hi ted from / f fo/X 7li fo*/ltr* 0 THE JOURNAL OF ENGLISH AND GERMANIC PHILOLOGY EDITED BA" GUSTAF E, IvARSTEN and JAMES MORGAN HART UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS CORNELL UNIVERSITY WITH THE CO-OPERATION OF GEORGE T. FLOM, University qf Iowa PAUL H. GRUMMANN, University of Nebraska OTTO HELLER, Washington University GEORG HOLZ, University of Leipzig, Germany CLARK S. NORTHUP, Cornell University HORATIO k WHITE, Harvard University Volume VI, No. 2 January, 1907 PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE JOURNAL PUBLISHING COMPANY Urban a, III., U.S.A. Under the Auspices of THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS Subscription Price $ 3.'00 per Volume ; Single Numbers $ 1.00 EUROPEAN AGENT ADOLF WEIGEL, Leipzig, Germany V - ; . '■ ■/ - . ‘ . ■" -; Entered at the Urbana, Ill., Postoffice as Second-class mail matter. CONTENTS. PAGE. Lane Cooper, Some Wordsworthian Similes ..... 179 Fr. Klaeber, Minor Notes on the Beowulf ..190 -Cynewulf’s Elene 1262 f. . . . . . . .197 - Phenix, 386 .......... 198 Ernst Voss, Schnaplian . . . . . . . . .199 H. S. V. Jones, The Cleomades , the Meliacin , and the Arabian Tale of the “ Enchanted Horse ”.. . .221 Edwin W. Fay, Gothic and English Etymologies .... 244 Hermann Collitz, Segimer oder Germanische Namen in Keltischem Gewande . . . ... 253 REVIEWS. George O. Curme : Engelien-Jantzen, Grammatikder neuhochdeutschen Sprache ; Siitterlin and Waag, Deutsche Sprachlehre fur hohere Lehranstalten ; Nagl, Deutsche Sprachlehre fur Mittelschulen . 307 J. M. McBryde, Jr. : Kinard, English Grammar for Beginners . . 313 Clark S. Northup : Kluge, Mittelenglisches Lesebuch . . . 315 B. S. Monroe: Emerson, A Middle English Reader . .. . .319 CURRENT LITERATURE. Georg Edward : Neuere Deutsche Literatur . . . . 324 NOTICE. Editorial matter may be sent to any member of the Editorial Staff. Material for No. 4 should be submitted as promptly as possible. Suitable advertisements will be inserted at the following rates : two Three four INSERTIONS. INSERTIONS. INSERTIONS. $35.00 $40.00 $45.00 20.00 25.00 30.00 15.00 20.00 24.00 Address all business communications to The Journal Publishing Company, Urbana, Ill., U. S. A. FOil ONE INSERTION. 1 page....... $20.00 J page. 12.00 I page. 8.00 Copyright, 1906, by Gustaf E. Karsten. No. 2] Jones y The CleomadSs, the Meliacin, etc . 221 THE CL^OMADfiS, THE MfiLIACIN, AND THE ARABIAN TALE OF THE “ ENCHANTED HORSE.” I N an earlier paper 1 I have tried to show that Geoffrey Chaucer knew the CUomad&s, a French romance of the thirteenth century written by Adenet le Roi. My evidence for this position was, very briefly : the wide popularity of the French poem; certain associations of Adenet with the English court; and the similarity in general and in many details between the Old French romance and the English fragment. In order that I may project my study against a sufficient background, I here present an account of the prose redactions of the CUomades and some observations of my own and of others about the relations between this romance and the Meliacin of Girard of Amiens. My discussion will show, in the first place, that we have, including the Squire’s Tale, a fairly continuous chain of versions and editions of the cheval de fust story, extending from the thirteenth to the latter part of the eighteenth century and, in the second place, that we must probably allow for one or more literary forms of the story antedating the CleomadZs. I. I will begin with a French prose redaction without date but probably published about 1480 and printed at Lyons. It bears the title: Oy commence le livre de Clamades, fils du roy d? Espaignol et de la belle Clarmonde , fille du roy Carmant. In Lyons, again, appeared another quarto, dated 1488. There 1 Pubis, of M. L. A ., xin, 346 ff. 222 Jones , [Vol. VI were other adaptations published in Troyes and Paris, the exact number of which I have been unable to ascertain. De Tressan affirms that his version is founded upon “Fancienne edition Franyaise . . . . du commencement du seisi&ne siecle sans date, imprim^e en caract£res gothiques et fort rare.” With the means at hand, I cannot determine de Tressan’s original,— perhaps it was the Lyons edition assigned by Paris to 1480. Nor is it clear upon what was founded the redaction in the Bibliotheque Universelle des Romans, February, 1785 ; although there are several points of likeness between this and the version of Mme. L. G. D. R., published in 1733. The preface to the 1785 version tells us nothing definite:—“Ce roman, dans Forigine, passe pour 6tre espagnol; et c’est en cette quality que Madame L. G. D. R. le publia en franyois en 1733. Mais ce qufil y a de certain, c’est qu’il n’a point le gofit du terroir, et qu’il ne prSsente nulle part le caractere de Fesprit castillan. II n’en est pas moins attrayant par Fimagination, le merveilleux, et Finffiret qui y regnent. II ne lui manquoit que d’etre ecrit. On sait qu ? un Roman, qui n ? a que ce d6faut, est a repaire. C’est un service que lui rendit un Amateur illustre, M. le Comte de Tressan, en 1777 (l er vol. d’Avril).” The preface then goes on to say that another man of letters was busy at the same time with a similar task, but that he decided not to publish his redaction after de Tressan’s had appeared. Certain persons, however, having read his manuscript and compared it with de Tressan’s version, discovered that the two rifacimenti varied widely; then followed the edition of 1785. The only Spanish text about which there seems to be any certainty is the prose version of the early years of the sixteenth century, which bore the title: Historia del Cavallero Clamades y de la linda Claramonda. Of this there were two editions : one at Bargos, 1521, 4°; the other, in the Bibliotheque royale , dated 1603, and bearing the inscription, Alcala de Henarez , chez Juan Gracian. We seem to have here the redaction re¬ ferred to by de Tressan, where he says that the Cttomadhs was translated into Spanish prose. De Tressan also mentions a No. 2] The Cleomades, the Meliacin , etc . 223 modern translation of the* Spanish text in which the facts are altered. This is the stupid redaction of Madame Le Gendre de Richebourg, 1733, to which the form in the Bibliotheque for 1785 is related. 1 We have, then, so far as I have been able<4o discover, the following versions (or better redactions) of Adenet’s poem:— 1) edition at Lyons, 1480 (?); 2) edition at Lyons, 1488 ; 3) an undetermined number of other French rifacimenti; 4) the Spanish prose text of the early sixteenth century in two extant editions, dated 1521 and 1603 respectively. Madame Le Gendre de Richebourg’s edition, 1733, is apparently a repro¬ duction of 4. To these two the form of the story in the Bibliotheque des Romans , 1785, is somehow related. Distinct from them and founded upon one of the French rifacimenti is the redaction of the Count de Tressan, published in the Bibliotheque , April, 1777. 2 1 Avantures de Clamades etde Claramonda tirees de V Espagnol, par Madame L. G. D. JR,., d Paris, chez Nyon fils, Quay de Conty, 1733. Avec Approbation et Privilege du Roi. 2 In the version of Mme. L. G. D. B., there is a dragon of cork instead of a horse of ebony; the three African kings constructed their gifts with the aid of a fairy. The dragon’s body was covered with scales made of mother-of-pearl; its wings were made of feathers of the most beautiful birds of India ; it was operated by steel pins. Prince Leopatris, Clarmondine’s suitor, makes war upon the King of Salerno, while Clarmondine is in that king’s household, being treated by Cleomades—the physician. While M^niade is busy fighting, the lovers contrive to escape. Soaring over the opposed armies, they notice that M6niade and Leopatris are about to engage in single combat. Cleomades calls to them and they give up the fight. Similar to the above, as I have asserted, is the redaction in the Bibliotheque for 1785. This is obviously, however, an effort to make as much of a burlesque as possible :—The hen and chickens sing in concert as melodiously as nightin¬ gales. The silver statue with the trumpet is far more accomplished than its fellow in the other forms of the story. Shortly after it has been given to the king, it walks to an unfortunate little slave,—Don Diego Spadille by name,— pounces upon him, grasps him firmly, and then sounds the trumpet with fearful sound. This is enough to show the absurdly garbled form of the Cleomades story that we find in the 1785 prose redaction. I have been unable to consult any of the prose redactions except the two in the Bibliotheque and Mme. L. G. D. E.’s. For general information upon the 224 [Vol. VI Jones , II. Before discussing the relations of the Cleomades to the Meliacin by Girard of Amiens and to the Arabian stories of the “ Enchanted Horse,” I shall have to give a summary of Adenet’s poem:— Ynabele, daughter of the King of Spain, is married to Marcadigas, son of Caldus, King of Sardinia. They have one son, CKomades, and three daughters, Elyador, Feniadisse, and Marine. Marcadigas, in the absence of his son, is, with great difficulty, defending his land against five kings, one of whom he has challenged to single combat. In the meantime, Cleomades, hearing of his father’s hard case, returns from France, is knighted at a festival, and enables Marcadigas to prose versions of the Cleomades, I am indebted to the Histoire litteraire, xx, 718. See, further, Bibliothlque des Romans, April, 1777, 168 If. It might be mentioned in this note that certain elements of the Cleomadh appear in the “Valentine and Orson,” of which we have only a prose version to be dated, according to Grober, some time after 1489. Of these may be mentioned the wooden horse of Pacolet, the names of Trompart and Esclarmonde, Esclarmonde’s feigning madness in order to escape from the king of Inde-la-Major, and the lovers disguise as a physician. So far as we can discover, the volksbuch, or the lost poem upon which the vol/csbuch is founded, simply absorbed these particulars from the Old French romance. There seems to have been a metrical version of the Valentine and Orson in the first half of the fourteenth century. Fragments of a Dutch redaction are ascribed to the second half of the fourteenth century. In any case the lost French poem was not older than the Cleomades. See Grober’s Grundriss , ii, 792 ff.; Romania, xxvii, 326 ; Histoire litteraire de la France , xx, 679 fi.; Grasse, Lehrbuch einer Literaturgeschichte, ii, 277-278 ; Grasse, Tresor, vi, 237-238 and vii, 486 ; Chauvin, Wallonia, Janvier-Fevrier, 1898, 9. The writer in the Histoire litteraire speaks of V. and O. as a “roman qui, pour le dire en passant, n’est qu’une grossiere contrefa$:on du poeme d’Adenes.” On the other hand W. Seelman, Valetin und Namelos, lv-lvi : ‘ ‘ Das Zauberpferd des Pacolet cap. 24 ff., ist dem Roman de Cleomades entnommen, dessen Benutzung auch cap. 31-39 und 60 deutlich zeigen. Man darf diese Capitel une contrefa^on grossiere des Cleomades nennen, mit diesem Ausdruck aber, wie die Histoire litteraire de la France 20, 679 f., tut und viele nachschreiben, den ganzen Roman de Valentin et Orson characterisiren zu wollen, wiirde ungerechtfertigt sein.” No. 2] The Cleomad&s, the Metiacin, etc. 225 overcome the champions of the opposing side,—Garsianis, King of Portugal; Bondart le Gris, King of Gascony; Galdas des Mons, sire of Toulouse; Agambart le Long, King of Aragon; and Sormant le Rous, King of Galicia. At this time there are in Africa three kings who have great riches; their kingdoms are adjacent; greatly they love one another. Each of them knows a great deal of “clergie,” necromancy, and “ astronomie.” Two of them are seemly enough, but the third, named Crompart, is “ lais, petis et bopus.” These three kings, having heard of the radiant beauty of the three Spanish princesses, hold a council, at which they decide to proceed in state to King Marcadigas and ask him for his daughters. Crompart, thinking uneasily of his ugliness, suggests that each of them should give the king “un jouel de tr§s grant richece,” in order to predispose him in their favor. “ Quant il se furent arr^ Apres ce ont pou sejornd Tant ont li uns 1’autre atendu Que ensamble sont revenu.” 1 The African kings bring their gifts to Marcadigas on his birthday. Melocandis brings a man of gold with a golden trumpet; Baldigant, a hen with six chickens, all of gold and able to walk and sing; Crompart, a horse of ebony that can travel as swiftly as an arrow shot from a bow. Marcadigas, well pleased with these gifts, offers his visitors anything they desire. They at once ask for the three princesses. The two older sisters are satisfied with their handsome suitors, Melo¬ candis and Baldigant, but Marine is deeply distressed by the request of Crompart. The unhappy girl takes her trouble to her brother, CRomades, who promises to protect her from the displeasing suitor. In the meanwhile all the gifts are to be tested and Cl6omad£s is to try the horse. When Cleomad^s mounts the magic steed, the man of 1 Cliomadh , ed. van Hasselt, 1843 ff. 226 Jones , [Vol. VI gold vigorously sounds his trumpet, but it is to no purpose. Crompart goes in front of the horse, turns a little pin, and horse and rider are presently lost to sight. Crompart is then placed in confinement, and the nuptials of his brother kings are indefinitely postponed. Cleomades, borne quickly through the air, learns, in time, the mechanism of his wonderful horse. He descends upon the roof of a tower, passes through a trap-door, and enters an apartment in w r hich he finds a table well supplied. After partaking of the food, he comes upon a “ grant vilain,” and later, having crossed a corridor, enters a chamber where four maidens are asleep. The castle is Castle Noble, the apartments are those of the princess Clarmondine, and the maidens are the princess herself and her three attendants, Florete, Gaiety, and Lyad§s. Cleomades makes bold to kiss the princess; she awakens and asks him whether he is not Bleopatris, to whom her father has promised her. He says that he is, and she then asks him to withdraw while she dresses. Later, when the lovers are surprised by the girl’s angry father, our resourceful hero is not found wanting. Every three years, he says, the persecuting fairy folk have him carried away on a wooden horse that takes him rapidly over the world, exposing him to serious dangers. Carmant, Clarmondine’s father, sends to the roof of the tower for the strange device. Cl6omad£s, when later he is condemned to death, asks for the privilege of dying upon his horse. The request is granted and the hero makes good his escape. After Cleomades returns to Seville, the nuptials of his two older sisters are celebrated. Crompart, who has been banished the court, remains in the neighborhood attending the sick. He could not go home because he had committed certain crimes, which, according to the custom of his country, must be expiated by a seven years’ exile. Cleomades, after an impatient stay at Seville, sets out once more on his magic horse for Castle Noble. Arriving there in the daytime, he hides until nightfall in a grove adjacent No. 2] The Cleomades, the Meliacin, etc. 227 to Clarmondine’s apartments. He then enters her chamber, awakes her with two kisses, and tells her that he is Cleomades, son of the King of Spain. As the sun is rising, Cleomades and Clarmondine effect their escape, Cleomades shouting to King Carmant that he is Marcadigas’ son. When the travellers reach Seville, Cleomades leaves his amie in a garden just outside the city, while he goes to prepare a suitable reception for her. Crompart then meets with Clarmondine and, noticing his ebony horse, takes in the situa¬ tion at a glance. Having persuaded the girl that he is her lover’s emissary, sent to escort her to the court, he soars away with her. Clarmondine, who finds herself in a perilous situa¬ tion, tells Crompart that she is a silk-weaver of Lombardy, engaged by Cleomades to work for his sisters. While the two are resting in a meadow, Crompart is overcome by the hot sun, and Clarmondine, oppressed by sorrow and fatigue, falls asleep. In this condition, the beautiful princess and her ugly abductor are found by Meniadus and his followers, while they are out hunting. That was a good flight of the hawk, exclaims the poet, that brought Meniadus to Clarmondine. The King of Salerno commands that Clarmondine shall be escorted to his palace with the greatest consideration, but that Crompart shall be thrown into prison. During the night the wicked King of Bugia expires and next morning Meniadus sues Clar¬ mondine for her love. She obtains a respite of three months. When this period is almost at an end, she decides to feign madness, in order to escape the importunity of the King of Salerno. In the meantime there is an unsuccessful search for Clar¬ mondine at Seville. Cleomades finds one of her gloves but no other trace of his lost mistress. He will search for her throughout the world. After traversing many countries, he comes to Greece, where there is a war in progress with Primo- nus, King of Chaldea. Our hero first helps the Greeks to conquer the Eastern king and then presses on through Sicily to Venice. Thence he travels by wild and unfrequented ways, 4 228 Jones , [VoL VI while at home his mother and sisters are distracted with sorrow and his father has died of grief. One night Cl6omad£s reaches the castle of Mount Estrais. After he has been well received, he is told that a strange custom prevails at that castle: every man entertained there must on the following morning either leave his arms and horse behind or singly engage two knights. Cl6omades, having chosen the latter alternative, fights the two knights and is victorious. Notwith¬ standing the ungenerous custom that they strive to maintain, his vanquished opponents appear to be courteous chevaliers. One of them, who has been badly wounded, is sorrowful because he will now be unable to go to the rescue of a damsel wrongfully accused. The maiden in the case is Lyades, one of Clarmondine’s attendants. She, together with her companions, has been charged with treason by Bleopatris, the disappointed suitor of the princess. Durbant and Sartant, the two knights against whom Cl6omad£s has contended, are in love with two of the accused damsels. Cleomades promises to take the place of Sartant, the wounded knight. With Durbant and the minstrel Pinchonnet, Cl^omad^s, disguised, sets out for the court of King Carmant. The party is first lodged at an inn, near Castle Noble, a location from which Cl6omad£s wishes to move because he cannot look with composure upon Clarmondine’s home. Durbant accordingly finds new lodgings in Verde Coste, the house of Lyades’ father. In the tournament that follows, Cleomades and Dur¬ bant successfully defend the damsels charged with treason, and then return with them to Verde Coste. There the girls discover the identity of Cleomades. The hero, still accompanied by Pinchonnet, now takes the road to Rome, searching for his beloved through many countries until he reaches Salerno, the kingdom of Meniadus. Instead of asking toll, this ruler re¬ quires all comers to tell him news of the strange lands through which they have travelled. When Cleomades has reached Salerno, he goes to an inn. There he learns of Clarmondine’s madness. Suspecting the true No. 2] The Cleomadh , the Meliacin, etc. 229 nature of her malady, he obtains a false beard and the habit of a physician. Thus attired, he secures an interview with the king, as a result of which he is conducted to Clarmondine’s apartment. Cleomades, who has Clarmondine’s glove filled with herbs, easily makes himself known to his beloved. She speedily shows marked symptoms of improvement and calls for her horse. The new physician advises that this harmless whim of his patient should be indulged; the horse is accordingly produced and the lovers make good their escape. As they soar away, Cl6omad§s calls out that he is the Prince of Spain and that his companion is Clarmondine, daughter of the King of Tuscany. Pinchonnet now tells Meniadus the whole story of the adven¬ tures of Cleomades and the fair Clarmondine. He then goes to Verde Coste and recounts to LyadSs all that had happened. Finally he takes his story to Carmant, who learns with joy that his daughter is safe, and to Durbant, to whom he makes known the strange knight’s identity. After stopping several times to rest by the way, Cl6omad£s and Clarmondine reach Seville in safety. There follows a magnificent feast to which almost everybody in the story is bidden, even the five kings conquered by Cleomades and his father. Besides the weddings of Cl6omades, Melocandis, and Baldigant, the following nuptials are celebrated:—Meniadus marries Marine; Carmant marries Inabele. Further, Pin¬ chonnet is knighted and Durbant and Sartant are made dukes. The Meliacin, which closely resembles the poem just summa¬ rized, is, as a whole, still in MS., although excerpts have been published by Stengel 1 and Keller. 2 There are four extant MSS. 3 :—1455, 1589, 1633, in the Bibliotheque Nationale ; 1 Zeitschrift fiir romanische Philologie, x, 460 ff. 2 Romvart, 99 ff. 3 Histoire litteraire, xxxi, 171 ff. ; for a minute study of MS. 1455 of the Bibliotheque Nationale , see :— fiber das Verhdltniss der Handschrift D von Girard d? Amiens' cheval de fust (no. 1455 des f. fr. der Pariser Nationalbibliothek) zu Adenet le Rois ’ Cleomades, Albert Romermann, Greifswald, 1903 ( Inaugural- Dissertation ); also, Giulio Bertoni, Sui manoscritti del “ Meliacin ’’ di Gerard d’Amien, Halle , 1903; Ztsch. f. roman. Philol. xxvii, 616-621. 230 [Vol. VI Jones , 2757 in the Bibliotheque Rieeardienne. MS. 1455 in the Bibliotheque Nationale is the only one that calls for special comment. Here the first 2912 lines are taken from the Cttomad&s to make good an imperfection at the beginning of the MS., the copyist making the necessary changes in proper names. The point of connection between the substituted portion and what was left of the Meliaein, is where the hero arrives for the first time at the house of his amie. Finding a table abundantly supplied, he satisfies his hunger. He then enters the room in which the giant is asleep and stops to look at him. Just here the copyist takes up the M&liaein. Since, however, the giant’s bed is not described in the Cl6omad&s but is described in the Meliaein , the copyist had to insert a few lines of his own to bridge a slight gap. Moreover, he made the mistake of supposing that the first line of his imperfect manuscript referred to “ leopards,” instead of “cierges.” It should be noted, too, that he condensed somewhat the excerpt from the Cleomades , giving us 2400 lines instead of 2912. The meaning of all this is obvious:—Some copyist of the Meliaein, noting the close similarity between that poem and Cleomades, undertook to supply from Adenet’s poem certain deficiencies in a manuscript of Girard’s. The two poems are, indeed, in the main course of their narratives so closely similar that I shall not need here to summarize the Meliaein. There are, however, notable points of difference between them, which I shall indicate later. These have led doctors to disagree as to the true relations between the romances, although it may be said that the weight of authority favors the opinion that Girard’s poem is not derived from Adenet’s. Grober affirms that the Meliaein is based upon a “blosse Nacherzahlung” of the CUomades, l Chauvin, 2 Tobler, 3 and Paris, 4 on the other hand, think that the two poets were 1 Grundriss II, 787. 2 Pacolet et les Mille et une Nuits, Wallonia, Janvier-Fevrier, 1898, 5 ff. 3 Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, xi, 421 ff. 4 Romania, xxvn,, 325 ff. (Review of Chauvin, Pacolet et les Mille et une Nuits .) No. 2] The CUomades , the Meliacin, etc. 231 indebted to a common source, Chauvin holding that this was a Spanish poem, which was an amplification of a version contained in an old Spanish translation of the “ Thousand and One Nights,” and Paris that it was an abridged French form of a Spanish oral version. Referring to the differences between the romances, Chauvin observes :—“ De ces differences, on peut conclure que Girard a suivi plus fidelement son module; s’il avait seulement imite Adenet, il aurait bien pu modifier certains faits, mais non faire coincider ces modifications avec la source m£me a laquelle Adenet avait puis6. II a done connu la meme source qu’Adenet.” Tobler’s opinion, although not so positive, is similar. He disagrees with MiclielanPs view that Girard in the concluding verses 1 of his poem has taken too much credit unto himself. Michelant had gone so far as to say that the Meliacin “ n’est autre que le roman de CUomades .” Tobler, on the other hand, judging from the excerpts of the romance published by Stengel and Keller, is inclined to think that Girard’s poem is probably an independent redaction of the source of the CUomades. In any case “von einfacher An- eigung fremden Gutes durch Girardin keine Rede sein kann.” 1 The words are :— Gerardins d’Amiens qui plus n’a oi de cest conte retraire, n’ i veult pas menconges atraire ne chose dont il fust repris : ainsi qu’ il a le conte apris, l’a rime au mieux qu’il savoit et s’amender riens i avoit, il n’i faut que le commander, que peu est chose ou amender. mss. fr. 1589. Biblioihek des litterarischen Vereins, 178 ; Der Roman von Escanor von Gerard von Amiens, herausgegeben von Dr. H. Michelant, Tubingen, 1886, xxiv- xxv. Michelant writes: “ Une troisieme ceuvre qu’il intitule Meliacin et Celinde, qui n’est autre que le roman de Cleomadds d’ Adenet le Eoi et qu’il s’attribue sans le moindre vergogne dans les vers suivants qui terminent le poeme, (the verses given above). ... Il faut convenir que Gerard ou Gerardin etait doue d’une dose d’effronterie peu commune; il ne se genait pas pour “menfonges atraire” et il y a “ou amender” pour retablir la veritde.” 232 Jones , [Vol. VI Paris is also in favor of a common source : “ Dans les deux poemes franyais, et par consequent dans leur source commune, ou trouve le recit d’un combat judiciaire, livr6 par le h6ros, qui n’est pas et ne pouvait pas 6tre dans l’arabe : d’ou il suit que la source commune de ces deux poemes avait deja modifie l’original et y avait introduit cet episode. Mais s’en suit-il 6galement, comme le pense M. Chauvin, que cette source ffrt un po£me espagnol, po§me dont il ne s’est d’ailleurs conserve aucune trace, et que ce poeme flit lui-m§me emprunt6 a une traduction castillane, ex6cut6e des le XIII 6 si£cle et 6galement perdue, des Mille et une Nuits? J’en doute. Tressan dit, il est vrai, avoir vu de Cl6omad£s ‘ un exemplaire en vers espagnols ’ dans la bibliothSque de M. de Paulmy ; mais ou connait le peu de stiret6 des allegations de Tressan, qui, deux lignes plus loin, parle de la ‘traduction espagnole’ du commencement du XVI e si£cle sans paraitre se rendre compte que c’est une tra¬ duction du poeme d’ Adenet. Tressan, dit M. Chauvin, ‘ n’avait pas l’habitude, d’affirmer ce qui n’est pas’; peut 6tre ne l’affir- mait-il pas sciemment, mais il etait bien facile a tromper, et il parait ici avoir pris pour un poeme espagnol le po&me d ? Adenet, don’t il existait en effet un exemplaire chez M. de Paulmy (aujourd’hui a l’Arsenel): das ham Him, dirait-on en allemand, so spanisch vor. Il serait surprenant, quoi qu’en dise M. Chauvin, que ni de ce poeme ni de la version suppos§e des Mille et une Nuits (quel tresor c’etit ete pour les conteurs !) il ne nous flit rest6 aucune vestige, aucune mention.” The opinions of Tobler, Chauvin, and Paris about the relations between the Old French romances are based, in part, upon a comparison of the poems with the well-known Arabian Nights story of the “ Enchanted Horse.” 1 Of this tale there are three 1 It has been often noted that the Arabian story is essentially the same as that of the romances. See, particularly, de Martonne , Memoires de la Societe royale des Antiquaires de France, x, 395-403 (1834) ; Keightley, Tales and Popular Fictions, 413.; Loiseleur, Les Mille et une Nuits {Edition du Pantheon litter air e), 610 ; Lane, The Thousand and One Nights, 1865, n, 491; Chauvin, Wallonia, Janvier-Fevrier, 1898, p. 10.—van Hasselt, Cleomadh, I, xxn, curiously No. 2] The CleomadZs, the Meliacin, etc. 233 Arabian versions:—1) Bulak (1297, n, 189—201), Beirut (hi, 19-38), Bombay (n, 216-233); 2) Habicht (translated by Weil); 3) Galland. Of these 3 varies notably from the other two; 2 in many particulars varies from l. 1 As Chauvin has noted 2 the Habicht version is nearer the Old French romances than the Bulak version is:—In Habicht and in the romances the visitors arrive on a feast-day, which in the Arabian tale is New Year’s Hay, and in the romances the king’s birthday. The gifts in the romances are more nearly paralleled by those in Habicht. Again, in Habicht and in the romances we are told in the beginning that the disappointed suitor is ugly, whereas in Bulak this important detail does not appear until the story is well advanced. In Habicht and the overlooking the Arabian story, writes : “Mais nous n’avons pu retrouver, ni dansle Romancero ni dans aucune autre source de l’ancienne litterature his- panique le moindre trace de Faction d^veloppee par le menestrel brabanfon.” Paris, too, had at first taken no notice of the Oriental tale, but he makes his excuses in reviewing Chauvin’s article published in Wallonia ; see Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie, xi, 421 ff. 1 Chauvin (o. c. 12ff.), thinks that the Habicht version is older than the Bulak. He bases this opinion upon the supposed inferiority in plan and execution of the latter form :— 11 Ainsi, bien que l’enchanteur qui a fabrique le cheval soit fort laid, comme on l’apprend au cours du recit, cette circonstance ne semble pas avoir d’influence sur le refus qu’on lui fait de la main de la princesse et qu’on ne s’explique pas trop. Puis la princesse se montre fort peu reservee en se jetant des l’abord au cou du prince sans aucune retenue. Enfin, on peut encore critiquer la fin de l’histoire de l’enchanteur ou, pour mieux dire, 1’absence de conclusion en ce qui leconcerne. En somme, la forme du conte dans 1’Edition de Boulaq fait 1’impression d’une redaction assez gauche et plus fidele pour les faits que pour les motifs qui les ont amenes.” On the other hand, Habicht “est plus ancienne que 1’autre, puisq’elle conserve, par exemple, la mention de la f6te du nouvel an, que le redacteur de F edition de Boulaq semble avoir supprimee par scruple religieux.—D’autre part, elle lui est, litterairement, beaucoup superieure. Son auteur est &coup sur, un conteur habile, sachant sacrifier les donees inutiles, s’attachant a presenter des motifs et a donner, a son recit, de la suite et de la cohesion. ... D’ abord sa perfection artistique nous prouve que c’est le rifacimento d’un homme de talent, tandis que la version de Boulaq est le resume d’un 6crivain plus soucieux de conserver les faits qu’il a entendu conter que de concevoir et d’executer une oeuvre vraiment litteraire.” 2 Wallonia, Janvier-Fevrier, 1898, 10 ff. 234 Jones, [Vol. VI Old French poems, the king gives his daughter to the ugly suitor, she complains to her brother, and the prince then makes trial of the horse; in Bulak there is nothing about the princess’ being granted to the objectionable suitor aud then complaining to her brother. In Habicht and in the romances, once more, the hero pretends to be a suitor to whom the girl had been promised by her father; in Bulak the stranger,—a very violent stranger by the way—passes as that son of the King of India who has just sued for her hand and been rejected on account of his ugliness;—in her surprise over the beauty of the young man before her, she throws herself into his arms. The burning of incense, moreover, which appears in Bulak at the close of the story, has no place in Habicht and in the romances. Chauvin notes further that Habicht, although much nearer the romances than Bulak, does not accurately represent the hypothetical text known in the thirteenth century. In one regard Bulak seems nearer this assumed common source of the GUomadZs and MZliacin than Habicht does. According to Bulak the prince, having reached the country in which the princess is held captive, learns of his amie first from the people with whom he converses outside of the castle and then from the imprisoned magician. This duplication, it is pointed out, must have appeared in the text followed by Adenet and Girard, since the former selected the people’s conversation, the latter, the revelations of the magician. One other point might be noted: The M6liacin represents the captured hero as offering to fight five knights. Here Girard comes nearer the Arabian versions than Adenet, whose hero asks for the privilege of dying upon his horse. The Galland version of the “ Enchanted Horse” varies from Bulak and Habicht in important particulars. The tale, with a number of others, is not contained in the three extant volumes of Galland’s manuscript, which were deposited, after the death of that famous scholar, in the Biblioth&que du roi. Nor does the story as given by Galland appear in any of the Oriental texts that we now have. The assumption that its variations from the Bulak and Habicht versions might be due to Galland’s No. 2] The Cleomad&s, the Meliacin, etc. 235 ingenuity is not only unlikely, in view of the variations them¬ selves, but is in the main discredited by the manuscript of Galland’s diary. We read there under date of Monday, March 25th, 1709 : “Le matin j’allai voir M. Paul Lucas qui estoit sur le point de sortir. Je m’arrestai avec M. Hanna, Maronite d’Halep, qu’il avoit amen6 d’Halep; et M. Hanna [me conta] quelques contes Arabes fort beaux, qui [sic] me promit de les mettre par ecrit, pour me les communiquer.” Further under date of Monday, May 13th, 1709: “ Le Maronite Hanna me raconta ce conte arabe: Dans une Feste publique qui des plus habiles tant du pays que des estrangers faisoient [voir ?] au Roy plusieurs sortes de raretez, un Indien lui presenta un cheval de bois, etc.” 1 During, then, the first month of the year 1709, a Maronite Christian from Aleppo, named Hanna, who had accompanied to Paris the celebrated traveller, Paul Lucas, communicated to Galland several stories, — among them the history of the Wonderful Lamp, Baba ’ Abdallah, Sidi Noliman, the En¬ chanted Horse, Prince Ahmed and the Fairy Paribannoti, etc. Zotenberg, after an examination of the manuscript, thinks that we are justified in believing that the circumstantial analyses, traced in Galland’s diary with a rapid hand, are faithful and in part literal reproductions of the narratives told him. Such is the channel, according to Zotenberg, through which these famous stories have reached the Occident. One important question, now, arises: What is their source ? Evidently the Maronite had not invented them, and Zotenberg is persuaded that the stories, as told, were not entirely improvised. The Oriental probably had in his possession the text, a partial copy of which he communicated to Galland, and the whole of which has now disappeared. The testimony furnished by Galland’s diary seems, then, to 1 These excerpts from Galland’s diary maybe found in Zotenberg, Hermann, Histoire d’ Ala al-Din ou La lampe merveilleuse. Ttxte arabe public, avec une notice sur quelques manuscrits des Mille et une nuits, Paris, 1888. 236 [Vol. VI Jones, warrant a recognition of Galland’s version as a true folk-tale variant of the tale of the “ Enchanted Horse.” The fact that the only extant record of it belongs to the early part of the eighteenth century does not mean that the form is compara¬ tively modern. Such evidence is neither here nor there in an effort to determine the antiquity of any folk-tale. So far as one can see, the story told Galland by his entertaining Oriental friend might be just as old as the versions that I have called Habicht and Bulak. If we ask the Galland version to speak for itself, the answer must be that its comparative simplicity, its avoidance of duplication, points to an early version of which Bulak and Habicht represent later stages. In any case, whether old or young, this valuable variant of the tale of the “ Enchanted Horse ” deserves our attention. The beginning of the Galland version differs notably from what we find in Bulak and Habicht : On the Novrouz, which is the first of the year and of spring, the solemn feast was celebrated at the court of Schiraz. After many ingenious artisans had given gifts to the king and received their rewards, the assembly was about to break up. Then appeared an Indian with an artificial horse richly caparisoned and to all appear¬ ances a horse of flesh and blood. The visitor said that his horse would soar through the air, swiftly transporting its rider to distant parts. Wishing to have some proof of this, the king asks the Indian to go to a distant mountain and return with the branch of a palm-tree. The owner, of the horse turns a pin, flies away, and soon returns with the branch. The king now offers to buy the wonderful steed. The Indian will give it up only in return for the king’s daughter; he himself had acquired possession of it by giving his daughter to the maker and by promising at the same time never to sell it. The courtiers laugh at the Indian’s insolent proposition and prince Firouz Schah is especially indignant. The young man, under¬ taking to test the horse, mounts it and turns the fatal pin.— The rest of the Galland version does not differ notably from the others except for the episode of the prince’s first visit to his No. 2] The Cleomadh, the Meliaein, etc . 237 amie. In Bulak, Habicht, and the romances, this is unsuccessful and the hero goes back later to get his beloved. In Galland, the prince, after a long sojourn with the princess of Bengal, which is suggestive of fairy-mistress stories, brings his bride safely back to Persia. Both in the matter of the gifts, then, and in the incident of the hero’s visit to the heroine, the Galland version exhibits greater simplicity than the other forms of the story. 1 From the comparison given above, it appears that, of the three Arabian versions of the “ Enchanted Horse ” story, Habicht and Bulak are the more important in an investigation of the question immediately before us; and of these Habicht is somewhat more significant than Bulak. We are now prepared to ask: 1) What was the source of the ClfomadZs*! 2) Was the source of the Meliaein the same as that of the Cleomades, or was the former romance derived from the latter? It is more convenient to treat the second problem first. The weight of authority I have shown to be in favor of a common source for the CUomad&s and the Meliaein. For one thing, as I have said, the romances differ in important particu¬ lars. The names are not the same in a single instance; the scene of the Meliaein is laid in Asia, instead of Spain; the three visitors to the king of the Grande Ermenie are clerks, whereas in the Cttomad&s they are kings. Much more important than these differences in detail are many divergencies in the incidents. Meliaein, when taken captive by Celinde’s father, asks for his horse, not that he might die upon its back, but that he might bravely contend against five warriors. Instead of the contest at the castle of the discourteous custom, the Meliaein tells of the 1 The form of the story, exactly as it is found in the MS. of Galland’s diary, I have obtained through the kindness of Dr. C. M. Underwood, Jr. The copying was done under Dr. Underwood’s special supervision. It appears from this copy that the story as we find it in Galland’s edition of the Arabian Nights is in all essentials the story told him by the Maronite Christian. For a version of the “Enchanted Horse” story recorded very recently, see Indian Fairy Tales, Mark Thornhill, London, 1888; 108 ff. 238 [Vol. VI Jones, hero’s giving battle to a giant Roberon. Moreover, there is in the Meliaein a long episode following the defence of the accused damsels that is not paralleled in the CUomad&s: —Sabel, the rival suitor for C6linde’s love, laid an ambuscade upon the road by which Meliaein was returning after his successful defense of Celinde’s maids-in-waiting. In the fighting that follows, Sabel is taken prisoner. Later, Sabel’s father, Natalus, King of Serre, besieges the castle in which the hero has taken refuge. The account of the war that follows extends over many thousand lines. At length Meliaein is taken prisoner and condemned to death ; but with the help of the chatelain’s wife, he effects his escape. When these differences are considered in connection with the relation between the French romances and the Arabian story, one can hardly believe that Girard’s poem is derived from Adenet’s. The relation I speak of is this : in two places where the Meliaein differs from the Cleomades, it agrees with the Arabian version. The first incident is the trial by combat proposed by the hero when he is captured by the girl’s father: in the Meliaein he would justify himself in a contest against five knights, and in the Arabian story he would fight the king or his whole army. The second incident is the imprisonment of the hero beneath the cell in which the ugly suitor is confined. These are small points. They are not of a kind to modify the structure of the story or to deflect its course. But that is not the question. If, indeed, these points of difference should suit some novel conception of the story, they would be for the problem before us of less importance; because in that case they might easily have originated independently. It is rather the little turn or incident,—some ear-mark, so to speak—nothing vital to any original reconstruction of the story—that helps the investigator to detect indebtedness. And such we have here. What is more, the Cttomad&s in the particulars noted is better than the M6liacin and the Arabian story. It is more reasonable, less awkward. This is certainly true in regard to the second incident I have mentioned. From the point of view of narra- No. 2] The Cleomad&s, the Meliacin , etc. 239 tive art it is obviously better to kill Clamazart or Crompart soon after the heroine is rescued from him. At any rate, is it likely that, if he had been dead in Girard’s source, he would have been revived by that poet for the sake of so awkward a device as we find in the Meliacin f It appears, then, that the Old French romances are suffi¬ ciently alike to warrant the inference that one is derived from the other or that they go back to a common source. The Cleomades is certainly not derived from the Meliacin, because the latter was not written until after Adenet’s poem. The CUomad&s was written between 1275 and 1283. The first of these two dates is that of the return to France of Blanche, widow of the Infanta of Castile, bringing with her presumably the story of the cheval de fust; the second marks the death of King Philip, husband of that Marie, to whom Adenet near the end of his romance alludes as Queen of France. The Meliacin , according to Paris, 1 seems to have been written between 1285 and 1291. Paris finds his reasons for this assignment in the miniatures found in mss. 1633 and 1589. One of the persons in the group there represented is apparently King Philip the Fair, who came to the throne in 1285, and the other, the Countess d’Alen§ou who was dead in 1291. Such evidence seems to show that the Cleomades is not derived from the Meliacin. Nor does it seems likely from what I have said above, that the Meliacin is derived from the CleomadZs. The conclusion at which we arrive, then, in the light of the simi¬ larity of the two romances, is that they go back to a common source. A further question is: What is this common source ? Tressan, in his introduction to his prose version of the romance writes: “ Le roman de CUomadbs est tr£s ancien ; j’en ai vu un exemplaire en vers espagnols dans la bibliothSque d’un savant, qui fait le meilleur usage des Tresors qu’il a rassem- bles.” 2 Paris, as I have pointed out, rejects de Tressan’s testi- 1 Histoire litteraire, xxxi, 190-191. 2 Bibliotkeque des Romans , April, 1777. 240 Jones , [Vol. VI mony. Chauvin, on the other hand, accepts it: “ Malgre les circonlocutions 6nigmatiques dont de Tressan aime a se servir, comme on le faisait de son temps par horreur pour les ren- seignements precis, il faut reconnaitre dans le savant qu’il cite de Paulmy, dont la bibliotheque est devenue celle de Y Arsenal. Peut-on rejeter ce temoignage si precis au sujet de P existence du po£me espagnol ? Nous ne le pensons pas, car de Tressan n’avait pas Fhabitude d’affirmer ce qui n’est pas et on se demande, d’ailleurs, quel int6r£t, quel motif il aurait pu avoir ici pour ne pas dire la v6rit6. Et qu’on n’objecte pas les infid61it£s dont il est contumier dans ses r6sum6s; en cela, il 6tait de son temps et de son pays, ou, sous pr§texte d’accomo- dation au goht fran£ais, on se faisait un vrai devoir de mutiler les oeuvres litt£raires anciennes ou etrangeres.” Assuming that a lost Spanish poem was the common source of the Cleomadds and the Meliaoin , Chauvin indicates that this poem must have included the judicial combat in which the hero of each romance engages for the sake of certain attendants of the heroine. Since this episode appears in none of the Arabian versions, it is clear that the Spanish poem was not a translation pure and simple of the Arabian tale ; it was already a rifacimento. Besides, this rifacimento, —still following Chau¬ vin,—presupposes a previous translation of the Arabian story into Spanish, because the exact reproduction of so many details points to a written source rather than a story known to the poet only by oral tradition. Chauvin further supposes, as we have seen, that this source was contained in a Spanish version of the Thousand and One Nights. He calls attention to the obvious facts that communication between the Mohammedan and Christian civilizations was largely by way of Spain and that an extraordinary amount of early Spanish literature has undoubtedly perished. 1 1 For this and other references to Chauvin’s discussion, see Wallonia, Janvier-Fevrier, 1898 ; especially pp. 18-19. In regard to Chauvin’s hypo¬ thetical Arabian Nights in Spanish, see, Ren6 Basset, Revue des traditions populaires, xm, 283-285 ; consult further Revue Bibliog. beige , X, 287 ; Asiatic Quarterly Review , April, 1898 ; Luzads Oriental Lists, ix, 92. No. 2] The Cleomadds, the 3feliacin, etc. 241 The rather good case for the lost Spanish poem is materially strengthened by further evidence. Among Adenet’s distin¬ guished friends were: Queen Marie, by whose family he had been notably favored; Blanche of France, the king’s sister and after 1275 widow of Ferdinand of Cerda, infanta of Castile; Robert II, count of Artois and nephew of Philip the Bold, and Mahaut, Robert’s daughter. All of these persons are associated with Adenet’s best known poem, the CUomadZs. The poet himself tells us the occasion of his work :— 11 Je m’esmay forment de 1’ emprise Comment l’aie bien a chief mise ; Mais ci me fait reconforter Que me daignierent commander Que je ceste estoire entendisse Et a rimer 1’ entrepreisse Deux dames en cui maint la flour De sens, de biaut6, de valour. ’' 1 The poet will not reveal the names of the ladies for fear of displeasing them:— “ Leur nons ne vueil en apert dire ; Car leur pais aim et dont leur ire, Si que bien sai que je morroie De duel, se fait ne dit avoie Eiens fors leur plaisir et leur grA Pour ce seront leur non nomm6, Se je puis, si couvertement K’entendre ne puissent la gent Les noms d’eles, quand les liront, S’on ne leur monstre oh li non sont.” 2 Later in the form of an acrostic the names are given: La Roiine de France, Marie, and Madame Blanche. 3 One more passage:— “ Qui de ceste estoire vorra Avant savoir, il convenra Que il la matiere tant quiere Que il la truist, se il l’a chiere ; Car les dames qui m’en conterent x 17ff. 2 25 ff. 3 18531 ff. 242 [Vol. VI Jones, Ce qu’en ai dit, n’en deviserent Fors tant que dit vous en ai ci. Dieu de lor commant moult merci.” 1 There is some danger, to be sure, of putting too fine a point upon the poet’s words; and yet this testimony gives us about as strong evidence as we can expect to find for the position that Adenet first heard the Cleomad&s story from his royal friends. More particularly we have good reason to suppose that Blanche, widow of the Infanta of Castile, whose nine years sojourn at the Spanish court had given her ample opportunity to learn something of Spanish literature, communicated to Adenet the tale of the eheval de fust. This contention is supported by the evidence of a miniature which heads the ms. in the Arsenal,—conjecturally identified by van Hasselt with the very copy presented by Adenet to Robert II, Count of Artois. The miniature represents the Queen of France, reclin¬ ing upon a couch of state, her left hand supporting her head, her right holding a flower. Beside her are two ladies seated upon cushions : one is Blanche, daughter of St. Louis; the other Mahaut, daughter of Count Robert II. These identifica¬ tion are made on the evidence of the different devices upon the dresses of the ladies. Blanche is pictured with her hand raised in the attitude of one speaking, and the queen and Mahaut are apparently giving profound attention to her words. Adenet, half-kneeling before the couch of the queen and to be recognized by the rebeck upon his knee and the minstrel’s crown upon his head, seems to follow with deep interest the story of Blanche. Such evidence as this miniature furnishes certainly strengthens the antecedent probability that Adenet received from the widow of the Infanta of Castile the story of his most famous poem. When we scrutinize all of this evidence, we can easily believe that there was a Spanish version of the eheval de fust story in one form or another. That the tale is Oriental is beyond question, and no one will deny that a great body of 1 18519 ff. No. 2] The Cleomades, the Meliacin, etc. 243 Eastern, especially Arabic, stories found their way into Spain. To suppose that our poet fashioned a folk-tale into a very highly finished romance would be to invest folk-lore with a dignity that it in all probability did not have in the thirteenth century. The attitude of writers of romances toward the marchen has not, I think, been very closely defined; but the assumption that a poet, such as Adenet, would have used such material pure and simple as the foundation of his romance is at least open to serious doubt. The probabilities clearly point to a more or less literary form with which Blanche of Castile was acquainted. Paris’ argumentum ex silentio hardly carries con¬ viction. If we endorse what seems to me the more reasonable contention of Chauvin, we shall suppose that there was a Spanish literary version of the cheval de fust story which went back—by several stages perhaps—to the Arabian tale. The dangers, however, of assuming a Spanish Thousand and One Nights are considerable. Whether, too, the lost Spanish version was in prose or verse is not easy to determine. The comparative scarcity of a prose vernacular literature in the thirteenth century would lead us to suspect that it was a poem. In any case, there is considerable support, in the way of external and internal evidence, for de Tressan’s positive assertion that he saw a Spanish poem on the subject of the CUomades. In brief my conclusions are as follows:—It is extremely probable that the Cleomades and the Meliacin had a common source and that this source was a lost Spanish poem ; the nearest approach to this Spanish poem is furnished by the Habicht version of the Arabian tale; next in importance to the Habicht version is the Bulak; third and last is the Galland version, which the quoted entries in Galland’s diary prove to have been current as a folk-tale. In a subsequent paper I purpose to discuss, in general, the folk-tale analogues of the Cleomades. H. S. Y. Jones. University of Illinois. 5 244 . Fay, [Vol. VI 1 GOTHIC AND ENGLISH ETYMOLOGIES. (1) Gothic Stilan in Latin. A DIRECT comparison of the Germanic group of which Goth, stilan may be taken as the representative with arep-Lcncei ‘ robs ’ is phonetically invalid (see, e. g., Uhlenbeck got. Woert., s. v.), though it may be ultimately true that the root stel- is not alien to the root ster-. Stokes (in Fick’s Woert. II, p. 314) gives what I regard as correct non-Germanic etymons in O. Ir. slat ‘ robbery 9 (from *stlatto-) and Lat. stl-ata ‘ piratical ship/ The Latin glossaries amply attest this defini¬ tion and it should pass without question, unless stlata be proved a borrowed word. I would see a further indubitable cognate in tollit ‘ lifts ’ (cf. the gloss tollit ‘ aufert, adimit/ and Eng. lifts ‘ steals ’) ; stl-ata (with suffix like pirata f) belongs with tollit, both from a root with “ movable ” s-, s)tel-/s)tol-. The gloss stlattarius ‘ portator armorum/ if correctly trans¬ mitted, attests the sense of tollit generalized as in tulit ‘ portavit/ Further cognates I would find in Lat. mu(s)-stela ‘ weasel ? (‘ mouse-thief *), stelio (stellio ) ^ rogue’ 1 and, in juridical Latin— of uncertain age but probably archaic— stelionatus (suffix as in peculatus f), glossed by ‘ crimen, quando una res duobus vendi- tur, quomodo huius raptus huius speculatus ’ (? read peculatus), and further by briQecris (Gmposture ? ) rj x^evy (‘jest’), and KaKovpyCa. The word stelio i rogue ? is attested by Pliny, N. H., 30, 89, 1 [Walde in his etymological Latin lexicon has also correlated stelio and Gothic stilan , but as the above essay was in the hands of Professor Karsten fully two years ago, I think it right to let my paragraph stand unchanged. Proofnote, Jan. 10, 1907.] J. H. 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