency. It was no easy task that McKendree faced. But he was a seasoned soldier, a true veteran; and neither toil nor hardship nor peril could daunt him. On this post he remained three full years. His nominal salary was $64 per annum, but it never actually reached much more than half that sum. His memorandum book shows his receipts with scrupulous carefulness. He kept his accorunts as rigidly as if he had been handling thousands. But nobody ever heard a cry of poverty from his lips. His wants were simple. He did not de- sire many things. What he could not pay for out of his slender stipend he did without. If he had had a wife and children, it would have been his duty to look 70 Life of William McKendree. after their comfort; but, as he was a bachelor, he had the right to carry self-denial to the last limit. In the meanwhile he was constantly gaining in breadth and maturity of judgment, in power to deal wisely and easily with men and things, and in the depth and reach of his religious experience. Bishop Soule, who never spoke without duly measuring his words, says in the discourse which he delivered on the occasion of McKendree's death : "The oversight of the district in the administration of the Discipline was conducted with great wisdom and prudence and to the satisfaction of the preachers and members. The spirit of schism which had previously prevailed in some parts of the district greatly subsided, and the love of union, peace, and order was revived.'* That was just what we should naturally have expected when McKendree was in charge. He was himself the in- carnation of system and order, and he carried with him wherever he went the spirit and disposition of the peacemaker. His own record, while very modest, is a little more ample. He says : "I was blessed with many friends, abundant in kindness, and some of them able counselors. We were blessed with a revival of re- ligion. Alany professed to obtain regenerating grace and joined the Church. The members provoked one another to love and to good works, and their advance- ment in the divine life was evident. The abundant labors and cares which the charge imposed were too great for my strength. My studies were, therefore, partially prevented by attention to other branches of duty, and my nervous system was otherwise impaired. But I was abundantly compensated by having intimate First Five Years in the Presiding Eldership. 71 union and communion with my adorable Saviour, and the increasing prosperity of the Church at once in- vigorated my zeal and increased my joy." In 1799, for some reason that is nowhere stated, Mc- Kendree was removed from his district in the Virginia Conference to a contiguous one in the Baltimore Con- ference. His new field was not quite so large as the old one, though it was large enough in all conscience. It reached from the Chesapeake across the Blue Ridge, but stopped at the western foothills of the Alleghanies. As his health had not been robust, it may have been the purpose of Bishop Asbury to lessen somewhat the measure of his necessary activities. This is simply a surmise and may have nothing in it. Even in his narrower limits McKendree had no time for idleness nor even for much rest. He tells us that the year was "full of trials." There is no easy place for a con- scientious minister of Christ's gospel. But McKendree found grace and strength according to his day and need. Speaking of the difficulties that compassed him about, he declares : *'They were forgotten in over- whelming communion with God and reviving inter- views with my followers. Here I found fathers and mothers in Israel by whose example I was edified and comforted." In the spring of 1800 he was retrans- ferred to the same district in the Virginia Conference from which he had been taken the year before. This, of course, was not done without reason ; but as the nature of the reason is nowhere set down, it is useless to look for it. The Methodist chronicles of those days are, as a usual thing, extremely concise and often leave '^z Life of William McKendree. us guessing about things in regard to which we should be glad to have exact knowledge. That iMcKendree attended the General Conference which met in May, 1800, in the city of Baltimore, is certain. Henry Boehm mentions in his journal the fact that he saw him there. The Journal of the Confer- ence also reveals his presence, but it does not show that he was very active in the proceedings. Dr. Stevens calls attention to only one matter in regard to which he participated. As usual in IMethodist assem- blies of those days, there was a good deal of feeling on the subject of slavery. Nicholas Snethen, a great man, but always a radical, moved : "That this General Con- ference do resolve that from this time forth no slave- holders shall be admitted into the ^lethodist Episcopal Church." William Ormond, of North Carolina, was of much the same mind. Ezekiel Cooper suggested a more conservative course: "That a committee be ap- pointed to prepare an affectionate address to the Meth- odist societies of the United States, stating the evils of the spirit and practice of slavery and the nccessit}' of doing away with the evil as far as the laws of the respective States will allow," etc. William McKendree, practicable and sensible as always, moved : "That this General Conference direct the yearly Conferences to appoint a committee to draw up proper addresses to the State legislatures from year to year for the gradual abolition of slavery." Instead of mere generalizations concerning the evils of the institution, he proposed a feasible plan for mitigating them. That was like him. CHAPTER VII. Set over the Forces in the Great West. When the General Conference of 1800 came to an end, McKendree promptly returned to his district in Virginia. But he was not to stay there very long. In the early autumn of the same year Bishops Asbury and Whatcoat paid him a visit in the Greenbrier country on their way to what was then called the Great West. Whatcoat had just been elected to the episcopacy and was making his first round in company with his sen- ior colleague. He was one of the two elders whom Wesley ordained in England in 1784 and sent over to America in company with Bishop Coke, Thomas Vasey being the other. He was not a man of uncommon in- tellect, nor had he rendered any signal service to the Connection. Besides, he was now nearly sixty-five years of age and by no means robust In health. That he should have been chosen over the brilliant and quick- witted Jesse Lee, who had served with distinction in many fields and had especially led the way into New England, is one of those events that defy full explana- tion. Nevertheless, there are some considerations that throw light upon it. The piety of Whatcoat was be- yond doubt and was, indeed, of that higher quality that Is fairly entitled to be called saintliness. Speaking of his ordination, Henry Boehm says : "Never were holy hands laid upon a holier head." At the time of his death, six years later, Asbury declared : "A man so (73) 74 Life of William McKendree. uniformly good I have not known in Europe or Ameri- ca." Besides, he was a preacher of great power and pathos. The fact that Wesley had suggested him for the general super intendency as far back as 1792 had no doubt something to do with his being chosen now. It is also probable that Asbury desired him and let fall some words to that effect. The report got out that he had gone further and spoken disparagingly of Lee, but he afterwards denied it in a letter. Further- more, it appears likely that to some extent personal jealousies entered into the election. Good men as they were, the primitive Methodist preachers were still de- cidedly human. The very qualities that made Lee so popular with the people had the natural effect of arous- ing the antipathies of some of his slow-going brethren. Envy loves a shining mark. It took three ballots to determine the result. On the second ballot there was a tie vote, and on the third Whatcoat had a majority of four. Bishop Coke, w'ho always turned up at the General Conferences, preached the ordination sermon, and both he and Asbury joined in the laying on of hands. Whatcoat did not shine in his new position. He lacked initiative. But he made a good assistant bishop to Asbury, preached with great acceptability wherever he went, led a beautiful and holy life, and in 1806 came to a triumphant end at the home of his long-time friend. Judge Bassett, in Delaware. As above indicated, the two bishops now traveled together, as they often did. It was not an accident that brought them into McKendrec's territory. They had important business with him. For nearly ten years the work had been lagging in Kentucky and Tennessee, Set over the Forces in the Great West. 75 and a man was needed who could rally and organize the forces for an aggressive campaign. That Mc- Kendree was the very man for the place, the bishops had no doubt. In the whole range of their acquaint- ance they knew no other one so competent to succeed poor Francis Poythress, over whose brilliant mind the veil of insanity was already beginning to fall. Whether the thought of changing fields had ever before entered McKendree's mind, we are not informed. But it did not take him long to reach a conclusion. He be- came convinced that the call of the bishops was an in- dication of Providence, and he accepted it without hesi- tation. Bishop McTyeire says of him: "He was ac- customed to keep house in his saddlebags. It was said that he could pack more in them and in better order than other men. He therefore went at three hours' notice." Writing of the incident long afterwards, he himself said : *T was without money, books, or clothes. These were at a distance, and I had no time to go after them ; but I was not in debt, therefore unem- barrassed. Of money due me, I collected one hundred dollars, bought cloth for a coat, carried it to Holston, and left it with a tailor in the bounds of my new dis- trict. The bishops continued their course. My busi- ness was to look after them and wait on them, for they were both infirm old men." Asbury was only fifty-five and Whatcoat about sixty-five. The service which Mc- Kendree rendered his elder brethren then and often afterwards was nowise exacted, but was a free and glad courtesy. No man ever had a juster estimate of the value of gentlemanliness. Whenever opportunity of- fered he displayed it to others, and he was always "jG Life of William McKcndrcc. deeply touched when it was shown to him. Writing of a kind family that had entertained him in his earlier ministry, he says : *'I am more and more convinced that good manners are an accomplishment next to grace." And by good manners he meant the kind of conduct that springs from a good and gentle heart. ^IcKendree was not utterly unacquainted with the border, but he had never lived in the interior of the West. He w-as now about to pass, therefore, into a new world and was to spend the greater part of his remaining days beyond the mountains. He was forty- three years old, in the very prime and glory of his manhood, strong of body, alert of mind, and fully con- secrated to the work of preaching the gospel. Without reserve, he was ready to throw himself into the surging life of that great empire that was growing up in the Mississippi Valley. The man and the occasion were surely met — a mighty man and a great occasion. More than anybody could see at the time God was in it. The three itinerants moved on through Southwest Virginia and East Tennessee, following for at least two hundred miles almost the present track of the Nor- folk and Western and Southern Railways. At Liberty, the county seat of Bedford County, which they reached on September 14, they were met by a great and curious throng; and Asbury, though far from well, preached in the courthouse. Thanks to his Journal, it is possible for us to follow them from that point. Their way took them by Wythevillc, then a pleasant village of twenty houses, Russell's old place near Seven Mile Ford, Ab- ingdon (just beginning to show signs of growth), and thence past what is now Bristol to Edward Cox's, on Set over the Forces in the Great West. yy the Holston River and ten miles within the Tennessee line. Asbury had been welcomed in the home of that good Maryland Methodist when he first crossed the mountains twelve years before from the Carolinas, and he never afterwards missed a chance to enjoy its gen- erous and refreshing entertainment. From Cox's, by a rather circuitous route, he and his friends made another stage of fifty-five or sixty miles to Van Pelt's, on Lick Creek, in Greene County. Here was another of his "homes." Van Pelt was a local preacher, an early pioneer from New York into that community. His hospitality knew no bounds, and he counted it one of the honors of his life to entertain these distinguished servants of the Lord. Up to this point the bishops had ridden for the most part in an old chaise, while McKendree kept to the back of his horse. This chaise is elsewhere said to have cost originally thirty dollars ; but it must have been of stout workmanship to stand the roads over which it was driven. Indeed, it did now and then break down and had to be propped and buttressed with strong saplings till it could be got to the next black- smith shop. At Van Pelt's it was left behind, being totally unfit for the rest of the road. An extra horse was also borrowed of the kindly host; and after the delay of a few days, the final stage of the journey was begun. Turning a little west of north, they rode first to Stubblefield's, near the line between Grainger and Hawkins Counties, where they attended a Quarterly Conference and preached. This leads me to say that they missed no opportunity to preach along their en- 78 Life of William McKendree. tire way. That was their main business, and they had a perfect passion for it. About thirty-five or forty miles farther on was Cumberland Gap, to which all roads leading to the west converged. It is a natural depres- sion in the mountains and was first discovered in 1748 by Dr. Thomas Walker and a company of Virginia ex- plorers, w^ho promptly named it, as well as the moun- tains themselves and the river beyond, after the Duke of Cumberland, who had then recently put down the Young Pretender at Culloden. From the Gap their way led on through the "wilderness" proper, a rough and lonely section, and the lovely blue-grass region, that American Arcadia, to Bethel Academy, on the Ken- tucky River, where the Conference was to meet. The whole distance from Greenbrier to this point, including the detours, w^as not much, if any, less than four hundred and fifty miles and had consumed more than three weeks. The most of it was not new to As- bury. He had visited Kentucky at least thrice before, beginning in 1790. At that time also Whatcoat was his companion. They then reached the Gap by a direct route from General Russell's, passing down almost the whole length of Powell's Valley. The story of that earlier journey reads like a romance touched with tragedy. Eight armed men came across the moimtains to meet them and escort them back. Eight others joined the company on the return. Of these sixteen men, thirteen carried guns and would have been able to give a good account of themselves in a fight. At every step they were in danger of assault from roving In- dians. On the roadside they counted the graves of Set over the Forces in the Great West. 79 twenty-four persons lately massacred. It took seven or eight days from the Gap to Lexington. I have stood in the great Gap and have set my imagi- nation to work to recall the pioneer days. Before my eyes have passed as in a mighty procession the hun- dreds of thousands of men, women, and children, de- filing on foot or on horseback, or later still in covered wagons, through the friendly opening in search of new and better homes for themselves and their posterity, with brave Daniel Boone marching erect and steady at the head of the column; and I have been mightily stirred as I thought upon the significance of this racial movement. Once I was conversing about it with the brilliant young scholar (not so young now), Professor Turner, of the University of Wisconsin, W'hen he sud- denly turned on me with a lighted face and said : *'I shall never be satisfied till I can go to Abingdon, in Virginia, and take the wilderness trace horseback to Lexington, Ky." The pioneer preachers who moved here and there in the throng were animated by different motives from those which controlled the majority. They were not on the lookout for homes and lands. Their only de- sire was to reach and save the perishing thousands of their fellow creatures that were without other helpers in the way of life. Surely no motive could have been nobler. Little noticed as they were at the time, it is easy for us to see now that they did more to lay the broad bases of a Christian civilization in the struggling and ill-organized frontier communities than any other ag-ency w^hich was then at work. As noticed above, ten years had elapsed since this 6 8o Life of William McKendrce. first visit of Asbury, and conditions were now in many respects much changed for the better. The Indians had been taught the folly of w arring upon the whites and no longer lurked upon the trail. Here and there even in the wilderness were rough human habitations. Kentucky was never a Territory in the technical American sense of the term, but in 1792 was carved directly out of Virginia and admitted as a full-fledged State into the Federal Union, with a population of y2)y~ 000, which by the end of the century was almost quad- rupled. In the central parts of the State signs of a settled life and even of coming wealth were distinctly visible. Nevertheless, let no one think that Asbury, Whatcoat, and McKendree had even now a smooth anrl easy way before them. Few men in our softer times could be found with courage to undertake their task. They reached Bethel Academy, in the bend of the Ken- tucky River, October 4, 1800. As set out in previous chapters, Methodism was al- ready established in Kentucky and Tennessee. Seven- teen years before this time — that is, in 1783 — Francis Clark, a local preacher from A'irginia, in company with John Durham and other laymen, settled near Danville and organized themselves into a class ; but no mention is made of them in the General Minutes. In 1786 the first two regular itinerants, James Haw and Benjamin Ogden, appointed from the Conference which met that year in Baltimore, appeared on the scene. They were men of uncommon parts and for several years did yeo- man service, laying broad and secure foundations for their successors. There was no hardship that they did not endure and no danger that they did not encounter. Set over the Forces in the Great West. 8i In the face of the most tremendous difficulties they showed a steady and persistent courage that reached and passed the level of heroism. Threading the nar- row paths between settlements, they preached in the lonely cabins, in the rude blockhouses, and wherever else an audience could be gathered. They wore the coarsest clothes, ate the homeliest food, and slept either in beds that were far from tidiness and comfort or else under the open sky. In the Conference itself, which met October 4-6, 1800, there was not much business ; but there was worry enough on the outside over the affairs of Bethel Academy, which had been projected ten years before, but had never been a success, and had given Asbury almost as much concern as Cokesbury College. Leav- ing out the two bishops, only five preachers answered to their names at roll call. It is fitting that they should be mentioned here : William McKendree, William Burke, John Sale, Hezekiah Harriman, and Ben- jamin Lakin. Three others were readmitted: Lewis Hunt, Thomas Allen, and Jeremiah Lawson. Two were admitted on trial : William Marsh and Benjamin Young. Fourteen local preachers and four traveling preachers were ordained deacons. The salaries of the preachers, which were only eighty dollars a year, all showed deficits. The most of these heroic men actually received less than fifty dollars each for their services. Without having formally assumed any vow of poverty, they were nearly as poor as the original disciples of Saint Francis of Assisi or as the Galilean fishermen who answered the call of the Lord. There was nothing that they dreaded more than being 82 Life of IVilUam McKendree. suspected of mercenary motives. At all costs, they were determined to keep themselves free from that imputation. Their purpose was as noble as that of St. Paul when he labored with his own hands rather than be a burden to the Church ; but they made a great blunder in failing to see that self-denial and self-sacri- fice are virtues of which the ministry has no right to possess a monopoly. That *'the laborer is worthy of his hire," and that "they who preach the gospel should live of the gospel," are facts which cannot be slurred over without harm and damage to all concerned. At this point in their early history the fathers of Ameri- can Methodism ate sour grapes, and the children's teeth have been set on edge ever since. To the present day we are suffering from the noble but erroneous views of those who went before us. The whole field west of the Alleghany Mountains was thrown by the bishops — really by Bishop Asbury, who took the lead in everything — into one district, and McKendree was set over it. It was as large as an empire, and included the whole States of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Ohio, with a large part of Virginia, and missions soon to be established in Illinois, Mis- sissippi and Missouri. The very magnitude of it was an appeal to the imagination, especially as there was now pouring into it a fresh and growing tide of im- migrants from the older States. The district was di- vided into nine circuits, and these were supplied by fourteen men, the nine heretofore mentioned and besides them Henry Smith, Thomas Wilkerson, John Page, James Hunter, and John Watson. It was a small vS'^^ over the Forces in the Great West. 83 corps, but a disciplined one, and it had a leader who was a host within himself. During the greater part of the Conference Asbury was both sick and dejected. The routine affairs he kept in his hands, but left the most of the preaching to Whatcoat and McKendree. Indeed, on Sunday he did not venture out to the public services, being shut up in his own room by the rain. A note from his Jour- nal is significant. He says: "It was strongly insisted upon by preachers and people that I should say some- thing before I left Bethel. Able or unable, willing or unwilling, accordingly on Tuesday, in the Academical Hall, I gave a long and temperate talk upon Hebrews X. 38, 39." Others might preach with more force, but the people must hear the veteran, and even at the risk of putting too heavy a burden upon him they clamored to see him on the platform. I know what he meant when he said that his talk was "long," but am not quite certain what sense he attached to the word "temperate." It is probable, however, that, to use a phrase which I once heard from a colored preacher, he "held himself in." No sooner was the Conference over than the un- wearied itinerants were again moving. They had little time to lie by and rest. They were on the King's business, and that, as always, required haste. Leaving Bethel on Wednesday, October 8, they rode clean across the State of Kentucky, entering Tennessee on the 1 6th and reaching Nashville on the 19th. As show- ing what they encountered on the way, I condense from Asbury's Journal: 84 Life of William McKcndrcc, Wednesday, 8. — We rode fifteen miles to Shawnee Run, and crossed Kentucky River at Curd's Ferry. The river is as low as a stream, and the streams are nearly dried up, Thursday, 9. — I preached on Hebrews iii. 12-14 at the new house at Shawnee Run. We had rich entertainment for man and beast at Robert Johnson's. This "new house" was a church, one of the earliest in that part of the State. The "rich entertainment at Robert Johnson's" was a legitimate offset to the coarse and unpalatable food that they were often compelled to eat. Friday, jo.— We rode to Pleasant Run to John Springer's. It was a very warm day for the season. I had a running blister at my side, yet I rode and walked thirty-two miles. We refreshed ourselves at Crawford's Tavern on the way. We have visited Knox, Madison, Mercer, and Washington Counties, in this State. At Springer's they remained from Friday evening till Monday morning. On Sunday it rained so hard that the bishops were "shut up," but McKendree met the people and preached. It was a bad day when he failed to meet a waiting audience. Monday, 13. — We left John Springer's and came to Lewis Thomas's, fifteen miles; a deep, damp, narrow path; the underwood very wet. Crossed Cartwright's and Hardin's Creeks. I gave a short sermon on Romans viii. 9: "H any man have not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his." Thursday, 14. — We began our march for Cumberland. We were told by two persons that wc could not cross the Rolling Fork of Salt River. I judged we could; and as I thought, so it was; we forded it with ease. We came up a solitary path east of the Level Woods and struck into the road to Lee's Ferry. Fourteen miles of the latter part of this day*s journey we rode through barrens of hickory, shrub oak, and ftazel. Thirty miles, if not thirty-five, is the amount of this ^S'^^ over the Forces in the Great West. 85 day's work. In the morning there was a very great damp, and in the afternoon it was, I thought, as warm as the west of Georgia. Wednesday, 15. — We crossed Green River, the main branch of which riseth near the Crab Orchard. We crossed at the mouth of Little Barren River. We then rode a bold push for the Great Barren. Dining at Mr. Morrison's, I could not eat wallet provision ; but happily for me, I was provided with a little fresh mutton at the house, made warm in a little space. Now we had unfavorable appearances of rain; we had bleak, barren hills to ride, which, although beautiful to sight, were painful to sense. The rain came in large and rapid drops for fourteen miles. We were well soaked on all sides. A little after dark we came to Mr. Hagin's, upon Big Bar- ren River. A good house, an excellent fire to dry our cloth- ing, good meat and milk for supper, and the cleanest beds — all we had. I have paid for this route. Preaching on the i8th at the house of a Brother Parker, in Sumner County, Tenn., they were met by four local preachers (Brothers McGee, Suggs, Jones, and Speer) and had a season of great rejoicing. On the 19th they had their first view of the city of Nash- ville, which was founded by four hundred immigrants from the Watauga Settlement, in East Tennessee, under the leadership of James Robertson, in the winter of 1779-80, and, after an early history as full of ro- mance and of tragedy as any community ever passed through, was now enjoying a peaceful and solid pros- perity. The visitors found that the IMethodists had erected a stone church on the public square, of which Asbury said : "If it were floored, ceiled, and glazed, it would be a noble house." Inside and outside of it a congregation of one thousand persons was gathered. Asbury, Whatcoat, and McKcndree preached in sue- 86 Life of ]ViUiain McKcndrcc. cession. The service lasted three hours, but there is no record to the effect that anybody grew weary. That sort of preaching was not to be heard every day. I much doubt if any three men ever came to the town who brought it a greater blessing. Very appropriate- ly, after the lapse of more than a hundred years, the Methodists of the city are just now (1913) setting up a marker and tablet on the spot where the "noble" stone house, without floor or ceiling or glazing, stood. It is strange that the thing has not been done before. On the next day, by special invitation no doubt, the three visitors attended "a sacramental solemnity" which had been in progress for four days at Drake's Creek Meetinghouse, some ten or fifteen miles dis- tant, under the care of Rev. Messrs. Hodge, Rankin, McGee, Adair, and Craighead, of the Presbyterian Church, and preached, not contra\'ersially, but still in downright Methodist fashion. They got good and gave good, and such fair exchange as that is not rob- bery. "The Great Revival" had fairly begun in J^Iiddle Tennessee and Southern Kentucky. AIcKendree lighted his torch afresh at this Calvinistic altar and shook the glowing sparks wherever he went. Another extract from Asbury's journal is certainly not out of place : ^ c^^ Tuesday, October 21. — Yesterday, and especially during the night, were witnessed scenes of deep interest. In the intervals between preaching the people refreshed themselves and horses and returned upon the ground. The stand was in the open air, embosomed in a wood of lofty beech trees. The ministers of God, Methodists and Presbyterians, united their labors and mingled with the childlike simplicity of primi- tive times. Fires blazing here and there dispelled the dark- Set over the Forces in the Great West. 87 ness, and the shouts of the redeemed captives and the cries of precious souls struggling into life broke the silence of mid- night. The weather was delightful, as if Heaven smiled, while mercy flowed in abundant streams of salvation. We suppose that there were at least thirty souls converted at this meet- ing. I rejoice that God is visiting the sons of the Puritans, who are candid enough to acknowledge their obligation to the Methodists. Not pausing longer than was necessary in the vi- cinity of Nashville, Asbury and Whatcoat, still ac- companied by McKendree, pursued their round across the Cumberland Mountains, passing the Crab Orchard (to be distinguished from the Kentucky settlement of the same name) and v^hat is now Kingston, and reached Knoxville on November i, a journey of more than two hundred miles over difficult and dangerous roads. At this point the bishops parted from Mc- Kendree, they to go forward through the valley of the French Broad into the Carollnas and he to return to the duties of his district In Kentucky. In the foregoing chapter I have dwelt somewhat at length on details of travel to give the reader a clear conception of the manner and order of the life which McKendree and his associates led In the prosecution of their high calling. Except, therefore, when I follow them into entirely new fields, It will not be necessary for me hereafter to be so full In my account of their morvements. CHAPTER VIII. Taking a Fresh Start in Kentucky. It is rather a remarkable fact, as before intimated, that from 1792 to 1800 Methodism made no visible progress in Kentucky and, in truth, scarcely held its own. At the former date it had 1,808 members ; at the latter, only 1,740, and this in spite of the other fact that the population of the State had increased during the same period from 73,000 to 264,303 souls. There must be some good reason or reasons for this sudden arrest of growth. It cannot be attributed to the incompetency or unfaithfulness of the preachers. Many of them were men of great ability and fine char- acter. Merely to call the roll of their names is to verify this assertion. Besides Haw^ and Ogden, al- ready mentioned, there were Thomas Williamson, Wil- son Lee, Francis Poythress, Barnabas McHenry, Peter Massie, John Page, Benjamin Xorthcutt, John Ray, William Burke, Jacob Lurton, John Kobler, Thomas Wilkerson, James W^ard, and Henry Birchett. These were the very flower of the itinerant army. Neither can we find a satisfactory explanation of the state of affairs under notice in the statement, which is no doubt true, that great numbers of Methodists moved on farther west ; for more were doubtless coming in all the time than were going out. The gains from immigration ought to have been at least as large as the losses from emigration. But the very newness of social conditions made re- (88) Taking a Fresh Start in Kentucky. 89 ligioiis work increasingly difficult. The people had all been uprooted from their old, familiar surroundings and set down in the midst of strange environments. The natural tendency of such a change was to relax the moral and religious restraints to which they had been accustomed in their former homes. When the beaten tracks of life were gone, the people followed the devices and desires of their own hearts. Left largely free from outward constraints, they also cast off the authority of God. Everything about them was unsettled. For the first thirty years of her ex- istence Kentucky was never free from wars and rumors of wars. No man could tell at just what hour it would be necessary for him to fight for his own life and the lives of his wife and children. Then, too, the whole population was fermenting with the eager de- sire to get large bodies of the best lands. The rude surveys often crossed and recrossed one another. In some sections titles were three deep. All this bred innumerable conflicts of interest and stirred up envies, jealousies, hatreds, and all manner of uncharitable- ness. The mass of the immigrants were good specimens of the Scotch and English races. No new State ever had better, but they suffered a certain deterioration from the causes I have mentioned. Worse still, there was a considerable element of floaters who had drifted in on the top of the tide and had no thought of settling down to the hard and steady tasks of good citizenship. These were gamblers, drunkards, thieves, and loose livers from the older communities. Whisky was plentiful and cheap and the use of it very general. 90 Life of William McKendree. In its train came, as always, a long line of associated evils. At a very early day, morecrv^er, French infidelity be- came widely spread throughout the trans-Alleghany settlements. \i the close of our Revolutionary War everything French was popular in America. It became a sort of fad among the hunters and trappers of the West to profess admiration for \'oltaire and Rousseau, and contempt for all the tenets and usages of religion. Just how this spirit of skepticism managed to propa- gate itself, it would be difficult to say. But somehow or other it got into the air, percolated through all classes of society, and made converts in every quarter. It was a strange spectacle, that of the uncultured and self-assertive descendants of Scotch Covenanters and English Puritans following the lead of teachers wdiose delight it was to deny and denounce all the beliefs that the ages had consecrated. Dr. Redford insists that the action of the ^lethodists in taking up an open antagonism to slavery also kept a large number of intelligent and well-disposed people from joining them. There may be something in that view, but I am not disposed to consider it as carrying much weight. After all, it seems to me that the course of Haw and Ogden in going after James O'Kelly put greater ob- stacles in the way of the Church than all the things that I have mentioned. As pioneers their influence was great, and they threw it all against the cause which they had so vigorously supported and defended. At a later date Ogden repented of his folly, was readmitted into the itinerancy, and died in good repute. But Haw Taking a Fresh Start in Kentucky. 91 was not a man to turn backward. When his preju- dices were once aroused, he became a bitter and un- yielding partisan. He had probably known and admired O'Kelly in Virginia and was ready to listen to what- ever his old friend might have to say. At any rate, when the great schismatic broke away after the Gen- eral Conference of 1792 and undertook to set up a new Church patterned after his own notions. Haw, who had already located on account of his failing health, followed him heart and soul. The infection of O'Kellyism got into his very blood and disturbed and perverted all his judgments. His violence against Episcopal Methodism and its adherents passed all the bounds of propriety. He did not now hesitate to denounce even Bishop Asbury, whom he had long loved and honored, as a base seel' for them to cross the two territories of Mississippi and Alabama and the whole State of Georgia. Winter was at hand. The rain came in torrents; all the streams were full; many of them overflowed their banks and covered the low-lying lands for miles. But, with Thomas Grifiin as guide, they did not falter at difficul- ties or dangers. In crossing a deep and rapid creek in Alabama, and again in crossing the Chattahoochee River, they were put in grave peril of their lives. More than once they slept in the open woods. Now and then, without being aware of it, they were close to roving bands of Creek Indians, who were still in a murderous mood. As they were going out of the na- tion they met General Gaines going in and got much information from him. It was with feelings of the deepest relief and gratitude that they reached at last the hospitable home of the Bishop's beloved friend Lucas, at Sparta, Ga. There they gladly remained for nine days. The Bishop's journal reads : "Having some spare time before me, I determined to rest and recruit my health." But the people would not let him rest. "They prevailed on me to be contented to rest the horses while they took me to popular meetings on the two following Sabbaths." To fill in the remainder of his leisure he and Lewis Myers then visited Louisville, the old capital of the State, Savannah and Charleston, Senior Bishop of the Church. 167 not sparing himself of labor at any point, and got to Augusta the clay before the Conference opened. This Conference was included in the assignments of Bishop Roberts; but he did not reach it till the fifth day, his horse having broken down on the route. His presence was greatly needed, as there was some *'deli- cate and eventful business" to manage. But McKen- dree took his place and, of course, handled everything with wisdom and discretion and to the great satisfac- tion of Bishop Roberts, whose spirit was beautiful and brotherly. Roberts's next Conference was to be at Norfolk, Va., February 26, and he begged McKendree to ac- company him thither also. "But," says the latter, "as this would add six hundred miles' traveling to my al- ready excessive labors, I was not disposed to do so and therefore took leave of him and set out on my west- ward tour. But, reflecting on his situation — a stranger to the way and the people, his horse with a sore back, and having barely time to get to the Conference, after riding five miles — I determined to return and accom- pany him if he had not gone. I found him, and he was delighted. We started early the next morning for Norfolk. Our time on the trip was diligently im- proved, traveling from thirty to forty-five miles a day. Rain did not stop us. Saturday we had our linen washed; on the Sabbath I preached; and thus we pushed on and got to Norfolk the day before Confer- ence was opened. The back of the Bishop's horse was well, and the preachers and people were glad to see us." Unexpectedly, Bishop George was on hand. With- out consulting his colleagues, he had appointed Dr. 1 68 Life of William McKendree. Phoebus missionary to Xew Orleans and had brought him and his family that far on the way. But he had made no provision whatever for the Doctor's support, which would be at least one thousand dollars. \>ry characteristically he now asked McKendree to assume the whole responsibility. That was presuming a little too far. The man who had gone hundreds of miles out of his way to accommodate Bishop Roberts drew back and declined to take this new load, though he expressed a willingness to advance a hundred dollars at once and to raise five hundred more if his two colleagues would undertake to get the rest. The result was that Dr. Phoebus, who was in every way fitted for the mission, returned to New York. ''The Conference closed with encouraging prospects, and the preachers parted in love." ^IcKendree turned his face toward Tennessee. As far as Lynchburg, two hundred miles away, he had the company of preachers. But from there to Kentucky, not less than three hun- dred miles farther, he traveled alone, leading his pack horse all the way. He reached his brother's home about April i. Pausing only a few days, he ''resumed his plan of visiting the Churches on the Western frontier." This side trip, a sort of work of superero- gation, took him through Indiana, Illinois, and ]\Iis- souri, where he visited a great many Churches, attend- ed three camp meetings, and labored with all the ac- tivity of a young man. Returning, he crossed the Ohio River at Louisville and spent several months of in- cessant toil in Kentucky and Ohio, preaching at thirty or forty different places and getting to the Ohio Con- ference, at Steubenville, on August 7, 1818. Senior Bishop of the Church. 169 His own comment on the year's labors deserves to be inserted here: From Middlebury, Vt., June 13, 1817, to this place I have traveled over a very large tract of country. My rides have been excessively hard. My ministerial services in Con- ferences, camp meetings, and quarterly meetings, added to visiting the Churches throughout the districts and circuits, have been abundant, and I am now feeling the effects in a manner heretofore unknown to me, and instead of relaxation my work is rather more vigorous. Here, according to our division, my course begins and terminates at the Mississippi Conference. No wonder he was beginning to feel the effects of such toils. The real wonder is that he had not entirely succumbed to them. From that time till the day of his death he was never really a well man. On his way to the Mississippi Conference, a few weeks later, he was overcome by what he describes as "a sudden shock" (possibly apoplectic) and escaped falling from his horse only by easing himself out of the saddle. In the course of two weeks two other shocks followed. Nev- ertheless, he forced himself to go through with the Conference proceedings. Let him narrate the facts : On the first day of the session, October 29, 1818, I presided, but was exceedingly debilitated, owing mainly to my attack and partly to the error I committed in having blood taken and using an emetic. The second day the little Conference of ten members met in my room. I was in the bed, but the President pro tern, sat near my bedside, and the business of the Confer- ence was done properly. It was a camp meeting Conference, and on the Sabbath there was preaching on the camp ground. I was taken in a carriage to the camp ground and lay on a bed near the stand during preaching, having been assisted to the place and supported by two preachers while performing 170 Life of William McKendrce. the ordination. Monday morning the preachers met, received their appointments, and took an affectionate leave of each other — except John Lane, Thomas Griffin, and Benjamin Edge, who waited a few days to see the progress of my complaint. A few days decided his situation. He could not move. Until the ist of Februar)- he continued to be the gtiest of the Fords. He says : Every mark of attention was shown me, insomuch that I was humbled under a sense of obligation to the whole family. Sister Ford was a mother indeed to me, and her daughters were nursing sisters. A colored lad voluntarily took to nurs- ing me. He would lie by my bed at night and wake up at the slightest noise, and was in every way the most attentive boy I ever saw. Brother Edge had been sent to a circuit, but left it to attend me. About the middle of February he ventured to move by easy stages to Colonel Richardson's, near Natchez, by whom, and especially by Dr. Winans and Judge IMcGehee, he was most comfortably entertained for several weeks. In March, not wisely perhaps, he ven- tured to accompany Dr. Winans on a visit to the infant Church in Xew Orleans, and then returned to his asy- lum in the country. Being advised by his physician that he ought to leave that region before the coming of summer, he accordingly, about April 15, started back to Tennessee. That princely layman, Edward McGehee, gave him a light Jersey wagon for the trip and stocked it with all sorts of provisions. John Lane and Benjamin Edge accompanied him. They were ten days in passing through the Indian countr}'. Hotels along the way there were none, and "stands" were few and far between. Eight nights they slept in the Senior Bishop of the Church, 171 woods. Notwithstanding all this, McKendree's health steadily improved, and he reached his brother's home in safety. After resting among his own folks for a few weeks, he went with William MacMahon and wife to the Harrodsburg Springs, in Kentucky, and derived bene- fit from drinking the waters. Assisted from place to place and pausing to visit old friends as he went, he got to Cincinnati in time for the Ohio Conference, August 17, 1819. Having greatly enjoyed the fellow- ship of the brethren, he slowly wended his way back once more to his brother's, in Tennessee, and there spent the most of the winter. That was more like home to him than any other place on earth. This particular period of McKendree's life was not without its compensations. It brought him great searchings of heart. His own account of it is most interesting and, as throwing a light on his religious experience, deserves to be reproduced here : During this affliction I was brought to examine my life in relation to eternity closer than I had done when in the enjoy- ment of health. The spiritual and temporal business of the Church has become so complicated, spread out over so vast a territory, and involves so many responsible and delicate official acts that I have been almost constantly mentally em- ployed and frequently greatly perplexed and distressed in its management. In this examination, relative to the discharge of my duties toward my fellow creatures as a man, a Christian minister, and an officer of the Church, I stood approved by my own conscience; but in relation to my Redeemer and Saviour the result was different. My returns of gratitude and loving obedience bear no proportion to my obligations for redeeming, preserving, and supporting me through the vicissitudes of life from infancy to old age. The coldness of my love to him "who 1/2 Life of William McKcndrcc. first loved me" and has done so much for me overwhelmed and confused me ; and to complete my unworthy character I had not only neglected to improve the grace given to the extent of my privilege and duty, but for want of that improvement had, while abounding in perplexing care and labor, declined from first love and zeal. I was confounded, humbled myself, implored mercy, and renewed my covenant to strive and devote myself unreservedly to the Lord. During the latter part of Februar}', 1820, in com- pany with Andrew ^lonroe, who has left a wonderfully readable narrative of the journey, he made the trip across the Cumberland ^Mountains, through East Ten- nessee, and thence on to Alexandria, \'a., where, quite unexpectedly to the body, he dropped in on the Balti- more Conference and got such a reception as must have warmed his heart for many a day. So closed the twelfth year of his general superin- tendency. Though somewhat broken in health, he was at high tide in the esteem and affection of the whole Church. With the exception of Asbur)% no oth- er man had ever been so esteemed in the connection. Nor has any man ever succeeded him who held the Church more closely in the hollow of his hand. CHAPTER XIV. Defending the Constitution. The ratio of representation having been reduced, the General Conference of 1820 was smaller than either of the two preceding ones, being composed of only eighty-nine delegates from eleven Annual Con- ferences. The three bishops were present. McKen- dree took the chair and, according to his custom, pre- sented a written address. Roberts and George made oral addresses. The plan of having the bishops to write one address representing them all had not yet been adopted. From beginning to end the session was full of interest and often of excitement. Many im- portant measures were debated and adopted. All In all, It was a memorable Conference. After the failure of Cokesbury College, In 1795, the Church for a long time took no further steps In the matter of education. Recently, however, there had been sporadic Indications of a fresh awakening on the subject, and the General Conference, following the signs of the times, recommended that district schools and colleges, under the care of the Annual Confer- ences, be established in every part of the Church and authorized the bishops to appoint traveling ministers as presidents, principals, and teachers for these insti- tutions without reference to the time limit. During the next four years Augusta College, under the joint pat- ronage of the Kentucky and Ohio Conferences, was founded, and many others of like grade followed. (173) 174 Life of IVilliam McKcndree. Some of them were not well placed nor wisely managed and soon failed, but the most of them survive in vigor- ous life till this day. Tlie contribution which they have made to the intellectual and religious growth of the country' is almost beyond estimate. Growing out of an effort to give systematic assist- ance to Rev. Mark Moore, who was struggling man- fully to get a foothold for the Church in Xew Orleans, a General Missionar}^ Society had been organized in New York in April, 1819, by Joshua Soule, Freeborn Garrettson, Nathan Bangs, Laban Clark, and others. Its achievements had not yet been great. For the first year it collected only $823.64. But it opened the eyes of the Church to a great need and was now taken over by the General Conference and made connectional in its scope. For a long time there had been misunderstandings between the preachers of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Canada and the missionaries sent out to that country by the British Wesleyan Missionary Soci- ety, and in 1816 the Society had addressed a long let- ter to the General Conference urging an amicable settlement. But the Conference, after hearing from the Canadian delegates. Black and Bennett, declared: *'We cannot consistently with our duty to the soci- eties of our charge in Canada give up any part of them, or any of our chapels in those provinces, to the superintendence of the British connection." That was taking an extreme position and an indefensible one. As the troubles grew it was now determined to send a delegate to England for the purpose of securing a complete and brotherly adjustment, and John Emory, Defending the Constitutioft. 175 young but wise, was chosen for the mission. Before he started the bishops gave him a letter of instructions, in which they said, among other things: "We are of opinion that the most effectual means to prevent col- lision in the future will be to establish a specific line by which our field of labors shall be bounded on the one side and the British missionaries on the other." Acting on this principle, Emory fully achieved the end for which he was sent. It was agreed that the British Methodists should have the exclusive occupancy of Lower Canada and the Americans of Upper Canada. This compact, honorable to all concerned, was fully and faithfully executed. O ! if in 1844 ^^^ after- wards ! The Committee on Episcopacy, noting the great weakness of Bishop McKendree, brought in an early report, recommending that he be released from all work except such as he himself might feel free to undertake, and also that ample provision should be made for any extra expenses connected with his illness and infirmity. The Bishop was profoundly moved by this display of generosity and carried the memory of it through all the coming years. On May 9th the committee further reported that "it is expedient that one additional General Superintend- ent be elected and ordained at the General Confer- ence." This report was promptly adopted, as the for- mer one had been. On Saturday morning, May 13, after singing and prayer led by Freeborn Garrettson, the roll was called to see whether any delegates were absent. S. G. Roszell and D. Ostrander were appoint- ed to collect and count the ballots, and the election proceeded. The count showed that Joshua Soule had 12 176 Life of JVilliam McKendrcc. forty-eight votes and Nathan Bangs thirty-eight. Only three votes were scattering. Looked at in the Hght of subsequent events, it is clear that Soule had received the undivided support of the strict Constitutionalists, and Bangs that of those who leaned to a lax construc- tion of the Restrictive Rules. The lines were closely drawn, as they continued to be till the end of the Conference. But if there was anything like logrolling or political manipulation, no trace of it is left in the record. In the midst of intense feeling men stood by their convictions — that was all. ]\Iy reason for being so full at this point is that McKendree played a large, not to say a determining, part in the proceedings that now followed. If any other reason were necessary, it could be found in the intrinsic importance of what took place. Dr. Horace M. Du Bose, the only worthy biographer of Soule, has given so admirable an account of that great and noble man that it would be superfluous to deal with him extensively in this volume. This much, however, may be properly said of him at any time : that he was, with the exception of ^IcKendree, far and away the most commanding figure of his generation in American Methodism. And a little more of a bio- graphical character must also be added in common justice. Descended from George Soule, who came over in the ^Mayflower, a New Englandcr of New Eng- enders both in his blood and in his training, a Cal- vinist by long inheritance, he became a convert to Methodism in his sixteenth year and an itinerant preacher in his eighteenth. Without more than the rudiments of an education to begin with, he became a Defending the Constitution. 177 wide and diligent reader and gathered large stores of knowledge from many fields. Before he was twenty- five he had been appointed presiding elder of a district that covered the State of Maine. Even at that time he was a recognized leader of men. When he appeared in the General Conference of 1808 he was only twenty- eight; but, in spite of his youth, he was one of the committee designated to frame the Constitution of the Church, and, as a matter of fact, he became, more than any other man, the real author of that notable instru- ment. His services as Book Agent from 18 16 to 1820 revealed him as a business man of great capacity. In the emergency which I shall presently describe he acted with consummate courage and candor. When again the tides were out and running high, in 1844, he stood like a breakwater. The singular steadiness and consistency of his whole career entitles him to be called Joshua the Majestic. He lived till 1867, having mag- nified his episcopal office for forty-three eventful years, and then passed away in serene and unshaken hope of a better life. Before Soule could be ordained — that is to say, on Tuesday, IMay 16 — Timothy Merritt and Beverly Waugh called up a resolution which they had pre- viously introduced, providing for the election of the presiding elders by the Annual Conferences. The same old straw was to have another threshing, and a most vigorous one. A debate of great ability followed. It lasted for two whole days. Twenty-one speakers took part in it. Few converts, if any, were made by either side. After some parliamentary fencing by Eze- kiel Cooper, it was finally moved by William Capers 178 Life of William McKcndrcc. and Nathan Bangs that a special committee of six, three from each side, should be appointed to confer with the bishops and see whether something could not be devised that would be satisfactory to all parties. The motion prevailed. The committee was composed of Ezekiel Cooper, John Emory, Nathan Bangs, Samuel G. Roszell, Joshua Wells, and William Capers. They met the bishops, but accomplished nothing by the interview, for the bishops themselves were divided. McKendree stood squarely against the innovation as involving an in- fraction of the Constitution. Roberts seemed to agree with him, but was not quite ready to assert himself. George, who had in him elements both of weakness and of stubbornness, would say nothing, though he knew perfectly well what he was going to do. This interview took place on the late afternoon or evening of Tuesday, ]\Iay i8th. The committee adjourned to meet again early on the morning of the 19th. Roszell Wells, Bangs, and Capers kept the engagement, but Emory and Cooper, for some reason or other, failed to appear, and as a result of their absence no action was then taken. WHien the Conference adjourned at noon, however. Bishop George requested the commit- tee to meet him in the gallery of the church and re- vealed the fact that he was in favor of what he called certain "accommodating" resolutions. Roszell was in no very good humor and interrogated the bishop quite narrowly. But after a free talk the three Constitution- alists, Capers, Wells, and Roszell, consented in a mo- ment of weakness and as a peace measure to report the Defending the Constitution. 179 following resolutions, embodying substantially Bishop George's own views : Resolved, That, whenever in any Annual Conference there shall be a vacancy or vacancies in the office of presiding elder, in consequence of his period of service of four years having expired, or the bishop wishing to remove any presiding elder, or by death, resignation, or otherwise, the bishop or president of the Conference, having ascertained the number wanted from any of these causes, shall nominate three times the num- ber, out of which the Conference shall elect by ballot, without debate, the number wanted ; provided that when there are more than one wanted not more than three at a time shall be nomi- nated nor more than one at a time shall be elected ; provided, also, that in case of any vacancy or vacancies in the office of presiding elder in the interval of any Annual Conference the bishops shall have authority to fill such vacancy or vacancies until the ensuing Annual Conference. Resolved, That the presiding elders be, and they hereby are, made the advisory council of the bishop or bishops or presi- dent of the Conference in stationing the preachers. EzEKiEL Cooper, Stephen G. Roszell, N. Bangs, J. Wells, J. Emory, William Capers. On the afternoon of the same day, Thursday, the 19th, without much further discussion, the report was taken up by the Conference and adopted by sixty-one to twenty-five. Some of the opponents of change had got the notion that the resolutions as slightly amended had been divested of their unconstitutional features ; and, being weary of a strife that had run through long years, they either voted for them or declined to oppose them. The "amiable irresolution" of Roberts and the i8o Life of William McKendree, "judicial weakness" of George contributed to the re- sult. A fuller examination of the resolutions, such as was afterwards made, would have shown at the time that they really contained every objectionable feature embodied in the original paper of Merritt and Waugh and conceded nothing of any worth to the defenders of the Constitution. It is never sound policy to make a real or apparent compromise on a question of prin- ciple. But Soule was not deluded for a minute. He grasped the full significance of the action and acted with heroic promptness. In a letter written at once to Bishops George and Roberts — ^IcKendree being a few days absent in the country on account of his health — he declared that the action of the General Confer- ence was unconstitutional because it undertook by a mere majority vote to strip the episcopacy of a power bestowed upon it by organic law, and he added that under such circumstances he "could not consistently with his convictions of propriety and obligation enter upon the work of an itinerant General Superintendent." This language is so ver)^ explicit that it seems strange that anybody should ever have been reckless enough, even in years of passion and prejudice, to call in ques- tion the perfect sincerity of its author. McKendree was also prompt to speak out. On Monday morning, ^lay 22, Roberts and George showed him Soule's letter and expressed the opinion that it exhibited an indisposition to submit to the General Con- ference. McKendree thought not, and at his sugges- tion Soule a little later indorsed on the back of it this sentence: "At the special request of Bishop McKen- Defending the Constitution, i8l dree I hereby certify that in the above statement I mean no more than that I cannot, consistently with my views of propriety and responsibihty, administer that part of the government particularly embraced in the act of the General Conference above mentioned." Soule was not to stand alone in this emergency, though he would have done so if it had been neces- sary. Fortunately for him, the powerful support of the senior bishop now came to his help. On Monday morning, May 22, McKendree was in his place on the platform. Roberts and George very courteously showed him the letter which they had received from Soule. He had already, through a written commu- nication from Mr. Capers, been put into full posses- sion of all that had gone on in the Conference during his few days of absence and had prepared a ringing protest against the so-called "peace measure." This protest, along with Soule's letter, he now presented to the Conference. In his journal he says that the pro- test contains "an intimation" of his opinions con- cerning "the constitutional difficulty." Intimation is scarcely the term with which to describe his remarks. A straighter or more downright document was never penned. Every word of it shows intense conviction. The importance of it justifies its reproduction in full: Baltimore, May 22, 1820. To the Bishops and General Conference, now in session. On Saturday evening I received a copy of the resolution which passed on the 19th instant, which, contrary to the estab- lished order of our Church, authorizes the Annual Conference to elect the presiding elders and thereby transfers the execu- tive authority from the General Superintendents to the An- nual Conferences and leaves the bishops divested of their l82 Life of William McKendree. power to oversee the business under the full responsibiHty of General Superintendents. I extremely regret that you have, by this measure, reduced me to the painful necessity of pro- nouncing the resolution unconstitutional and therefore des- titute of the proper authority of the Church. While I am firmly bound, by virtue of my office, to see that all the rules are properly enforced, I am equally bound to prevent the imposition of that which is not properly rule. Under the influence of this sentiment and considering the importance of the subject I enter this protest. If the delegated Conference has a right in one case to impose rules contrary to the Constitution, which binds hun- dreds of preachers and thousands of members in Christian fellowship, and on which their own existence and the validity of their acts depend, why may not the same right exist in another? Why not in all cases? If the right of infringing the Constitution is admitted, what will secure the rights and privileges of preachers and people, together with the friends of the Church? If the Constitution cannot protect the exec- utive authority, in vain may the moneyed institutions and individual rights call for help from that source. Believing as I do that this resolution is unauthorized by the Constitution and therefore not to be regarded as a rule of the Methodist Episcopal Church, I consider myself under no obligation to enforce or to enjoin it on others to do so. I present this as the expression of my attachment to the Constitution and government of the Church and of my sincere desire to preserve the rights and privileges of the whole body. Your worn-down and afflicted friend, W. jMcKendree. As Soule had been put into the hands of the bishops for ordination, they made ready, though without his knowledge, to proceed with the ceremony. This fact becoming known or suspected, it stirred up a good deal of feeling. At 3 p.m. Tuesday, May 23, a resolution was brought forward by D. Ostrander and James Smith, the object of which was to arrest any present Defending the ConsMtution. 183 action on the part of the bishops — if not, indeed, to make it impossible that Soule should be ordained at all. The resolution was as follows : Whereas Brother Joshua Soule, bishop elect, has' signified in his letter to the Episcopacy, which letter was read in the open Conference, that if he be ordained bishop he will not feel himself bound to be governed by a certain resolution of this General Conference relative to the nomination and elec- tion of presiding elders ; therefore Resolved, That the bishops be earnestly requested by this Conference to defer or postpone the ordination of the said Brother Soule until he gives satisfactory explanations to this Conference. This resolution led to considerable discussion. A motion was finally made to postpone it indefinitely; and when it became evident that this motion would pre- vail, the resolution was withdrawn. So the day closed. On Wednesday morning. May 25, at Soule's own re- quest, Bishop George announced that the bishops had postponed the ordination to a future period; but on Thursday morning, without consulting Soule, he an- nounced that it would take place at noon of that day. Soule at once arose and read a communication resign- ing the office to which he had been elected. At the afternoon session S. G. Roszell and S. K. Hodges moved "that Bishop Soule be and is hereby requested to withdraw his resignation and comply with the wishes of his brethren in submitting to ordination" ; and this motion prevailed, forty-nine ayes, the nays not re- corded. But Soule's mind was made up. He once more stated his purpose, and there the matter ended. The Conference, so Bishop McKendree says, took no further vote on the subject. 184 Life of William McKendree. On Friday morning, May 27th, William Capers and Joshua Wells moved that "we immediately proceed to elect another General Superintendent." But Nathan Bangs and twenty-nine others, knowing that the Gen- eral Conference would again elect Soule, had already filed a written protest with the bishops against any further elections, saying, what w^as probably true, that any man chosen under the existing circumstances would take up the office under grave disabilities. When the existence of this protest became known, the motion was withdrawn. The Conference, on the 26th inst., did a thing which showed a significant reaction. By a majority vote it suspended for four years the operation of the resolu- tions concerning the election of the presiding elders and left matters just where they had been from the beginning — this very much to the satisfaction of Mc- Kendree and Soule. They were both opposed, on every ground, to an elective presiding eldership, for they saw that it would introduce an incessant element of turmoil and confusion into the Annual Conferences. They were likewise opposed to making the elders a legal council, with power to control the appointments ; for they could not help realizing that this change would take authority from the hands of the only men whom the General Conference could hold directly responsible for their administration, and put it into the hands of men responsible only to the Annual Conference, and would thus inevitably break up the unity and connec- tionalism of the Church. The man who does not see all this is blind. But neither McKendree nor Soule would have felt Defending the Con>stitution. 185 warranted in refusing to submit to the resolutions simply because they were injudicious or unwise. Their attitude was that these resolutions were unconstitu- tional; and they were certainly correct in this conten- tion, for it is as clear as daylight that the appointing power was, and was understood to be, by the ordain- ing General Conference of 1808, an essential feature of that itinerant general superintendency which is pro- tected by the third Restrictive Rule. The Church can take away this power if it should think best, but it can do so only by first altering the Restrictive Rule. Any attempt to do it by a short cut is lawless. If, more- over, the Constitution may be invaded at one point, there is no reason why it should not be disregarded at every point. The only possible protection of the rights and interests of the Church is in a rigid adherence to its terms and provisions. It was because these two great men had a full understanding of the value of things fundamental and organic that they maintained so strong a front against what was really revolutionary in character. To charge them with having been ani- mated by any vulgar desire for personal advantage is to show an utter incapacity for reading their minds. McKendree believed that the Annual Conferences, or the body of elders comprised in them, were the only final judges of the constitutionality of any legislation. On mature reflection, therefore, he proceeded during the next four years to lay before these Conferences the question of the constitutionality of the "Suspended Resolutions," and seven of them out of twelve declared them to be violative of the third Restrictive Rule. As showing, however, a spirit of conciliation, they agreed, 1 86 Life of IVilliam McKcndree, at McKendree's instance, to vote an amendment to the rule in question, and thus legally open the way for the proposed legislation. If the other five Con- ferences had taken the same course, they would have thus secured their object. But they were unwilling to admit the existing incapacity of the General Confer- ence to do what they wished to be done and refused to take any action whatever, thus in the end, and per- haps providentially, defeating their own purpose. It need scarcely be said that these four years were not an easy time to McKendree. His position had aroused a good deal of feeling against him. If he was not assailed so viciously as Soule, it was because his standing in the Church protected him against it. Even as it was, he did not escape criticism. The leaders who had been defeated largely through his agency, good men as they doubtless were, were smart- ing under the fact and getting ready to renew the struggle. He would have been something more or less than human if he had not suffered severely in passing through such an ordeal. An entry in his journal un- covers his heart : Until that time I had, so far as I know, the confidence and affection of the preachers generally, but after that I had to feel the effects of an astonishing change. Old friends met me with cool indifference or with retiring, forbidding reserve and sometimes even with rudeness. My best-intended move- ments were misconstrued, sometimes converted into faults or magnified to my disadvantage and to the injury of the cause which we were mutually bound to support. In the furnace of affliction I discovered my own imperfections as well as those of my brethren — saw wherein I might have acted more wisely and prudently in many cases — and that some of our afflictions might have been prevented and the same end ob- Defending the Constitution. 187 tained by a course a little different and therefore better be- cause less liable to misrepresentations. That is noble. Only a Christian man of the highest type could have written it. Notwithstanding his release by the General Confer- ence from the burden of active work, McKendree con- tinued for the first three years of the quadrennium to travel through the Church and as far as he possibly could to assist his colleagues in holding the Confer- ences. No one reading his journal casually would in- fer that he was a confirmed invalid. His sense of duty was such that he could not sit down and hold his hands as long as he was able to perform any labor. Another quotation from his journal is a better disclosure of his character than any comment from the pen of a biographer could possibly be: I pursued my course as well as I could until the fall pre- ceding the General Conference of 1824, when, observing the methods adopted by some and thinking that I could not attend Annual Conferences without interfering with their measures, or at least seeming to interfere with the election of delegates to the ensuing General Conference, which I deemed deroga- tory to my station, therefore, notwithstanding the fate of our controversy depended on the representatives to be chosen at the three following Conferences, I committed the cause to God and went no farther than to the Tennessee Conference. Here again the intrinsic greatness of his character is disclosed. ^luch concerned as he was about the out- come of the matters that were agitating the mind of the Church, he would not seem to resort to anything that even looked like personal scheming or intrigue to carry his points. McKendree went up from Nashville to the General 1 88 Life of IVilliam McKendrce. Conference of 1824 in company with young Robert Paine, who had been chosen a delegate as early as the law allowed by the Tennessee Conference. The ac- count of the journey as published in Volume II. of the ''Life of McKendree" is so uncommonly well written and so full of noteworthy incidents that there is a strong temptation to make copious quotations from it, but space forbids. Sufficient to say that they started on March 10 and reached Baltimore on April 28. The Bishop was desperately weak, but able to take the chair and open the session. Contrary to a very general expectation, the General Conference turned out to be by a small majority in sympathy with the position of McKendree and Soule. The Baltimore Conference had contributed to this re- sult by dropping John Emory, who favored the Sus- pended Resolutions, from its delegation and putting Soule, who was now by transfer a member of that body, in his place. The following preamble and reso- lution, which were adopted after consideration by a vote of sixty-three to sixty-one, tell the story : Whereas a majority of the Annual Conferences have judged the resolutions making presiding elders elective and which were passed and then suspended at the last General Conference unconstitutional ; therefore Resolved, That the said resolutions are not of authority and shall not be carried into effect. But the Conference was so evenly divided that, to avoid giving needless offense, it was agreed that the resolutions should again be carried over till 1828 as unfinished business. The Committee on Episcopacy having reported that Defending the Constitution. 189 it was expedient to elect two new bishops, the report was adopted by the Conference, though some (hs- sented; and on May 26 Joshua Soule and Ehjah Red- ding, two of the strongest men in the Church, were chosen. Rarely ever has the voting been closer. On the first ballot there were 128 votes, of which Joshua Soule had 64, William Beauchamp 62, Elijah Red- ding 61, and John Emory 59. On the second ballot Soule had 65, a bare majority, Hedding 64, Beau- champ 62, and Emory 58. Before the next ballot Emory withdrew his name, and Hedding had 66 and Beauchamp 60. Of Soule a sufficient sketch has already been given in a preceding chapter. Hedding was a native of Dutchess County, N. Y., born June 7, 1780, and was converted December 27, 1798. Being soon afterwards licensed, first to exhort and then to preach, he was used as a supply on three separate circuits. In 1801 he was received on probation into the New York Con- ference. For eight years he traveled immense circuits in Northern New York and New England. It is doubtful whether any Methodist preacher ever had a harder novitiate. But he stood the test nobly. Then for four years he was a presiding elder, in which of- fice he exhibited a balanced sagacity of judgment and an evangelistic zeal that but few of his contemporaries equaled. After that, till his elevation to the episco- pacy, he spent the most of his time in Boston, Nan- tucket, Lynn, Portland, and New London. Four times he was chosen a delegate to the General Confer- ence. His promotion was the result of solid and en- during qualities of character. Electing him bishop was 190 Life of William McKendrce. making no experiment. lie was equal to the office from the beginning. The writer of these hnes has often heard the late Bishop H. N. McTyeire, himself a very great bishop, speak in terms of the highest ad- miration of Hedding's services to the Church. The policy that kept him confined for the greater part of his episcopacy to the extreme eastern and northern part of the country was not judicious. If he had ranged more widely, it would have been better for him and for the Connection. "William Beauchamp, who came so nearly being chosen, is scarcely known to the Church of the present day even by name. Yet he was unquestionably one of the ablest ministers of his time. Born in Kent County, Del., April 21, 1772, and converted about 1787 in Wood County, Va., whither his father had removed some years before, he began to preach in 1791. Two years later he entered the itinerancy, traveling first as a supply under the presiding elder. Having served large circuits for about six years, he was then stationed in New York, Boston, Provincetown, and Nantucket. In 1801 he located and removed to Mrginia and thence in 181 5 to Chillicothe, Ohio, where he became editor of the Western Christian Monitor and also preached with great acceptability in all the region round about. From that place in 1817 he went still farther West, to Mt. Carmel, 111., and engaged in helping to found a new community. In 1822 he w^as readmitted into the St. Louis Conference, and was in 1823 elected to the next General Conference. His death occurred October 7, 1824, in Paoli, Ind. Besides his other work, he pub- lished a valuable volume entitled "Essavs on the Truth Defending the Constitution. 191 of Christianity." He was called the "Demosthenes of the West" and would have undoubtedly been advanced to the episcopacy but for the fact that so many of his years were spent in the local ministry. Of John Emory something will be said later on. Upper Canada, which had theretofore been divided between the New England and the Genesee Con- ferences, was now by its own request set up as a sep- arate Conference. It is just as well to say here as later that five delegates were in their seats from that Conference at Pittsburg four years later, representing 9,678 members and very valuable Church property. It had become entirely evident to them in the meantime that their progress was much hindered by the fact of their connection with a Church lying chiefly within a foreign country, and they made a solemn appeal for a peaceable and brotherly separation. In response to that appeal they were authorized to form themselves into a separate Church, and provision was made for transferring to them their proportional interest in the Book Concern and Chartered Fund. The bishops were further instructed to ordain as bishop for them any one whom they should elect and present. In the fall of 1828 Bishop Hedding held their Conference, as- sisted them in completing their organization, and gave them his final blessing. The fine-spun theory put forward to justify this division without justifying later divisions, that the missionaries who went to Canada went as volunteers and therefore had a right to quit at any time, being under a terminable contract or compact with the Methodist Episcopal Church, was not at all necessary. 13 192 Life of JVilliam McKcndrce, That such men as John Emory and even Robert Paine sliould have laid the groundwork for it is most sur- prising. The outstanding fact is that the General Conference which withdrew its jurisdiction from Lower Canada in 181 6 withdrew it in the same man- ner from Upper Canada in 1820. The violent agitation of any single important ques- tion in Church or State is sure to involve, sooner or later, the agitation of all related questions. Out of the hot discussion concerning an elective presiding elder- ship there arose by a natural process the consideration of the status of local preachers and of lay members. All these matters were handled with great vigor in a paper called Mutual Rights, which was established at Baltimore for the purpose of giving expression to the most radical views. ''In its pages inflammatory articles were published and severe attacks were made upon the economy of the Church. The English system was rep- resented as superior to the American, and it was claimed that the excitement was sweeping over the Church." This claim had some foundation in fact. From 1824 to 1828 the agitation was kept up at fever heat. Nicholas Snethen, who had once been the de- fender of the Church and of Asbury against James O'Kelley, now became the file leader of the radicals. Thomas E. Bond, Sr., M.D., a local preacher of great influence and a writer of tremendous force, took up the cudgels against him. What were called ''Union Societies" were also or- ganized in many places, and included all those who de- sired to maintain and propagate the so-called reform. It was perfectly natural that Baltimore City, which Defending the Constitution. 193 had heard so much of the tyranny of the bishops and their creatures, the appointed presiding elders, should become the center and stronghold of the dissatisfied ele- ments. In 1827 a convention of representatives from different sections of the country, all of whom were in antagonism to episcopacy and to many other features of the Church polity, met there to take counsel with one another. This convention was in no amiable mood. Before it adjourned it had laid down the platform of principles which virtually meant revolution. There then followed a flood of petitions, memorials, and ap- peals to the next General Conference, which convened at Pittsburg in May, 1828, demanding that the Dis- cipline should be subjected to a thoroughgoing revision on all the points In dispute and threatening secession if the demands were not granted. But a reaction had set in in many quarters, and it was reasonably certain that not only the most extreme demands would not be granted, but that even moderate concessions would now be withheld. Nothing can be more stubborn than an aroused conservatism. Bishop McTyeire sums up the whole case most ad- mirably as follows : The temper on both sides in the greatly widened contro- versy was unfavorable to concession. The reformers were aggressive and hopeful for several reasons. They believed their cause just; it was favored by the political tendency of the country; an envious element of sectarianism which once existed in other denominations was ever ready to humble Methodism and was forward and loud to encourage disaffection ; but chiefly they miscalculated as to the final adhesion of men who had, at one time or other, expressed views in sympathy with their own. Even Bascom uttered 194 ^^f^ of William McKcndrcc, some sentiments in the heyday of his blood which were not in harmony with his maturer life as one of the strongest, steadiest, and most trusted leaders of Episcopal Methodism the Church has ever had. Hedding leaned that way once on the original question, also Bangs and Waugh. Emory criti- cized and antagonized Bishop McKendree and Joshua Soule for the prompt, resolute means they used to save the constitu- tion. Bishop George, in judicial weakness, and Bishop Rob- erts, by amiable irresolution, in the primary movement let the ship drive. But now, when the radical tendencies of these things were seen, the conservatives closed ranks and stood firm. The report of the General Conference of 1828, made by John Emory, was kind, strong, and conclusive and put an end to the hopes of the reformers, who proceeded to the organization of the Methodist Protestant Church. Some who originally favored modifications, so soon as the proposed measures, which lay at the bottom, had been declared uncon- stitutional, declined further agitation. Methodism had been demonstrated a most efficient plan for spreading the gospel. Practically, it had never oppressed them. If any were op- pressed, it was the class who did not complain but were complained against — the itinerant preachers. Thoughtful men must not be counted on to join in a theoretical and destructive reform because every pin and screen in the tabernacle that has sheltered them is not exactly to their notion. Unfortu- nately, a reform which began in principles drifted largely into personalities. "The most ungracious assault," says a writer well informed in the literature of that day, "was that which was made upon Bishop George. Such, generally, is the lot of those who, while favoring partial charges, adhere to the vital principles of an organization. They must either go with the reformers to the point of destruction or be regarded as traitors to their interests." The extreme reformers had ^one too far to draw back. On November 2, 1830, they met once more in Baltimore, formed a discipline and constitution, and 5 Defending the Constitution. 195 organized the Methodist Protestant Church, which has had an honorable history. Its ministry and press have never been without strong men, and its membership has been generous. Its pohty is marked by an extreme jealousy of power which is lodged nowhere, but distributed ; and there are guards, balances, and checks. A brake on the wheels of a railroad train is a good thing to keep it from going too fast, but a railroad train constructed on the principle of a brake will not go at all. This honor justly belongs to the Methodist Protestant Church. Its one good, peculiar principle — lay delegation — has in late years been incorporated into the chief Methodist bodies of Europe and America. At the General Conference of 1824 Dr. Richard Reece and the Rev. John Hannah appeared as the first formal fraternal delegates from the British Wes- leyan Conference and were most gladly welcomed. The bishops were instructed to nominate some minis- ter to return the visit, but failed to do so because they could not agree on a man. McKendree and Soule nominated William Capers ; Hedding and George in- sisted on Wilbur Fisk. Roberts refused to cast the deciding vote. Capers was at that time the older and better known of the two men. His character was without a flaw. His gifts on the platform, in the pul- pit, and in the social circle were equal to those of any man in the Church. His crowning glory lay in the fact that he had led the way in the establishment and maintenance of missions among the Indians and the negroes. Yet the bare fact that by inheritance and necessity he was a slave holder was held by Hedding and George to be a sufificient bar to his appointment. The General Conference of 1828 took a different view 196 Life of William McKendree, of the case and by a vote of seventy-two to sixty-two designated him for the place. The manner in which he discharged the duties of the mission was wholly cred- itable to himself and perfectly satisfactory to the British Conference. Fisk, of course, was worthy of any honor, and the fact that he received sixty-two votes on this occasion showed how high he already stood in the minds of his brethren. CHAPTER XV. Nearing Port. It is not worth while to follow McKendree farther into the minute details of his Hfe. All his great public activities are ended. Nothing more that we could learn about him would essentially alter our estimate of his character. But it is, nevertheless, pleasant to mark the close of his career in a general way and to see with what a high and resolute spirit he kept right on to the end. Leaving Pittsburgh on a steamboat immediately after the close of the General Conference of 1828, he went down the Ohio River to Maysville, Ky., and from that place, preaching and praying along his route, he turned south to Tennessee, getting to his brother's home in the early autumn. Everybody, except the few who were very intimate with him, expected him now to cease his labors. He had richly earned the right to rest. The Church exacted nothing further from him and, indeed, preferred that he should enter into his re- treat and make himself easy for the remainder of his pilgrim days. But he was not looking for rest this side the river. In the course of the fall he attended sev- eral camp meetings near Nashville and astonished everybody by the vigor of his utterance. Bishop Paine says: At Douglass Camp Meeting there was an immense con- course, and the Bishop preached for me at eleven o'clock to at least six thousand people; and although his voice seemed (197) 198 Life of William McKendrec. feeble, yet it was so distinct and penetrating, and so perfectly silent was the vast crowd, that after the first five minutes he could be heard by all. Before the winter had fairly set in he was off for Georgia, had a perilous ride across Lookout Moun- tain, and preached several times before the Grand Council of the Cherokee Indians, in whose welfare he had always been profoundly concerned and among whom he had "always been kindly received and treated." Farther along the road he passed through Athens, Greensboro, and Lexington, stopping long enotigh for a sermon or sermons at each place. When he got to Eatonton he was desperately sick. The doc- tors, according to the horrible practice of the times, took a pint of blood from him and two hours later an- other pint. The next morning, though feeling quite unable to stand up in the pulpit, he preached an hour. At ^lilledgeville he met and ordained Stephen Olin, then and for several years afterwards a professor in Franklin College, an institution of the State. By the first of the year he was at Savannah to meet the Geor- gia Conference, and, finding that Bishop Roberts, who had been designated to preside, had not arrived, lie undertook to supply the vacancy ; but on the opening day, for the first time in his history, he became con- fused in the chair and occupied it no more, From Savannah he moved on to Charleston, Raleigh, Richmond, Norfolk, Washington, Baltimore, Philadel- phia, and New York, finally going back home by the Ohio and Kentucky route. This long sweep took him to six Annual Conferences, at every one of which his presence was a recognized benediction. N earing Port, 199 The early winter of 1829-30 he spent in and about Nashville, much of it in the homes of his long-time friends, Joseph T. Elliston and H. R. W. Hill. But about January 20, taking young A. L. P. Green, after- wards famous as Dr. Green, for a traveling companion, he made an episcopal visitation to the far South, travel- ing for the most part on the steamboat Nashville. At Natchez he greatly enjoyed the fellowship of Dr. Henry Tooley, William Winans, Benjamin M. Drake, and others. The greater part of the time was spent in New Orleans, where the Church needed his influence and counsel. But he also visited Bayou Sara and Woodville, in which latter place he was the honored guest of Edward McGeehee. This was no pleasure jaunt, but a tour of close inspection and of active service. When he could he preached, and when he could not preach he made pastoral visits more vigor- ously than many a young itinerant on his first circuit. He did not get back to Nashville till April. In the late summer of 1830, much against the counsel of friends, he ventured on one more circuit of the Conferences and went as far east as to the Holston at Ebenezer, Greene County, Tenn., but was compelled to turn back from that point, more dead than alive, and to recross the Cumberland Mountains in midwinter. At last, convinced that he must no longer strain himself, he consented to be nursed during the rest of the winter. When the spring of 183 1 was fairly open, being- recuperated by his temporary retirement, he went forth through Kentucky and Ohio, passing the mountains in the fall and staying most of the winter in the home of Dr. Henry Wilkins, in Baltimore. In the latter part 20O Life of William McKendree, of March, 1832, he journeyed from Baltimore to Philadelphia to be received with open arms by the lov- ing household of Dr. Thomas Sargent. For the first time the General Conference, on May i of that year, gathered in the Quaker City. Two hundred and twenty-three delegates from twenty-three Annual Con- ferences were present. All the bishops signed the Episcopal Address. ^IcKendree was greatly pleased with it, for it revealed the fact that the Church, for so many years rent and torn by unbrotherly strifes, was again at peace and growing with unexampled rapidity. Bishop George had died on August 27^, 1828, and ^IcKendree was invited to preach a funeral ser- mon and to preside at the ordination of the bishops elect, wdilch he did in an appropriate and impressive manner on May 25. The two new bishops were James O. Andrew and John Emory, the former receiving 140 and the latter 135 votes out of a total of 222^. Andrew was born in Georgia, the son of John Andrew, who was the first native Georgian to enter the Itinerant ministry. The family came originally from New England, and the Bishop showed in many ways the Puritan strain In his blood. Born in 1794 and converted while a mere youth, he was admitted Into the South Carolina Con- ference In 181 2, having come up from young Lovick Pierce's district. His education was exceedingly limited. ''He had never seen the world nor been a day's journey from home." But he had two good qualities to his credit, strong common sense and In- tense piety. Starting on the Saltkahachie Circuit, he soon showed the metal that was In him. His growth Nearing Port. 201 was steady. After a few years he was sent in suc- cession to Charleston, Wilmington, Columbia, and Augusta. By instinct and choice he was a pastor. In his prime he was a preacher of surpassing eloquence. On the platform, especially when advocating the cause of missions, he was without a peer. His social gifts were of the highest order. A simple-minded, warm- hearted, thoroughly consecrated minister of the gos- pel, it was nothing less than a tragedy that he should later have become a storm center in the Church and should have been traduced and slandered beyond meas- ure. The eulogy pronounced upon him in 1844 by Stephen Olin is more than an offset to all the ill things ever said against him. He survived till 1871 and died as he had lived, a stainless and holy man. John Emory was born in Queen Anne County, Md-, in 1789, of wealthy and influential parents. He re- ceived a classical education and was admitted to the bar. But in his twenty-first year he turned his back upon the honors of the world and joined the Balti- more Conference, much to his father's chagrin. Bishop McTyeire calls him "a polished shaft." Almost from the beginning he was eminent and influential in the Church. As city pastor, Book Agent, Secretary of the General Conference, and delegate to the British Con- ference he had displayed ability and tact. As early as 1824, though he was then but thirty-five years of age, he lacked only four votes of being made a bishop. As a progressive conservative he did not hesitate to favor change as long as the foundations were undisturbed. McKendree's greeting to him after his election was: "Bishop Emory, John Emory, come to my arms." In 202 Life of William McKendree. 1835 they both died, one in the fullness of his years and the other in the splendid meridian of his man- hood. How inscrutable are the ways of Providence ! It was believed by all who knew Emory that if he had lived twenty years he would have left his impress upon every feature of Methodism. His end was tragic. Thrown from a carriage as he was driving into Baltimore, he was found unconscious on the road- side and never recovered the power of thought or speech. The whole Church put on the robes of mourn- ing for him. Unable to attend the sessions of the General Con- ference regularly, McKendree came and went at his will. Everybody treated him with the profoundest deference. The time of criticism was over. His last visit to the Conference was made the day before ad- journment. Everybody knew that he would never face his brethren in such an assemblage again. Dr. Larra- bee describes the scene very graphically : Leaning on his staff, his once tall and manly form now bent with infirmity, his eyes suffused with tears, faltering with emotion, he exclaimed : "Let all things be done without strife or vainglory, and try to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace. My brethren and children, love one another." Then, spreading forth his trembling hands and raising his eyes to heaven, he pronounced in faltering and affectionate accents the apostolic benediction. Slowly and sadly he left the house to return no more. Everybody rose and stood till he had departed. The return trip from Philadelphia to Tennessee al- most completely exhausted Bishop McKendree's scanty reserve of physical force ; but rest and kind attentions revived him to such an extent that he was able to move Nearing Port. 203 about carefully later in the season, to attend the Ten- nessee Conference, which met in Pulaski on November 7, 1833, and, in the absence of Bishop Roberts, to pre- side and make the appointments with the help of Robert Paine and Lewis Garrett, whom he personally designated as his helpers. Twice in December follow- ing he preached in the new McKendree Church, at Nashville, and on the last night of the year conducted a watch-night service at the same place. Having re- newed his journal, he made the following entry: It was a solemn time. I felt my spiritual strength re- newed. I returned with Brother Hill and his family, and at four o'clock I arose refreshed. Mirahile dictu, the next day at ten o'clock he took passage on the palatial steamer Tennessee for one more — the very last — visit to his friends in Mississippi and Louisiana. His careful habit of keeping his ac- counts he still maintained. Arrived at Natchez, he says : "For my passage I paid $20; to waiters on the boat, $1.75; to porter, 50 cents; for riding in dirty hack, $2.'* He preached twice on the boat, twice at Natchez, and as often as possible at other places. Besides his old friends Tooley and Winans and Drake and Mc- Geehee, he fell in with such young men as Charles K. Marshall and Francis A. Owen. To reach McGeehee's he traveled thirty-five awful miles in a carriage. While there he thought he had a slight stroke of paralysis. Could it have been senile epilepsy? Little human things appear in his journal: January 28. — Excellent coffee every morning at six o'clock greatly relieves one of headache. 204 -^'/^ of William McKcndrce, Blessings on the memory of the good housewife who furnished it to him ! Nowhere in the world do they make it better than in that low country. But trifles like these apart, the wonder remains that at no time of his life did the Bishop show a deeper or more ra- tional concern for the spread of religion and the sta- bility and growth of the Church. He was still very much alive in the spirit. It was about May I when he got back to Nashville. For the rest of the year the chronicle runs thin and narrow. A delightful incident took place in the au- tumn at the Old Salem Camp Ground, in Sumner County. William Burke, his fellow soldier of other times, was present, having come down from Ohio. For three successive days the veterans preached time about. In the intervals they spoke of the old memories and dwelt much on departed friends. It was a feast of love to them both. Tlie Tennessee Conference met November 5 in Lebanon. Thither McKendree went up. His first Conference had been held at Bethlehem, in that same county, and now he was back, in the prov- idence of God, where he had begun. The circuit was complete. Words are too poor to describe the welcome which he received from his brethren. They looked on him as one whose conversation was in heaven and whose stay upon the earth must needs be brief. Many an alabaster box was broken and the contents poured over his head. If he had needed material things, they would have been given him. But as he had no lack of these, veneration and love were showered on him. Scarcely hoping that he would be able to do it, the Nearing Port. 205 Conference asked him by formal vote to write a his- tory of his Hfe, and he promised to do the best he could. But it was too late. Among all his papers, which were later turned over to Thomas L. Douglass and Joshua Soule, not a line of biography could be found. The Conference closed on the 14th, and on the 15th the Bishop reached Nashville, but was too unwell to attend church on the next day. During the week, how- ever, and at the urgent solicitation of many persons who longed to hear him once more, he consented to occupy the pulpit of McKendree Church on November 2^. A great audience was present and lingered on the words of his lips. That was his last sermon. For about a month he lingered at Nashville, sweet- ening and sanctifying all the homes into which he entered. As the holidays drew nigh, he became anx- ious to be at the home of his brother, thirty miles away. The presentiment of approaching death was on him, and he wished to spend his last days among his very own. A hanging nail on one of his fingers had been torn out and became infected and painful. Yet he finished the journey by Christmas day. Very soon thereafter he took to bed and left it no more till the end came. Loved as he was by the whole household, he was specially idolized by his sister Nancy, who, like himself, had never married and who now devoted herself to his comfort with unwearied fidelity, sitting by his side day and night and tenderly noticing his smallest want. At one time a cloud seemed to come over his mind, but that soon passed away. On March i he said to his nephew, Dudley Mc- 2o6 Life of IVilliam McKcndrce, Kendrcc, who leaned over him to receive his communi- cation : **I wish that matter to be perfectly understood that all is well with me whether I live or die. For two months I have not had a cloud to darken my sky. I have had uninterrupted confidence in my Saviour's love." Many gracious words fell from his lips. To one of his friends he said: "Follow me as I have fol- lowed Christ, only closer." On the 5th the struggle ended. With a final smile he entered into rest. He was buried by the side of his father in the adjacent graveyard. Forty years afterwards his remains were taken up and, with those of Joshua S'oule, reinterred in the campus of Vanderbilt University, thus hallow- ing the ground, as the resolutions passed by the Board of Trust said, for all time. What more is there to be said? If the foregoing pages have not left the impression that William Mc- Kendree was a great man, a great Christian, a great bishop, then nothing would suffice to do so. The writer of this little volume closes his task by praying that out of his reserves of power God may call and qualify other men as the generations go by to carry on the good succession of such ministers. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 8M1552H1916 cflDi WILLIAM MCKENOREE NASHVILLE ■•■■■■; ,; I 3 0112 025407955 'I. i ■U|ili|p|i|I 4:;:j-::::;^i;;::''^|jpiiiii iiiiiii