UMASS/AMHERST 312DbtiD123bE05E 11 [imiiu ' 11 mm. \\u :A«^wm^^PMtiffi^ff^w^WWit^lfj^f^mitjmiffiltl^ Tills book may be kept out TWO WEEKS only, and is subject to a fine of TWO CENTS a day thereafter. It will be due on the day in- dicated below. 30 2 9 1991 11' ^303iSD '^^HO Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive in 2010 witii funding from Boston Library Consortium IVIember Libraries littp://www.arcliive.org/details/contributionsofc1911crou CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE CANADIAN JESUITS TO THE GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF NEW FRANCE 1632-1675 A THESIS PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILL- MENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY B;^ NELLIS M. GROUSE JUNE, 1924 i A CORNELL PUBLICATIONS PRINTING COMPANY ITHACA, NEW YORK CONTENTS CHAPTER I Introduction Extent of New France in seventeenth centurj'. — Meaning of geog- raphical information. — Cartography in Holland; Hondius- Jansson, Blaeu, Visscher: in France; Sanson, de Lisle, Franquelin, Bourdon: in Italy; Coronelli: in England. — Champlain as a cartographer. — Illiteracy of pioneers and fur traders. — Jesuits as purveyors of geographical informa- tion. — Their fitness for the business. — Religion as an impelling motive for their explorations. — Their scientific knowledge. — Their attempts to compute longitude. — Difficulties that confronted them. — Hostility of the Indians.— Aid given them by the Indians. — Difficulties of the' Indian dialects. — Scientific instruments carried by the Jesuits on their ex- cursions. — Jesuit maps no longer extant: Lalemant's, Ragueneau's, the one mentioned by Brebeuf, Bressani's, Jogues', Druillettes' — The Jesuit Relations as sources of information. — Their popularity. — Method of studying the geographical contributions of the Jesuits 7 CHAPTER II Contributions of the Jesuits to the Knowledge of the Eastern Great Lakes section I Geographical Knowledge of New France at the Coming of the Jesuits Champlain's map of 1632. — His expedition to Lake Champlain. — Journey to Lake Huron and central New York State. — Geography of these regions as shown on his map. — Champlain's information regarding Lake Superior 31 section 2 Contributions to the Geography of Upper Canada The Jesuits advance up the Ottawa River to Lake Huron. — Huronia, its location. — Father Le Caron, Recollect, precedes the Jesuits to Huronia. — He dispatches Daillon to the Neutral Nation. — First missions in Huronia. — Expedition of Brebeuf and Chaumonot to the Neutrals. — Location of their route.— They give the first information regarding Lake Erie.; — Jogues and Raymbault proceed to the Sault. — Geographical des- cription of the Lakes given by Ragueneau. — Sanson's effort to depict the Lakes. — Creuxius' map of Huronia. — Location of various missions in Hur- onia as told in the Relations and as found on Creuxius' map 37 section 3 Reports of the Jesuits regarding Northern and Central New York Jesuits advance up the St. Lawrence. — The Dutch, their ignorance of the geography of central New York. — Van der Donck's description of New Netherland. — Dutch maps. — Bogaert's journey up the Mohawk Valley. — 4 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Radisson in central New York. — Jogues discovers Lake George. — The lake shown on French maps. — Jesuit map of 1664-5. — Jesuit knowledge of the location of the Iroquois tribes. — Poncet visits the Iroquois. — Le Moyne discovers the Thousand Islands and the Oswego River. — Early con- ception of the mouth of Lake Ontario. — Dablon follows Le Moyne to central New York. — Discoveries of Le Moyne and Dablon shown on subse- quent maps. — Knowledge of the Finger Lake region. — Raffeix' map of that territory. — Franquelin's illustration of it 54 CHAPTER III Jesuit Contributions in the Mississippi Valley section I First Definite Knowledge of Green Bay and the Fox River Jean Nicolet's discovery of Green Bay. — Its report by the Jesuits. — Extent of his exploration. — Meaning of 'Ouinipeg;' influence of the word on exploration. — First report of Lake Michigan as distinguished from Green Bay. — AUouez visits Green Bay and the Fox River. — Description of the region he traversed. — The Lake Superior Map. — Allouez' informa- tion reproduced on it. — Tidal disturbances in the Great Lakes 79 section 2 First Appearance of the Mississippi in Cartographical Form Early Spanish maps of the Gulf of Mexico.— Refutation of the belief that the Rio Espiritu Santo shown on them was the Mississippi. — Early ficti- tious voyages to the Mississippi. — Radisson and Groseilliers at the Missis- sippi. — They fail to disclose their discovery. — Alleged discovery of La Salle in 1671. — Talon's interest in a route to the western sea. — Jesuits gather reports regarding the same. — Joliet and Marquette selected to lead the expedition to the Mississippi. — They start from Michilimackinac in 1673 — They ascend the Fox River. — Reach the Mississippi by the Wisconsin. — Descend the Mississippi to the Arkansas, noting points of interest. — Return to Lake Michigan by the Illinois River. — First maps of the Mississippi: Marquette's, Joliet's and IThevenot's. — They are discussed with a view to establishing priority. — Thevenot's map, a Jesuit production, is the first to be published. — Later maps of Joliet.— The Mission Map. — Raffeix' map of the Mississippi Valley. — Franquelin's map of 1688. — Coronelli's map. — Marquette's second expedition to the Illinois River. — The Great Lakes Map 89 CHAPTER IV The Jesuits in the Lake Superior Region Early knowledge of Lake Superior. — Brule's claim to the discovery of the lake. — Radisson and Groseilliers discover the lake. — M4nard estab- lishes the first mission on the lake; his death. — Jesuit reports of Lake Superior. — Allouez explores the lake and makes his report. — Dablon com- piles full report from missionaries and Indians. — Lake Superior Map; its accuracy 124 Contents 5 CHAPTER V The Jesuits and the Overland Routes to the Northern Sea Champlain gives first report of Saguenay region and Lake St. John. — Indian reports of a northern sea. — De Quen's voyage to Lake St. John. — His information reproduced on maps. — Druillettes sends in an account of the routes from the St. Lawrence to Hudson Bay.— The territory be- tween these two bodies of water described. — Druillettes' account of the six routes. — The first route identified by Creuxius' assistance. — Its repro- duction on subsequent maps. — The other routes traced. — Their portrayal by Creuxius. — Druillettes' account of Atawanik's journey to Hudson Bay. — Interest in the northern routes. — Current geographical know- ledge regarding Hudson Bay. — Dablon's attempt to reach the Bay. — Claim that Radisson and Groseilliers discovered an overland trail. — Minor French claims to that achievement. — Talon dispatches Albanel to Hudson Bay. — Albanel's journey. — Its influence on map-making. — French lose interest in the route. — Father Nouvel's discovery on the lower St. Lawrence 139 Conclusion 169 CHAPTER I Introduction THE development of North American cartography, from the elementary conceptions of the sixteenth century to the finished product of modern times, presents to the investigator some in- teresting problems, foremost among which may be reckoned an attempt to trace the sources from which the necessarj'- geographical information was derived. Fortunately for the prosecution of this work there was, among the early explorers of New France, a body of men whose members were peculiarly adapted to sustain the hard- ships of travel in the American wilderness and to leave behind them intelligent reports of the territories they had traversed. This organization was the Society of Jesus. As we are discussing the geography of New France it may be well to understand at the outset, before taking up sources of geog- raphical information, that the term, New France, is an elastic one and is by no means confined to modern Canada. In the seventeenth century the boundaries between the French possessions and those of England and the Netherlands were extremely vague, each nation pre-empting vast territories by claims based on some early dis- covery. We find New France described in Jesuit records as 'an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the north, and op- posite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction.'^ But the name Canada seems to be confined to the territory adjoining the St. Lawrence River and its gulf. According to one authority New France is restricted on its southern boundary by the thirty-ninth degree of north latitude, while it extends indefinitely to the north and west.2 Other writers are more modest in their claims, bringing the region within the forty-first and fifty-third parallels.^ Com- plaint is also made that the English curb the French still further. 'They grant us then a new France,' writes Father Biard, 'but bound it by the shores of the Gulf [of St. Lawrence] and the great river Saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 1 R. G. Thwaites. Jesuit Relations etc. Relation of Occurences in 1613 and lijl4,_ Vol. II, p. 199. In quoting from the Relations I have followed the English text, save in certain instances when I have made my own translations. These latter will be indicated by page references to the original French versions. Uhid. ' Letter of Biard to General of the Order. Jan. 31, 161 1. /. R. II, p. 67. 8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.'^ Then, as if calling on Heaven to witness the unwarranted claims of perfidious Albion, he continues: 'Now by the common consent of all Europe, New France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38fch or 39th degree, as it appears on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Ger- many, and England itself. '^ Many years later Nicolas Sanson published a map, Amerique Septentrionale,^ showing a line of de- marcation so drawn as to give New France the entire St. Lawrence Basin with all its ramifications. Labrador and the territory around Hudson Bay we judge, from the Enghsh names, to have been grudgingly conceded to Britain. This shows the evolution of the geographical conception of New France. But for our purpose we shall consider the territory as the New France of La Salle and Frontenac, namely, the region comprising the St. Lawrence Basin, including its tributaries in New York State, the Mississippi Valley, and the vast district be- tween the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay. We shall confine our discussion of geographical contributions to those features that are ordinarily found on maps, such as lakes, rivers, mountains and bays, with an occasional reference to Indian settlements, in short to those things that come within the scope of physical as distin- guished from other branches of geographical science. This compels us to leave untouched those vast reservoirs of information on such subjects as mineralogy, ethnology and natural history, contained in the Jesuit Relations, subjects which we feel are each worthy of a separate study. It is necessary for us to indulge at this point in a short digres- sion and give a brief account of the development of cartography in Europe during the seventeenth century. As we shall have occasion to refer to the Dutch map-makers when we come to discuss the ex- plorations in western New York State, a brief survey of their work is highly advisable. Holland was the headquarters of geographical science during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. 1 Biard's Relation, 1616. J. R. IV, pp. 99-101. The 33rd degree is a trifle to the north of Charleston, S. C. ''Ibid. p. 107. ' See copy of this map facing p. 47. It was published in 1650. Introduction 9 Her cartographers, not only collected from all available sources information that would aid them in producing maps, up to date in every respect, but devoted their time to developing the scientific technique of their art, to which they applied the latest results of mathematics and astronomy. Nor was the engraver's skill neglected; for charts and atlases were embellished with drawings of a highly artistic character, sometimes produced in ink, but often in beautiful colors that remain undimmed after the lapse of many years. Views of cities, symbolic figures, vessels and sea-monsters are profuse, while the region which the map portrays is frequently illustrated by drawings of its inhabitants, its fauna and its flora, a scheme that is particularly noticeable on charts of foreign la ads, where illustrations serve to enliven the texts that accompany them. But despite the lead they took in map-making the Dutch show a surprising ignorance of the sources of the St. Lawrence, even after their French fellow-craffcsmen had outlined the region with a fair degree of accuracy. It might be urged that this was due to French control of geographical information concerning Canada; but such an explanation is hardly satisfactory, as the Jesuit Relations, the principal source of such knowledge, as we shall presently see, were accessible to Dutch as well as French. More Hkely it was because the commercial instinct, which influenced Dutch engraving houses, was having its baneful effect on cartographic art. Dutch geo- graphers, for purposes of thrift, were prone to use the same plates over and over again, satisfying the dictates of conscience by minor changes that did not involve much expense. The publishing companies issued atlases for the sake of gain, and this was es- pecially true after the founder of the house (usually a skilled en- graver) had died, and the business had fallen into less scrupulous hands. Confusion was also caused by the system of employing a staff of engravers, several of whom worked upon a plate, thus making it impossible to learn how much labor, if any, was done by the man whose name it bears. Occasionally, too, publishers engaged in the pernicious practice of replacing the engraver's name by their own.^ One of the principal engraving houses in the Netherlands was the Hondius- Jansson firm that issued several series of atlases, com- 1 W. Redmond Cross. Dutch Cmiographers of the Seventeenth Century. Geographical Review. Vol. VI, 191 8, p. 68. 10 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits posed of plates obtained from Gerard Mercator, to which Hondius and Jansson added some of their own. In 1633 they pubHshed the Atlas Novus, in two vohimes, which was translated into several languages, an English edition appearing in 163 5. ^ Later the work was published under Jansson's name alone, and was gradually en- larged until the final edition totalled eight volumes, and with these should also be included four supplementary ones in order to have the work complete. ^ The number of editions published in this series is enormous, and they were translated from the Latin text into English, Dutch, French and German, so that they formed a standard of geography throughout Europe. The American maps in these atlases are few, and apparently no effort was made to keep them up to date, knov/ledge of the western hemisphere being compiled and made public bj'' other cartographers. A rival to the Hondius- Jansson establishment was the house of Bleau, for a long time one of the great Dutch engraving firms. The rivalry between these two concerns reached an acrimonious pitch that passed the bounds of friendly competition. There were charges and counter-charges of plagiarism; and, no doubt, there was some truth behind it all, since this practice was not an uncom- mon one among cartographic engravers. The work of Willem Janszoon Bleau and that of his sons, John and Cornelius, who succeeded him after bis death in 1638, was excellent and was un- excelled, perhaps, by any other establishment in the Netherlands, save the Elzevir press. The Blaeus produced four separate atlases — translated into four different tongues— executed with appreciation of the niceties of the engraver's art, as well as of the requirements of scientific skill. After spending several years working on globes and miscellaneous charts, notably his world map of 1606, Blaeu collected his various productions into an atlas called. Appendix theatri A. Ortelii etc? which saw light in 1631. Later we find him editing the Tooneel des aerdriicx, ofte nievwe atlas etc.,^ published first in Dutch (1635), then in French. But his greatest work is prob- ably the Atlas maior sive Cosmographiae Blaviana etc. (1662), consisting of eleven volumes, which were increased to twelve in the * Justin Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist, of America. Vol. IV, p. 374. ' Joachim Lelewel. Geographie du Moyen Age. 1852. Epilogue, p. 222. ^ P. L. Phillips. A List of Geo. Atlases in Lib. of Congress. Vol. I, pp. 195 and 196. ^Ibid. p. 195. Introduction ■ 1 1 French edition.^ The Latin edition appearing in 1665, to which was added seven volumes covering analogous subjects, is considered by critics to be the finest production of the house of Blaeu.^ Even the Sultan of Turkey ordered a copy translated into Turkish. In 1672 the Blaeu establishment Vk^as destroyed by fire, and the plates passed into the hands of Frederick de Witt, in whose atlases we find them reappearing.^ Among the lesser lights of the geographical firmament was Claes Jansz. Visscher (piscator), who began his work as an ap- prentice under the tutelage of Hondius and Blaeu. In 16 12 he started in business for himself, and produced maps that were con- sidered to be of a rather poor quality, as they were criticized for lack of neatness and an absence of boundaries and other necessary features. Only after the sketches had been retouched by a com- petent mathematician did they find a sale, and then chiefly be- cause of their cheapness. Under Visscher's son, Nicolas, a man who had travelled extensively in his youth, the maps were im- proved, so that they came to be regarded as possessing a high de- gree of excellence. In 1677 the younger Visscher was given the privilege of making maps for fifteen years by the states of Holland and Westfriesland 'because of his neat and curious sketches and maps of land, cities, and rivers.' Nicolas Visscher's son, Nicolas junior, born in 1649, followed in his father's footsteps, and after the death of the younger man his widow continued the business. A few of his maps came into the possession of Peter Schenck.* Despite the great strides made by the Dutch in geography and map-making dming the latter half of the sixteenth century, these sciences did not flourish in France until the reign of Louis XIII, when Nicolas Sanson began his work.^ Born at Abbeville in 1600, Sanson was educated by his father in the science of geography, and at the early age of sixteen he drew a map of ancient Gaul that at- tracted considerable attention and secured him the patronage of Cardinal Richelieu and of his sovereign, Louis XIII, who later appointed him Royal Geographer and Councilor of State. In the ^Ihid. Vol. Ill, p. 146. ^Frederick Mliller & Co. Cat of Geo. Bonks and Pamphlets, 1843. p. 20. ^E. L. Stevenson. Willem Janszoon Blaeu. pp. 12 to 26. Lelewel. Ibid. Epilogue, p. 223. * Kurt Jolig. Niederldndische Einfusse in der Deutschen Kartographie besonders des 18 Jahrhundrets. 1903. paragraph on Visscher. ^ Robert de Vaugondy. Essai sur I'Historie de la Geographie. i 755. p. 217. 12 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits latter capacity it appears that he was frequently consulted by the King on matters of importance, though he never publicly assumed the dignity to which he was entitled because of a curious notion that his exalted position might diminish the love of work in his children.^ Sanson contributed much to cartography; and though he is accused of hastiness and a failure to take advantage of as- tronomical discoveries^ — a fault that caused him many errors in longitude — his maps of New France excelled by far anything pro- duced up to that time.^ In 1646 he began an atlas, containing some fifteen American maps, which was published at Paris about 1656. Later editions appeared in 1657, 1658 and 1662. Sanson died in 1667, leavmg his business, comprising about four hundred plates, to his sons, Adrien and Guilliaume, who continued their father's work; but, unfortunately, they remained contended with their inheritance, and failed to utilize later information and more advanced methods of calculation. His plates were also used in 1692 for an atlas produced by the younger Sansons and Hubert Jaillot.^ At the beginning of the following century there came into prominence a man named Guilliaume de Lisle, the founder of modern geographical science. His early efforts were influenced by the scientist Cassini, whose work helped to rectify the prevailing errors of longitude. From Cassini's planisphere de Lisle construct- ed a mappemonde and numerous smaller charts, which were published in 1699 and 1700. This work established his reputation, but earned him the envy of the Royal Geographer Nolin, with whom a controversy arose, in which the latter was accused of plagiarizing de Lisle's work and embodying its main features in his own maps. In 17 18 de Lisle became royal geographer, but his death eight years later cut short a promising career.^ The name of Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin is closely linked with North American cartography, for this skilled draughtsman produced some of the best maps of North America published dur- ing the seventeenth century. Born at St. Michel de Villebernin, 1 Robert de Vaugondy. Ibid. p. 219. ^ M. Vivien de Saint-Martin. Historie de la Georgraphie ei des Decouvertes Geographiques. 1873. p. 421. ^ Michaud. Biographic Universelle. Vol. XXXVII, p. 654. * Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hisi. Vol. IV, p. 375. Lelewel. Ibid. p. 229. ^ Biographic Universelle. Vol. X, pp. 333 and 334. Introduction 13 near Bourges, between 165 1 and 1653, Franquelin came to Canada about 1672. Here he lived in a condition of semi-poverty, con- tinually vexed by his creditors, until he obtained, as a partial recognition for his services, a moratorium on his debts for a period of eighteen months. Governor La Barre was particularly impressed with his skill. He wrote to Colbert, the French minister, in 1683, that the young man showed great promise, and was working on a map that would be sent to the King the following year. Mean- while, financial assistance was requested for Franquelin, the gover- nor having made some slight advances to tide him over his difii- culties. Four years later Franquelin was appointed hydrographer to the King, with a salary of four hundred livres a year. No re- cord of Franquelin's death exists, but in so far as his career in America is concerned, it is safe to say that after the death of his wife and children by shipwreck in 1693 he disappears from Canad- ian affairs.^ Jean Bourdon, who came to Canada in 1634, was also a designer of maps. He held, besides several minor posts, the position of procurer-general to His Majesty and seems to have been a man of considerable influence. After his expedition to the Iroquois with Father Jogues in 1646, he made occasional trips to France in the interests of the colony as well as for his own private affairs.^ Per- haps on one of these occasions he may have taken with him the map which Father Jogues tells us they made of the Iroquois country, and this sketch may have had some influence on subse- quent map-making. A specimen of his skill has come down to us in the form of a chart of the St. Lawrence River below Quebec.^ We later find Bourdon as one of those explorers upon whose voy- ages the French Government built its claim to the Hudson Bay region, after the great English company had monopolized the fur trade in that territory. Father Marc- Vincent Coronelli was the dean of the Italian geographers during this period. He first attracted attention bj?- his proficiency in mathematical science, and was employed by ^ F. X. Chouinard. Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin. Bulletin de la Society de Geographic de Qxtehec. Vol. 15. ±^3, May and June, 1921. See also Hallam. Intr^'duction to the Literature of Europe. Vol. IV, p. 345. ^ J. R. IV, note on p. 268. Henri Harrisse. Notes sur la Nouvelle France. p. 192. ^Harrisse. Ibid. #190, p. 191. Carte depuis Kebec jusques an Cap des Tourmentes. 1641. 14 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Cardinal d'Estrees to construct two large terrestial globes which are still preserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. In 1685 he was named geographer to the Republic of Venice, and while oc- cupying this position he compiled a large number of maps, among which is an excellent one of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley, published in 1688. His work has been criticised for lack of exactness, though his American productions embody all the in- formation that could be obtained at that time.^ When England acquired New Netherland the burden of the map-making of this territory fell upon her geographers. Un- fortunately, when tracing the interior, they do not appear to have kept in touch with the latest efforts of the French. As British interests centered more along the seaboard than in the interior British geographers relied largely on charts of Dutch designs in de- picting their newly acquired province. The Dutch, in turn, had relied on French authority for what they showedof the Great Lakes. One can see the French influence on the Dutch by a glance at de Laet's early map (1630),^ and the comparatively late one in the Janssonius atlas (1675), where the Grand Lac and the Lac des Yro- quois proclaim their French origin by their names. Sometimes, however, the English appear to have taken their ideas directly from the French. An English map, Nouvelle France, by William Hack (1684) follows the French idea as sketched by Sanson, long after the French had improved their designs, thanks to further explora- tions. Mer Douce (Lake Huron) is here translated too literally as 'the Grand Lake of the Sweet Sea,' while Lake Michigan, or rather the little bay intended for it, is called 'Lake of the Puants.'^ Per- haps the best tribute that could be paid to French skill and know- ledge is the copy of Sanson's map, rendered into English bj'' Richard Blome about 1680.^ This chart, though hopelessly out of date according to more recent French cartography, is much better than anything produced by the English, or even by the Dutch, in so far ^ Biographie Universelle. Vol. IX, pp. 252 and 253. * Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia, first published in de Laet's Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien. 1630. 3 Nouvelle France by William Hack at the signe of Great Britain and Ireland near Newstaire in Wapping 1684. A copy of this map may be found in the Library of Congress. * A New Map of America Septenirionale designed by Monsieur Sanson, and rendered into English by Richard Blome. A copy may be found in Amer. Geo. Soc. Library. ^21 11. It has the date 1680? on margin. Introduction 15 as Canada and the Great Lakes are concerned. So much for the more prominent European geographers and their works. We shall meet with them again, as well as with the lesser lights, when we have occasion to take up their maps in detail. The study of the map-making of New France begins properly with the work of Champlain, although efforts were made in the sixteenth century to sketch the St. Lawrence in a crude fashion. Champlain drew several charts based on actual exploration and the reports obtained from Indians. His work is summed up on his map of 1632.^ This chart, which we propose to adopt as the start- ing point of our investigation, has for us the double advantage of being sketched by the most eminent of early Canadian explorers, who traced thereon the result of many years of patient explora- tion, and of being published the year when Quebec was restored to France, and the Jesuits returned to take up their Avork in earnest. Thus it contains the latest geographical information that could be had when the Fathers began their explorations. The Jesuits had, it is true, made some investigations, and reported the results be- fore the year 1632; but their observations were either of a very general character, or confined to territory also explored by Cham- plain. For this reason we shall pass over thf* reports of Fathers Biard and Masse, who settled in Nova Scotia (161 1), and explored its coasts and the shores of Maine and New Brunswick, since Champlain had surveyed this region with great accuracy a few years before their arrival. Champlain also designed two earlier charts, but the material they contain has been amplified and cor- rected on his map of 1632, so we need not discuss them.^ The Jesuits were not the first missionaries to New France. Shortly after the settlement of Quebec its founder, Samuel de Champlain, who was solicitous for the spiritual welfare of the Indians, introduced into Canada four members of the Recollect Order, and furnished them with the necessary facilities for mis- sionary work. The Recollects attacked the problem bravely, but after several years of earnest effort they felt themselves unequal to the task, and in 1625 called in the Jesuits to their aid. They could ' This is the Carte de la Nouvelle France etc. listed in Harrisse. Ibid. #322, p. 227. Reproduced on p. 33. ^ Carte geographiquedela NovvelleFranse (sic) etc. 161 2. See Harrisse. Ibid. #306, p. 225. and Carte geographique de la Nouelle Franse (sic) en son uray meridiein. 1613. Ibid. #307, p. 225. 1 6 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits not have made a better choice. As missionaries the Jesuit Fathers had aheady acquired a world of experience in South America under conditions strikingly similar to those they were to meet among the Indians of North America. Nevertheless, they were not, as has been often supposed, the first to explore the remote regions of Canada. We find in their own narratives, and in the narratives of others, occasional references to obscure men, whose wanderings, usually undertaken for purposes of trade, had led them to places that were subsequently visited and described by the Jesuits themselves. In the Jesuit Relation of 1640 allusion is made to traders who went to the Neutral Nation^ with an eye to business, transacting their affairs and returning home without leaving a written record of their experiences — at least there is none extant.^ Again, a Dutch explorer, named Bogaert, who reached the central part of New York state in 1634-5, tells of seeing a large river (probably Oneida Lake) upon which (so the savages said) the French came to trade, although missionaries did not ap- pear there until twenty years later.^ Yet we cannot find any record left by these traders, or any mention of their journeys in other sources. These incidents are examples of what often took place. The trader, usually a European whose constant contact with savage life robbed him of civilized instincts, blazed the path for his more intelligent countrymen, and then pushing forward into the trackless wilderness, left them to follow in his footsteps, and give to the world an account of the regions and tribes which they had encountered. The hostility that reigned for many years be- tween Canadians and Iroquois would, one might suppose, have discouraged French traders from entering western New York State. But the coureur de hois, a species of semi-outlawed inter- loper, went everywhere. Perhaps on one or two occasions some of them had strayed as far as Oneida Lake in central New York, ex- changed their wares for beaver skins, and returned to Quebec with no further thought of the country they had traversed. If these pioneers did by chance make reports of their journeys it is doubtful if they put them in writing; indeed, the keeping of an intelligent diary was probably beyond their literary abilities. ^ A tribe dwelling on the northern shore of Lake Erie. 2 J. R. XXI, p. 203. ^ J. F. Jameson. Narratives of New Netherland, p. 148. Introduction 17 The Jesuit Fathers were, as we have said, eminently fitted for the work of exploration. During the hundred years of their ex- istence they had penetrated to the furthermost corners of the earth, where they had established missions, and in addition to their evangelical labors had brought back to Europe descriptions of foreign lands and graphic accounts of the peoples among whom they had dwelt. Their travels took them to the Far East, where they became familiar with oriental civilization, and played for some time an important part in the affairs of the Japanese Empire. In Paraguay they established a protectorate over the barbarous tribes of South America, bringing up their converts in the disci- pline of the Catholic Church. The success of the order in mission- ary work, and the value of its efforts from a material point of view, was due primarily to the two chief assets of the society, namely, a zeal for propaganda that not infrequently led to self-sacrifice, and the stress laid upon education, a means which the Jesuits used to remould the religious and political thought of Europe after the outbreak of the Protestant Reformation. There was also some- thing in the spirit and discipline of the order that especially fitted its members for this form of labor, for in order to carry out success- fully the work of the Church among savage peoples, it is necessary to have men who are not bound by the ties of home and kindred, and who have no other interest than to obey the wishes of a central authorit}'- that surveys the field from afar. Thus the Jesuit Fathers constituted, in contrast to the majority of early pioneers, an educated group, capable not only of observing but of recording geographical facts. In searching through the Relations for information pertinent to our subject, one must remember that the Fathers were mission- aries, not explorers or cartographers, and that their journeys were undertaken for religious purposes primarily, save in a few isolated instances when the French Intendant manifested particular in- terest in some mundane problem whose solution could only be attained by exploration. One can scarcely glance through the Jesuit narratives without noticing the dominant note of religious zeal with which these pages abound. Despite the sufferings that dogged their footsteps, we find the missionaries buoyed up by the thought of the message of salvation they were bringing to the heathen. The desire to spread the Gospel, to convert beings who 1 8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits without the sacrament of baptism would be cast into outer dark- ness, burned high in the breasts of these doughty heralds. Des- pairing sometimes of being able to inculcate into these primitive minds the nobler aspects of Christianity and turn the savages from their barbarous practices to the more humane intercourse of civilized life, the Fathers were often obliged to content themselves with the mere act of aspersion, performed under dangerous and difficult circumstances. The baptism of children was occasionally resorted to despite the watchfulness of their parents, and the dying were not infrequently persuaded to accept the Faith as a surety against everlasting torment. 'When we see,' writes a missionary, 'these savages, well formed, strong, of good mien, endowed v/ith natural good sense, — and that it needs only a drop of water to make them children of God, and that Jesus Christ has shed all his blood for them, we feel an incredible ardor to attract them to the Church and to God.'^ Furthermore, there was great eagerness among the missionaries to be assigned to perilous labor of this sort. 'The greatest strife we have had among ourselves,' says one, 'was to see which would have the good fortune of being chosen to go to the Hurons.'^ The Jesuit Fathers, besides their careful religious education, had also acquired a sufficient amount of scientific knowledge to enable them to make astronomical observations, and calculate their positions with reasonable accuracy. Indeed, as one of the best educated orders in the Catholic Church they have compiled an impressive number of works on a great variety of subjects, touching almost every phase of learning. We are not surprised, therefore, to see them in New France making those scientific ob- servations that are invaluable for map-making. By the aid of a cross-staff latitude could be ascertained, at least roughly; but computing longitude in the seventeenth century was a rather formidable undertaking.^ There were some, however, who felt qualified to make the attempt. Father Le Jeune in discussing the subject made the following interesting statement in a letter sent to France. 'I calculated the other day how much earlier the sun rises on your horizon than it does on ours, and I found that you * Le Jeune's Relation, 1635. J. R. VIII, p. 175. '^Ibid. p. 171. ^ Not until the perfection of the chronometer in the eighteenth century was it possible to compute longitude correctly. Introduction 19 have daylight a Kttle over six hours earher than we do.' Then he proceeds to show how he has arrived at this figure by taking the distance from Dieppe, France, to Quebec at one thousand leagues (as computed by sailors), and, allowing seventeen and one-half leagues to a degree of great circle arc, he shows the distance be- tween the two points to be 57° 12'. Then taking the latitude of Quebec as 46%°, and that of Dieppe as 49%°, he establishes the distance between the meridians of these places as 91° 38', or, since there are fifteen degrees of arc to one hour of time, six hours and six minutes.^ But, as he says, if one were to assume the length of a degree to bs twenty-five leagues, as did the geographers, the result would be four hours and six minutes.^ This we known to be more nearly correct. Le Jeune later saw an ecUpse of the moon which confirmed his previous calculation, namelj'- that in France it is daylight six hours sooner than in Quebec. His method is simple. He compared the time when the eclipse took place at Quebec with the hour at which the almanac announced that it would begin in France.^ The difference in time could then be reduced to degrees and minutes. Another method of ascertaining longitude was by observing the variations of the magnetic needle. Father Bressani points out the difiiculties of this system by recording figures show- ing that the fluctuations are not uniform. In crossing from France to Canada he noticed that the needle changed from two or three degrees east to twenty-two west off the banks of Newfoundland, then decreased to sixteen at Quebec, and to twelve on the eastern shores of Lake Huron .^ Le Jeune probably summed up the difficulties of the situation that confronted, not only Jesuit ama- teurs, but also trained geographers, when he said : 'As for the longi- tude, it has been, as yet, impossible to establish it according to the rules of geography, as they have not been applied similarly in France, and here, to the exact observation of eclipses.'^ Le Jeune's results are by no means accurate. The longitude of Dieppe is approximately 1° east, and that of Quebec, 71° 15' west, making a difference of 72° 15' arc, or about four hours and fifty minutes of time. Taking into account the enormous difficulties experienced 1 Relation, 1632. J. R. V, p. 65. ^Ibid. p. 67. 2 Le Jeune's Relation, 1633. J. R. V, p. 99. ^ Bressani's Relation, 1653. /. R. XXXIX, pp. 39 to 41. ^ Le Jeune's Relation, 1639. J. R. XVI, p. 225. 20 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits even by astronomers in the seventeenth century, the results of Jesuits observations, distorted as they appear to us, are not dis- creditable. Their calculations of latitude, often made in the field under severe handicaps, were on the whole fairly accurate, and needed only a little refinement to make them exact. We have discussed the religious zeal that inspired the Fathers, and now we shall see with what reception they met when engaged in their missionary labors. That the Indians were suspicious of these black-robed priests, whom they frequently regarded as malevolent agents, and were even openly hostile to them, is quite evident, especially during the early years of their work. Father Brebeuf, the great apostle of the Hurons, gives a glowing account of his journey to Huronia^ and the difficulties encountered on the Ottav/a River, difficulties that were aggravated by the attitude of the savages. The Father and his companions were continually subjected to petty annoyances. 'Father Davost, among others,' writes Brebeuf, 'was very badly treated. They [the Indians] stole from him much of his little outfit. They compelled him to throw away a little steel mill, and almost all our books, some linen, and a good part of the paper that we are taking, and of which we have great need.'^ When he made a journey to the Neutral Nation several years later. Father Brebeuf underwent even more distress- ing experiences at the hands of this tribe. On this particular oc- casion he was regarded as the harbinger of misfortune — for the Neutrals feared the advent of a plague that had decimated the Hurons — and his religious emblems and scientific instruments were viewed with deep suspicion. The savages frequently regarded the Fathers with contempt because of their inability to undergo hard- ships that were a matter of indifference to an Indian. Father Le Jeune, who passed a winter with a tribe of Montagnais, says : 'All the savages made sport of me because I was not a good pack horse, being satisfied to carry my cloak, which was heavy enough; a small bag in which I kept my little necessaries ; and their sneers, which were not as heavy as my body; and this was my load.'^ The hard- ships natural to frontier life were enhanced by a pronounced distrust on the part of the savages for the simplest acts performed by the Jesuit missionaries. 'If we would kneel down, or say our Office by ^ Huronia was situated on the southern shore of Georgian Bay. ^ Le Jeune's Relation, 1635. J. R. VIII, p. 81. ^ Le Jeune's Relation, 1634. J. R. VII, p. 115. Introduction 21 the light of five or six coals/ says a Father, 'these acts were those of black magic by which we were causing them all to die. If we asked them the name of someone in order to write it in the regis- ter of our baptized ones, and not forget it, it was (they said) that we might pierce him secretly, and afterwards, tearing out this written name, cause the death, by this same act of him or her who bore that name; in everything we are criminals.'^ Needless to say the recording of geographical information under such condi- tions was fraught with grave difficulties; the wonder is that the Jesuit reports contain as much as they do. Although the natives placed obstacles in the path of the mis- sionaries, nevertheless they were in many ways of considerable assistance to them. Indians, according to Father Bressani, were blessed with an exceptionally long vision, tenacious memory, and a remarkable facility for remembering places and describing them to others. Rarely would they go astray on their long journeys. Ex- periments were tried for the purpose of confusing their sense of location and direction, but they guided themselves as securely by their faculties as by a compass,^ The great difficulties that were at first experienced in handling the Indians were due largely to the fact that the missionaries were by their very calling at cross pur- poses with the influential medicine man. Yet by tact and patience confidence was gained, and the way smoothed for obtaining in- formation. Father Ragueneau, an experienced hand in the busi- ness, advised diplomacy and a broad tolerance — at least in the first stages of intercourse — for ladian ideas and customs. 'It is easy,' he says, 'to call irreligion what is merely stupidity, and to take for diabolical working something that is nothing more than human.'* More can be accomplished, he pointed out, by gentler methods, such as showing the savages the error of their ways, and letting them gradually come to regard their former opinions rather as follies than as crimes. One thing, however, must be remembered in dealing with in- formation derived from the Indians, and that is the difficulty of translating certain words and terms from an Indian dialect into a European language. This difficulty can be observed when the ^Lalemant's Relation, 1640. /. R. XIX, p. 128. 2 Bressani' s Relation, 1653. J. R. XXXVIII, pp. 259-261. ^Ragueneau's Relation, 1647-8. /. R. XXXIII, p. 145. 22 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits French were inquiring about a passage to the western sea, as the Indians could not distinguish between a lake of large dimensions and an ocean. Could the words 'sea' or 'ocean' be properly trans- lated into their tongue? They could be (and in fact seem to have been) explained to them by the term, 'great water'; but did this term convey to an Indian the same conception of a sea that existed in the mind of a European? Probably not. When the Frenchman inquired the whereabouts of a western sea or great water the Indian probably concluded that the Mississippi would answer the purpose, and replied accordingly. The learning of Indian languages was one of the earliest and greatest difficulties the Fathers had to encounter. For their purpose, that is for the teaching of religion, the various native dialects were particularly unsuited, because of the meager- ness of their vocabularies. The Indians were incapable of grasping the abstract. While they could express themselves well enough for the business of everday life, they suffered from a marked paucity of words for such abstractions as piety, devotion, virtue and the terms used to describe the future life ; they also lacked words for philosophy, mathematics, government, justice and reward, the names of arts, and even of many flowers, trees and animals. Generic terms such as beast, animal, substance, were likewise con- spicuous by their absence.^ Nevertheless the Fathers set them- selves to master these linguistic difficulties, and devoted much of their time to study. They lacked interpreters to begin with, and when they tried to learn directly from the Indians they were met with rebuffs rather than with encouragement. Father Le Jeune, when he wintered with the Montagnais for this very purpose, had a number of amusing experiences. 'One day,' he recalls, 'when my host had a feast in his turn, the guests made me a sign that I should make them a speech in their language, as they wanted to laugh; for I pronounce the Savage as a German pronounces French. Wishing to please fchem, I began to talk, and they burst out laughing, well pleased to make sport of me, while I was very glad to learn to talk. '2 The Indians frequently pushed their sense of humor a little further and provided the Father with a rich vocabulary of obscene words with which to translate his passages from the ' Le Jeune's Relation, 1634. /. R. VII, p. 21. Letter of Father Biard, Jan. 31, 1612. J. i2. II, p. II. Biard's Relation, 161 6. J. R. Ill, p. 195. ^ Le Jeune's Relation, 1634. J. R. VII, p. 93. Introduction 23 Scriptures. On the other hand the savages in attempting to learn French showed more aptitude for the profanity gathered from the sailors than in mastering the edifying conversation of the Fathers.^ But in course of time progress was made. Lexicons and grammars, more or less faulty, no doubt, were compiled; and prospective missionaries were required to make a study of some language be- fore taking up work in the field. We can probably assume in deal- ing with concrete objects such as lakes, rivers, mountains and distances that the Jesuits experienced less trouble than with theu- religious discourse. For this reason knowledge based on descrip- tions given by the Indians may be regarded as fairly accurate, but due allowance must be made for the fact that the savages computed distances by days' journeys, instead of by a system of hnear measurement. When plunging into the unknown wilderness the Fathers often carried astronomical instruments with them. What these instru- ments were we have no means of knowing, as the missionaries make no mention of them, save in general terms. There are occasional references to a compass, the most valuable piece of apparatus for exploration; and we can infer from the records of observations of latitude that a cross-staff must have been used. Unfortunately the Jesuits do not dwell on their scientific equipment. We know that Marquette and Joliet on their voyage to the Mississippi were properly provided for, as Marquette frequently refers to latitude in his narrative, and his map shows that observations were care- fully taken. From this we assume that they must have carried with them a cross-staff for taking the altitude of the sun. A state- ment that they proceeded 'with no other guide than their com- passes,'^ shows that this instrument also formed part of their equipment. But here our knowledge stops; indeed it is probable that these two instruments formed their entire scientific out- fit. Fathers Dablon and Druillettes on their journey towards Hudson Bay performed the unusual feat of recording the longitude as well as the latitude of various places. Another expedition which we know was properly supplied with instruments was that of Fathers Brebeuf and Chaumonot to the Neutral Nation, for the ^ Letter of Father Biard, Jan. 31, 1612. J. R. II, p. 9. ^Relation of the Discovery of Many Countries etc. J. R. LVIII, p. 101. Mention of a compass is also made in Bressani's Relation, 1653. J. R. XXX- VIII, p. 261, and Le Jeune's Relation, 1634. J. R. VII, p. 95. 2 4 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits missionaries mention the superstitious dread which these myster- ious things inspired among the Indians. Very few explorers, be- sides the Jesuits, who visited New France during the period under discussion, carried instruments with them on their voyages; or, as I assume from their general character, had sufficient knowledge to use them. The Sulpitians, DoUier and Gallinee, who explored the northern shore of Lake Erie in 1669-70, had with them the necessary instruments for scientific observations, and have left us, as the fruit of their labors, an excellent map to confirm their im- pressions.^ Besides the work of these two missionaries, we can find no trace in any narrative of an expedition taking place between the explorations of Champlain and those of La Salle (barring, of course, those of the Jesuits), where the explorers troubled them- selves about such abstruse questions as latitude and longitude. Here again we have proof of the value of Jesuit records. Not only were the Jesuits better fitted by education to compile a lucid ac- count of their voyages and a clear description of the country they traversed, but they alone were able to estimate the position of the various important landmarks along the route. Results of their surveys were not infrequently illustrated on maps drawn by the Fathers, either on the spot or after their return home; and these charts accompanied their reports to the Superior at Quebec. Maps of Jesuit authorship may be divided into two classes: those that are extant to-day; and those that are referred to by contemporary writers, buy have never come to light. Charts of the first group will be discussed later as we have occasion to refer to their contents, while those of the second need a little attention here. As early as 1626, before the Jesuits had thoroughly organized their missionary work, Father Charles Lalemant wrote from Canada to his brother Jerome saying that he was sending to the Father Assistant a map of that country .^ This chart repre- sented probably the outlines of the St. Lawrence River and Nova Scotia as these places were known to the Jesuits at this time. Possibly it contained sketches of Lake Ontario and Huronia since Champlain had explored these districts and embodied their features 1 The Journal of DoUier and Galinee in L. P. Kellogg. Early Narratives of the Northwest, pp. 177 and 178. 2 Letter of August i, 1626. /. R. IV. p. 227. Introduction 25 on his earlier maps. But the contents of the chart is of no great importance for our purpose; the thing we wish to emphasize is chat here we have a geographical sketch sent by a Jesuit mission- ary to France where it may well have fallen into the hands of a cartographer. An interesting example of the possible, even probable, connec- tion between a Jesuit manuscript map, now lost to us, and a chart pubhshed by a distinguished geographer may be found by attempt- ing to trace the sources from which Nicolas Sanson derived the names of the Indian tribes he placed on his map, Le Canada, ou Nouvelle France, published in 1656.^ Father Vimont in 1640 gave an account of the locations of numerous Indian nations. Dividing his tribes under two headings, one consisting of those located north of the St. Lawrence, and the other those to the south, Vimont credits the information regarding the nations of the first category to a list given him by Jean Nicolet, who had himself, as we shall see later, visited these Indians; while those to the south of the river he has taken from a sketch of the Huron country given him by Father Ragueneau.^ This sketch is the Jesuit map we referred to above. By comparing the names derived from these two sources with those on Sanson's map we find that Sanson has placed north of the St. Lawrence a large number of tribes whose names are entirely different from the ones mentioned in Vimont's first group, namely those given him by Nicolet; while of those which Nicolet reported there are but a few on Sanson's chart, and even these are confined to nations situated on the lower St. Lawrence, whose location had been known for some time. After making all due allowance for the variants of Indian nomenclature (and they are extremely numerous in some cases) it is impossible to reconcile the discrepan- cies between Nicolet's list and Sanson's map without assuming the existence of another source. Passing then to the nations south of the St. Lawrence we find the reverse to be the case. Here we can see on the chart many tribes mentioned in the list which Vimont obtained from Ragueneau's map. How are we to judge the pos- sible connection between Sanson's map and that of Ragueneau? 1 This map is listed in Harrisse. Ihid. ^27, p. 228. 2 Vimont's Relation, 1640. /. R. XVIII. Chap. X gives a list of tribes. Reference to Nicolet, p. 233; to Ragueneau's map, p. 235. This portion of Vimont's Relation is said to have been written by Le Jeune. 26 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Did Sanson see Vimont's Relation? If so why did he not include on his chart the tribes north of the St. Lawrence which Vimont men- tions? Or did Sanson fail to see Vimont's report, and get hold of Rag- ueneau's sketch instead? There are good reasons to suppose that the latter was the case. In the first place the names south of the St. Lawrence on Sanson's production are, as we have said, largely the same as those which Vimont tells us he derived from Raguen- eau. In addition to this evidence we can submit another argu- ment. Sanson depicts geographical features in the Huron district that could hardly have been transmitted to the designer by a mere written or verbal statement. The delineation of Lakes Ontario, Erie and Huron, both in their own contours and in their relations to one another conform so accurately to the work of modern sur- veyors that it must have been done by someone on the spot with well informed guides constantly at his elbow. Sanson first pub- lished this design of the lakes in 1650, on his chart, Amerique Septentrionale; his map of 1656, now under discussion, being a replica of the northeastern section of that sketch, enriched hj more minute details. So far as we know Lake Erie, the western coast of Lake Huron, and Lake Ontario (save the eastern portion traversed by Champlain) were unexplored regions when Sanson depicted them with such amazing accuracy. Ragueneau's Re- lation of 1647 which deals with these lakes gives no information that would enable a designer to draw such an outline. That the sketch was taken from a source believed to be accurate is extremely probable, for it was reproduced on maps for many years to come, notably on the chart accompanying the Jesuit Creuxius' (Du Creux) Historia Canadensis (1660). It is impossible to say where Sanson obtained the names of the tribes which he has placed on his chart, north of the St. Lawrence River. He did not get them from Vimont, nor could they have appeared on Ragueneau's map, for a few years later Ragueneau gave a description of the Huron country including a list of tribes found on the northern and eastern shores of Lake Huron, '^ and the names mentioned differ radically from those appearing on Sanson's design. We also find among the Jesuit papers mention of another contemporaneous map of the Huron country that is no longer in 1 Relation, 1647-8. J. R. XXXIII, p. 151. Introduction 27 existence. Father Br^beuf on returning from his journey to the Neutrals in 164 1 describes these tribes as situated for the most part west of the Niagara River, 'and not beyond it, as a certain chart indicates.'^ What was this map? Was it Ragueneau's? We feel confident that it was not, for Brebeuf has stated here that the Neutral tribes were located as a general thing to the west and not to the east of the Niagara River, while the map, he says, indicates the reverse. If we suppose that Sanson used Ragueneau's map and that Ragueneau's map was the one used by Brebeuf we would, of course, expect Sanson to have placed the Neutral tribe east of the Niagara River. But a glance at his design shows that he has placed them to the west, in accordance with Brebeuf's narrative. We therefore conclude that the map mentioned by Brebeuf was a different one from that of Ragueneau. The fourth map coming under our notice is one on which Father Bressani intended to stress the Huron region. 'The whole would have been made clearer,' he writes, in reference to Canada in general and Huronia is particular, 'with the map which I was hoping to add here, but it is not ready. Those who shall desire it can have it a little while later, in separate form, with pictures of the barbarians and their cruelties.'^ Unfortunately this map, the product of one well versed in geography is lost to us. As Bressani wrote his account in 1653 it is within the bounds of possibility that his sketch too may have reached Sanson in time for him to incorporate some of its features in his map of 1656. Another chart lost to posterity — though I hardly think it one whose loss is of any great consequence, since the country it de- picted was so well mapped out a few years later — is the one which Father Isaac Jogues, who discovered Lake George in 1642, made of the Iroquois country when he undertook a journey to the Mohawks accompanied by Jean Bourdon, the engineer.^ This map may have embodied marks of technical skill in its construc- tion, thanks to Bourdon; but the travellers did not penetrate far enough to get first-hand knowledge of the Iroquois territory, and must have relied largely on hearsay, if they attempted to delineate the upper Mohawk Valle3^ Father Jogues and Bourdon on this 1 Relation, 1640-1. J. R., XXI, p. 191. ^Bressani's Relation, 1653. /. R. XL, p. 61. 3 Letter of Jogues to Castillon, Sept. 12, 1646. J. R. XXVIII, p. 137. 2 8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits expedition ascended the Richelieu River and passed through Lake Champlain and Lake George. Perhaps their map formed the basis of the outhne of these lakes as it appears on Sanson's Canada 1656, for prior to this date the dimensions and location of Lake Champlain are hopelessly at fault, while Lake George does not appear at all. In dealing with the little known region between the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay, we find mention of a map accompanying the minute description of the various routes between these two points, sent in to headquarters by Father Druillettes, the missionary who himself penetrated some distance into that territory.^ Creuxius, in constructing the map in his Historia Canadensis, evidently had Druillettes' sketch before him, as he has given a faithful portrayal of the routes in question, a feat attempted by no other cartographer. The details describing the paths to the North Sea, as written down by Druillettes in his narrative, are at times confusing, and it is doubtful if Creuxius could have done so well with his chart had he not been assisted by a sketch as well as by written directions. It may be urged, of course, that it was no more difficult for Creuxius to construct a map than for Father Druillettes, since the latter did not himself explore the routes in person, but obtained his know- ledge — as he admits — from Indians and Frenchmen. Druillettes had, however, the advantage of being able to draw his sketch under the supervision of his informers, while Creuxius was obliged to construct his outhnes from written material. The Jesuit Relations that form the backbone of this thesis, offer an opportunity for research on many subjects. They con- sist principally of the Relations proper, that is reports made by the Canadian provincial each year to his superior in France, embodying news of rehgious activities and such other information as might be deemed interesting. The provincial, in compiling his annual report, would occasionally incorporate, verbatim, letters or diaries from his missionaires and field agents that give a peculiar personal touch to the narrative; but more often he would include the gist of their communications in a manner that gave continuity to the story. Besides these annals we have letters, diaries and journals written, sometimes by the superior, often by his subordin- 1 Relation, 1657-8. J. R. XLIV, pp. 237 to 239. Introduction 29 ates. These documents, taken altogether, are an important source of Canadian history during the seventeenth century. In addition to the purely ecclesiastical material, we find numerous by-products in the fields of geography, ethnology, mineralogy and history, in fact of everything dealing with the country and especially with Indian life. As may be surmised such records, containing as they do reports from an unknown savage land and tales of rugged ad- venture and inspiring heroism, were not suffered to remain in clerical archives alone. The house of Cramoisy obtained permis- sion to publish the Relations, and an eager public devoured them as they came each year fresh from the press. Thus the world be- came acquainted with Canada. Those who desired information about its country or inhabitants found it in these papers. The clergy, with an eye to spiritual progress, kept track of conversions and missionary activities; government officials and merchants scanned the reports for news regarding unexplored regions and the possibilities of the fur trade; geographers presumably looked for information that would aid them in reconstructing their maps; and adventurous young men caught inspiration from stories of heroic suffering. In analyzing the Jesuit Relations their geographical state- ments will be treated regionally, with as much regard for chrono- logical sequence as circumstances permit. This method involves a certain amount of unavoidable overlapping, as the division by districts is somewhat arbitrary, while the geographical information is scattered here and there throughout the Relations. Briefly stated the method to be followed in attacking our problem is this. In treating a specific region it will be necessary to investigate any explorations that took place prior to the explorations or reports of the Jesuit Fathers; to ascertain what records, if any, were made of these expeditions, and whether or not they were accessible to seventeenth century cartographers; to examine carefully maps and charts made before the Jesuit records appear, and see how far geographical knowledge had progressed. We can in most cases, it is true, begin with Champlain's map of 1632, but in dealing with central New York State reference to Dutch maps will be found necessary. Thus by clearing the ground, so to speak, for the Jesuit explorers and their records, we can assume, in so far as it is possible to assume an historical conclusion, that the featm-es 30 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits shown on later maps were furnished by the Jesuits. Nevertheless actual proof is not always possible. We can as a rule merely point out that certain features given on maps and charts appear after a specific Relation, and, if they can be found in no other record, it establishes the probability that the Relation in question is the source of the information. We shall be obliged, occasionally. Id examining pre- Jesuit explorations to wander from the main theme of the story; but these digressions are necessary, and help form the foundation on which the thesis is erected. CHAPTER II Contributions of the Jesuits to the Knowledge of the Eastern Great Lakes section I Geographical Knowledge of New France at the Coming of the Jesuits N BEGINNING the examination of the Jesuit narratives we are fortunate in having as a basis of our work Champlain's map of 1632, which summarizes the geographical knowledge of New France at the time when the missionaries appear on the scene. We shall, therefore, discuss the map; and as much valuable geographi- cal knowledge is hidden in Champlain's narratives of his journeys they will also be taken into consideration. Champlain ascended the Richelieu River to the lake that now bears his name in 1609. Moving southward across its waters he reached its southernmost extremity where a short water-route separates it from Lake George. On the map Lake Champlain is unfortunately placed too near the seacoast, and an efforti is made to indicate Lake George by a small body of water on its western flaok, bearing the inscription: 'Petit Lac, by way of which they go to the Yroquois, after passing over that of Champlain.'^ It appears that Champlain knew of the existence of this lake, though he had never seen it even from a distance, for in his narrative he says: 'I saw, on the south, other mountains, no less high than the fii^st, but without any snow.^ The savages told me that these mountains were thickly settled, and that it was there we were to find their enemies; but that it was. necessary to pass a fall' in order to go there (which I afterwards saw), when we should enter another lake, nine or ten leagues long'* Obviously this is Lake George, situated above the falls at Ticonderoga, and draining into Lake Champlain. These facts ^ Champlain's map bears numbers that refer to descriptions. For key to these descriptions see E. F. Slafter. Voyages oj Samuel de Champlain. Vol. I. This quotation is #66 on p. 300. 2 Adirondacks. ' The route taken by war parties between Canada and the Mohawk and Hudson Valleys was by way of Lake Champlain, through the falls at Ti- conderoga, up Lake George to Ballston where the trail divided, one branch striking the Mohawk at Schenectady, another passing through Glenville to Adriuche (modern Kline), a third through Gal way and down Juchtanunda Creek. W. Max Reid. The Mohawk Valley, p. 100. * W. L. Grant. Voyages oj Samuel de Champlain. p. 162. 31 32 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jeusits should be borne in mind since they form, meager as they are, the sum total of the geographical knowledge of this region until Father Isaac Jogues traversed the route and discovered Lake George in 1642. A few years later, namely in 161 5, Champlain had occasion to visit Lake Huron. From Montreal he ascended the Ottawa River to its junction with a small stream called the Mattawan, by which he reached Lake Nipissing, and from this lake he descended the French River to Georgian Bay. Champlain was already familiar with the lower portion of the Ottawa by a voyage to AUumettes Island^ in 16 13, and gives us on his map an excellent idea of the river and also of Lake Nipissing (which he shows as Lac de Biserinis) with a river leading from it to the Mer Douce^ — clearly the modern French River flowing into Lake Huron, or better into Georgian Bay, as he makes no distinction between the two on his chart. The peninsula formed by Lake Huron and Lake Erie is, unfortun- ately, marred by the absence of the latter lake as its southern boundary, and by a corresponding dislocation of the geographical features related to it. The course of the Ottawa appears with surprising accuracy. It is shown as rising v/ell to the east of Lake Nipissing and flowing westward, then it turns to the south until it meets the Mattawan (which forms the connecting link between Lake Nipissing and the Ottav/a), when mingling its waters with those of that stream, it takes an easterly course and debouches into the St. Lawrence at Moatreal. Its many rapids, so much dreaded by the Fathers, are copiously reproduced, though, of course, it is impossible to show, in so limited a space, the sixty odd cataracts that impede its navigation.^ At the head of the Mattawan, so Champlain tells us, is a 'passage of a league overland, where the canoes are carried.'^ This portage brings the traveller to a little stream emptying into the Lac des Biserinis (Lake Nipissing), described in the narrative as eight leagues broad and twenty-five long, and containing a 'large number of very pleasant islands, among others one more than six leagues long, Vv'ith three or four fine ponds and a number of fine meadows.' Its latitude is given as ^ About 200 miles above Montreal. ^ Lake Huron. Literally, Fresh Water Sea. 3/. R. Vol. XXXIII, Relation 1647-8. p. 65. * Note #87 on Champlain's map. Eastern Great Lakes 33 46° 15',^ There is also a river, the modern Sturgeon, entering this lake from the north, and this, Champlain thought, extended to the North Sea.2 The French River, connecting Lake Nipissing with Georgian Bay, is embellished by Champlain's statement that he proceeded down it 'some thirty-five leagues, and descended several little falls by land and by water, until we reached Lake Attigouau- tan, or Lake Huron. '^ Turning south Champlain skirted the shore for some forty-five leagues, and entered at the southern extremity of Georgian Bay the district that became famous in Jesuit annals as Huronia, residence of the Huron tribes. Lake Huron the traveller describes as 'very large, nearly four hundred leagues long from east to west, and fifty leagues broad, and in view of its great extent,' he says, 'I have named it the Mer Douce.'* This curious error in dimensions, derived, no doubt, from his Indian guides, since Champlain himself did not explore the lake, is carefully reproduced on his map. Huronia did not in Champlain 's time have the importance as a Jesuit center that it acquired later, and it is but inadequately represented on the chart of 1632. Lake Simcoe, its eastern bound- ary, is shown, and it is described in the narrative as a lake twenty- five leagues in circumference.^ Champlain in pursuing his way southward to visit the Iroquois territory left Simcoe, and descend- ed through a series of lakes and streams, culminating in the Trent River, which enters Lake Ontario through the Bay of Quinte. This waterway appears on the map as a continuous stream rising near the eastern extremity of the Mer Douce (Huron) and fiov/ing into Lac St. Louis (Ontario). Pausing to note topography of Lake Ontario Champlain writes: 'Here at its eastern extremity, which is the entrance to the great River St. Lawrence, we made the traverse, in latitude 43°, where in the passage there are very large beautiful islands. We went about fourteen leagues in passing to the southern side of the lake towards the territory of the enemy. The savages concealed all their canoes in the woods near the shore. 1 W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 280. ^ Note ifSs on Champlain's map. ^W. L.Grant. Ibid. p. 281. Gabriel Sagard-Theodat. Histoire du Canada etc. p. 727 et seq. gives a good description of the course from the St. Lawrence to Lake Huron via the Ottawa River. It corresponds pretty generally to Champlain's account, so does not need any repetition here. 4 W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 282. 5 W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 287. 34 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits We went some four leagues over a sandy strand, where I observed a very pleasant and beautiful country, intersected by many little streams and two small rivers, which discharge into the before- mentioned lake, also many ponds and meadows . . . All the canoes being thus hidden, we left the border of the lake, which is some eighty leagues long and twenty-five wide . . . We contiflued our course by land for about twenty-five or thirty leagues. In the space of four days we crossed many brooks, and a river which pro- ceeds from a lake that discharges into that of the Entouhonorons.^ This lake is twenty-five or thirty leagues in circuit, contains some fine islands, and is the place where our enemies, the Iroquois, catch their fish, in which it abounds.'^ Champlain on reaching Lake Ontario descended its shore to modern Kingston where he crossed over to the mouth of the Salmon River, a small stream emptying into the lake near what is now the town of Pulaski in Oswego County. Journeying overland he traversed the Oneida River near its source, and reached an Iroquois fort situated on Nichols Pond, a few miles south of Oneida Lake.^ This is all the geographical knowledge of this region that Champlain imparts; and his information is sufficiently vague to have roused heated and acrimonious disputes between antiquarians as to his actual route and the location of the Iroquois fort. ReturniDg from his southern expedition the explorer visited the Tobacco Nation and the Che- veux Releves. The latter he places near the Neutral Nation, a tribe which he locates on his map to the southwest of Huronia; but here he makes an unfortunate blunder in showing Lake Erie as a river rising in the western extremity of the Mer Douce, and precip- itating itself into Lac. St. Louis over Niagara Falls, described by him as 'very high, where many fish come down and are stunned.'^ South of this imaginary river he places the Neutral Nation, although they were actually situated along the north shore of Lake Erie. 1 This refers to Oneida Lake, the lake of the Entouhonorons being Ontario. The river is the Oneida-Oswego which drains the former lake into the latter. 2 W. L. Grant. Ibid. pp. 289-290. 3 The route we have followed above is the one outlined by J. S. Clark. (See his map in Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 125), and is followed in the main by Parkman, (see his map in Pioneers of France in the New World, p. 398). E. F. Slafter holds the same opinion as Parkman. See his Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. Vol. I, pp. 128-133. O. H. Marshall traces a different course which he discusses in his two papers: Cham-plain' s Expedition against the Onondagas in 1615, and Champlain's Expedition of 1615. See his Historical Writings, and his map on p. 42 of that work. ^ See note #90 on Champlain's map. Eastern Great Lakes 35 Although Lake Ontario was first reached in a roundabout way leading up the Ottawa River and down through Georgian Bay, the direct route up the St. Lawrence was known to Champlain from the reports of Indians and is shown by him on his map. Encamped below the junction of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence near the site of Montreal, he writes: 'They told us that, after passing the first fall,^ which we had seen, they go up the river some ten or fifteen leagues with their canoes, extending to the region of the Algon- quins, some sixty leagues distant from the great river,^ and that they then pass five falls, extending, perhaps, eight leagues from the first to the last, there beiag two where they are obliged to carry their canoes . . . After this, they enter a lake,^ perhaps some fifteen or sixteen leagues long. Beyond this they enter a river a league broad,^ and in which they go several leagues. Then they enter another lake some four or five leagues long.^ After reaching the end of this, they pass five other falls, the distance from the first to the last being about twenty-five or thirty leagues . . . Then they come to a lake^ some eighty leagues long, with a great many islands; the water at its extremity being fresh and the winter mild.''' Champlain's map of 1632 shows these rapids, and the first two lakes without giving them names; the lower is now Lake St. Francis, and the upper an expanse of the St. Lawrence called a lake by the Indians. In turning to Champlain for information regarding Lake Superior we find bj^ his narrative that whatever knowledge he ex- hibited on his chart was probably derived from Indian sources. Speaking of a native informer whom he interviewed near the Lachine Rapids at Montreal, he says; 'He told us that, some two or three leagues beyond the fall we had seen, there is a river ex- tending to the place where the Algonquins dwell, and that, pro- ceeding up the great river,^ there are five falls, some eight or nine leagues from the first to the last . . . After this they enter a very large ^ Lachine Rapids. ^ St. Lawrence. ' Lake St. Francis. * This is still the St. Lawrence. * An expanse of the St. Lawrence. ^ Lake Ontario. ' E. F. Slafter. Ihid. Vol. I, pp. 270-271. Champlain also obtained another report from the Indians which is substantially the same, the length of Ontario being given as 150 leagues. Ihid. p. 274. ^ Ottawa. 36 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits lake, some three hundred leagues in length.^ Proceeding some hundred leagues in this lake, they come to a very large island,^ be- yond which the water is good; but that, upon going some hundred leagues farther, the water has become somewhat bad, and, upon reaching the end of the lake, it is perfectly salt. That there is a fall about a league wide,' where a very large mass of water falls into said lake; that, when this fall is passed, one sees no more land on either side, but only a sea so large that they have never seen the end of it,* nor heard that anyone has.'^ The description refers to the route up the Ottawa to Lake Huron, the 'very large lake some three hundred leagues in length,' as the narrative says with pardon- able exaggeration. The route continues evidently up the northern shore of Lake Huron past Manitoulin Island, one hundred leagues beyond which the water was said to be bad, becoming salt at the end of the lake. This is in all probabihty, though we cannot be certain, a vague reference to the upper Baye des Puans, or Green Bay in Lake Michigan, inhabited by the Ouinipeg (Winnebago) Indians, whose name was so long associated with salt or ill-smelling water. The boundless sea beyond the rapids refers to Lake Superior."^ The map embodies this description. We find the Mer Douce running east and west with the Grand Lac (Superior) empty- ing into its western extremity through a narrow strait, blocked by a rapid. Champlain describes this rapid in a note on his map as the 'Sault de Gaston, nearly two leagues broad, and discharging into the Mer Douce. It comes,' he says, 'from another very large lake, which, with the Mer Douce, have an extent of thirty days' journey by canoe, according to the report of the savages.'^ Just east of the Sault Champlain has placed a small lake draining into Lake Huron by a narrow river, bearing the gloss: 'Riuiere des Puans, coming from a lake where there is a mine of pure red copper;'^ and in this lake we find an island containing a copper mine, while on ^ Lake Huron. ^ Manitoulin Island. 3 Sault Ste. Marie. ^ Lake Superior. s E. F. Slafter. Ibid. pp. 275-276. « C. W. Butterfield. History of Brule's Discoveries and Explorations, p. loi, assumes that Champlain considered Lake Superior to be a salt-water body. He says: 'As to its waters being salt, the conclusion of Champlain was arrived at from erroneous information, of course, doubtless promoted by his eager- ness to reach a northern ocean.' ^ Note #34 on Champlain's map. « Note #33 Ibid. Eastern Great Lakes 37 its northern shore dwell the Nation des Puans. To connect an island bearing copper with any body of water inhabited by the Puans presents grave difficulties. Possibly this lake is intended for Green Bay, but through some misunderstanding has been placed east, instead of west, of the Sault Ste. Marie; the island may be Isle Royale in Lake Superior, for this island is rich in copper ore, though how it could have been placed where it is on the map is a matter of guesswork.^ Certainly Champlain never interviewed a person who had been there, save, perchance, an Indian whom he did not readily understand. We shall have occasion to refer to this peculiar error when we come to discuss Etienne Brule's alleged journey to Lake Superior. So much for Champlain's contributions to geographical knowledge as given on bis map and in his nar- ratives, in so far as they fall within the field of our investigations. His explorations up the Saguenay and the information he gives on his chart regarding that river and its source in Lake St. Joha will be treated separately in the last chapter. SECTION 2 Contributions to the Geography of Upper Canada In plunging into the western wilderness a choice of two routes lay before the Fathers when they reached the site of Montreal. The one up the Ottawa River is now familar to the reader from the story of Champlain's exploration, the other up the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario was the shorter and more accessible of the two. The Fathers chose the Ottawa route because the other was closed to them by the hostility of the Iroquois, whose enmity had been in- curred by Champlain when he fought against them in the early days of French exploration. In fact this circumstance may be said to have determined in a large measure the drift of French dis- covery on the American continent, for it led the pioneers, both lay and clerical, to the Upper Lakes, and caused them to reach the Mississippi, the goal of their efforts, by way of Lake Michigan and the Wisconsin River instead of by the more southerly route of the Ohio. Nevertheless, the advantages of the St. Lawrence trail were known before they could be utilized. Father Ragueneau in 1647 discusses in his outline of Canadian geography the two routes ^ Winsor. Cartier to Frontenac. p. 144 considers this lake to be Green Bay placed on the wrong side of the Sault. 38 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits between Huronia and Quebec; the customary one up the Ottawa, and the shorter one by the St, Lawrence, as yet unexplored. 'By that Lake Saint Louys [Ontario],' he writes, 'we could go straight to Quebec in a few days, and with less trouble, having only three or four falls — or, rather, more rapid currents — to pass all the way to Mont-Real, which is distant only about sixty leagues from the outlet of Lake Saint Louys. But fear of the enemies who dwell along the shores of this lake compels our Hurons, and us with them, to make a long detour to reach another branch of the River Saint Lawrence, — namely, that which flows to the north of Mont-Real, and which we call the River des Prairies} This lengthens our journey by almost one-half, and, moreover, compels us to pass more than sixty falls.'^ For this reason, then, the Jesuits were obliged to take the northern route, and were led to establish their headquarters in Huronia. This region though comparatively insignificant in itself, became of considerable importance as a center of exploration, an outpost on the frontier, and thus gained greater attention at the time than it otherwise would have had. Not only is it continually referred to in the Relations — even Creuxius devotes special attention to it in his map — but its terrain has been surveyed with painstaking care by many distinguished antiquarians in recent times.^ The Huronia of the seventeenth century was small. It ex- tended from northwest to southeast about forty miles, with a width of half that distance from northeast to southwest. It was bound- ed by Nottawassaga Bay, Matchedash Bay, indentations at the southern extremity of Georgian Bay, and by Lake Simcoe, situated twenty-five miles southeast of the Georgian coast. ^ The Indians who dwelt there were given, like the Iroquois, to agricultural pursuits, thus making the locality more desirable for a mission than a region inhabited by those nomadic tribes whose wandering habits were so perplexing to the Fathers. Huronia had, according to Sagard, the historian of the early Recollect missionaries, 1 A name for the Ottawa. To-day confined to that part of the river that passes between the Island of Montreal and the Isle of Jesus. 2 Relation of 1647-8. J. R. XXXIII, p. 65. 3 Notably, Andrew F. Hunter, A. E. Jones, S. J., Father Martin, Francis Parkman and J. C. Tache. ^ A. E. Jones. Old Huronia, in Ontario Bureau oj Archives. 1908, p. 5. A good copy of Farther Jones' map may also be found in J. R. Vol. XXXIV, p. 258. Eastern Great Lakes 39 twenty-five villages^ — though Champlain gives the smaller num- ber of seventeen. They were 'fortified by three palisades of wood, with a gallery all around in the form of a parapet, for defense against their enemies. '2. Champlain further describes the district as lying in 'latitude 44° 30', with a fertile soil cultivated by the savages.'^ Owing to the scarcity of fuel, stress of war and various local disturbances of a more or less temporary character, the Hurons changed their abodes about every ten or twelve years, though they remained in the same general locality.^ Before the Jesuits made their appearance on the shores of Lake Huron, a Recollect missionary, Joseph Le Caron, had pre- ceded them. A careful search through Sagard's work, however, reveals but little more than we have seen recorded on Champlain's map. Furthermore, as Le Caron's papers were destroyed by fire^ we have lost whatever geographical information the missionarj'^ may have accumulated. Nevertheless, while engaged in his missionary labors, Le Caron became interested in the Neutral Nation, a tribe situated south of Huronia, and wrote his subordin- ate. Father Daillon, encouraging him to go among them, as reports concerning these people had reached him through Champlain's interpreter, Etienne Brule.^ The exact extent of Daillon's wander- ings through the country is uncertain, for he reported little that would add to existing geographical information. In a letter he says: 'After this friendly welcome, om' Frenchmen having returned, I remained, the happiest in the world, hoping to do a trifle for the glory of God, or at least discover the means of so doing, which would be no little thing; and to try to ascertain the mouth of the River of the Hiroquois in order to bring these people to trade there.''^ What was this river of the Hiroquois? Perhaps Daillon had ventured far enough east, as did Brebeuf and Chaumonot a few years later, to hear rumors of the Niagara River, if he did not 1 G. Sagard-Theodat. Histoire du Canada, p. 234. "^ Note |f86 on Champlain's map. ^ Ibid. Though Champlain speaks of 17 villages in note ft86 of his map, his narrative gives 18 villages, 6 of which were fortified. W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 313. * Champlain mentions this fact. W. L. Grant. Ibid, p. 314. See also A. E. Jones. Old Huronia, p. 26. *" Pierre Margry. Memoires et Documents pour Servir a V Histoire des Origines Frangaises des Pays d'Outre-Mer. 1879. Vol. I, p. 11. 6 See Daillon's letter of July 18, 1627 in Sagard. Ibid. p. 800. It is dated at Toanchain, in Huronia, p. 809. ^ Sagard. Ibid. p. 802. ' 40 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits actually see it himself; and as subsequent explorations located the Neutral Nation as far east as the Niagara River, it is not alto- gether improbable that Daillon may have ventured thus far.^ Clearly but little geographical information can be obtained from this voyage, certainly not enough to rob Fathers Brebeuf and Chaumonot of the credit of opening up the Neutral country when they visited it on 1640. Traders, it is true, occasionally penetrated to the country, 'but,' as Father Lalemant wrices in the Relation of 1 640- 1, 'we have no knowledge of anyone who has gone there for the purpose of preaching the Gospel, except the Reverend Father Joseph de la Roche Daillon, a Recollect, who in 1626 made a journey thither, and spent the winter there. '^ This leads us to assume that those who did visit the Neutrals were not educated men who could record their experiences. Father Jean Brebeuf, founder of the Huronia mission and the first Jesuit explorer with whom we shall have occasion to deal, arrived in Huronia for the first time in 1625. This famous priest, destined to become one of the heroes of Canadian annals, was born in 1593, and came to Canada at the age of thirty-two, going immediately to the Huron country where he remained for some time achieving but indifferent results. After the restoration of Quebec by the English in 1632 he again sought his flock (1634), with whom he stayed until his tragic death in 1649. The Indians received him with enthusiasm. Former friendships were renewed, and Brebeuf with aid of his fellow-missionaries soon established his headquarters at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wyef and several subord- inate missions were distributed among the various villages. From this point the Fathers undertook a series of expeditions to the neighboring tribes. The first mission planted outside of Huronia proper was that among the Tobacco Nation. 'The Khiononta- teronons,' reads the Relation of 1640, 'who are called "the Nation of the Tobacco," from the abundance of that plant there, are distant from the country of the Hurons — whose language they speak — about twelve or fifteen leagues toward the West . . . This, 1 Such is the opinion of Frank H. Severance who says that the River of the Hiroquois which referred to the St. Lawrence may have been considered a continuation of the Niagara. An Old Frontier of France. Vol. I, p. 16. 2 Relation of 1 640-1. J. R. XXI, p. 203. 3 Situated near the mouth of the Wye River which flows into Midland Bay, a branch of Georgian Bay. Eastern Great Lakes 41 which we have named the mission of the Apostles, has been the fifth of our missions. . . . Here are the names which they [the missionaries] have given to nine villages that they have encountered there. '^ Then follows a list of prominent saints whose names were to grace the Indian settlements. Of these one bore the name of St. Simon and St. Jude, and the other of St, Peter and St. Paul. The former was situated on Dyer Bay which washes the eastern coast of Bruce Peninsula, a tongue of land separating Georgian Bay from Lake Huron. The latter lay between the Sable and Sangren Rivers — two streams that empty into Lake Huron at the southern extremity of Bruce Peninsula. These villages are given their approximate locations on the maps of Creuxius, 1660, and Sanson, 1656. One of the earliest evidences of geographical contribution is shown by the expedition of Fathers Brebeuf and Chaumonot to the Neutral Nation. The two pioneers with their attendants left Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye in November, 1640, and journeyed through the Huron settlement of Teanaustaiae, reaching in a few days the first Neutral village, Kandoucho, called by the missionaries. All Saints. 'This nation is very populous;' the travellers tell us, 'about forty villages or hamlets are counted therein. Setting out from our Huron people to reach the first and nearest villages, we travel four or five days, — that is to say, about forty leagues, — going always directly South. So that we can say that if, according to the latest and most exact observation which we have been able to make, our new house at Sainte Marie (which is in the midst of the Huron country) is in forty-four degrees and about twenty-five minutes of latitude, the entrance to the Neutral Nation from the side of our Huron people will have a latitude of 42 degrees and a half, or thereabouts. '2 The Fathers travelled under difficulties, for a pestilence which had broken out among the Hurons was attri- buted to them. This news spread southward inflaming the Neutrals against them, so that they were received with every mark of dis- trust and hostility: their books and sacred paraphernalia were re- ^ J R. XX, p. 43. Relation, 1647-8 gives distance of Tobacco Nation as 12 leagues. J. R. XXXIII, p. 61. Bressani as 35 to 40 miles. XXXVIII, p. 235. ^ Relation 1 640-1. J. R. XXI, p. 189. Substantially the same account is given in Chaumonot's letter of Aug. 3, 1640, save that the time consumed in the journey is given as six days. An error has been made in dating this letter; it should be 1641, not 1640. /. R. XVIII, p. 39. 42 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits garded with open suspicion; prayers were considered malevolent incantations ; and so grave did the danger become that they deemed it inadvisable to attempt the use of scientific instruments with which to reckon their position. 'From the first village of the Neu- tral Nation/ continues the narrative, 'which one finds on arriving there from this place, and continuing to travel south or southeast, it is about four days' journey to the entrance of the so celebrated river of that nation, into the Ontario or lake of St. Louys. On this side of that river, — and not beyond it, as a certain chart indicates,^ are the greater part of the villages of the Neutral Nation. There are three or four beyond, ranging from east to west, towards the Nation of the Cat, or Erieehronons.^ This stream or river is that through which our great lake of the Hurons, or fresh-water sea, empties; it flows first into the lake of Erie, or of the nation of the Cat, and at the end of that lake, it enters into the territory of the Neutral Nation, and takes the name of Onguiaahra [Niagara], until it empties into the Ontario or Lake of Saint Louys, whence finally emerges the river that passes before Quebek, called the St. Lawrence.'^ The exact route traversed by the Fathers has given rise to some speculation, as the directions and distances are somewhat at variance with known geographical facts, and it is necessary to modify their statements to arrive, even approximately, at the truth. Their course of forty leagues, which, they say, lay directly south of Ste. Marie, would bring them near the modern city of Hamilton, whence they turned east, and reached the Niagara at its junction with Lake Ontario.* Hamilton, the turning point, is about forty leagues from Ste. Marie, a space traversed by the explorers in four or five days; but from there, if this was the first village of the Neutrals, if required four days to reach the Niagara, distant barely fifteen leagues as the crow flies, and, moreover, due east in direction, not south or southeast as the Relation tells us. Furthermore, the latitude of the first village, as given in the nar- rative, is extremely inaccurate — though, to be sure, we must admit 1 One of the lost maps discussed in Chapter I. * The easternmost village of the Neutrals was at Lockport, N. Y., east of the Niagara River. F. H. Severance. Ibid. Vol. I, p. 19. 3 Relation of 1640-1. /. R. XXI, pp. 189-191. 4 F. H. Severance gives the route through the towns of Beeton, Orangeville, Georgetown, Hamilton and St. Catherines, a southerly direction as far as Hamilton, whence the route lies east. Ibid. Vol. I, p. 18. Eastern Great Lakes 43 that the Fathers were unable to use their instruments, and had to rely solely on dead reckoning — since the parallel 42° 30' would bring one to the middle of Lake Erie. Presumably the direction given, i. e. due south, was estimated, and not observed by compass, so that the explorers must, in reality, have travelled their forty leagues in a southwesterly direction, which would have brought them in the vicinity of Lake Medad, Halton County, where modem research has revealed the site of an Indian settlement. This spot is approximately halfway between Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye and the Niagara River. One authorfciy has adopted Brantford, somewhat farther west than Lake Medad, for the site of the first Neutral Village, Kandoucho.^ Sanson on his map of 1656 gives a village which he labels, Neutre ou N D des Anges, placed on a river whose location would indicate it to be the modern Grand, a stream that flows into Lake Erie after passing through the region where Brant- ford and Lake Medad are situated. The inscription on this settle- ment is translated literally: 'Neutral or Our Lady of the Angels,' a statement which indicates it to be in all probability, the first Neutral village. As the Fathers speak in their report of Kan- doucho as being the mission of All Saints, it is quite possible that the two names refer to two different towns, placed near together; and the fact that antiquarians have selected two separate localities with which they identify the first Neutral village would indicate such a possibility. Thus we have on Sanson's map, and on that of Creuxius (1660) as well, since he reproduces the same informa- tion, a fairly accurate idea of the spot where the first village was located. In this narrative we are given our first information regarding Lake Erie as the connecting link between Lakes Huron and Ontario. We saw on Champlain's map that Erie was represented as a river, and now we may turn to records that enabled geographers to show the lake in its true form. In his Relation of 1647-8 Father Raguen- eau''' who had every opportunity'' to interview Father Brebeuf and obtain from him more information than he gives us in his report, made an elaborate geographical survey of Canada, that appears to 1 A. F. Hunter favors Lake Medad for the location; while Jas. H. Coyne prefers Brantford. J. R. XXI, note Si 6. See also Coyne's Country oj the Neutrals, p. 13. ^ Ragueneau was for many years a prominent worker in Huronia and a writer of many communications on geograph3^ 44 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits form the basis of many subsequent maps. Ragueneau, it will be remembered, was the author of a map of the Huron country which is no longer extant,^ In describing the Neutral region the Father throws considerable light on Lake Erie. He says: 'Almost due south from the countrj" of the same Neutral Nation, we find a great Lake nearly two hundred leagues in circumference, called Erie; it is formed by the discharge of the fresh- water Sea [Lake Huron] and throws itself over a waterfall of a dreadful height into a third Lake, named Ontario, which we call Lake Saint Louys, and of which we shall speak farther on. The southern shores of this Lake Erie were formerly inhabited by certain tribes whom we call the Nation of the Cat.'^ This knowledge of Lake Erie was certainly a vast improvement over that imparted by Champlain, when he sketched the lake as a river connecting Lake Huron with Ontario. It is clearly a Jesuit contribution, the result of Jesuit investigation, and given to the world in a geographical report by a member of the Order. It constitutes the most available informa- tion for map-makers until the Abbe Gallinee, in 1670, explored the northern shore of Erie and brought back an account based on personal observation. From the headquarters in Huronia expeditions were sent to various parts of the country from time to time; and upon know- ledge derived from these expeditions certain fundamental maps are based. In the Relations are found the brief and rather unsatis- factory account regarding Jean Nicolet, who in 1634 explored northern Lake Huron, passing through the Straits of Mackinac to the head of Green Bay and up the Fox River. He was not a Jesuit; but it is to the Jesuits, as we shall presently see, that we owe the meager information that he gives about his western journey. More to the point, perhaps, is the expedition of Fathers Jogues and Raymbault to the Sault Ste. Marie in 1641. Leaving Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye at the invitation of some northern tribes who wished the missionaries to visit them, they reach the Sault in seventeen days, 'where they found about two thousand souls, and obtained information about a great many other sedentary nations, who,' they say, 'have never known Europeans and have never heard 1 This is one of the lost maps discussed in Chap. I. 2 Relation of 1647-8. /. R. XXXIII, p. 62. Bressani's Relation, 1653, gives practically the same account. /. R. XXXVIII, p. 237. Eastern Great Lakes 45 of God, — among others, of a certain nation, the Nadouessis,^ sit- uated at the northwest or west of the Sault, eighteen days' journey- further away. The first nine are occupied in crossing another great lake that commences above the Sault; during the last nine days one has to ascend a river that traverses those lands. '^ A lake above the Sault would seem at first to refer to Lake Superior; but in the original French version the lake is referred to as being dessus the Sault, a word that can also be translated, 'beyond.' This interpretation is, no doubt, the correct one, as one could scarcely reach the land of the Nadouessis, or Sioux, by crossing Lake Superior and ascending a river, while a direct route could be found via Lake Michigan, Green Bay and the Fox River.^ Yet before Jogues and Raymbault had set out on their journey Father Vimont gave a slight hint as to the interrelation of the northern lakes, a fact that indicates the strong probability of Nicolet's influence. The Father saj^s in his Relation of 1640: 'This sea [Huron] is nothing but a large lake which, becoming narrower in the west, or the west northwest, forms another smaller lake, which then begins to enlarge into another great lake or second fresh-water sea.'* The smaller lake mentioned here refers, as we shall see when we come to study Nicolet's expedition, to the Big Bay de Noquette, an indentation in the northern shoreline of Green Bay near its mouth, which for some unaccountable reason was mistaken for a separate body of water. To this description of Lake Huron Father Ragueneau, who had the benefit of writing after Jogues' expedition to the north, adds (1647-8) a trifle in his general account of the countrj'^, when he mentions a 'lake whose circuit is nearly four hundred leagues, which' he says, 'we call the fresh-water sea. It has a certain rise and fall of tide,^ and, at the extremity farthest from us, communicates with two other lakes which are still larger.^ . . . This fresh water sea contains a number of islands; one, among others, is nearly sixty leagues long.''' ^ Sioux. 2 Relation, 1642. ./. R. XXIII, p. 225. * C W. Butterfield. Hist, of the Disc, of the Northwest by John Nicolet, thus interprets the word dessus. p. 56. ^ Relation, 1640. J. R. XVIII, p. 229. * The phenomenon of tidal disturbances in the Great Lakes is frequently mentioned in the Relations. It will be discussed in the chapter on the Missis- sippi Valley. ^ Superior and Michigan or Green Bay. ''Relation, 1647-8. /. R. XXXIII, p.'6i. 46 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits The curious misconception regarding the length and breadth of Lake Huron, which we first noticed on Champlain's map, hngered many years, for Ragueneau continues his description by saying that the lake 'extends from east to west, and thus its width is from north to south, although it is very irregular in form.'^ This statement precludes any supposition that the Jesuits might have explored the western shore of Huron, either in person or vicariously through one of their lay attendants. Sanson's map of 1650 gives such an excellent outline of the lake that one might easily assume such a possibility, but, like Champlain, he was evidently obliged to rely on information obtained from the savages, but with the ad- vantage of having it interpreted for him by missionaries who had made a study of the region. The islands alluded to by Ragueneau can be no others than those composing the archipelago separating the North Channel from Lake Huron proper, which cluster of Islands consists of Drummond, Cockburn and the largest, Mani- toulin, whose length from east to west is about eighty miles. Manitoulin was known to the Fathers as Ekaentoton, inhabited by the Outaouac tribe or Cheveux Releves.^ It was said by some to be thirty leagues in length,^ by others, sixty in circumference, and v/as believed to be situated about sixty leagues from the Huron country.* Here a mission was established and the aboriginal name was changed to the Christian appellation of Ste. Marie.^ By this time Vimont and Ragueneau had given to the world enough in- formation regarding the lake region to enable cartographers to produce very creditable maps, notably those of Sanson which we are about to discuss. The first known attempt to depict the Great Lakes with any- thing approaching accuracy is Sanson's chart, Amerique Septen- trionale, 1650.^ Here we find evidence of the effect of the foregoing Jesuit explorations and reports upon the catography of the New World; nor is there any indication that the advance made by this map over Champlain's production can be attributed to any other sources than those of the Jesuit Fathers. The three eastern lakes, 1 Relation, 1647-8. J. R. XXXIII, p. 149. 2 Relation, 1640. J. R. XVIII, p. 231. This tribe came from the Cheveux Releves near the Tobacco Nation. ^ Ibid. p. 231. '^Relation, 1647-8. /. R. XXXIV, p. 103. ^ Ibid. p. 103. * Listed in Harrisse. Notes sur La Nouvelle France^ as ^^325, p. 228. Eastern Great Lakes 47 Huron, Erie and Ontario, could scarcely be improved; for their location, proportionate sizes and relation to one another bear a striking resemblance to the work of modern surveyors. It is only when we come to Lake Superior and Michigan — regions as yet remote from Jesuit activities — that we notice a lack of precise knowledge. Lac Superieur is shown as a large body of water with its western shoreline omitted, for the designer is careful and will not attempt what he does not know, and it is connected with Lake Huron by a short, narrow strait. South of Lake Superior, and separated from it by a slender peninsula, is the Lac des Puans (later known as Green Bay) which empties into Lake Huron. Its outline somewhat resembles Green Bay as we know it, though no effort is make to distinguish it from Lake Michigan. The author presumably relied on Ragueneau's Relation — based, I think, on Nicolet's report — which says: 'A peninsula, or a rather narrow strip of land,^ separates that superior Lake from a third Lake, which we call the Lake of the Puants, which also flows into our fresh-water sea [Lake Huron] by a mouth on the other side of the Peninsula, about ten leagues farther west than the Sault. This third lake [Green Bay] extends between the west and southwest, — that is to say, between the south and the west, but more toward the west, — and is almost equal in size to our fresh-water sea.'^ It will be observed that while mention is made of the peninsula separating Lake Superior from the Lake of the Puans, nothing is said regarding the tongue of land between that lake and a larger body of water to the east, namely. Lake Michigan. Special stress is laid on the westerly prolongation of the lake, a direction that applies more to Green Bay than to Michigan. That the Lake of the Puans was a body separated from Michigan was not suspected until Father AUouez' journal appeared in the Relation of 1666-7, Sanson gives an excellent delineation of Lake Huron, parti- cularly the eastern shore, but what is most interesting about his map is the outline of the western coast which gives an identation resembling Saginaw Bay, and this at a time when the western coast was, as far as we know, still unexplored. The lake, moreover, at its southern extremity is correctly sketched as tapering to a 1 This refers, of course, to the peninsula of upper Michigan, separating Superior from Lake Michigan. 2 Relation, 1647-8. /. R. XXXIII, pp. 149-151. 48 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits point where it drains into Lake Erie. An island, obviously in- tended for Manitoulin, which is not given on Champlain's map (1632) is now shown and shown in its proper place. Sanson's later chart, Le Canada ou Nouvelle France, 1656, reproduces on a larger scale the northeastern section of theAmerique Septentrionale, thus containing much detail which space did not permit on the map of 1650. Le Canada bears in its title inscription the statement that the great river of Canada, or the St, Lawrence, and all its environs are drawn according to French reports. This is almost adequate proof that the Jesuit Relations were freely consulted, since they contain so much information. The map not only gives the outlines of the northeastern section of the Amerique Septentrion- ale with more precision, but contains much additional geographical information about this region. The plan of the Great Lakes re- mains the same on this later map as on that of 1650, in fact it was accepted for some time to come as a standard for that region. Lake Huron, which has no name on the Amerique Septentrionale, is here called, Karegnondi, and the island of Manitoulin bears the inscription, Cheveux Releves. Little attention is paid to Huronia, which, from the geographer's point of view was merely a mission station, but the author has anticipated Creuxius by four years in locating the various missions among the Neutrals. Sanson has been careful to note on his chart the names of a large number of tribes, placed according to prevailing ideas. The next most important map in the series is one by Father Ducreux. Frangois Ducreux, known by his latinized name of Creuxius, was born in 1596. He entered the Jesuit order and be- came greatly interested in Canadian affairs, though he never came to America to take an active part in them. His Historia Canaden- sis, published in 1664, consists chiefly of stories regarding the missions and Indian wars; but it is accompanied by a valuable chart, {Tabula Novae Franciae, 1660) described by some critics as poor, though it is difficult to see how Creuxius could have im- proved it with the materials at his disposal.^ On this chart we find the Great Lakes system following closely on Sanson, if the design was not actually plagiarized from him. The important features, in so far as Huronia is concerned, do not lie in the map proper, but in an inset (Chorographia Regionis Huronum) devoted ^ Biographie Universelle. Vol. XI, p. 416. Eastern Great Lakes 49 to the detailed topography of Huronia as it existed prior to 1649,^ This httle map shows five rivers running north into Matchedash Bay, which have been identified, taking them from west to east, as I, the Wye, rising in lacus anaouites (Cranberry Lake), and flowing through an expanse known to-day as Mud Lake north- ward into a sKght indentation of the coast which is now called Gloucester or Midland Bay; 2, the Hog River; 3, the Sturgeon; 4, the Coldwater; and 5, the Severn, a stream which the author shows as taking its source in the modern Lake Couchiching.^ This lake Creuxius has failed to connect with his Lacus Ouentaronius or Simcoe. The inset map, it will be observed, represents roughly a peninsula between two connecting portions of Lake Huron; the upper one into which the rivers flow is Matchedash Bay, while the western one, shown as Lacus Huronum on the chart, is not Lake Huron proper, but Nottawasaga Bay. Both are branches of Georgian Bay. The Bruce Peninsula that separates Huron from Georgian Bay is not given on the inset, being situated too far west to be included. It may be seen on the larger map. The northernmost of the smaller bays, namely that at the extremity of the little peninsula, is Thunder Bay. West of this is a guK er- roneously placed, then comes Penetanguishene Bay, then the Mid- land Bay mentioned above.^ At the northwestern point of this Peninsula is the 7ns. Gahoedoe, now Christian Island, where the mission station of Ste, Marie was established after the Iroquois invasion had destroyed the original settlement.^ East of the 7ns. ^ According to A. E. Jones the inset map shows the localities as they exist- ed between 1642 and 1648. Old Huronia. p. 87. For copy of Creuxius' map. see p. 147. ^ In identifying these rivers we have followed Father A. E. Jones who in order to make his results conform with modern maps has been obliged to omit the North River, the fifth from the west, and to make the fifth river on Creux- ius' map, the Severn. A. F. Hunter, however, is of the opinion that Creuxius omitted the Severn, and that the lake which Father Jones calls Couchiching, drained into the North River. (J. R. XX, note 2). Since Lake Couchiching is the largest lake in this region barring Simcoe, and the Severn is the largest river of the sextet, it seems unlikely that Creuxius would have omitted it in favor of a less important stream. We have, therefore, accepted Farther Jones' interpretation of the inset map. Furthermore, Father Jones has done such a painstaking piece of research on Huronia that one cannot go far astray in following such a guide. See Old Huronia, p. 5. * A. E. Jones. Old Huronia, p. 5. * A few excerpts regarding the location of Christian Island may be of in- terest. 'Within sight of the mainland,' writes Father Ragueneau in describing the island, 'about twenty miles from that first site of Sainte Marie [on the River Wye], is an island surrounded by a vast lake (which might be better 50 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Gahoedoe is the 7ns. Ondiatana, known to-day as Giant's Tomb. In connection with the latter island it is interesting to note that a reference to it under the name of a variant, Ondichouan, has as- sisted materially in determining the site of the settlement of Ihonatiria, a place frequently mentioned in the Relations. Father Le Mercier, in a letter written from that village, relates his con- versation with an Indian, who in speaking of evil spirits, said: ' "But thou must know that the most evil of all is he of Ondi- chaouan" (a large island which we can see from here) ; "this demon is like a fire." '^ Taking this statement in connection with the Creuxius' map, we learn that Ihonatiria must have been on the northern shore of the peninsula opposite Giant's Tomb. The location of this settlement has caused antiquarians no little trouble, as it is not shown by Creuxius. Some have placed it farther east on Penetanguishene Bay, but from the above quotation its position is fairly well indicated.^ The third island, Schiondekiaria, is clearly Beausoleil. And now a word in regard to the missions. The more important missions of Huronia are also found on the inset map, and as it is highly probably that Creuxius obtained his information regarding that country from Jesuit records we shall glance through these reports for references to mission posts and their locations, and thus test the connection between the chart and the Relations. S. Maria, better known as Ste. Marie, is placed on the map according to the information given in Lalemant's Relation of 1640, which saj^s : 'This place [Ste. Marie] is situated in the middle of the country, on the shore of a beautiful river, which, being not more than a quarter of a league in length, joins together two lakes, — one, which extends to the west, verging a little toward the north, which might pass for a fresh- water sea; the other, which is toward called a sea). There the fugitive Hurons checked their flight.' (Letter of March 13, 1650. /. R. XXXV, p. 25.) And in the Relation of 1648-9 we find the following notice on the founding of the new mission: 'But the Huron villages, which have become scattered, have taken various routes in their flight, — some having fled to the mountains where dwell those whom we call the Tobacco Nation,. . . others having taken their stand on an island which we name St. Joseph [Christian] Island, where we began, nearlj^ a year ago, a new mission.' {Relation, 1648-9, J. R. XXXIV, p. 203.) Father Jones has identified this mission with the remains of a fort 'on the northern side of the great bay which indents the coast line of Christian Island.' {Old Huronia, pp. 6 & 7.) 1 Relation, 1637. J. R. XIII, p. 229. 2 This is the conclusion of Father Jones. Old Huronia, p. 28. See his map, on which the Ihonatiria of Martin and Parkman is also given. Eastern Great Lakes 51 the south, the contour of which is hardly less than two leagues. . , . We have given to this new house the name of Sainte Marie, or Nostre Dame de la Conception.'^ Creuxius' map and the text of the Relation agree so nicely that we have no difficulty in locating this mission on the east bank of a little stream (the Wye) connecting Mud Lake with Midland Bay, which latter being a branch of Georgian Bay is likened to a fresh-water sea. Then the Relation continues : 'This house of Sainte Marie bears not only the character of a residence but also of a mission, as having four vil- lages depending on the care and the attention of those who make their abode in it. These four villages are Sainte Anne, St. Louys, St. Denys, and St. Jean; the number of souls may reach fourteen hundred.'^ Creuxius shows these last three villages under latinized names: S. Ludovicus on the east bank of the Hog River near its mouth, St. Dionisu a trifle to the south of S. Ludovicus, and S. Joannis on the east shore of the Sturgeon, while Kaotia, which has been identified with Ste. Anne, is placed west of St. Dionisu.^ The mission of Conceptionis, located by Creuxius on the eastern lakeshore, south of Bruce Peninsula, is the village of Ossossane, called by the French, La Rochelle, and situated near Varwood Point.* A clue to the position of this village is found in the Re- lation of 1636 which says, when speaking of the Indians at Ihona- tiria: 'They go short journeys; our village was three days in going four leagues to reach Ossossane, which we call la Rochelle, where the ceremonies were to take place, '^ And again. Father Brebeuf in his letter of May 20, 1637 gives us a hint: 'We are now building a new house in this village, which we call Rupella, the savages Ossossane, — a populous town, where the pestilence was especially severe. . . . This house will be called the residence of the Immaculate Conception.'^ These facts, namely that the mission of the Immaculate Conception was located in Ossossan6 or la Rochelle, a town four leagues distant from Ihonatiria gives the key to its position. The village of Toanche, first residence of 1 Relation, 1640. J. R. XIX, pp. 133-135. ^Ibid. p. 167. ^ This is the identification made by Father Jones. Old Huronia, p. 196. * Father Jones says that there has never been any serious divergence of opinion as to the location of this village. The spot was first identified by Father Martin in 1855. Ibid. pp. 26 and 27. ^ Relation, 1636. J. R. X, p. 291. «/. iJ. XI, p. 17. 52 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Father Br^beuf, does not, of course, appear on the map, as it had been abandoned by the time he had reached its location on his second arrival in Huronia. As he himself tells us: 'My trouble was that the village of Toanche^ had changed since my departure, and that I did not know precisely in what place it was situated.'^ It was near this deserted village, however, that Oenrio was located, for Brebeuf says : 'Among the villages that desire to have us dwell with them the inhabitants of Oenrio have been the most pressing. This little village, situated quite near ours, formed part of the one where we were formerly located.'^ Onerio is placed by Creuxius on the peninsula between Thunder and Penetanguishene Bays.* Various other missions are shown on the inset map. St. Joseph, situated originally at Ihonatiria, was moved to Teanaustaye — known as the most important town of the entire country — because the former residence had been ravaged by disease,^ and modern research, based on a close study of the Relations, has unearthed the exact location.^ A league and a quarter from St. Joseph was the settlement of Scanonaenrat, 'one of the most important of the country,' where the mission of St. Michel was estabhshed.^ Scanonaenrat was situated between the Sturgeon River and Orr's Lake,^ a small body of water draining into the Wye River just north of Cranberry Lake, though on Creuxius' sketch it runs directly into the Cranberry Lake (Lacus anaouites). Creuxius places St. Michel in this position. In 1640 it was decided to found a mission among the Arendaronons, 'the most eastern of all' of those comprising the Hurons.'* 'This year,' says the Relation of 1640, 'having found ourselves strong enough for this enterprise, we began a mission there, which has had three villages in its de- partment, — St. Jean Baptiste, St. Joachim, and Sainte Elizabeth. Fathers Antoine Daniel and Simon le Moine have had the care of them. They made their chief and most usual abode in the more 1 Jones' map places it on the shore of Thunder Bay, a position accepted by A. F. Hunter, (J. R. V, note #61.) and by Parkman. Jesuits in North America, p. 56. 2 Relation, 1635. J. R. VIII, p. 91- ^ Ibid. p. 104. ■* Jones locates it here on his map. 6 Relation, 1639. J. R. XVII, p. 59. * See Father Jones' map. ' Relation, 1639. J. R. XVII, pp. 87-89. * See Father Jones' map. ^ Relation, 1640. J. R. XX, p. 19. Eastern Great Lakes 53 populous village of St. Jean Baptiste, having the most work to do there.' ^ Creuxius places St. Jean Baptiste on the north shore of Lake Simcoe near Lake Couchiching, St. Joachim on the east bank of the Sturgeon just south of St. Jean, and Ste. Elizabeth on the west bank of the Severn near its source in the latter lake. It would be difficult to assume and much more difficult to prove that Creuxius gathered his material from other than Jesuit sources. The man himself, as we have said, was a member of the Society of Jesus and greatly interested in the work of his Canadian brethren. His sketch of Huronia shows with precision, even with comparative accuracy, the locations of the missions and the general outline of the country. On no other map do we find such close attention given to this region, and, in truth, a person not vitally interested in the missionary work would not be likely to occupy himself with it, especially after the district had been abandoned for several years.^ Even Sanson, whose map of 1656 was made four years before that of Creuxius, takes but little notice of the erstwhile country of the Hurons. Perhaps Creuxius had other documents besides those found in the Relations; but if so we feel confident that they were compiled by the Canadian Fathers. The rest of Creuxius' chart for this part of the country follows so closely upon Sanson that it needs no further comment. When we come to study the routes to Hudson Bay we shall see that it contains information that could have been obtained from no other sources than the Relations. Before leaving Lake Huron it is well to mention the map drawn by the Sulpitian, Father Gallin^e, in 1670,^ a chart based on per- sonal observations made by him during his exploration of the southern shore of Ontario and the northern coast of Erie in 1669- 70. As his expedition did not take place until near the end of the period we are discussing, the geographical contributions of the map, while not drawn from Jesuit sources, in no wise diminish the value of the information contributed by the Fathers. The chart, owing to its unusual amount of detail, is the best production of the day in so far as the geography of the regions surveyed by Gallin^e is concerned, and it speaks well for its author's powers of observation. 1 Ibid. p. 21. ^ Huronia was destroyed by the Iroquois in 1649. 3 Gallinee's map, 1670, is listed in Harrisse. Ibid, as S200, p. 193. The original map has disappeared. For a full description of it see Parkman. La Salle etc. pp. 449-50. There is a copy known as ^i of the Parkman collec- tion in the Harvard Library. 54 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Huronia now disappears from seventeen century maps, and Gallinee bids it farewell with the inscription: C'est dans cette Baye que estoit autrefois le pays de hurons lorsqu'ils furent defaite par les Iroquois et ou les R. R. P. P. Jesuites etoientfort hien establis.'^ SECTION 3 Reports of the Jesuits regarding Northern and Central New York During the second half of the seventeenth century the Iroquois Confederation became for a time more friendly to the French, and permitted them to enter Lake Ontario by way of , the St. Lawrence River, and even found missions in the central and western portions of New York State. As this region had been closed to Canadian settlers we cannot find among their records, either in the Relations or elsewhere, anything that would yield any geographical informa- tion regarding it. Having explained the contributions of Cham- plain, as expressed on his map of 1632, we must now turn to the charts and narratives of those peoples who, encamped along the eastern coast, might be supposed to have acquired some knowledge of the interior. Although the Dutch were the earliest inhabitants of the eastern portion of what is now called New York State, they contributed but little information about its topographical features, save in the Hudson Valley, between the Mohawk and the sea. Until 166 1 they had confined their settlements to the banks of the Hudson; only at rare intervals did an explorer or trader push his way west- ward along the Mohawk and bring back some slight knowledge of the western country. Tort Orange [at the site of modern Albany] was, up to this period, the frontier town on the northern and western borders of the province. Beyond that all was "the far west," little known and less explored, wholly abandoned to the wild savage or wilder beasts of prey.'^ But while the Netherlanders were safely ensconsed in their eastern villages, the Canadian Jesuits passed around to the northwest, and approached the Iroquois country from Lake Ontario. These missionaries were the first, since Champlain made his journey in 161 5, to penetrate central New York and leave authentic records of their expeditions. ' It is in this hsbj that the country of the Hurons was formerly located when they were defeated by the Iroquois, and where the Reverned Jesuit Fathers were well established. 2 E. B. O'Callaghan. History of Nero Neiherland. Vol. II, p. 438. Eastern Great Lakes 55 But before analyzing the Jesuit narratives and tracing their probable influence on subsequent cartography, it will be necessary to examine the state of the geographical knowledge of northern and central New York as it existed among the Dutch about 1650. Adriaen Van der Donck gives what is perhaps the most thor- ough treatment of Dutch geographical knowledge in his map and narrative of 1656. This writer was sent to New Netherland under the patronage of Killian Van Rensselaer in 1642. He dwelt a short time at Fort Orange, then purchased an estate at modern Yonkers where he settled and enjoyed the lucrative monopoly of being the only lawyer in the colony. Unfortunately for his histori- cal writings a quarrel broke out between him and the West India Company that led to their closing the colonial archives against him.^ Yet as Van der Donck was an influential man he was able to secure enough information to render his narrative of much value. In his geographical summary he is somewhat hazy, for he says: 'On the north, the river of Canada stretches a considerable distance, but to the north-west it is still undefined and unknown. Many of our Netherlanders have been far into the country, more than seventy or eighty miles from the river and sea-shore. We also frequently trade with the Indians, who come more than ten or twenty days' journey from the interior, and who have been farther off to catch beavers, and they know of no limits to the country, and when spoken to on the subject, they deem such enquiries to be strange and singular. Therefore we may safely say, that we know not how deep, or how far we extend inland. '^ Such a statement shows how little progress had been made by the Dutch in acquiring geographical knowledge of even that portion of the continent to which they laid claim, yet by this time the eastern portion of the Great Lakes was familiar to the Jesuits who had even penetrated to the Sault Ste. Marie, and had recorded an exploration as far west as Green Bay. Continuing Van der Donck says : Torty-f our miles from the sea this North River is divided.^ One part by four ^ George Folsom. Preliminary Notice to the translation of Van der Donck's Description of the New Netherlands, in N. Y. Hisl. Soc. Coll. Vol. I. 1841. New Series, pp. 126 to 128. Copy of Van der Donck's map can be found in Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 438. It was copied after Visscher's map which will be treated later. 2 Jeremiah Johsnon. Trans, of Van der Donck's New Netherlands. N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll. Vol. I. 1 841. New Series, p. 138. ' Hudson River. 56 Geogkaphical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits sprouts ascends to the great falls of Maquas kill/ which is named Chahoos,^ of which we will treat presently. The other part which retains the name of the North River, is navigable for boats several miles farther, and, according to the information of the Indians, rises in a great lake, from which the river of Canada also proceeds.^ This should be the lake of the Iracoysen (Lake Ontario) , which is as great as the Mediterranean sea, being forty miles wide, when in the middle of the sea, no eye can see land or see over it. The lake also has extensive reed and brocklands of great breadth, wherein multitudes of water-fowl breed in summer.* When the Indians intend to cross this lake, they know certain islands which lie there- in, and proceed from one to another by daylight, to the number of three or four, without which they could not find their way over the same. This, however, we relate on the information of the Indians, They also assert that we can proceed in boats to the river of Canada, which we deem incredible. The other arm of the North river runs by four sprouts (as we have related) to the great falls of the Maquas kill. , . , It however always runs one way; is navigable for boats; being tolerably deep and not rapid; but it extends above sixty miles, and runs through the Maquas and Senecas countries to a lake,^ remaining boatable all the way,'® Van der Donck's map. Nova Belgica sive Nieuw Nederlandt, published in 1656, was copied from that of N. J. Visscher, and depicts an outline that served as a standard for the Dutch carto- graphers of this period. There are three maps extant (none of them dated) whose similarity of construction would make it appear that they were all printed from the same plate, due allowance being made for slight changes by the different engravers through whose hands it passed. These maps are, the prototype map (so called 1 Mohawk River. * Cohoes. ' Supposedly Lake Champlain which is drained by the Richelieu River into the St. Lawrence. ■* This identification of the lake of the Iracoysen with Ontario by the trans- lator (for the words in parentheses are his interpolations) is probably er- roneous. The northern branch of the Hudson would lead one towards Lake Champlain (though it does not flow from it) and not towards Ontario. Ericoise (Iracoysen) was a name applied to Champlain on numerous maps, and Van der Donck's description of the islands and swamps would be more appropriate to that lake than to Ontario. The width, forty miles, is, of course, an exag- geration, since Lake Champlain is not more than eleven miles in width. * Onedia Lake. « Johnson's translation of Van der Donck. Ibid. pp. 143 and 144. Eastern Great Lakes 57 from its being the first of the series), a chart of unknown authorship dedicated to one de Raet, pubHshed by Jansson/ and repubHshed by Visscher in 1652-3 with minor corrections and a view of New Amsterdam;' Visscher's first map;^ and that of an engraver named J. Danckers.^ Only the most elaborate and painstaking research has been able to establish the proper chronology of these charts and to determine to what extent, if any, one author has plagiarized from the others. The latest authority has decided, after an ex- haustive analysis of the sources (which it is unnecessary to discuss here in full) and the discovery of some new material, that the maps were designed in the order named from entirely different plates;^ though it is not improbable that the later engravers were familiar with the work of the first. The prototype map was depicted be- tween 1647 ^'iid 1651,^ and closely followed (165 1-5) by those of Visscher and Danckers." The latter, with many alterations, was not pubhshed until late in the seventeenth century or early in the eighteenth.* Visscher, however, republished his chart in 1659 as one may see by the date engraved under the title. On Visscher's map^ the Hudson River is shown with creditable accuracy. Near the site of modern Albany is a stream flowing eastward into the Hudson that is obviously the Mohawk. The western extremity of this river passes close to a lake where dwell the Canoemakers, and from this lake flows a large river into Chesapeake Bay, through lands inhabited by the Sennecaas, Gacheos and Capitanasses. Lying east of the Hudson, and east even of the Connecticut, is a huge inland sea draining northward into the St. Lawrence. This grotesque representation of Lake 1 1. N. P. Stokes. The Iconographij of Manhattan Island. 1498-1909. Vol. I, plate 7-a, and p. 143. "^ Ihid. p. 121. 3 Ihid. plate 7-b, and p. 147. ^ Ihid. plate 7-A. Novi Belgii Novaeque Angliae etc. a Justo Danckers, and p. 148. ^ Ibid. p. 145. ^ Ibid. vol. I, p. 143. ''Ibid. pp. 147-8. Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist, of America. Vol. Ill, p. 417, gives the date of Danckers' atlas as about 1680. G. M. Asher. .4 List of Maps etc. pp. 10 and 11, is not so certain about the date. ^ G. M. Asher. Ibid, gives evidence to show that Danckers' map was en- graved prior to that of Visscher, pp. 10 and 11. He also shows that they were both made from the same plate. See footnote by Bodel Nyenhuis, p. 12. But Stokes has disproved this. ^ Van der Donck's map is substantially the same as the western half of Visscher's. It does not, however, give Lake Champiain. 58 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Champlain, for such it pilrports to be, is called Lacus Irocoisiensis or Meer der Irocoisen, and here it is shown as it was known to the Dutch before it was finally assigned to its proper place through the observations of the Jesuit missionaries. Attached to its southern extremity is a small appendage that might be intended for another lake, and this would at once suggest Lake George, were it not for the fact that this design of Lake Champlain is copied from maps that antedate the discovery of Lake George by many years.^ But was it an attempt to reproduce Lake George from Cham plain's narrative, as one might suppose when one recalls that Champlain spoke of a lake south of the one that bears his name and also gave a vague and erroneous impression of it on his map? Of this we cannot be certain, but, judging from various Dutch maps, the size and location of Lake Champlain were such as to preclude the assumption that Dutch cartographers had any accurate knowledge of this region. We have now shown fairly conclusively that the Dutch, who might be supposed to have had a knowledge of the interior country, made no geographical contributions regarding the upper St. Lawrence, Lake Ontario and its tributaries, or even Lake George, situated almost at their door. The maps they left us are extremely vague on these regions, while the literature of early New Nether- land does not disclose any familiarity with the territory west of the Mohawk Valley. French maps until the appearance of the Jesuits on the shores of Lake Ontario give only meager information. Champlain's map and expedition into western New York have been discussed; and the charts of Sanson, constructed before the Jesuit expeditions had been reported, give no more than we have learned from Champlain. Before taking up the work of the Jesuits it will be well to describe briefly the journey of a Dutch explorer in the Mohawk Valley, During the year 1634 a western expedition was under- taken by a surgeon named Bogaert, who has left us an accurate description of the geographical points that came under his notice.^ 1 As, for instance, de Laet's Nova Anglia, Novum Belgium et Virginia that first appeared in his Beschrijvinghe van West-Indien, 1630. 2 Narrative of a Journey to the Mohawk and Onedia Country, 1 634-1 635. This paper was discovered in 1895 in a garret where it had lain for two hundred and sixty years. At first its author was said to be Arendt van Curler, but recent criticism has revealed the fact that it was probably the work of Van den Bogaert, surgeon at Fort Orange. J. F. Jameson. Narratives of New Netherland. 1909. pp. 137 and 138. Eastern Great Lakes 59 Starting from Fort Orange Bogaert crossed the Mohawk which he ascended to Onekagoncka, the first Mohawk castle, shown on Visscher's chart as Carenay,^ Thence he proceeded up the river passing the castles of Canagere, Schanidisse and t'lonnontego. Here the map ends abruptly, while Bogaert continues resolutely westward. 'We went as before/ he says, 'and after marching one or two leagues we arrived at a kilP that, as the savages told me, ran into the land of the Minquaass, and after another mile we met another kill that runs into the South River. '^ Presumably he refers to the small stream in Herkimer County, whose sources lie near those of the Unadilla River, a tributary of the Susquehanna, although the South River is known to-day as the Delaware and not as the Susquehanna. Two days later he came to the Sinnekens castle,^ where, he says, 'we saw to the northwest of us, a larger river, and on the other side thereof a tremendously high land that seemed to lie in the clouds. Upon inquiring closely into this, the savages told me that in this river the Frenchmen came to trade, '^ Here we have an instance of French pioneers arriving upon the scene long before the Jesuits put in an appearance. It is impossible to identify this stream, though from its size we judge it to be Oneida Lake, seen by Bogaert from a distance.^ For some reason or other Bogaert does not appear to have conveyed his knowledge to the Dutch map-makers. Van der Donck arrived in the colony in 1642 ; but evidently did not profit by the explorer's experience for his allusions to the upper Mohawk Valley show no very clear con- ception of that region. Another pioneer, a Frenchman, the famous Pierre Radisson, whom we shall meet again in the western country, passed through central New York just before the Fathers made their appearance. ^ W. Max Reid. The Mohawk Valley. 1901. p. 29. gives an elaborate argu- ment to prove that the first castle, Onekagoncka, is the same as the Osseruenon or Oneougoure of Father Jogues. It was located near the modern town of Kline and shown on Van der Donck's map as Carenay. 2 Dutch word meaning river. ' J. F. Jameson. Nar. of New Netherland. p. 147. ^ Bogaert considers Sinnekens (Senecas) and Onneyuttehage (Oneidas) to be the same. Ibid. p. 150. Oneida castle was near Munnsville, east of Oneida Creek. W. M. Beauchamp. Aboriginal Occupation oj New York in Bulletin of New York State Museum, p. 86. ^ J. F. Jameson. Ibid. p. 148. ^Bogaert goes on to say: 'In this river here spoken of, often six, seven, or eight hundred salmon are caught in a single day.' Ibid. p. 149. The plenti- fulness of fish in Oneida Lake was noted by Champlain. W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 290. and by Bruyas. J. R. LI, p. 121. 6o Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Captured by the Mohawks in 1652 he was brought to their villages. On his release he visited the towns of Nojottga [Oneida], Nontageya [Onondaga], Sononteeonon [Seneca], and Oiongoiconon [Cayuga], and after wandering through a labyrinth of lakes and forests ended his peregrinations at Fort Orange, but left no account from which definite information of his journey can be drawn. ^ Such, in brief, is a resume of the geographical knowledge of the region we are about to discuss as it existed before the Jesuit Fathers, pushing their canoes up the St. Lawrence and across the wide expanse of Ontario, founded their missions among the Iroquois, and drew up those fascinating narratives from which is gathered our first valu- able information regarding the topography of the Ontario Basin. Before following the missionaries to the shores of Lake Ontario a few words should be said about the discovery of Lake George by Father Isaac Jogues, one of the most distinguished of Canadian missionaries, who founded the first Jesuit mission among the Iroquois, only to be murdered by these savages when carrying on his evangelical work. In regard to Lake George let us again point out that Visscher's map outlines Lake Champlain with a smaller lake connected to its southern extremity by a narrow strait — a formation given by all Dutch maps which show the Lake of the Iroquois. It is difficult to decide whether the cartographers in- tended this prolongation for an arm of Lake Champlain or the lake 'nine or ten leagues long,' which Champlain mentions. The Dutch, it is certain, report no knowledge of Lake George from personal observation, or even from hearsay, so that we are entitled to a strong presumption, in the absence of any evidence to the contrary, that it was not until Father Jogues was captured by the Mohawks in 1642 and brought to their villages by the Lake Cham- plain route — the usual trail of Indian war parties — that a European gazed upon this picturesque body of water. Father Jogues, though he undoubtedly passed along the lake at this time, failed to record the fact.2 Hardships and anxiety for his companions in misfortune 1 G. D. Scull. P. E. Radisson. pp. 64 to 79. ^ That Jogues saw Lake Georgre in 1642 is universally admitted. Parkman. Jesuits in North America, pp. 217-219; Winsor. Cartier to Frontenac. p. 160. However neither Jogues nor his contemporaries mention the fact. See the following documents: Jogues' letter June 30, 1643. J. R. XXIV. pp. 295-297. Vimont's Relation, 1642-3. J. R. XXV, pp. 43 to 73. Jogues' Novum Belqium. J. R. XXVIII, pp. 105 to 115. Jogues' Notice sur Groupil. J. R. XXVIII, pp. 117 to 135. Lalemant's Relation, 164.7. Chaps. 4, 5, & 6. J. R. XXXI, pp. 17 to 93. < i^rC J '^ Louis JH'^ par M' de CnanihL Jur L Ku^ier. : of 166^.65.) Eastern Great Lakes 6i precluded all ability or even desire to notice his surroundings. Four years later when he journeyed to the Mohawks as a mission- ary under more auspicious circumstances he covered the same route, and was careful this time to send a report of his itinerary to his superior. In his Relation of 1645-6 Father Lalemant thus describes the voyage: 'They arrived, on the eve of the Blessed Sacrament, at the end of the lake which is joined to the great lake of Champlain. The Iroquois name it Andiatarocte, as if one should say, "there where the lake is shut in." The Father named it the Lake of the Belssed Sacrament. , . . Six leagues from this lake, they crossed a small river which the Iroquois call Oiogue; the Dutch, who are located along it, but lower down, name it the River van Maurice [Hudson]." As evidence of the value of Jogues' discovery we find on Sanson's map of 1656 these lakes correctly drawn for the first time, Champlain being given in its true position with a small body of water labelled, Andiataroque L. (the very name used in the Relation of 1645-6) adjoining it on its southern side.^ Father Jogues continued his journey to Fort Orange where he visited several towns along the lower Mohawk and laid the foundation of his mission. He records his varied ex- periences with the Indians in behalf of the Faith, but he is silent on his geographical surroundings, an omission that may be ac- counted for by the fact that he constructed, with the aid of Bourdon, a 'tolerably accurate map of these regions' which he, no doubt, intended should convey the geographical knowledge he had acquired, instead of inserting it in his various narratives.' Un- fortunately this chart has not come down to us, and we are unable to benefit by the information it contained.* At this point we wish to call the reader's attention to a map accompanying Le Mercier's Relation of 1664-5, designed for the purpose of showing the location of three forts built by the Carignan Salieres regiment on the Richelieu River, and their position re- lative to the Iroquois territory. This map, as we shall see when we come to study the discoveries in this region made by the Jesuit Fathers, is based almost entirely upon the geographical descriptions ^ Relation 164.5-6. J. R. XXIX, p. 49. The river mentioned is the Hudson ; it is described as small, as Jogues only saw it near its source. ^ The lake is also shown on Sanson's map of 1650, but without a name. ^ Jogues' letter to Castillon, Sept. 12, 1646. J. R. XXVIII, p. 137. ■* One of the lost maps discussed in Chap. I. 62 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits scattered through the Relations. Its features are few, but drawn with remarkable accuracy when we consider the paucity of material at the author's disposal.^ The chart shows in connection with Jogues' discovery the arm of Lake Champlain, paralleling Lake George to the east, thus establishing clearly the distinction be- tween the latter lake and the southern prolongation of the former — an ambiguity that puzzled us so much on the Dutch maps. It also gives two rows of dotted lines, one from Lake George the other from the southern end of Lake Champlain, that show the trails to the Iroquois villages. Another sketch, the Great Lakes Map (1675?), ^ production presumably of Jesuit origin, which we shall study later, as its importance comes out more clearly in connection with western geography, gives Lake Champlain and Lac du St. Sacrement, with the Riviere van Maurice bent eastward to come within the required six leagues, as stated in the Relation, There were then two routes down which the missionaries travel- led to the Iroquois country. One by way of Lake George, the other by the upper St. Lawrence which eventually became the main thoroughfare for the Jesuit Fathers. But long before they visited the western country information regarding its geography, its in- habitants and the routes leading to it had reached them through the Huron tribes, whose constant wars with the Iroquois Confeder- acy had familiarized them with the hostile territory. Father Brebeuf makes mention of the Iroquois nations as early as 1635,^ and the Relation of 1640 gives a long list of Indian tribes among whom are found the various members of the Long House; but no exact data about their location is given, save the general remark that they dwell to the south. Lalemant's Relation, 1 640-1, after describing Brebeuf 's journey to the Neutral Country, gives the first inkling of their position. 'Others related that Echon [Brebeuf],' he says in speaking of a report circulated by the savages, 'after having caused the death by disease of a part of the Hurons, had gone to make an alliance with the Sonontwehronons [Senecas], who form one of the Iroquois nations, — the nation most feared by the • Plans des forts jaicls par le Regiment Carignan salieres etc. Listed in Harrisse. Ihid. as ^333, p. 229. This map accompanies the Relation of 1664- 5. For a copy see p. 61. Another map of similar character is one drawn for the French military campaign of 1666 against the Iroquois. A copy may be found in Abbe FaiUon. Histoire de la Colonie Frangaise en Canada. 1865. Vol. Ill, p. 125. "^ Relation, 1635. /. R. VIII, pp. 115 to 117. Eastern Great Lakes 63 Hurons and the one nearest to them, as they are distant but a day's journey from the last and easternmost village of the Neutral Nation, which is called Onguiaahra [Niagara], the same name as the river.'^ Fortunately this brief description, in which the location of but one tribe is given, v/as presently amplified by more copious data. Father Regueneau^ in his geographical summary of New France (1647-8), says: 'Leaving the Huron country, and proceed- ing toward the south, after a journey of thirty or forty leagues we come to Lake St. Louys [Ontario] which is eighty or ninety leagues in length, while its average width is fifteen or twenty leagues. Its length is from the east to the west; its width from the south to the north. The discharge of this Lake Saint Louys forms a branch of the River Saint Lawrence,— namely that which is south of the Island of Mont-Real, and runs past Quebec.^ Beyond the Lake Saint Louys, a short distance inland, dwell the five Hiroquois Nations, the enemies of our Hurons, the situation of whose country is almost parallel to the length of that lake. The nearest to the Neutral Nation are the Sonnontoueronons [Senecas],* seventy leagues from the Huron country, following the south southeast, — that is to say, between the south and the east, but more towards the south. Below are the Ouionenronnons [Cayugas], almost in a straight line about twenty-five leagues from the Sonnontoueronnons. Still further down are the Onnontaeronnons [Onondagas], ten or twelve leagues from the Ouionenronnons; and the Onneiochronnons [Oneidas], seven or eight leagues from the Onnontaeronnons. The Annieronnons [Mohawks], are distant from the Onneiochronnons twenty-five or thirty leagues; they turn slightly in an inland direc- tion and are farthest East from the Hurons. It is they who are nearest to New Holland and also to Three Rivers.'^ As hearsay this account is fairly accurate. The tribes are arranged in their ' Relation, 1640-1. J. R. XXI, pp. 208 to 210. " Ragueneau, it will be remembered, drew a map showing these tribes. Relation, 1640. J. R. XVIII, p. 235. It is one of the lost maps mentioned in Chap. I. * That north of Mont-Real would be the Ottawa River. ^ The suffix 'ronnon' means 'men of,' as for instance Annieronnon, men of the tribe of Annie (Mohawk). The Iroquois tribes with their modern equiva- lents are taken from W. M. Beauchamp. Aboriginal Place Names of New York New York State Museum Bulletin ftioS. * Ragueneau's Relation, 1647-8. J. R. XXXIII, pp. 63 to 65. Bressani's Breve Relation of 1653 (J. R. XXXVIII) gives substantially the same informa- tion as the above and appears to have been drawn largely from Ragueneau. Quotation is, therefore, unnecessary. 64 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits proper order, but the distances cannot be correctly determined as the settlements were scattered over a considerable area, and no fixed points are taken as bases of measurement. On Sanson's map 1656, are four Iroquois tribes incorrectly located, while Creuxius shows no great improvement, but when the missionaries had gathered further information from personal exploration we finally obtain the satisfactory details which Le Mercier has summed up in his Relation of 1664-5, accompanied by a map (previously dis- cussed) showing the Iroquois tribes with commendable accuracy. 'It must be stated,' he writes, 'that the Iroquois are composed of five nations, of which the nearest to the Dutch is that of Anniegue [Mohawk], embracing two or three villages. . . . Forty-five leagues westward is situated the second nation, called Onneiout [Oneida]. . . . Fifteen leagues farther westward is Onnon- tagu6 [Onondaga], which has fully three hundred men Twenty or thirty leagues thence, still in a westerly direction, is the village of Oiogouen [Cayuga] containing three hundred warriors. Here, in the year 1657, we had a mission which, amid this bar- barism, formed a church filled with piety. Toward the end of the great lake called Ontario is situated the most populous of the five Iroquois Nations, called Sonnontouan [Seneca], and embracing fully twelve hundred men in the two or three villages which com- pose it. . . . This entire stretch of country, to the distance of a hundred or a hundred and fifty leagues, lies partly southward and partly westward of the French settlements.'^ A letter of Septem- ber twenty-second, 1664, gives the same order of locations, the distances being computed by day's journeys; but unfortunately it conveys an erroneous impression by saying that the tribes 'are all situated along the great lake of the Iroquios called Ontario, from 20 to 30 leagues inland.^ The foregoing map rectifies this error. Three Mohawk villages are placed on the river of that name near the Dutch frontier, a trifle too far north of Oneida Lake (Lake Techtroguen on the map) for accuracy, yet complying with the current idea,^ The Oneidas appear just south of the lake with their western neighbors, the Onondagas, on the shores of Lake 1 J. R. XLIX, pp. 257-259. 2 From the Relation, 1663-4. J- R- XLIX, p. 151. 3 Although Le Mercier places the Oneidas west of the Mohawks, a later Relation speaks of them as being to the south. J. R. LII, p. 145. Eastern Great Lakes 65 Gannentaa.^ Next in order are the Cayugas on Tiobero lac,^ then come the Senecas at their western outpost in the Genesee country. This excellent little map is upheld most satisfactorily by the researches of modern antiquarians. Its topographical features are few, and are confined substantially to information culled from the Relations.^ Later reports disclose nothing new regarding the Iroquois villages; the same order is always maintained, though the distances, for obvious reasons, vary.^ The emphasis placed in the Relations on information regarding the tribes and inhabitants of this region, as well as those of other localities, is considerable when compared to the attention paid to geography. This is true, not only of those reports written before the days of actualJesuit exploration, but afterwards as well; yet only after the Fathers had visited the Iroquois country in person do we find any serious attempt to gather a knowledge of the physical features necessary to cartographers. Several years after Father Jogues' death among the Iroquois Father Poncet made an unwilling excursion to their territory. Antoine Poncet had been an instructor at the College of Orleans in France. He came to Canada in 1639, and, like so many new comers, served his apprenticeship in Huronia, where he remained until re- called and put in charge of the Montreal parish. While thus oc- cupied he was captured and brought to the Iroquois villages. Returning thence to Quebec his course from the Mohawk Valley lay through unfamiliar territory, along the trail by which the savages invaded Canada when they desired to take the Canadians 1 Onondaga Lake. 2 Cayuga Lake. ' Compare the locations of tribes on this map with those given by J. S. Clark on his map, Iroquois Five Nations and Mission Sites, 1654-1684- For copy see Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 293. * A comparison of the distances in the various narratives with the results of modern research may be of interest. _ Relations. 1647-8 leagues Mohawks to Oneidas 25-30 Oneidas to Onondagas 7-8 Onondagas to Cayugas 10-12 Cayugas to Senecas 25 The league is equal to 2.76 miles. Clark's map does not extend far enough eastward to show the location of the Mohawks. Their whereabouts are taken from other sources. Wentworth Greenhalgh's report in 1677 gives a fairly detailed account of the villages and their population. The distances between them, and their locations, are practically the same as those given in the Re- lations. Docs. Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. Ill, pp. 250 and 252. 1663-4 1664-5 1668-9 Clark' days' map journeys leagues leagues miles. 2 45 30 70 — 15 — 30 3 25-30 20 30-35 3 — — 40-45 66 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits by surprise. Though Poncet's voyage is the first one recorded along the upper St. Lawrence, the author is silent as to the topography of that river.^ The Father was taken by the Indians near Sillery^ in August, 1653,^ and coQveyed by his captors along the now familiar trail, up the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain, to the Mohawk towns. After a short sojourn there he was released; but owing to the lateness of the session it was deemed inadvisable to send him back over this route. 'I was taken by way of the River of the Iroquois^ and Lake Champlain,' he says, 'and then proceeded, for two days only, by land ; and I returned by another way, so that I passed over the two routes taken by their [Iroquois] armies and warriors when they come to seek us.'^ Then describing his return passage he writes: 'I was told that the Captain who had escorted me to the Dutch settlement would be my conductor to the country of the French, — not by water, because of the storms which ordin- arily prevail at this season upon Lake Champlain, over which we must have passed; but by another route, which was very fatiguing to me, as we had to proceed on foot through those great forests for seven or eight days, and I had neither strength nor legs for so great an undertaking. At the end of these eight days is found a river upon which we proceed by boat for about two days, and then we come to the great river St. Lawrence, into which the first empties its waters, sixty leagues or thereabout above the Island of Montreal, and not far from the lake called Ontario. . . . We started upon a Friday, the third of October; and we arrived at the first river that I mentioned above on Saturday, the eleventh of the month. , . . The rains, and the mountains and valleys; the mountain-streams and brooks, and four rivers of considerable size which we had to cross by fording, wetting ourselves thereby up to the waist ; another large one, that had to be crossed on rafts, insecure and badly put together, ... all these things, I say, formed a Cross for me that was so formidable and unceasing that it seems to me a perpetual miracle that I was able to bear it, suffering, 1 No doubt Europeans had reached Lake Ontario before this by ascending the St. Lawrence as was hinted in Bogaert's narrative, but no record of their explorations can be found. ^ A mission situated near Quebec. ^Journal des Peres Jesuites. J. R. XXXVIII, p. 191. * Richeheu River. 5 Relation, 1652-3. J. R. XL, p. 155. Eastern Great Lakes 67 as I was, such intense pain and such extreme weakness.'^ The general course is not difficult to follow. Poncet left the Mohawk Valley and journeyed in a northerly direction — probably up the West Canada Creek^ — crossing innumerable streams and plunging through the primeval forests of the Adirondacks, until he reached the shores of Cranberry Lake in St. Lawrence County. Here he embarked on the Oswegatchie River which brought him after a long and tortuous course to the St. Lawrence at the site of the modern city of Ogdensburg.^ The junction of these two rivers takes place at a spot about sixty leagues from Montreal, and within twenty miles of Chippewa Bay, an indentation in the southern shore of the river which in those days marked the eastern extremity of Lake Ontario.'* The Oswegatchie River is plainly drawn on the map of 1664-5, where it is shown without a name, but bearing the designation: R. qui vient du coste df Agnie} We meet it again as the Seegarsi^ on the Great Lakes map, and the Sarrigetsi on Franquelin's chart of 1684.'' Having disposed of Father Poncet's account we can now turn to those records that give detailed information of the upper St. Lawrence. At the beginning of the second half of the seventeenth century peace reigned between the French and Iroquois. The Onondagas, influenced by their Huron slaves, invited the Jesuits to plant a colony in their midst, and bring them tidings of the Faith, an opportunity which, fraught though it was with dangers, was eagerly seized by the Fathers ; and now after years of hostility, the St. Lawrence River became, for a time at least, the French highway to the west. In descending the St. Lawrence Father Poncet failed to record its topography, but fortunately the follow- ing year (1654) a missionary. Father Le Moyne, who had been ^ Ibid. pp. 147 to 151. ^ T. J. Campbell. Pioneer Priests of North America. 1642-1710, states that Poncet's route lay up the Mohawk River and West Canada Creek, but traces it no farther, save to say that he reached the St. Lawrence near Ogdensburg. Vol. I, p. 80. This would seem the logical route. 3 The claim advanced by Winsor, C artier to Frontenac, that Poncet went up the Mohawk, over to Lake Ontario, then along its shores and down the St. Lawrence, and that he was the first white man to see the Thousand Islands, cannot be substantiated by Poncet's narrative, p. 175. * This conception of Ontario will be discussed later. * River that comes from the direction of the Mohawks. * A variant of Oswegatchie. ' Carte de la Louisane ou des Voyages du Sr. de la Salle etc. 1684. Harrisse. Ibid. ^222, p. 201. 68 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits dispatched to the Iroquois, brought back a satisfactory report. This is the first of a series of detailed accounts of the upper St. Lawrence and eastern Lake Ontario written by persons who visited these regions. Simon Le Moyne was born in 1604 and entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of eighteen. In 1638 he came to Canada, being assigned to the mission of St. Jean among the Hurons, and now he was starting upon the work among the Iroquois that was to occupy the next ten years of his Hfe. 'On the 17th day of July, St. Alexis's day,' he tells us, speaking of his voyage of 1654, 'we set out from home,^ , . . toward a land unknown to us. On the 1 8th, following constantly the course of the River Saint Lawrence, we encounter nothing but breakers and impetuous floods thickly strewn with rocks and shoals. The 19th, The river continues to increase in width and forms a lake, pleasant to the sight, and eight or ten leagues in length.^ . . . We see nothing but islands, of the most beautiful appearance in the world, intercepting here and there the course of this very peaceful river. . . . Toward the rising sun is a chain of high mountains which we named after Saint Margaret. . . . The rapids, which for a time are not navigable, compel us to shoulder our little baggage and the canoe that bore us. . . . The river is becoming so extremely rapid that we are compelled to leap in the water and drag our canoe after us among the rocks, like a horseman who alights and leads his horse by the bridle. In the evening we arrive at the mouth of Lake Saint Ignace,^ where eels abound in prodig- ious numbers. . . . We coast along the shores of the lake, everywhere confronted by towering rocks, now appalling, and now pleasing to the eye.'* Thus in a general way Le Moyne corro- borates Champlain, giving a good description of the river, such as would be expected from one who was not charged with the duty of making an accurate report. Lake St. Ignace, the principal feature below the Thousand Islands, makes it firsts appearance on Sanson's map (1656) as Lake Naroua shortly after its first detailed descrip- tion by Le Moyne. No connection between the map and the narrative can, of course, be shown, especially as such a short space 1 Montreal. 2 Lake St. Louis at Montreal. 3 Now Lake St. Francis. * Relation, 1653-4. J- R- XLI, pp. 91-95. Eastern Great Lakes 69 of time intervened between the two, but there is a possibiHty that Sanson learned of the lake from Le Moyne's story. The geographical contributions of the Jesuit Fathers may, perhaps, be seen in the misconception as to the dividing line be- tween Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence River. As this miscon- ception appeared on several subsequent maps it tends to show the strong probability that much information of a geographical nature was derived from Jesuit sources. We have stated in our discussion of Poncet's jouraey that, according to current opinion, the out- let of Lake Ontario was near the Oswegatchie, that is below, in- stead of above the Thousand Islands. This idea of Lake Ontario was natural enough, for a traveller ascending the St. Lawrence meets with a comparatively narrow stream from Lake St. Francis to Chippewa Bay, where the river suddenly broadens to embrace the Thousand Islands. As one passes through this archipelago the river becomes gradually wider until it is difficult to determine at what point the lake begins. Modern surveys, however, teach us that the lake proper commences roughly at a line drawn between Cape Vincent and Kingston; here the southern shore, which has been sloping in a southwesterly direction, suddenly drops to the southward, exposing the vast sweep of Lake Ontario.^ Champlain gave us a hint of the seventeenth century conception when he mentioned the 'lake some eighty leagues long, with a great many islands,' thus showing that the Thousand Islands were considered by the Indians as lying in Lake Ontario and not in the St. Lawrence. The idea was elaborated by Father Le Moyne who after passing Lake St. Ignace continued up the river. He says: 'On the 29th and 30th of July, the wind-storm continues, and checks our pro- gress at the mouth of a great lake called Ontario. . . . This lake is twenty leagues in width, and about forty in length. On the 3 ist, the day of Saint Ignatius, we are obliged by the rain and wind to penetrate through pathless wastes, — crossing long islands, and 1 The dimensions of Lake Ontario are here given from various sources in terms of leagues. Relation, 1647-8 80 or 90 by 15 or 20 J. R. XXXIII, p. 63. Relation, 1653-4 40 by 20 Ibid. XLI, p. 95. Relation, 1664-5 100 by 30 or 40 Ibid. XLIX, p. 265. Champlain 80 by 25 W. L. Grant. Ibid. p. 290. Remy de Courcelles 1 20 by 30 Margry /bid. Vol. I, p. 170. N. B. The dimensions given by Champlain are those recorded by him after crossing the lake. They differ from those he had previously obtained from the Indians. Acutal dimensions of Ontario are about 64 by 18 leagues. 70 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits shouldering our baggage, our provisions, and the canoe. '^ The following year Father Dablon strengthened this opinion by his own observations. Early on the 24th [October, 1655],' he says, 'we reached Lake Ontario. . . . Furious rapids must be passed, which serve as the outlet of the lake; then one enters a beautiful sheet of water, sown with various islands distant hardly a quarter of a league from one another. '^ As there are no rapids at the outlet of Lake Ontario the locality referred to must be below the Thousand Islands where the cataracts begin. Dablon con- tinues: 'On the 25th, we advanced 8 leagues up the lake's mouth, which is barely three-quarters of a league wide. We entered the lake itself on the 26th, proceeding seven or eight leagues. Such a scene of awe-inspiring beauty I have never beheld, — nothing but islands and huge masses of rock, as large as cities, all covered with cedars and firs. ... On the 27th, we proceeded 12 good leagues through a multitude of islands, large and small, after which we saw nothing but water on all sides. '^ Father Le Mercier des- cribes the situation very clearly, but, strange to say, the map accompanying his Relation is more in keeping with the modern than with the seventeenth century idea. Speaking of the route up the St. Lawrence, he says: 'But on gaining the mouth of the great lake, the navigation is easy, the water being calm there, and broadening out, — at first imperceptibly, then becoming about a third wider, afterward more than a half, and finally stretching away farther than the eye can reach. This is especially so after one has passed countless small islands lying at the entrance to the lake, in such great numbers and variety that the most experienced Iroquois pilots sometimes lose their way among them.'* Such evidence is conclusive ; and now turning to the Great Lakes map we find this conception well illustrated. Here Ontario is shown as narrowing until east of the Thousand Islands, and beneath this stretch is the legend : 'Les plus grands hastiments peuvent naviguer d'icy au hout du lac frontenacj^ Joliet's smaller map of 1674 shows this formation to an even more marked degree, the lake narrowing 1 Relation, 1653-4. J. R. XLI, p. 95. 2 Relation, 1655-6. /. R. XLII, p. 69. 3 Relation, 1655-6. J. R. XLII, p. 71. * Relation, 1664-6. J. R. XLIX, p. 263. ^ The largest vessels can navigate from here to the end of Lake Frontenac (Ontario). Easteen Great Lakes 71 very gradually without any sharp break to denote the modern line of demarcation.'^ To a lesser extent is this feature reproduced on the Gallinee map, 1670, and on that of Coronelli, 1688.2 Other maps are generally drawn on too small a scale to give much atten- tion to this detail.^ As it is to Father Le Moyne that we owe our first knowledge of the route up the Oswego River to central New York, let us return to him where we left him stranded at the entrance to Lake Ontario. 'The second day of August,' runs his diary, 'We walk about twelve or fifteen leagues through the woods, and camp where night over- takes us. On the 3rd, toward noon, we found ourselves on the banks of a river, a hundred or a hundred and twenty paces in width, on the other side of which there was a fishing hamlet.'^ Crossing this river, the Salmon, he marched to the chief village, Onnontage,^ south of Oneida Lake on Indian Hill, about two miles from the present town of Manlius.^ Le Moyne remained among the Onondagas but a few days. On his return journey he writes: 'The 1 6th. We arrive at the entrance to a little lake'^ in a great basin that is half dried up, and taste the water from a spring of which these people dare not drink. , . . Upon tasting of it, I find it to be a spring of salt water; and indeed we made salt from it, as natural as that which comes from the sea, and are carrying a sample of it to Quebec.^ This lake is very rich in salmon-trout and other fish. The 17th. We enter their [Onondagas] river, and, a quarter of a league from there, on the left, we come to that of Sonnontouan [the Seneca] which swells the current of the former and leads, they say, to Onioen [Cayuga country] and to Sonnon- touan [Seneca country] in two days' journey. Proceeding three leagues from that point, by a very easy route, we leave on the right hand the River Oneiout [Oneida], which appears very deep to us. ^ Carte de la Decouverie du Sr. Jolliet. Harrisse. Ihid. It204, p. 194. "^ Partie Occidentale du Canada ou de la. Noiivelle France par le P. Coronelli, 1688. Harrisse. Ihid. |t359, P- 235. ^ According to W. M. Beauchamp the belief that Lake Ontario began at Chippewa Bay was generally accepted in early times. History oj the Neiv York Iroquois, p. 201. * Relation, 1653-4. J- R- XLI, p. 97. * Ibid. p. 99. ^ Beauchamp's note in /. R. LI, p. 294. ^f 17. ^ Lake Onondaga. ' The famous salt deposits at Lake Onondaga. 72 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits . . . The igth. We push forward down the same river,^ which is of a jBne width and deep throughout, with the exception of some shoals where we must step into the water and drag the canoe after us, lest the rocks break it. The 20th. We arrive at the great Lake Ontario, called the lake of the Iroquois. '^ The route des- cribed presents no difficulties. Leaving the Indian village Le Moyne struck overland to Lake Onondaga where he discovered the famous salt deposits; thence he entered the little stream that drains this lake into the Seneca River, which he descended to Lake Ontario, noting the Oneida River, M/here it unites with the Seneca to form the Oswego. Arriving at Lake Ontario he turned his canoe east- ward and coasted the shore until, as he tells us, 'We arrive at the spot which is to become our dwelling-place and the site of a French settlement. There are beautiful prairies here and good fishing; it is a resort for all nations. ... On the 24th and 25th we were detained by the wind. On the 26th, our boatmen having embarked before the storm had subsided, one of our canoes spra,ng a leak, and we narrowly escaped drowning; but at last we took refuge on an island, where we dried ourselves at our leisure.'^ The narrative contains no further notes of geographical interest, and closes with a statement that the travellers proceeded overland 'across vast prairies,' finally regaining the St. Lawrence and reaching Quebec on September eleventh.^ Le Moyne was the first European to traverse in their full length from Montreal to Lake Ontario the upper reaches of the St. Lawrence, and to gaze upon the unique beauty of the Thousand Islands, He discovered the salt deposits at Onondaga Lake and opened the western route to the Iroquois by Lake Ontario and the Oswego River. His itinerary presents no difficulties; the narrative is lucid and easy to follow. But we shall postpone discussion of its connection with cartography until we have examined an expedition that took place the following year under Fathers Dablon and Chaumonot. ^ Oswego River. 2 Relation, 1653-4. /. R. XLI, pp. 123-125. ^ Ibid. p. 127. * Ibid. p. 129. The claim is made by certain writers of repute that Le Moyne reached Onnontage by the Ontario-Oswego route. J. G. Shea in Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 280; and Winsor. C artier to Frontenac, p. 175. This claim is unfounded as Le Moyne discovered this route on his return, not on his outward, voyage. Thwaites follows the narrative in des- cribing the journey. J. R. XLI, note #6. Eastern Great Lakes 73 The work of Le Moyne was supplemented by Dablon and Chaumonot when they made their expedition to the Iroquois, and it is to them we must look for further information regarding central New York. They left Montreal on October 7,1655, Claude Dablon was one of the leading members of the Jesuit Order in Canada. Born in 16 18 or 16 19 he came to Canada in 1655, and was im- mediately sent to the Onondaga mission, so that the present re- port may be considered as the result of his maiden voyage. That he was an able man is shown by the fact that he was subsequently appointed superior of the Canadian missions and rector of the college at Quebec, from which posts of vantage he was able to gain an excellent knowledge of the field as a whole. A few years after his work among the Iroquois he undertook an expedition with Druillettes to discover the overland route from Lake St. John to Hudson Bay, and he did succeed in reaching a point half-way between the St. Lawrence and the northern waters, where we shall have occasion to meet him in another chapter. As we have al- ready quoted from Dablon's journal regarding the entrance to the Thousand Islands, repetition of that part of his journey is unneces- sary here, so we shall take up the thread of the narrative as the Fathers enter Lake Ontario. 'Toward 9 o'clock on the morning of the 29th,' runs the story, 'we arrived at Otihatangue,^ ... a river emptying into Lake Ontario, narrow at its mouth but very wide, as a rule, for the rest of its course. '^ This river is described as containing a great supply of fish, especially the salmon, which furnishes food for the village of Onontae.^ From there they went to 'Tethirogeun, a river which has its source in the lake called Goienho.^ Oneiout, a village of one of the upper Iroquois Nations, is at the head of this lake, which, narrowing, becomes the river Tethiroguen.'^ The return journey from Oneida Lake began March 2, 1656, and owing to the season presented many obstacles not encountered on the outward voyage. The travellers crossed the lake on the ice and went overland until they reached Oeiaton- nehengue^ whence they pushed along the shore of Ontario, huge masses of ice and snow rendering the lake inaccessible. 'We pro- 1 Salmon River. * Relation, 1655-6. J. R. XLII, p. 71. ^Ibid. * Tethiroguen is the Oneida River; Goienho, Oneida Lake. ^Ibid. pp. 81. * Otihatangu^. 74 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits ceeded over a frozen pond/ says the narrator, . , . 'At length, we reached a fine sandy beach on the great lake, but were stopped by a deep river, the ice on which was too weak to bear us. . . . The result was, that we retraced a part of our steps, seeking a suitable place for passing the night. . . . The next day, we ascended a league above the mouth of the river which had stopped us, and there found it frozen firmly for enough crossing. . . . On the eleventh, we walked nearly all day over the frozen surface of the great lake, but with our feet constantly in the water. . . . Yet, we were not deterred from going out two or three leagues from land, to find a shorter route than that along the shore of the lake.'^ After several days of such experiences they encamped on a rock opposite Otondiata — now Grenadier Island — near the mouth of the Oswagatchie.^ The geographical information embodied in these narratives is well illustrated on contemporary maps, though modern authorities are inclined to differ regarding minor details in identifying the various places mentioned. The spot which Le Moyne describes as the 'future dwelling place and site of a French settlement,' has not yet been definitely determined. A prominent antiquarian identi- fies it with the Otihatangue (Salmon River) of Dablon and Chau- monot, and states that it was later known as Cahihonouage.^ This is hardly satisfactory, for Le Moyne, in telling of his ex- periences there, says that his canoe sprang a leak when leaving the harbor, compelling the party to land on a neighboring island. There are no islands at the mouth of the Salmon River, while there are several at Sacket's Harbor, a few miles to the north, both in Henderson Bay and in Black River Bay (sub-divisions of the harbor) that would answer the purpose. Moreover, Le Moyne does not speak of his landing-place as a river's mouth, as he probably would have bad he been referring to the Salmon River, nor does he give any indication of the peculiar formation, i. e. narrow at the mouth and wide above, that Dablon noticed the following year when 1 Relation, 1655-6. J. R. XLII, pp. 207-209. - This is the Grenadier Island at the eastern end of the Thousands and must not be confused with the Grenadier Island at Cape Vincent. W. M. Beauchamp Aboriginal Place Names of New York, p. 193. ' J. S. Clark believes that this place was on the south bank of the Salmon Creek at the present site of Fort Ontario, about a mile from the lake. Charles Hawley. Early Chapters of Cayuga History, pp. 17 & 18, footnote. ThAvaites places it either at the Salmon or Sacket's Harbor. Eastern Great Lakes 75 he reached Otihatangue. Hence the site of the French settlement is probably Sacket's Harbor. The map of 1664-5 marks an indenta- tion in the shoreline as Otiatanneheguen at the proper location for the Salmon River, but does not attempt to trace the stream to its source.^ The Great Lakes map, previously mentioned shows a little river in the proper location for the Salmon with the words: ' Chaihonouaghe lieu ou la pluspart des Iroquois et des loups debar qu- ent pour aller en traitte du castor a la Nouvelle York par les chemins marques de double rangs de points.'^ From the river's mouth are shown the dotted lines leading southward. The Black River is not mentioned in the Relations, either by an Indian or by its English name; but the river that Dablon speaks of as having been obliged to ascend in order to cross, is probably the one shown on the map of 1664-5 ^^ the 'R. qui vient du coste d'agnie,'^ and cor- rectly located for the Black River. Care must b'^ taken not to confuse this stream with the Oswegatchie which bears the same inscription. Knowledge of the Finger Lakes region and western New York was not gathered with any degree of rapidity, nor do we find ac- curate representations on early charts. The maps of Franquelin and Raffeix, 1688, were the earliest attempts at exactness.* Al- though Fathers Menard and Chaumonot who came to central New York in 1656 left for the west almost immediately after their arrival at Lake Onondaga, they recorded almost nothing regarding the topography of that interesting territory. Probably very few Europeans penetrated to the western part of New York State, for as late as 1669 Father Fremin wrote: 'As for the Onnontioga, Tson- nontouens, and Neutrals,^ as they have scarcely seen any Euro- * Otihatangue and Otiatanneheguen are variants of the same name. ^ Chaihonouaghe, place where most of the Iroquois and the wolves disem- bark to go and trade in beavers at New York by the trails marked by double rows of dots. Great Lakes map is #3 in the Parkman Collection at Harvard University. It is listed in Harrisse, Ibid. #205. ^ River which coines from the direction of Agnie (Mohawk). ' Carte de V Amerique Septentrionalle by Franquelin, 1688. Copy in the Kohl Collection in Lib. of Cong. Harrisse. Ibid. #234, p. 207. Raffeix, Le Lac Ontario auec les Lieux Circonuoisins et Particulieremerit les Cinq Nations Iroquoises. Copy in Kohl Collection. Harrisse, Ibid. +t237, p. 208. ^ There were Neutrals living in this region. Fremin says of the town of Gandougare: 'This village is composed of the remnants of three different na- tions which were formerly overthrown by the Iroquois, obliged to surrender at the discretion of the conqueror, and to come and settle in his country. The first nation is called Onnontioga, the second the Neutrals, and the third the Hurons.' Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, p. 81. 76 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits peans, and have never heard of the Faith, there is work to engage all the zeal of a missionary, who will have no little difficulty in clearing and tilling a field that the Demon has occupied for so many centuries.'^ Shortly after writing his discouraging letter about the spiritual condition of the western Indians, the Father reports in a more encouraging vein, and sends to his superior an account of the Iroquois missions among which he mentions those in western New York. He describes seven missions: The mission of the Martyrs at Annie; St. Francis Xavier among the Onneiout; St. Jean Baptiste at Onnontague; St. Joseph at Goiogouen; and the three missions with the Sonnontouan — La Conception, Saint Michel and Saint Jacques.^ He also includes in his report a letter from Father Raffeix outlining the western country briefly, for missionaries in this region were not expansive in their geographical reports. 'Goiogouen [Cayuga region],' says Raffeix, 'is the fairest country that I have seen in America. . . . It is a tract situated between two lakes,^ and not exceeding four leagues in width, consisting of almost uninterrupted plains, the woods bordering which are extremely beautiful. . . . Four leagues from here^ I saw by the side of a river, within a very limited space, eight or ten extremely fine salt-springs. . . . Lake Tiohero [Cayuga] one of the two adjoining our village, is fully fourteen leagues long by one or two wide.^ . . . The Ochou^gouen [Oswego] River, which flows from this lake, divides, in its upper 1 lUd. p. 85. =* Relation, 1671-2. J. R. LVI,p. 27. Locations of the missions are as follows: Mission of the Martyrs, Ossernenon, near Auriesville \ mile south the of Mohawk River. St. Francis Xavier, two miles northeast of Munnsville. St. Jean Baptiste, on Indian Hill, two miles south of Manlius. St. Joseph, south of Union Springs. La Conception, on west bank of Honeoye Creek, two miles north of Honeoye Falls. St. Michel, three and a half miles south of Broughton Hill. St. Jacques, on Broughton Hill, one mile south of Victor. See notes to map of Iroquois Cantons oj New York by W. M. Beauchamp. J. R. LI, pp. 293 and 294. ^ Lakes Cayuga and Seneca. * Goiogouen, the place where Raffeix was located. * Tiohero, here referring to Cayuga Lake, was also a name for the Seneca River. It is described as 'coming from the direction of Andastogue [Delaware region] ; [it] flows down, at the distance of four leagues from Onnontagu6, and empties into the Ontario. The great quantity of rushes in this river has given the name of Thiohero to the village that is next to Oiogouen.' Relation, 1668-9. J. R. Ill, p. 179. Eastern Great Lakes 77 waters, into several channels, bordered by prairies; and at intervals are very pleasant and somewhat deep inlets, which are preserves for game.'^ The Jesuit map of 1664-5, to which reference has been made, was designed several years before Father Raffeix wrote the des- cription cited above.* It contains all the geographical facts of central and western New York known at that time. Tiohero lac, residence of the Oioguen Iroquois, or the Cayugas as they are called to-day, is represented by a diminutive outline which is properly located on the map, but no specific dimensions are shown as these were not given until later. Knowledge of this territory was very meager, its source being the reports of Menard and Chaumonot; the former, field missionary to Oiogouen, the latter to Sonnon- touan.2 The country of the Sonnontouan is described by Menard as the most fertile Iroquois province, containing two large villages besides a number of small ones, the principal town being Gandagan.' Lake Tiohero, first mentioned as the place where David Le Moyne died,* is shown on the above map as draining northward into a river that flows in an easterly directly. Into this river runs a short stream from Onondaga Lake; and lower down we find it joined by a river from Lac Techirogouen (Oneida Lake), the two uniting to flow northward into Lake Ontario. It was some years later that information regarding the Finger Lakes region began to appear on a limited number of maps, for the lakes shown on Sanson's chart, 1656, cannot be taken seriously, as they conform to no geographical facts, and represent merely a vague notion regarding some interior bodies of water. Turning to the Finger Lakes and western New York we find the information summed up on Raffeix map, Le Lac Ontario, 1688, where for the first time a rough idea of the Finger Lakes is given. A group of six narrow lakes is presented on this sketch as draining into a river which in turn empties into Lake Ontario near modern Oswego. Not far from its mouth it receives the waters of an affluent coming from Oneida Lake. To the west lies a group of three lakes flowing into Ontario through a river bearing the word sault at its ^ Relation, 1671-2. J. R. LVI, pp. 49-51. 2 Relation, 1656-7. ,/. R. XLIII, p. 307. ^ Ibid. J. R. XLIV, p. 21. Gandagan or Gandagare was situated on Broughton Hill near Victor. W. M. Beauchamp in /. R. LI, p. 293. Relation, 1656-7. J. R. XLIV, p. 27. 78 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits mouth — obviously the Genesee, on whose eastern bank we find the Village dit Assomption. To the east is another stream/ empty- ing into Ontario through the Marais des Sonnontouans, on whose farther bank is the St. Jacques village; both these settlements are shown in a territory called, Les Sonnontouans. Very little atten- tion is paid to this lake district by subsequent cartographers, al- though Franquelin, who, residing in Canada probably had the latest news before him, produced an excellent outline on his map of 1688, executed with a nicer regard for technical construction than the crude efforts of Raffeix.^ As both Franquelin's chart and that of Raffeix bear the same date it is impossible to determine which is the earlier of the two. Did Franquelin rely on the Relations or on Raffeix' map? There is not sufficient data in the Relations for Franquelin's accurate portrayal of the region, nor could the carto- grapher have made his outlines solely from the Raffeix sketch. Such being the case we can only point to the probability that Franquelin must have conversed with missionaries from the Finger Lakes region, or have availed himself of letters that have long since disappeared. In northern and central New York we have, then, as sole sources of geographical information during the seventeenth century (with the exception of the southern shoreline of Lake Ontario drawn by Father Gailinee) the narratives and maps of the Jesuits Fathers. The former we have discussed at some length and shown that they were the result of personal observations made by men who had explored the regions they described. The two special maps of this region are first, the one accompanying the Relation of 1664-5, a sketch made by we know not what individual, but pre- sumably by one of the Order, and based, as we have endeavored to show, on the Relations; and second, the sketch by Father Raffeix whose long residence in the country he depicts gives him a certain amount of authority in geographical matters. We can find in no other records, either before the appearance of the Fathers or after they had established their missions, material that would convey information about the region we have surveyed. Our conclusions are that the geographical knowledge of the territory under discus- sion is distinctly a Jesuit contribution. ^ Irondequoit Creek. ^ See map on p. 153. CHAPTER III Jesuit Contributions in the Mississippi Valley AFTER the Iroquois Confederacy had broken up the Jesuit ■mission center in Huronia the Fathers endeavored to follow their Huron neophytes, or at least to keep in touch with them as they fled westward. But the difficulties of such an undertaking were great, and the Fathers were obliged to content themselves with founding missions among the other tribes, a work that fre- quently brought them in contact with the now nomadic Hurons. During their stay in Huronia it had been their custom to send out expeditions in various directions. It was on one of these voyages, it will be remembered, that Fathers Jogues and Raymbault reached the Sault Ste. Marie in 1641. Here they found a parting of the ways. The situation that confronted them was similar to the one at the junction of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers. Two routes lay before them; one leading northward into Lake Superior, the other westward to Lake Michigan and eventually to the Mississippi. Jogues and Raymbault themselves went no farther than the Sault; and it is to others that we must turn for further information regarding the country that lay beyond. We shall first take up the western route to the Mississippi. section I First Definite Knowledge of Green Bay and the Fox River Before the missionaries began their western explorations pio- neers had pushed forward and reported in a vague manner the existence of new regions whose topography was later carefully examined and reported by the Jesuits. In 1634 Jean Nicolet discovered Green Bay.^ The details of his journej^, though obscure in quality and meager in quantity, are important for the purpose of this paper as they give the first account of the region in question, and, furthermore, we are indebted to the Jesuits for them. 'He was delegated,' says the Relation of 1642-3, 'to make a journey 1 The date of this expedition was long believed to be 1639, but a careful examination of records has led authorities to accept the date, 1634. For a full discussion of this subject one is referred to C. W. Butterfield. Discovery of the Northwest by John Nicolet, pp. 43-45. See also Benj. Suite. Notes on Jean Nicolet in Coll. State Hist. Soc. of Wisco7isin. Vol. VIII, pp. 189-194. 79 8o Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to the nation called People of the Sea [Winnebagoes], and arrange peace between them and the Hurons, from whom they are distant about three hundred leagues westward. He embarked in the Huron country, with seven savages; and they passed by many small nations, both going and returning.' ^ Vimont in his Relation of 1640 describes Nicolet's route to the People of the Sea, and gives a list of tribes that Nicolet encountered on his journey there. Vimont says, speaking of the Great Lakes: 'I have said that at the entrance to the first of these Lakes [Lake Huron] we find the Hurons. Leaving them, to sail farther up in the lake, we find on the north the Ouasouarini; . . . at the mouth of the river which comes from Lake Nipisin, are the Atchiligouan. . . . After the Amikouai, upon the same shores of the great lake, are the Oumisagai, whom we pass while proceeding to Baouichtigouian, — that is to say, to the nation of the people of the Sault, for, in fact, there is a rapid, which rushes at this point into the fresh-water sea. Beyond this rapid we find the little lake, upon the shores of which, to the north, are the Roquai.'^ The route, so far, is plain enough. It lies along the eastern shore of Georgian Bay to the Sault, then beyond this rapid to the Big Bay de Noquette, described as the little lake inhabited by the Roquai tribe. The Relation continues : 'Passing this smaller lake, we enter the second fresh-water sea, upon the shores of which are the Maroumine [Menominees] ; and still farther, upon the same banks, dwell the Ouinipigou [Winne- bagoes], a sedentary people, who are very numerous; some of the French call them the "Nation of Stinkards," because the Algon- quin word "ouinipeg" signifies "bad-smelling water," and they apply this name to the water of the salt sea, — so that these people are called Ouinipigou because they come from the shores of a sea about which we have no knowledge; and hence they ought not to be called the nation of Stinkards, but the nation of the sea.'^ The extent of Nicolet's journey is somewhat vague, the only clue being Vimont's remark that: 'Sieur Nicolet, who has advanced farthest into these so distant countries, has assured me that, if he had sailed three days' journey farther upon a great river which issues from this lake, he would have found the sea.''* The wish is 1 Relation, 1642-3. J. R. XXIII, p. 277. 2 Relation, 1640. /. R. XVIII, pp. 229-231. ^ Ibid. p. 231. * Ibid. p. 237. Mississippi Valley 8i evidently parent to the thought, for so keen was the desire to find a waterway that would bring the western sea within easy reach, that any hint or intimation of such a possibility would at once have brought the imagination into play and would have placed a favor- able interpretation on the wildest rumors. As some have hinted that Nicolet preceded Father Marquette to the Mississippi it is necessary to examine the evidence with a view to establishing the falsity of the claim. How far did Nicolet go? This a question that has puzzled antiquarians for many years, for the evidence is not susceptible of definite interpretation. Taken literally one would suppose Nicolet co have at least reached the Mississippi by way of Green Bay, the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers, if he did not descend it for a considerable distance; but it is impos- sible to believe that he ventured down the Mississippi to within three days' journey of the sea without bringing back a fairly elabor- ate report of the territory explored. We must, therefore, assume the word 'sea,' as Nicolet used it, to refer to some large body of water such as the Mississippi, which interpretation would bring our explorer to the Wisconsin, three days' journey from the great river.^ Such a theory is not unreasonable and commands respect- ful consideration, especially when we remember that the inland savages probably had no notion of what was meant by the sea, when they told Nicolet that a great water lay ahead of him; we might even accept it as final had not a later critic, who considers the Wisconsin, and not the Mississippi, to be the great water dis- tant three days' journey, restricted Nicolet's wanderings to the Fox River. This stream winds its circuitous course to within a mile of the Wisconsin where a portage was located, and then flows through a swampy region choked with wild oats and lush vegeta- tion to Lake Winnebago, whence it discharges into the head of Green Bay. In thf» absence of definite standards of measurement and because of the varying rates of speed at which different parties must travel, owing to weather and other causes, it becomes extreme- ly difficult to reduce such a term as a day's journey to an accurate ^ J. G. Shea. Disc, and Explor. oj the Mississippi Valley. 1852. enter- tains this view, p. XXI. He says: 'It is certain then, that to Nicolet is due the credit of having been the first to reach the waters of the Mississippi.' Henri Jouan. Jean Nicolet, Interpreter and Voyageur in Canada. Coll. State Hist. Soc. of Wisconsin, 1888. Vol. XI, p. 14. believes that Nicolet crossed the portage and reached the Wisconsin and possibly the Mississippi. 82 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits distance. This may be seen in accounts like the following. When Jogues and Raymbaiilt visited the Saiilt a few years after Nicolet, they obtained information about the Sioux, who dwelt near the Mississippi, and these they described as a 'certain nation, the Nadouessis, situated to the northwest or west of the Sault, eight- teen days' journey further away. The first nine days are occupied in crossing another great lake that commences above [beyond] the Sault; during the last nine days one has to ascend a river that traverses those lands.'^ Clearly the first nine days of this journey brings one to the head of Green Bay, but a nine days' journey up the Fox River would scarcely be sufficient to reach the Mississippi, though it would, perhaps, enable a traveller to arrive at the Wis- consin, AUouez, as we shall see later, took five days to make the journey from Green Bay to the junction of the Fox and Wolf Rivers, a spot not far from the Mascouten settlement, and from this point Marquette spent an additional seven days in reaching the Mississippi, making a total of twelve days in covering the dis- tance from Green Bay to that river,^ The route from the Mascou- tens to the Wisconsin portage was a difficult one, lying through marshes and small lakes, where the river channel was clogged by vegetation,^ so that Marquette, though he gives us no definite information on the subject, probably spent four of his seven days on this the more difficult portion of his route, while the Wisconsin River which could be navigated with greater rapidity and facility (the distance is but one hundred and eighteen miles from the port- age to the Mississippi) might be traversed in three. Since Nicolet said that he would have reached the sea had he sailed three days more on the 'river which issues from this lake,' i.e. Green Bay, the river on which he was sailing must have been the Fox and the sea he referred to the Wisconsin, for if the Indians regarded the Mississippi (a great river flowing to the sea) as the sea itself, it was quite possible for them to consider the Wisconsin in the same light as its waters reach the ocean through the main stream,* Hence the distance of a nine days' journey from Green Bay to the Wis- 1 Relation, 1642. J. R. XXIII, p. 225. " June 10 to June 17. Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, pp. 105- 107. ^ An account of Marquette's voyage appears later in this chapter. * C. W. Butterfield. Ibid, gives an elaborate and carefully prepared anal- ysis of the extent of Nicolet's travels, which he brings up the Fox Eiver as far as the Mascoutens. The itinerary is fully discussed in Chapter III of his work. Mississippi Valley 83 consin as calculated by the savages is confirmed fairly well by the five days which AUouez consumed in going from the bay to the Mascouten neighborhood, and the approximate four days taken by Marquette in reaching the Wisconsin from the Mascouten village. But whether Nicolet reached the Mississippi, or the Wisconsin or only the Fox, it is certain that he added nothing to geographical knowledge save the existence and approximate location of the Baye des Puans [Green Bay]. This gulf, whose identity was as yet merged with Lake Michigan, is found, as we have pointed out, as early as 1650 on Sanson's map, where it confronts us as a long, narrow lake connected with Lake Huron by a strait. On this chart we see a large river flowing from the south into the bay. Can this be the great river to which Nicolet refers? Perhaps so. At any rate we can find no mention elsewhere of such a stream prior to the date when the map was issued. The exact meaning of the word 'Ouinipeg' (bad-smelling) is fraught with important consequences, as the word gave rise to a suspicion in the minds of the French that the route to the western ocean lay through the country of the Ouinipeg, and this furnished an impetus to exploration in that direction. In Vimont's Relation it is assumed to refer to that pungent odor arising from salt-water which indicates the proximity of the sea. It was not until Mar- quette had explored Green Bay that the correct reason for this appellation was discovered. He says: 'This bay bears a name which has a meaning not so offensive in the language of the savages ; for they call it la baye sallee [salt bay] rather than Bay des Puans, — although with them this is almost the same and this is also the name which they give to the sea. This led us to make very careful researches to ascertain whether there were not some salt-water springs in this quarter, as there are among the Hiroquois, but we found none. We conclude, therefore, that this name has been given to it on account of the quantity of mire and mud which is seen there, whence noisome vapors constantly arise, causing the loudest and most continual thunder that I have ever heard,'^ Marquette's diagnosis is no doubt correct. It was impossible for a nation living in this neighborhood to have access to the sea, nor were there any saline deposits in the country which they inhabited. 1 Marquette's First Voyage, 1674. J. R. LIX, pp. 97-99. 84 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits The malodorous vapors arising from swamp lands occasioned the stench that gave to the tribe its name of Puans} Green Bay, as we have pointed out, was long confused with Lake Michigan, the two bodies of water being regarded as one. Father AUouez was the first to distinguish between the two. In his journal, written in 1666 from the mission of St. Esprit on Lake Superior, he says, in speaking of the Pouteouatami tribes: 'Their country lies along the Lake of the Ilimouek^ — a large lake which had not before come to our knowledge, adjoining the Lake of the Hurons, and that of the Stinkards [Green Bay] in a southeasterly direction.'^ This lake of the Ilimouek, which Allouez tells us is also called Michihigaming [Michigan], appears for the first time on the map accompanying the Relation of 1 670-1, a map we shall discuss presently. Meanwhile Allouez undertook a journey to Green Bay and the Fox River. Let us now glance at Father Allouez' account of his expedition to the Fox River. Claude Jean Allouez was born at St. Didier, France, in 16 13. He entered the Jesuit novitiate at Toulouse and pursued his studies there as well as at Billom and Rodez. He comes suddenly upon our notice in 1658 when, eager for missionary labor, he arrived in Canada. After waiting impatiently for two years his wishes were fulfilled and he was dispatched to Lake Superior. Two years later Allouez returned to Quebec for assistance, bringing to his superiors a report regarding the conditions in the territory assigned to him. He remained in Quebec for a few days then started back to his mission of St. Esprit. It was while in this north- ern region that he undertook his voyage to the Fox River, the substance of which will now be given. On November third, 1669, Father Allouez left the Sault Ste. Marie and proceeded through the islands that fringe the northern shore of Lake Huron. 'On the fourth,' he tells us, 'toward noon, 1 The derivation of the word 'ouinipeg' is thus summed up by R. G. Thwaites in his Wisconsin, 1908, p. 17. 'Ethnologists now believe that the term ouinipeg (stinking water) as applied by the Algonkins to the Winnebago, had no reference to the sea, but to certain ill-smelling sulphur springs in the neighborhood of Lake Winnipeg. Whence the swarthy Winnebago, an outcast and somewhat degenerate branch of the Dakota linguistic stock, are thought to have migrated to the shores of Green Bay by way of Wisconsin and Fox Rivers.' 2 Illinois, a name for Lake Michigan. ' Relation, 1666-7. J. R. LI, p. 27. Allouez' statement means jthat Lake Michigan lies southeast of Green Bay. Mississippi Valley 85 we doubled the cape which forms the detour, and is the beginning of the Strait [Mackinac] or the Gulf of Lake Huron, which is well known, and of the Lake of the Illinois, — which is up to the present time is unknown, and is much smaller than Lake Huron.'^ It would, perhaps, be unfair to credit AUouez with the discovery of Lake Michigan since he was not the first European to navigate its waters; yet the value of exploration should not be measured by priority of discovery, but rather by contributions to geographical knowledge. Nicolet, the first to cross the northern waters of Lake Michigan, left no records behind him, and our onlj'- data concerning his voyage comes from Father Vimont who was wise enough to jot down a few chance remarks that Nicolet let drop regarding his journey. Thus to Father AUouez should be given the credit for bringing Lake Michigan, Green Bay and the Fox Valley to the attention of geographers. Having doubled the cape the explorer entered Lake Michigan and pushed his canoe along the northern shore, leaving behind him the large island of Michilimakinac, soon to become famous in the annals of the upper lakes. Coasting southward to the head of Green Bay he passed a village composed of various tribes, the Ousaki, Pouteoutami, Outagami and Ouinipeg, and then estab- lished his mission which he called St. Francis Xavier, at the head of the bay, two leagues from the mouth of the Fox River.^ During the following year he undertook the exploration of the Fox Valley. 'On the i6th of April,' he writes, 'I embarked to go and begin the mission to the Outagamis. . . . We slept at the head of the Bay, at the mouth of the River des Puans [Fox], which we have named for Saint Francis. . . . On the 17th, we ascended the River Saint Francis, which is two, and sometimes three, arpents wide.^ After proceeding four leagues, we found the Village of the Savages called Saky [Sacs]. . . . On the eighteenth we passed the portage called by the natives Kekaling,^ our sailors dragging the canoe among rapids; . . . On the 19th, our sailors ascended ^ Relation, 1669-70. J. R. LIV, p. 199. 2 This mission was probably not located at this spot until a few months later. The following excerpts show its approximate location. At the head of the bay. Relation, 1670-1. J. R. LV, pp. 101-103. On the river emptying into the bay. Relation, 1671-2. /. R. LVI, p. 91. A short distance beyond the bay. Relation, 1675. J. R. LIX, p. 219. ' An arpent of Quebec was 180 feet of 12.8 inches each. * Now known as Kaukauma. See H. B. Tanner's paper on Kaukauma. 86 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits the rapids for two leagues by the use of poles, and I went by land as far as the other portage, which they call Ooukocitiming, — that is to say, "the bank." . . . We arrived in the evening at the entrance to Lake des Puans, which we have named Lake Saint Francis;^ it is about twelve leagues long and four wide, extends from the north-northeast to south-southwest, and abounds in fish. '2 As the territory traversed on this expedition is soon to become familiar as the one through which lay an important route to the Mississippi River, a description of the region will be found useful. We have followed the missionary up the Fox River from Green Bay to Lake Winnebago to which he gave the name of St. Francis. On the western shore of this body of water, half-way between its northern and southern extremities, the upper Fox River empties into it, coming from a lake — or rather an expanse of its own waters — now called Grand Lake Butte des Morts. This latter body forms a junction for the Wolf River, coming down from the north after passing through Lake Poygan, and a continuation of the Fox, that reaches southward and westward through Puckaway and Buffalo Lakes to the Wisconsin at the modern city of Portage. The Wolf River came from the country of the Outagamis; while by ascend- ing the Fox one reached the Mascoutens. The trail to the Mississ- sippi was not so easy as might be imagined, as the upper Fox ran through swamp land, and its own waters were so filled with wild rice as to render the channel barely distinguishable. Such was the famous route knov/n as the Fox- Wisconsin portage. Allouez proceeded to the Outagamis and the Relation gives an account of his journey. 'On the twentieth, which was Sunday,' he tells us, 'I said Mass, after voyaging five or six leagues on the Lake, after which we came to a river, flowing from a lake bordered with wild oats; this stream we followed, and found at the end of it the river that leads to the Outagamis, in one direction, and that which leads to the Mach- koutenck [Mascoutens], in the other. We entered this first stream, ^ Unless the reader is careful he is liable to become confused about the name Lac des Puans. Green Bajr, as we have pointed out, was called Lac des Puans or Baye des Puans. Allouez, it would appear, considered Green Bay as a bay and not as a lake, so when he ascended the Fox River and came to Lake Winnebago he spoke of the latter as the lake (as distinguished from the bay) des Puans. It was to Lake Winnebago that he gave the name St. Francis. 2 Relation, 1669-70. J. R. LIV, pp. 215-217. Mississippi Valley 87 which flows from a lake; ... On the twenty fourth, after turning and doubhng several times in various lakes and rivers, we arrived at the village of the Outagamis.'^ Here Allouez founded the mission of St, Mark.^ Then retracing his steps he turned up the Fox River to the Mascoutens. 'On the twenty ninth,' he says, 'we entered the river which leads to the Machkoutench, who are called by the Hurons Assista Ectaeronnons, "Nation of Fire." This river is very beautiful, without rapids or portages, and flows toward the southwest.'^ And here he learned the first definite news of the route to the great river. 'These people are settled in a very attractive place, where beautiful plains and fields meet the eye as far as one can see. Their river leads by a six days' voyage to the great river named Messi-Sipi, and it is along the former river that the other populous nations are situated,'^ The first cartographical portrayal of the information acquired by Allouez is found on the Lake Superior map that accompanied Dablon's Relation of 1670-1 (only one year after Allouez' expedi- tion). It was subsequently reprinted with the Relation of 167 1- 2^ 'in order to satisfy the curiosity of those who have not seen it, and to designate some new missions I'ecently planted in that coun- try.'^ The name of the designer is unknown, though the map was, in all probability, the work of a Jesuit — or at least produced under Jesuit auspices — for the purpose of locating the newly established missions. An explanatory text in the Relation discusses the geo- graphical features presented, with special reference to the mission stations. Save for the upper portion of Lake Huron the work is remarkable for accuracy, and surpasses many subsequent charts whose authors were benefited by further explorations. Here for 1 Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, pp. 217-219. ^Ibid. p. 227. This mission was located at the junction of the Little Wolf and Embarass Rivers. Ibid, note 12. ' Ibid. pp. 227-229. Strictly speaking the river flows from and not towards the southwest. In the original French text the word is va, meaning 'gees', which might be translated to imply that the river leads to the southwest. * Ibid. pp. 231-233. ^ Lac Superieur et eutres lieux ou sont les Missions des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus comprises sous le nom D'outauacs. Ceite Carte est du Livre de Relation du Canada des Annees 1671-1672. Laquelle estoit collee dans ce livre enire les feuillets 110-111. Harrisse. Ibid. #340. Lake Superior and other places where are the missions of the Fathers of the Company of Jesus, comprised under the name of Outaouacs. This map is from the book of the Relation of Canada for the years 1671-1672. It was in this book between pages iio-iii. ^ Relation 1671-2. J. R. LVI, p. 91. 88 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits the first time is shown the Baye des Puans [Green Bay] as a body distinct from Lac des Illinois [Michigan]. Lake St. Francis [Winnebago] and the stream draining it into the bay are not named, though by consulting the Great Lakes map and the Coronelli map, 1688, we can readily identify them with Lake Winnebago and the Fox River. No attempt is made on this chart to show the Missis- sippi River or the route leading to it as they were not explored until three years later, but an examination of the map reveals a number of interesting points in other locahties. The large archi- pelago at the entrance of the Baye des Puans is doubtless an exag- geration of the small island group found there. These islands are mentioned in the Relation of 16 70-1, which, when describing the bay, informs us that 'at its entrance are encountered the islands called Huron, because the Hurons took refuge there for some time, after their own country was laid waste. '^ This same Relation contains a description of the region about Green Bay. It says: 'Approaching the head of the same bay, we see the river of the Oumaloumines [Menomonees], — or, translated, "the wild oats Nation," — which is a dependency of the mission of St. Francis Xavier.'^ Furthermore this nation is located 'on the banks of a river of considerable beauty,' which empties into this same bay, 15 or 20 leagues from its head.'^ No attempt is made at this time to give definite dimensions of the bay, though later they were variously estimated at from fifteen to thirty leagues in length, and from five to eight in width at its mouth, when 'it narrows gradually to the bottom, where it is easy to observe a tide which has its regular ebb and flow, almost like that of the sea.'^ That the expedition of Father AUouez resulted in a distinct contribution to geographical knowledge is beyond all reasonable doubt. He ex- plored a country previously unknown, save for Nicolet, and brought back a hint of the Mississippi. The results of his researches were immediately sketched on a map in the Relation of 16 70-1 and dis- patched to Europe. In the foregoing quotation we have an allusion to tidal dis- turbances in the Great Lakes, a phenomenon that is mentioned » /. R. LV, p. 103. ^Ibid. * Menominee River. ^Ibid. p. 185. 6 For dimensions of Green Bay see Relation, 1671-2. /. R. LVI, p. 139, and also Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, p. 99. JESUIT Map of Lake Superior, and Parts of Lakes Huron and Michigan. iFacsimile of chart ac. ompanying Rtlalion of 1670-71 ) Mississippi Valley 89 more than once in the Relations; and, as this has been the subject of considerable scientific speculation, a word regarding it will not be out of place at this point, Jonathan Carver, who visited the lakes between 1766 and 1769 tells us that the observations of the French disclose no diurnal tide, but Weld's Travels, published some thirty years later, speak of observations at the Bay of Quinte in Lake Ontario which show a rise in the water level of fourteen inches in twelve hours. Henry Whiting observed fluctuations at Green Bay in 1828 and reported the absence of lunar tides. '^ Later, Charles Whittlesey, after a series of very thorough observations, assigned noticeable fluctuations to three causes: a general rise and fall extending over a period of years and depending on the volume of drainage into the lakes; an annual rise and fall which occurs irrespective of the level; and a sudden irregular rise and fall due to winds and other causes.^ Eventually a tidal gauge was built at the mouth of the Chicago River, far enough out in the lake to be free from the river's current, which registered an average tide of fifteen hundredths of a foot, with a maximum spring tide of two tenths of a foot.^ Obviously'' the fluctuations observed by the Jesuits could not have been those caused by lunar influences, but must have been due to the general form of Green Bay, which is such that the winds and currents from the lake affect its surface, and the discharge from the Fox River is so considerable that when it strikes an influx of water from the lake the two currents com- bine to cause a rise in the water level.'* SECTION 2 First Appearance of the Mississippi in Cartographical Form Now that Father AUouez had pointed out the way to the Missis- sippi River it was not long before another missionary, no less hardy than he, undertook to open up the route and explore the great river in the hope of finding an outlet to the western ocean. Since we are interested in showing what contributions to geography were made by this missionary, for he also was a member of the Society of Jesus, we must attack our problem by examining the early 1 Chas. Whittlesey. Fluctuations of Level in the North American Lakes. 1859. in Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge. Vol. XII, p. 14. ''Ibid. p. I. ^ J. D. Graham. A Lunar Tidal Wave in the North American Lakes. 1861. * Chas. Whittlesey. Ibid. p. 18. 90 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits maps of this region and ascertain whether there was any attempt to portray the Mississippi on these charts; and this brings us, of course, to the Spanish sources. De Soto's now well authenticated discovery of the Mississippi would incline us to look for some indication, if not for an accurate portrayal, of the great river on sixteenth century maps, especially those drawn by Spanish cartographers and based on the reports of Spanish explorations. Moreover, as eminent scholars have held that the Mississippi and the Rio Espiritu Santo were the same, it will be necessary for us to go into this question at some length.^ A glance at the numerous early charts showing the Gulf of Mexico does, indeed, reveal a formation that suggests the knowledge, even before De Soto's expedition (1539-43), of an unusually large stream emptying into the sea in the neighborhood of the Mississippi Delta. In 1 5 19 the governor of Jamaica, Francisco de Garay, sent his lieutenant, Alonzo Alverez de Pineda, in command of a small fleet to explore the Florida coast and discover, if possible, some strait in the mainland that would lead to the western sea. On this voyage Pineda coasted the Mexican Gulf and reported the location of an imposing river which he ascended for about six leagues, noting on its banks some forty Indian villages. To this river the name of Espiritu Santo was subsequently given, and it appears first on a map of 1520, known as Las Castas de Tierra-Firme y las tierras nuevas, which was found in the Spanish Archives.^ The map was originally sent to Spain by Garay with his report of the Pineda expedition. The peculiar formation of the Espiritu Santo, as given on this chart, was adopted as a standard by numerous geographers, and it appears on a large number of sketches such as, Maillo, 1527,^ Ribero, the royal cosmographer of Spain 1529,"* a map of the Gulf of Mexico, 1536,^ and Homem, 1558,^ not to mention a host of others. It is also found on the Cabot Mappemonde of 1554.'' Curiously enough the delineation on all these charts represents a ^ Harrisse. Disc, of North America, p. 503. J. G. Shea. Disc, and Explor. of Miss. Valley, pp. XI. Also his chapter on Ancient Florida in Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. II, p. 282. W. B. Scaife. America, refutes their contention. 2 Winsor. Ibid. Vol. II, p. 218. ^ Ibid. p. 219. * Ibid. p. 221. * Ibid., p. 225. ^Ibid. p. 229. ''Ibid. p. 227. Mississippi Valley 91 large bay indenting the coast at the peak of the arch forming the Gulf of Mexico. Into this bay the river flows; and, whatever may be the variations of other geographical features on these maps, the bay is always prominently shown. The actual formation of the Mississippi River at its mouth is not a bay, but a delta pro- jecting into the Gulf and built up year by year by the sediment which the great stream carries down. It is perhaps natural for us with our more extensive knowledge to identify as the Mississippi any large river that Pineda may have seen, in fact the mere state- ment that he had seen a great river would lead us to jump at this conclusion. Yet the Mississippi, however imposing it may appear to those familiar with its course, does not impress the explorer, who approaches its mouth from the sea, with striking evidence of its magnitude. Some fifteen or twenty miles from its outlet the river divides itself into several channels that flow through a low, marshy soil, thus forming a delta that thrusts itself out into the Gulf like an open hand, the fingers spread widely apart. As Pineda was coasting along the shore it was impossible for him to ascertain, or even to guess, that the several channels he passed many miles apart flowed from a parent stream, nor could he have found, by ascending any one of the branches, forty towns on the swampy and uninhabitable soil of the delta. Sailing eastward, however, he could not have failed to notice, and perhaps to explore, the bay known to-day as Mobile, whose outline resembles so closely the indentation shown on the early Spanish charts.^ We may now turn to the narrative of De Soto's expedition and see if it contains any hint that would lead one to connect the Mississippi with the Espiritu Santo. The chronicler of De Soto, who accompanied his intrepid leader on his famous voyage, mentions a great river (Rio Grande) and gives it a location that enables us to identify it with the Missis- sippi. He did not speak of it as the Espiritu Santo with whose general situation he was fairly well acquainted, nor did his contemporaries. 2 De Soto, it is true, crossed the Alabama and Tombigbee Rivers near Mobile Bay, as may be seen by a glance ^ P. J. Hamilton. Colonial Mobile, 1897, considers that Pineda discovered Mobile Bay. p. 10. ^ Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas. F. W. Hodge. Spanish Explorers in Southern U. S. 1907. 92 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits at de Lisle's map/ and thus discovered the Espiritu Santo for a second time; but there is nothing to indicate that he considered the Mississippi identical with either of these rivers. Castaneda in narrating Coronado's expedition into modern Texas and Kansas throws no further light on the subject. He tells us that the explorer found a stream which was supposed to flow into the mighty river of Espiritu Santo, discovered by De Soto and his men in Florida^ — a plausible enough statement, but the stream in question prob- ably flowed into the Mississippi which the writer confounded with the Espiritu Santo. Moreover, it must be borne in mind that De Soto's discovery, so far as it relates to the great river, was not given the importance at that time which we now ascribe to it. De Soto traversed a vast territory and crossed numerous streams among which was a particularly large one, the Mississippi, called by him the Rio Grande. This stream was never given on subsequent maps until after Marquette's expedition. In fact the map believed to have been designed to show De Soto's discoveries together with those of his lieutenant, Moscoso, and which is called the Golfo y Costa de la Neuva Espana (date unknown, but probably just after the expedition) , gives a bountiful supply of rivers flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, including the Espiritu Santo, but not the Rio Grande.^ Later maps disclose the impossibility of the large bay being the mouth of the Mississippi. The Blaeu world map, 1605,* and that of Hondius, 1611,^ give the well-known bay and river with another stream slightly to the east of them, whose upper waters interlace with those of the Espiritu Santo. This formation has a somewhat vague resemblance to actual conditions above Mobile Bay, for the Alabama with its tributaries the Coosa, the Tallapoosa and the Cahawba drains the same region as the Tombigbee with its great eastern tributary the Black Warrior, and the two main streams unite their waters to form the Mobile and the Tensas as they ap- proach the Bay. * Originally published at Paris, it is found in De Lisle's Atlas Nouveau and other publications. Winsor. Ibid. Vol. II, pp. 294 & 295. 2 Narrative of Castaneda. F. W. Hodge. Ibid. p. 339. * A copy of this map is found in Harrisse. Discovery of North America. 1892. Harrisse believed it to be a chart showing the discoveries of De Soto and Moscoso. pp. 643 & 644. * Edited by E. L. Stevenson. Hisp. Sac. of Amer. * Edited by Stevenson and Fisher. Hisp. Soc. of Amer. and Amer. Geog. Soc. 1907. Mississippi Valley 93 The Jesuits in reporting Indian rumors of the great river that frequently came to their ears do not in any way connect that stream with the Rio Grande of De Soto. They heard rumors of a mighty stream leading to the sea, but whether it flowed to the waters of Virginia, the Gulf of Mexico or the Vermillion Sea (Gulf of California) was something they were unable to decide. One writer, indeed, does hint that it may lead to the Bay of St. Esprit (Espiritu Santo), yet this is merely guesswork on his part as he admits that he does not even known the general direction of the river. After Marquette had descended the Mississippi to the Arkan- sas a rumor was spread abroad to the effect that the Mississippi emptied into the Bay of St. Esprit, but this was corrected by La Salle's voyage to the mouth of the Mississippi ten years later. ^ Sanson's Amerique Septentrionale (1650) would appear at first glance to show the Mississippi, for by a peculiar coincidence the B. de Spiritu Sto. with several important streams flowing into it has been placed in almost the exact location for the Mississippi Delta, a position which it occupies on earlier maps as well. Yet it is clear that the cartographer has merely followed the lead of his Spanish predecessors and has not attempted to insert any feature disclosed by subsequent information. Now turning to Franquelin's maps of 1684 and 1688 we find that this cartographer, who obtained his information in Canada after La Salle's return from the Mississippi, has swung the Missis- sippi river far to the west in order to avoid the Bay of Espiritu Santo.^ As Franquelin had previously drawn a sketch showing the Mississippi emptying into the Bay of Espiritu Santo he was, no doubt, led to correct it by information which La SaUe obtained.' A narrative of La Salle's voyage says, in speaking of the Missis- sippi : 'It falls into the Gulf of Mexico beyond the bay of the Holy Spirit, between the 27th and 28th degrees of latitude, and at a spot where some maps mark the Rio de la Madelena, and others 1 Dablon's letter, August i, 1674. J. R. LVIII, p. 103. '' The engineer Raudin's map, Carte de V Amerique Septentrionale, 1689, (Harrisse. Notes sur la Nouvelle France. #241.) shows the Mississippi, which he calls the Buade, flowing into the B. du S. Esprit. From the nomenclature on this chart we learn that it is probably based on Joliet's first map, 1674, without reference to subsequent knowledge. For copy of map see Winsor. Ibid. Vol. IV, p. 235. ^ W. B. Scaife. America. Supplement speaks of a Franquelin map of 1 68 1, drawn before La Salle's expedition, that shows the Mississippi flowing into the bay of Espiritu Santo, p. 162. 94 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits the Rio Escondido: it is distant about 30 leagues from the Rio Bravo, and 60 from the Rio Palmas, and 90 to 100 leagues from the Rio Panero, where there is the nearest settlement of Spaniards on the coast. '^ Here is conclusive evidence that the river of Espiritu Santo which emptied into the bay of the same name was not the Mississippi. Since, as we have shown, the apparent delineation of the Mississippi that appears on charts prior to Marquette's voyage in 1673 is intended for Mobile Bay and the rivers draining into it, the great river must have been unknown to cartographers until after Father Marquette had explored the stream and brought back a report of its geographical features. It is to Father Marquet- te, then, and to a certain extent also to his companion, Louis Joliet, as the foremost among the explorers of the Mississippi, that we are indebted for our first knowledge of the Mississippi. And now before embarking with the Father on his journey let us subject all reports of previous expeditions to the Mississippi to a careful analysis. During the nineteenth century evidence of a doubtful character was produced showing early voyages to the Mississippi and its tributaries. A brief outline of these claims will suffice as modern writers have rejected them as worthless. They relate to the al- leged voyages of Father Jean Dequerre in 1652, Father Charles Drocoux in 1657, Father Hugues Pinet in 1670 and Father Augus- tine de Circe in the same year. These men were said to have done missionary work among the Illinois tribes, and some of them were said to have pushed their explorations as far west as the Mississis- sippi. Even Father Allouez is credited with a visit to this part of the country in 1668. 'Thus it will be seen, that for twenty years,' says John Law, 'to wit, from 1653 to 1673, anterior to the discovery of Marquette and Joliet, there was a succession of mis- sions in the Illinois, and one of them, that of Cahokia, established on the very banks of the Mississippi,'^ Even the author of this passage admits the meagerness of source material; the original narratives, whose previous existence he assumes, have never come to light, and the only available records are those preserved in the ^Raymond Thomassy. Geologic Pratique de la Louisiane. i860, pp. 14 &I5- 2 John Law. Jesuit Missionaries in the Northwest. Coll. State Hist. Sac. Wise. Vol. Ill, pp. 95 and 96. A paper delivered before the Young Men's Catholic Literary Institute in 1855. Mississippi Valley 95 Seminary at Quebec.^ To brand these discoveries as impostures is a simple matter to-day with a complete record of Jesuit activi- ties before us; for on consulting the Relations we find no mention of the Fathers alluded to, except Allouez who did not make his voyage to the Illinois until 1677. But these claims were attacked when first published; indeed, except as a matter of record they are scarcely worth mentioning. Certainly no modern historian would take them seriously.^ More attention must be paid to the first western voyage of those famous pioneers, Pierre Esprit Radisson and the Sieur des Groseilliers, in 1654-6, as it brings to light evidence of a voyage to the Mississippi River that is well within the bounds of probability.^ These hardy explorers figure prominently in Canadian annals. Groseilliers, much the older of the two, had married Radisson's 1 Ibid. p. 96. 2 John G. Shea in a letter to the Catholic Telegraph, March 10, 1855, entitled, Justice to Marquette, roundly attacks Judge Law for his credulity. He shows by his own researches, and by quotations from such authorities as Faillon, Martin and Viger the utter worthlessness of Noiseaux's compilations. He closes the letter with this statement : 'In the Exploration of the Mississippi, I offered a reward for any document of either Dequerre or Drocoux, and I now offer $100 for any such document.' This letter is now produced in the Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wis. Vol. Ill, 1856, pp. 111-117. ^ Considerable confusion has existed as to the dates of Radisson's various voyages, but Warren Upham, after careful study has assigned the date of the first western voyage (third in the sequence of the narratives) as 1654-6. Groseilliers and Radisson, in Coll. Minnesota Hist. Soc. Vol. X, Part II, p. 457. Conclusive evidence may be gleaned from this quotation: 'On the sixth dayof August, 1653, two young Frenchmen, full of courage . . . began a journey of more than five hundred leagues under the guidance of these Argonauts, [i.e. Outaouacs] . . . The two pilgrims fully expected to return in the Spring of 1655, but those peoples did not conduct them home until toward the end of August of this year, 1656.' Relation, 1655-6. J. R. XLII, p. 219. It is general- ly conceded that the tv>ro referred to here are Radisson and Groseilliers. The following writers have reached the same conclusion as to the date: R. G. Thwaites. Wiscoiisin, 1908. p. 39. Russell Blakely. Hist, of the Disc, of the Mississippi River and the Advent of Commerce in Minnesota. 1896. Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc. Vol. VIII, p. 329. H. C. Campbell. Radisson and Groseilliers states that the journey started in 1654. p. 26. Some authors believe that the voyage occurred 1658 to 1659 or 1660. Parkman. La Salle etc. p. XXV. G. D. Scull. Pierre Esprit Radisson. p. 7. J .N. Davidson. Missions on Chequamegon Bay. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wis. Vol. XII, p. 434. L. P. Kellogg. Early Nar. of the Northwest, says that the date 'cannot be determined from the sources now available.' p. 31. From the quotation in the Relations, given above, others than Miss Kellogg have been able to determine an approximate, if not an accurate, date. Upham is prob- ably correct as he has analyzed the material very carefully, and has drawn up a series of dates. First voyage to Iroquois, 1652-3. First to the west, 1654-6. Second to Iroquois, 1657-8. Second to the west, 1659-60. 96 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits sister thus forming a relationship that led to close associations in business interests and to several joint expeditions. On returning from their last western voyage (to Lake Superior) thej'' were fined for trading without a license, a punishment that impelled them to enroll in the British service. They were then dispatched by Prince Rupert to found a fur trading station on Hudson Bay; and so suc- cessful was their mission that it kindled the enthusiasm that led to the organization of the Hudson's Bay Company. Radisson's narratives, written in grotesque English by a Frenchman unfamil- iar with the language, are somewhat vague and are susceptible to varied interpretations; yet authorities generally agree that some- time during the first western journey the explorers reached the Mississippi. In i654Radisson and Groseilliers started for Lake Huron by way of the old Ottawa route. They reached the inland sea and coasted along the western shore to a point near the Sault. Here they met the Christino Indians who invited them to visit Lake Superior. This offer they declined for the reason, as they expressed it, that ; 'We desired not to goe to the North till we had made a discovery in the South, being desirous to know what thej^ [the Indians to the south] did.'^ Then passing through the Strait of Mackinac the pioneers came to 'the delightfullest lake of the world where,' says the narra- tor, 'We meet with severall nations, all sedentary, amazed to see us, & weare very civil. . . . Being about the gi-eat sea, we conversed with people that dwelleth about the salt water, who tould us that they saw some great white thing sometimes uppon the water, & came towards the shore, & men in the top of it, and made a noise like a company of swans; which made me believe that they weare mistaken, for I could not imagine what it could be, except the Spaniard ; & the reason is that we found a barill broken as they use in Spaine.'- Such is the imperfect narrative that forms the basis of the claims of Radisson and Groseilliers. It would seem at first glance as if the explorers had reached the Gulf of Mexico in some manner or other, a supposition that would entitle them to the discovery of the Mississippi route; yet it is inconceiv- able that men could have made so remarkable a journey, and then * G. D. Scull. Pierre Esprit Radisson. p. 149. ^ Ibid. p. 151. Mississippi Valley 97 narrate their exploits in such an off hand fashion.^ While some are inclined to admit that Radisson may have skirted the shores of Lake Michigan, none is so bold as to credit him with even a glimpse of the Mississippi River, while at least one historian dismisses the entire story as pure fabrication. Though the claim that Radisson and Groseilliers discovered the Mississippi on this particular occasion is set at rest, there is fairly good evidence, now generally accepted, that they reached its upper waters the following year. The two explorers passed the winter in the neighborhood of Green Bay, and when spring arrived proceeded fifty leagues westward until they reached a river, where they re- mained three days engaged in making boats.^ Ascending this stream they came in eight days to an island which they designate as the first landing isle, and here they made their headquarters. The route taken by the pioneers has been traced from Green Bay to the Mississippi at a spot in the southeast corner of Minnesota; thence it turns up the great river to Isle Pelee, known to-day as Prairie Island, an island between the Mississippi and its tributary the Vermillion.^ Here Groseilliers encamped for the summer while 1 H. C. Campbell. Radisson and Groseilliers traces the voyage down hake Michigan, but denies the Mississippi journey largely because the entire expedi- tion lasted but two years, as is shown by the dates in the Jesuit Relations and Journals. Lack of time would prevent the explorers from reaching the Gulf and returning for their subsequent expeditions. He says: 'In all the territory that is described in his fourth voyage [he should have said the third] what would be so likely to tempt him to falsehood as the discovery of the Mississippi . pp. 26 and 27. Warren Upham. Groseilliers and Radisson, rejects the entire story, saying that Radisson 'seems to have fabricated the story of that year, drawing his general descriptions of the southern half of Lake Michigan and the vast region beyond from what he could learn in conversation with the red men.' p. 459. L. P. Kellogg, in her edition of Radisson's third voyage, thinks that his statement regarding the great sea refers to Lake Superior, and that the sailing vessels were those on Hudson Bay. Early Narratives of the Northwest, p. 48 footnote. G. D. Scull. P. E. Radisson, maintains that the salt water refers to Hudson Bay. p. 151. footnote. As Radisson states specifically that he went south and not north, it is difficult to reconcile these two opinions with the text. 2G. D. Scull. Ibid. p. 157. ' This is the route traced by Warren Upham. Ibid. pp. 462 and 463. Russel Blakely, however, maintains that the 'landing isle' was in Lake Saga- naga, northern Minnesota. Hist, of the Disc, of the Miss. River etc. Coll. Minn. Hist. Soc. Vol. VIII, p. 335. Upham in refuting this and advancing his own claim gives six reasons: 1. Distance from Green Bay and geographical features. 2. Hurons and Ottawas encountered were settled at Prairie Island. 3. Prairie Island is a good corn raising country, a feature noticed by Radisson, while Lake Saganaga is not. g8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Radisson departed on a four months' hunting excursion accom- panied by a party of Indians. The evidence, though lacking in specific details, is sufficiently strong to convince historians that Radisson and Groseilliers were the first Europeans to navigate the upper Mississippi River. ^ But further laurels awaited them; for during the hunting expedition Radisson had the opportunity to make other important discoveries. 'By the persuasion of some of them [Indians]/ he tells us, 'we went into the great river that divides itself in 2, where the hurrons with some Ottanake & the wild men that had warrs with them had retired. . . . This nation have warrs against those of [the] forked-river. It is so called because it has 2 branches, the one towards the west, the other towards the South, which we believe runns towards Mexico, by the tokens they gave us.'- What stream the forked river repre- sented is not an easy problem to solve, yet, having placed our ex- plorers on the Mississippi, it is possible, with the aid of imagination, to make a shrewd guess. Assuming that Radisson extended his hunting operations towards the south-east, he would eventually reach the Illinois, 'a great river that divides itself in 2' — that is the Des Plaines and the Kankakee. The Mississippi answers the pur- pose of a forked river running southward towards Mexico, after receiving the Missouri, which is the branch leading to the west. It is probable, too, that Radisson did not connect the forked river with the one in which his landing isle was situated, in fact there is no reason why he should have done so.^ Such is the solution gen- erally accepted; but a fairly ingenious theory is offered by the 4. Radisson says that in starting for the great river they bade farewell to the Indians of the Sault and those of the north. 5. Radisson says that the beavers at the island were not so plentiful as in the north; showing that they were farther south than the previous winter which they spent in northern Lake Michigan. 6. The return journey was first south then north, a logical course for one starting from Prairie Island, Ihid. pp. 463 and 464. 1 The following historians admit this discovery: Warren Upham. Ihid. p. 463. Russell Blakely. Ihid. p. 306. R. G. Thwaites. Wisconsin, pp. 39-45. G. D. Scull. Ihid. p. 7. J. N. Davidson. Missions on Chequamegon Bay. p. 434. Francis Parkman. La Salle etc. p. XXV. 2 G. D. Scull. Ihid. pp. 167 and 168. ' Warren Upham. Ibid. p. 478. Parkman. Ibid. p. xxv. R. G. Thwaites. Ihid. pp. 39-45. Mississippi Valley 99 identification of the forked river with the Missouri, and the branch running towards Mexico with the Platte, a supposition inspired, no doubt, by the tendency of the author to interpret the name, Mexico, according to its modern geographical meaning.^ Radisson and Groseilliers discovered the Mississippi River many years before Father Marquette descended its waters; but we look to contemporary maps in vain for any record of their explorations. There is no indication that geographers knew any- thing of Radisson's wanderings, in fact there is good evidence that the two explorers kept their knowledge to themselves, for at the close of his narrative Radisson says: 'My brother and I considered whether we should discover what we have seene or no; and be- cause we had not a full and whole discovery, which was that we have not ben in the bay of the north [Hudson Bay], not knowing anything but by report of ye wild Christinos, we would make no mention of it for feare that those wild men should tell us a fibbe. We would have made a discovery of it ourselves and have an as- surance, before we should discover anything of it.'^ Furthermore these narratives were not written for publication, but for the enter- tainment of Charles II of England, whose service Radisson present- ly entered. The manuscripts eventually became the property of Samuel Pepys, and from him they came into the hands of a book- seller from whom they were rescued in 1750.^ Little would have been accomplished for the advancement of geographical knowledge if they had been accessible to seventeenth century cartographers, since modern scholars with carefully surveyed maps at their dis- posal have found much difficulty in tracing the various journeys. It is probable, judging from their general character, that they would have done more to obscure, than to clarify, existing knowl- edge. The Jesuit Fathers gathered some fragmentary reports of the wanderings of Radisson and Groseilliers which leaked out despite the silence kept by the explorers regarding this their first western ^ Russell Blakely. Ibid. p. 329. 2G. D. ScuW. Ibid. p. 172. ' L. P. Kellogg. Early Nar. of N. W. p. 32. Warren Upham. Ibid, says: 'Groseilliers and Radisson, on their return to Lower Canada in 1656, knew of the great river running southward beyond the lakes of the St. Lawrence; but they refrained from communicating their knowledge to those more able to comprehend its grand significance, as the first discovery of a mighty river system flowing to the south in the interior of the continent.' p. 553. loo Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits voyage. In the Relation of 1655-6 we find mention of two young Frenchmen who are quoted as saying : 'There are in the northern regions many lakes which might well be called fresh- water seas, the great Lake of the Hurons, and another near it, being as large as the Caspian Sea.' . . . The Relation continues: 'We were told of many Nations surrounding the Nation of the Sea which some have called the "Stinkards," because its people formerly lived on the shores of the Sea, which they call Ouinipeg, that is, "stinking water." '^ The only valuable information given here is the refer- ence to the lake as large as the Caspian Sea, by which is meant Lake Michigan, as Lake Superior was not visited by these men until later. This excerpt throws a little more hght on the extent of Lake Michigan, though the reference is so vague that it produced no impression. The upper reaches of the Mississippi, evidently known to Radisson, did not appear on any map until the Recollect mis- sionary. Father Hennepin, and that famous coureur de hois, Daniel du Lhut, had explored their waters. Then, in 1683, there was pub- lished in Hennepin's book. Description de la Louisiane, what is probably the first chart of these regions.^ The discovery of the Mississippi in 167 1 was, at one time, ac- credited to La Salle, a claim based upon the narrative of a friend of the Abbe Gallinee who asserts having heard it from La Salle's own Hps. La Salle accompanied Gallinee on his expedition in 1669- 70, and on reaching the southern coast of Lake Ontario abandoned the party. The scant details of his journey, set forth in the Histoire de M. de la Salle, tells us that in 1670 the explorer went from the Ohio to Lake Erie, then up through Lake St. Clair to Lake Huron. Then proceeding up this lake he rounded the cape at Michilimackinac, 'and, descending from north to south, leaving the Baye des Puans towards the west, perceived a bay much larger, at the bottom of which, to the west, he found a very beautiful harbor, and at the bottom of this harbor, a river which goes from the east to the west.^ He followed this river, and, having come to about 280° longitude and 39° latitude, found another river, which 1 Relation, 1655-6. /. R. XLII, p. 221. 2 Hennepin's Carte de laNouvelle France etc. Harrisse. Notes sur la Nouvelle France. #352, p. 234. See Winsor. Ibid. Vol. IV pp. 248 and 249. 3 This refers, probably, to the route up the Chicago River, over the portage to the Des Plaines and down the Illinois to the Mississippi. The general direc- tion of the Des Plaines-Illinois is northeast to southwest. Mississippi Valley ioi adjoining the first, ran from north west to south-east [Mississippi]. He followed this river to 36 degrees of latitude, where he stopped, contenting himself with almost certain hope to be able to go some day, in following the course of this river as far as the Gulf of Mexico, and not daring, with the small company with him, to hazard an enterprise in the course of which he might encounter some obstacle too great for the forces he had with him.'^ The statement that La Salle reached a river that would lead him to the Gulf of Mexico is clear enough and demands attention, but there are certain objec- tions that have led to its denial by eminent critics. In the first place the narrative is given, not by the explorer himself, but by a friend who had never been to America and knew little of its geography, a friend, too, who might be suspected of ill-feeling towards the Jesuits, and inclined to minimize their discoveries. Furthermore, and this is important, no record exists that La Salle himself laid claim to such a discovery, although, since the Canadian and French governments were deeply interested in the exploration of a western water route, it would have been to his advantage to do so. Later, when La Salle's family presented a memorial to the King, petition- ing for certain favors out of consideration for their distinguished kinsman's services, no mention was made of a discovery prior to 1679.2 As further evidence of the improbability of this discovery we may note that the Lake Superior map (1670-1), so careful as to 1 Pierre Margry. Ihid. Vol. I, pp. 378 and 379. ^ J. G. Shea. Bursting of Pierre Margry' s La Salle Bubble. 1879. The expedition to the Mississippi via Lake Michigan is here dismissed as spurious on the ground that the narrative gives no names, dates or details, and is there- fore unreUable. Dr. Shea is also inclined to reject the entire story because the author accuses the Jesuits of drilling men and fighting them, when there is no evidence that they acted otherwise than peaceably, pp. 18 and 19. Parkman. Ibid, says: 'Seven years had passed since the alleged discovery, and La Salle had not before laid claim to it; although it was a matter of notoriety that dur- ing five years it had been claimed by Joliet, and that his claim was generally admitted. The correspondence of the governor and the intendant is silent as to La Salle's having penetrated to the Mississippi; though the attempt was made under the auspices of the latter, as his own letters declare; whUe both had the discovery of the great river earnestly at heart.' pp. 25 and 26. While Dr. Shea, a great admirer of Marquette, may be accused of partiality towards his hero, no such accusation can be levelled at Parkman, whose weighing of the evidence is just and impartial. A memoir of Frontenac, November 2, 1672, discussed the advisability of sending the Sieur Joliet to discover 'the South Sea, and the Great River they call the Mississippi,' a good proof that the authorities were ignorant of La Salle's exploits in this quarter, and a tolerable one that the story of his discovery was unfounded. Paris Docs, in Docs. Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. IX, pp. 92 and 93. I02 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits details, gives not the slightest hint of the great river, though it would have been possible for its author to have secured the neces- sary data from La Salle. This omission is not proof that La Salle did not make the discovery, as the map purports to have been drawn primarily for the purpose of determining the location of Jesuit missions; yet it is doubtful if the author would have let slip the opportunity to include such an important item of interest in his drawing. The absence of any reference to the Mississippi on maps prior to the discovery by Marquette and Joliet in 1673, despite the now fairly well authenticated discovery by Radisson, and the rejection of other claims proves somewhat conclusively that our first geographical knowledge of the river is due to the efforts of the Jesuits. The arrival of Jean Baptiste Talon as Intendant of Canada in 1665 gave a great impetus to discovery and exploration. Scarcely had this energetic administrator stepped ashore when he dis- patched able men imbued with his own restless spirit to penetrate farther inland than before, some to the west, others to the north- west, still others to the southwest, who were to make written re- ports of what they observed, and were to take possession of new territories by means of proclamations and the erection of the royal arms.^ Talon believed that by the St. Lawrence and its tributaries one could reach the western country, and even find the route to Mexico, With this object in view he sent out La Salle towards the south-west, while to the northwest he dispatched St. Lusson to ascertain the possibility of a communication with the South Sea.^ Later, when St. Lusson had returned from his expedition. Talon wrote enthusiastically to the King that from the place which his emissary had reached (Sault Ste. Marie) it was no more than three hundred leagues to the Vermillion or South Sea. He said, further- more, that the lands of the western literal were distant no more than three hundred leagues from the lands which the French had discovered, at least such was the impression gathered from the savages and such maps as were obtainable. It seemed as if there were no more than fifteen hundred leagues' navigation to Tartary, China and Japan.^ The King, who was busy with European 1 Letter of Talon to the King, Oct. 10, 1670. Margry. Ibid. Vol. I, p. 82. - Addition to the memoir to the King, Nov. 10, 1670. Ibid. pp. 87. and 88. 3 Letter of Talon to the King, Nov. 2, 1671. Ibid p. 93. Mississippi Valley 103 affairs, was not so enthusiastic about exploration. He desired rather a concentration of settlers for purposes of defense until peace was established in Europe, and begrudged the time spent in discovering countries too far inland for Europeans to inhabit. Ex- ceptions were made in the case of regions necessary for trade, or which might be held by other nations who would interfere with Canadian commerce, and also in the case of explorations that might result in the discovery of a more southerly means of communica- tion with France than the St. Lawrence River.^ Fortunately the King considered the discovery of a route to the South Sea of such paramount importance to his service that he authorized the In- tendant to offer a substantial reward to whomsoever should suc- cessfully accomplish this enterprise.'^ Talon at once displayed his accustomed interest, and having gathered together all the available information dispatched the 'sieur Joliet to the discovery of the South Sea, by the country of the Maskoutens and the great river which they call the Mississippi, that is thought to empty into the sea of California.'^ But before following the sieur Joliet on his expedition let us examine the information collected by Talon and see to what extent the Jesuits contributed to the knowledge of the whereabouts of the Mississippi. Although ignorant of Radisson's discoveries Canadian officials were kept informed as to any reports of a great western river that might lead them to the sea. Thus they had, thanks to the Jesuit Fathers as we shall see, a fairly good idea of the Mississippi, cer- tainly as good an idea as could be expected before the river had been explored. They knew its magnitude, its general location, and the country towards which it flowed. While working among the Iroquois a Jesuit missionary heard of an expedition which these savages were contemplating against a hostile tribe far to the southwest, and inquiring as to its location learned of the existence of a great river. 'Their villages,' says Lalement's Relation of 1661-2, speaking of the enemy, 'are situated along a beautiful river which serves to carry the people down to the great lake (for so they call the sea), where they trade with Europeans who pray 1 Letter of Colbert to Frontenac, May 17, 1674. Pierre Clement. Lettres, Instructions et Memoires de Colbert. 1865. Vol. Ill, part 2, pp. 578 and 579. 2 Letter of Colbert to Talon, June 4, 1672. Paris Docs. In Docs. Col. Hist, of N. Y. Vol. IX, p. 89. ^ Letter of Frontenac to Colbert, no date. Margry. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 255. I04 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits as we do, and use rosaries as well as bells for calling to prayers. According to the description given us, we judge them to be Span- iards. That sea is doubtless either the Bay of St. Esprit in the Gulf of Mexico, on the coast of Florida; or else the Vermillion Sea, on the coast of New Granada, in the great South Sea.'^ As more than one map calls the Ohio, la belle riviere, the river des- cribed by the savages was probably the Ohio and the lower Missis- sippi, two streams that combine to form a continuous water route to the Gulf. Yet despite the rumors that were in circulation we do not find that the Mississippi was mentioned by name until Allouez, writing from Lake Superior in 1667 speaks of it as the dwelling place of the Nadouesiouek [Sioux]. He says: 'These are people dwelling to the west of this place,^ toward the great river named Messipi. They are forty or fifty leagues from this place, in a country of prairies, rich in all kinds of game.'^ Three years later Father Marquette wrote to his Superior: 'When the Ilinois come to la Pointe,^ they cross a great river which is nearly a league in width, flows from north to south, and to such a distance that the Ilinois, who do not know what a canoe is, have not yet heard mention of its mouth. ... A nation that they call Chaouanou [Shawnees] came to see them last Summer; and this young man who has been given me, and is teaching me the language saw them. . . . They had come overland a journey of nearly thirty days, before reaching the country. It is hard to believe that that great river discharges its waters in Virginia, and we think rather that it has its mouth in California. If the savages who promise to make me a canoe do not break their word to me, we shall explore this river as far as we can,with a Frenchman and this young man who was given me, who knows some of those languages and has a facility for learning the others. . . . This discovery will give us full knowledge either of the South Sea or of the Western Sea. Six or seven days' journey below the Ilinois, there is another great river, on which live some very powerful nations, who use wooden canoes ; of them we can write nothing else until next year — if God grant us the grace to conduct us thither. '^ Thus we see that shortly 1 Relation, 1661-2. /. R. XLVII, p. 147. '^ 'This place' refers to La Pointe. See below. ' Relation, 1666-7. J- R- LI, p. 53. * Mission of St. Esprit on Lake Superior. * Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, pp. 189 and 191. Mississippi Valley 105 before starting on his joint expedition with JoHet Father Mai'quet- te had, not only heard of the great river, but was formulating plans to explore it, even going to the extent of learning the languages of those peoples whose territories he expected to traverse. Reference to this stream had now become more frequent, eagerness being displayed by government officials and missionaries to learn its full particulars from nomadic tribes who lived on its banks and came in contact with nations living farther south. Father Dablon, whose Relation of 16 70-1 was accompanied by the Lake Superior chart already mentioned, gives space to a descrip- tion of northwestern geography that embraced substantially all existing knowledge. His account displays a strong desire to collect whatever information could be obtained on the subject. Describ- ing the territory west of St. Esprit on Lake Superior, he says: 'For it is a southward course that is taken by the great river called by the natives Missisipi, which must empty somewhere in the region of the Florida sea, more than four hundred leagues hence, '^ a remarkably accurate estimate, indeed, of the distance from Lake Superior to the Gulf. And continuing he writes regarding the Illinois tribes: 'These people are situated in the midst of that beautiful region mentioned by us, near the great river named Missisipi, of which it is well to note here what information we have gathered. It seems to form an inclosure, as it were, for all our lakes, rising in the regions of the north and flowing toward the south, until it empties into the sea — supposed by us to be either the Vermilion or the Florida Sea, as there is no knowledge of any large rivers in that direction except those which empty into these two seas. Some savages have assured us that it is so noble a river that, at more than three hundred leagues' distance from its mouth, it is larger than the one flowing before Quebec;^ for they declare that it is more than a league wide. They also state that all this vast stretch of country consists of nothing but treeless prairies, — so that its inhabitants are obliged to burn peat and animal excre- ment dried in the sun, — until we come within twenty leagues of the sea, when forests begin to appear. Some warriors of this coun- try who tell us that they have made their way thither, declare that they saw there men resembling the French, who were splitting 1 J. R. LV, p. 97. ^ St. Lawrence River. io6 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits trees with long knives; and that some of them had their houses on the water, — for thus they expressed themselves in speaking of sawed boards and of ships. They state further that all along that great river are various tribes of different nations, of dissimilar languages and customs, and all at war with one another. Some are seen situated on the coast, but many more in the interior; and so they continued until we reach the Nation of the Nadouessi, who are scattered over more than a hundred leagues of territory.'^ Such being the information at the disposal of the Canadian officials it was with a well-defined purpose, and not at a blind venture, that they sent Joliet and Marquette on their important voyage. Louis Joliet was born in 1645 of humble parentage, and at an early age was educated for the priesthood under Jesuit auspices, an influence that rendered him partial to the Order, despite the fact that he never underwent ordination. He was known as a reli- able, industrious man, of a steady character, unrelieved by any display of genius or brilliancy. Jacques Marquette, the historian of the expedition, was at this time in the full vigor of manhood. He was ardent for missionary work and he had been sent to Canada in 1666, where he remained in the east for two years studying the Algonquin language. He was dispatched to relieve Father Allouez who had charge of the mission at Chequamegon Bay on Lake Superior (St. Esprit), at which post he remained until the Sioux scattered his flock, and drove him to take refuge in the Straits of Mackinac. There he founded the mission of St. Ignace, soon to become the headquarters of Jesuit activities in this region. Mar- quette's brief life (he died at the age of thirty-eight) is marked by that great event, the exploration of the Mississippi; yet it would be an injustice to the man to judge his greatness solely by a dis- covery which to him, was of but secondary importance to his calling. His entire career was influenced by a pious devotion to his Faith, and an unselfish desire for the conversion of the Indians, character- istics that remained with him until his death on the shores of Lake Michigan. Marquette and Joliet started from St. Ignace at Michilimack- inac on May 17, 1673, taking with them a map constructed in ad- vance from the reports of Indians, on which was sketched the country to be visited with its rivers, routes and Indian villages as 1 Relation, 1 670-1. /. R. LV, pp. 207-209. Mississippi Valley 107 its authors conceived these topographical features to be.^ Skirting the northern shore they proceeded up Green Bay and ascended the Fox River, stopping frequently to carry their canoes around ob- stacles which obstructed their passage. Following the trail of Allouez up the Fox the explorers visited the Mascoutens, a tribe consisting of three nations; the Mascoutens, the Miamis and the Kikabous.2 Marquette knew from Allouez' report that this was the road to the Mississippi, and, doubtless, he took this opportun- ity to verify his knowledge by fresh inquiries, for he says: 'We know that, at three leagues^ from Maskoutens, was a river which discharged into Missi&ipi. We knew also that the direction we were to follow in order to reach it was west-southwesterly. But the road is broken by so many swamps and small lakes that it is easy to lose one's way, especially as the river leading thither is so full of wild oats that it is difficult to find the channel. For this reason we greatly needed our two guides, who safely conducted us to a portage of 2,700 paces, and helped us to transport our canoes to enter that river.'* The course taken by the explorers was up the Fox River, lined by crops of wild oats, then through Lake Puckawaj'' and Buffalo Lake, until they reached one of the most celebrated portages of early times, the Fox- Wisconsin. 'The river on which we embarked,' continues Marquette's journal, *is called Meskousing [Wisconsin]. It is very wide; it has a sandy bottom, which forms various shoals that render its navigation very difficult. It is full of islands covered with vines. . . . Our route lay to the southwest, and, after navigating about 30 leagues, we saw a spot presenting all the appearances of an iron mine. . . . After proceeding 40 leagues on this same route, we arrived at the mouth of our river; and, at 42 and a half degrees of latitude,^ we safely entered Missisipi on the 17th of June, with a joy that I cannot express.'^ And indeed we cannot blame him for rejoicing, for at last the long-sought river lay before him. Marquette paused only long enough to ascertain some general facts regarding his great discovery. 'The Mississipi River,' he learned, presumably - Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, pp. 91-93. ^Ibid. p. 101. ' Obviously an error. C. W. Butterfield suggests 3 days' journey or 30 leagues. Hist, of Disc, of N. W. p. 68. ^ Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, p. 105. ^ Actually on the forty-third parallel. * Ibid. p. 107. io8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits from the Indians, 'takes its rise in various lakes in the country of the northern nations. It is narrow at the place where Miskous [Wisconsin] empties; its current, which flows southward, is slow and gentle. To the right is a large chain of very high mountains, and to the left are beautiful lands; in various places, the stream is divided by islands. On sounding, we found ten brasses^ of water. Its width is very unequal; sometimes it is three-quarters of a league, and sometimes it narrows to three arpents. We gently followed its course, which runs toward the south and southeast, as far as the 42nd degree of latitude.'^ Then after a short digres- sion on the local fauna the Father proceeds: 'We continued to advance, but, as we knew not whither we were going — for we had proceeded over one hundred leagues without discovering anything except animals and birds, — we kept well on our guard. . . . Proceeding still in a southerly and southwesterly direction, we find ourselves at the parallel of 41 degrees, and as low as 40 degrees and some minutes, — partly southeast and partly southwest, — after having advanced over 60 leagues since we entered the river, without discovering anything.'^ Judging from these calculations the expedition was now in the vicinity of the Des Moines River, a conclusion justified, — as we may see by examining Marquette's map of this region, — by the Father's statement that he perceived a village some two leagues to the west on the bank of another stream, and two villages on a hill, half a league from the first.'* The narrative continues: 'We descend, following the current of the river called Pekitanoui [Missouri], which discharges into the Missisipy, flowing from the northwest.'^ The Father then des- cribes very graphically that peculiar condition existing at the junction of the Missouri with the main stream, for when passing down the river he heard a great noise as of a rapid, and saw that 'an accumulation of large and entire trees, branches, and floating islands, was issuing from the mouth of the river Pekistanoui [sic]'. He says:^ 'So great was the agitation that the water was very ^ A brasse is 5.328 feet. ^Ibid. p. 109. A few miles above the city of Clinton, Iowa, is evidently the place indicated here. The course of the river at this point changes to a south- westerly direction. ^ Ibid. p. 113. ^ Ibid. p. 115. ^ Ibid. p. 137. ^ Ibid. pp. 141-143. Mississippi Valley 109 muddy, and could not become clear, Pekitanoui is a river of con- siderable size, coming from the northwest, from a great distance; and it discharges into the Missisipi. There are many villages of savages along this river, and I hope by its means to discover the Vermillion or California Sea. Judging from the direction of the course of the Missisipi, if it continue the same way, we think that it discharges into the Mexican Gulf. It would be a great advantage to find the river leading to the southern sea, toward California; and, as I have said, this is what I hope to do by means of the Pekitanoui, according to the reports made to me by the savages. From them I have learned that, by ascending this river for 5 or 6 days, one reaches a fine prairie, 20 or 30 leagues long. This must be crossed in a northwesterly direction, and it terminates at an- other small river. . . , This 2nd river flows toward the southwest for 10 or 15 leagues, after which it enters a lake, small and deep, the source of another deep river, which flows toward the west, where it falls into the sea. I have hardly any doubt that it is the Vermillion Sea, and I do not despair of discovering it some day.' Marquette continues: 'After proceeding about 20 leagues straight to the south, and a little less to the southeast, we found ourselves at a river called Ouaboukigou,^ the mouth of which is at the 36th degree of latitude.^ , . . This river flows from the lands of the east, where dwell the people called Chaouanons [Shawnees] in so great numbers that in one district there are as many as 23 villages, and in another district 15, quite near one another.'^ The Ouaboukigou River is the Ohio, the name being a variant of Oubache or Wabash, an affluent of the Ohio, and fre- quently confounded with that stream. It was assumed by some cartographers — as for instance Coronelli — that the Wabash debouched directly into the Mississippi. Franquelin, however, on his map of 1684, has furnished a more accurate description; the Ouabache is presented as a tributary of the Ohio, which latter is called Fleuve St. Louis. The Father, after passing the Ohio, continued down the Mississippi. He found near the thirty-third parallel the village of Mitchigamea, and eight or ten leagues below this settlement was the village of the Akansea tribe.* Arriving 1 The Wabash or Ohio. * Marquette's observation is inaccurate; the mouth of the Ohio is on the thirty-seventh parallel. ^Ibid. pp. 143-145- *Ibid., pp. 151-153- no Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits here the pioneers halted, and learned from their hosts that they were some ten days' journey from the sea; but Marquette relying on his own reckoning of 33° 40' of latitude, fairly accurate all things considered, and believing the latitude of the Gulf to be 31° 60'^ (in reality the Mississippi Delta lies near the 29th parallel) estimated that a two or three days' journey would bring him to the ocean. His conclusions regarding the course of the great river were correct. 'Beyond a doubt,' he says, 'the Mississippi river dis- charges into the Florida or Mexican Gulf and not to the east in Virginia, whose sea-coast is in 34 degrees latitude, — which parallel we passed, without, however, having as yet reached the sea, — nor does it flow to the west in California, because in that case our route would have been towards the west, or the west-southwest, whereas we had always continued it towards the south, '^ Marquet- te by this observation determined once for all the much mooted question as to the direction in which the great river flowed, and the waters into which it emptied. The approach to the western sea was closed to Canadian explorers, at least by this route, unless they took the very doubtful course up the Missouri and Platte Rivers. If there was any doubt left in the minds of Canadian officials it was set at rest ten years later when La Salle descended the Mississippi to its mouth. One cannot emphasize too much the importance of this contribution to geographical knowledge made by a Jesuit missionary. It opened up a new field of exploration in the central portfon of the North American Continent, and enabled subsequent map-makers (due allowance being made, of course, for the finishing touches furnished by La Salle) to portray intelligently, if not accurately, a territory that had previously been indicated merely by a blank space. At this point the explorers determined to retrace their steps, being induced to make this decision through fear of the Spaniards whom they expected to encounter farther south. Although the astronomical observations made by the pioneers were, as we have seen, subject to appreciable errors, the latitude of the spot at which they turned back was calculated with surprising accuracy. This may be seen by examining Joliet's first map and the charts of Thevenot and Marquette all of which show the Akansea village 1 It is not clear why we find 31° 60' in the text instead of 32°. ^Ibid., p. 158. Mississippi Valley hi on the east bank of the Mississippi opposite the mouth of a river coming in from the west and called, on Joliet's sketch, the Basire.^ North of this river on the west bank of the Mississippi are the Mitchigamea Indians, said by some authorities to have dwelt near the mouth of the St. Francis River. ^ The river opposite the Akansea village is without doubt the Arkansas, whose latitude as given on modern maps is very close to that given in Marquette's narrative. Having decided to return the party ascended the Missis- sippi to the thirty-eighth parallel,^ where they entered another river, the Illinois, which flowed through fertile fields dotted with many small lakes and streams. This route took them to Lake Michigan. Marquette says: 'That [river] on which we sailed is wide, deep, and still, for 65 leagues. In the spring and during part of the summer there is only one portage of half a league. We found on it a village of Ilinois called Kaskasia, consising of 74 cabins. . . . One of the chiefs of this nation, with his young men, escorted us to the Lake of the Ihnois [Michigan], whence, at last, at the end of September, we reached the Bay des Puantz, from which we had started at the beginning of June.'* We shall now proceed to examine three important maps: Marquette's original drawing, Joliet's first production, and the sketch published by Theveiiot, with a view to establishing priority of publication. It would be difficult, and perhaps impossible, to decide with any degree of accuracy which map of the Mississippi River was the first to be designed, though we have evidence of the first to be published, and this for our purpose is sufficient. There were in the expedition of discovery two men, each of whom was capable of making — and both did make — an intelligent report," supplemented by a reasonably accurate map of the country tra- versed. Father Marquette's narrative, as well as his chart, was sent prior to October, 1674, to Father Dablon, who prepared the story for publication and gave it a suitable introduction. This document and map remained in the Jesuit archives at Quebec for many years until Father Cazot, the last of the Society to leave" Canada, intrusted the archives to the nuns of the Hotel Dieu. In 1844 Father Martin recovered the records and turned them over 1 For Joliet's map see p. 115, for that of Marquette, p. 113. 2 J. R. LIX, note #38. ' So states Marquette. Mouth of Illinois is nearer the 39th parallel. *Ibid. pp. 161-163. 112 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to Dr. J. G. Shea, who rescued the priceless chart from obHvion and gave it to the world. ^ But meanwhile Dablon's edition of the narrative had been forwarded to France at the request of the government officials. Here it would, perhaps, have been lost to posterity, as the government had discontinued the publication of the Relations, had it not been seized by Thevenot and published in his Recueil de Voyages in 1681.2 The report, as printed in this compilation, corresponds very closely to that found by Dr. Shea. In fact it is the same, word for word, save that the Thevenot text, copied probably from the version sent by Dablon to the French Provincial contains a passage called the 'Song of the Calumet,' which has been torn from the original manuscript now at Montreal. The original has also a more lengthy preamble and gives the date of the departure of the expedition from St. Ignace as May 17, whereas the Thevenot version gives it as May 14.^ Theve- not embellished his narrative with a map, but the map differs so much from the sketch we know to-day as Marquette's that we do not hesitate to say that it is not by the same author. It was taken from a chart of unknown authorship that was formerly at the Bihliotheque Nationale, and bears the title: Carte de la Nouvelle decouverte que les peres lesuites ont fait en I'Annee 1672 et continue par le P. lacques Marquette de la mesme compagnie, accompagne de quelques francois en I'annee 1673 etc} A few slight differences may be noted between the Bihliotheque Nationale map and the Theve- not copy, especially in orthography, and, what is strange, the omission on the latter of a cross indicating the southernmost point of Marquette's journey, with the inscription: On est venu iusques icy a la hauteur de 33 deg} Thevenot also failed to repro- 1 J. G. Shea. Disc, and Exp. of the Miss. Valley. i^^2. Marquette's map was first published in this work. See also pp. XXXIII, XXXIV, LXXVII and LXXVIII. ^ Recueil de Voyages de Mr. Thevenot. 1681. See chapter entitled Decouverte dans V Amerique Septentrionale par le P. Marquette, Jesuite. ^ Thevenot probably copied from the version in the Jesuit Archives at Paris as this version contains the Song of the Calumet. Harrisse. Ibid. pp. 140 and 141. See also Bibliographical Data. J. R. LIX, p. 294. * There is a copy of this map at the Harvard Library, Parkman, #5, listed in Harrisse. Ibid. |f202. Date given by Harrisse is 1673. The Thevenot map is listed as #342. Translation of the title is: Map of the new discovery that the Jesuit Fathers have made in the year 1672 and continued by Father Jacques Marquette of the same society, accompanied by some Frenchmen in the year 1673. ^ They came as far as this at 33 degrees. Thevenot's Map, 1681 I'ulilishfd hv him as being lh»t of Mari|iielte jx FAC SIMILE DE LA CARTE 1^ duPere Man li QASSiN DE LA FLORIDA FLO RIDE Marquette 1675 Mississippi Valley 113 ducGj^ possibly because his map is a very much reduced copy of the original, an elaborate design representing Jesuit missionaries in the act of converting the Indians.^ The Thevenot chart was, until Dr. Shea's discovery of the original map, universally ascribed to Marquette, and unless we consider it his handiwork its authorship must remain unknown. Yet there are many indications that the Father could not have made such a design, though it is, no doubt, the first cartographical exposition of his narrative to see light in the seventeenth century, as the sketches of Joliet were not published until much later. A comparison between the two maps (Marquette's drawing, found by Dr. Shea, and Thevenot's print) discloses, in the first instance a remarkably accurate delineation, and in the latter such a crude design as to preclude the possibility that the two were constructed by the same author. Then we note that the Mississis- sippi is called, on Marquette's map, R. de la Conception, while on Thevenot's it bears the name, R. Mitchisipi ou Grande Riviere. When Marquette began his hazardous journey he made a solemn vow to name the great river Riviere de la Conception, in honor of the Virgin under whose protection he had placed the success and welfare of his enterprise. ^ It is hardly possible then, for him to have been so forgetful of his patron saint as to substitute an Indian name for the one previously selected. On the other hand the Thevenot map can scarcely be the work of Joliet, for he, though a great admirer of the Jesuits, and in a sense their protege, would not, in all probability, have issued a chart which bore no reference to himself; and, moreover, his own maps, which we shall discuss presently, show a far more accurate knowledge of the territory represented than does this design. The work in question, namely, Thevenot's map, indicates, it is true, numerous places mentioned in Marquette's journal, such as the Manitou, the iron mines and several Indian tribes — a fact that shows it to have been based on the Father's account — but nothing can be proved by this save that the author had first-hand information. From this we can, with little hesitation, ascribe the map to the Jesuits. The design at the lower end of the original chart (omitted on Thevenot's reproduction) showing a priest in the act of converting two savages, 1 The copy we give on p. 1 13 is from Thevenot's book. 2 Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, p. 93. 114 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits and the inscription telling of the discovery by the Jesuits in 1672 (a statement somewhat at variance with the facts, as there were no Jesuits in this region prior to 1673) ^^^ fairly good proofs of this conclusion. The map which we know to be Marquette's original, and prob- ably his only, effort is now at St. Mary's College, Montreal, a facsimile having been published by Dr. Shea in 1852.^ It repre- sents, with the exception of Lake Superior, merely the route tra- versed by Marquette, even the eastern shore of Lake Michigan being traced by a dotted line, so careful was the author to show only those places with which he was personally acquainted. But this defect, if we can call it such, is compensated for by a style of execution that would do credit to a skilled designer. The Missis- sippi is shown only from its junction with the Wisconsin to the mouth or the Arkansas where the party turned back. Marquette has drawn those tributaries of the great river, as he describes them in his journal, and he makes no attempt to trace them back to some imaginary sources or to decorate them with possible affluents. It is refreshing to turn to such a work executed with a strict atten- tion to detail, erected on a firm foundation of fact, and one in which the author attempts to impart his knowledge unadorned by any flights of fancy. As rivals for priority we have the maps of Marquette's com- panion, Joliet, whose earliest work is said to have been constructed in 1674- When Joliet returned to Montreal after parting with Marquette he suffered the misfortune of losing his papers, among which was a chart, when his canoe upset in a rapid. Thus Mar- quette's journal became the valuable record of the expedition, and the one on which our knowledge of the discovery is based. But as Marquette had remained at Michilimackinac instead of coming east, Joliet at Frontenac's request made a fresh map and drew up a brief account of his experiences from memory. These documents were forwarded to Colbert. The narrative thus compiled contains only a short summary of the route taken by the explorers, and a brief description of the great discovery they had made. By itself the report would be meager, but Joliet accompanied it by a chart 1 Shea. Disc, and Exp. of Miss. Valley. There is also a copy at the Carter Brown Library which contains interpolations not on the original. ^ Gabriel Gravier. Etude sur une Carte Inconnue. Revue de Geographic. Vol. VI. 1880 p. 81. ^5a\^, »v* ♦ ♦ ■^\'^ * ♦!• . » ♦ ♦ iX ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ '^^^ovvqs * ♦ » * •/ * * ♦ » ♦ • * ♦ ♦ ♦ yUi^f" \*'->' ♦ ■^^ ^^ ^ r' ♦ * A *t«* « ♦ % ♦ » ♦ ♦ » ♦ ♦•♦*• Iv^' — .^^-wL <=/„.. s- . •^^ » *> A ♦ •, (T^^^iN^i^ €)CL ♦ » * ♦ "i" X"""* ^^tS^ IfjK JOLIET'S map, 1674 Mississippi Valley 115 which formed the basis of severa] others that vary considerably in tracing and nomenclature. The first of the series, and the one that is considered by some experts to be the oldest map of the Missisippi, was drawn by Joliet immediately after his return to Montreal.^ Its title is, Decouuerte de Plusieurs Nations Dans la nouelle France en I'annee 1673 et 1674.^ The workmanship is crude, it must be confessed, but it would appear that the author was interested only in depicting the Mississippi Valley and the waters leading to it. In order to round out his chart he outlines nearly the entire North American Continent, leaving the eastern coast void of all geo- graphical features and representing it by a straight line from Nova Scotia to Florida. In drawing the great river Joliet excels the Thevenot chart, though he falls far short of Marquette. The Mississippi is shown under the name of Buade (the family name of Frontenac) in its entire length from its source in three imaginary lakes to its mouth in the Gulf of Mexico. Its tributaries are the same as those on Marquette's chart. The western section of the map is covered by a letter written by Joliet to Frontenac, in which the writer describes the Mississippi Valley, especially in regard to its fauna and flora. This map probably did not see the light immediately;^ at any rate it is certain that neither it not its fellows were published for general distribution when the Thevenot sketch appeared, but remained hidden away in the government archives.* Several other maps, as we have said, were designed by Joliet. His larger chart, as it is sometimes called, was constructed, ac- cording to expert opinion, about 1674, as the presence of Fort Frontenac on the map gives a clue to the date. It shows the Great Lakes and the Mississippi from its source to a spot just below the Ohio, but not far enough south to mark the spot reached by the explorers. Lake Erie, represented by a triangle on the first map, now assumes a more familiar form, though the other lakes are not 1 A copy of this map may be found in Ibid, and also in J. R. LIX, p. 86. Gravier considers it the first map of the Mississippi. See Ibid. p. loi. 2 Discovery of several nations in New France in the year 1673 and 1674. This inscription is somewhat blurred on our copy on p. 115. 3 Winsor. Nar.& Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 209. * Gravier. Ibid, says that all Joliet's charts remained unpublished until Marquette's rudimentary sketch (he refers to the Thevenot map) had gone through four impressions, p. 8i. ii6 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits greatly improved.^ Beneath the map itself is a letter from Fron- tenac to Colbert, substantially the same as the one written by Joliet on his first chart. Probably this larger map is the one sent by the Canadian governor to the French minister with his letter of November ii, 1674, and an effort was made to please Colbert by changing the name of the Riviere de Buade to Riviere Colbert, and substituting on the territory between the Wisconsin and Illinois Rivers the title of La Colhertie for La Frontenacie? There is another map of doubtful authorship of about 1681, which has been variously attributed to Joliet and to Franquelin. It covers the same territory as Joliet's first map, and is called, 'Carte Grille. [Generale] de la France Septentrionalle contenant la decouuerte du 'pays des Illinois Faite par le sieur Jolliet.'^ It appears to be a combination of Joliet 's outline of the Mississippi with Franquelin's skill of execution, especially along the Atlantic coastline which now takes on a more nearly correct form, being indented with the necessary bays and inlets. It is probably the work of Franquelin since it bears the inscription: Joannes Ludo- vicus Franquelin pinxit} Furthermore, it is highly improbable that Joliet, who was not a skilled draughtsman, could improve his first production in its techincal form, while Franquelin, the trained en- graver, would, on this his first attempt to portray the Mississippi Valley, naturally have turned to Joliet's map as the principal source of information.^ Joliet and Marquette, then, are the two from whom we draw our knowledge of the Mississippi expedition, and our greater knowledge comes from Marquette. Joliet's narrative was lost 1 Carte de la Decouuerte du Sr. Jolliet etc. listed in Harrisse. Ihid. #203 and dated 1674. There is a copy in the Barlow collection. Shea and Clarke be- lieve it to be a copj^ of the original Joliet map with the Ohio added by someone else. Winsor. Ihid. Vol. IV, pp. 212-213. 2 The letter referred to is given in Margry. Ihid. pp. 257-270 with Joliet's report. It is given without report, but dated Nov. 14 instead of Nov. 11 in Paris Docs. Vol. IX, pp. 116-121. ^ General map of Northern France containing the discovery of the country of the Illinois made by the Sieur Jolliet. * Various Latin words were used on maps to denote their authorship. Pinxit, pinx., p., or invenit — inv. were those indicating the designer. H. W. Singer and Wm. Strang. Etching, Engraving and Other Mod of Printing Pic- tures. 1897, gives a list of Latin words and their meaning, pp. 40-42. ° That Franquelin is the author is held by Harrisse. Ihid. who lists the map as #214, and by Parkman. La *SaZZe ete. p. 454. Gravier thinks that the work is by Joliet with Franquelin as the draughtsman. Etude sur une Carte In- connue. p. 85. Mississippi Valley 117 by ship wreck, his maps were not published but were placed in safekeeping, and his report is too condensed to give much informa- tion. On the other hand Marquette's lengthy and interesting ac- count was published in extenso in 1681, accompanied by a chart, which though not his handiwork, was probably designed by his Jesuit co-workers. It is then from exclusively Jesuit sources that the geographical knowledge of the Mississippi Basin became known to the world at large. A map of uncertain date, which for want of a better designation we may call the Mission Map, since it shows by means of crosses the locations of numerous missions, is worthy of consideration, not so much because of its intrinsic value, but on account of its puta- tive Jesuit origin. In addition to the established missions we find two outposts where the Gospel had been preached, namely at Akenza on the lower Mississippi, where Father Marquette had proclaimed the Faith,^ and on the shores of Lac Alimihig. [Lake Nipigon], where Father Allouez had said Mass in a rude chapel of branches.^ The spot where Father Menard died is also indicated. In attempting to establish by internal evidence the approximate date at which the map was designed we are confronted by several helpful facts. A rough outline of the upper reaches of the Missis- sippi rising in various lakes is drawn in accordance with Marquette's report. Here a said (waterfall) is indicated, but the sketch is not accurate enough to show any familiarity with the journey of Father Hennepin (1680), who was the first to discover a waterfall in this locality. Yet even though the author of the chart had seen the friar's narrative, there would have been no object in attempting accuracy in this quarter, since there were no Jesuit missions (nor, for that matter, any other missions) located there. Failure to show on the map the lowest portion of the Mississippi discovered by La Salle in 1682 may also be attributed to the absence of mis- sions in that locality, although Parkman is inclined to assume that the chart was designed before La Salle's expedition.^ Taking the 1 Marquette's First Voyage. J. R. LIX, pp. 153-155. - Relation, 1666-7. J- R- LT, p. 67. 3 The Mission Map is ^^ in the Parkman Collection. Parknian says: 'The map is remarkable as including a representation of the Upper Mississippi, based, perhaps, on reports of Indians ... It is possible that the map may be of later date than at first appears, and that it may have been drawn in the interval between the return of Hennepin from the Upper Mississippi and that of La Salle from his discovery of the mouth of the river.' La Salle, p. 452. This would make the date between 1680 and 1683. ii8 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits chart as a whole it is quite evident that its designer's object was to indicate the ground covered by Jesuit missionaries in the Great Lake Region and the upper Mississippi Valley, and for this purpose it was unnecessary for him to draw from other sources than the Relations. A significant point as to the date is found on the northern part of the map where there is shown a R. des As- sinepouel flowing from a lake of the same name, and bearing the legend: Les Kilistinouk disent auoir ueu un grand navire qui hiuerna a V embouchure de ce fleuue, Us auroient fait une maison d'un coste et Vautre un fort de hois} This river is without much doubt intended for the Nelson, a stream running from Lake Winni- peg to Hudson Bay, as we may see by comparing a modern map with that of Franquelin, 1688, on which the Bourbon (Nelson) River is shown coming from the Lac des Assinihouels (probably Lake Winnipeg) after passing through the Lac des Christinaux (Kilistinons.). The fort at the mouth of the river refers, we be- lieve, either to the one erected by the French, or to one built by the English in this locality in 1682.^ The quotation on the Mission Map does not at first appear to have been taken from the report of Indians, but from Father Allouez' journal, published in the Relation of 1666-7. Here the Father speaks of the KiKstinouc who dwell along the great river emptying into a bay, which is presum- ably that of Hudson, and he continues: 'One of their old men declared to me that he had himself seen, at the mouth of the River of the Assinipoualac, some people allied to the KiKstinouc, whose country is still farther northward. He told me further that he had also seen a house which the Europeans had built on the mainland, out of boards and pieces of wood; and that they held books in their hands, like the one he saw me holding when he told me this.'^ This report it will be noticed, makes no mention of any fortification, so that it is quite probable that the legend on the map refers to a subsequent report brought down by Indians after the fort had been constructed, which would make the date of the map later than 1682, but how much later it is impossible to determine. 1 The Kilistinons say that they saw a large vessel that wintered at the mouth of this river, they [the crewj had made a house on one side and on the other a fort of wood. 2 George Bryce. The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company. p. 50. To be exact the English fort was at the mouth of the Nelson River, while the French fort was clost to it at the mouth of the Hayes. 3 Relation, 1666-7. J. R. LI, p. 57. Mississippi Valley 119 We come now to a chart which is valuable for our discussion principally as the work of a Jesuit who was particularly concerned with the progress of geographical discovery. Father Pierre Raf- feix, whose work among the Iroquois has already been mentioned, is the author of a map known as Parties les Plus Occidentales du Canada, which is assigned to 1683 by one authority and to 1688 by another,^ The purpose of this chart is to show the various expeditions made to the Mississippi River, and to illustrate the routes that could be used to reach the mighty stream. The territory covered in the sketch extends from Lake Superior south to the thirty-fifth parallel, a spot just below the Ohio River. Three voyages are represented: that of Joliet and Mar- quette in 1673 (Raffeix erroneously gives the date as 1672); Du Lhut's exploration of the upper Mississippi; and La Salle's voyage to the Illinois River in 1679. An interesting feature shown on the sketch is a trail extending from a village on the Senontouans (Senecas) to the source of the Alleghany, whence one may descend to the sea, a route based, no doubt, on information gathered by Raffeix during his sojourn among the Iroquois, or possibly on information derived from La Salle. The date assigned by one authority, is the earliest possible date (1683) at which the chart could have been produced, for in commenting on La Salle's journey of 1679 Raffeix places on the map the statement that 'Mr. de la Salle escrit qu'en 1681 il descendit sm le Mississippi et qu'il a Este jusqua la mer.'"^ La Salle, though he started on his voyage in 1681, did not discover the mouth of the Mississippi until the following year. On his return to Michilimackinac he sent the great news to a friend in France, but excused himself from making a detailed re- port at that time.^ Dr. Kohl holds the opinion that the chart could not have been designed later than 1685, since Raffeix does not mention La Salle's expedition by sea to the Gulf in 1684; but as Raffeix makes no attempt to portray territory below the thirty- fifth parallel, even in illustrating the journey of Joliet and Mar- quette, who descended to latitude 33° 40' , reference to a sea voyage ^ J. G. Kohl gives the date as 1683 as we shall see; Harrisse. Ibid, lists the map as #238 and gives the date as 1688. 2 Mr. de la Salle writes that in 1681 he descended the Mississippi and that he had been as far as the sea. ' Parkman. La Salle etc. p. 291. 120 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to the Gulf can hardly be expected. That the map could not have been drawn before 1683 is obvious; it was probably designed shortly thereafter. We turn from these crude though praiseworthy efforts to the work of the trained cartographer, Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin. His maps, due allowance being made for imperfect knowledge of certain regions, are executed with a technique more in keeping with modern cartography. His map, V Amerique Septentrionale, 1688, is, perhaps, the best evidence of his skill.^ He shows obviously from Jesuit sources, with careful attention to detail, the Baye des Puans, connected with Lake Winnebago by a river, then the R. des Mascoutens flowing from the north into Lake Winnebago, where it is joined by another stream running due east through three little ponds called Lacs des Folks Avoines, clearly the small lakes mentioned by Marquette. The portage from the head of this river to the Ouisconsing is correctly reproduced; in fact the entire design shows a faithful attempt to follow Marquette and Allouez, and could have been made from their reports exclusively. But on the lower Mississippi where he did not have the advantage of Jesuit narratives he goes badly astray. Below the Ohio he has extended the river a long distance westward, causing it to empty into the Gulf near modern Galveston, a fault due to an erroneous impression regarding the distance between the Mississippi Delta and the Baye de Spiritu Sando, or Mobile Bay. Coronelli's map of 1688 contains much accurate information, though its workmanship is inferior to that of Franquelin. Taken as a whole it is a very creditable performance, comprising the Great Lakes Basin as far east as Montreal, and the Mississippi south to the Ohio, here called the Ouabache. The author has enlivened his map by copious notations that describe the country, giving in many cases the key to his sources of information. In illustrating the Fox- Wisconsin route Coronelli has made a consci- entious effort to follow Marquette, crediting him and Joliet with the discovery of the trail by a note giving the dates of their depar- ture from the Mascoutens and their arrival at the Mississippi. Un- fortunately the geographer has prolonged the Wisconsin to Lake Winnebago, showing the portage to be between that river and the 1 Original is in the Bibliotheque des Cartes de la Marine at Paris. An excel- lent copy is in the Kohl Collection at the Lib. of Cong. Harrisse. Ibid. ^224. Mississippi Valley 121 western extension of the lake itself, the upper Fox being omitted. The upper Mississippi is clearly taken from Hennepin's account, the names and locations of its various tributaries following closely his map and narrative ; while for the Illinois River Coronelli draws his knowledge from the more recent and extensive explorations of La Salle and Hennepin. While Coronelli does not show much Jesuit influence in his map-making, what he does show is specific. The year following his great discovery Father Marquette under- took a second expedition to the Illinois Indians, whom he had met on his return from the Mississippi. Leaving St. Francis Xavier at the mouth of the Fox River in October, 1674, the missionary proceeded along the eastern coast of Green Bay until he reached Sturgeon Bay, an indentation on the Door County Peninsula that afforded easy access to Lake Michigan by a portage of nearly a league in length.^ The next day he descended the coast, passing a small river, the Ahnapee, and at night he reached another stream, probably the Kewaumee, 'whence one goes to the Poutewatamis by a good road.'^ Continuing his journey he passed some fairly large streams and arrived at the Chicago River, where he en- camped for the winter at the portage, two leagues up the stream. The following spring Marquette witnessed the curious effect due to a freshet that raised the water level to such a height as to make a continuous waterway from Lake Michigan to the Illinois River. 'We started yesterday,' the Father wrote on March 31, 'and trav- elled 3 leagues up the river^ without finding any portage. We hauled our goods probably half an arpent. Besides this discharge, the river has another one by which we are to go down. The very high lands alone are not flooded. At the place where we are, the water has risen more than 12 feet. This is where we began our portage 18 months ago.'* At this point it seems appropriate to mention the Great Lakes map, so called, as it shows considerable Jesuit influence. This influence is illustrated by the light which Marquette's story throws on the somewhat obscure subject of its date.^ The chart in ques- 1 Unfinished Journal of Marquette. J. R. LIX, p. 167. A canal has been cut from Sturgeon Bay to Lake Michigan. ''Ibid. p. 167. ' Chicago River. *Ibid. p. 181. * This map is listed in Harrisse. Ibid, as ^205, and is known as it3 in the Parkman Collection. 12 2 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits tion gives a very creditable presentation of the lakes, beginning as far east as Quebec and carrying the design to the western extremity of Lake Superior, though no attempt is made to show the Missis- sippi and its affluents, a fact that has led at least one authority to believe that the map was constructed prior to Marquette's first expedition.^ But if we glance at the southwestern part of Lake Michigan we find a crude indication of the Chicago River with an arrow pointing in the direction of the Riviere de la Diuine, the name given the Illinois River on Joliet's first map. Furthermore, the following inscription is found at this point: 'Les plus grands nauires peuuent uenire de la decharge du Lac Erie dans le Lac Fron- tenac iuesques icy et de ce marais ou ils peuuent entrer il n^y a que mille pas de distance iusqu'a la riuiere de la Diuine qui les pent porter iusqu^a la riuiere Colbert et de la au golfe de Mexique.'^ We have, then, two rivers, the Divine and the Colbert, whose names do not appear until Joliet's first map was made. This did not take place, of course, until after Joliet had returned from the Mississippi expedition in 1673, ^ ^^.ct that proves beyond all reasonable doubt that the Great Lakes chart must be dated subsequent to his voy- age,' unless — and this is well within the range of possibility, though we have no means to prove it — the various inscriptions on the map were inserted some time after it was made. Marquette, as we have seen, tells us in his journal that the water had risen twelve feet at the spot where he made the portage to Lake Michigan on his first expedition; and thus it would appear that the legend on the map, telling us that the largest vessels can enter a swamp at this place and sail to within a thousand paces of the Divine River (Illinois- Des Plaines), was made after Marquette had witnessed the high water at the portage. As the entry in his diary describing this interesting phenomenon was not made until the spring of 1675, we cannot assign an earlier date to the map. The Great Lakes 1 Such is the opinion of Parkman who thinks that the map was made before Joliet's voyage, but after that of La Salle to the Illinois River, since a rudiment of the Chicago River is shown. He gives the date as 1673. La Salle etc. pp. 25 and 451. 2 The largest vessels can come here from the outlet of Lake Erie into Lake Frontenac [Ontario], and from this swamp which they can enter there are but a thousand paces to the Divine River, which will take them to the Colbert [MississippiJ River and thence to the Gulf of Mexcio. ' Harrisse considers the map to have been drawn on Joliet's return. He could not find the original chart; all he discovered was a fragment showing the western section. Ibid. pp. 195-197. Mississippi Valley 123 map bears some resemblance, it is true, to Joliet's smaller chart, though the similarity is not striking enough to convince one that Joliet is the author. Its designer is unknown. Marquette's Unfinished Journal tells us but little more. After a short stay with the Illinois (as we learn from Dablon's report) the missionary made his way to Lake Michigan by the St. Joseph- Kankakee portage,^ whence he started for Michilimackinac, coasting the eastern shore; but as his health was rapidly sinking he landed at a river half-way up the lake (marked on subsequent maps as the Marquette River), where he died and was buried.^ Not long afterwards a party of Indians chanced upon his grave. They disinterred the remains, and burning the flesh, carried the bones to St. Ignace where a suitable sepulchre was provided. Such are the discoveries in the Mississippi Valley made and related by the Jesuit Fathers. Although the missionaries con- tinued their spiritual labors in this fertile field, the work of explora- tion from now on falls chiefly on other shoulders. The eighteenth century ushered in a serious attempt on the part of the French to colonize Louisiana, and the story of exploration and discovery in this region is to be found in other records than the Jesuit Relations. ^ This is his probable route though Dablon is not specific. /. R. LIX, p. 191. J. G. Shea also considers this to be the route. Disc, and Expl. of Miss. Valley, p. LXX. =*/. B. LIX, pp. 199-201. CHAPTER IV The Jesuits in the Lake Superior Region ETURNING now to the starting point of western exploration at the Sault Ste. Marie, where the two routes diverged, one to the west through Lake Michigan, the other to the north across Lake Superior, we shall take up the story of the northern trail, and investigate the contributions of the Jesuits to the geographical knowledge of Lake Superior and adjacent territory. In accordance with the plan we have hitherto followed we must, before taking up the Jesuit narratives, examine with care any claims that may have arisen regarding a discovery of Lake Superior before the Fathers appeared on the scene. This brings us at once to the reputed dis- covery of Etienne Brule. Lake Superior was known to Champlain through the reports of Indians, and, according to some authorities, through the explora- tions of his interpreter, Brule, who is thought to have penetrated northward for an indefinite distance, and to have brought back some scanty information. The evidence presented to prove Brule's discovery is found in a few casual remarks make by Sagard in his Histoire du Canada. Sagard came to Canada in 1624 and made his way to Huronia, where he remained for two years collect- ing material for his writings. In 1632 he published his Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons, amplified four years later by an ac- count of Recollect activities for the past fifteen years. This ap- peared under the title of Histoire du Canada. It may be well to say at this point, since his evidence is used to substantiate Brule's claim, that Sagard was not a learned man given to a careful analysis of his material, nor was he a profound observer of what he saw; his story is straightforward and simple, and is composed of everything that he saw or heard during his stay in Canada.^ Brule's claim to the discovery of Lake Superior hinges largely on his finding a copper mine, situated somewhere north of Lake Huron, fragments of whose ores were brought back by him. Sagard first mentions the incident when speaking of the Hurons. 'In some places,' he says, 'they had red copper of which I have seen a small ingot near the fresh-water sea, that the interpreter Brule ^ Biographic Universelle. Vol. XXXVII, p. 230. 124 Lake Superior Region 125 brought us from a nation 80 leagues distant from the Hurons.'^ The matter is again brought to our attention by a pioneer named Grenolle, who with Brul6 made an expedition northward. 'One of our Frenchmen,' says Sagard, 'named Crenole [Grenolle] told us that hp had been towards the north to trade with a nation dis- tant about one hundred leagues from the Hurons. This nation he found digging at a copper mine.'^ The shores and islands of Lake Superior are indeed rich with copper ores, as Allouez later dis- covered, and Brule's claims are based partially on this fact. One authority argues that as 'the savages knew nothing of working copper ore; they could only mine pure copper and this was to be found only to the northward of Lake Huron — that is, to the north- ward of the North Channel, as now called, — and farther westward.'^ Evidence of copper mining activities by the Indians on Lake Su- perior is then advanced by this antiquarian to bolster up his theory. But the Jesuits tell us that copper could also be found on Lake Huron. The Relation of 1659-60, in discussing the belief that the copper deposits on Lake Huron were carried down by the current from Lake Superior, says: 'What inclines us to believe this is that, when the foundations of St. Joseph's Chapel were dug on the shore of Lake Huron, — which is nothing but the discharge of Lake Superior, — the workmen found a vein as large as one's arm, of these grains of gold. . . . But the workmen, who knew that there were mines of copper in those regions, being persuaded that it was from a brass mine (in ignorance that brass is a composi- tion), filled in the foundations which they had dug, without know- ing that they were sealing up a treasure there.'* It was unneces- sary, then, for Brule to go beyond Lake Huron to seek copper mines, as that mineral was found on Lake Huron, though, of course, in smaller quantities than on Lake Superior. It is a bold presump- tion to assume that Brule reached Lake Superior because the In- dians could mine only the pure copper found there, when we con- sider the slight information we have regarding his itinerary. But Sagard has a trifle more to say. 'The interpreter Brusle with several savages have assured us that beyond the fresh-water sea ^ Sagard. Histoire du Canada, pp. 212 and 213. "^Ihid. p. 328. The statement that Brule accompanied Grenolle is made on pp. 716 and 717. ^ C. W. Butterfield. Brule's Discoveries and Explorations. 1898. p. 156. * Relation, 1659-60. /. R. XLV, p. 221. 126 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits [Huron], there is another very large lake^ that discharges into this one by a rapid that is called the Saut de Gaston [Ste. Marie], having a breadth of almost two leagues, which lake together with the fresh- water sea contain about thirty days' journey, according to the report of savages and is, according to the interpreter, about four hundred leagues in length.'- Those contending for Brule's discovery claim a point here by asserting that since the distance given by the Indians is in days' journeys, while that given by the interpreter is in leagues, Sagard had in mind two separate reports each from a different source; that is to say that Brule was giving the results of his own personal observations measured in French leagues and not merely repeating rumors that he had heard from the Indians.^ But why should such a conclusion be reached? Brule is assumed by his sponsors to have passed above the Sault Ste. Marie, coasted the shores of Lake Superior to its western extremity, and visited Isle Royale; yet he left no record of this magnificent exploit, save a chance remark that must be subjected to microscopic examination to determine what lay behind it.* It is more simple and more reasonable to suppose that the pioneer had interpreted in terms of leagues the distance which the savages had reported in days' journeys, as such a supposition is natural and explains the omission of any reference to so noteworthy an achievement in contemporary maps and records. It is probable that Brule made a voyage to the northern shore of Georgian Bay where he found a copper mine about eighty leagues from the mis- sionary headquarters in Huronia. As Brule started on his journey in 1621^ and returned two years later,^ he had ample time to report his discoveries, and thus enable his patron, Champlain, to embody them in his map of 1632. We might expect, then, to see on this important chart a fairly intelli- 1 Superior. 2 Sagard. Ibid. p. 589. 3 C. W. Butterfield. Ibid, says: 'It is true that Sagard does not say, in just so many words, that Brule reached Lake Superior; but the fact is clearly to be inferred from what he relates. If it was in his mind that the interpreter was only giving him Indian reports, why does he write, making a distinction be- tween such reports and what Brule declared, as to the length of Lakes Huron and Superior combined?' p. 156. * Butterfield, who has worked out this itinerary after considerable re- search, himself admits that the proof of Brule's reaching the western extremity of Lake Superior is rather slender. Ibid. pp. 156 and 157. 5 C. W. Butterfield. Ibid. p. 100. ^ Ibid. p. 108. Lake Superior Region 127 gent reproduction of Lake Superior and the territory adjacent thereto; but, unfortunately, the map reveals no more regarding these regions than Champlain had learned from the Indians. In fact Champlain in describing the rapid of Sault Ste. Marie says: 'Sault de Gaston, nearly two leagues broad, and discharging into the Mer Douce. It comes from another very large lake, less which, with the Mer Douce, has an extent of thirty days' journey by canoe, according to the report of the savages.'^ Precisely the description — almost the very words — of Sagard in his version of the reports of Brule and the Indians; yet Champlain, who had sent Brule on his northern voyage, learned from him nothing more than a story current at the time. It is possible that Brule may have visited Lake Superior, since he set out on a northern journey passing along the shores of Georgian Bay and meeting many tribes that could direct him on his way; but if he reached this lake we have no record that he made any such claim, nor did any contemporary or subsequent historian advance one for him. Only in modern times has anyone ventured to construct an itinerary from the scant phrases of Sagard. The story of Brule's travels as told by Mr. Butterfield is ingeniously worked out, but is not particularly convincing. That such an incurable wanderer as Brul6 may have reached Lake Superior is quite within the bounds of possibility, though direct evidence to that effect is wanting. It is interesting to note what Mr. Butterfield has to say in regard to a possible journey of his hero to Lake Erie. 'It is but reasonable to suppose that had Brule visited the lake on his journey to, or return from the Carantouannais, Champlain would have given a better drawing of it in his map.'^ One might well ask why did not Champlain give a better drawing of Lake Superior and the Sault region if Brule had visited them. But whether one is inclined to believe the story or not, we may rest assured that Brule added nothing to 1 Note #34 on Champlain's map. 2 C. W. Butterfield. Ibid. p. 141. The opinions of other authorities may be of interest. R. G. Thwaites. France in America. 1905. says that Superior was discovered in 161 6, but he does not say by whom. p. 52. Winsor. C artier to Frontenac, says that Brule discovered Lake Superior if Sagard is to be trusted. p. 122. E. D. Neill. Groseilliers and Radisson, Magazine of Western History, Vol. VII, 1887-8, states that there is no evidence that any European explored Superior prior to 1659. p. 412. Neill also saj^s that Brule brought back a description of Superior, but he does not say that he actually saw it. Winsor. Nar. & Grit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 165. 128 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits geographical knowledge, nor did he impress his contemporaries with his discoveries, if he made any in this direction. The first Europeans to give us unquestioned proof of a visit to Lake Superior are our old friends Radisson and Groseilliers, who in the year 1659 set out for the Sault Ste. Marie by way of the Ottawa River. We have independent testimony of their return from their voyage from Father Druillettes.^ He tells us that he met at Quebec two Frenchmen who 'had just arrived from those countries, with three hundred Algonkins, in sixty canoes loaded with furs.' The explorers gave Druillettes a synopsis of their story, telling him of the journey to Lake Superior where they bap- tized two hundred Algonquin children. 'During the winter season,' reports the Father, 'our two Frenchmen made divers excursions to the surrounding tribes. Among other things, they saw, six days' journey beyond the lake toward the southwest, a tribe composed of the remnants of the Hurons of the Tobacco Nation. '^ They also visited the Nadwechiwec or Sioux Nation. But we can follow them better from their own narrative. Reaching Lake Superior they proceeded along its southern shores 'which are the most delightful! and wounderous for it's nature that made it so pleasant to the eye, the sperit, and the belly. '^ Pushing westward they presently came to a 'very beautifull point of sand where there are 3 beautiful] islands,^ that we called of ye Trinity; there be 3 in triangle. '^ Thence they reached a deep bay into which flowed a river, but in- stead of skirting the coastline by a tedious detour around Kewee- naw Peninsula, they crossed overland through Lake Portage, and continuing up the lakeshore entered Chequamegon Bay where they erected a fort to protect the permanent encampment.^ A few days later a band of savages induced them to visit a tribe located on a lake 'some 8 leagues in circuit,' now identified with Lake Courte Oreille,'' where the explorers remained for the winter suffering severely from hunger. The following spring an embassy from the Sioux nation brought them an invitation to visit those tribes at 1 Relation, 1659-60. J. R. XLV, p. 235. 2 Ibid. 3G. D. Scull. P. E. Radisson. p. 189. * Huron Islands. ^ Ibid. p. 191. ^ Ibid. p. 194. ' Warren Upham. Groseilliers and Radisson. p. 486. Lake Superior Region 129 their encampment. The two Frenchmen accepted with alacrity, and following their guides they made their way to a lake some distance off, where they found the Indians awaiting them. A huge fort, six hundred and three score paces in length by six hundred in breadth had been erected at this place. Here a great feast was held, various tribes coming from distant parts to attend it. It was at this entertainment that Radisson and Groseilliers met some Indians who took them on a long journey to their homes, leading them, it is thought, down the Rum river to the Mississippi and then up the Minnesota, thus establishing for a second time their claim to the discovery of the great river, ^ They returned to Che- quamegon Bay, and after a short rest started on a further journey that led them to the western extremity of Lake Superior, which they crossed at a place where it is only about fifteen leagues wide.^ Reaching the northern shore the explorers followed it in a north- easterly direction to a Cree encampment, now believed to have been situated not less than fifteen, and not more than fifty, miles from Duluth.^ At this point Radisson's narrative becomes some- what confused, as the author inserts a statement interpreted by some to indicate that the voyagers penetrated as far north as Hudson Bay; but this question will be discussed fully in a subse- quent chapter. While from the above incidents we can readily proclaim Radisson and Groseilliers as the first Europeans to gaze on the great inland sea, we find no evidence that they gave any information regarding the country they had traversed to persons capable of utilizing it for geographical purposes. Save for the few remarks made to Father Druillettes there is no reference to their wanderings in the literature of that period. The first map that makes any pretence of portraying Lake Superior is the one ac- companying the Relation of 16 70-1, and it was drawn after Father Allouez had explored the shores of that lake, and Father Dablon had gathered together much geographical information regarding it. The first Jesuit missionary to push his canoe over the waters of Lake Superior was Father Menard, a pioneer in the Faith, but not in geographical knowledge. He was born in 1605 and came to ^Ibid. pp. 502 and 503. 2 G. D. Scull. Ibid. p. 224. 3 Upham. Ibid. p. 508. 130 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Canada at the age of thirty-five years. Being assigned like so many other new arrivals to the Huron mission he improved his time there by studying the Algonquin tongue. After the tragedy of 1649 Menard spent some time at Three Rivers, and from there he went to the Iroquois missions for the brief space of three years. In 1660 he left Quebec with a group of savages for the purpose of tak- ing up his residence among them when they should reach their destination in the North west. ^ After undergoing considerable hard- ship, particularly distressing for one no longer young, he reached Lake Superior, and established himself on the southern shore of a large bay which he named Ste Therese, in honor of the saint on whose day he arrived there.^ This bay he describes as 'a hundred leagues above the fall in Lake Superior,'^ which readily suggests the large indentation known as Keweenaw Bay, A mission was founded here by Menard at Old Village Point, seven miles from the modern town of I'Anse, and called Nostre Dame de bon Secours, its Indian name being Chassahamigon.^ Its correct position is indi- cated on the Mission map. Here Father Menard spent the winter, planning to proceed the following spring to the Bay of St. Esprit (Chequamegon Bay) about one hundred leagues from his station at Chassahamigon.^ But other duties interfered. Being called upon to visit a tribe of Hurons, who had settled at the head of the Black River, he at once left for their villages, passing over the trail from Keweenaw Bay to Lac Vieu Desert, the source of the Wis- consin River. Descending this stream to the mouth of the Copper River he struck across country to the Black over a trail that meets it at the modern town of Chelsea.^ It was on this route that he became separated from his companions, who, after making vain efforts to trace him, gave him up for lost. Later, an Indian reported that the Father's body had been found beside a lake under cir- cumstances that pointed to foul play.'' The site of Father Men- ^ Lalemant's letter to the General, Aug. 18, 1663. /. R. XLVII, p. 249. 2 Relation, 1663-4 J- R- XLVIII, p. 265. ^ Ibid. p. 277. * For location of Menard's mission see H. C. Campbell. Rene Menard, Predecessor of Allouez and Marquette in the Superior Region. 1897. Parkman Club Papers #11. p. 9. See Menard's letter to Lalamant, June 2, 1661, dated from Nostre Dame de bon Secours. J. R. XLVI, p. 145. ^ Ibid. p. 141. ^ H. C. Campbell. Ibid. pp. 16-21. ^Lalemant's letter, Aug. 18, 1663. /. R. XLVII, pp. 251-253. Menard died Aug. 7 or 8, 1661. Journal des Peres Jesuites. Ibid. p. 307. Lake Superior Region 131 ard's death was pretty well established by his brother Jesuits on their Mission map where a cross indicates a spot almost identical with that determined by modern research, that is near the source of a stream corresponding to the Black River. The place is further identified by the inscription: %cy mourut le P. Meynard.'^ Father Menard might have contributed much to the geographical knowl- edge of the region. He was the first representative of the Jesuit Order in these parts, anticipating even Father Allouez, but the information contained in his letters is so meager that it has almost no value. His sudden death not only cut short further exploration, but prevented the Father from compiling a record of his travels that might have contained much of value. Despite the failure of Father Mdnard to make an adequate report it is to a Jesuit explorer, Father AUouez, that we are in- debted for the first intelligent description of Lake Superior. Be- fore his journey little was known about the vast inland sea. Even as late as 1648, Father Ragueneau was able to sum up in a few words current knowledge of the subject. He says, in speaking of the Paouitagoung tribe : 'The last-named are those whom we call the Nation of the Sault, who are distant from us^ a little over one hundred leagues, by means of whom we would have to obtain a passage, if we wished to go further and communicate with numer- ous other Algonquin Tribes, still further away, who dwell on the shores of another lake^ larger than the fresh-water sea, into which it discharges by a very large and very rapid river; the latter, before mingling its waters with those of our fresh-water sea, rolls over a fall that gives its name to these peoples, who come there during the fishing season. This superior lake extends toward the northwest, — that is, between the west and the north. '^ Certainly this brief account reveals no startling news, if indeed it can be said 1 H. C. Campbell's article which we have followed works out the itinerary in a convincing way, despite the absence of definite information. R. G. Thwaites. Wisconsin, adopts the same route as Campbell, placing the spot of Menard's death at the present city of Merrill, Wisconsin, near Bill Cross Rapids, p. 46. E. D. Neill bases his identification of Menard's route on Perrot's statement that 'the Father followed the Ottawas to the Lake of the Illinois [Michigan], and in their flight to Louisiana [Mississippi] as far as the upper part of the Black River.' Winsor. Nar. & Crit. Hist. Vol. IV, p. 170. 2 Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye. ' Lake Superior. *Ragueneau's Relation, 1647-8. J. R. XXXIII, p. 149. 132 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to add anything to Champlain's map and narrative; it rests merely on the report of explorers who had penetrated only to the Sault, and had a personal acquaintance with the outlet of Lake Superior. Father Druillettes adds a little more to the general fund of information in the Relation of 1659-60, when he gives the substance of his conversation with an Indian, who on his return from the lake reported it to be 'more than eighty leagues long by forty wide in certain places,' and described it as 'studded with islands picturesquely distributed along its shores,' and containing mines of copper.^ Furthermore, Druillettes attempts to show the lake's position in relation to other well-known points. The Bay of St. Esprit (Mobile Bay) he gives as three hundred leagues distant from the western extremity of Lake Superior, from which point there lay, at a distance of two hundred leagues in a southwesterly direction, a lake emptying into the Vermilhon Sea on the coast of New Granada.^ Such is the meager knowledge of Lake Superior as it existed before the expedition of Allouez, Father Allouez left Three Rivers on August 8, 1665, and jour- neying to the Sault by the usual route, entered Lake Superior. Pausing in his narrative to describe this inland sea, he says : 'The form of this lake is nearly that of a bow, the southern shore being much curved, and the northern nearly straight, ... its length is two hundred leagues and its greatest width eighty,'' The month of September, 1665, was spent coasting the southern shore. The Father crossed Ste. Therese Bay — so named by Father Menard — that deep indentation known to us as Keweenaw, and after a journey of one hundred and eighty leagues reached Cha- gouamigong (Chequamegon) Bay, a place which had long been the goal of his ambition.* Here he founded the mission of St. Esprit^ among some Hurons of the Tobacco Nation, who had reached this remote spot after years of wandering.^ Two years later, in 1667, 1 Relation, 1659-60. /. R. XLV, p. 219. ^ Relation, 1659-60. Ibid. p. 223. On Sanson's map we find a R. de Norte flowing from a lake situation well inland into the Vermillion Sea or Gulf of California. ^ Relation, 1666-7. J- R- L, p. 265. Evidently an error of transposition has been made in describing the shores of Lake Superior. A glance at a map will show us that the northern shore is bent while the southern is straight. Later Dablon gives the correct idea. '^ Ibid. pp. 267-73. ^ Ibid. p. 297. ^ Ibid. p. 307. Lake Superior Region 133 AUouez set out for Lake Alemibegong (Nipigon), which he be- lieved to be about fifty or sixty leagues from the North Sea.^ 'Continuing our journey/ he says, 'on the seventeenth [of May] we crossed a portion of our great lake, paddling for twelve hours without dropping the paddle from the hand.'^ This remarkable feat of crossing even a portion of Lake Superior was not an unusual one with the Indians, for by taking advantage of favorable weather they could cover the distance from Keweenaw Point to Isle Royale (approximately forty-five miles) between sunrise and sunset.^ Ar- riving on the northern shore AUouez proceeded in a northeasterly direction, passing from island to island until he reached Isle Roy- ale, which he tells us is at least twenty leagues in length. Thence he journeyed to his destination. 'After accomplishing a good part of our journey on the lake,' he writes, 'we left it on the twentj'-- fifth of this month of May, and consigned ourselves to a river, so full of rapids and falls that even our savages could go no farther; and learning that Lake Alimibegong was still frozen over, thej^ gladly took the two days' rest imposed upon them by necessity.'* Presently the missionary arrived at Lake Nipigon without further difficulty, and paddled from island to island until he came to the village of the Nipissiriniens.^ So much for Father AUouez' narra- tive. Brief as it is it laid the foundation of geographical knowledge for Lake Superior, although no effort was made at this time to draw a map based on the Father's report. It was not until the appear- ance of the Relation of 16 70-1 that we have a map (the Lake Su- perior map) embodying the descriptions of Allouez combined with the information that Father Dablon had collected from miscellan- eous sources. Father Dablon's knowledge of Lake Superior comes chiefly from two sources : the missionaries and the Indians. To the mis- sionaries he was indebted for his knowledge of the coast west of a line drawn from the Sault to Nipigon Bay, while to the Indians he owed his information regarding the eastern shore. Beginning his description of Lake Superior the Father says : 'What we common- 1 Ibid. J. R. LI, p. 63. 2 Ibid. p. 63. ' An excellent chart of Lake Superior is that published in 19 19 by the War Department. * Relation, 1666-7. /. R. LI, p. 65. ^ Ibid. pp. 67-69. 134 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jeusits ly call the sault is not properly a sault, or a very high waterfall, but a very violent current of waters from Lake Superior. — It is three leagues below Lake Superior, and twelve above the Lake of the Hurons, this entire extent making a beautiful river, cut up by many islands, which divide it and increase its width in some places so that the eye cannot reach across.'^ For the general con- figuration of the lake Dablon has taken AUouez' description, cor- recting the latter's misstatement as to the northern and southern coastlines. 'This lake,' says Dablon, 'has almost the form of a bent bow, more than a hundred and eighty leagues long; the south side serves as its string, and the arrow seems to be a great tongue of land projecting more than eighty leagues into the width of the lake, starting from this same south side, at about its middle. The north side is frightful, by reason of a succession of rocks which form the end of that prodigious mountain-chain which, beginning beyond Cap de Tourmente, below Quebec, and continuing as far as this point, over a distance of more than six hundred leagues in extent, finally comes and loses itself at the end of this lake.^ It is clear almost throughout and unencumbered with islands, which are ordinarily found only toward the north shores.'^ Speaking of the rivers flowing into this lake, he mentions the Nantounagan towards the south as being well stocked with sturgeon, as was also a river at the western end of the lake, and one on the north side that takes its name from the black sturgeon caught there.^ These rivers are not difficult to identify as the Onontagon, the St. Louis and the Black Sturgeon. They are first shown on the Lake Supe- rior map, though only the Onontagon is named. Dablon's descrip- tion is not based entirely on reports of responsible men like AUouez, but partially on those of savages, as he candidly admits, for he continues: 'Still we do not vouch for the truth of all we are about to relate, upon their [the Indians] simple deposition, until we are able to speak with more assurance after having gone in person to the place referred to.'^ But, strange to say, Dablon is despite this warning remarkably accurate. He begins with the eastern coast, as yet unexplored by any European so far as we know. 'Upon 1 Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, p. 129. 2 The mountain chain is the Laurentian Range. 3 Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, p. 149. *Ibid. p. 151. ^ Ibid. p. 153. Lake Superior Region 135 entering it [Superior] by its mouth, where it empties into the Sault, the first place met where copper is found in abundance, is an island, distant forty or fifty leagues and situated toward the north, oppo- site a spot called Missipicouatong [Michipicoten]. The savages say that it is a floating island. . . . And, in fact, in the mem- ory of man, no one has been known to set foot there, or even to be willing to sail in that direction, — although the island seems to be open enough, and its trees may even be distinguished from another island, named Achemikouan.'^ The floating island is readily identified as Michipicoten, distant about one hundred miles from the Sault and containing a considerable amount of copper.^ The smaller island, here called Achemikouan, is probably the modern Caribou, situated some twenty miles south of Michipicoten, a distance too great to permit the distinction of trees even on the clearest day, so that we must consider this statement an exaggera- tion as no other island in the vicinity fulfills the requirements.^ Then continuing along the northern shore we are told that: 'Ad- vancing as far as the part called ''the great inlet," one comes to ■an island three leagues from land, renowned for the metal that is found there, and for the name of Tonnerre, which it bears because it is said to thunder there all the time.'* There are three large inden- tations in the northern coastline, namely: Thunder Bay, Black Bay and Nipigon Bay. From the name itself we might believe that the first is the one alluded to, and the island in question to be Pie Island, situated at its entrance. But it was the island, not the bay, that bore the name Tonnerre. We would naturally assume that a feature mentioned in the text would be prominently repro- duced on the chart based on that text ; and by glancing at the Lake Superior map we do find a large island, now called St. Ignace — an appropriate reminder of the Jesuits — located at the entrance to Nipigon Bay. Moreover in describing the island of Minong or Isle Royale Dablon places it west of Tonnerre, a location that 1 Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, pp. 153-157. 2 E. D. Ingall. Report on Alines and Mining on Lake Superior. Part I. Geol. & Nat. Hist. Sur. of Canada. Vol. Ill, Pt. II. 1887-8. p. ii-H. ^ There are within a mile or so of Michipicoten a number of microscopic islets called Green Island, Ship Island, Hope Island, etc., though it is improb- able that such small spots would have called for comment in the narrative, and, besides, if the Indians feared the vicinity of Michipicoten they would not have ventured so near as this little archipelago. * Relation, 1669-70. J. R. LIV, p. 159. T36 Geogeaphical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits would make Tonnerre conform with St. Ignace, but not with Pie Island. He says : 'But farther toward the west, on the same north side, is found the island which is most famous for copper, and is called Minong; this is the one on which, as the savages have told many people, the metal exists in abundance, and in many places. It is large, and is fully twenty-five leagues long; it is distant seven leagues from the mainland, and more than sixty from the end of the lake. . . . This large island is almost surrounded with islets that are said to be formed of copper. . . . Again, on this northeast side, far out in the lake, there is another island which, because of the copper in which it abounds, is called Manitouminis : of this it is related that those who came here formerly, upon throw- ing stones at the ground, made it ring, just as brass is wont to ring.'^ Thus we learn of the great Isle Royale with the little island to the northeast, known to-day as Passage Island, well described with due reference to its copper deposits. Continuing the narrative Dablon tells us that in reaching the southern shore of Lake Superior one comes, a day's journey from its western terminus, to a rock of copper; and twenty or thirty leagues east of this is Chagaouamigong Point, where the mission of St. Esprit had been established by Allouez. Off this point he describes a large archipelago, known to-day as the Apostles Islands.^ Twenty leagues farther east is the Nantounagan River, mentioned above as being well stocked with sturgeon. The Lake Superior map whose features are drawn largely from Dablon's account forms the basis of all early map-making for Lake Superior. The Kev*^eenaw Peninsula, Chequamegon Bay the islands of Minong and Michipicoten are faithfully reproduced by Coronelli, Raffeix (his map shows only the southern portion of the lake) and Joliet, and they also appear on the Mission and Great Lakes charts. Even Franquelin's map of 1688 copies the Lake Superior map without attempting to improve its salient points, although it adds here and there a bay or a river, discovered, probably, in later explorations. The Lake Superior map also bears numerous references to routes from western Superior to various tribes, tribes that it was hoped, would some day guide venturesome explorers along the long sought trails to the western and northern 1 Relation, 1669-70. J. R. LIV, pp. 159-161. ^Ibid. p. 161. Lake Superior Region 137 seas, A river entering the lake near Duluth^ is faintly indicated, and carries the legend: ^R. pour aller aux Nadouessi a 60 lieux vers le couchant.'^ and a dotted line running south from St. Esprit is called, 'Chemin aux Ilinois a 150 lieux vers le Midy.'^ Both these routes are taken presumably from Dablon's Relation of 16 70-1 which says, in speaking of the Mississippi River: 'Beyond that great river he the eight villages of the Ilinois, a hundred leagues from Saint Esprit Point; while forty or fifty leagues westward from the latter place is found the nation of the Nadouessi. . . . Still farther away is situated another nation, of an unknown tongue, beyond which, it is said, lies the Western Sea.'^ Father AUouez had previously thrown some light on the subject when he told of the Illinois Indians as living more than sixty leagues south of his residence at St. Esprit, and the Sioux as dwelling forty or fifty leagues to the west.^ Father Dablon speaks of a third route. 'Again,' he says, 'proceeding toward the west-northwest, we find the people called Assinipoualac, constituting one large village, — or, as others say, thirty small villages in a group — not far from the North Sea, two weeks' journey from the above-named mission of Saint Esprit.'^ The last trail indicated on the Lake Superior chart by the inscription: 'R. par ou Von va aux Assinipoualac a 120 lieues vers le norouest. '^ The distances on the map, it will be noticed, vary somewhat from those given in the Relation; but this need not cause surprise as these distances were guesswork at best and subject to continual revision. The river leading to the Assmipoua- lacs appears on the chart as flowing into Thunder Bay, and from its position might be intended for the Kaministikwia. Yet although the Kaministikwia leads to that maze of lakes northwest of Supe- rior which culminates in the Lake of the Woods, it is not the main artery to the Albany River that leads to Hudson Ba3^ The Pigeon River, emptying into Lake Superior somewhat south of the Kaministikwia, is a more logical route to the Bay; and both Coronelli and Franquelin place the river leading to the Assinipoua- ^ St. Louis River. ^ River to go to the Nadouessi (Sioux) 60 leagues towards the sunset. ^ Route to the IlHnois 150 leagues to the south. * Relation, 1 670-1. J. R. LV, pp. 97-99. ' Relation, 1666-7. J- R- LI, PP- 47 and 53. ^ Relation, 1 670-1. J. R. LV, p. 99. ^ River by which one goes to the Assinipoualacs 1 20 leagues towards the northwest. 138 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits lacs in the position of the Pigeon, though Raffeix, Johet (first map), the Great Lakes map and the Mission map follow the presentation given on the Lake Superior chart. Franquelin, however, seems to clinch the matter by showing the R. des Assinipoualacs in the loca- tion of the Pigeon, and placing above it a river flowing into Thun- der Bay, which he calls the Kaministigouan. The Lake Superior chart also brings to our notice the first suggestion of Lake Nipigon and the river leading to it. This, the main route to Hudson Bay by way of the Albany River, is shown on many later designs, notably that of Franquelin, 1688. The Lake Superior map held good for many years. Throughout the seventeenth century and well down into the eighteenth we look in vain for charts that show an improvement in configuration, proportion and prominent features. Later maps, it is true, give greater detail and show a more intimate acquaintance with the eastern half of the lake; but the figure of the bent bow, with the southern shoreline as its string is the fundamental outline on all maps. The geographical knowledge of Lake Superior is as we have seen distinctly a Jesuit contribution. The exploration of AUouez, the summaiy of Dablon, and the Lake Superior map, all compiled within a few years, revealed with great clearness the geographical features of a territory that had hitherto been shrouded in obscurity. CHAPTER V The Jesuits and the Overland Routes to the Northern Sea HAVING disposed of the Jesuit explorations and their con- tributions to geographical knowledge in the Great Lakes Basin and in the Mississippi Valley, we shall now retrace our steps and see what the Relations contain about the discovery of the half- forgotten trail from the lower St, Lawrence River to Hudson Bay. And here, as in previous instances, we may begin by taking into account what Champlain had learned of that region before the Jesuits put in an appearance. The Saguenay River, through whose waters lies the route to Hudson Bay, excited but little interest among the French. Cham- plain had made a half-hearted attempt to explore it in 1603. He ascended the river to a point twelve or fifteen leagues from its mouth where he stopped and satisfied his curiosity for further geographical knowledge by listening to the tales of his Indian guides. He speaks of the Saguenay as a river of remarkable depth and then, analyzing the reports he had heard from the savages, he says: 'I think, judging from what I have heard in regard to its source, that it comes from a very high place, whence a torrent of water descends with great impetuosity. . , . They told me that, after passing the first fall, whence this torrent comes, they pass eight other falls, when they go a day's journey without finding any; then they pass ten other falls and enter a lake^ which it requires two days to cross, they being able to make easily from twelve to fifteen leagues a day. At the other extremity of the lake is found a people who live in cabins.^ Then you enter three other rivers, up each of which the distance is a journey of some three or four days,^ At the extremity of these rivers are two or three bodies of water, like lakes, in which the Saguenay has its source, from which to Tadoussac* is a journey of ten days in their canoes. . . . These savages from the north say that they live in sight ^ Lake St. John. 2 Probably the Porcupine tribe. 3 Lake St. John has several rivers flowing into it. The three largest are the Peribonka, the Chamouchouan and the Mistassini, all coming from a northerly direction. * Tadoussac is at the junction of the Saguenay and the St. Lawrence. 139 I40 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits of a sea which is salt,^ If this is the case, I think it is a gulf of that sea which flows from the north into the interior, and in fact it cannot be otherwise. '2 Excellent as is this description of the source of the Saguenay in Lake St. John, into which flow three large rivers, Champlain's interpretation of the territory beyond is even more creditable, for he guessed the existence of Hudson Bay several years prior to its discovery. On his true Meridian map of 1613 he has outlined the geographical features described above. But not- withstanding the fact that he gave a graphic description of the Bay on this map and again on his map of 1632, and made its outline familiar to Canadian officials, it was difficult for geographers to connect and reconcile Hudson Bay with reports of a northern sea that they were continually receiving from the Indians. These ac- counts were generally descriptions of trails leading from nearby points to a northern ocean, descriptions that were relayed from tribe to tribe until they reached the Canadians. As a sample of these rumors we may cite the following from the Relation of 1659- 60. The narrator says in speaking of Lake Superior: 'The savages dwelling about the end of the lake which is farthest distant from us,^ have given us entirely new light, which will not be displeasing to the curious, touching the route to Japan and China, for which so much search has been made. For we learn from these people that they find the sea on three sides, toward the south, toward the west, and toward the north ; so that, if this is so, it is a strong argu- ment and a very certain indication that these three seas, being thus contiguous, form in reality but one sea, which is that of China. For, — that of the south, which is the Pacific Sea and is well enough known, being connected with the North Sea, which is equally well known, by a third sea, the one about which we are in doubt, — there remains nothing more to be desired than a passage into this great sea, at once a western and an eastern sea.'* The desire to find the western ocean was, as we have previously pointed out, an important object to Canadian authorities, and a source of much inspiration to pioneers and explorers. For this reason interest in exploration — at least official interest — was cen- 1 Hudson Bay or James Bay. 2 E. F. Slafter. Voyages oj Samuel de Champlain. Vol. I, pp. 249 and 250. For comments on Lake St. John and Hudson Bay see note on p. 250. 3 West end of Lake Superior. * /. R. XLV, pp. 221 to 223. Overland Routes to the Northern sea 141 tered about the Great Lakes, thus leaving the upper waters of the Saguenay comparatively neglected. But the Jesuit Fathers, whose main object was the extension of their spiritual kingdom, manifested quite as much solicitude for the welfare of the tribes on the upper Saguenay as for the welfare of those on the shores of the Great Lakes. So while Brebeuf, Garnier and their fellow- workers preached the Gospel with unremitting zeal to their Huron neophytes, a few devoted men, impelled by a desire to comfort 'these poor people — who have never seen anything but forests, rivers, and mountains; who have conversed only with caribous, elks and beavers,'^ betook themselves to the vicinity of Lake St. John, And so we can turn to the Relations with a feeling of confi- dence that information about the northern trails will be found in their pages. The existence of Lake St. John and the three rivers leading into it was fairly well known, thanks to Champlain, when Father de Quen started on his expedition to the Porcupine tribe (near Lake St. John) in 1647. Jean de Quen came to Canada in 1634 and was stationed at Quebec. He remained there for six years engaged in local activities, and was then transferred to Sillery a mission near that settlement. His chief work lay, however, in the Saguenay region where he had his headquarters at Tadoussac; and it was while thus engaged that he discovered Lake St. John. The Father on his voyage of 1647 ascended the Saguenay to the Chi- coutimi River by way of which he reached his destination after passing through Lake Kenogami, the Kenogamich River and La Belle Riviere. 'It is necessary,' he says, 'to cut through moun- tains, and to cross chasms hidden in the depth of the forests. We thrice changer rivers; the first on which we embarked is called the Sagne [Saguenay]. ... It is quite wide; its banks are scraped with frightful mountains, which gradually decrease in height until as far as 1 5 or twenty leagues from its mouth, where it receives in its bosom another stream, larger than itself, which seems to come from the west.^ We sailed another ten leagues be- yond that meeting of waters, which forms, as it were, a beautiful lake ; the winds which pass over this river are very cold, even in the midst of summer, because it is lined with mountains and is 1 Relation, 1647. /. R. XXXI, p. 247. ^ Ha Ha Bay. This presents to one ascending the Saguenay the appear- ance of a large river coming in from the west. 142 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits open to the northwest and frequently to the north. From this river we passed to another, called Kinougamiou, which flows into the Sagne with frightful currents and over frightful precipices: we made a league and a half, crossing a mountain and a valley, in order to overtake it in a navigable place. It is much less rapid than the Sagne, winding to the west, to the south, and to the north- west; it forms a lake which is more than fifteen leagues long, and almost half a league wide.'^ From this lake (Kenogami), which parallels the upper Saguenay between Chicoutimi and Lake St. John, de Quen crossed to the river Kinougamichich, which he descended, passing through the branch known to-day as La Belle Riviere. 'We had navigated against the current of the water in the two preceding rivers;' he continues, 'we began here to go down into the lake Piouagamik [St, John], on the banks of which dwells the Porcupine nation, which we were seeking. This lake is so large that one hardly sees its banks; it seems to be round in shape. . . . It is surrounded by a flat country, terminating in high mountains, distant 3, or four, or five leagues from its shores. It is fed by the waters of fifteen rivers, or thereabout, which serve as highways for the smaU nations which are back in the country, to come to fish in this lake, and to maintain the inter- course and friendship which they have among themselves. '^ A few years later de Quen furnished additional information, his facili- ties for exploration having been increased by the establishment of a mission in the Porcupine nation. Speaking of the outlet of Lake St. John he says: 'The latter [St. John] empties its waters through four or five channels,^ which, after running four or five leagues, unite to make a single river that we call the Sagne, which comes to discharge its waters into the great river Saint Lawrence at Tadous- sac.'* This description of Lake St. John is the first given by a European from personal observation. Although Father de Quen revealed little that Champlain did not know by hearsay, nothing, in fact, save more abundant detail, cartographers have patiently endeavored to do justice to his obser- vations. Sanson on his map of 1650 gives only what he might have 1 Relation, 1647. J. R. XXXI, pp. 249 to 251. 2 Ibid. ^ A good description of the formation where Lake St. John enters the Saguenay. * Relation, 1651-2. J. R. XXXVII, p. 213. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 143 learned from Champlain. This may be due to the fact that his chart is too inclusive to permit much detail of any particular local- ity. His sketch of 1656, however, appears to show an acquaintance with de Quen's narratives, and here we find reproduced with rea- sonable accuracy the Saguenay flowing from Lake St. John, and also the river, or better the chain of lakes and rivers, navigated by de Quen between the lake and the upper Saguenay. Creuxius gave the region more careful study. Not content with following Sanson in tracing the streams that compose the Saguenay route, he shows the long and narrow Lake Kenogami, which forms the detour around the rapids of the upper Saguenay, and at its northern extremity a portage to the Kinougamichich, which flows into L S. Joannis. Lake St. John is given its full quota of rivers debouch- ing into it from every direction, while its outlet to the Saguenay is adorned with islands made by the separate channels. So closely does Creuxius follow the details given by de Quen that one can say almost without a doubt that he had the Relations before him when he drew this territory on his map of 1660. We now turn to an account given by Father Druillettes, that indefatigable pioneer whose footprints are to be found in the re- motest corners of New France. His account contains a brief sum- mary of six distinct routes from the St. Lawrence Basin to Hudson Bay. Its importance lies in its being the first authentic record giv- ing even a faint idea of the pathways reaching through the northern forests to the Bay. Five of these routes are not difficult to identify on a modern chart, but the first, namely that up the Saguenay River, involves many difiiculties, as will be presently explained, and one must be prepared to give the subject careful study, as the variants of the Indian names for geographical features are alone sufficiently puzzling to cause the reader considerable embarrass- ment. Gabriel Druillettes came to Canada in 1643, ^^^ spent the first year preparing himself for his missionary labors by learning the Algonquin tongue. The work for which he is principally re- membered is the mission among the Abnakis that took him to Maine, where he acquired such a familiarity with the region as to lead to his selection as an ambassador to Boston with powers to conclude an alliance with the Puritans against the Iroquois. Later he spent some time among the Montagnais in the Saguenay dis- 144 Geographical Contributions op the Canadian Jesuits trict where he obtained the following important information. *I send you/ he says in a letter to his superior which is contained in the Relation of 1657-8/ 'some memoranda which I have obtained partly from two Frenchmen^ who have made their way far inland, and partly from several savages who are eye-witnesses to the things which I am about to describe, and which will be of service in draughting a general map of those regions. You will see, in the sketch that I send, where I have placed Tadoussac, Three Rivers, the Lake of the Nipisiriniens, and the Great Saulfc; and, if I have not located them correctly, you will, if you please, rectify my scrawl.^ In it you will also see the new routes for going to the North Sea, by way of Tadoussac, by way of Three Rivers, and by way of the Nipisiriniens, with the distances between places esti- mated according to the number of days taken by the savages to make the journeys; I reckoned fifteen leagues a day going down stream, — owing to the swiftness of the current, — and seven or eight leagues going up. I have traced these routes, following the rhumb-line marked by the savages themselves, always in a direc- tion between northwest and west, or west by south; very seldom due north.'* Here we have an instance of a Jesuit Father noting down the geographical data of an unknown territory and incorpor- ating his information on a map. This sketch is unfortunately one of those no longer in existence. In discussing the routes we shall take them up in the order named in the narrative, which is also, with the exception of the sixth trail, the order in which they appear on the map from east to west. Before discussing the routes themselves it is necessary to give at least a brief description of the little known country they tra- versed. North of Lake St. John, and situated about one third of the way between that body of water and the southernmost tip of James Bay, lies Lake Mistassini, an inland sea of respectable dimensions and by far the most important lake in this region.^ In configuration it is long and narrow; and running parallel to it 1 J. R. XLIV. 2 Radisson and Groseilliers. ^ This is one of the lost maps of Chapter I. * J. R. XLIV, pp. 237 to 239. '" It is impossible to show on the map that accompanies this chapter all the details of this region. A more detailed chart is the Southwest sheet of the Map of the Labrador Peninsula in the Geological Survey of Canada, Vol. Ill, New Series. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 145 in such a manner as to give it the appearance of greater breadth is another lake that might be considered a branch or bay of Mistas- sini itself. To the east of Mistassini is a height of land rising more than thirteen hundred feet above the sea-level, which divides the waters of Hudson Bay from those of the St. Lawrence. This ridge runs from northeast to southwest. Lake Mistassini drains into James Bay through the Rupert River, a stream that enters the bay at its southeastern extremity, just above the fifty-first parallel. About seventy-five miles from its mouth the Rupert passes through a lake called Nemiskau. Between this lake and Mistassini the river bends northward like a bow, while a tributary, the Marten, which enters it just above Lake Nemiskau, forms, as it were, the bow-string. The Rupert -Marten waterway, therefore was frequently used a a short cut on descending from Lake Mistas- sini to the Bay. Paralleling the Rupert on the north, though in no wise connected with it, is the East Main or Slade River. Another important stream to note for our purpose is the Nottaway which empties into James Bay a few miles south of the Rupert, It rises in a maze of lakes, some of which extend to the sources of the St. Maurice (the river that flows into the St. Lawrence at Three Rivers), while others connect with the chain of lakes, of which the three largest are Wahwinichi, Chibougamou and Obatagamou, that drains into Mistassini.^ These lakes, be it understood, are all north of the height of land. Turning to the country southeast of the divide we find Lake St, John receiving into its bosom from the north the waters of three rivers — the Peribonka, the Mistassini and the Cham.ouch- ouan, the mouths of the last two being within a few miles of each other. It is well to note, since it forms the principal route from Lake St. John to Lake Mistassini, that the Chamouchouan is made by the junction of two streams, the Chief (and its continuation the Sapin Croche) that rises in File Axe Lake near Lake Mistassini, and the Chegobich whose continuation, the Nikaubau, rises in Lake Nikaubau.^ The two branches join just above the Chaudiere Falls at the forty-ninth parallel. Lake Nikaubau is located south ^ The spelling of many names in this region varies v/ith different maps. An excellent chart is the Basin of the Nottaway River, published in the Geo- logical Survey of Canada, Vol. XIII. ^ The Chegobich and the Chamuochouan on some maps are regarded as one and are called the Ashuapmuchuan. 146 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits of Lake Obatagamou, which we have said is one of the chain empty- ing into Lake Mistassini. It receives from a southerly direction the Foam Falls River, a stream that takes its som"ce near the St. Maurice. The entire northern territory was crossed by a number of trails of which Druillettes noted six leading to James Bay. In order to get a clear understanding of the northern trails it is necessary to quote in full from Druillettes' report. 'The first route to the North Sea, starting from Tadoussac, runs nearly northward ; its course is as follows : One must ascend the Sagne River, which empties into the great river St. Lawrence at Tadoussac, and paddle up to the lake called Piouakouami [St. John], distant from Tadous- sac about forty leagues in a straight line. The savages take five days to go up by this route, because of the currents and falls which they encounter; but they need only two days' journey for the descent, being aided by the swiftness of the current. From Lake Piouakouami one must proceed to another lake named Outakou- ami; the distance between the two, according to the savages' account, is the same as chat between Kebec and Montreal, that is, sixty leagues, which they accomplish in ten days going up and in five coming down. The distance from Lake Outakouami to the sea is, as I infer from their reports, about sixty leagues. They take five days for this journey, which is slightly descending, by way of a large bay or inlet which is on the same meridian as this lake, toward the north. On the left side of Lake Outakouami, as you go toward the west, a river, flowing from the inland region, or rather from the forests with which this country is completely covered, empties into this lake. The savages say that, on ascending this stream, one comes to the river Metaberoutin [St. Maurice], which we call the Three Rivers, about three days' journey beyond a lake called by them Ouapichiouanon; and thence one proceeds to the bay of the people named Kilistinons,^ who are on the North Sea.'2 'The second route to this sea is byway of the Three Rivers, going toward the northwest. One goes from Three Rivers to the lake called Ouapichiouanon, about a hundred and fifty leagues from where the Three Rivers empty into the St. Lawrence. . . . From the lake one proceeds in a straight line to the river of the ^ The Crees. The Bay is either Hudson Bay or James Bay. 2 Relation, 1657-8. J. R. XLIV, pp. 239 to 241. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 147 Ouakouingouechiouek, Last spring the savages covered this dis- tance in three days, although it is fully forty leagues. . . . From the river of the Ouakouingouechiouek to the bay of the Kilistinons called Nisibourounik, I estimate the distance at about sixty or seventy leagues, and it is accomplished in four days.'^ 'Third route. The Nipisiriniens, starting from their lake, — which is called Nipisin, . . . reach the North Sea in fifteen days; that is, their lake is distant therefrom perhaps a hundred and fifty leagues.'^ 'Fourth route. The Achirigouans, who live on a river emptying into the Fresh-water Sea of the Hurons, go in a few days to trade with the Ataouabouskatouk Kilistinons, who are on the sea- shore.'^ 'Fifth route. The upper Algonquins reach the sea in seven days, going in three days to the lake called Alimibeg [Nipigon], and thence descending in four more days to the Bay of the Kilistinons, which is on the coast. '^ Sixth route is 'from the country of the Hurons to Three Rivers, starting from the lake called Temagami,— that is, "deep water," — which I think is the Fresh-water Sea of the Hurons, and the source of the great St. Lawrence River.^ After proceeding some distance on this great river [Ottawa], one goes across country about fifteen leagues, passing some small streams, to the lake called Ouas- sisanik, whence flows a river which takes one to [the] Three Rivers.'^ It is to Creuxius that we must turn for assistance in unraveling this network of forests trails, for he has interpreted them faithfully on his map, though, unfortunately, he complicates the situation by Latinizing the Indian names, already sufficiently exasperating, and with startling results. The first route, by way of the Saguenay, which is the most difficult to reconcile with modern surveys, is handled very easily by Creuxius, who was unhampered by any knowledge of existing topographical conditions. His map shows a river running due south into Lake St. John from a range called monies editi, and north of these mountains is a short stream flowing ^ Ibid. pp. 241 to 243. ^ Ibid. p. 243. 3 Ibid. p. 243. '^ Ibid. p. 243. * Evidently Druillettes refers to the Ottawa which is a branch of the St. Lawrence. ^ Ibid. p. 245. 148 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits into Outakouamicus Lacus, whence it continues northward for a short distance to the sea. On the western shore of Outakouamicus is seen a river, the Ouakouingouachiouec, connecting directly with Hudson Bay, through a territory bearing the name, Kilis- tones. Into this river there flows from the south another stream, uniting it with the Meiaberatinus or St. Maurice, after passing through Ouapataouagachous Lacus.^ The difficulties experienced in reconciling the route described by Druillettes with known geo- graphical facts are almost insuperable, due principally to the omis- sion of any reference to Lake Mistassini, by far the largest and most important body of water between the St. Lawrence and Hudson Bay, and a lake through which lies the main route from Lake St. John to Hudson Bay, a route traversed a few years later by Father Albanel. As it is highly improbable that several trails to the North Sea could be described without allusion to the principal thoroughfare through the northern territory, we must be prepared to identify Lake Mistassini with some body of water mentioned by Druillettes. Upon examining Creuxius' map closely we find that his delineation of the first route corresponds quite accurately with the one taken by Albanel, if we identify Lake Outakouami with Lake Mistassini. The river rising in the Monies Editi is intended, we think, for the modern Chamouchouan, as it enters Lake St. John opposite the Saguenay, and runs, during the northern half of its course, through a small chain of lakes, receiving in the south- ernmost lake the waters of the Misiassirus Fl., which descends from the northeast. This latter stream may have been intended for the Mistassini River, although one sees by glancing at a modern chart that the Mistassini empties into Lake St. John near the mouth of the Chamouchouan and not into that river itself. Flowing from the northwest into the main stream (now identified with the Chamouchouan) a small river is shown by Creuxius. This river we assume to be the Chegobich, descending from a small mountain range. It is labelled Episgoeskaus Fl. Near its source are tv>70 rivers, one, south of the mountain range, connects with the Metaberoutin (St. Maurice), the other, called Namebecus FL, rises north of the divide and flows into Lake Outakouamicus. By comparing this 1 It is impossible on this map in many cases to tell the direction in which a river is intended to run, as the designer often connects two streams known to flow in opposite directions. However, it was frequently the custom in the seventeenth century to indicate portages by a continuous passage. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 149 outline with a modern map one is surprised to see how well it con- forms with actual geography. Moreover, it corresponds roughly to the narratives of Dablon and Albanel, who penetrated north- ward in this direction, the former to the divide at a place called Necouba, the latter through to James Bay. By ascending the Chamouchouan and the Chegobich one reaches Lake Nikaubau on the divide. Crossing the divide at this point and passing dovv^n through Lakes Obatagamou, Chibougamou and Wahwanichi^ one reaches Mistassini; in fact, this route was chosen by Fathers Dab- lon and Albanel as less difficult than the shorter one by way of the Chief River and File Axe Lake.^ From this analysis one is inclined to believe that the Outakouamicus Lacus of Creuxius and Druil- lettes is identical with Lake Mistassini, through whose waters lies the main highway to James Bay. Assuming this Creuxius becomes intelligible. The river leading from Outakouamicus to Hudson Bay is the Rupert-Marten. It extends with its many lakes and portages about sixty miles, due allowance being made for erroneous orientation, as the Rupert flows west and not north as Druillettes intimates when he speaks of the 'large bay or inlet which is on the same meridian as this lake, toward the north.' The short stream on Creuxius' map flowing due north from Outakouamicus to the sea may be set aside as purely imaginary, though it reappears on many charts. In connection with the first route we have a secondary trail branching off from Lake Outakouami and connecting with the St. Maurice River. This presents but little difficulty now that we have identified that lake with Mistassini. The traveller in ascend- ing the Chamouchouan from Lake St. John could, instead of going up the Chegobich branch, trace the source of the main stream up the Chief and Sapin Croche Rivers to File Axe Lake. Then going over to Lake Mistassini he would find 'on the left ... as you go to the west,' to use Druillettes' words, a river, the outlet of Wahwanichi Lake. Passing up through this lake and those to the southwest of it, namely, Chibougamou and Obatagamou, Lake Nikaubau is easily reached, and into this last body of water flows ^ These names and their spelling are taken from the Labrador map of 1696. They will be found to differ on other charts. =* Dablon, who went as far as Nikaubau in 1661, speaks of taking this route in preference to the main stream of the Chamouchouan. Relation, 1660-1. J. R. XLVI, p. 273. 150 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits the Foam Falls River which rises near the sources of the St. Maurice. In fact this trail was actually taken in recent times by a scientific expedition that ascended the Foam Falls to the height of land that divides the waters of Lake St. John from those of the St. Maurice. Here the expedition embarked on a tributary of the Foam Falls called the Clear Water, and reached Sandy Beach Lake, where the St. Maurice comes in from the northwest.^ This interpretation of Druillettes' description does not, it is true, follow Creuxius' map, nor does it take into account Lake Ouapichiouanon, for it will be remembered that Druillettes quotes the savages as saying that by the river that comes from the west one comes to the Metaberoutin or Three Rivers 'about three days' journey beyond a lake called by them Ouapichiouanon ; and thence one proceeds to the bay of the people of the Kilistinons, who are on the North Sea.' The lake in question might be any of the numerous ones along the route, such as Nakaubau or Obatagamou, and to reach Hudson Bay from the head- waters of the St. Maurice was an easy matter as will be seen in our discussion of the second route. De Lisle, on his Carte du Canada ou de la Nouvelle France, 1703 ,2 gives what is perhaps the most literal interpretation of Druillettes. Here we see the Periboca (Peribonka) issuing from Lake Outakouami (situated a trifle to the east of Mistassini) and flowing into Lake St. John. Outakouami is connected with Hudson Bay by a R. des Ouakouing- ouechiouek, flowing through a lake of the same unpronounceable name to the Riviere des Pitchihourouni, or East Main. Northward flows a river bearing an inscription to the effect that according to the reports of savages the stream empties into the North Sea after a course of sixty leagues, and the map shows the stream falling into a hazy outline of a bay which bears the inscription: 'Grande Baye au r apart des Sauvages.'^ Yet it is obvious that such a scheme would make a connection with the St. Maurice impracticable, although according to Druillettes' account, such a connection existed. There seems, however, to have been a lingering tradition of a large body of water in this northern region, for Father Laure's map^ shows at its northern extremity the partial outline of a lake with the legend: 1 James Richardson. Report on the Country North of Lake St. John. 1871. Geological Survey of Canada. Report of Progress. 1 870-1. p. 285. 2 De Lisle's Atlas de Geographie. 1700-1712. Copy in the Library of Congress. ^ Large bay according to the report of savages. ■* This map will be described presently. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 151 'L. Oupinigan ou les Anglais vont en traite. Les Mistassins assurent qu'il est presque aussi grand que lew lac.'^ What this lake may have been we can only guess. It was not until Father Albanel discovered the Rupert-Marten trail to Hudson Bay that we find any attempt to portray this re- gion, other than on the chart of Creuxius cited above. Conscienti- ous efforts were then made to combine the narrative of Albanel with the information furnished by Creuxius and Druillettes. For this purpose cartographers placed Lake Mistassini in a suitable location, connecting it with Hudson Bay and Lake St. John by rivers much according to Albanel's description. Then to the east they insert a smaller lake, the Outakouam, from which flow three rivers; one, the Peribonka to Lake St. John, a second after passing through Lake Ouapichianon runs parallel to the Rupert in the position now accorded to the East Main, while a thu-d flows due north to the sea. Franquelin's map, 1688, deserves serious atten- tion because of its faithful rendering of the region under discussion. We see the Periboca flowing into Lake St. John from a nameless body of water which is connected with Mistassini, here bearing the name of Timagaming, by a chain of lakes and small streams that seem to run past the Hauteur des Terre without a break.^ From Timagaming direct to Lake St. John is a river, while to the west of this stream the Nicouba flows into St. John, and near the source of the Nicouba is a river emptying into Lake Timagaming. The entire scheme is extremely accurate ; the main stream connect- ing Lakes Mistassini and St. John being in a position similar to the Chamouchouan, Chief and Sapin Croche Rivers, while the St. Maurice is brought close enough to be within easy reach of Tima- gaming.^ De Fer on his two maps of 1718^ has carried out the plan ^ L. Oupinigan where the EngUsh go to trade. The Mistassins say that it is almost as big as their lake. 2 This corresponds so accurately to modern maps that it must have been derived from an eye-witness. A. P. Low, who went from the headwaters of the Peribonka to Lake Mistassini, reached them by ascending the Bersiamites River and not the Peribonka. He describes the chain of lakes and height of land in a way that resembles Franquelin's delineation very much. Report of the Mistassini Expedition. Part D. Annual Report, 1885. Geo.& Nat. Hist. Survey of Canada, p. 9-D. ^ On the Labrador map is a Lake Timiscamie northeast of Lake Mistassini. * De Fer's maps referred to here are the Carte de la Nouvelle France etc. Dressee sur les Memories les plus Nouveaux recueillis pour V Etahlissement de la Compagnie Frangoise Occident. One is a map issued in 171 8 for Law's Mississippi scheme; the other is an enlarged reproduction of the eastern sec- tion of the former. There are copies in the Carter Brown Library. 152 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits well, obviously under the indirect influence of Druillettes, as he seems to have copied de Lisle (1703) fairly closely. He has pro- jected on his smaller map a river running northward from Lake Outakouam into the Baie des Esquimaux, an imaginary arm of the Atlantic Ocean. His other map is drawn on too large a scale to embrace the North Sea; but the river flowing into it bears the inscription: 'Riv. qui les sauvages disent tomber dans la mer du nord pres de 60 lieues de cours.'^ It would seem on the whole as though Franquelin and de Fer had followed Creuxius to a certain extent, using his Lacus Outakouamicus for their Misfcassini or Timagaming. Years later in 1731 Father Laure, whose long acquaintance with this region permits him to speak with authority, issued a chart covering the region under discussion.^ Its most striking feature is the extraordinarily accurate portrayal of the peculiar contour of Lake Mistassini, a feat that could only have been per- formed by one familiar with its topography. The lakes and rivers of Albanel's route are, of course, shown with a fair degree of ac- curacy; but the Peribonka River, assumed by early authorities, and by some modern ones as well, to be Druillettes first trail, is extended northward but a few leagues, thus rendering access to the North Sea impracticable by this stream. The objection to tracing Druillettes' first route by a water highway around Lake Mistassini will be seen by a glance at a modern chart. The Peribonka River rises near a height of land northeast of Mistassini where there are numerous lakes, any one of which could be selected for Outakouami; but should we attempt to follow this trail we should see that there is no water connection with the East Main River that would offer a practical route to Hudson Bay. One might ascend a branch of the Peribonka and reach Mistassini by Temiscanie Lake; yet even so, no one, least of all an Indian with his uncanny orientation in the trackless forests, would attempt to arrive at his goal by such a roundabout way.^ Druillettes' description, despite its value, is so much at 1 The river which the savages say falls into the north sea after a course of 60 leagues. 2 Carte du Domaine du Roy en Canada. 1731. A good copy is found in C. de Rochemonteix. Les Jesuites et la Nouvelle France. 1895. ^ R. G. Thwaites gives the first route as follows: 'The first of these routes to Hudson Bay followed the Saguenay up to Lake St. John (Piouakouami) ; then entered the tributary of that lake named Peribonka, proceeding N.E. to Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 153 variance with subsequent discoveries, both by Jesuit pioneers and by modern surveyors, that we are obHged to allow considerable range to the imagination and to avoid being positive or dogmatic. The second route offers no great difficulty if we consult a mod- ern map rather than the older charts, which as a rule give but little information on the subject. By ascending the St. Maurice (Metaberoutin) to its source one may, after crossing a chain of lakes, reach the headwaters of the Netchiskau River that enters the Nottaway at Mettagami Lake; or, since the text traces the path through Lake Ouapichiouanon (which we have assumed is Nikaubau), it is possible to enter the Nottaway by the Foam Falls River, Nikaubau Lake, Obatagamou Lake and the Meguitsu River. The latter course is, in substance, the one adopted by Creuxius, who has shown the various bodies of water, not in their precise locations, but in their relations to one another. The third route, namely that taken by the Nipissing Indians, begins at Lake Nipissing and descends the Mattawan River to the Ottawa, then, turning northward up that stream, passes through Lake Timiskaming and Quinze Lake, then the lower Abitibi, where it follows the Abitibi River to its junction with the Moose, which empties into James Bay.^ Creuxius represents this course but crudely. From Lake Nipissing there runs, on his chart, a Fl. Nipisiorum ad Kilistones to the sea, entering Hudson Bay on its eastern side. Franquelin's effort is far better, indeed it is remarkably accurate, for he does not draw a river from Lake Nipissing, but extends the Ottawa from its junction with the Mattawan north to Lac des Ahitihis which is connected in turn by a stream to the southwestern extremity of James Bay. In tracing the fourth route we are much indebted to Creuxius who shows a river, Fl. achiriouanorum ad mare, running from Lake Huron near the Spanish River to a lake near James Bay. The Fl. Nipisiorum ad Kilistines coming from Lake Nipissing unites with its source in Lake Ouitchtagami (Outakouami). By a portage thence across the "height of land" (watershed), one would reach a small river falling into Lake Mistassini, the headwaters of the Rupert River, which flows into the Southern end of James Bay.' /. R. XLIV, p. 323. note #20. This is plausible; in some ways more so than the route we have outlined, especially as it is borne out by the map of de Lisle. Yet it does not overcome the serious objection that it involves a complete oversight of the usual course of travel by way of the Chamouchouan and Lake Mistassini. I This route was taken in 1686 by the Chevalief de Troyes on his expedition against the English posts on Hudson Bay. 154 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits this river, and the two form one to the Bay. We can trace the actual route on a modern map up the Spanish River to Bistotasi Lake, then through a chain of lakes embracing Opeepeesway and Harwood, to the source of the Ground Hog River, whence one reaches the Moose by way of the Mattagami. Thus Creuxius is right in uniting the two streams, namely that from Georgian Bay and that from the Ottawa into a common channel, which we know to-day to be the Moose River. The fifth route was, perhaps, more frequently used than any of the others. It takes the traveller from Lake Superior to Lake Nipigon whence the Albany River is reached by the Pikitigushi River, Whiteclay Lake and the Ogoki River; or it is reached by the little Jackfish River, (east of the Pikitigushi) which connects with the Ogoki after passing through a chain of lakes. One cannot be too positive as to which route was intended; probably both were used, as a modern map shows portages on both trails.^ Franquelin shows this course as well as could be expected at the time, being aided by the explorations of du Perray, the first European to reach Hudson Bay by the Albany River. Creuxius traces it by way of a Kilistonum River to Lacus Alimibegoueck, and then to the Bay by the Fl. Eitayikytchidyanus} The sixth route offers a choice between two courses. Both start from Lake Timagaming which is probably Timaskaming on the Ottawa River as shown on Franquehn's map, and not the Fresh-water Sea of the Hurons as Druillettes supposes.^ The routes lead to the Ottawa which the author refers to as the St. Lawrence,* Here the traveller may ascend the Ottawa, whose upper waters flow from east to west, until he reaches its source in Lake Cape Mechagama. Thence he would cross over to the Gati- neau River, descend it for a short distance and then cross to the 1 See map of Northwestern Ontario, 1920, published by the Dept. of Lands and Forests, Canada. 2. Lake Nipigon is shown as Alepimigon on de Fer's maps, and as Alemipi- gon on de Lisle's. 3 There is also a Lake Timagami north of Lake Nipissing. * Hubert Jaillot's map of Hudson Bay, 1685, in the Kohl Coll. at Lib. of Cong, shows Lake Temiscaming as an expanse of the Ottawa, in much the same way as does Franquelin. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 155 Men wan Lakes that lie near the St. Maurice.^ As a variation of this course one may go down the Ottawa to the Riviere du Moine, an affluent that debouches into the parent stream half-way be- tween the mouth of the Mattawan and Allumettes Island; then proceed up the Riviere du Moine which is noted, though not named, on Gallinee's map with the caption: 'On dit que cette branch de la grande Riviere va aux Trois Rivieres/^ a tolerable proof that travel must occasionally have ventured up this stream, though not to the exclusion of another route. Creuxius is non- committal on the subject, being susceptible to interpretation either way. Druillettes' outhne of the northern waterways no doubt whetted his desire to discover a means of communication with the northern sea; but before he undertook the journey with Father Dablon, he had an opportunity to enlarge his already extensive knowledge by an interview with an Indian named Atav/anik, whom he met returning from an expedition to Hudson Bay. In the Relation of 1659-60 we find the following account of Atawan- ik's story .^ 'He started, in the month of June of the year one thou- sand six hundred and fifty eight, from the lake of the Ouinipegouek, which is strictly only a large bay in Lake Huron. It is called by others "the lake of the stinkards," not because it is salt hke the water of the sea, — which the savages call Ouinipeg, or "stinking water," — but because it is surrounded by sulphurous soil, whence issue several springs which convey into this lake the impurities 1 James Richardson in his report says that after descending the St. Mau- rice about twenty miles from Lake Traverse, which he reached by following up the Foam Falls River, he struck the Gatineau after passing through two lakes. Ibid. p. 286. Champlain tells us that the savages went up the Ottawa to reach the Saguenay. W. L. Grant. Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, p. 279. His map of 1632 shows the sources of the Ottawa located so as to give easy access to the Saguenay and Three Rivers — dotted lines being employed to show the trails. Note +1:83 on the map says: 'A river by which manj^ savages go to the North Sea, above the Saguenay, and to the Three Rivers, going some distance over- land.' Sagard. Ibid, also speaks of coming to a river (upper Ottawa) when descending the Mattawan, that led to the Saguenay and Tadoussac, a dis- tance of two hundred leagues, pp. 734 and 735. Thwaites interprets the sixth route as up the Ottawa to its source. /. R. XLIV, note #20. 2 It is said that this branch of the great river goes to Three Rivers. ^ It is not certain that Druillettes was the missionary who actually reported Atawanik's story, but Thwaites presumes that it was he. No doubt Druil- lettes heard the account. J. R. XLV, p. 16. 156 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits absorbed by their waters in the places of their origin.^ He passed the remainder of that summer and the following winter near the lake which we call Superior, from its position above that of the Hurons, into which it empties by a waterfall that has also given it its name.^ . . . Moreover, from this same Lake Superior, following a river toward the north, we arrive, after eight or ten days' journey, at Hudson Bay, in fifty-five degrees of latitude. From this place, in a northwesterly direction, it is about forty leagues by land to Button Bay, where lies port Melson [sic], on the fifty-seventh degree of latitude and the two hundred and seven- tieth of longitude ; the distance thence to Japan is to be reckoned at only one thousand four hundred and twenty leagues, there being only seventy-one degrees of a great circle intervening. These two seas, then, of the South and of the North, being known, there re- mains only that of the West, which joins them, to make orly one from the three; and it is the fresh knowledge that we have gained from a nation which, being situated at about the forty-seventh de- gree of latitude and the two hundred and seventy-third of longitude, assures us that ten days' journey westward lies the sea, which can be no other than the one we are looking for, — it is this knowledge that makes us believe that the whole of North America, being thus surrounded by the sea on the east, south, west, and north, must be separated from Groeslande [Greenland] by some strait, of which a good part has already been discovered ; and that it only remains now to push on some degrees farther, to enter nothing less than the Japan Sea.'^ Atawanik reached James Bay probably by the Lake Nipigon route. Here he saw, while coasting down its shores, a large island^ which took its name from the white bears that inhabited it — shown later on Creuxius' map as Ins. Ursorum Candidorum, and eventually identified as Agoomska Island.^ The Indian visited the ^ Thwaites calls this lake, Lake Nipissing. /. R. XLV, note Si9- No reason is given why the term, 'Ouinipeg,' should here be applied to Nipissing when it is used again and again for Green Bay. Possibly the statement that the lake is merely a large bay in Lake Huron has led to this identification. But it should be borne in mind that at this time the state of geographical knowledge of these regions was imperfect, and that Green Bay, and even Lake Michigan whose southern extent was as yet unknown, might well have been spoken of as a bay of Lake Huron. ^J. R.XLY,p. 219. ^ Ibid. pp. 223 to 225. * Ibid. p. 225. ^ De Fer shows this island as /. Agameske ou I. des Oiirs Blancs. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 157 Kilistinons, who had nine settlements ranging in population from a comparatively small number to a thousand or fifteen hundred souls.^ He also explored the eastern shore, visiting the Pitchi- bourenik dwelling at the entrance to the bay.^ Though little of value was disclosed by the Indian's reports the imagination was profoundly stirred, for here at last was a clue to the western ocean by way of the northern sea. Access to the west- ern ocean was, of course, the primary object of exploration, and, as we have seen, it was towards the west that Marquette and Johet were instructed to direct their steps. Nevertheless, it came to be recognized that if the western sea proved too remote, or the route to it presented too many difficulties, a comparatively easy path might be found to Hudson Bay, and this, in turn, might con- nect with the Japan Sea, Father Allouez commented thus on the problem: 'The Kilistinouc have their usual abode on the shores of the North Sea, and their canoes ply along a river emptying into a great Bay, which we think is, in all probability, the one designated on the map by the name of Hutson. For those whom I have seen from that country have told me that they have known of a ship ; and one of their old men declared to me that he had him- self seen, at the mouth of the river of the Assinipoualac [Nelson], some people allied to the Kilistinouc, whose country is still farther northward.'' After Dablon had made a vain effort to reach the North Sea he retained his interest in the project, and warmly recommended its adoption as a practical means of solving the route to the Japan Sea. In the Relation of 1669-70 he says: 'The second motive for this journey,* is to discover at last that North Sea of which so much has already been said, and which has not yet been found by land. The incentives to this discovery are: first, to find out, by a comparison of the latitude and longi- tude of this place with that of the sea, whether that sea is the bay to which Hutson penetrated in the year 16 12, or some other; and then to ascertain what part of the North Sea is nearest to us. Secondly, to learn whether communication can be had from Quebec all the way to this sea by following all the northern shores, just as was attempted some years ago. This depends on the situation ^ Ibid. p. 227. ^ Ibid. p. 229. He refers to James Bay. ' Relation, 1666-7. J- R- LI, p. 57. * The first motive was the conversion of the Indians. 158 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits of that bay, which we here^ have at our backs, toward the north; for if it is found to be Hutson's Bay, or another one farther west- ward, easy communication cannot be hoped for, since it would be necessary to double a point extending co more than sixty-three degrees of latitude. Thirdly, to verify the quite probable conjec- tures that have been entertained for a long time, that a passage could be made by this route to the Japan Sea.'^ In order to understand properly the situation and to grasp the problem that baffled Dablon and his contemporaries, it is necessary to examine the knowledge of geography as presented by the few cartographers whose temerity led them to portray the unexplored regions of northwestern Canada. Two facts were known: the existence of Hudson Bay, from discovery and exploration, and the probable existence of a North Sea, from the reports of Indians. The question to be solved was whether or not these two were one. The Jesuits had patiently gathered together all available informa- tion, as we have seen by the foregoing quotations, and were en- deavoring to reach a conclusion, not only by a careful analysis of the material, but by personal explorations. The maps at their disposal afforded but little satisfaction, as their designers were as much perplexed as the Fathers themselves, Sanson's map of 1650 outlined a crude representation of the Golfe de Hudson ou Hudson Bay. presumably from English sources; and west of this the geog- rapher placed Button's Bay, a long, narrow gulf, running south- ward until it disappears in a Mer Glaciale. Here the engraver wisely stopped. He gives no further indication or even hint as to the configuration of the northern coast ; but he extends the western shore of Button's Bay northward until it meets Greenland, thus encircling Baffin's Bay and intercepting water communication with the Pacific Ocean. De Lisle, 1700, has cautiously ignored western geography. His map gives a more modern conception of Hudson Bay, yet it embodies the same enclosure of the eastern waters, Button's Bay and the Mer Glaciale being entirely omitted. The outline of the North Sea, or Mer Glaciale, and Hudson Bay as given on Joliet's first map, 1674, and on the Carte Generale (186 1?) variously ascribed to Joliet and Franquelin, must not be taken as a serious attempt to reproduce any definite information 1 The word, 'here,' refers to Lake Superior. 2 Relation, 1669-70. /. R. LIV, p. 135. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 159 on this region. Joliet's principal object was to portray the Missis- sippi River, but as he had heard vague rumors of the North Sea, he finished off the upper portion of his chart by a rough guess. It is not unUkely, however, that Joliet, who was in more or less close touch with the Fathers, was somewhat influenced, when drawing his map, by the reports which they had so patiently collected re- garding a northern sea. Such was the problem of the North Sea, as it was then, and as it remained for many years to come. The credit for its ultimate solution was due to other explorers than the Jesuit Fathers. But meanwhile the missionaries concentrated their efforts on finding an overland route that would bring the North Sea within striking distance of Quebec, and obviate the tedious journey through Hudson Strait, if Hudson Bay and the North Sea should prove to be the same. Fathers Dablon and Druillettes started on June i, 1661, from Tadoussac to Hudson Bay in fulfillment of a long cherished ambi- tion. They journeyed up the Saguenay, in the path trodden by Father de Quen, to Lake St. John which is described by Dablon as the limit of French exploration, the region being unknown.^ They crossed this lake, which Dablon estimated as being seven or eight leagues in diameter, and entered a river which they named the Blessed Sacrament.^ 'It is beautiful, wide, and divided by islands and prairies;' says Dablon, 'and has a gentle current on which we proceeded at our ease for the distance of three leagues and more.'^ Then they encountered a series of falls and rapids, and bravely shouldering their baggage they climbed over rocks and fallen trees and waded through shallow streams, courageously attacking the heart-breaking obstacles that a jealous nature had placed in their path. On the twenty-fifth of June they reached a point 'where the river divides into two branches, the wider flowing from the right, and the other and narrower from the left.'* Select- ing the left fork as the less difficult of the two, they arrived at a lake which, in appreciation of their good fortune, they named Lake of Good Hope. 'The three following days,' writes Dablon, 'were spent in crossing lakes, then in exploring the woods for rivers, then in resuming our course on more lakes and rivers, which at length 1 Relation, 1660-1. /. R. XLVI, pp. 259 to 261. 2 The Chamouchouan. ^ Ibid. p. 267. * Ibid. p. 273. i6o Geographical Contributions oe the Canadian Jesuits brought us to Nekouba — a place midway, as I have said, between the two seas, that of the North and that of Tadoussac. We found its latitude to be forty-nine degrees, twenty minutes, and its longitude three hundred and five degrees, ten minutes; for, pro- ceeding northwest by west from Tadoussac, we come to Lake St. John after traveUing thirty-five leagues by the shortest route ; and, still advancing northwest by west from that lake, whose latitude is forty-eight degrees, thirty minutes, and longitude three hundred and seven degrees, fifty minutes, we arrive here, having accom- plished about forty-five leagues in a straight line.'^ The route is easily followed. Passing through the little archi- pelago at the mouth of the Chamouchouan River (there is no ques- tion here that they chose this trail in preference to the one up the Peribonka) the missionaries ascended this stream to a point above the Chaudiere Falls, where they reached the mouth of the Chegob- ich River. The latter stream brought them to Chegobich Lake, whence they were obliged to pick their way through a chain of lakes leading to the Nikaubau River and the lake of the same name. Here their journey ended; not ingloriously, since they had traversed a region as yet unknown to the white man, but without accomplishing their object of opening a route to Hudson Bay. Indian hostilities made further progress inadvisable, so Dablon improved his well-earned rest by writing a letter to his superior, Father Lalemant, bearing the significant date: 'From Nekouba, one hundred leagues from Tadoussac, in the forest, on the way to the North Sea, this second day of July, 1661.' He saj^s in his letter: 'At last here we are, with God's help, almost half-way to the North Sea, at a spot which is, as it were, the middle point between the two seas — the one we have left and the one we are seeking.'^ And a half-way point it is, just south of the divide which rises about thirteen hundred feet above the sea. Necouba is shown prominently on the maps of de Lisle and de Fer. Dablon's voyage is not so important as one would at first believe, since Father Albanel about ten years later covered the same territory and had the advantage of bringing his expedition to a successful conclusion on the shores of James Bay. Furthermore, no map of this region was designed between the dates of the two journeys, 1 Relation, 1 660-1. /. R. XLVI, p. 275. 2 Relation, 1660-1. /. R. XLVI. p. 253. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea i6i so it is impossible to say what credit should be given to Dablon on subsequent charts, but it is significant to point out that the lati- tude and longitude of Necouba and Lake St. John, as shown on de Lisle's map of 1700, follow closely the figures given by Dablon. It may be well to pause here, before taking up Albanel's narra- tive, and notice a claim, advanced years later by several writers, that Radisson and Groseilliers discovered Hudson Bay in 1660. The evidence upon which this story is built is not convincing and one might wonder how the story could ever have been seriously entertained. Radisson's narrative, describing his journey to Lake Superior, tells us that they crossed the western end of the lake and advanced along its northern shore until they reached a deep bay. 'We went away,' he says, 'with all hast possible to arrive the sooner att ye great river. We came to the seaside, where we finde an old howse all demoUished and battered with bouUetts. . . . We went from isle to isle all that summer. . . . This place hath a great store of cows. The wildman kill them not except for necessary use. We went further in the bay to see ye place that they weare to passe that summer. That river comes from the lake and empties itselfe in ye river of Sagnes, called Tadousack, which is a hundred leagues in the great river of Canada, as where we weare in ye bay of ye north. . . . We passed that summer quietly, coasting the seaside, and as the cold began, we prevented the ice.'^ The principal internal evidence offered for the discovery of a route to Hudson Bay seems to hinge on the word, 'seaside,' interpreted as meaning the Bay. That the term, 'sea,' was frequently used to denote the vast bodies of water which we call the Great Lakes — in fact Lake Huron was known as the Fresh-water Sea of the Hurons — seems to have been entirely overlooked by those crediting Radisson with the discovery of the route.^ Lest Radisson's cham- pions seem too credulous it must be said that some external evi- dence is offered. According to Noel Jeremie, French commander at Hudson Bay during the latter part of the seventeenth century, Groseilliers reached his station from the country of the Ottawas; and to reinforce this claim they point to the river Des Groseilliers 1 G. D. Scull, Pierre E. Radisson, pp. 224 and 225. The phrase, 'we pre- vented the ice,' means probably, 'we avoided the ice.' ^ George Bryce. The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company. 1900, points out the fallacy of the Radisson claim in an elaborate refutation pp. 5 and 6. 1 62 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits on Franquelin's map, 1688, — now the Pigeon River debouching into Lake Superior through its northern shore — as proof that the pioneer passed that way on his journey to the North Sea. Coronel- h as well as Franquelin shows such a river in the position of the modern Gooseberry (English for Groseilliers) , but it is so called, probably, because of the abundance of that fruit on its banks.^ In analyzing the merits of the question it is well to point out that modern antiquarians, notably George Bryce and Warren Upham, who have given the matter careful study, are satisfied that neither Radisson nor Groseilliers reached Hudson Bay by an overland route; while those who still credit the claim — and there are some modern historians that do — merely take the story at its face value without recourse to any critical analysis; and, moreover, they make no attempt to refute the arguments of their opponents.^ After the Hudson's Bay Company had estabhshed its posts an acrimonious dispute arose between France and England over the ownership of the Bay. To bolster up their contention the French put forth several claims to priority of discovery by an overland route that were subsequently shown to be unfounded. In 166 1 Indians were said to have come to Quebec overland from the Bay in search of spiritual instruction, and in answer to their request Dablon and a companion were sent back with them.^ We have, fortunately, Dablon's account of his journey north in 1661, and far from setting forth any claims to a discovery of the route to Hudson Bay the author takes pains to tell us that he went no farther than Necouba, a point half-way to his destination. Other claims were advanced in behalf of the Sieur La Couture, who was said to have made a successful journey overland in 1663, and to 1 Warren Upham. Ihid. believes that Franquelin got this information from Du Lhut. p. 513. 2 H. C. Campbell. Radisson and Groseilliers. 1896. pp. 23 and 24. See Noel Jeremie's Relation du Detroit et ed la Baye de Hudson in J. F. Bernard. Recueil de Voyages au Nord. iTi'^- Vol. Ill, p. 321. Warren Upham's refutation is conclusive. He says: 'Without beginning a new paragraph, Radisson turns abruptly away from the Cree encampment on the north shore of lake Superior, doubtless somewhere between fifteen and fifty miles northeast of Duluth. . . . In two short sentences he reaches Hudson Bay, and before the end of the paragraph he supplies confirmations of this statement by saying that they found a ruined house bearing bullet marks, and that the Indians there told of European visitors, meaning evidently that sailing vessels had come to that southern part of the bay.' Ihid. p. 508. 3 Letter of de Denonville to Seignelay, Nov. 8, 1686. Paris Docs, in Docs. Col. Hist. N. Y. Vol. IX, p. 304. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 163 have taken possession of the country in the King's name. A similar statement was made regarding the Sieur Duquet and Jean L'Ang- lois.^ But these assertions are no longer considered worthy of credence and may be regarded as frantic attempts on the part of the French to pre-empt the title to Hudson Bay. We are, there- fore, safe in assuming that the overland route to the Bay was not discovered until Father Albanel's expedition in 1672. The French Intendant, Talon, was interested in the northern territory, spurred on, perhaps, by a feeling of jealousy towards the Hudson's Bay Company.^ This organization was carrying on a thriving fur business on the Bay, and reached its stations from England by sea. Talon, learning from a party of Algonquins that there were two European vessels in the Bay, assumed them to be English ships, and conceived the idea of sending an expedition overland to induce the Kilistinons, who acted as middlemen in the fur trade with other tribes, to come down to Quebec where the French might transact business with them without undertaking a tedious and expensive journey to Hudson Bay.^ For this purpose he selected as leader of the expedition Father Charles Albanel. This missionary's enthusiasm for discovery was unbounded and had even led to his being accused of neglecting his spiritual duties towards the savages in order to gratify his avocation.^ Arriving in Canada in 1649 Albanel spent the greater part of his time in the vicinity of Tadoussac, leaving it only to take part in Tracy's expedition (1666) against the Iroquois. Returning from this diver- sion he was selected for the important work of exploring the north- ern regions. In organizing the expedition the intendant also had an eye to possible discoveries, for he instructed Father Albanel to determine the practicability of erecting buildings on the Bay as headquarters for ships sent out in search of a communication between the North and South Seas, As Hudson Bay had according to Talon been previously discovered by Frenchmen, a young Cana- dian gentleman named Saint Simon was commissioned to accom- pany Albanel, and to take formal possession of the northern coun- tries by proclamation, emphasizing the French claims by erecting the royal coat-of-arms.^ 1 Beokles Willson. The Gi'eat Company, pp. 56. to 59. ^ Hudson's was the old name for the bay. ^ Letter of Talon to Colbert. Nov. 10, 1670. Margry. Ibid. Vol. I, p. 84. '*' Rochemonteix. IHd. Vol. II, pp. 372 and 373. ^ Letter of Talon to the King. Nov. 2, 1671. Margry. Ibid. pp. 93 and 94. 1 64 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Father Albanel left Tadoussac in the autumn of 167 1, and wintered at Lake St. John. The following June he took leave of the Indians at Nataschegamiou, a settlement on the lake, and pro- ceeded up the Chamouchouan River in Father Dablon's footsteps. After six days of travel and two of delay he writes: 'The ninth [of June] tried our patience severely by reason of an extremely difficult portage, both on account of its length, which some place at four leagues, and because of the bad traveling. One must al- ways be in the water half-way to his knees, and at times even to his waist, in crossing and recrossing streams that flow through the midst of a vast plain which must be traversed to gain the river Nekoubau, to the southwest of the one left behind. . . , To- ward six o'clock on the morning of the tenth, we arrived at Paslis- taskau, which divides the lands of the north from those of the south. It is a small tongue of land, an arpent in width and two in length, the two ends of this point being bounded by two small lakes, whence issue two rivers. One flows down to the east, and the other to the northwest, — the former emptying into the sea at Tadoussac by way of the Saguenay; and the latter into Hutson's Bay, by way of Nemeskau, which marks the middle point of the route between the two seas.'^ Albanel had reached Lake Nikaubau and passed beyond it to the twin lakes that mark the divide. A recent explorer in describ- ing this region says that at the head of Lake Nikaubau the river divides, one branch coming from the northeast, and the other coming from the northwest 'passes a sort of double lake, called Narrow-Ridge Lake, whence the highest lake, called Whitefish Lake, is reached by a portage of about one mile.'^ Father Alba- nel's description is accurate, save that he errs in speaking of the drainage northward into Hudson Bay through Nemiskau. White- fish Lake, the little lake beyond the divide, empties into Lake Obatagamou which in turn flows into the Nottaway through the Obatagamou and Waswinipi Rivers; it does not drain through Lake Nemiskau and the Rupert River. The Father pursued his course over the divide and down through a chain of lakes that leads to Mistassini. 'On the i8th,' he says, 'we entered that great Lake of the Mistassirinins, which 1 Relation, 1671-2. J. R. LVI, pp. 169 to 171. * James Richardson. Ihid. p. 284. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 165 is supposed to be so large that it takes twenty days of fair weather to go around it. This lake owes its name to the rocks in which it abounds, and which are of a prodigious size.'^ Crossing this body of water the explorer entered the Rupert River, which drains the waters of Mistassini, and descended it to Lake Miskittenow. Here the river turns northward; but our traveller pushing towards the west made a portage that brought him eventually to Wabistau Lake, the source of the Marten River.^ Down this stream they guided their canoes for several days being forced to leave the Ru- pert River. The waterfalls and rapids were violent, and the tra- vellers were obliged to make their way among some small lakes by seventeen portages to regain the same river. ^ What Albanel in- tended to convey by his description is that the Rupert, which he quitted at Lake Miskittenow, was now met by the chain of lakes com- posing the Marten River on which he presently embarked. On the twenty-fifth he came to Nemiskau, 'a large lake, of ten days' journey in circumference, half surrounded from north to south by a semicircular range of high mountains. At the mouth of the great river, which extends from the east to the northeast, are seen vast plains, which continue even below the semicircular mountain- range.'* Crossing this lake, and passing by a large island on which were the remains of a fort, he took a short cut across country to meet the river and avoid a long detour, for 'the river,' he says, 'forms a great elbow in turning to the northeast, compelling us to make four very difficult portages among some small lakes, to regain it by a direct northeasterly course.'^ Speaking of the Rupert River the missionary tells us that it 'is called Nemiskausipiou, and rises in Lake Nemsikau, whence it takes its name.' He says further : 'It is a very beautiful river, nearly half a league wide, and more in some parts, but of no great depth. Rising toward the southeast, it flows northwestward for about eighty leagues, is very rapid, and is broken in its course by eighteen falls. '^ Continuing his journey down this stream he writes: 'On the 26th, we arrived at Tehepi- mont, an exceedingly mountainous region. On the 27th, we ac- 1 Relation, 1671-2. J. R. LVI, p. 179. ^ The exact course from Lake Mistassini to the sea is well laid out in the report of A. P. Low, 1885, who explored the river. Ibid. pp. 19 to 22-D. 2 Rdation, 1671-2. /. R. LVI, p. 181. '^ Ibid. p. 183. ^ Ibid. pp. 181 to 183. ^ Ibid. p. 201. i66 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits complished the last of the portages. . . . On the 28th, scarcely had we proceeded a quarter of a league when we encoun- tered, in a small stream on the left, a hoy of ten or twelve tons, with its rigging, carrying the English flag and a lateen sail, A musket-shot's distance thence, we entered two deserted houses.'^ This then was the British settlement of the Hudson's Bay Company at the mouth of the Rupert River, and the objective of the expedi- tion. Here the Father notes with surprise the tremendous ebb and flow of the tide, which reaches out to sea a distance of twenty leagues (according to Indian reports), and 'all that vast stretch, as far as the eye can reach, presenting nothing but mud and rocks, for the most part, and nearly all being left bare of water; so that the river, flowing over that mud and becoming lost in it, has not then enough water to float a canoe. '^ Albanel gives the latitude of the river's mouth as fifty degrees, which is about one degree and thirty minutes too far south. The Father carefully noted his surroundings, and then pro- ceeded north to the East Main River. 'The people of the sea,' he writes, 'dwell toward the northeast on the river Miskoutenagasit — the name of the place visited by us, situated twenty leagues along the sea:^ it is a long rocky point at the fifty-first degree of latitude, where from time immemorial the savages have been wont to gather for purposes of trade. And farther toward the northeast are settled the Pitchiboutounibuek, the Kouakouikouesiouek, and many other nations. Three days' journey into the depth of the bay, toward the northwest, is a large river called by some savages Kichesipiou, and by others Mousousipiou, "Moose River," on which are many nations; while on the left, as you advance, lies the well-known island of Oubaskou, forty leagues long by twenty wide, abounding in all kinds of animals, but especially notable for its white bears. '^ Such is the narrative of the first overland journey to Hudson Bay. Its geographical information was first depicted on Franque- lin's map of 1688, where a continuous waterway extends fiom Lake ^Ibid. p. 185. Ibid. p. 203. A. P. Low says that the water in James Bay is very shal- lov/. At low tide only mud flats can be seen. Ibid. p. 22-D. 3 This river, the East Main or Slade, is shown on de Lisle's map, 1700, as the Pitchibourini. Franquelin on his chart of 1688 shows it as the Miscour- enagache. ^ Relation, 1671-2. J. R. LVI, p. 203. The island is the modern Agoomska. Overland Routes to the Northern Sea 167 St. John to Hudson Bay in the form of rivers connecting through Mistassini and Nemiskau, a curious design for so skillful an engi- neer as Franquelin who must have known of the existence of the divide north of Lake St. John. Perhaps he conceived the idea that the main artery of the Chamouchouan, up the Chief and Sapin Croche Rivers, was the principal route, while the Necouba River (in reality the Chegobich) taken by Albanel he places to the west- ward as a stream of less importance. De Lisle, 1700, gives a more nearly correct interpretation. He omits the connecting stream between the two lakes and shows only the Necouba. Father Laure, of course, gives the territory in more detail on his map of 1731. He shows Albanel's route with a due respect for the narrative, corrected by additional knowledge; while the shorter course up the Sapin Croche, though plainly indicated, is cut off from Mistassini by a divide bearing the inscription: 'Tous les lacs et R. R. au dessus de cette ligne se degorgent dans le grand lac des Mistassins,'^ The newly found trail soon fell into disuse, for the Canadians found it more feasible to undertake expeditions to Hudson Bay by sea. Such undertakings were now more of a military than of a commercial nature since the first step in organizing a successful fur trade was to eliminate the English. In 1686 a Canadian force under the Chevalier de Troyes made its way, it is true, north by the Ottawa River and Lake Abitibi, and waged a campaign against the English at their factories on the Bay, but most journeys were made by the all-watei route. The contest between the French and British for these settlements lasted many years. Fort Bourbon near the mouth of the Nelson River was taken and retaken several times, until the Treaty of Ryswick, 1697, made reciproval arrange- ments for the restoration of all colonies, islands etc. which the contracting parties had captured during the war. A commission was appointed to examine the claims of each nation to Hudson Bay, 'but,' runs the treaty, 'possession of those places which were taken by the French, during the peace that preceded this present war, and were retaken by the English during this war, shall be left to the French. '2 This commission never met, and the question was finally settled by the Treaty of Utrecht, 17 13, by which under ^ All the lakes and rivers above this line discharge into the great lake of the Mistassins. ^ A Collection of all the Treaties of Peace, Alliance and Commerce between Great Britain and Other Powers, pp. 14 and 15. 1 68 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits article ten, France was to restore to Great Britain the Bay and Strait of Hudson with all its dependent shores, seas and rivers.^ When in 1763 Canada became a British province geographical knowledge was too far advanced to encourage any illusions as to a practical northern water route to the Japan Sea; while the Hud- son's Bay Company found it more feasible to reach its trading posts by water, than through the forest pathways of Quebec. A discovery of minor importance in a different region was made in 1664 by Father Henri Nouvel, a recent arrival in Canada. This missionary descended the St. Lawrence from Quebec, and coasted the southern bank until he came to the Isle aux Basques, an island two leagues from the south shore.^ There he crossed the river and landed at the Esseigiou, a river famous for the number of salmon caught there during the fishing season, and known to-day as the Escoumain. The Father proceeded eastward along the northern shore of the St. Lawrence, passed the Saut au Mouton, the Port Neuf and Bersiamites Rivers, and came to the Outardes, which flows into the St. Lawrence not far from the Gulf. Ascending this stream for no great distance he made a short portage and entered 'the great river Manikouaganistikou, which the French call riviere noire, because of its depth. '^ His course lay up this river, known to-day by an abbreviation of its Indian name as the Manicuagan, to Lake Ishimanikuagan, which he named St. Barnab^. Here Nouvel erected his altar, and calling the Indians together made 'the first sacrifice ever offered in this country, where never before had a European made his appearance.'^ As this expedition brought back but little information it excited no interest. Even the more prominent cartographers have, as a rule, overlooked it. De Lisle, 1700, gives a slight sketch of the lake and river; but it remained for de Fer to do full justice to the narrative on his maps, on one of which the lake is shown by its three names : Manikouagan, Ste Barbe and St. Barnab^, and is connected with the St. Lawrence by the Riviere Noire. ^ De Garden. Histoire Generale des Traites de Paix. p. 307. 2 Relation, 1663-4. /. R. XLIX, p. 23. ' Ihid. p. 47. * Ibid. p. 49. CONCLUSION In concluding this account of the contributions of the Canadian Jesuits to the geographical knowledge of New France from 1632 to 1675, it may be permissible to remind the reader that no attempt has been made to cover the entire field of Jesuit exploration, as many of the earlier voyages took place in regions that had previ- ously been covered by competent observers. We may cite as an illustration of this the Jesuit activities in Nova Scotia, New Bruns- wick and the coast of Maine, territories that had already been ex- plored by Champlain, We have also been obliged, with consider- able reluctance, to pass over the narratives of several Fathers, notably those of Buteux and Crepieul in the Saguenay region and of Le Jeune on the northern frontier of Maine, as these men merely jotted down an endless procession of lakes, rivers and mountains that defy identification, and made no effort, as far as we can judge, to note intelligently the wonderful panorama that unrolled before them. Yet even with these exclusions it has been shown that the range of Jesuit exploration extended northward to Hudson Bay, up the St. Lawrence to western New York State, and westward to Lake Huron, Lake Superior, Green Bay, the Mississippi Valley and the Illinois River, truly a gigantic territory. The aim has been to discuss the important explorations with a view to estabhshing the share which the Jesuits had in unfolding the geographical knowledge of an unknown continent. Stress has been laid on the peculiar fitness of the Fathers for the work at hand by virtue of their educational advantages, and the courage which they displayed under unusual hardships. We might also add, in passing, that they enjoyed exceptional opportunities for the dis- semination of geographical information through the publication of their annual Relations. Some ground has been covered in this narrative that has already been made the object of special studies by such men as Father Jones, Francis Parkman and Dr. Shea; but a systematic survey of the entire field of Jesuit explorations during this half-century has not before been attempted. It is not contended that the Jesuits were always the first white men to see the distant parts of New France. Several instances have been noted where the Fathers were preceded by men who struck out into the wilderness for the sake of trade before the Fathers put in an 170 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits appearance, but it is to the Jesuits that we are indebted for many of the earliest recorded explorations of New France. One might point out an interesting analogy between these inarticulate ex- plorers and the Jesuits on one hand, and the barren discoveries of the Norsemen as compared to the voyages of Columbus on the other. It would show, among other things, that the value of a discovery lies in the ability to get the news before the world in such a way as to enable the world to profit by it. It was in this that the Jesuits excelled. It is not contended that the map-making of the period is based exclusively on Jesuit narratives. Such a contention would be im- possible to establish. Yet it has been shown that important maps, as for instance those of Sanson and Creuxius, followed the Jesuit narratives in such a manner as to leave little doubt as to the indebt- edness of the cartographer to the missionary. Maps for which the Jesuits are responsible speak for themselves. In addition to the Relations one must consider the vast amount of material that could be gleaned on the spot by those so fortunate as to be there. Franquelin, who hved at Quebec, was able to get his information at first hand, a fact that makes his charts doubly valuable; and one can imagine with what eagerness he sought out returned ex- plorers and spent long hours in subjecting them to an exhaustive cross-examination. Probably none were more eagerly questioned, at least during the period we are studying, than the sturdy Jesuit pioneers, whose observations had the advantage of being conducted in an intelligent manner . No doubt, if the truth could be known, we should find that the Jesuit Fathers contributed far more to geographical knowledge than is recorded in their Relations. BIBLIOGRAPHY Narratives, Documents and Letters Brodhead, J. Romeyn. Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York; procured in Holland, England and France. 1855. Edited by E. B. O'Callaghan. 10 vols, and Index volume. Two volumes of this work contain the Paris Documents that throw much light on Canadian history. Clement, Pierre. Lettres, Instructions et Memoires de Colbert. 1861. Collection of all the Treaties of Peace, Alliance and Commerce between Great Britain and Other Powers, from the Revolution of 1688 to the Present Time. 1772. De Garden. Histoire G&nerale des Traites de Paix. Grant, W. L. Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, 1604-1818. Original Narratives of Early American History. 1907. Hennepin, Louis. A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America, 1698. Hennepin, Louis. A Continuation of the Vast Discovery in America. 1698. Jameson, J. Franklin. Narratives of New Netherland. 1609- 1664. Orig. Nar. of Early Amer. Hist. 1909. Jeremie, Noel. Relation du Detroit et de la Baye de Hudson. Published in J. F. Bernard. Recueil de Voyages au Nord. 1732. Kellogg, Louise P. Early Narratives oj the Northwest, 1634-1699. Orig. Nar. of Early Amer. Hist. 191 7. Lewis, Theodore H. and F. W. Hodge. Spanish Explorers in Southern United States, 1528-1543. Orig. Nar. of Early Amer. Hist. 1907. Low, A. P. Report of the Mistassini Expedition, 1884-5. Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada. Part D. Annual Report. 1885. Margry, Pierre. Memoires et Documents pour Servir a V Histoire des Origines Frangaises des Pays d'Outre-Mer. 6 Vols. 1879. These documents contain such important papers as Joliet's report of his Mississippi voyage. Martin, R. P. F. Relation Abregee de Quelques Missions des Peres de la Com- pagnie de J6sus dans la Nouvelle-France, par le R. P. F. J. Bressani, de la Meme Compagnie. 1852. Richardson, James. Report on the Country North of Lake St. John, 1871. Geographical Survey of Canada. Report of Progress. 1870-1. Scull, Gideon D. Voyages of Pierre Esprit Radisson, being an Account of his Travels and Experiences among the North American Indians, from 1652- 1684- Published by the Prince Society. 1885. A complete account of Radisson's wanderings is given with the text of the narratives. This is very helpful as the accounts compiled by Radisson are extremely obscure. Slafter, Edmund F. Voyages of Samuel de Champlain. Translated from the French by Charles P. Otis. Published by the Prince Society. 1880. 3 vols. A complete translation of Champlain's narratives with copious notes and an ample introduction. The work contains excellent reproductions of Champlain's three maps. 171 172 Geogkaphical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits Thwaites, Reuben G. The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France. 1610-1791. The original French Latin, and Italian Texts, with English Translations and Notes; illustrated by portraits, maps and facsimiles. 1897. This great work consists of 73 volumes containing 238 papers, and is copiously sup- plied with bibliography, cartography, notes and a through index. Thevenot. Recueil de Voyages. Dedie au Roy. 1681 See chapter entitled Decouverte dans V Amerique Septentrionale par le P. Marquette Jesuite. Van der Donck, Adriaen. Description of the New Netherlands. Translated from the original Dutch by Jeremiah Johnson. Coll. New York Hist. Soc. 1 84 1. Vol. I. Bibliographies Asher, G. M. vl List of the Maps and Charts of New Netherlands, and of the Views of New Amsterdam, being a supplement to his Bibliographical Essay on New Netherland. 1855. Butterfield, Consul W. Bibliography of Jean Nicolet. in Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wisconsin. Vol. XI. Harrisse, Henri. Notes pour Servir a V Histiore, a la Bibliographie et d la Cartographic de la N ouvelle-France et des Pays Adjacents. 1546-1700. 1872 Though the bibliography has been superseded in a large measure by Thwaites' edition of the Jesuit Relations, the cartographical references in this work are invaluable. As far as we can judge it contains a description or name of every map of New France, or its subdivisions, within the dates named. Miiller, Frederick & Co. Catalogue of Geographical Books and Pamphlets. Part III. Published at Amsterdam 1843. Winsor, Justin. Bibliographical Contribution ^19. The Kohl Collection of Maps Relating to North America. 1886. Phillips, P. Lee. A List of Maps in the Library oj Congress, 1901. Phillips, P. Lee. A List of Geographical Atlases in the Library of Congress with Bibliographical Notes. General Histories Bryce, George. The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company. 1900. Campbell, T. J. Pioneer Prists of North America, 1642-1710. 3 vols. 1913. Charlevoix, P. F. X. History and General Description of New France. 1744. Translated by J. G. Shea. 6 Vols. 1866. De Vaugondy, Robert. Essai sur V Histoire de la Geographic. 1755. Faillon, Abbe. Histoire de la Colonic Frangaise en Canada. 3 vols. 1865. Hallam, Henry. Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the Fifteenth, Six- teenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 1863. Harrisse, Henri. The Discovery of North America. 1892. Lelewel, Joachim. Geographic du Moyen Age. 4 volumes and epilogue. Published at Brussels in 1852. Michaud, Louis G. Biographic Universelle, Ancienne et Moderne. O'Callaghan, E. B. History of Neio Netherland or, New York under the Dutch. 2 vols. 1855. Bibliography 173 Parkman, Francis. The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth Century. 1895- Parkman, Francis. La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. 1896. Parkman, Francis. Pioneers oj France in the New World. 1895. Reid, W. Max. The Mohawk Valley, its Legends and its History. 1901. Rochemonteix, Camille de. Les Jesuites et la Nouvelle France au XVII Sihcle. 3 vols. 1895. Sagard-Theodat, Gabriel. Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les freres Mineurs Recollects y ont faicts pour la Conversion des Infideles depuis Van 1615. Publi^e par M. Edwin Tross. 4 vols .1866. Saint-Martin, M. Vivien de. Histiore de la GSographie et des Dicouvertes G^ographiques. 1873. Severance, Frank H. An Old Frontier of France. The Niagara Region and Adjacent Lakes under French Control. 2 vols. 191 7. Simms, J. R. The Frontiersmen of New York. 2 vols. 1882. Thwaites, Reuben G. Wisconsin, the Americanization of a French Settlement. 1908. Willson, Beckles. The Great Company. A history of the Hudson's Bay Company. Winsor, Justin. Cartier to Frontenac. 1894. Winsor, Justin. The Mississippi Basin. 1895. Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical History of America. 8 vols. 1889. This voluminous work is rich in bibliographies, maps and sources of infor- mation. It contains chapters written by different authors. Biographical Studies Butterfield, Consul W. History of the Discovery of the Northwest by John Nicolet in 1634- 1881. In this book the author proves that Nicolet made his expedition to Green Bay in 1634 instead of in 1639, the date formerly accepted. His conclusion is now regarded as proven. Butterfield also traces Nicolet's route. Butterfield, Consul W. History of Brule's Discoveries and Explorations 1610- 1626. 1898. An excellent discussion of Brule's work as an explorer. The author has made a careful study of his subject, though his conclusions as to BruM's discovery of Lake Superior are open to question. Campbell, Henry C. Pere Rene Menard, the predecessor of Allouez and Mar- quette in the Lake Superior Region. 1897. Parkamn Club Papers #11. An analysis of Menard's route from the missiom on Lake Superior to the spot where he met his death. Chouinard, F. X. Jean Baptiste Louis Franquelin. Bulletin de la Societi de GSographie de Quebec. Vol. 15. A short biographical sketch of Franquelin. Gosselin, I'Abb^ Auguste. Jean Nicolet et le Canada de Son Temps. 1618-1642. 1905- Jouan, Henri. Jean Nicolet, Interpreter and Voyager in Canada, 1618-1642. Translated from the French by Grace Clark. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Vol. XL 1888. 174 Geographical Contributions of the Canadian Jesuits La Boul6, Joseph S. Claude Jean Allouez, The Apostle of the Ottawas and Builder of the First Indian Missions in Wisconsin. 1897. Parkamn Club Papers tti7. Neill, Edward D. Groseilliers and Radisson. the first Explorers of Lake Superior and the State of Minnesota. 1 887-8. Magazine of Western History Vol. VII. Shea, John G. La Vie du R. P. Pierre Joseph Marie Chaumonot, de la Com- pagnie de Jisus, Missionaire dans la Nouvelle France. Ecrite par lui-mime par ordre de son Superieur, Van 1688. 1858. Sparks, Jared. Life of Father Marquette. 1839. Sparks, Jared. Life of Robert Cavalier de La Salle. 1844. Stevenson, Edward L. Willem Janszoon Blaeu. 1571-16S8. 1914. Suite, Benjamin. Notes on Jean Nicolet. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Vol. VIII. Upham, Warren. Groseilliers and Radisson, the first white wen in Minnesota, 1655-6, and 1659-60, and their discovery of the Upper Mississippi River. 1902. Minnesota Hist. Coll. Vol. X. Part 2. An exhaustive study of western explorations of Radisson and Groseilleirs. The dates of these two voyages are carefully ascertained, and the routes worked out with great precision. Weadock, Thomas A. E. Pere Marquette, the Missionary Explorer. U. S. Catholic Hist. Magazine. Vol. IV. Studies on Special Subjects Beauchamp, William M. Aboriginal Place Names of New York. New York State Museum Bulletin ft 108. This paper gives an enormous number of Indian names with modern equivalents. It is valuable as a work of reference. Beauchamp, William M. A History of the New York Iroquois, now Commonly Called the Six Nations. Bulletin #78, Archeology ^g of the New York State Museum. 1905. Beaucamp, William. M. Aboriginal Occupation of New York. New York State Museum Bulletin ^32. 1900. Campbell, Henry C. Radisson and Groseilliers. 1896. Coyne, James H. The Country of the Neutrals, {as far as comprised in the county of Elgin,) from Champlain to Talbot. 1895. Cross, J. Redmond. Dutch Cartographers of the Seventeenth Century, The Geographical Review, Vol. VI. Davidson, John N. Missions on Chequamegon Bay. 1892. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Vol. XII. Graham, J. D. A Lunar Tidal Wave in the North American Lakes. 1861. Gravier, Gabriel. Etude sur une Carte Inconnue. La Premiere Dressee par Louis Joliet en 1674 apres son Exploration du Mississippi. Revue de Geographic. Vol. VI, 1880. A copy of the map is given and the author makes a study of its origin and historical value. Hamilton, Peter J. Colonial Mobile. 1897. Hawley, Charles. Early Chapters of Cayuga History: Jesuit Missions in Goi- o-gouen. 1656-1684. 1879. Hawley, Charles. Early Chapters of Seneca History: Jesuit Missions in Sonnontouan. 1656-1684- 1884. Coll. Cayuga County Hist. Soc. #3. Bibliography 175 Hunter, Andrew F. Notes on the Sites of Huron Villages in the township of Tay (Simcoe County), 1900. See Thwaites' edition of the Jesuit Relations. Hunter, Andrew F. Archeological Researches in the Huron Country. Ingall, E. D. Report on Mines and Mining on Lake Superior. Part I. 1888. Geological and Natural History Survey of Canada. Vol. III. Part II. 1887-8. Jolig, Kurt. Niederldndische Einfiilsse in der Deutschen Kartographie be- sonders des 18 Jahrhunderts. 1903. Jones, Arthur E. "Sendake Ehen" or Old Huronia. 1908. Fifth Report of the Bureau 0/ Archives for the Province of Ontario by Alexander Eraser, Provincial Archivist. An elaborate and painstaking survey of the topo- graphical features of Huronia that covers the subject so thoroughly that little can be added. Law, John. Jesuit Missionaries in the North-West. A lecture delivered before the Young Men's Catholic Literary Institute, Cincinnati, Jan. 31, 1855. Marshall, Orasmus H. Champlain's Expedition against the Onondagas in 1615. Marshall, Orasmus H. Champlain's Expedition of 1615. A reply to Dr. Shea and Gen. Clark. The above papers are contained in Marshall's Historical Writings, 1887. Published in Munsell's Historical Series, #15. Messmer, Sebastian G. The Early Jesuit Missions in the Fox River Valley. 1900. Proc. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Scaife, Walter B. America, its Geographical History 149S-1892. To which is appended a supplement entitled: Was the Rio del Espiriru Santo of the Spanish Geographers the Mississippi? 1892. Singer, H. W. and Wm. Strang. Etching, Engraving and the other Methods of Printing Pictures. 1897. Shea, John G. Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley: with the Original Narratives of Marquette, Allouez, Membre, Hennepin, and Anastase Douay. 1852. An excellent copy of Marquette's map is given with this work. Dr. Shea was the first to publish this chart and to give a complete account of its history. Shea, John G. The Indian Tribes oj Wisconsin. 1856. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Shea, John G. Justice to Marquette. A letter to the Catholic Telegraph, March 10, 1855. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Vol. III. 1856. Shea, John G. The Bursting of Pierre Margry's La Salle Bubble. 1 879. Shea, John G. History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes of the United States, 1529-1854. 1855. Stokes, I. N. P. The Iconography of Manhattan Island 1498-1909. compiled from the original sources. 3 vols. 1915-1918. Thomassey, Raymond. Geologic Pratique de la Louisiane. i860. Thwaites, Reuben G. The Story of Chequamegon Bay. 1895. Coll. State Hist. Soc. Wise. Vol. III. Verwyst, Chrysostom. Missionary Labors of Fathers Marquette, Minard and Allouez in the Lake Superior Region. 1886. Whittlesey, Charles. Fluctuations of the Level in the North American Lakes. 1859. Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge. Vol. XII.