UMASS/AMHERST wii? fill •;rf: i ! i P 1, i 1 ,| 1 1 a 1;', i" J [lll(.;l'l,in..iuta /! nsssssr!" T • l- ^h t^^ \A^~ \K^^>iyf=^lf - o'-VERi^JOR OF massachl:.sett.^ I CHEONICLES ■ OF THE FIRST PLANTERS THE COLONY OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY, FROM 1G23 TO 1636. KOW FIRST COLLECTED FROM ORIGIXAL RECORDS AND COXTEMPORAXEOUS MAXUSCRIPTS, AND ILLUSTRATED WITH NOTES. By ALEXANDER YOUNG. Sicut patribus, sit Deus nobis. BOSTON: CHARLES C. LITTLE AND JAMES BROWN. MDCCCXLVr. 'yf5 M 3 ? ~' UNIVERSITY MASSACHUSE MHERSI Mh Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1846, by Alexander Young, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. boston: riUNTED BY FREEMAN AND BOLLES, DEVONSIIIEE STHEET. TO THE HOXORABLE LEMUEL SHAW, LL.D. CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY HIS FRIEND AND PASTOR. PREFACE The unexpected favor with which the publication of the " Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth," was received, whilst it fur- nished gratifying proof of a growing interest in the early annals of New-England, encouraged the editor to enter into the collateral but broader field of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and to gather up here the scattered sheaves of a no less abundant harvest. The present volume, it is believed, will be found to contain every authentic document relating to the planting of the Colony of Massachusetts, from its first faint dawnings in 1623 to the full sunrise of 1636, with the single exception of Winthrop's His- tory, to which it may be considered an introduction or supplement. Its chief and peculiar value, as well as that of its predecessor, consists in the fact that it imbodies the earliest materials for the History of our Commonwealth, written by men who lived at the time, on the spot, and were personally engaged in VI PREFACE. the transactions which they record. Such documents can never become obsolete, can never be superseded by subsequent narratives, however eloquent or beau- tiful, but must always be appealed to as the solid groundwork of our history. In the estimation of not a few, the severe and simple beauty of their Doric structure outvies the florid ornaments of more stately and ambitious edifices. The numerous references in the Notes, though to some they may appear unnecessary, will enable the reader to verify my statements, and will point him to the sources of additional information. The former volume of Chronicles is included among the works referred to, to save the necessity of repeating what has already been said. No nation or state has a nobler origin or lineage than Massachusetts. My reverence for the character of its founders constantly rises with the closer study of their lives, and a clearer insight into their prin- ciples and motives. Much as has been said in com- mendation of them, their worth has never been over- rated, and we should never be tired of recounting their virtues. ''Vestra autem pietas, viri exules, quae maluit patriam quam Evangelium deserere, com- modisque carere temporariis quam permisceri sacris a Christo alienis, egregiam sane meretur laudem." ALEXANDER YOUNG. Boston, June 1, 1846. CONTENTS. •-'hap- Page. I. John White's Brief Relation of the Occasion of Planting of this Colony . . . . i n. William Hubbard's Narrative of the Discovery AND first Planting of the Massachusetts 17 III. The Original Records of the Governor and Com- pany of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-England 37 IV. Governor Cradock's Letter to Captain John En- dicott ...... 129 V. The Company's First General Letter of Instruc- tions TO Endicott and his Council . . l-ll VI. The Company's Second General Letter of Instruc- tions to Endicott and his Council . . 172 VII. The Form of Government for the Colony . 192 Vin. The Allotment of the Lands . . , 197. IX. Oaths of Office for the Governor and Council 201 X. The Company's Agreement with the Ministers 205 XI. Fr.*ncis Higginson's Journal of his Voyage . 213 XII. Francis Higginson's New-England's Plantation 239 Xin. General Considerations for Planting New-England 269 XIV. The Agreement at Cambridge . . . 279 X\ . The Co.mpany's Letters to Higginson and Endicott 285 Vlil CONTENTS. Chap. P'^'e. XVI. The Governor and Company's Humble Request to THEIR Brethren in and of the Church of England 293 XVII. Deputy Governor Dudley's Letter to the Countess OF Lincoln ..... 301 XVni. Captain Roger Clap's Memoirs . . . 343 XIX. The Early Records of Charlestow^n . . 369 XX. William Wood's Description of Massachusetts 389 XXI. John Cotton's Life and Letters . . 417 Samuel Whiting's Life of John Cotton . 419 Cotton's Letter to his Wife . . . 432 Cotton's Letter to the Bishop of Lincoln . 434 Cotton's Reasons for his Removal to New-England 438 XXII. Richard Mather's Journal . . . 445 XXIII. Anthony Thacher's Narrative of his Shipwreck 483 XXIV. Thomas Shepard's Memoir of his own Life . 497 WHITE'S BRIEF RELATION. The Planters Plea. Or the Grovnds of Plantations Examined, and vsuall Objections answered. Together with a manifesta- tion of the causes mooving such as have lately vndertaken a Plantation in New-England : For the satisfaction of those that question the lawfulnesse of the Action. 2 Thess. v. 21. Prove all things, and holdefast that which is good. London. Print- ed hy William Zones. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 88. CHAPTER I. A BRIEF RELATION OF THE OCCASION OF PLANTING OF THIS COLONY. The ensuing faithful and unpartial narration of the chap. first occasions, beginning, and progress of the whole — !^ work, is laid before the eyes of all that desire to re- ceive satisfaction, by such as have been privy to the very first conceiving and contriving of this project of planting this Colony,^ and to the several passages that have happened since ; who also, in that they relate, consider they have the searcher of all hearts and observer of all men's ways witness of the truth and falsehood that they deliver. About ten years since, a company of English, i6 20. part out of the Low Countries, and some out of Lon- don and other parts, associating themselves into one body, with an intention to plant in Virginia, in their passage thither being taken short by the wind, in the ^nv. depth of winter, the whole ground being under snow, ^• were forced with their provisions to land themselves style. ^ This fact gives to the Xarrative the sanction of the liighest authority. 4 THE SETTLEIMENT AT PLYMOUTH. CHAP, in New-England, upon a small bay beyond Matta- chusets,' in the place which they now inhabit, and call by the name of New Plymouth.^ The ground being covered a foot thick with snow, and they being without shelter, and having amongst them divers w^omen and children, no marvel if they lost some^ of their company ; it may be wondered how they saved the rest. But notwithstanding this sharp encounter at the first, and some miscarriages afterward, yet, conceiving God's providence had directed them unto that place, and finding great charge and difficulty in removing, they resolved to fix themselves there ; and being assisted by some of their friends in London,^ having passed over most of the greatest difliculties that usually encounter new planters, they began to subsist at length in a reasonably comfortable man- ner ; being, notwithstanding, men but of mean and weak estates of themselves ;^ and after a year's expe- rience or two of the soil and inhabitants, sent home tidings of both, and of their well-being there, which ' It seems to us somewhat strange by the editor of this volume, p. 101, to speak of Plymouth as on a "small note *. bay beyond Massachusetts." But * Before the first of April, that for some time after the first settle- is, in less than four months, forty- ment of the country, the name Mas- four of the hundred persons who sachusetts was usually confined to constituted the company, died. See the territory lying around Boston (.'hronicles of Plymouth, p. 198. harbour, from Nahant to Point Al- ■* Some of these friends in London derton. See Savage's Winlhrop, were also interested in the Massa- i. 27, 121. chusetts Company ; such as John * We find here no allusion what- White, Thomas Goffe, Samuel ever to the alleged treachery of the Sharpe, .John Revell, and John Po- captain of the Mayflower, who is cock. See the Collections of the said by Morton in his New-England's Massachusetts Historical Society, Memorial, p. 34, to have been bril)- iii. 48. ed by the Dutch to carry that vessel ^ With the exception of Winslow north of their plantation on Hud- and Standish, the first settlers of son's river. See this charge exam- IMymouth Colony were, in point of ined in the Chronicles of the Pilgrim family and property, much inferior Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth, to those of Massachusetts. ORIGIN OF THIS COLONY. O occasioned other men to take knowledge of the place, chap. and to take it into consideration/ - — ■ — - About the year 1623, some western merchants, i623. who had continued a trade of fishing for cod and bar- tering for furs in those parts for divers years before,^ conceiving that a Colony planted on the coast might further them in those employments, bethought them- selves how they might bring that project to effect, and communicated their purpose to others, alleging the conveniency of compassing their project with a small charge, by the opportunity of their fishing trade, in which they accustomed to double-man their ships, that, by the help of many hands, they might despatch their voyage and lade their ship with fish while the fishing season lasted ; which could not be done with a bare sailing company. Now it was conceived that, the fishing being ended, the spare men that were above their necessary sail- ors, might be left behind with provisions for a year ; and when that ship returned the next year, they might assist them in fishing, as they had done the former year ; and, in the mean time, might employ themselves in building, and planting corn, which, with the provisions offish, fowl and venison, that the land yielded, would afford them the chief of their food. This proposition of theirs took so well, that 1 The publication in London, in ^ In the year 1620 there went six 1622, of Bradford and AYinslow"s or seven ships from the west of Journal, and in 1624, of Winslow's England to fish on the northeastern Good News from New-England, un- coasts of New-England ; in 1621, doul)tedly did much to draw the at- ten or twelve ; in 1622, thirty-five ; tention of the people of England to in 1623, about forty ; and in 1624, the subject of colonizing the north- about fifty. See Prince's Annals, ern part of this continent. See both pp. 157,185,201, 210,224, (8vo. of these documents in the Chronicles ed. Boston, 1826.) of Plymouth, pp. 109 and 269. b DESIGN OF THE PLANTATION. CHAP, it drew on divers persons to join with them in this project ; the rather because it was conceived that 1623. j^Qj. Qj^i^ their own fishermen, but the rest of our nation that went thither on the same errand, might be much advantaged, not onlybyfi^esh victual, which that Colony might spare them in time, but withal, and more, by the benefit of their ministers' labors, which they might enjoy during the fishing season ; whereas otherwise, being usually upon those voyages nine or ten months in the year, they were left all the while without any means of instruction at all.^ Compassion towards the fishermen, and partly some expectation of gain, prevailed so far that for the planting of a Colony in New-England there was raised a stock of more than £3000, intended to be paid in in five years, but afterwards disbursed in a shorter time. How this stock was employed, and by what errors and oversights it was wasted, is, I confess, not much pertinent to this subject in hand. Notwithstanding, because the knowledge thereof may be of use for other men's direction, let me crave leave, in a short digression, to present unto the reader's view the ' " There were more than a few been very fine settlements in the attempts of the English to people northeast regions ; but Avhat is be- and improve the parts of New-Eng- come of them ? I have heard that land which were to the northward one of our ministers, once preaching of New Plymouth. But the designs to a congregation there, urged them of those attempts being aimed no to approve themselves a religious higher than the advancement of people from this consideration, that some worldly interests, a constant otherwise they would contradict the series of disasters has confounded main end of planting this wilderness, them, until there was a plantation Whereupon a well-known person, erected upon the nobler designs of then in the assembly, cried out, Christianity. And that plantation, ' 8ir, you are mistaken. You think though it has had more adversaries you are preaching to the peoj)le at than perhaps any one upon earth, the Bay. Our main end was to yet, having obtained help from God, catch fish.'" Mather's Magnalia, it continues to this day. There have i. 61, (Hartford ed. 1820.) FOURTEEN MEN AT CAPE ANN. / whole order of the managing of such moneys as were chap. collected, with the success and issue of the business undertaken. ^^^^• The first employment, then, of this new raised stock was in buying a small ship of fifty tons, which was, with as much speed as might be, despatched towards New England upon a fishing voyage ; the charge of which ship, with a new suit of sails, and other provisions to furnish her, amounted to more than o£300. Now by reason the voyage was under- taken too late, she came at least a month or six weeks later than the rest of the fishing ships that went for that coast ; and by that means wanting fish to make up her lading, the master thought good to pass into Mattachusets Bay,^ to try whether that would yield him any ; which he performed, and speeding there better than he had reason to expect, having left his spare men behind him in the country at Cape An'ne, he returned to a late and consequently a bad market in Spain, and so home. The charge of this voyage, with provision for fourteen spare men left in the country, amounted to above <£800, with the <£300 expended upon the ship, mentioned before. And the whole provenue, besides the ship, which remained to us^ still, amounted not to above <£200. So the expense, above the return of that voyage, came to .£600, and upwards. The next year was brought to the former ship a i624. Flemish fly-boat,^ of about a hundred and forty tons ; ' See note ^ on page 4. paper, White, was one of the ad- ^ From this expression, us, it venturers, would seem that the author of this ' The Half-Moon, in which Henry 8 TWO FISHING-VESSELS EMPLOYED. CHAP, which being unfit for a fishing voyage, as being built ■ — '■ — merely for burthen, and wanting lodging for the 1624. men which she needed for such an employment, they added unto her another deck, (which seldom proves well with Flemish buildings,) by which means she was carved so high that she proved walt,^ and una- ble to bear any sail ; so that before she could pass on upon her voyage, they were fain to shift her first, and put her upon a better trim, and afterwards, that proving to little purpose, to unlade her, and take her up and fur her. Which notwithstanding it were performed with as much speed as might be, yet the year was above a month too far spent before she could despatch to set to sea again. And when she arrived in the country, being directed by the master of the smaller ship, upon the success of his former year's voyage, to fish at Cape Anne, not far from Mattachusets Bay,^ sped very ill, as did also the smaller ship that led her thither, and found little fish ; so that the greater ship returned with little more than a third part of her lading, and came back (contrary to her order, by which she was consigned " to Bourdeaux,) directly for England ; so that the Com- pany of Adventurers was put to a new charge to hire a small ship to carry that little quantity of fish she brought home to market. The charge of this voyage, with both the ships, Hudson discovered the noble river tcalt, when she has not her due bal- now called by his name, and explor- last, that is, not enough to enable ed it above Albany, was a fly-boat her to bear her sails or keep her or yacht of eighty tons. See Moul- stiff'. Hubbard, in his History of ton's History of the State of New New England, p. 322, speaking of York, pp. 202, 245, and Brodhead's Lamberton's ill-fated ship, says that . Address before the New York Hist, she "was ill built, very walt-sid- Society, p. 14. ed." > Walt, crank. A ship is said to " See note ' on page 4. THIRTY-TWO MEN AT CAPE ANN. if amounted to about £2200 ; whereof i)800 and up- chap. w^ard must be accounted for the building and other charges about the greater ship. By these two ships I624. were left behind in the country about thirty-two men, the charges of whose wages and provision amounted to at the least <£500 of the sum formerly mentioned. The provenue of both the voyages that year exceeded not the sum of .£500, at the most. The third year, 1625, both ships, with a small I625. vessel ,of forty tons, which carried kine^ with other provisions, were again set to sea upon the same voyage, with the charge of £2000, of which sum the Company borrowed and became indebted for £1000, and upwards. The great ship, being commanded by a very able master, having passed on about two hundred leagues in her voyage, found herself so leaky by the carpenter's fault, (that looked not well to her calking,) that she bare up the helm and re- turned for Weymouth, and having unladen her pro- visions and mended her leak, set herself to sea again, resolving to take advice of the wind Avhether to pass on her former voyage, or to turn into Newfoundland ; which she did, by reason that the time was so far spent that the master and company despaired of do- ing any good in New-England, where the fish falls in two or three months sooner than at Newfoundland. There she took fish, good store, and much more than she could lade home. The overplus should have been sold and delivered to some sacke or other sent to take it in there, if the voyage had been well man- ' The first cattle, a bull and three low. See Prince's Annals, p. 225. heifers, were brought to Plj-mouth (8vo. ed. Boston, 1826.) in March, 1624, by Edward Wins- 10 ILL SUCCESS OF THE ENTERPRISE. CHAP, aged. But that could not be done, by reason that the ship, before she went, was not certain where to ^^^^- make her fish. By this accident it fell out that a good quantity of the fish she took was cast away, and some other part was brought home in another ship. At the return of the ships that year, fish, by rea- son of our wars with Spain, falling to a very low rate, the Company endeavoured to send the greater ship for France. But she being taken short with a contrary wind, in the west country, and intelligence given in the mean time that those markets were overlaid, they were enforced to bring her back again, and to sell her fish at home as they might. Which they did, and with it the fish of the smaller ship, the New-England fish about ten shillings the hundred by tale, or thereabout, the Newfoundland fish at six shillings four pence the hundred ; of which was well nigh eight pence the hundred charge raised upon it after the ship's return. By this reason the fish, which at a market in all likelihood might have yielded well nigh £2000, amounted not, with all the provenue of the voyage, to above £1100. Unto these losses by fishing, were added two other no small disadvantages ; the one in the coun- try by our land-men, who being ill chosen and ill commanded, fell into many disorders, and did the Company little service ; the other by the fall of the price of shipping, which was now abated to more than the one half ; by which means it came to pass, that our ships, which stood us in little less than £1200, were sold for £480. The occasions and means then of wasting this stock are apparently these: first, the ill choice of the place ABANDONMENT OF THE ENTERPRISE. 11 for fishing. The next, the ill carriage of our men at chap, land, who having stood us in two years and a half in — — w^ell nigh £1000 charge, never yielded XlOO profit. The last, the ill sales of fish and shipping. By all which the Adventurers were so far discouraged, that they abandoned the further prosecution of this de- i626. sign, and took order for the dissolving of the com- pany on land, and sold away their shipping and other provisions. Two things withal may be intimated by the way ; the first, that the very project itself of planting by the help of a fishing voyage, can never answer the success that it seems to promise ; which experienced fishermen easily have foreseen beforehand, and by that means have prevented divers ensuing errors. Where- of, amongst divers other reasons, these may serve for two ; first, that no sure fishing-place in the land is fit for planting, nor any good place for planting found fit for fishing, at least near the shore ; and, secondly, rarely any fishermen will work at land, neither are husbandmen fit for fishermen but wath long use and experience. The second thing to be observed is, that nothing new fell out in the managing of this stock, seeing experience hath taught us that, as in building houses, the first stones of the foundation are buried under ground and are not seen, so in planting colonies, the first stocks employed that way are con- sumed, although they serve for a foundation to the work. But to return to our former subject, from which we digressed. Upon the manifestation of the West- ern Adventurers' resolution to give off their work, 12 SETTLEMENT AT NAHUMKEIK. CHAP, most part of the land-men, being sent for, returned. But a few of the most honest and industrious resolved 1626. ^Q gi^g^y behind, and to take charge of the cattle sent over the year before ; which they performed accord- ingly. And not liking their seat at Cape Anne, chosen especially for the supposed commodity of fish- ing, they transported themselves to Nahum-Keike,^ about four or five leagues distant to the south-west from Cape Anne. Some then of the Adventurers, that still continued their desire to set forward the plantation of a Colony there, conceiving that if some more cattle were sent over to those few men left behind, they might not only be a means of the comfortable subsisting of such as were already in the country, but of inviting some other of their friends and acquaintance to come over to them, adventured to send over twelve kine and bulls more ; and conferring casually with some gen- tlemen of London,^ moved them to add unto them as many more. By w^hich occasion, the business came 1627. to agitation afresh in London, and being at first ap- proved by some and disliked by others, by argument ' The author, White, in another haven of comfort, but happened also part of his work, after referring to to put a Hebrew name upon it ; for the opinion held by some that the they called it Salem, for the peace Indians might formerly have had which they had and hoped in it ; and some intercourse with the Jews, ob- so it is called unto this day." Ma- serves, " Howsoever it be, it falls ther probably derived this whimsical out that the name of the place which etymology from Scottow, who says, our late Colony hath chosen for their " Its original name was called Nauin- seat, proves to be perfect Hebrew, ArA-, the Bosom of Consolation, being being called Nahum Keike, by inter- its signification, as the learned have pretation. The Bosom of Consola- observed." See Planter's Plea, p. tion.'''' Cotton Mather also says, 14, Mather's Magnalia, i. 63, and "Of which place I have somewhere Joshua Scottow's Narrative of the met with an odd observation, that Planting of the Massachusetts Colo- the name of it was rather Hebrew ny, p. 51, (Boston, 1694.) than Indian ; for Nahum signifies * Their names will appear here- C'omfort, and Kcik signifies a Haven ; after in the records of the Com- and our English not only found it a i)any. THE EMIGRATION WITH ENDICOTT. 13 and disputation it grew to be more vulgar ; insomuch chap. that some men showing some good affection to the — ~ work, and offering the help of their purses if fit men i^-~- might be procured to go over, inquiry w^as made whether any would be willing to engage their per- sons in the voyage. By this inquiry it fell out that among others they lighted at last on Master Exde- coTT,^ a man w^ell known to divers persons of good note, who manifested much willingness to accept of the offer as soon as it was tendered ; which gave great encouragement to such as were upon the point of resolution to set on this work of erecting a new Colony upon the old foundation. Hereupon divers persons having subscribed for the raising of a reason- able sum of money, a patent was granted with large encouragements every way by his most excellent Majesty.- Master Endecott was sent over Governor, less. assisted with a few men, and arriving in safety there ^o^ in September, 1628,^ and uniting his own men W'ith g ^ those which were formerly planted in the country into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or sixty"* persons. ' " A fit instrument to begin this furthered by the honored Mr. Rich- wilderness-work, of courage bokl, ard Bellingham." A previous pa- undaunted, yet sociable, and of a tent had been obtained from the cheerful spirit, loving and austere. Council for New England, March applying himself to either, as occa- 19, 1628. It was under this that sion served."' Edward Johnson's Endicott came out, and not under Wonderworking Providence, ch. ix. the broad seal of England, as eiTo- (London, 1654.) neously stated by Gov. Bradford, * '' Deputy governor Dudley, Mr. Secretary ]\Iorton, and Edward John- Hubbard, and others, wrongly place son. See Prince's Annals, pp. 249, Mr. Endicott's voyage after the 2.50, 254 ; INIass. Hist. Coll. xii. 63; grant of the royal charter, whereas andMorton's New-England's Memo- he came above eight months be- rial, p. 137, (Davis's edition, Bos- fore." The patent of the Massa- ton, 1826.) chusetts Company was confirmed by ^ This was the first emigration the king, Charles I. ]\Iarch 4, 1629. under the authority of the Massa- Edward Johnson says it was " pro- chusetts Company, cured by advice of one Mr. White, ■• It will be seen from Higginson's an honest counsellor-at-law, as also Narrative, in a subsequent part of G. 14 THE EMIGRATION WITH HIGGINSON. His prosperous journey, and safe arrival of himself and all his company, and good report which he sent 10 28. back of the country, gave such encouragement to the work, that more adventurers joining with the first undertakers, and all engaging themselves more deeply for the prosecution of the design, they sent over the 1629. next year about three hundred persons more,^ most servants, with a convenient proportion of rother- beasts,^ to the number of sixty or seventy, or there- about, and some mares and horses ; of which the kine came safe for the most part, but the greater part of the horses died, so that there remained not above twelve or fourteen alive. By this time the often agitation of this affair in sundry parts of the kingdom, the good report of Cap- tain Endecott's government, and the increase of the Colony, began to awaken the spirits of some persons of competent estates,^ not formerly engaged. Con- sidering that they lived either without any useful employment at home, and might be more serviceable in assisting the planting of a Colony in New-England, [they] took at last a resolution to unite themselves for the prosecution of that work. And, as it usually falls out, some other of their acquaintance, seeing such men of good estates^ engaged in the voyage, this volume, that on his arrival at try Words, p. 51, and Richardson's Salem in June, 1629, he found there Eng-. Diet, under Fouf. about a hundred persons with Endi- ^ Winthrop, Isaac Johnson, Sal- cott. tonstall, Dudley, Cradock, the Vas- ' This was the second/ emigration, sals, and most of the Massachusetts under lligginson. He says, " We Company, were men of " good " and brought with us about two hundred "competent estates." Winthrop passengers and planters more." had an estate of six or seven hun- ^ Cows, oxen. " The old Saxon dred pounds a year, and Johnson's word hrxttan signifies to snort, snore, interest in the New-England adven- or rout in sleeping. To rowt or ture was six hundred pounds. See rawt is to low like an ox or cow. Hutchinson's History of the Colony Hence also the Saxon hruther, bos, a of Massachusetts Bay, i. 14, 16. rother-beast." Ray's North Coun- (London, 1760.) THE EMIGRATION WITH WINTHROP. 15 some for love to their persons, and others upon other chap. respects, united unto them ; which together made up — ^— - a competent number, (perhaps far less than is re- i^so. ported,) and embarked themselves for a voyage to ^pj^^ New-England, where I hope they are long since safely arrived.^ This is an unpartial though brief relation of the occasion of planting of this Colony. The particulars whereof, if they could be entertained, w^ere clear enough to any indifferent judgment, that the suspi- cious and scandalous reports raised upon these gen- tlemen and their friends, (as if, under the color of planting a Colony, they intended to raise and erect a seminary of faction and separation,) are nothing else but the fruits of jealousy of some distempered mind, or, which is worse, perhaps, savor of a desperate malicious plot of men ill affected to religion, endeav- ouring, by casting the undertakers into the jealousy of State, to shut them out of those advantages which otherwise they do and might expect from the counte- nance of authority. Such men would be intreated to forbear that base and unchristian course of traducing innocent persons under these odious names of Separa- tists^ and enemies to the Church and State, for fear lest their own tongues fall upon themselves by the justice of His hand who will not fail to clear the in- nocency of the just, and to cast back into the bosom of every slanderer the filth that he rakes up to throw in other men's faces. As for men of more indiffe- * This was the third or great em- paratists. For the difference he- igration, under W'inthrop. tween the two, considt the Chroni- * The first planters of Massachu- cles of Pljinouth, pp. 398, 414-17. setts were Nonconformists, not Se- 16 THE PLANTERS PLEA. 1630. CHAP, rent and better tempered minds, they would be seri- oiisly advised to beware of entertaining and admitting, much more countenancing and crediting such un- charitable persons as discover themselves by their carriage, and that in this particular, to be men ill affected towards the work itself, if not to religion, at which it aims, and consequently unlikely to report any truth of such as undertake it.^ ' The Planters' Plea, from which this chapter is extracted, was printed in London iu 1G30, soon af- ter the sailing of Winthrop's fleet, as appears from page 15. It has generally been ascribed to the Rev. John White, of Dorchester, Eng- land, of whom some account will be given hereafter. The copy which I use, and which formerly belonged to Increase Mather, has on the title- page, in his hand-writing, " Mr. White, of Dorchester, Author." — This may be considered good au- thority, as Increase Mather probably derived his information from his fa- ther, Richard, who came over in 1G35, or from some other of the first settlers. The work is an ori- ginal, contemporaneous authority, of the highest value, as it contains facts relating to the earliest attempts at settlement in Massachusetts Bay, which can be found nowhere else, and these facts furnished by the per- sons who were themselves engaged as adventurers in these attempts. See page 3. In his Preface the au- thor says, " The reader is intreated to observe that the particulars of this .small pamphlet being all ranged un- der these tw^o heads, matters oi fact or of opinion, in the former the author sets down his knowledge, and conse- (juently what he resolves to justify."' In the Preface to John Cotton's sermon, entitled " God's Promise to his Plantation," delivered just be- fore the departure of Winthrop's company, I. H. (which I suppose to be the initials of John Humphrey, who, though chosen Deputy Gov- ernor of the Colony, remained be- hind, and did not come over till July 1634,) says, " Ere long, (if God will,) thou shalt see a larger decla- ration of the first rise and ends of this enterprise, and so clear and full a justification of this design, both in respect of that warrant it hath from God's word, and also in respect of any other ground and circumstance of weight that is considerable in the warrant of such a work, as (I hope) there will easily be removed any scruide of moment which hitherto hath been moved about it." The Planters' Plea corresponds to this description, and I have no doubt is the work which the writer intended to announce. The Planters' Plea appears to have been unknown to our histo- rians. Neither Mather, Prince, Hutchinson, Bancroft, nor Grahame make any use or mention of it. IT\ib- bard may have had it ; but I think he derived his knowledge of the first settlement of the Colony from Co- nant and his companions. HUBBARD'S NARRATIVE. CHAPTER 11. THE DISCOVERY AND FIRST PLANTING OF THE JMAS- SACHTJSETTS. Several mariners and persons skilled in naviga- chap. tion, (whether employed by others in a way offish- ^.^J.^ ing and trading, or to satisfy their own humors in making further and more exact discoveries of the country, is not material,) had some years before look- ed down into the Massachusetts Bay.^ The inhabit- ants of New Plymouth had heard the fame thereof, i62i. and in the first year after their arrival there took an Sept. occasion to visit it,^ gaining some acquaintance with the natives of the place, in order to future traffic with them. For which purpose something like a habita- tion w^as set up at Nantasket,^ a place judged then ' Capt. John Smith appears to ' Gov. Bradford says, "We re- have been the first navigator, of turned with a considerable quantity whom we have any account, that of beaver and a good report of the penetrated to the bottom of Massa- place, icishhig ice had been seated chusetts Bay. This was in 1614. there.'" See the original Journal of He says, " The country of the Mas- the expedition in the Chronicles of sachusetts is the paradise of all those Plymouth, pp. 224-229. parts ; for here are many isles all ^ A peninsula at the entrance of planted with com, groves, mulber- Boston harbour, now called Hull, ries, salvage gardens, and good har- which name it received from the hours." Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. General Court in 1644. See Sav- 118. age's note on Winthrop, ii. 175. 20 ROGER COXANT AT NANTASKET. CHAP, most commodious for such an end. There Mr. Ro- ger Conant, with some few others, after Mr. Lyford and Mr. Oldham were, for some offence, real or sup- posed, discharged from having anything more to do 1624. at Plymouth,^ found a place of retirement and recep- tion for themselves and families for the space of a year and some few months, till a door was opened for them at Cape Anne, a place on the other side the Bay, (more convenient for those that belong to the tribe of Zebulon than* for those that chose to dwell in the tents of Issachar,) whither they removed 1625. about the year 1625. And after they had made another short trial thereof, for about a year's contin- 1626. uance, they removed a third time down a little lower towards the bottom of the Bay, being invited by the accommodations w^hich they either saw or hoped to find on the other side of a creek near by, called * John Lyford came over to Ply- a Court, and charges Lyford and Old- imouth in the spring of 1624, and ham with plotting against us. Old- John Oldham in August, 1623. Ro- ham being outrageous, would have bert Cushman, in a letter dated Lon- raised a mutiny; but his party don, Jan. 24, 1624, wTites, " We leaves him, and the Court expels send a preacher, though not the them the colony." Edward Wins- most eminent, for whose going Mr. low, the agent of the Plymouth Co- Winslow and I gave way, to give lony in England, afterwards made content to some at London." Gov. such disclosures there respecting Bradford also speaks of " the min- Lyford as confounded the party ister, Mr. John Lyfgrd, whom a among the merchant adventurers faction of the adventiirers send to who adhered to him, and he was hinder Mr. Robinson." Lyford judged unfit for the ministry. "By wrote home to the adverse part of this, (says Prince,) it seems as if the the adventurers in 1624, counselling Rev. Mr. White and the Dorchester them that " the Leyden company, gentlemen had been imposed upon Mr. Robinson and the rest, must still with respect to Lyf~^ took up their station, upon a pleasant and fruitful neck of land, environed with an arm of the sea on each side, in either of which vessels and ships of good burthen might safely anchor. In this place, (soon after by a minister,^ that came with a company 1629. of honest planters, called Salem, from that in Psalm Ixxvi. 2,) was laid the first foundation on which the next colonies were built. Notwithstanding the many adventures which had hitherto been made, by sundry persons of estate and quality, for the discovery and improvement of this part of America, called New-England, nothing could as yet be settled by way of planting any colony upon the coast, with desirable success, save that of New Plymouth.- As for the rest of the plantations, they were like the habitations of the foolish, as it is in -^^^^ ' V. 3. Job, cursed before they had taken root. But the vanishing of all the forementioned at- tempts did but make way for the settling the Colony of the Massachusetts ; and this was the occasion thereof As some merchants from the west of Ens-land had for a long time frequented the parts about Mun- * Francis Higginson, ^vho says in The Ph-mouth Company's in 1607, his Journal, " When we came first near the mouth of the Kennebec ; to Naimkecke, now called Salem." (2.) Weston's at Wessagusset Eoger Conant, the founder of it, ex- (Weymouth) in 1622 ; (3.) Robert pressly disclaims having had " any Gorge "s at the same place in 1623 ; hand in naming that town." See (4.) David Thomson's at the mouth Mass. Archives, Towns, i. 217. of the Piscataqua in 1623 ; and (5.) - These abortive attempts to plant Captain Wollaston's at Quincy in colonies in New-England, were, (1.) 1635. 22 FISHING-STAGES AT CAPE ANN. CHAP, higgon/ for the taking offish,- &c., so did others, — — — especially those of Dorchester, make the like attempt upon the northern promontory of the Massachusetts Bay, in probability first discovered by Capt. Smith, 1611. before or in the year 1614, and by him named Tra- gabizanda,^ for the sake of a lady from whom he re- ceived much favor w^hile he was a prisoner among the Turks ; by whom also the three small islands at the head of the Cape were called the Three Turks' Heads. But neither of them glorying in these Ma- hometan titles, the promontory willingly exchanged its name for that of Cape Anne, imposed, as is said, by Capt. Mason,'* and which it retaineth to this day, in honor of our famous Queen Anne, the royal con- sort of King James ; and the three other islands are now known by other names. ^ Here did the foresaid merchants first erect stages whereon to make their fish, and yearly sent their ships thither for-that end for some considerable time, until the fame of the Plantation at New Plymouth, with the success thereof, was spread abroad through all the western parts of England so far, as that it began to revive the hopes of some of those merchants who had not long before adventured their estates to promote so honorable a design as was the planting ' See Chronicles of Plymouth Sparks's American Biography, ii. Colony, page 182, note % and Wil- 191-194, 197, and Mass. Hist. Coll. liamson's History of Maine, i. 01. xxvi. 97, 118, 120. ^ "It is well known, before our ■* This is a mistake. The name breach with Spain, (1G24,) we was altered by Prince Charles, in usually sent out to New-England honor of his mother, Anne of Den- yearly forty or fifty sail of shi])s of mark. See Mass. Hist Coll. xxvi. reasoirable good burthen for fishing 97, 99, and xxiii. 20. only." Planters' Plea, p. 23. See " They are now called Straits- also note on p. 5. mouth island, Thacher's island, and ^ See Hillard's Life of Smith in Milk island. A PLANTATION AT CAPE ANN. 23 and peopling this new world ;^ although, finding chap. hitherto but small encouragement that way, they were ready to withdraw their hands. On this consideration it was, that some merchants and other gentlemen about Dorchester did, about the year 1624, at the instigation of Mr. White, the 1624. famous preacher of that town, upon a common stock, together with those that were coming to make fish, send over sundry persons, in order to the carrying on a Plantation at Cape Anne, conceiving that plant- ing on the land might go on equally with fishing on the sea in those parts of America. Mr. John Tylly^ and Mr. Thomas Gardener^ w^ere employed as overseers of that whole business ; the first with reference to the fishing, the other with respect to the planting on the main land, at least for one year's time ; at the end of which Mr. White, 1625. with the rest of the Adventurers, hearing of some religious and well-affected persons, that were lately removed out of New Plymouth, out of dislike of their principles of rigid Separation, — of which number Mr. Roger Conaxt^ was one, a religious, sober, and ^ In 1623, thirteen of the Compa- tiers of New-England, with Sav- ny of Adventurers in England, writ- age's Winthrop, ii. 367. ing to their brethren at New Ply- ■* Roger Conant, to whom be- mouth, tell them, " Let it not be longs the high honor of being the grievous to you that you have been first planter of the Colony of IMassa- instruments to break the ice for chusetts Bay, was born at Budleigh, others who come after you. The near Sidraouth, in the county of honor shall be yours to the world's Devon, in the year 1593, as we in- end." Bradford in Prince, p. 220. fer from the record in the parish re- ^ John Tylley was admitted a gister of East Budleigh, which freeman March 4, 1635. See Sav- states that he was baptized April 9, age's Winthrop, ii. 365. 1593. He was probably the son of ^ Thomas Gardner removed to William Conant, who, as appears Salem with Conant, was admitted a from the same register, was married freeman !May 17, 1637, and was a Nov. 26, 1588. W"e have no ac- member of the General Court the count of the time or manner in which same j^ear. Compare Farmer's Ge- Roger Conant came over to New- nealogical Register of the first set- England. Christopher Conant was 24 CONANT APPOIiNTED AGENT. CHAP, prudent gentleman, yet surviving about Salem till the year 1680, wherein he finished his pilgrimage, 1625. having a great hand in all these forementioned trans- actions about Cape Anne, — they pitched upon him, the said Conant, for the managing and government of all their affairs at Cape Anne. The information he had of him, was from one Mr. Conant, a brother of his, and well known to Mr. White; and he was so well satisfied therein, that he engaged Mr. Plum- phrey,the treasurer of the joint Adventurers, to write to him in their names, and to signify that they had chosen him to be their governor in that place, and would commit unto him the charge of all their affairs, as well fishing as planting. Together with him, likewise, they invited Mr. Lyford, lately dismissed from Plymouth, to be the minister of the place ; and Mr. Oldham, also discharged on the like account one of ihc passengers in the Anne, Bass river, in what is now the town which arrived at Plymouth in 1023. of lieverly, on which he settled, and But I find no evidence in Gov. Brad- in 1671, the General Court made ford or Morton, or in any of the Ply- him a grant of two hundred acres mouth records or authorities, to con- more, on the ground of his being firm the statement here made by " an ancient planter." He died Hubbard, that Roger Conant was Nov. 19, 1679, in the 87th year of once a resident in that colony, and his age. Hutchinson says, " He is was expelled from it with Lyford always spoken of as a person of and Oldham. Still it may have worth. The superior condition of the been so ; and Hubbard may have got persons who came over with the char- his information from Conant him- ter cast a shade upon him, and he self. The same mystery hangs lived in obscurity. Governor's Isl- over his arrival and early residence and, in Boston harbour, [on which is here, as over Walford, Blackstone, now Fort Warren,] was formerly and Maverick. They all probably called Conant's island." Conant had came over in some of the fishing- four sons. Roger, the second, was vessels that were constantly hover- the first child born in Salem, and on ing on the coast. He was admitted that account received from the town, a freeman of the Colony May 18, in 1640, a grant of twenty acres of 1631, and was a representative from land. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. Salem in the first Court of Deputies, 250-255, xxviii. 306; Savage's held in 1634. In 1636, he received Winthrop, i. 130, ii. 362 ; Stone's from that town a grant of two hun- Hist, of Beverly, p. 18; and Hutch- dred acres of land at the head of inson's Hist, of Mass. i. 7. CONANT REMOVES TO CAPE ANN. 25 a-om Plymouth, was invited to trade for them with chap. tie Indians. All these three at that time had their dwelling at Nantasket. Mr. Lyford accepted, and i625. came along with Mr. Conant. Mr. Oldham liked better to stay where he was for a while, and trade for himself, and not become liable to give an account of his gain or loss. But after a year's experience, 1626. the Adventurers, perceiving their design not like to answer their expectation, at least as to any present advantage, threw all up ; yet were so civil to those that were employed under them, as to pay them all their wages, and proffered to transport them back whence they came, if so they desired. It must here be noted, that Mr. Roger Conant, on the foresaid occasion made the superintendent of their affairs, disliked the place as much as the Ad- venturers disliked the business ; and therefore, in the mean while, had made some inquiry into a more commodious place near adjoining, on the other side of a creek, called Naumkeag,^ a little to the west- ward, where was much better encouragement as to the design of a Plantation, than that which they had attempted upon before at Cape Anne ; secretly con- ceiving in his mind, that in following times (as since is fallen out) it might prove a receptacle for such as upon the account of religion would be willing to begin a foreign Plantation in this part of the world ; of which he gave some intimation to his friends in England. Wherefore that reverend person, Mr. White, (under God, one of the chief founders of > Capt. John Smith wites this Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvi. 97, 107, 118 Naemkeck, Naemkecke, and Nairn- and xxiii. 22, 34. keck. See note on page 12, and 26 WHITE WRITES TO CONANT. IG2G, CHAP, the Massachusetts Colony in New-England,)^ being - — —- grieved in his spirit that so good a work should be suffered to fall to the ground by the Adventurers thus abruptly breaking off, did write to Mr. Conant not so to desert the business, faithfully promising that if himself, with three others, (whom he knew to be honest and prudent men, viz. John Woodberry, John Balch,^ and Peter Palfreys,^ employed by the ^ John White, " usually called," says Anthony Wood, " patriarch of Dorchester, or patriarch White," was born at Stanton St. John in Oxfordsliire, in 1575, and was edu- cated first at Winchester, and then at New College, Oxford, of which he was fellow. In 1G05 he became rector of Trinity parish in Dorches- ter. Wood says, " He was for the most part of his time a moderate Puritan, and conformed to the cere- monies of the Church of England before and when Archbishop Laud sat at the stern." On the breaking out of the civil wars, he sided with the popular party ; and his house and library having been plundered by the royalists under Prince Ru- pert, he came to Loudon, and was made minister of the Savoy parish. In 1643 he was chosen one of the Assembly of Divines at Westmin- ster, and " showed himself one of the most learned and moderate among them, and his judgment was much relied on therein." Soon after he was appointed rector of Lambeth, in Surrey. When the civil wars were over, he returned to Dor- chester, and in 1617 was chosen warden of New College, but declin- ed the honor. lie died suddenly July 24, 1648, in his 74th year, anil was buried July 21, in the porch of St. Peter's in Dorchester. Wood says, "He was a person of great gravity and presence, and had al- ways influence on the Puritanical party, near to and remote from him, who bore him more respect than they did to their diocesan." Fuller, in his Worthies, says that " he had a jiatriarchal influence both in Old and New England." Callender, in his Historical Discourse on Rhode Island, calls him " the father of the Massachusetts Colony." His name will often occur hereafter in the meetings of the Massachusetts Com- pany in London. See Wood's Athen. Ox. iii. 236, (ed. Bliss) ; Fuller's Worthies of England, ii. 233 ; Hulchins's History of Dorset, i. 390 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 306 ; and Rhode Island Hist. Coll. iv. 67. ^ John Balch is said to have come from Bridge water, in Somersetshire. He was made a freeman May 18, 1631. In 1636, he received, at the same time with Conant, a grant of two hundred acres of land at the head of Bass river, near the present residence of Mr. John Bell, in Bev- erly, where he died in 1648. He was an intelligent, exemplary, and useful citizen. He had two wives, Margaret and Agnes, and three sons, the second of whom, John, married Mary, the daughter of Roger Co- nant, and was drowned in crossing the ferry to Beverly, Jan. 16, 1662. See Farmer's Gen. Register, and Stone's Hist, of Beverly, p. 23. ^ Peter Palfrey was admitted a freeman May 18, 1631. In May, 1632, when each town in the Colony chose two men to advise with the Governor and Assistants at the next Court about raising a public stock — the " embryo of a parliament," as Savage calls it — Palfrey was joined with Conant in this trust. In 1635, CON ANT RESOLVES TO REMAIN. 27 Adventurers,) would stay at Naumkeag, and give chap. timely notice thereof, he would provide a patent for — -^~. them, and likewise send them whatever they should 16 26. write for, either men, or provision, or goods where- with to trade with the Indians. Answer was return- ed, that they would all stay on those terms, entreat- ing that they might be encouraged accordingly. Yet it seems, before they received any return according to their desires, the three last mentioned began to recoil, and repenting of their engagement to stay at Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians and other incon- veniences, resolved rather to go all to Virginia ; especially because Mr. Lyford, their minister, upon a loving invitation, was thither bound. ^ But Mr. Conant, as one inspired by some superior instinct, though never so earnestly pressed to go along with them, peremptorily declared his mind to wait the providence of God in that place where now they were, yea, though all the rest should forsake him,^ he was a deputy from Salem in the second General Court. In 1636, with the other ftrst planters, he re- ceived a grant of two hundred acres of land on Bass river. In 1653 he removed to Reading, where he died Sept. 15, 1663. His estate was apprized at £84 10s. His wife's name was Edith, and he had a son Jonathan, and three daughters, Je- hodan. Remember, and Mary. De- scendants of this w^orthy planter remain in Salem, and the present Secretary of the Commonwealth, John Gorham Palfrey, claims him as his ancestor. See Farmer's Re- gister, Savage's Winthrop, ii. 362, and Prince's Annals, p. 394. ^ "And there shortly dies." — Bradford, in Prince, p. 245. - In the Archives of the Common- wealth there is preserved a petition. in his own hand-writing, " of Roger Conant of Bass River, alias Bev- erly," dated May 28, 1671. In that pethion he says, that he " hath been a planter in New-England forty years and upwards, being one of the first, if not the very first, that re- solved and made good any settle- ment, under God, in matter of plan- tation, with my family, in this Col- ony of the IMassachusetts Bay, and have been instrumental both for the founding and can-ying on of the same ; and when, in the infancy thereof, it was in great hazard of being deserted, I was a means, through grace assisting me, to stop the fiight of those few that then were here with me, and that by my utter denial to go away with them, who would have gone either for England, or mostly for Virginia, but 28 JOHN WOODBURY SENT TO ENGLAND. CHAP, not doubting, as he said, but if they departed, he --T — should soon have more company. The other three, observing his confident resolution, at last concurred 1G27. with him, and soon after sent back John Woodberry^ for England to procure necessaries for a Plantation. But that God, who is ready to answer his people before they call, as he had filled the heart of that good man, Mr. Conant, in New-England, with courage and resolution to abide fixed in his purpose, notwithstand- ing all opposition and persuasion he met with to the contrary, had also inclined the hearts of several others in England to be at work about the same design. For about this time the Council established at Plymouth for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New- England," had, by a deed indented under the common 1628. seal, bearing date March 19, 1627, bargained and sold thereupon stayed to the hazard of our lives." In the same petition he says that he " was the first that had a house in Salem," that " those that were then with him were all from the western part of England," and that he himself was " born at Bud- leigh, a market-town in Devonshire, near unto the sea." See Mass. Ar- chives, Towns, i. 217. The peti- tion is printed entire in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 252. ' John Woodbury is said to have come from Somersetshire, in Eng- land. He was made a freeman May 18, 1631, and in 1635 was chosen, with Palfrey, a deputy to the Gene- ral Court, and again in 1638. In 1636, in connection with Conant, Iklch, and Palfrey, he received from the town a grant of two hun- dred acres of land on Bass river. " He was an energetic, faithful and worthy man, and took an active part in the settlement and transactions of the Colony. He died in 1611, hav- ing lived to see his perils, sufferings and toils contribute to prepare a re- fuge for his countrymen." His wife's name was Agnes, and his son, Humphrey, born in 1609, came to Salem with his father in 1628, and was living in 1081. The home- stead has remained in the family since the first settlement. All bear- ing the name of Woodbury in New- England probably descend from John or his brother William. See Farm- er's Register and Stone's History of Beverly, pp. 21-23. - On the 3d of Nov. 1620, King James signed a patent by which the adventurers to the northern colony of Virginia between forty and forty- eight degrees north, were incorpora- ted as " The Council established at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering and governing of New-England in America." This is the great civil basis of the future patents and plant- ations that divide the country. See the patent in Hazard's Collection of State Papers, i. 103. A PATENT OBTAINED. 29 unto some knights and gentlemen about Dorchester, namely, Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John Yomig, knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Humphry, John Endicot, i^^^- and Simon Whetcomb,^ gentlemen, that part of New- England that lies between Merrimack and Charles river, in the bottom of the Massachusetts Bay. And not long after, by the means of Mr. White, the fore- said gentlemen were brought into acquaintance with several other religious persons of like quality in and about London, such as Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Cradock, and Mr. Goffe, and Sir Richard Saltonstall ; who being first associated to them, at last bought of them all their right and in- terest in New-England aforesaid ; and consulting together about settling some Plantation in New-Eng- land upon the account of religion, where such as were called Nonconformists might, with the favor and leave of the King, have a place of reception if they should transport themselves into America, there to enjoy the liberty of their ow^n persuasion in matters of worship and church discipline, without disturbance of the peace of the kingdom, and without offence to others not like-minded with themselves, did at the last resolve, with one joint consent, to petition the King's Majesty to confirm unto the fore- named and their associates, by a new grant or patent, the tract of land in America forementioned ; which was accordingly obtained. ~ ' " It is very likely the three per- projected, we hear no more of them, sons first named in this gi-ant had The other three remained." Hutch- nothing more in view by the pur- inson's Hist. Mass. i. 9. chase than a settlement for trade - " Some of the principal of the with the natives, or for fishery, or liberal speakers in parliament being for other advantageous purposes, committed to the Tower, others to As soon as a colony for religion was other prisons, this took away all 30 ENDICOTT AT SALEM. 1628, Soon after, the Company, having chosen Mr. Cra- dock, Governor, and Mr. GofFe, Deputy Governor, with several others for Assistants, sent over Mr. En- dicot, in the year 1628, to carry on the Plantation of the Dorchester agents at Naiimkeag, or Salem, and make way for the settling of another Colony in the Massachusetts. He was fully instructed with power from the Company to order all affairs in the name of the Patentees, as their agent, until them- selves should come over ; which was at that time intended, but could not be accomplished till the year 1630. With Mr. Endicot, in the year 1628, came Mr. Gotte,^ Mr. Brakenberry,^ Mr. Daven- hope of reformation of Church gov- ernment from many not affecting Episcopal jurisdiction, nor tiie usual practice of the common prayers of the Church, whereof there were several sorts, though not agreeing among themselves, yet all of like dislike of those particulars. Some of the disereeter sort, to avoid what they found themselves suhject unto, made use of their friends to procure from the Council for the Affairs of New-England to settle a colony within their limits ; to which it pleased the thrice-honored Lord of Warwick to write to me, then at Plymouth , to condescend that a pa- tent might be granted to such as then sued for it. Whereupon I gave my approbation so far forth as it might not be prejudicial to my son Robert Gorges's interests, whereof he had a patent under the seal of the Council. Hereupon there was a grant passed as was thought rea- sonable. But the same was after enlarged by his Majesty, and con- firmed imder the great seal of Eng- land ; by the authority whereof the undertakers proceeded so effectually, that in a very short time numbers of people of all sorts flocked thitlier in heaps.'" Sir Ferdinando Gorge, in Mass. Hist. C^oll. xxvi. 80. ^ "Mr." Charles Gott was admitted a freeman May 18, 1031, and was a representative from Salem in the General Court in 1035. He was a deacon of the Church there ; and the selectmen of the town, on June 25, 1638, voted to him and John Home five acres of land, which was long known as the Deacons' Marsh. It was situated in South Fields, near Castle Hill. He removed to Wen- ham, which he represented in 1054, and died in 1067 or 1688. A letter written by him to Gov. Bradford, July 30, 1029, giving an account of the choice of Skelton and Higginson as pastor and teacher of the church at Salem,' is contained in Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 67. It appears by this let- ter that he and his wife had both been at Plymouth ; and from this fact I am almost tempted to believe that he aiTived there, and did not come with Endicott in the Alugail. See Farmer's Register and Felt's Annals of Salem, i. 183. ^ Richard Brackenbury took the oath of freeman May 14, 1634, and in 1636 received a grant of seventy- five acres of land. He was one of the early settlers of Beverly, and died there in 1685, aged 85. See Farmer's Gen. Register, and Stone's Beverly, p. 24. THE EMIGRANTS WITH ENDICOTT. 31 port/ and others f who, being added to Capt. Trask^ chap. and John Woodberry, (that was before this time re ~ turned w^ith a comfortable answer to them that sent 1628. him over,) went on comfortably together to make pre- paration for the new Colony that were coming over ; the late controversy that had been agitated with too much animosity betwixt the forementioned Dorches- ter planters and their new agent, Mr. Endicot, and his company then sent over, being by the prudent moderation of Mr. Conant, agent before for the Dor- chester merchants, quietly composed ;'* that so meum and tuum, that divide the world, should not disturb the peace of good Christians, that came so far to * Richard Davenport was admit- ted a freeman Sept. 3, 1634, and was a representative in 1637 from Salem, wliere he resided till 1642. He was ensign-bearer at the time that Endicott cut the cross ont of the King's colors, was a lieuten- ant in the Pequot war, in which he was dangerously wounded, and af- terwards was captain of the castle in Boston harbour, where he was killed by lightning, July 15, 1665, aged 59. See Fanner's Register, Savage's Winthrop, i. 146, 192, 233, and Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 146, 236. ^ The omission here of the name of the Spragues, (Ralph, Richard, and William,) invalidates the asser- tion of Felt that they " were among the emigrants who came in the Abi- gail," with Endicott, and confirms the construction put by Gov. Everett on the statement in tlie Charlestown records, that "they arrived at Salem at their own charge," that is, as " independent adventurers, not mem- bers of Gov. Endicott's Company." See Felt's Salem, p. 44, and Ed- ward Everett's Address at Charles- town on the anniversaiy of the ani- val of Gov. Winthrop, p. 19. 3 u ]yij._„ William Trask desired to be made freeman on the 19th of Octo- ber, 1630. He represented Salem five years, from 1635 to 1639. In January, 1636, he received from that tOMai, at the same time with Conant, Palfrey, Woodbuiy, and Balch, a grant of two hundred acres of land on Bass river. He was a captain under Stoughton m the Pequot war, and died in 1666, It would appear from the text that he was one of Cc- nant's company, and not, as Felt says, "among the emigrants who came in the Abigail," with En- dicott. See Fanner's Register, Stone's Beverly, p. 20, Felt's Sa- lem, p. 44, and Mass. Hist. CoU. x\-iii. 146, 147, 236. * White alludes to tliis controver- sy between the old planters under Conant and the new comers with Endicott, when in speaking of the change of name from Nahumkeik to Salem, he says that it was done "upon a fair ground, in remem- brance of a jieace settled upon a con- ference at a general meeting be- tween them and their neighbours, after expectance of some dangerous jar." See page 12, and Planters' Plea, p. 14. See also what Hub- bard says, Mass. Hist. Coll. xv. 113. 1628. 32 SICKNESS AMONG THE COLONISTS. CHAP, provide a place where to live together in Christian amity and concord. In the same year were sent over several servants upon the joint stock of the Company, who, arriving there in an uncultivated desert, for w^ant of whole- some diet and convenient lodgings, w"ere many of them seized with the scurvy and other distempers,^ which shortened many of their days, and prevented many of the rest from performing any great matter of labor that year for advancing the w^ork of the Plant- ation. Yet was the good hand of God upon them so far, as that something was done which tended to ad- vantage ; nor was, upon that account, an evil report brought upon the place by any of them, so as to dis- courage others from coming after them. During this whole lustre of years, from 1625, there was little matter of moment acted in the Massachu- setts, till the year 1629, after the obtaining the pa- tent ; the former years being spent in fishing and trading by the agents of the Dorchester merchants and some others of the west country. 1G25. In one of the fishing voyages about the year 1625, under the charge and command of one Mr. Hewes, employed by some of the west country merchants, there arose a sharp contest between the said Hewes and the people of New Plymouth, about a fishing-stage, built the year before about Cape Anne by Plymouth men, but was now, in the absence of the builders ^ "Upon which," says Governor Salem, May 11, 1G29, says, " I ac- Bradford, " Mr. Endicott, hearing loiowiedg-e myself much bomid to we at Plymouth have a very skilful you for your kind love and care in doctor, namely, Mr. Fuller, sends sending' Mr. Fuller amongst us." to our governor for him, who forth- See Prince's Annals, p. 253, Mor- with sends him to their assistance." ton's Memorial, p. 144, and Chron- Endicott writing to Bradford from icles of Plymouth, p. 223. DISPUTE AT CAPE ANN. 33 made use of by Mr. Hewes his company ; which the chap. other, under the conduct of Capt. Standish, very — — - eagerly and peremptorily demanded. For the Com- 1625. pany of New Plymouth, having themselves obtained a useless patent for Cape Anne about the year 1623,^ i623. sent some of the ships, which their Adventurers em- ployed to transport passengers over to them, to make fish there ; for which end they had built a stage there in the year 1624.^ The dispute grew to be i624. very hot, and high words passed between them ; which might have ended in blows, if not in blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and moderation of Mr. Roger Conant, at that time there present, and Mr. Peirce's^ interposition, that lay just by with his ship, timely prevented. For Mr. Hewes had barri- cadoed his company with hogsheads on the stage- head, while the demandants stood upon the land, and might easily have been cut off. But the ship's crew, by advice, promising to help them build another, the difference was thereby ended. ^ Capt. Standish had ' Robert Cusbman, writing to Gov. Bradford from London, Jan. 24, 1624, says, " We have taken a patent for Cape Ann." Prince's Annals, p. 226. ^ Christopher Levett, who was on the coast of New -England in 1624, says, that " the people of New Ply- mouth have begun a new plantation at Cape Ann ; but how long it will continue, I know not;" and Capt. John Smith, writing in 1624, says, " At Cape Ann there is a planta- tion begun by the Dorchester men, whicli they hold of those of New Plymouth ; who also by them have setup a fisliing-work." See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 181, and Prince's Annals, pp. 227, 228, 230. ' Capt. William Peirce, whose name will frequently occur in these Chronicles, and who " deserves hon- orable mention among the early na- vigators between Old England and New." See Savage's valuable note on ^Yinthrop, i. 25, to which no- thing can be added. ■• Gov. Bradford gives a different version of this affaii*. He says that " some of Lyford and Oldham's friends in the company of the mer- chant adventurers in London, set out a ship a fishing, and getting the start of ours, they take our stage and other provisions made for fishing at Cape Ann the year before, to our gi-eat charge, and refuse to re- store it without fighting ; upon which we let them keep it, and our Governor sends some planters to help the fishermen build another." And in a letter to the Council for 34 MILES STANDISH. CHAP, been bred a soldier in the Low Countries, and never entered the school of our Saviour Christ, or of John 1625. Baptist, his harbinger ; or, if he was ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer violence to no man, and to part with the cloak rather than needlessly contend for the coat, though taken away without order. A little chimney is soon fired ; so was the Plymouth captain, a man of very little stature, yet of a very hot and angry temper. The fire of his pas- sion soon kindled, and blown up into a flame by hot words, might easily have consumed all, had it not been seasonably quenched.^ In transactions of this nature were the first three years spent in making way for the planting of the Massachusetts.- New-England, dated June 28, 1625, he writes, " We are now left and forsaken of our adventurers, who have not only cast us off, but enter- ed into particular course of trading, and have by violence and force taken at their pleasure our possession at Cape Ann." See Prince's Annals, p. 233, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 38. ' This account of Standish is gi-a- phic, but flippant and unjust. Judge Davis remarks, " It does not appear that his conduct was reprehensible. He acted under authority, and was sent to enforce a manifest right." Belknap says, "The best apology for Captain Standish is, that as a soldier he had been accustomed to discipline and obedience ; that he considered liimself as the military servant of the Colony, and received his orders from the Governor and people. Sedentary persons are not always the best judges of a soldier's merit or feelings. Men of his own profession will admire the courage of Standish, his promptitude and de- cision in the execution of his orders. No one has ever charged him either with failure in point of obedience or of wantonly exceeding the limits of his commission. If the arm of flesh was necessary to establish the rights and defend the lives and property of colonists, in a new country, sur- rounded with enemies and false friends, certainly such a man as Standish, with all his imperfections, will hold a high raidv among the worthies of New-England." See Morton's Memorial, p. 126, Bel- knap's American Biography, ii. 330, and Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 125. - William Hubbard, from whose History of New-England this Chap- ter is taken, was born in England in 1621, and came to this country with his father in 1635. He was one of the first class that graduated at Harvard College, in 1642, and about the year 1657 was settled in the ministry at Ipswich, where he died Sept. 11, 1701, at the age of 83. His History of New-England was completed in 1680, to which time it is brought down, but contains few HUBBARD, THE HISTORIAN. 35 facts after 1650. In 1682, the Gen- eral Court of Massachusetts granted him fifty pounds " as a manifestation of thankfulness" for his work. It remained in manuscript till 1815, when it was published by the Mas- sachusetts Historical Society in the I5th and 16th volumes of their Col- lections. The manuscript was of great use to Mather, Prince, and Hutchinson, and until it was printed was held in high estimation as an original authority for our early his- tory. But the collation of it with the complete edition of Gov. Win- throp's History of New-England, published by Mr. Savage in 1825, disclosed the source whence Hub- bard had derived his facts, and even his language through successive pages. He seems to have sustained the same literary relation to Win- throp, that Secretary Morton did to Gov. Bradford, that of a close but not very accurate copyist. A just estimate of the value of his History is given by Mr. Savage in his note on Winthrop, i. 297. The most original and valuable part of Hubbard's History is un- questionably this very Chapter, in which he gives us a statement of facts in relation to the first settle- ments at Cape Ann and Salem, which can be found nowhere else. Now from whom did he obtain these facts? Most probably from Roger Conant, the father of the Colony, of whom he was a contemporary and neighbour. Living at Ipswich, he must have been acquainted with this prominent old planter, who resided but a few miles from him, at Bev- erly, and who survived till 1679. CHAP. Some of the facts which he relates II. he could hardly have obtained from any other som-ce ; as for instance, Mr. White's acquaintance with Co- nant's brother, his procuring Mr. Humphrey to write to Conant, and his subsequently writing to him himself "not to desert the business." The manner too in which Hubbard speaks of Conant, indicates one with whom he was personally acquainted, and for whose character and intel- lect he felt the highest respect. He speaks of him as " that good man," as " a religious, sober and prudent gentleman," and in a particular emergency, as '"one inspired by a superior instinct." In another part of his History he mentions ' ' a strange impression on the mind of Roger Conant to pitch upon Naum- keag." Now the fact of such " in- spiration" and " impression" could have been derived only from Co- nant's own mouth. We may there- fore consider that in this Chapter we have Roger Conant's own nana- tive, as taken down by Hubbard in the conversations which he held with ' him when collecting the materials for his History. I have copied this Chapter from Hubbard's MS., preserved in the archives of the Massachusetts His- torical Society, and have thus been enabled to correct several errors in the printed volume of the History. See Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 147, and Farmer's Memorials of the Gradu- ates of Harvard College, pp. 12-17, and Holmes's Annals of America, i. 490. (2ded.) THE COMPANY'S RECORDS. CHAPTER III. RECORDS OF THE GOVERXOR AXD COMPANY OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY IN NEW-ENGLAND. [Prefixed to the Records of the Company are certain memoranda, in the handwriting of Washburne, their first Secretary, of articles to be procured and sent over for the use of the Plantation at Naumkeak, and of the new Colony to be planted in Massachusetts Bay. They are preserved here as antique curiosities, showing us how the planters were furnished with arms, clothing, and provisions.] [To be] cast in to the ballast of the ships} 2 loads of chalk, 10 thousand of bricks,^ and 5 chaldron of sea-coals,^ Nails, Iron, 1 ton, Steel, 2 fagots,'* Lead, 1 fodder,^ 1629. ' The names of these ships were the Talbot, the George, the Lion's Whelp, the Four Sisters, and the Mayflower. They carried out Hig- ginson and his company, and sailed in April and May. * To build furnaces, fire-places, and chimnej^s. * For the use of the smiths. 4 A term for a parcel of small bars of steel, weighing 120 pounds. ^ From the Dutch fuder, a cart- load. It relates properly to lead, and Ray says it signifies a certain weight, viz. eight pigs, or 1600 pounds. But Bailey and Dyche both say that the weight varies in dififerent places, in London 1956 40 APPAREL FOR THE COLONISTS. Red lead, 1 barrel, Salt, sail-cloth, copper. 1629. Francis Johnson.^ RapheWhite, at corner of Philpot Lane, for aqua-vitae.^ Apparel for 100 Men. 400 pair of shoes, 300 pair of stockings, whereof 200 pair Irish, about lod. a pair, (Mr. Deputy,)" 100 pair of knit stockings, about 2s. 4d. a pair, (Mr. Treasurer,)^ 10 dozen pair of Norwich garters,^ about 5s. a dozen pair, 400 shirts, 200 suits doublet and hose, of leather, lined with oiled-skin leather, the hose and doublet with hooks and eyes, 100 suits of Northern dussens, or Hampshire ker- seys, lined, the hose with skins, the doublets with linen of Guildford,* or Gedlyman serges, 25. 10^. to 3s. a yard, 4| to 5 yards a suit, at the George, in Southwark, 400 bands,' 300 plain felling bands, 100 [*^] bands, pounds, at Newcastle 2100, in Der- rosette on one side. See the History byshire 2400, sometimes more, of British Costume, in the Library of sometimes less, according to the Entertaining Knowledge, xxiv. 275. custom of the several liberties where ■• A town in Surrey, formerly eel- it is melted or made. See Tyr- ebrated for its manufactures, whitt's Chaucer, v. 94, and Ray's '" The gi-eat stiff ruffs of Queen North Country Words, p. 31, Elizabeth's time were exchanged in ' These are memoranda in the James's reign for wide horizontal margin. collars and broad falling bands. To " I suppose the Deputy Governor these succeeded the small Geneva and the Treasurer were to provide bands, like tliose worn by clergy- these arti les. men, which have since been super- ^ At tills time the stockings were seded by stocks and neckcloths, gartered beneath the knee, and the See Britisli Costume, pp. 274, 305. gjirters fastened in a large bow or * Illegible. APPAREL FOR THE COLONISTS. 41 100 waistcoats of 2;reen cotton, bound about with chap. ° III. red tape, 100 leather girdles,^ 1629. 100 Monmouth caps,^ about 25. apiece, 100 black hats, lined in the brims with leather, 500 red knit caps, milled, about 5c?. apiece, 200 dozen hooks and eyes, and small hooks and eyes for mandilions, 16 dozen of gloves, whereof 12 dozen calf's leath- er, and 2 dozen tanned sheep's leather, and 2 dozen kid. Ells sheen ^ linen for handkerchers, I a deker^ of leather, of the best bend^ leather, 50 mats to lie under 50 beds aboard ship, 50 rugs, 50 pair of blankets, of Welsh cotton, 100 pair of sheets, 50 bed-ticks and bolsters, with wool to put them in, Scotch ticking, Linen for towels, and tablecloths, and napkins, Sea chests, 3 c. Poppering hops, and 1 c. particular. 16th March. Agreed the apparel to be 100 man- Mr. dilions,^ lined M'ith white cotton, 12d. a yard, * Girdles performed the office of ^ Fair, shining. our modern suspenders. "• A dicker is a term used by the ' " The best caps,"' says Fuller, tanners to express a quantity con- " were formerly made at Monmouth , sisting of ten hides. See Bailey where the Cappers'" Chapel doth and Dyche. still remain." They were formerly '" Sole leather, cut from the best much worn, particularly by soldiers, part of the hide — a technical " Wearing leeks ia their Monmouth word, still in use among leather- caps." dealers. Shakspeare's Hen. V. Act iv. Sc. 7, ® A soldier's garment, a loose Fuller's Worthies, ii. 116, (4to ed.) cassock or sack covering the whole 42 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY. CHAP, breeches and waistcoats, and 100 leather suits, TTT ' ' — — doublets and breeches, of oiled leather, 100 pair 1629. breeches of leather,^ drawers to serve to wear with both their other suits. [Send to] Sherbrooke by to-morrow in the after- noon. Proclamation to hinder the selling guns and gun- powder. [Nujmber of cattle, [Have] Blood here to help them.^ To provide to send for New-England. Ministers, Patent, under seal, A Seal,=^ Men skilful in making of pitch, of salt, Vine-planters, Wheat, rye, barley, oats, a hogshead of each in the ear ; beans, pease, stones of all sorts of fruits, as peaches, plums, filberts, cherries ; pear, apple, quince kernels ; pomegranates, woad seed, saffron heads, liquorice seed, (roots sent, and madder roots,) potatoes, hop roots, hemp seed, flax seed, against of the body, and usually without ' On account of its durability, sleeves. leather was for a long time the ordi- " Thus put he on his arming truss, fair nary material for clothing among shoes upon his feet, the common people of England. Ahoui him a mandilion, that did with 1''he leather breeches have come huiionsmeet, down to our owTi day. Oi purple, large, and lull ot lolds, ■ • i. ciul'd with a warmful nap, ^ Memoranda, written m the mar- A garment that 'gainst cold in nights gin. did soldiers use to wrap." " 3 ^j^jg gg,^] ^.^g ^f silver, as will Chapman's Homer, Iliad, book x. ; be seen hereafter. Hist, of British Costume, p. 267. CANNON FOR THE COLONY. 43 winter, coneys, currant plants, tame turkeys, shoes, chap. linen cloth, woollen cloth, pewter bottles, of pints and quarts, brass ladles and spoons, copper kettles, i^^Q. of [illegible] making, without bars of iron about them, oiled skins of leather, madder seeds. 2M February, 1628. This day, delivered a warrant to Mr. George Har- Feb wood, Treasurer, to pay [Mr.] Barnard Michell one hundred pounds, in part of the freight of the [Abi- gail,] Henry Gauden, master, from Weymouth to Nahumkeke, the goods shipped [per bill] of lading dated 20th June last, being per bill of lading 46^ tons [of goods,] beside the charge of Captain John Endecott, his wife, and [blank] persons of his com- pany, their passage and diet. 26/A. William Sherman hath liberty for fourteen 26 days to fetch his vines in Northampton, near [torn off] ferry. 2Qth February, 1628. Necessaries conceived meet for our intended voyage for New- England, to be prepared forthwith. For our five pieces of ordnance, long since bought and paid for, Mr. John Humphry is entreated and doth promise forthwith to cause them to be delivered to Samuel Sharpe, who is to take care for having fit carriages made for them. Arms for 100 Men. 3 drums, to each two pair of heads, 2 ensigns, H ARMS FOR THE COLONY. 2 partisans/ for captain and leftenant, 3 halberds,^ for three sergeants, 80 bastard muskets, with snaphances,^ four foot in the barrel, without rests, 6 long fowling-pieces, with musket bore, six and a half foot long, 4 long fowling-pieces, with bastard musket bore, five and a half foot long, 10 full muskets, four foot barrel, with matchcocks and rests,'* 90 bandoleers,^ for the muskets, each with a bullet 10 horn flasks, for the long fowling-pieces, to hold two pound apiece, and 100 swords, and belts, 60 corselets,*^ and 60 pikes, 20 half pikes. ' A variety of the pike or spon- toon, introduced in Henry the Eighth's time. Its blade was broader than that of the pike, and that part of it which was near the staff was formed in the manner of a crescent. It is still carried by the yeomen of the guard. " Shall I strike at it with my partisan ?" Shakspeare, Hamlet, Act i. Sc. 1 ; See Meyrick, ii. 285. ^ A weapon consisting of a staff about five feet long, with a steel head, in the shape of an axe, for- merly carried by the sergeants of foot and artillery. See Crabbe's Technological Dictionary. ^ The snaphance was the Dutch name for the firelock. It differed from the modern firelock in the ham- mer not forming the covering of the pan. See Meyrick, iii. 101. * On account of the heaviness of the long matchlock muskets, a rest was usL'd, wliich was a staff, on the top of which was a kind of fork to receive tlie musket, and at the bot- tom a sharp iron ferule, for sticking it into the ground. Meyrick. iii. 41. * Bandoleers were little cylindri- cal wooden boxes, covered with leather, each containing one charge of powder for a musket, to facilitate the loading of the piece. Twelve of them were suspended to a belt worn over tlie left shoulder ; and at the bottom of the belt, at the right hip, were hung the bullet bag and prim- ing box. These little cases were sometimes made of tin. 1 hey were used till the close of the I7th centu- ry, when they were superseded by the cartridge and cartridge-box. See Meyrick, iii. 77, British Cos- tume, p. 273. * "A kind of armour chiefly worn by pikemen. Strictly speaking, the word corselet means only that part which covered the co7'se or body ; but was generally used to express the whole suit, under the term of a corselet furnis^hed or complete, which included the head-piece and gorget, the back and breas s, with skirts of iron, called tasses, hanging over the Feb. 26. ARMS FOR THE COLONY. 45 10 u 1 J ^8 barrels for the fort, chap. Iz barrels powder, < ' iii. (4 " for small snot, .--^-. Shot, 1 lb. to a bandoleer, ^629, 8 pieces of land ordnance for the fort, whereof 5 already provided, , ^ 2 demi-culverins,^ 30 cwt. apiece, ( 3 sakers,^ each weighing 25 cwt. . -J ^ 1 whole culverin,^ as lona; as may be, to provide < • i i J ' t 2 small pieces, iron drakes, For great shot, a fit proportion to the ordnance, A seine, being a net to fish with. beer. For the Talbot, "^ if 100 passengers and 35 mariners, three months, the mariners accounted double.^ 45 tuns beer, whereof 6 tuns 4^. 39 tuns 6s. Malaga and Canary casks, 16s. a tun, 6 tuns of water, 12 m. of bread, after | c. to a man, 22 hogsheads of beef, 40 bushels pease, a peck a man the voyage, 20 bushels oatmeal, 4 c. haberdine,'^ 62 cople each c. — (each cople makes 11 pound) — and half a pound a man per day, 8 dozen pounds of candles, thighs." Mejnrick's Ancient Ar- ^ A cannon 5i inches in the bore, mour, iii. 21. weightof metal 4500 pounds, weight '■ A piece of cannon four inches of shot 17.J pounds, in diameter in the bore, and carrying ■* The Talbot was a ship of 300 a ball of 94 pounds. See INIepick, tons. iii. 65, 70. s Because they must be supplied * A smaller piece of artillery, dh with provisions for the return voyage, inches in the bore, weight of shot ^ Salted cod-fish. 54 pounds. Me}Tick, ibid. 46 STORES FOR THE SHIPS. CHAP. 2 tierces of beer vineo:ar, 1| bushels mustard seed, 1629. 20 gallons oil Gallipoli,^ or Majorca, two quarts a 2q; man, 2 firkins of soap, 2 rundlets vSpanish wine, 10 gallons apiece, 4 thousand of billets,^ 10 firkins of butter, 10 c. of cheese, 20 gallons aqua-vitae. 26th February, 1628. Agreed with John Hewson to make eight pair of welt neat's leather shoes, crossed on the outside with a seam, to be substantial, good over leather, of the best, and two soles, the inner sole of good neat's leather, and the outer sole of tallowed backs, '^ to be two pair of ten inches, two pair of eleven inches, two pair of twelve inches, and two pair of thirteen inches' size. The proportions we intend is, 1 of 10 inches, ^ 3 of 11 inches, I 3 of 12 inches, [ ' 1 of 13 inches, J 2 of 8 inches, 2 of 9 inches, And he to refer it to the Company whether to allow Id. per pair more. * Gallipoli, a sea-port in the king- '^ Of firewood, to be used on ship- dom of Naples, on the Gulf of Ta- board. ranto, is the chief mart of the oil ^ Hides, dressed with tallow in- produced in this region. stead of oil. 25. 4d. MONOPOLY OF SALT. 47 2d March, 1628. Present, The Governor, * Mr. Adams, The Deputy, Mr. Noell, 1629. Mr. Wright, Mr. Whetcombe, March 2. Mr. Vassall, Mr. Perry, Mr. Harwood, Mr. Huson.* Mr. Coulson, This day James Edmonds, a sailor, fisher, and a cooper, was propounded to serve the Company ; as also Sydrach Miller, a cooper and a cleaver ; who demanding £45 for him and his man the first year, <£50 a year the second and third year, and Ed- monds's demands being £10 the first year, £lb the second, and c£20 the third year, both held too dear for the Company to be at charges withal. Also, for Mr. Malbon, it was propomided, he hav- ing skill in iron works, and willing to put in £25 in stock, it should be accepted as £50, and his charges to be borne out and home from New-England ; and upon his return, and report what may be done about iron works, consideration to be had of proceeding therein accordingly, and further recompense, if there be cause to entertain him. Touching making of salt, it was conceived fit that commodity should be reserved for the general stock's benefit ; yet with this proviso, that any planter or brother of the Company should htive as much as he might any way have occasion to make use of, at as cheap rate as themselves could make it ; provided, ' " This is the first account of those offices by Tirtue of their pa- names set down at their meetings, tent from the New-England Coun- in the Massachusetts Court Records. ciL" Prince, p. 251. What precedes By Governor is doubtless meant Mr. seems to be the notes and memoran- Cradock, and by Deputy Governor, da of Washburne, the Secretary. Mr. Goff; who seem to be chose to 48 THE BOSTON MEN. 1629. March 2. CHAP, if the Company be not sufficiently provided for them- selves, then particular men may have liberty to make for their own expense and use any way, but not to transport nor sell. Touching John Oldham,^ the Governor was order- ed to confer with him upon any indifferent course that might not be prejudicial to the Company. Also, it being propounded by Mr. Coney ,^ in behalf of the Boston men,^ (whereof divers had promised, ' Oldham, after his expulsion from Plymouth with Lyford in the sum- mar of 1624, retired, as we have seen, to Nantasket. Returning in the spring of 1025, without leave, he was ejected a second time from the colony in a suinmaiy and igno- minious manner. After declining, the same year, the invitation of the Dorchester adventurers, to trade for them whh the Indians, he sailed in 1626 for Virginia, and on his voyage being delivered from extreme dan- ger, he becomes penitent, and " after carries himself fairly to us," says Bradford, " and we give him liberty to come and converse with us when he pleases." After this reconcilia- tion, so great was the confidence of the Plymouth people in him, that in June, 1628, when Morton, the rioter of Merry Mount, was arrested and sent prisoner to England, he was committed to Oldham's custody. At this time he seems to be prosecuting his own private affairs. See Prince's Annals, pp. 231, 230, 252 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 120 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 63. ^ This was probably the " Mr. Thomas Cony," who at an assembly held at the Guildhall of the borough of Boston on the 22d July, 1633, communicated to the mayor and bur- gesses an intimation from the Bishop of Lincoln, that Mr. John Cotton, late vicar of Boston, had resigned his vicarage on the 8th of that month. For this as well as for many other new facts illustrative of our early annals, we are indebted to Mr. Sa- vage's filial pilgrimage to our father- land, the fruits of which he has em- bodied in his delightful Gleanings for New-England History, contained in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 243-348. See particularly page 343. ^ It is gratifying to find " the Bos- ton men" so early engaged in the work. " Lincolnshire," says Hutch- inson, "contributed greatly, and more of our principal families derive their origin from thence than from any part of England, unless the city of London be an exception." Among the prominent Boston men, who came to this country, besides Cotton, were Thomas Dudley, Richard Bel- lingham, John Leverett, with his father Thomas, William Codding- ton, and Atherton Hough. The three first named were governors of Mas- sachusetts, and Coddington was the father and governor of Rhode Island. Hough was mayor of the borough in ]628,Bellingham was recorder from 1625 to 1633, and Thomas Leverett was an alderman. The Rev. Sam- uel Whiting, who had been minister of Skirbeck church, less than a mile from Boston, and was afterwards the minister of Lynn, in our Colony, had a father and brother both inay- ors of the borough. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that the name of the native place of so numy of the prominent colonists sliould have been given to the pen- insula which even then to their im- agination " presaged some suraptu- THEIR PROPOSITION ACCEPTED. 49 March 2. though not in our book underwritten, to adventure chap. ^£400 in the joint stock,) that now their desire was that ten persons of them might underwrite £25^ a^^^^- man in the joint stock, they withal promising with these ships to adventure in their particular above £250 more, and to provide able men to send over for managing the business ; which, though it be pre- judicial to the general stock, by the abatement of so much money thereout, yet appearing really to con- duce more to the good of the Plantation, which is most desired, it was condescended unto. ous city." It was probably for this reason, and not for the one common- ly assigned, viz. ont of respect for Mr. Cotton, who did not come over till three years afterwards, that at a Court of Assistants held at Chavles- towni, Sept. 7, 1630, it was "ordered that Trimountain shall be called Boston." See Hutchinson's Hist, of Mass. i. 18, INIass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 343, and Snow's History of Boston, pp. 32,33. Boston is a borough town in Lin- colnshire, 116 miles north of Lon- don, and 26 south-east of Lincoln, situated on both sides of the river Witham, five miles from the sea. It sends two members to Parhament, The parish church in which Cotton preached, built in 1309, is 382 feet m length by 99 in breadth, and the tower is 262 feet in height, and re- sembles that of the cathedral at Antwerp. It forms a conspicuous landmark for sailors, being visible at sea for forty miles. " Among the parish churches of England," said Edward Everett, in his beautiful Address at Plymouth, Dec. 22,1845, " there is not a finer than the church at Boston, almost a cathedral in size, and unsurpassed by any of its class in the beauty of its architecture. I went many miles out of my way to behold this venerable pile ; and while I mused beneath its arches, ascended its grand tower, and stood before the altar at which Cotton ministered, I gained new impressions of the Christian heroism, the spirit- ual grandeur of the men, who turn- ed their backs on all this sacred grandeur and beauty, as well as on all the comforts and delights of civ- ilized life, that they might freely worship God in cabins and-garrets, under exile and penury in the old world, and in face of the gaunt ter- rors of this unsubdued wilderness." See Thompson's Hist of Boston, in Lincolnshire, and the Parliamentary Gazetteer of England, i. 229. ^ Prince, quoting this record, page 254, says, X"10 a man — one of the very few errors that T have detected in the accurate Annalist. 3. 50 AGREEMENT WITH SAMUEL SHARPE. The M March, 1628. Present, 1629. The Governor, Mr. Noell, March Mr. Deputy, Mr. Sharpe. Mr. Wright, It was at present debated how some good course might be settled for the division of the lands, and that all men intending to go in person or to send over, might underwrite and seal some instrument to be made, whereby every man to be tied to such Or- ders as shall be agreed upon here ; and that a copy of this agreement be sent to Dorchester,^ for all men to underwrite and seal, that intend to take their passage in the Lion's Whelp,^ or else order to be taken that the ships proceed without them. Mr. Samuel Sharpe, wdth whom there hath been an agreement made in the behalf of the Company to give him £10 per year for three years, to have the oversight of the ordnance to be planted in the fort to be built upon the Plantation, and what else may concern artillery business to give his advice in ; but for all other employments was left to be entertained by any particular brethren of the Company, w^ho for other occasions had entertained him already, and held not fit to be at further charge in that kind. The said Sharpe is also entertained to oversee the [servants] and employments of certain particular^ ^ Dorchester, which may be con- Church, in which patriarch "White sidered the cradle of the Massachu- preached, was ])nlled do^\ii in 1824, setts Colony, is a borough town in and a new churcii erected on the Dorsetshhe, on the soutliern bank site. See Pari. Gaz. of England, of the river Fronie, 120 miles from i. 602. London, and having in 1831 a popu- " The Lion's Whelp was a vessel lation of 3033. It is under the gov- of 120 tons. ernment of a mayor, and sends two ^ Sharpe was Cradock's agent, as members to Parliament. Trinity will be seen hereafter. SIR WILLIAM BRERETON. 51 men of the Company. But for the general,^ present- ^^jf^- ed a bill for three drums and other particulars, amounting to five pounds, nineteen shillings ; which 1629. the Treasurer hath order to pay. The bth March, 1628. Present, March 5. The Governor, Mr. Wright, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. White, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Whetcombe. Capt. Venn, A new proposition being made in the behalf of Mr. Oldham to be entertained by this Company, it was deferred to further consideration. Also, John Washburne being propounded for Sec- retary to the Company, it was conceived fit to en- tertain him, but deferred till another [time.] A proposition being made by Sir William Brere- ton^ to the Governor, of a patent granted him of ^ The general stock, the Compa- into the main land northeast from ny"s concern. the said cape Nahant." Now the ^ Captain Robert Gorges, son of grant made by the Plymouth Coun- Sir Ferdinando, obtained a patent cil to the Massachusetts Company, from the Council of Pl\-mouth, dated JNIarch 19, lfi28, covered this same Dec. 13, 1622, ten miles in breadth territory, and also the tract granted and thirty miles into the land, on the by John Gorges to John Oldham ; northeast side of ^lassachusettsBay. and hence the disputes of the Com- On the death of Robert, his patent pany with Brereton and Oldham. It descended to his brother John, who appears that Brereton sent over sev- by a deed dated Jan 10, 1029, con- eral famihes and servants, who pos- reyed to Sir AVilHam Brereton, of sessed and improved large tracts of Handforth, in the county of Chester, the said land, and made several Bart., and his heirs, " all the land in leases. He seems to have been breadth Ijing from the east side of preparing to come over himself, but Charles river to the easterly part of on the breaking out of the civil wars, the cape called Nahant, and all the taking the popular side, he found lands lying in length twenty mUes employment in the Long Parliament northeast into the main land from and the aimy, and was at the head the mouth of the said Charles river, of the forces that reduced Chester, lying also in length twenty miles See Mass. Archives, Lands, i. 1 ; 52 JOHN PRATT, THE SURGEON. CHAP, lands in the Massachusetts Bay by Mr. John Gorges, - — — and that if this Company would make him a promise, ^^^^- so as he consent to underwrite with this Company, 5^.^ it might not be prejudicial to his patent, it was re- solved this answer should be given him, namely, that if he please to underwrite with us without any con- dition whatsoever, but to come in as all other adventurers do, he should be welcome upon the same conditions that we have. A proposition being made to entertain a surgeon for the Plantation, Mr. [blank] Pratt ^ was propound- ed as an able man, upon these conditions, namely, that c£40 should be allowed him, viz. for his chest <£25, the rest for his own salary for the first year, provided he continues three years, the Company to be at charge of transporting his wife and a [servant,] and to have c£20 a year for the other two years, and to build him a house at the Company's charge, and to allot him a hundred acres of ground. But if he stay but one year, then the Company to be at charge Hutchinson's Mass. i. 6, IS ; Ilaz- says, " This man was above sixty ard's State Papers, i. 152; and Mass. years old, an experienced surgeon, Hist. Coll. xxvi. 75. who had lived in New-England ' Pratt's name was John. He many years, and was of the first settled at Newtown, or Cambridge, church at Cambridge in Mr. Hook- but removed to Connecticut in 1636. er's time, and had good practice, In Nov. 1635, he was cited before and wanted nothing. But he had the Court of Assistants for a letter been long discontented, because his which he had written to England, employmeut was not so profitable to " wherein he raised an ill report of himself as he desired, and it is like this country." He made an e(|uivo- he feared lest he should fall into cal and rather unsatisfactory a[)olo- want in his old age, and therefore gy, which is printed at lenglh in he would needs go back into Eng- Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 126. In land, (for surgeons were then in Nov. 1041, he sailed from Boston great request there by occasion of the witli his wife, for Malaga, in a new wars,) but God took him away child- ship of 400 tons, which was lost on less." See Savage's Whithrop, i. the coast of Spain, and they were 173, ii. 23!), and Hutchinson's Col- both drowned. Governor Winthrop leclion of Papers, p. IdO. THOMAS GRAVES, THE ENGINEER. 53 of his bringing back for England, and he to leave his chap. servant and the chest for the Company's service. • — ^ Agreed with Robert Morley, servant to Mr. An- 1629. drew Mathewes, late barber surgeon, to serve the March Company in New-England, for three years ; the first year to have 20 nobles,^ the second year [30, and the third] year 20 marks,^ to serve as a barber and a surgeon, on all occasions belonging to his calling to any of this Company that are planters, or their servants ; and for his chest and all in it, whereof he hath given an inventory, [if, on the] sight of it, it be approved, five pounds is [to be allowed] and paid to him for it, and the same to be fo[rthwith paid.] The business concerning the division of the lands, propounded the 3d of this month, w^as again taken into consideration, and it w^as resolved that Captain Waller, Captain Venn, Mr. Eaton, and Mr. Adams, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Wright, Mr. Vassall, Mr. Treasurer, with the Governor, and Deputy, shall consider seriously of the business, calling to their assistance Mr. Graves, Mr. Sharpe, or any other, and to set down in writing what course they con- ceive fit to be held herein, whereby an equality may be held, to avoid all contention 'twixt the adventur- ers ; and Tuesday morning appointed for the com- mittees to meet about this business. [At] this Court also Mr. Thomas Graves was pro- pounded to go over with the ships now bound for New-England, to have his charges borne out and home ; and being a man experienced in iron works, ' A. noble is an old English coin, 135. id., just twice as much as the worth about 6s. 8d. noble. '^ A mark is an old coin, worth 54 ARMS FOR THE COLONY. CHAP, in salt works, in measuring and surveying of lands, and in fortifications, &c., in lead, copper, and alum mines, having a charge of wife, five children, a man and maid-servant ; after some conference with him, he tendering his employment, to go and return with one of our ships, to the Company's discretion for his salary in that time, it was thought fit that he should consider 'twixt this and to-morrow what to demand in case he do return presently with the ships he should take his passage in ; and what his demands would be if the Company should continue him there, and be at charges of the transportation of his wife and family thither in their next ships, if he take liking to continue in New-England. Mr. John Malbon^ being also desired to be here, after conference had with him touching the proposi- tion made in his behalf the 2d of this month, he was wished to consider what further proposition he would make, that the Company might take it into consid- eration. The 6th March, 1628. 6. Agreed with Mr. Thomas Steevens, armourer in Buttolph Lane, for twenty arms, viz. corselet, breast, back, culet, gorget, tasses,~ and head-piece^ to each, varnished all black, with leathers and buckles, at ' Not Oldham, as Felt lias it in plates, fastened to the cuirass with his Annals, i. 64. hooks, and reaching down to the ^ Defensive armour: the culct, or middle of the thigh. See Meyrick's guarde de reins, for the lower part of Ancient Armour, and Grose's Mili- the body, the gorget for the neck, tary Antiquities, and the tasscs for the front part of ^ The head-pieces were probably the thighs. These last were append- jnorions, circular scull-caps, with a ages to the ancient corselet, consist- rim round them, ing of skirts, made of overlapping III. WASHBURN CHOSEN SECRETARY. 55 .175. each armour, excepting four which are to be chap with close head-pieces, and these four armours at 245. apiece, to be delivered all by the 20th of this month ; whereof one left now for a sample, Agreed with John Wise, shoemaker in Mark Lane, for 1 dozen pair shoes, of tens^ 3 dozen " a of 11 3 dozen " a of 12 1 dozen pair of 13 1 dozen pair of 8 1 dozen pair of 9 10 dozen pair, to be deli\ this month. [> at 25. Id. a pair, I J > at 25. bd. a pair, The 9th March, 1628. This day John Washborne is entertained for Secre- tary for one whole year, to enter the courts, to keep the Company's accounts, to make warrant for all moneys to be brought in or paid out, and to give no- tice at every meeting of such as are backward in pay- ment of their subscriptions ; as also for all provision to be made ready, to call upon such as have the charge thereof, whereby the ships now bound for New-England^ may be despatched by the 25th of this month, at furthest. His salary for this year is to be [torn off], he, in the premises and the office of a Sec- retary, to perform [his] faithful, diligent and true en- deavours, w^hereunto [he] doth fully [consent and] agree. ^ Joiix Washborne.^ ' With Higginson's company. ^ The origmal is Washburne's own signature. 56 PROVISIONS FOE, THE COLONY. CHAP. Asfreed with John Gace, of London, turner, for III — — forty bandoleers,^ to be made of neat's leather, broad 1629. girdles, each with twelve charges, whereof one a ?.^ priming [box, the boxes] of wood, covered with black leather, at 25. apiece, to be delivered next meeting, the boxes to be for bastard musket size, excepting ten for full musket size ; and those to be marked M, the other for bastard muskets, B. Moreover, agreed with him for ten dozen of shov- els and spades, at eighteen shillings the dozen, of three several sizes, whereof the smallest proportion to be of the smallest sizes ; and three spades and three shovels left here for samples. This day these things were ordered to be provided by these men, for 120 men's provisions. ,^ „, TT (120 Hitches bacon, Mr. Thomas Hewson, { ^^^ ,, ., (120 gallons sweet oil, ' 150 quarters of meal, 30 quarters of pease, at 265. J 15 q'rs of groats, at 45. full dried, Mr. Deputy, ^ 20 firkins of butter, 175. 60 quarters of malt, 175. 6d. 30 c. of cheese. 10. This 10th March, 1628, I, Thomas Graves, of Gravesend, in the county of Kent, gent., and by my profession skilful and experienced in the discovery and finding out of iron mines, as also of lead, copper, mineral salt, and alum,^ in fortifications of all sorts, according to the nature of the place, in surveying of ' See note on page 44. ing the Records. The word is now ^ Alum. So says Prince, quot- obliterated in the MS. 10. Graves's contract. 57 buildino-s and of lands, and in measuring of lands, in chap. . T . . III. describing a country by map, in leading of water -^ [courses] to proper uses for mills or other uses, in 1629. finding out all sorts of limestones and materials for ^ fn*^^ buildings, in manufacturing, &c., have this present day agreed to serve the New-England Company, and in their employment to take my passage for New- England, in such ship as they shall appoint me ; and during my stay there, according to the conditions hereafter expressed, to do my true and uttermost endeavour, in all or any the particulars above men- tioned, for the most good and benefit of the said Company ; and I do hereby faithfully promise to do my uttermost endeavour for the discovery of aught that may be beneficial to the Company, and not to conceal aught from them whom I shall be enjoined to reveal the same unto, that may tend or conduce to the good and profit of the said Company. Neither that I shall ^ or disclose aught that they shall enjoin me to keep secret, to any man whomsoever ; but in all things to bend my uttermost skill and ability to do the Company the best, true, and faithful service I may or can perform. In consideration whereof, the said Company are to bear all my charges by sea into New-England, toge- ther with my charges during my stay in their em- ployments in New-England, and my charges at sea in my return home, apparel only excepted, which is to be always at my own charge. And it is agreed moreover, that from the time of my first landing in New-England, to the time of the return from thence ' A word seems to have been accidentally omitted. 58 GRAVES's CONTRACT. CHAP, for London of such ships as shall be sent from Lon- III. ' — — don next after Michaelmas next, and in which I shall ^^^^- take my passage for London, that there shall be al- JJ^ lowed unto me five pounds for each month that I shall continue in New-England, as aforesaid, for my salary or wages, but nothing to be allowed [for] my charges during the time of my being at sea outward and home ; with this further proviso, that in case the said Company, [after I] shall have continued six or eight months in the country [aforesaid], shall desire my continuance in [the same for] three years from the time of my f [irst arrival], I will and do hereby [torn off] thereof. [And the said Company, in case it be] their intent to retain me in their service to the end of three years, do hereby promise to be at the charge of the transportation into New-England of my wife, five children, a boy and a maid servant, and withal to build me a convenient house for myself and my said family at their charges, and thereto to assign me one hundred acres of land, and to have part thereof planted at the Company's charge, against the coming of my family, whereby they may subsist ; till I shall be possessed of my family, to perform the same, or otherwise to allow me some competency of necessary victuals for the subsistence of me and my family till the next season of planting and reaping after their arrival. And it is further agreed, that if I continue in the Company's employments for three years, the payment of five pounds per month for my salary is to be utterly void ; and my yearly allowance in money, from the time of my first arrival in New- England to the end of three years, to be after the rate of fifty pounds by the year ; provided always, GRAVES's CONTRACT. 59 that my said family going over as aforesaid, there chap. shall be such a proportion of land allowed me for — them hereafter as if they had now taken their passage i629. with me in the ships now bound for New-England. I^q And for further recompense for my true and faithful endeavours in the said Company's employments, (which I do promise, with God's assistance, to per- form truly and sincerely, to the best of my ability and understanding,) I do and shall refer myself wholly to the Company's discretion, as my true en- deavours and the success thereof, through God's mercy, shall encourage them to do. In witness of all the premises, I have hereunto set my hand and seal this present 10th day of March, anno 1628, in London. Tho. Graves.^ [Seal.] Witness hereunto, George Harwood, John Venn. The 10th March, 1628. Present, The Governor, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Adams, Capt. Venn, Mr. Whetcomb, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Hutchins. Mr. Vassall, A proposition was made this day by Samuel Sharpe, who was formerly entertained to do his endeavour in the Company's employments concerning artillery business, (as appeareth the 3d of this month,) that all or the better part of his salary might be paid him ' Graves's signature is in his own handwriting. 60 CHARGES OF THE PATENT. CHAP, now, to provide him apparel withal; and if he should happen to die before he had deserved it, his said ap- parel should satisfy it. Upon debate whereof, it was thought fit that twenty pounds should be paid him ; and this to be the Treasurer's warrant for payment thereof, upon his salary of <£10 a year, for three years ; I say, twenty pounds, to be paid him pre- sently. This day being appointed to take into considera- tion touching the division of the lands in New-Eng- land, where our first Plantation shall be, it was, after much debate, thought fit to refer this business to the Governor, and a committee to be chosen to that pur- pose to assist him ; and whatsoever they shall do herein, that to stand for good. This day order was given to the Treasurer for pay- ment of twenty pounds more to Mr. John Humphry towards charges of our patent ;^ and this to be his warrant for the payment thereof. Captain Venn," Mr. Eaton, Mr. Samuel Vassall, and Mr. Nowell, and Mr. Whetcombe, or any three of them, are intreated once more to confer with Mr. ^ The patent had been obtained, as " leading the city after him in se- by the soUcitation of Lord Viscount ditious remonstrances." llutchin- Dorchester, March 4, 1629. Chal- son says, "he was in the design mers prints a copy of the docket of from the beginning, and intended to the grant to Sir Henry Rosewell and have removed, but never did. Upon others, and remarks, " The follow- the change of afl'airs in England, he ing paper demonstrates that what made a figure tliere, being one of the was so strongly asserted during the members for the city in the Long reign of Charles H., to prove that Parliament, and among the most ac- the Charter was surreptitiously ob- tivc in the opposition to the Court, tained, is vmjust." 8ee page 29, and was one of the King's judges." and Chalmers's Political Annals, He was one of the ten, Pym and pp. 13G, 117, 148. Hambden being two others, whom '^ Mr. John Venn, commonly call- Charles charged with high treason, ed Ca])tain or Colonel Venn, was a See Clarendon's Hist, of the Pcbel- distinguished citizen of London, lion, ii. 10, 91, iii. 018, (Oxford ed. and is commemorated by Clarendon 1826), and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 18. JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWNE. 61 John Oldham [to see what] accommodation may* be chap. . . ." HI. made 'twixt the Company and him, that [their differ- - — ~ ences may be accommjodated. 1629. 12th March, 1628. Present, Mr. Whetco3ib, Mr. Treasurer, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Nowell. John Browne, gent., and Mr. Samuel Browne, of March Roxwell, in Essex, [proposing] to take their passage in the Company's ships for New-England, at their own charge, and intending to plant there, it is agreed by these [present,] that for their passage and diet they shall pay five pounds [each] ; and that for their encouragement, land shall be allotted to them [there] as if they had subscribed fifty pounds in the general stock, [and to have the same] privileges as others that are in the patent do. John Browne, Sa3iuel Browne.^ Richard Claydon,~ aged thirty-four years, or there- abouts, carpenter, who being desirous to transport himself, his w^ife, one daughter of [torn off] years old, his sister of fourteen years old, his brother Bar- naby C[laydon,] aged twenty-three years, and his brother-in-law Thomas Hanscombe, aged [torn off], for New-England, in the Company's ships, it is pro- mised [this] day, that he being able to furnish £40 towards the charges of him and his, what shall be ^ These signatures are in their that Ckydon was of Bedfordshire, own handwriting. parish of Sutton. * It appears from a marginal note, 62 CLOTHING FOR THE COLONY. CHAP, wanting the Company will [furnish] ; upon this con- dition, that upon their arrival in New-England, what he shall be indebted to the Company shall be paid by the labor of himself, and his two servants or bro- thers aforesaid, allowing them all three ds. the day for so long time [until] they have paid this debt, and in that time finding [these] three persons diet at the Company's charge, and whilst [he is] earning out this debt to instruct any of the Company's ser- vants in the trade of a ploughwright. And there is land to be [allotted] to him and his, as is usual, by the Company's orders, to those that transport them- selves. Written this 12th March, 1628. Richard Claydon.^ Cannot go this voyage. The 16ih March, 1628. 16. Bespoken of Mr. Durbridge, at 25. Id. a pair, 6 dozen pair of shoes, to be delivered this week, viz. (4 pair delivered.) 1 dozen pair of tens, 2 dozen pair of 11, 2 of 12, 1 dozen pair of 13, The 16th March, 1628. Bespoke of Mr. Mayo, at lOld. per yard for beds and bolsters, 20 bedticks, (Scotch ticking, | broad,) 2tV long, and 1.^ yards broad, 11 yards each bed and bolster. ' Claydon's signature, and his "Cannot go this voyage," are in his own handwriting. PROVISIONS AND ARMS. 63 Bespoke the day abovesaid, of Robert Harret, 8 chap. dozen pair neat's leather shoes, 1 dozen 10 1 . ^^^^• „ ^ . ' at 25. Id. per pair, to be ffood March 3 dozen 11, 1 ,. ,* ^» i ^i. is. „ , -, r. >> liquored neat s leather, ac- 3 dozen 12, f a- . ^x. ^ , ^ „ cordina: to the pattern. 1 dozen 13, J ^ ^ Estimate of 100 men, charge of them and their provi- sions, ivith others noted, 100 men, their charge, d£lo a man . . . .£1500 Freight of the ship Talbot, 5 months, <£80 per month 400 ) ^r-^ Victuals and wages 32 men, ^£70 a month, 350 ; The Lion's Whelp set to sea 500 20 cows and bulls, £4 apiece ... 80 ^ 10 mares and horses, £6 apiece . . 60 v 610 Charges of these 470 ) £3360 Agreed with [illegible] Churchill for 100 swords, with [torn out] blades, at 45. 6d. apiece, to have all chapes,^ and 10 short swords, at 25. apiece, and Po- lonia hilts, at 35 4c?., as many as we like, to be de- livered within eight days. Bought of Felix Boreman, dwelling in Fleet Lane. 14 swords, at 45. 6d apiece \ 7 ditto, at 35. apiece > £4 12s. 4 ditto, at 25. apiece ) 25 swords. ^ Chape is the httle thin plate of silver, iron or brass, at the point of the scabbard of a sword. 64 SUPPLIES FOR THE COLONY. Agreed with Mr. Raphe White, in Philpot Lane/ for 12 gallons aqua-vitse, 2^. 6d. a gallon. 12 sides of bacon, delivered by John Gladwing, at Mr. Goff 's, of 74| stone, each stone 8 lbs., at 2^. bd. a stone. 17th March, 1628. 17. A warrant was made for payment of .£120 to Mr. Nathaniel Wright, for so much paid by him to Mr. Jarvis Kirk, Mr. William Barkley, and Mr. Robert Charlton, for the ship. Also, to pay for iron and steel. Also, to pay for buhrs^ to make mill- stones, 110, 2s. apiece, bought of Edward Casson, of London, merchant tailor, . .£110 14 c. of plaster of Paris, ISd. per c. . 110 And porterage, weighing the plaster, and casting out of the buhrs, 12d. and 23c?. . 3 £12 4 The 19th of March, 1628. 19^ A warrant was made for payment of twelve pounds and twelve shillings unto Mr. Gawen Helme and Thomas Brickhed for two coppers^ for the Lion's Whelp. I say for £12 125. Od. 1 See page 40. an iron hoop." This stone abounds ^ " This is a hard, siliceous stone, at Epernay, in France. It has also remarkable for its cellular sti-ucture, been discovered within ten or twelve containing always a greater or less miles of Zanesville, Ohio, of a qual- nuniber of irregular cavities. Hence ily equal if not superior to the best its surface, however worn and level- French buhr, and in great abun- led, is always rough. This proper- dance. See Bigelow's Technology, ty renders buhrstone an invaluable p. 13, (ed. 1829,) and Dr. Frederick material for millstones. When it is Hall's Letters from the West, (1840) not found of sufhcient size for this p. 70. use, small pieces of it are fitted to- ^ Boilers, to cook in. gather, cemented, and bound with FRANCIS HIGGINSON, OF LEICESTER. 65 The l^th of March, 1628. A warrant was made for payment of eighteen pomids unto Mr. [blank] Browne, and is for one bale 1629. March of French cloth, for the Lion's Whelp. I say £\Q. i9. The I9th of March, 1628. A warrant was made for payment of twenty-five pounds, fifteen shillings, unto Mr. John White, of Redding, for thirty quarters of malt, to go in the ships. I say £2b lbs. Od. 23d of March, 1628. Present,^ 23. The Governor, Mr. Humfrey, Mr. Deputy, William Vassall, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Whetcomb, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Nowell. Capt. Venn, At this meeting intimation was given by Mr. No- Avell, by letters from Mr. Isaac Johnson, that one Mr. HiGGESON, of Leicester, an able minister, prof- fers to go to our Plantation ; who being approved for a reverend, grave minister, fit for our present occa- sions, it was thought by these present to entreat Mr. John Humfry to ride presently to Leicester," and, if Mr. Higgeson may conveniently be had to go this present voyage, that he should deal with him ; first, if his remove from thence may be without scandal to that people, and approved by the consent of some of the best aifected among them, with the approbation ^ This line, torn off from the top ^ Leicester is 97 miles fromLoa- of the leaf, is restored from Prince, don. p. 256. 5 66 ARTHUR HILDERSHAM. 1629. March 23. CHAP. ofMr. Hildersham/ of Ashby-de-la-Zouch; secondly, -^~ that in regard of the shortness of the time, the Com- pany conceive it would be best, if he so thought good, to leave his wife and family till towards Bar- tholomew, for their better accommodation. Yet if it should be held inconvenient, that may be referred to himself to take [his wife and] two children with him ; thirdly, that for his entertainment, the Company [torn ofi\] ^ April 30. SOth April, 1629.=' It is further ordered by these present, that the Governor, the Deputy, and Council aforesaid, or the * Arthur Hildersham, Malleus He- reticorum, as he was called, Mauler of Heretics, as old Fuller would ren- der it, was, according to Echard, " a great and shining light of the Puritan party, and justly celebrated for his singular learning and piety." He was born at Stetchworth, in Cam- bridgeshire, Oct. 6, 1563, and was educated at Christ's College, Cam- bridge. In 1593, he was presented by his kinsman, the Earl of Hunt- ingdon, to the benefice of Ashby-de- la-Zouch, 18 miles from Leicester, where he preached 43 years. In the course of that time he was four times silenced and restored. In 1G15 he was committed to the Fleet pri- son by the High Commission, where he remained three months. In 1616 that execrable Court again proceed- ed against him, fined him X"2000, excommunicated him, degraded him from the ministry, and ordered him to be again imprisoned. Foreseeing the danger, however, he concealed himself and escaped. In 1625 he was restored to his living ; but when La\id was in power, he was again silenced, and was not restored till a few months before his death, which took place March 4, 1632, when he was in the 69th year of his age. His character and writings were held in high esteem by the fathers of New- England. " It is affirmed," says Hubbard, "that Mr. Hildersham advised Mr. Higginson and other ministers looking this way, to agree upon their form of church govern- ment before they came away from England." See Fuller's Worthies, i. 164, and Church Hist. iii. 370 ; Neal's Puritans, ii. 245 ; Brook's Lives of the Puritans, ii. 376-388 ; Echard's Hist, of England, p. 451, (ed. 1720); Nichols's Hist, of Leices- tershire, ii. 622 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 118. ^ A leaf of the MS. is here miss- ing. Hubbard, p. 121, and Prince, p. 257, both appear to have had it. I have endeavoured in vain to supply this deficiency by procuring an an- cient copy of these Records now ex- isting in England. Prince quotes from the Records imder April 16, " Sixty women and maids, 26 child- ren, and 300 men, with victuals, arms, apparel, tools, 140 head of cattle, &c., in the Lord Treasurer's warrant (to go to New-England.)" ^ The first part of the Record of this meeting is wanting. It appears from Prince, p. 258, who had it, that at this meeting they chose Mr. THE COUNCIL IN NEW-ENGLAND. 67 major part of them, shall make choice of a Secretary, chap. and such other Officers as shall in their discretions - seem requisite and needful for the peaceable and 1629. quiet government of the Plantation ; and shall frame ^q] such oaths, and administer the same to every [one] of them for the execution of his place and office for the year ensuing next after they shall have taken [the said] oaths, as they in their discretions, or the greater number of them, shall think good. And it is ordered, that the said Governor, Depu- ty, Council, and other Officers aforesaid, shall be established and continue in their said several places for one whole year, or until this Court shall think fit to choose others in the place or places of them, or any of them ; and in case of death, &c. It is further ordered, that the said Governor, Mr. Endecott, [or his Deputy,] and the said Council, be- ing chosen as aforesaid, and having taken their oaths respectively to their places, or the greater number of them, (whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always one,) at any of their meetings, (which the said Governor, at his discretion, or in his absence the Deputy, is hereby authorized to appoint, as oft as there shall be occasion,) shall have full power and authority, and they are hereby authorized by power derived from his Majesty's letters patent, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable orders, laws, statutes, ordinances, direc- tions and instructions, not contrary to the laws of the realm of England, for the present government of Endicott Governor of the Plantation, Thomas Graves, and Samuel Sharp, and Messrs. Higofinson, Skelton, to be of his Council. Bright, John and Samuel Brown, 68 THE GOVERNMENT IN NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP, our Plantation, and the inhabitants residing within the limits of our Plantation ; a copy of all which or- ders is from time to time to be sent to the Company in England.^ It is ordered by these presents, that a copy of the Acts and Orders^ made this present day for settling the government in the Plantation of the Massachu- setts Bay aforesaid, shall be fairly engrossed, and sent under the Company's seal, subscribed by the Governor and Deputy, by the speediest^ conveyance for New-England that can be had. All this confirmed by erecting of hands. Mr. Walgrave, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Humphry, and Mr. Nowell, are entreated to frame the form of the oath for the Governor, Mr. Endicott, and also for his Deputy, and for the Council,'* which shall be sent over and be administered to them in New-Eng- land. May Thursday, the 1th May, 1629. Present, 7. The Governor, Mr. Coulson, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Humphry, Mr. Adams, Mr. Tho. Pulyston. Mr. Hutchins, The last Court was read, and confirmed by these present. ' Some words in this and the pre- ^ They wished to anticipate Old- ceding paragraph, torn ofi" or oblite- ham in his contemplated settlement rated in the mannscript, I have been in Massachusetts Bay. For this enabled to restore fi'om the " Form purpose the Company's instnictions of Government," sent over to Endi- to Endicott were despatched by the cott, and which embodies the sub- George about a fortnight before the stance and often the language of this sailing of tlie other ships which car- day's record. ried out Higginson and his com- ^ These Acts and Orders for the pany. settling tlie Government, will be * These oaths will also be found found in a subsequent part of this in a subsequent part of this volume, volume. JOHN oldham's patent. 69 A form of an oath for the Governor beyond the chap. •^ III. seas, and of an oath for the Council there, was drawn — and delivered to Mr. Humphry to show the Council.^ i62 9. Letters are to be written about lands to be allotted 7^^ to each adventurer. Also, about Mr. Fra. Webb's business for a mill, &LC. To have those punished beyond seas that sell guns. To have some men's lands laid together. The 11th of May, 1629. Present this day, u Mr. Deputy, Mr. Humfreys, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vassall, Sir Richard Salton stall, Mr. Peters,* Mr. Adams, Mr. Pinchon, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Whyte. Mr. Hutchins, This day Mr. Oldham propounded unto Mr. White, that^he would have his patent examined ; and it is agreed by the Court not to have any treaty with him about it, by reason it is thought he doth it not out of love, but out of some sinister respect. A warrant delivered unto Mr. Seale for ten dozen and two hats, at 2^. per dozen, for the sum of 20s. Ad. 1 The Pri^-y Council. early as May 30, 1628. See Hutch- ^ This was the celebrated Hugh inson's Mass. i. 9. Peters. He was in the Company as 70 FIRST ELECTION DAY. 1629. May 13. The IWi of May, 1629.^ The Governor, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Glover, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Adams, Mr. Offield, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. Vassall, Mr. Perry, Mr. Nowell, Present this day, Mr. Pinchon, Mr. Hutchins, Mr. Hewson, Mr. Backhouse, Mr. Ballard, Mr. Crowther, Mr. Whichcote, Mr. White, Mr. Peters, Mr. Crane, Mr. Hubiphry. Delivered a warrant unto Richard Bowry for twelve pounds, £12, as | parts of d£18, the other ^ being to be paid for the Governor, and is for his appren- tice, Robert Scale, his time. Mr. Matthew Cradock is this day chosen by the consent of the generality of the Company to be Gov- ernor to the New-England Company for the year following ; Mr. Thomas Goffe,^ Deputy ; also, Mr. George Harwood,^ Treasurer to the said Company. ^ " Hubbard styles this the second court of election , when by the royal charter it is the first ; though by virtue of the former patent from the New-England Council, it seems the Company had chosen a governor, &c. the year belbre." Prince, Annals, p. 260 ; Hubbard, in Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 122. ^ Goffe was a London merchant, and had been previously engaged in furthering the Colony at New Ply- mouth. His name occurs frequently in Wiuthrop's Journal. See Mass. Hist. Coll. lii. 48. ^ I find the name of George Har- vvood, citizen of London, in the Ust of the twelve feofees into whose hands was paid the money raised in 1624 for buying up impropriations and supporting ' ' lecturers ' ' or preachers in destitute places in England. Two other members of the Massachusetts Company, John White, the lawyer, and the Rev. John Davenport, afterwards of New Haven and Boston, were among these feofees. They were sup- pressed and ruined by Laud in 1633. A good account of their purpose may be found in Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 50, 70, 88, (Am. edit.) See Brook's Lives of the Puritans, i. 75, and Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, ii, 248. OFFICERS OF THE COMPANY CHOSEN. 71 The Assistants being this day to be chosen, two chap. of the former Assistants, mentioned in the patent, viz. Mr. John Endecott and Mr. John Browne being 1629. out of the land, the other sixteen were confirmed, 13^ viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Samuel Aldersey, Mr. John Venn, Mr. John Humphry, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Increase Nowell, Richard Perry, Nathaniel Wright, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton, Thomas Adams, Thomas Hutch- ins, George Foxcroft, William Vassall, and W^illiam Pinchion ; and to make up the number of eighteen, Mr. John Pocock and Mr. Christopher Coulson were chosen Assistants. And of these all, excepting Mr. Isaac Johnson, Samuel Aldersey, John Venn, Nathan- iel W"right, Samuel Vassall, Theophilus Eaton and Christopher Coulson, took their oaths appertaining. William Burges, Humphry Lewis, John Wash- borne, and Lawrence Roe, being all put in election for the place of Secretary, by a free election, Mr. William Burges was chosen Secretary for the year ensuing.^ Humphry Scale chosen and sworn Beadle. It is this day ordered, that whensoever any Court of Assistants shall be summoned, whosoever of the Assistants comes not, 'twixt 25 March and 29 of September, before eight of the clock in the morning, and from 29 September to 25 March, before 9 of the clock in the morning, shall forfeit twelve pence for every such offence ; and if he come not within two hours after either of the said hours respectively, then two shillings for every default each man to forfeit ' Washbume, I suspect, was su- ble chirography. He certainly de- perseded on account of his illegi- served to be. 72 NAMES OF THE COMPANY'S OFFICERS. CHAP, and pay ; and for want of payment within [blank] — — days, after demand made by the officer of the Com- 1629, pany, the fine double to be set upon his account; 13^ always [provided, upon the pleasure] of the Govern- or, Deput} , or a lawful expression of approbation, [a line or two torn off.] It is also agreed, that for any that shall have pri- vate conference after the Court is summoned, by the Governor or his Deputy knocking of the hammer thrice on the table, to sit down and attend the Court, that sixpence by every person for every such offence shall be paid. It is agreed, that three pounds shall be paid John Washbourne for his pains as Secretary to the Com- pany for the time past. The Names of the Governor, Deputy, Treasurer, and Assistants, for the year 1629, and other Officers. Mr. Matthew Cradock, Gover7ior. Mr. Thomas Goffe, Deputy. Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Samuel Vassall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Samuel Aldersey, Mr. Thomas Adabis, Mr. John Venn, Mr. Thomas Hutchins, Mr. John Humfrev, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. SifMON Whetcombe, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Increase Nowell, Mr. William Pinchion, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. John Pocock, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Christopher Cowlson. Assistants. William Burgis, Secretary. Humphrey Seale, Beadle. GOVERNMENT OF THE COLONY. 73 At a Court of Assistants, on Monday, the 18th of May, chap 1629. Present, — ■ 1629 Mr. Governor, Mr. Thojias Adams, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, ^g^ Sir R. Salto^jstall, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. John Pocock, Mr. John Humphrey, Mr. George Foxcroft. William Burgis, chosen by the last General Court to be Secretary for the year ensuing, was now ad- mitted and sworn accordingly ; upon the salary of twenty marks from the day he was chosen, for the said year. The Acts made at a Court the 30th of April last, for choosing and establishing a Governor, Deputy, Council, and other Officers in New-England, was now read ; and this Court thought fit to add there- unto, that they shall be established in their said sev- eral places for one whole year, or till such time as the Company here shall think fit to choose others in the places of them, or any of them ; and that in case any of them shall depart this life before the expira- tion of the time they were so chosen for, that the Governor or Deputy and Council, at an ample Court assembled, shall have power to nominate and choose fit person or persons to succeed him or them so de- ceased in the said place or places for the residue of the time unexpired. Upon motion made for allotment of land to the several adventurers and planters,^ Mr. Humphreys and Mr. Adams are desired to meet and consider what provisions are fit to be now * There appears to be something: omitted here. 74 THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND. CHAP, sent over to Captain John Indicott and his family, and to provide the same accordingly. 16 29. rpj^g names of all the adventm^ers to be now sent 18. over, with the several sums by them underwritten ; and it is ordered that the Governor and Council there shall have power to allot unto every particular adventurer that shall desire the same by himself or his assignees, two hundred acres of land upon the sum of <£50 adventure in the general stock in this first dividend, and proportionably for more or less according to their several adventures ; and Mr. Go- vernor, Deputy, Mr. Whyte, and Mr. Adams, and Mr. Whetcombe are to meet at Mr. Governor's house ^ to-morrow morning at six of the clock to ad- vise and conclude of this business. 19. The 19//i of May, 1629. [Present,] Mr. Governor, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Whyte, Mk. Adams. Concerning the allotment of land to those persons as are adventurers in the common stock, it is thought fit that letters be written to the Governor to set out and allot unto them after the propox tion of two hun- dred acres of land for X50 adventure, and after that rate for more or less, to the intent to build their houses and to improve their labors thereon. And if within ten days after their arrival, and demand made by any particular adventurer in the common stock, or his servant for him, the same be not so allotted, ' Governor Cradock's house was in St. ISwitliin's Lane, near London Stone. THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND. 75 that each man, beinor an adventurer, is hereby per- chap. . . . " . "I- mitted free liberty to build in any place where him self shall think most convenient, with reservation i629. not to build or manure that already built on or ma- ^g^ nured ; provided that if the plot of ground whereon the town is intended to be built be set out, and it be publicly known to be intended for that purpose, that then no man shall presume to build his house any- where else, (unless it be in the Massachusetts Bay,^ and there according to such directions as shall be thought meet for that place.) But in case his allot- ment be not set out within the town where he shall build, and having, in his own name or in the behalf of his master, made request to the Governor to have the same assigned to him, if it be not done within ten days after his arrival, it shall be free for any in such case, being an adventurer in the common stock, to build his house within the aforesaid plot of ground, set out for the town to be built on, and to impale to his own use proportionable to half an acre of ground for £50 adventure in the common stock ; unless a greater or lesser proportion be formerly determined of by the Governor and Council ; in which case that proportion is to be made use of and appropriated to each man within the liberties of the plot set out for the town to be built on. And it is ordered, that conveyance be made in the Company's name, with the common seal of the Company to it, to any that shall desire it, for each man's peaceable enjoying of that land he holds, at the charge of the Company. It is farther thought fit and ordered, that all such ' See note ' on page 4. 76 THE ALLOTMENT OF LAND. CHAP, persons as go over at their own charge, and are acl- — venturers in the common stock, shall have lands 1629. allotted to them for themselves and their families 19^ forthwith, fifty acres of land for each person ; but being no adventurers in the common stock, shall have fifty acres of land for the master of the family, and such a proportion of land more, if there be cause, as, according to their charge and quality, the Gov- ernor and Council of New-England shall think neces- sary for them, whereby their charge may be fully and amply supported ; unless it be to any with whom the Company in London shall make any other par- ticular agreement, to which relation is to be had in such case. And for such as transport servants, land shall be allotted for each servant, fifty acres to the master ; which land the master is to dispose of at his discretion, in regard the servants' transportation, wages, &c., is at the master's charge. 21. A Court of Assistants, on Thursday the 21st of May, 1629. Present, Mr. Governor, Mr. Bilson, Mr. Goff, Deputy, Mr. Thomas Hxjson, Mr. Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Increase Noell, Mr, Adams, Mr. Humphrey, Mr. Whichcoyte, Capt. Waller, ^ Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. Hutchins. Mr. Eaton, Mr. Eaton took the oath of Assistant. And he is desired to accompany Mr. Humphrey to Mr. Whyte, the counsellor, to be satisfied concerning the admin- istering oaths to the Governor and Council in New- THE GOVERNMENT IN NEW-ENGLAND. 77 England. Mr. Whetcombe is also desired to be with chap. them. — - The Court of the 18th of May was now read, as also ^^^ the Order conceived by Mr. Governor and others concerning the allotment of lands, and a part of the letter' formerly written in this particular was con- firmed ; whereunto this Court thought fit to add, — r If within ten days after the arrival of these ships, and demand made by any person, adventurer in the com- mon stock, or his or their servant, of their allotment of land, the same not being done, that then each per- son be permitted to seat himself and build his house in a convenient place not formerly built [upon] nor manured, and enclose the same to his or their use, not exceeding the one half of that proportion which by the former order of this Court is allowed ; and when the dividend is made, to be free to make his choice within the said allotment, if he dislike that he had formerly chosen. It is thought fit that the Secretary draw out at large the Orders" concerning the establishment of the Governor and Council in New-England, as also the Order ^ made concerning the allotment of lands ; and Mr. Governor, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Adams, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Hutchins, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. William Vassall, or any four of them, whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always one, are desired and appointed to meet and resolve of these Orders, and to affix the Company's seal thereunto ; as also for preparing letters to be now ^ The letter here referred to was in a subsequent part of this volume, one written to Endicott on the 17th ^ These Orders will be found in a and 21st of April. It wiU be found subsequent part of this volume. 78 OFFICERS OF THE PLANTATION. CHAP, written, and to resolve and determine of all other in. -^ business requisite for despatching of these ships.^ 1629. 22 May A Meeting at the Governor's house on Friday y the 22d of May, 1629. Present, Mr. Governor, Mr. Adams, Deputy, Mr. Humphrey. The Orders drawn for the establishment of the Governor, Deputy, and Council, and other Officers in the Plantation at the Mattachusetts Bay in New- England, as also the Orders for the dividing and allot- ment of land there to the adventurers and others, were now read, advised on, corrected, and concluded on, &LC. ; together with the General Letter from the Company here to the Governor and Council there.^ All which are appointed to be fairly engrossed, and the said Orders to be sealed with the common seal of the Company, and sent over upon the ships now ready to depart for New-England. June A General Court the 11th of June, 1629. Present, Mr. Governor, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Webb, Mr. Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. IIumfrey, Mr. Adams, Mr. Crane, Mr. John Venn, Mr. Pulliston, Mr. Backhouse, Mr. Foxcroft. This Court was appointed to take consideration of ' These ships were, the l\Iay- - This is tlieir Second Letter to flower, the Four Sisters of 400 tons, Endicott, dated May 18lh. It will and the Piloriin. They sailed about appear hereafter, the end of this month. HENRY GAUDEN's DEMAND. 79 raising of moneys for payment of divers debts and chap. bills ; and thereupon an estimate was made of what was owing, per severals' bills, and which are of ne- cessity to be presently paid. That another day be appointed, and the whole Company to be summoned by tickets, which is thought fit to be on Wednesday next. Mr. Godden,^ master of the ship [blank], made demand of freight pretended to be due unto him for his last voyage ; but he not expressing a certain sum, this Assembly think fit to defer him till the next Court ; and in the mean time he is desired to bring in a note of what is due, as also to give security to the Company to free them from any further de- mands, &.C., and thereupon a final conclusion thereof to be made. A General Court at the Deputy's house on Wednesday, the 11th of June, 1629. Present, Mr. Governor, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Clarke, Sir R. Saltonstall, Mr. Ballard, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. Pulison, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. Walgrave, Mr. Adams, Mr. Backhouse, Mr. Whitcombe, Mr. Davis, Mr. Pococke, Mr. Edmund VVhyte, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Waller, Mr. Noell, Capt. Venn, Mr. Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Davis,^ Mr. Whyte, Mr. Thomas Andrews, Mr. Pelham, Mr. Aldersey. * Henry Ganden was master of the ^ Mr. Davis's name was probably Abigail, the ship that carried over repeated by mistake. Endicott and his company. See p. 43. 17. 1629 RAISING OF MONEY. Mr. [blank] Johnson^ sworn an Assistant of this Company, being chosen thereunto at a Court the 13th of May, 1629. 1™^ Mr. Governor moved that a course might be set- tled for bringing in of moneys, and Mr. Treasurer returned a note concerning the Leicestershire men. It was propounded. To increase their former subscriptions, To invite others to underwrite. To borrow money for a time to supply the occasions. To take up money at interest. That those here present do furnish [£]200 or [£]100 apiece, to have allowance for it. The Court taking into consideration the necessity of a present supply of the sum of £1500, for dis- charging of debts and bills, and that the moneys un- derwritten by the adventurers, and not yet brought in, nor not likely to be brought in, in convenient time for satisfaction of those debts and bills which are of necessity to be presently paid ; upon several propo- sitions made, it is desired and concluded on, that those of the Company here present would each of them voluntarily lend such a sum of money as he shall think fit, for advancing the sum wanting, and to have the common seal of the Company for the re- payment thereof, according to the time for which he or they so lend the same ; and also that the Secretary be appointed to go to such others of the Company not present as Mr. Governor shall name, to intimate ^ This was Isaac Johnson, already account of him will be given here- mentioued on pp. 65 and 72. Some after. MONEY SUBSCRIBED. 81 the same unto them, and to desire them to under- chap write what sums they will lend for this occasion, -^ — — ■ according as many of the Company here present ^^^^ have done. And it is ordered that the common seal of the Company be given to them, and all others that will lend, for repayment thereof at such time as they shall desire the same. Names of those in Court that underwrit to lend. June 17. Sir R, Saltonstall, ^100 Syji. WhETC03IBE, ^25 Mr. Goveknor, 150 Tho. Hutchins, 25 Ms. Deputy, 50 Edw. Cooke, 50 [Richard] Perry, 25 Dan. Ballard, 25 [Tiio.MAs] Adams, 50 Edm. Whyte, 20 Increase Noell, 25 Joseph Caron,^ 25 George Harwood, 50 [Sa3Iuel] Aldersey, 50 Richard Whyte, 25 Tho. Andrews, 25 Mr. Clark, 25 Auditors appointed for auditing the accounts, viz. Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Noell, Mr. Perry, Mr. Crane, Mr. Clarke, Mr. Eaton, and Mr. Andrews ;~ these eight, or any four or more of them, to meet at a convenient time and place to audit the accounts. A Committee for reducing of all former Orders into a method, viz. the Governor, Mr. Whyte, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Waller, Capt. Venn, ' Probably the same person who signed the instructions to Endicott, May 30, 1628, and who is there called Joseph Caxon. See Hutch- inson's INIass. i. 9. ^ Thomas Andrews was a London merchant, living in Bowe Lane, and was mayor of the city in 1551. He was one of the adventurers that were interested in the P]}anouth Colony. He is not to be confound- ed with Richard, probably his bro- ther, a haberdasher at the Mermaid in Clieapside, who was also interest- ed in the Plymouth adventure, and \Vas an eminent benefactor of the ]\Iassachusetts Colony, having sent them sixteen heifers and upwards of £500 in money. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 48, xxi. 22, and Savaoe's Wintlirop, i. 13G, 374, ii. 75, 212, 342. 82 THE ACCOUNTS TO BE AUDITED. CHAP. Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Adams, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Darby, they or any four of them, and to present the ^f%^- same to the next General Court, to be ratified and June 17. confirmed, in part or in Avhole, as shall be then thought fit ; which are then by the Secretary to be entered into a fair book to be kept for that purpose, according to the usage and custom of other Compa- nies. July A General Court holdenfor the Company of the Matta- ^ ' chusetts Bay, in New-England, at Mr. Deputy's house, on Tuesday the 28th of July, 1629. Present, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. Thomas Goff, Deputy, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. Samuel Vassall, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Joseph Bradshawe, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Burnell, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. Revell, Mr. Increase Noell, Mr. Daniel Ballard, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Mr. Spurstowe, Mr. John Pocock, Mr. Thomas Hewson, Mr. [Christopher] Colson, Mr. Woodgate, Mr. [Thomas] Hutchins, Mr. Webb, Mr. William Pinchon, Mr. Crane, Assistants. Generality. The business treated on at the last meeting was now read ; and thereupon the accounts of Mr. Gov- ernor, Mr. Deputy, and Mr. Treasurer, being now presented to this Court, the Auditors formerly ap- pointed for auditing the Company's accounts were now desired to meet and peruse and audit these ac- counts ; which they have agreed to do to-morrow in the afternoon. A LETTER FROM EXDICOTT. 83 It was moved by Mr. Governor, that a ship of four chap. hundred tons and of good force being now to be sold, should be bought for the Company's use, upon their 1629. general stock ; or that some particular members of ^"^y the Company would undertake to buy the said ship, in regard the Company are not now in cash ; and that the Company will not only employ that ship, but take other ships of them of less defence, for transport of their cattle and all other commodities, from time to time, so long as they shall be willing to furnish such shipping. Whereupon Mr. Governor declared that he was willing to take i part of the said ship, or under, And did write 1 part. Mr. Revell, 1 1 6 Mr. Deputy, 1 Mr. Aldersey, tV Mr. Ada3is, 1 Mr. Milburne, i Mr. Wright, i Mr. Huson, tV Mr. Eaton, 1 The Company, i Mr. Whetco3ibe, r\ &c. A letter^ of the 27th of May from Mr. John En- decott was now read ; wherein, amongst other things, he complains of the profane and dissolute living of divers of our nation, former traders to those parts, and of their irregular trading with the Indians,^ con- trary to his late Majesty's Proclamation,^ desiring that the Company would take the same into their serious consideration, and to use some speedy means ' This letter, unfortunately, is ^ This proclamation, prohibiting not presented. interloping- and disorderly trading to * Endicott probably had in view New- England in America, was is- Morton, of j\lount Wollaston, who sued by James I. on the 6th of No- is said to have been the first in these vember, 1622. It is printed in Ry- parts to sell guns and ammunition mer's Fcedera, xvii. 416, and in to the Indians, and to teach them Hazard's State Papers, i. 151. tlieir use. See Morton's Memorial, p. 138. 84 IRREGULAR TRADING WITH THE INDIANS. CHAP, here for reformation thereof. Whereupon th e Pro- " — —' clamation made in anno 1622 was read, and it is ^^^^" thought fit that suit be made to his Majesty or the 23. Lords ^ for renewing thereof, with addition of such beneficial clauses as shall be needful for reforming so great and unsufferable abuses ; and Mr. Governor, Mr, Aldersey, Mr. Wright, and Mr. Eaton, are desired to repair to the Lord Keeper^ and Mr, Sec- retary Coke^ to acquaint their Honors herewith, and afterwards a petition to be presented to the Council Board accordingly. "* A note of divers propositions offered to the consi- deration of this Company by one John Betts was read, pretending that he is able to discover divers things for the good and advancement of the Planta- tion, and the benefit of this Company. Whereupon some of those here present were desired to inquire further of him, not only of his ability, but of his de- portment in his life and conversation, and then the Company to treat with him as they shall think fit. Also, Mr. Webb moved concerning a Frenchman, being a physician, and otherwise well qualified, who is desirous to go over to live upon the Company's Plantation, and gave good commendations both of his sufiiciency and of his godly life and conversation ; * Of the Privy Council. ■* In compliance with this petition, ^ Lord Coventry, late Sir Tho- a new proclamation was issued by mas, was at this time lord keeper of Charles I. on the Q-lth of November, the great seal of England. See l()3l), forbidding the disorderly ti-ad- Clarcndon's Hist, of the Rebellion, iiig with the salvages in New-Eng- i. 80, land in America, especially the fur- ^ Sir John Coke ; not, as might nishing the natives in those and at first be supposed, Edward, the other parts of America by the Eng- famous Coke upon Littleton, who lish with weapons and habiliments was then in his 81st year. See C-la- of war. See it in Rymer's Fcedera, rendon's Rebellion, i, 113, and Miss xix. 210, and in Hazard's State Pa- Aikin's Charles I, i. 361. pers, i. 311. cradock's proposition. 85 and of one Mr. Gardner, an able and expert man in chap. . . III. divers faculties ; who are to be further inquired of - and treated with, against the next meeting of the I629. Company. g^sf It is also thought fit and ordered, that letters be written to those in the country to pay in what they are behind upon their subscriptions ; and that some tradesmen here in London that have occasion to travel into any of those parts, be desired to receive the money on the Company's behalf And lastly, Mr. Governor read certain propo- sitions conceived by himself,^ viz. That for the advancement of the Plantation, the inducing and encouraging persons of worth and quality to trans- plant themselves and families thither, and for other weighty reasons^ therein contained, to transfer the government of the Plantation to those that shall inhabit there, and not to continue the same in subor- dination to the Company here, as now it is. This business occasioned some debate ; but by reason of the many great and considerable consequences there- upon depending, it was not now resolved upon, but those present are desired privately^ and seriously to consider hereof, and to set down their particular reasons in writing pro et contra, and to produce the same at the next General Court ; where they being reduced to heads, and maturely considered of, the Company may then proceed to a final resolution ^ Let it be noted, that Cradock prudent or safe to mention at that was at the bottom of this move- time, ment. ^ Privately, secretly. This is ^ What these other weighty rea- noteworthy. They doubtless appre- sons were, we are left to conjecture, hended that measures might be taken Considerations of a religious nature to defeat their purpose, should it be- it would not, perhaps, have been come known to those in authority. 86 SHALL THE GOVERNMENT AND PATENT CHAP, thereon. And in the mean time they are desired to in. ^^-^ carry this business secretly,' that the same be not 1629. divulged. Aug. 28. A General Court liolden at Mr. of August, 1629. Mr. Goff, Deputy, Mr. Harwood, Treasurer, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Humfreys, Mr. Adams, Capt. Venn, Mr. Pocock, Mr. Perry, Mr. Colston, Mr. Pinchion, Mr. VVm. Vassall, Deputy's house, the 28th Present, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. Whyte, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Ballard, Mr. Wright, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Smith, Mr. Revell, Mr. Davis, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Colbrand. Mr. Deputy acquainted this Court, that the espe- cial cause of their meeting was to give answer to divers gentlemen, intending to go into New-Eng- land, whether or no the chief government of the Plantation, together with the patent, should be set- tled in New-England, or here.~ Whereupon it was ordered, that this afternoon Mr. Wright, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, and such others as they * See note ^ on preceding page. 2 Only two days before, namely, on the 26th of August, a mutual agreement had been made and sign- ed at Cambridge, by Saltonstall, Winthrop, Johnson, Dudley, Hum- phrey, Nowell, Pynchon, Thomas Sharpe,William A^assall, and others, that they would embark with their families for the Plantation in New- England, by the first of March next, to inhabit and continue there, pro- vided that before the last of Septem- ber next the whole government, together with the patent for the said Plantation, be first, by an order of Court, legally transfeired and estab- lished to remain with them and others who shall inhabit upon the said Plantation. BE TRANSFERRED TO NEW-EXGLAND? 87 should think fit to call unto them, whether they were chap. *^ in. of the Company or not, to consider of arguments against the settling of the chief government in New- England ; and on the other side. Sir Richard Salton- stall, Mr. Johnson, Capt. Venn, and such others as they should call unto them, to prepare arguments for the settling of the said government in New-Eng- land ; and that to-morrow morning, being the 29th of August, at 7 of the clock, both sides should meet and confer and weigh each other's arguments, and afterwards at 9 of the clock, (which is the time ap- pointed of meeting for a General Court,) to make report thereof to the whole Company, who then will determine this business. A General Court at Mr. Deputy's house, the 29th of 29. August, 1629. Present, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Harwood, Treasurer, Sir Richard Saltoxstall, Mr. Perry, Mr. Joh^-son, Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Davis, Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Iroxsyde, Mr. Humfrey, Mr. Pinchon, Capt. Waller, " Mr. William Vassall, Capt. Venn, Mr. Rom^e, Mr. Ada3Is, ]\Ir. Ballard, Mr. Eaton, Mr. Nowell, ]\Ir. Samuel Vassall, Mr. Webb, Mr. Wright, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Colston, Mr. Colbrand. Mr. Pocock, This day the Committees which were appointed to meet yesterday in the afternoon to consider of argu- ments pro et contra touching the settling of the gov- 88 THE TRANSFER RESOLVED UPON. CHAP, ernment of the Company's Plantation in New-Eng- • — "-' land, being according to the order of the last Court, 1629. YiiQi together, debated their arguments and reasons "^2^9^* on both sides ; where were present many of the As- sistants and Generality ; and after a long debate, Mr. Deputy put it to the question, as followeth : As many of you as desire to have the patent and the government of the Plantation to be transferred to New-England, so as it may be done legally, hold up your hands. So many as will not, hold up your hands. When, by erection of hands, it appeared by the general consent of the Company, that the govern- ment and patent should be settled in New-England, and accordingly an Order to be drawn up.-^ ' 19.' A General Court holden at Mr. Deputy's house, the 19th of Sept. 1629. Present, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. Colson, Mr. Thomas Goff, Deputy, Mr. Pinchon, Mr. Geotjge Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Hutchins, Mr. Spukstowe, Mr. Perrv, Mr. Pocock, Mr. Whetcomee, Mr. Wrighte, ' and others. ' It has been justly remarked that of the territory, under such forms of a transaction similar to this in all its government and magistracy as circumstances, is not easily to be should be fit and necessary. But met with in story. It certainly stands the boldness of the step is not more alone in the history of English colo- striking than the silent acquiescence nization. The power of the Corpo- of the King in peniiitting it to take ration to make the transfer has been place. See the whole matter dis- scriously doubted and even denied, cussed in Grahame's History of the It is evident from the Charter, that United States, i. 221-22-t ; Robert- the original design of it was to con- son's History of America, ch. x. ; stitute a corporation in England like Chahuers's Political Annals, p. 151 ; that of the East India and other Hutchinson's Mass. i. 13 ; and Sto- grcat Companies, with powers to ry's Commentaries on the Constitu- settle plantations within the limits tion, i. 50. THE AFFAIR OF THE BROWXES. 89 At this Court letters^ were read from Capt. Endi- cha? III. cott and others from New-England. And whereas a difference hath fallen out betwixt the Governor there ^^~^' and Mr. John and Samuel Browne, it was agreed by ^g^,^' the Court, that for the determination of those differ- ences, Mr. John and Samuel Browne might choose any three or four of the Company on their behalf, to hear the said differences, the Company choosing as many.^ Whereupon the said Mr. John and Samuel Browne made choice of Mr. Samuel Vassall,^ and Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, and ' These letters are unfortunately missing. ^ This certainly seems to be a very fair course of proceeding to- wards the Brownes, whose case will be more circumstantially stated hereafter. And yet Chalmers says, • " When the persons who had been thus expelled, arrived in England, they naturally applied to the Gov- ernor and Company for reparation of their wTongs ; but it appears not from their records that they ever received any redress. The insolence of con- tempt was superadded to the injus- tice of power. — The General Court was at that time too much occupied in preparing for an important change, to attend to the first duty of all nil- ers, to give protection to the injur- ed." Chalmers's Political Annals, p. 146. ^ Samuel A'assall was the son of the gallant John A'assall, an alder- man of London, who in 1588, at his own expense fitted out and com- manded two ships of war against the Spanish Armada. Samuel was like- wise an aldennan of London, and an eminent merchant, and represented that city in t\vo successive Parlia- ments, in 1610 and 1641. In 1628 he was the first who refused to sub- mit to the tax of tonnage and pound- age, for which his goods were seized and his person imprisoned by the Star Chamber Court. In Julv, 1611, Parliament voted him £10,445 125. 2d. for the damages he had thus sustained, and resolved that he should be further considered for his imprisonment and personal suffer- ings. He was one of the 300 mem- bers who signed the protestation to support the liberty of Parliament, and subscribed jC1200 against the rebels in Ireland, his name appear- ing at the head of the list. In 1643 he took the covenant, and in 1646 was appointed one of the commis- sioners for the kingdom of England for the conservation of the peace with Scotland. He never came over to this country, and I have not been able to ascertain when he died. His son John settled in Jamaica, and John's grandson, Florentius Vassall, Esq., of London, in 1766 sent over a marble monument in honor of his great-grandfather, Samuel, which was set up in King's Chapel, in Boston, where it is still to be seen. From the inscription on this monu- ment I have derived the greater part of the preceding account. The late Lord Holland manned Elizabeth, a grand-daughter of Florentius A'as- .«all. Sec Greenwood's Hist, of King's Chapel, pp. 131, 207 ; Burke's Hist, of the Commoners of Great Britain, i. 499 ; Rushworth's Hist. Coll. i. 641, Appendix, p. 57; and Mass. Hist. Coll, xxviii. 294. 90 SHIPS RETURNED FROI\r NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP. Mr. William Pincliion ; and for the Company there ^^ — -^ were chosen Mr. John Whyte, Mr. John Davenport, 16 29. Mr. Isaac Johnson, and Mr. John Wynthropp ; who, ^^P*- with the Governor or Deputy, are to determine and end the business the first Tuesday in the next term ; and if any of the aforenamed parties be absent, others to be chosen by either [of the] parties in their stead. For the unlading of the ships now come, viz. the Lion's Whelp and the Talbot, it was desired that the Governor and Deputy would take such order therein as they should think fit. And lastly for the five boys returned from New- England upon the Talbot, it is to be advised on what course to be taken for their punishment, either by procuring Mr. Recorder his warrant, by complaining to the Judge of the Admiralty, or otherwise. ^^' A General Court liolden at Mr. Deputy's house, on Tuesday, the 29th of Sept. 1629. Present, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. Andrews, Me. Thomas Goff, Deputy, Mr. Roe, Capt. Waller, Mr. Revell, Capt. Venn, Mr. Huson, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Webb, Mr. Thobias Adams, . Mr. Woodgate, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. Puliston, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. Bateman, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Wx-nche. Mr. Symon Whetcombe, At this Court were read the Orders made the 28th and 29th of August last, concerning the transferring of the patent and government of the Plantation into LETTERS FROM THE BROWNES. 91 New-England. But that business being of great and chap. weighty consequence, is thought fit to be deferred for determination until Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. 1*^^29. Johnson, and other gentlemen be come up to Lon- 29/ don, and may be here present ; and in the mean time it was propounded that a committee should be appointed, To prepare the business ; To take advice of learned counsel whether the same may be legally done or no ; By what way or means the same may be done, to correspond with and not to prejudice the govern- ment here ; To consider of the time when it will be fit to do it ; To resolve on whom to confer the government ; and divers other circumstances material to be resolv- ed on, &c. The next thing taken into consideration was the letters from Mr. John and Samuel Browne to divers of their private friends here in England, whether the same should be delivered or detained, and whether they should be opened and read, or not. And for that it was to be doubted by probable circumstances, that they had defamed the country of New-England, and the Governor and government there, it was thought fit that some of the said letters should be opened and publicly read, which was done accord- ingly ; and the rest to remain at Mr. Deputy's house, and the parties to whom they are directed to have notice, and Mr. Governor, Mr. Deputy, Mr. Treas- urer, and Mr. Wright, or any two of them, are en- treated to be at the opening and reading thereof, to the end the Company may have notice, if aught be 92 THE SHIP ExVGLE TO BE BOUGHT. CHAP, inserted therein which may be prejudicial to their .• — ~ government or Plantation in New-England. And it 1^^^' is also thought fit that none of the letters from Mr. 29. * Samuel Browne shall be delivered, but kept to be made use of against him as occasion shall be offered. The business of clearing the two ships ^ lately come home, paying and discharging the men, and housing the goods, is recommended to the care of Mr. Deputy, who hath undertaken the same. It is also thought fit and ordered, that the Secre- tary shall write out a copy of the former grant to the Earl of Warwick and others,^ which was by them resigned to this Company, to be presented. to his Lordship, he having desired the same. The Governor moved to know the resolution of the Company concerning buying the ship Eagle ; and it was concluded on, as formerly, that the said ship should be bought by those hereafter named, viz. The Governok, i Mr. Revell, The Deputy, tV Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Adams, i Mr. Milburne, Mr. Wright, h Mr. Huson, Mr. Eaton, ^ The Company, Mr. Whetcombe, 1 1 1 B" And Mr. Governor is desired to go on and conclude the bargain upon such terms as he can. And it was * The Lion's Whelp and the Tal- England Colonies. Winthrop says hot. See page 90. in his Journal, Jidy 9, 1634, that he ^ This was the grant made March " received a letter from the Earl of 19, 1028, by the Council for the Af- Warwick, wherein he congratulated fairs of New-England to Sir Henry the prosperity of our Plantation, and Roswell and his associates, and by encouraged our proceedings, and them transferred to the Massachu- offered his help to further us in it." setts Company. Sir Robert War- See pp. 2.9-30, and Savage's Win- wick was a member of that Council, throp, i. 137. and a stanch friend of the New- MONEY TO BE RAISED. 93 further thouofht fit and resolved on, that this ship, chap. being of good force, and bought for the safety and — — — honor and benefit of the Plantation, shall always be ^^^9- preferred in that voyage before any other ship,^ and 29.* to have some consideration in her freight above other ships accordingly. It is also thought fit, for the present raising of money, that sale be made of the beaver skins ; and to that purpose a rate was now set upon them of 20s. per pound. And Mr. Nathaniel Wright being here present, is to have time till to-morrow to accept of them at that rate, or to return his answer ; and in the mean time the skins not to be sold under that rate, the sale of them being referred to Mr. Gov- ernor and Mr. Deputy. Also some speech was had concerning the deliv- ery of the petition to the Lords of the Council. But this is deferred till their Lordships' coming to London. Mr. Treasurer and Mr. Adams are desired to make an abstract of those who are behind with their sub- scriptions, to the end some course may be taken to call in for those moneys. For the twelve cows, and three calves, and two mares, and two foals, it is thought fit that they be forthwith sold, rather than kept at charges all this winter ; which is recommended to the care of Mr. Bateman and Mr. Huson. Also concerning the five boys returned in the Tal- bot, Mr. Whetcombe and Mr. Noell are desired to acquaint Sir Henry Martyn with their misdemeanour, ' Her name wusaftenvaixlschang- son, Esq., one of the Assistants of ed to the ArbeUa, in honor of the the Massachusetts Company. See Lady ArbeUa, daughter of the Earl Edward Johnson's Hist, of New- of Lincohi, and wife of Isaac John- England, in Mass. Hist. Coll, xii. 79. 94 LETTERS FROM NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP, and to advise what punishment may be inflicted upon - — — them, and how the Company may be legally dis- ^^^^- charsfed of them. St "^29. Upon the desire of Mr. John and Samuel Browne, it is thought fit and ordered, that they should have a copy of the accusation sent from New-England against them, to the end they may be the better pre- pared to make answer thereunto. Mr. Wright is desired to take care of the sale of the clapboard and other wood. Also, letters from Robert Moulton, the shipwright, and from the coopers and cleavers of wood, consist- ing of divers particulars, were now read ; which are to be abbreviated, and fitting answers to be made unto them, by the return of the next ships to New- England. Oct. A General Court at the Deputy's house, on Thursday, ^^' the Idth of October, 1629. Present, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Incre.\se Noell, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Ballard, Mr. John Davenport, Mr. Revell, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Samuel Aldersey, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. John Humfry, Mr. Webb, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Huson, Mr. John Venn, Mr. Young, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. Whichcoyte, Mb. William Vassall, Mr. Crane, Mr. Symon Whetcombe, Mr. Owen Roe,^ Mr. WiLLIAiM PiNCHION, Mr. FoRD, With divers others of the Generality. ^ Owen Rowe was a silk-mercer the Rebellion," says Anthony Wood, in London. "In the b'-Timung of " beinn- a violent Covenanter, and THE JOINT STOCK OF THE COMPANY. 95 The especial and only occasion of this meeting chap. being to consider and resolve of the settling the trade in New-England, (now upon transferring the government thither,) for the encouragement as w^ell of the adventurers in the joint stock here, as of those who already are, and of others who intend to go over in person to be planters there, and for their mutual correspondency and behoof, and the advancement of the Plantation to the end which was at first intended; the Court took the same into due and mature consid- eration ; and after a long debate, and sundry opin- ions given, and reasons why the joint stock, (which had borne the brunt of the charge hitherto, and was likely to bear much more,) should have certain com- modities appropriate thereunto, for reimbursement and defrayment thereof, and divers objections being made to those reasons, all which was largely dis- cussed and w^ell weighed, the Court, in conclusion, afterwards an Independent, he was Charles I. to come in, he surrendered by Cromwell's interest made a prime himself; so that after his trial had officer (lieutenaiit colonel, I think) in passed in the sessions-houss in the the militia of London, and became a Old-Bailey, he was condemned to firebrand in that city, and an enemy perpetual imprisonment, and his es- to its ancient civil governnaent. In tate confiscated. What became of 1648 he was nominated one of the him afterwards, I know not." He King's judges, sat on the bench was scout-master general in Crom- when he was several times before well's army, and being in his suite them, stood up as consenting when when he visited Oxford, in May, sentence was passed for severing his 1619, he received from the Univer- head from his body, and at length sity, with his other chief officers, set his hand and seal to the warrant the honorary degree of INIaster of for his execution. About that time Arts. In this way we get the above he was made keeper of the maga- lean but authentic sketch of him zines and stores, and received jL"5000 from crabbed Anthony. There is a to buy arms. In 1659, July 7, he letter of Rowe"s to Governor Win- was constituted colonel of the mill- throp, dated Feb. 18, 1636, in which tia of the said city by the Rump he expresses his desire and intention Parliament, and was then in great to come to Massachusetts, where it favor with them. But in the year appears he had cattle and desired a after, when his Majesty was restor- farm. See Wood's Fasti Oxon. ii. ed, and a proclamation thereupon 136, (ed. Bliss) ; Carlyle's Crom- was issued out for all such persons well, i. 296, 364 ; Hutchinson's Col- that had sat in judgment on King lection, p. 59. 96 CHURCHES AND PrBLIC WORKS. CHAP, for accommodation of both parts, fell upon a modera- tion/ as followeth, viz. That the Company's joint stock shall have the trade of beaver and all other furs in those parts solely, for the term of seven years from this day, for and in consideration of the charge that the joint stock hath undergone already, and is yet annually to bear, for the advancement of the Plantation. That for the charge of fortifications, the Compa- ny's joint stock to bear the one half, and the planters to defray the other, viz. for ordnance, munition, powder, &c. But for laborers in building of forts, &c. all men to be employed in an equal pro- portion, according to the number of men upon the Plantation, and so to continue until such fit and necessary works be finished. That the charge of the ministers now there or that shall hereafter go to reside there, as also the charge of building convenient churches, and all other public w^orks upon the Plantation, be in like manner indiffe- rently borne, the one half by the Company's joint stock for the said term of seven years, and the other half by the planters. That the ordnance already provided for fortifica- tion be rated as they cost, as also all powder and munition whatsoever concerning arms, so as the same be delivered there for public use ; and this to be accounted as part of the joint stock of the Company. All which being several times read, was by Mr. Governor put to the question, and by general con- sent, by erection of hands, was agreed and concluded on, and ordered accordingly. * Tliat is, compromise. A COMMITTEE APPOINTED. 97 And forasmuch as by [a] former Order the patent chap III. and government is to be transferred to New-Eng- land, a Committee is appointed, part of the adven- i^^^- turers here, and part of those that intend to go over, ^5*' VIZ. Mr. Davenport, Mr. Wright, Mr. Perry, Capt. Waller, Capt, Venn, Mr. Adams, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. Young, Mr. Spurstowe, and Mr. Reyell. Sir Richard Saltonstall,' Mr. Johnson, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Humfry, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Vassall, Mr. Pinchon, and Mr. Downing.^ Who are desired to meet to-morrow mornino;, to confer of and draw fit and convenient clauses to be inserted in Articles of Agreement, which may be commodious for either part, and to prepare the same for a Court of Assistants, appointed that afternoon to determine thereof. ^ Those in the second column, I suppose, intended to go over. ^ Emanuel Downing- was of the Inner Temple, and married a sister of GoAernor Winthrop. He came over, I suppose, in 1638, for I find it stated in the Colony Records, that on the 14th of December of that year, " Mr. Endicott and ]Mr. John Winthrop, Jr. had order to give Mr, Emanuel Downing the oath of free- dom." He resided at Salem, which he represented five years in the General Court. He, and not Cali- bute Downing, (as is erroneously stated by Anthony Wood,) was the father of the notorious Sir George Downing. Simon Bradstreet, an Assistant, and afterwards Governor of the Colony, married a daughter of Emanuel Downing. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 108, (ed. Bliss) ; Hutchinson's Mass. 18, 111 ; Win- throp's N. E. i. 49, 100, ii. 240, 369. 1629 Oct 98 MANAGEMENT OF THE JOINT STOCK. CHAP. j[ Court of Assistants at the Deputifs house, on Friday, the 16th of October, 1629. Present, Mr. Mattii. Cradock, Governor, Mr. G. Harwood, Treasurer, 16. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mk. Winthrop, Mr. Isaac Johnson, -i ;,• . Mr. Htjson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Whetcombe, Mr. John Humfry, Mr. Perry, Mr. Willia3I Vassall, Mr. Pocock, Mr. Revell, Mr. Spurstowe, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. Pinchon, Mr. Adams, Capt. Venn, Mr. Samuel Vassall. This Court was appointed to treat and resolve, upon the transferring of the government to New- England, what government shall be held at London, whereby the future charge of the joint stock may be cherished and preserved, and the body politic of the Company remain and increase ; What persons shall have the charge of the man- aging of the joint stock both at London and in New- England ; wherein it is conceived fit that Capt. En- decott continue the government there, unless just cause to the contrary. These and other things were largely discussed ; and it was thought fit and natural that the govern- ment of. persons be held there, the government of trade and merchandises to be here. That the joint stock being mutual, both here and there, that some fit persons be appointed for man- aging thereof in both places. But for that there is a great debt owing by the joint stock, it was moved that some course might be taken for clearing thereof before the government be Oct. 16. LETTERS TO ENDICOTT AND HIGGINSON. 99 transferred ; and to this purpose it was first thought chap. fit that the accounts should be audited, to see what the debt is. But the business not admitting any such 1629. delay, it was desired that Mr. Governor and Mr. Treasurer would meet to-morrow, and make an esti- mate of the debts, and prepare the same against a meeting to be on Monday next, to determine this question. The ship Eagle is to be freighted from Bristol. Lastly, letters were read and signed to Mr. Ende- cott, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Higgison, as appears by the entries of them in the book of copies of letters.^ A Meeting at Mr. Deputy's house, on Monday, the \^th of October, 1629. Present, 19. Mr, Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Sir R. Saltonstall, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Capt. Venn, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Pinchon, Mr. Whyte, the preacher, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Whyte," the counsellor, Mr. Huson, Mr. Wynthropp, Mr. Noell, Mr. Dudley. Mr. Adams, The occasion of this meeting being to resolve of the alteration of the government, and therein to con- ' These letters, in the handwrit- - This was prohably the Mr. ing of Burgess, the Secretary, are White, described by Clarendon as preserved in the first book of Deeds "a grave lawyer, but notoriously in the Registry of Suffolk. The disaflectcd to the Church," who was MS. is probably a part of the origi- chairman of the parliamentary com- nal Letter-Book here referred to. mittee on religion in 1640. See They wdl be found in another part Clarendon's Rebellion, i. 348. of this volume. 100 THE PLANTERS AND ADVENTURERS. CHAP, sider how the debts upon the jomt stock shall be first — '-^ discharged, and how the same shall be hereafter man- 1629. asred ; and herein what was formerly treated on was iq' again related. And for that divers questions will arise to be determined in this business, which will take up much time, and cannot be so conveniently done at a Court, it was thought fit that certain com- mittees be appointed, on either part, to meet and make propositions each to other, and set the same down in writing ; and if they can, to agree and con- clude of a fit end to be made for the good of the Plantation ; and if any differences happen which they cannot agree on, that then the same be referred to the umpirage and determination of some of the preach- ers, to be chosen to that purpose ; who are desired to set down in writing what they shall think in con- science is fit to be done indifferently for the good of the work and the encouragement both of planters and adventurers. And to this purpose. Articles be- tween the planters and adventurers for performance of what shall be determined, was now drawn by Mr. Whyte, the counsellor, read and approved, and are to be presented to-morrow at a General Court, to be ratified, and then sealed ; and at that Court the Go- vernor and Assistants to be chosen for the govern- ment in New-England. THE PURCHASE OF THE EAGLE CONFIRMED. 101 A General Court holden at Mr. Goff, the Deputy's house, ^^if ^• on Tuesday, the 20th of October, 1629. Present, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Governor, Mr. Davenport, ) i t, i Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Whyte, ' Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Winthrop, Capt. John Venn, Mr. Dudley, Mr. [Samuel] Aldersey, Mr. Puliston, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Ballard, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Mr. Job Bradshaw, Mr. John Humfry, Mr. Cooke, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Revell, Mr. William Pinchon, Capt. Waller, Mr. George Foxcroft, Mr. Ballard,^ Mr. Increase Noell, Mr. Woodgate, Mr. Christopher Colson, Mr. Stephens, Mr. Richard Perry, Mr. Francis Flyer, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. Spurstowe, Mr. John Pocock, Mr. Huson, Mr. Thomas Hutchins, Mr. Roe, Mr. Webb, Assistants. With some others of the Generality. Mr. Governor caused to be read the Order formerly made concerning the buying of the ship E agle ; and desired to know the pleasure of the Court for confirmation thereof Whereupon some debate be- ing had, the Order was well approved of; but for that it is wished that the gentlemen that are to go over should have the l part of the said ship which was formerly allotted to the Company, (the Company being out of cash, and for other reasons,) they not having notice thereof till now, desired time till the afternoon to consider thereof, and to give their an * Clergymen. * Mr. Ballard's name is probably repeated by mistake. Oct. 20. 102 ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT. CHAP, swer ; which was condescended unto, and the same III- . T 1 — — is then to be determined accordmgly. 1629. After which Mr. Governor acquainted those pre- sent, that the especial occasion of summoning this Court was for the election of a new Governor, Dep- uty, and Assistants, the government being to be transferred into New-England, according to the for- mer Order and resolution of the Company. But be- fore the Court proceeded to the said election, certain Articles of Agreement, conceived at a meeting yes- terday between the adventurers here at home and the planters that are to go over, as well for the man- aging and settling of the joint stock, as for reconcil- ing of any differences that may happen upon this change of government, was now read, and recom- mended to the Court for their approbation, and for the nomination and appointment of a competent num- ber of committees, to meet and treat and resolve of these businesses. The Articles themselves were approved of, and five committees on either part were thereupon chosen, viz. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Johnson, and Mr. Hum- fry, for the planters ; and for the adventurers was chosen Mr. Governor, Mr. Aldersey, Mr. Wright, Mr. Hutchins, and Capt. Venn. And in case the said committee, or the greater number of them, should differ in any one or more particulars, and not agree thereon, there was chosen for umpires Mr. Whyte, the counsellor, Mr, Whyte, of Dorchester, and Mr. Davenport,^ to whom the decision and de- ' .Tdhn Davenport was born in the degrees of A. M. and B. D. 1597, at Coventry, of which city his He became a noted preacher among father was mayor. He was educa- the Puritans, and at length minister ted at Oxford, where he received of St. Stephen's, Coleman-street, JOHN DAVENPORT, OF NEW HAVEN. 103 termination of all such differences is referred, accord- chap. III. mg to the tenure of the said Articles of Agreement. And it being further taken into consideration, that in 1^29. regard of the shortness of the time limited to the 20. committees, many things of weight and consequence in this so great a business may either not be at all thought on, or otherwise left unresolved, by them and the said umpires, it is therefore thought fit by this Court that the said committee and umpires shall continue till the end of this term ; and whatsoever material things for the good of the Plantation shall in that time be treated on and resolved by them, the same to be as valid and effectual as if it had been done before the expiration of the time limited by the London. About the year 1627, he was appointed one of the feoffees for buying in of impropriations ; con- cerning which see note ^ on page 70. Being persecuted by the prelates for his nonconformity, and a warrant having been issued by the High Commission to summon him before them, he resigned his benefice Dec. 18, 1633, and fled into Holland. Archbishop Laud says in his annual account to the King, dated Jan. 2, 1634, " Since my return out of Scotland, Mr. John Davenport, vicar of St. Stephen's in Coleman-street, whom I used with all moderation, and about two years after thought I had settled his judgment, [not quite, my Lord !] having him then at ad- vantage enough to have put extrem- ity upon him, but forbore it, hath now resigned his vicarage, declared his judgment against conformity with the Church of England, and is since gone (as I hear) to Amsterdam." Here he preached for some time to the English congregation ; but on the breaking out of the civil wars, he returned to England, as other Nonconformists did, and had a ben- efice bestowed on him. Not being entirely satisfied, however, with the proceedings there, he yielded to the urgent letters of John Cotton, and came over to New -England in June, 1637, with Theophilus Eaton, who had been one of his parishioners in London, and Edward Hopkins, and with them laid the foundations of the Colony of New Haven in 1638. In 1668, in his 71st year, he removed to Boston to become the pastor of the First Church, and died there in 1670. He was buried by the side of Cotton, and near to Governor Winthrop, in the northern corner of King's Chapel grave-yard. Increase Mather wrote some account of his life. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 889, (ed. Bliss) ; Newcourt's Re- pertorium, i. 537 ; Laud's Troubles and Trial, pp. 348, 526 ; Mather's INIagnalia, i. 226, 292-302 ; Win- throp's N. England, i. 227; Hutch- inson's Mass. i. 82, 115, 215; Em- erson's Hist, of the First Church in Boston, pages 110-124; Prof. Kingsley's Cent. Discourse, pp. 12, 62; Leonard Bacon's Historical Dis- courses, pp. 75-155. 104 JOHN WINTHROP, OF GROTON, Articles. And it was further thought fit that all such others of the Company as will, may from time to time have access to the said committee, to pro- pound such things as they conceive beneficial for the business, or to present their opinions in writing, but not to debate with them for interrupting their pro- ceedings. All which being put to the question, was approved of, and by erection of hands ordered accordingly. And now the Court proceeding to the election of a new Governor, Deputy, and Assistants, which, upon serious deliberation, hath been and is conceived to be for the especial good and advancement of their affairs ; and having received extraordinary great commendations of Mr. John Wynthrop,^ both for ' Of John Winthrop, the first Governor of the Massachusetts Col- ony, the narrow limits of a Note will not permit us to speak ade- quately or worthily ; and we must therefore refer those who wish to know the particulars of his life and understand his character, to the me- moir in Belknap's Am. Biog. ii. 337-358, to the account given by Mather, in the MagnaUa, i. 108-120, and to his own Journal, or History of New-England, (with Savage's invaluable notes,) and his admirable letters appended to both volumes of that work. Suffice it now to say, that he was born at Groton, in Suf- folk, Jan. 12, 1588, and was de- scended from an ancient and honor- able family. He was bred to the law, as his ancestors had been be- fore him, one of them, Adam Win- throp, having been an eminent law- yer in the reign of Henry VHI. Such was the gravity and steadines.s of his character, that, at the early age of eighteen, he was made a jus- tice of the peace. " He had an es- tate of six or seven hundred pounds a year, which he turned into money, and embarked his all to promote the settlement of New-England. It is a very full evidence of the esteem in which he was held, that, when many gentlemen of character, some of them of noble alliance, were con- cerned in the same undertaking with him, he, by a general voice, was placed at their head." He saj's himself, "I was first chosen to be Governor without my seeking or ex- pectation, there being then divers other gentlemen who, for their abil- ities every way, were far more fit." He was eleven times chosen Gov- ernor, and spent his whole estate in the public service. His son John, and his grandson, Fitz-John, (who was a captain in Col. Read's regi- ment at the Restoration in 1660,) were successively governors of Con- necticut Colony, and Wait Still, an- other grandson, was chief justice of Massachusetts. Stephen, another son of the elder Winthrop, went to England in 1645 or 1646, had the command of a regiment, and suc- ceeded Harrison in his major-gen- eralship, was a member of Parlia- ment for Scotland in 1656, and was CHOSEN GOVERNOR OF THE COMPANY. 105 every chap. *' III. his integrity and sufficiency, as being one [way^] well fitted and accomplished for the place of Governor, did put in nomination for that place the said Mr. John Winthrop, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, and Mr. John Humfry ; and the said Mr. Winthrop was with a general vote and full consent of this Court, by erection of hands, chosen to be Governor for the ensuing year, to begin on this present day ; who was pleased to accept thereof, and thereupon took the oath to that place apper- tamms. much trusted by the Protector. The family, in every generation, have occupied high stations, and been de- servedly held in great respect in New-England. Its character is now worthily sustained by the Hon. Ro- bert C. Winthrop, who represents the city of Boston in the Congress of the United States. Gov. Win- throp was in his 43d year when he sailed for New-England. He died March 26, 16i9, in the 62d year of his age, and was buried, AprQ 3d, in the northern corner of the King's Chapel burial-ground, in Boston. His son John, governor of Connecti- cut, was interred in the same tomb in April, 1676. " The Green," the Governor's town lot, included the land now owned by the Old South Church in Washington-street, and his house stood about opposite School-street. Prince, the Annalist, who died in 1758, says that Win- throp ' ' deceased in the very house I dwell in." It was a two-story building, of wood, and remained till it was destroyed by the British troops for fuel in 1775. The Gov- ernor's portrait, an original painting, hangs in the Senate Chamber of Massachusetts. — "Sept. 6, 1631, there is granted to Mr. Governor, 600 acres of land, near his house at Mistick " This was then and has ever since been called the Tenhills Farm. April 3, 1632, Conant's Island, in Boston harbor, on which Fort Warren is built, was granted to him, and the name was changed to the Governor's Garden. " Nov. 7, 1632, there is about fifty acres of meadow ground granted to John Winthrop, Esq., present Governor, lying between Cobbett's house and Wanottymies' river;" and, ^larch 4, 1634, the wear at Mistick was granted to him and Matthew Cra- dock, of London. — It is much to be regretted that Gov. Winthrop's " larger discourse of all things," mentioned in a letter to his wife, July 16, 1630, and twice afterwards referred to in his letters to his son, July 23 and Aug. 14, is lost. It may have contained interesting state- ments, not included in his Journal or History. — In his magnanimity, disinterestedness, and moderation, in his mingled firmness of principle and mildness of temper, in his har- monious character, consistent life, and well-balanced mind, the Father of Massachusetts reminds us of the great " Father of his country," and is the only name in our history worthy to stand as a parallel to Washington. See Mass. Col. Records, in MS., i. 82, 85, 95, 131 ; Hutchinson's [Mass. i. 14, 151 ; Sa- vage's Winthrop, i. 64-68, 126, 318, 396; ii. 338, 3.57, 372, 373, 376 ; Thurloe's State Papers, v. 366. ' This word seems to have been accidentally omitted. 106 JOHN HUMPHREY, DEPUTY GOVERNOR. In like manner, and with like free and full con- sent, Mr. John Humfry^ was chosen Deputy Gov- ernor, and Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. John Endecott, Mr. Increase Noell, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. William Pinchon, Mr. Samuel Sharpe, Mr. Edward Rossiter, Mr. Thomas Sharps, Mr. John Revell, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Mr. Thomas Goff, Mr. [Samuel] Aldersey, Mr. John Venn, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, and Mr. Thomas Adams, were chosen to be Assistants. Which said Deputy, ' John Humphrey, it will be re- collected, was one of the six original patentees to whom the grant of Massachusetts Bay was made by the Council of Plymouth. See page 29. He was also one of the original pa- tentees of the Colony of Connecti- cut. It will be seen presently, that he stayed behind, and did not come over with Winthrop, as he intended. He married Susan, daughter of Thomas, the third Earl of Lincoln, and brought her with their children to Massachusetts in 1632, and set- tled at Swampscot, in I^ynn. In expectation of his arrival, he was chosen an Assistant, and continued to be re-elected to that office as long as he remained in the Colony. John Cotton, in a letter to Lord Saye and Sele, written in 1636, says, "Mr. Humfrey was chosen for an Assist- ant (as I hear) before the Colony came over hither ; and though he be not as yet joined into church fellow- ship (by reason of the unsettledness of the congregation where he liveth,) yet the Commonwealth do still con- tinue his magistracy to him, as know- ing he waitcth for opportunity of en- joying church fellowship shortly." He was admitted to the church in Sa- lem Jan. 16, 1638. Upon an invitation from Lord Say, he intended, in the year 1640, to have removed to the Bahama Islands ; but the island of Providence being taken by the Span- iards, he abandoned that design. Soon after, having met with great losses by fire, and his estate being much impaired, he sold his farm at Swampscot to Lady Moody, (for nine or eleven hundred pounds, says Lechford,) and returned to England October 26, 1641. This estate pro- bably included the 500 acres granted him by the General Court May 6, 1635, in fulfilment of the resolve passed Nov. 7, 1632, by which "it is referred to Mr. Turner, Peter Palfry and Roger Conant to set out a proportion of land in Saugus to John Humfry, Esq." Winthrop speaks of him as " a gentleman of special parts of learning and activity, and a godly man, who had been one of the first beginners in the promot- ing of this Plantation, and had labor- ed very much therein." A letter of his to Winthrop, dated Sept. 4, 1646, is preserved in Hutchinson's Collec- tion, p. 159. See Mass. Col. Re- cords, in MS., i. 95, 149; Win- throp's N. E., i. 75, 332, ii. 13, 26, 46 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 493, 498; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiii. 97; Hazard's State Papers, i. 318; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 495. MONEY TO BE PAID. 107 and the greatest part of the said Assistants, being chap. present, took the oaths to their said places appertain ing respectively. ig29. A Court of Assistants, at Mr. Goff's house, on Friday, Nov. the 20th of November, 1629. Present, ^^' Mr. John VVynthrop, Governor, Mr. Thomas Goff,. Mr. John Hujifry, Dep. Gov. Mr. William Pinchion, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. [Christopher] Colson, Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. George Harwood, ]\Ir. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. John Revell, Mr. [Thomas] Hutchins, Mr. Increase Noell. The especial occasion of this meeting was to ad- vise of a course for bringing in of moneys for pay- ment of mariners' wages, freight of ships, and other debts. And thereupon Mr. Cradock acquainted those present what sums he had disbursed for ac- count of the Company, and what more was owing for mariners' wages upon the ships Talbot, May- flower, and Four Sisters,^ and for the freight of those ships, amounting to £1200 and upwards ; which the Court think fit and order to be first paid before any other debts. And Mr. Governor desiring to have power from the Court to grant warrants for payment of moneys, as was formerly accustomed, the same was condescended unto ; and a warrant was now made and signed by the Governor and Deputy, di- rected to Mr. Harwood, the Treasurer, for payment of [<£]800 to Mr. Cradock, so soon as money shall come to his hands. ^ Which had lately returned from New-England, having carried over Higginson and his company. 108 COMPLAINT OF THE BROWNES. Some debate was had concerning Mr. John and Samuel Browne's complaining that their goods, praised^ in New-England, are undervalued, and divers things omitted to be praised ;^ wherein they desire to have relief, and justice done. It is there- upon thought fit, that if they can produce proof thereof, then they are to be relieved here ; other- wise, the same is to be suspended, and all the objec- tions they can make to be taken notice of and re- commended to Mr. Governor, to be considered of and determined after his arrival in New-England, when he may hear the praisers' answers to those objections ; and in the mean time Mr. Cradock to pay the money charged upon him for the same. Mr. Beecher, master of the ship Talbot, desired to have in a bond, which he entered into, to Mr. Pratt" for wages or allowance to a chirurgeon for the Lion's Whelp, who was to have 25. 6d. for every person in the ship, according to an agreement made with them ; the number of the persons being about 125, of which Mr. Beecher had formerly delivered a particular note to Mr. Goff. The Court conceiving the said allowance to be exorbitant, and more than is usual in like cases, do desire that the chirurgeon be appointed to be here the next General Court, and then such conclusion is to be made with him as shall be fit. Lastly, Mr. Smith, the accomptant, attended them with their accounts ; and after perusal thereof, it appearing that divers were behind with their whole subscriptions or part thereof, it was thought fit that, ' Ai)j)r;iised. * i*^' e note ' tm pn^e 52. ANOTHER LETTER FROM EXDICOTT. 109 for the present supply of moneys, tickets should be chap. sent unto them to desire them to send in the sums ^ by them underwritten ; to which purpose a list of^^^^- their names and sums was now drawn out, and tick- 20! ets are forthwith to be made accordingly. A General Court on Wednesday, the 2oth of November, 25. 1629. Present, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor, Mr. Matthew Cradock, Mr. John Humfry, Deputy, Capt. Waller, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Whyte, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. Huson, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Backhouse, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Foxcroft, Mr. William Pinchion, Mr. Woodgate, Capt. Venn, Me. Bradshaw, Mr. Increase Noell, and others. A letter^ of the 5th of September from Mr. Ende- cot, the Governor, and others in New-England, was now read ; as also Mr. Governor acquainted those present with certain testimonies sent over against one William Rovell, master of a ship of [blank], concern- ing some insolent and misbeseeming speeches uttered by him in contempt of the Company's privileges and government ; which is to be taken into further con- sideration, and be proceeded against, w^hen other certificates are come, which are expected, concern- ing that business. This day being one one of the four quarter days appointed by the Charter for keeping a General ' This letter is not preserved. 110 MORE MONEY TO BE RAISED. Court, the general business of the Plantation should have been treated on. But by reason of the small appearance, and shortness of time, nothing was done therein. Only the Governor made relation of the proceedings of the joint committee concerning the settling of the joint stock ; that notwithstanding there had been all good concordancy and fair pro- ceedings between them, yet by reason of the great- ness of the business and the smallness of the supplies, they could not bring the same to a wished effect, but only had reduced it to certain propositions, to be represented to the consideration of the Company to receive their resolution therein. The accomptant having made an estimate of the accounts, the joint stock appears to be in arrear <£3000, and upwards. Towards which ,£3000 there is [<£]1900 in subscriptions not yet brought in, and about 8 or j£900 upon freight of ships. There will be a necessity for supply of necessaries for the Company's servants, . . .£2000^ For merchandises for trade, . . 500 For munition and artillery for fortification, 500 So as there being an inevitable necessity of [a] supply of money, either to revive the old stock or to raise a new, the propositions were now expressed, viz. 1. That all the former adventurers should double their former subscriptions. 2. That the servants, cattle, and all merchandises or provisions belonging to the joint stock, should be sold, and the underwriters be paid their propor- tions of what shall accrue or arise thereof. ' Felt, Annals of Salem, i. 141, ens in making this jClOOO. UNDERTAKERS PROPOSED. Ill 3. Or lastly, that the old stock be put over to cer- chap. tain undertakers, upon such conditions as can be — agreed on, and they to go on with the work and ^^^^' manage the business, to bear all charges, and to 25. stand to profit and loss, and to pay the underwriters their principal by them brought, at the end of seven years ; and this to be understood not to exclude any who have affection to this business, but that they may come in under those undertakers for such sums as they shall think fit to adventure ; but that for the better furtherance and facilitating the business, the same to be managed by few hands. And for the en- couragement of such undertakers, the committee have thought of certain inducements, viz. That they shall have The one half of the beaver ; The sole making of salt ; The sole transportation of passengers, — servants and goods to be transported at reasonable rates ; To be allowed a reasonable profit upon all such provisions as they shall keep in magazine there for the use and relief of the inhabitants. All which premises the Governor recommended to the consideration of those present. But by reason of the small appearance, nothing could be determin- ed ; and therefore a special Court is appointed for this purpose on Monday next, and the whole Com- pany to be summoned by tickets to be present. Lastly, upon the motion of Mr. Whyte, to the end that this business might be proceeded in with the first intention, which was chiefly the glory of God, and to that purpose that theh* meetings might be 112 CHAPLAINS OF THE GENERAL COURT. CHAP, sanctified by the prayers^ of some faithful ministers resident here in London, whose advice would be 1629. Nov. 25. m likewise requisite upon many occasions, the Court thought fit to admit into the freedom of this Com- pany" Mr. John Archer^ and Mr. Philip Nye,"^ min- isters here in London, who being here present kindly accepted thereof. Also Mr. Whyte did recommend unto them Mr. Nathaniel Ward,^ of Standon. * This shows the antiquity of the practice, still observed in Massaclm- setts, of opening the meetings of the Legislature, or General Court, with prayer. ^ This admission of freemen was authorized by the Charter of the Company, and was a practice long observed in the Colony. The Char- ter provides, that " the Governor and Company shall have full power and authority to choose, nominate and appoint such and so many as they shall think fit, and that shall be willing to accept the same, to be free of the said Company and Body, and them into the same to admit." ' I can find no account of John Archer in Newcourt's Repertorium Ecclesiasticum, nor in any of the ecclesiastical registers. I doubt therefore whether he was a minister of London. There may be an error perhaps in the Christian name. ^ Pliilip Nye was born in 1596, and was educated at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, where he took the degree of A. M. in 1622. In 1630, accord- ing to Anthony Wood, be was cu- rate of St. Michael's church in Corn- hill, London. In 1G33 he fled from Laud's persecutions into Holland, and became minister of a churcli at Arnheim, where he remained till the end of 1640, at the opening of the Long Parliament, when he returned to England. In 1643 he was ap- ])ointed one of the Assembly of Di- vines, and the same year was sent by the Parliament into Scotland, with Sir Henry Yane, jr. and Ste- phen Marshall, whose daughter he had married, as commissioners to ask for assistance and expedite the Covenant. He was one of the chap- lains who attended the commis- sioners to Charles I. in the Isle of Wight in December, 1647, and was made one of the Triers of preachers in 1653. He was the principal per- son in managing the meeting of the Congregational Churches at the Sa- voy, by the Protector's order, held Oct. 12, 1658. At the Restoration in 1660, it was debated in Parlia- ment whether he should be except- ed from the bill of indemnity, and his life was spared solely on condi- tion that he should never hold any office, civil, ecclesiastical, or milita- ry. He died in 1672, aged 76. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 963, Fasti, i. 386, 406 ; Clarendon's Rebellion, iv. 153. ^ Nathaniel Ward, the eccentric and facetious author of " The Sim- ple Cobbler of Agawam in Ameri- ca," was the son of John W^ard, a celebrated Puritan divine, and was born at Haverhill, in Suffolk, of which town his father was minister, about the year 1570. He was en- tered at Emanuel College, Cam- bridge, in 1596, and took the degree of A. M. in 1603. He was origin- ally intended for the law ; but trav- elling on the continent, he fell in at Heidelberg with the learned David Parajus, by whom his mind was turned to theology. On his return to England, he became preacher at St. James's, Duke's Place, London, in 1626, and afterwards was rector of Standon Massye, in Essex, 16 LIABILITIES OF THE JOINT STOCK. 113 A General Court at Mr. Goff's house, on Monday, the last of November, IQ^^. Present, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor, ]\Ir. John Humfry, Deputy, Mr. George Harwood, Treasurer, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Thomas Goff, Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr, Matthew Cradock, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. L\crease Noell, Mr. John Revell, Mr. William Pinchon, Assistants. With many of the Generalitrj. — 2o. It was propounded to the Court that whereas the joint stock w^as engaged to the value of £2500, pre- sent debt, and there was necessarily required £1500 miles from London, where he felt the iron hand of the intolerant Laud. There is extant a letter of his, writ- ten to John Cotton, Dec. 13, 1631, in which he says, "I was yesterday convented before the bishop, I mean to his court, and am adjourned to the next term. I expect measure hard enough, and must furnish apace with proportionable armor." Hav- ing been excommunicated and de- prived of his clerical office for non- conformity, he came over to INIas- sachusetts in 1634, and was soon chosen pastor of the church in Ips- wich, from which office he was dis- charged at his own request in 1636. In 1641 he was chosen by the free- men of the Colony, without the con- sent of the Governor and magistrates, to preach the Election Sermon. At the request of the General Court he composed " The Body of Liberties," which in Dec. 1641, was adopted by them, and was the first Code of Laws established in New-England. Win- throp, in recording this transaction, says that "Ward " had been formerly a student and practiser in the course of the common law ;"' and the leajn- ed editor of the Code remarks that " The Body of Liberties exhibits throughout the hand of the practised lawyer, familiar with the principles and the securities of English liberty." In 1647 he returned to England, and became minister of Shenfield, in Essex, where he died, aged about 83. Fuller places him among the learned writers of Emanuel College, Cambridge, and also mentions him in his Woitliies of England, ii. 344. " The Simple Cobbler of Agawam,"' by which he is now best known, was written in this country, and printed at London in 1647, and reprinted at Boston in 1686 and again in 1843. A good account of it and its author may be seen in the Monthly Anthol- ogy, vi. 341. Mr. Savage speaks of it as a " work very attractive for its humor, and curious for its exe- crable spirit." See Col. Records, i. 217, 317, MS. ; Mather's Magna- lia, i. 470 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 1-20 ; Winthrop's N. E. i. 154, 322, ii. 35, 55 : Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 2, xxviii. 190-237, 248, 9 ; Newcourt's Repertorium, i. 917, ii. 545» 114 PRIVILEGES OF THE JOINT STOCK. CHAP, present disbursement for maintenance of the servants v^— now in the Plantation, and for commodities for truck 1629. j^j^j munition, that the adventurers would be pleased ^7' to double their former subscriptions. Which being not assented unto by the Court, it was propounded and agreed by general consent, that ten persons should be chosen, five of the adventurers, and five of the planters, who should take the joint stock at the true value, and take upon them the engagements and other charges ; for which there should be appropri- ated to the joint stock, for seven years, these privi- leges which follow, viz. 1. Half the trade of the beavers, and all other furs, 2. The sole making of salt, 3. The furnishing of a magazine at set rates, 4. The sole transportation of passengers and goods at certain rates. For which end there was a committee appointed to value the joint stock, viz. Mr. White,^ of Dorches- ter, Mr. Thomas Goff, Mr. Webb, Mr. Increase No- ell ; who taking upon them the charge of the said ^^^- business, did the next day (the Court then sitting upon adjournment,) make certificate of their pro- ceedings to this effect, viz. That whereas divers sums had been disbursed in public charges, as transporting of ministers and their families, ammunition, &.C., which were not now to be valued to the undertakers, as being to remain ^ Here we take leave of the ven- at a distance of 120 miles from Lon- erable jiatriarch of Uorchcsler, and don, it has been seen tliat he fre- have only to regret that he never queiitly came up to attend the Courts came over to see the Colony, in of the Company. See an account of uhose welfare he took so early and him on page !*i6. deep an interest. Although he lived PRIVILEGES OF THE OLD ADVENTURERS. 115 always to the Plantation ; and whereas many of the chap. servants, which were transported at extraordinary > — -^ charge, do not prove so useful as was expected, and ^^^Q. so will not yield the undertakers any such benefit as i^ ' may answer their charge ; divers of the cattle and provisions likewise miscarrying, through want of ex- perience in the beginning of such a work, they could not find the said stock to remain clear and good (the debts discharged) above one third part of the whole sum which hath been adventured from the first to this present day ; which value, upon due examina- tion and long debate, was allowed by all the Court. Whereupon it was propounded and agreed by the whole Court, that the old adventurers, (in lieu of this abatement of two-thirds of their adventures,) should have an addition of a double proportion of land, ac- cording to the first proportion of two hundred acres for <£50 ; and that they should have liberty to put in what sums they pleased to be added to their former adventures, so as they subscribed the same before the first day of January now next following ; and such as live in the country, remote from the city of London, to enter their subscriptions before the se- cond of February next ; and that any of the said adventurers may take out their adventures after the aforesaid rate ; and further, that it should be lawful for all other persons (with consent of any three of the undertakers) to put in what sums of money they please, to be traded in the joint stock, (upon such allowance to the common stock for public uses, in regard that they shall bear no part in the ibrmer losses,) as the said adventurers, or three of them, shall agree with them for, from time to time ; and 116 TEN UNDERTAKERS CHOSEN. CHAP, that all adventurers shall pay in their adventures in in. ^ *' such time and manner as shall be agreed between them and the said undertakers, or any three of them. It was also agreed by the Court, that in regard the undertakers should bear the greatest charge and burthen, and all other adventurers should have equal part of the gain, if any did proceed, that therefore they should have £o in the hundred clear gains of the said joint stock, both in and out, all charges be- ing deducted. And that the joint stock being thus managed, at the end of seven years, (to be accounted from this day,) as well the said stock, as the proceed and pro- fit thereof, to be divided to every man proportionably, according to his adventure ; and all the said privi- leges then to cease, and all persons to be at liberty to dispose of their parts in the joint stock at their own pleasures.^ Hereupon the Court thought fit to desire the gen- tlemen hereunder named to undertake the joint stock upon the terms before propounded, viz. Mr. John Winthrop, the Gov. Mr. Matthew Cradock, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt. Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Isaac Johnson, Esq. Mr. Theophilus Eaton, Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. Thomas Goff, Mr. John Revell, Mr. James Young. Which gentlemen, upon much entreaty of the Court, did accept of the said charge, and accordingly were chosen to be undertakers, to have the sole * " We have no account of any any trade ever carried on for the dividend ever made, nor indeed of (.'unipany." Hutchinson, i. 13. TRANSPORTATION OF PASSENGERS. 117 managing of the joint stock, with all things incident chap. thereunto, for the space of seven years ; as is afore said. ''''■ And it was agreed to desire and nominate Mr. Al- i. " dersey to be Treasurer for the said Company ; and that all moneys which shall come in to the joint stock, or that shall be given to the common stock, shall be paid unto him, and to be issued out upon warrant under the hands of the said undertakers, or any three of them, as occasion shall require. It was also ordered by the Court, that the under- takers should provide a sufficient number of ships, of good force, for transporting of passengers, at the rate of jG5 a person, and £4 a ton for goods; which shall be ready to set sail from London by the first day of March ; and that if any passengers be to take ship at the Isle of Wight, the ships shall stop there twen- ty-four hours ; and that all such as intend to pass over shall give in their names, with 40^. towards their freight, to one of the said undertakers abiding in London, in the Michaelmas term before, and shall deliver their goods on shipboard before the 20th of February following ; and shall give security for the rest of their freight, as they can agree with the said undertakers, either for money to be paid here, or for commodity to be delivered in the Plantation. Further it was agreed, that for the transportation of children, this rate shall be kept, viz. sucking child- ren not to be reckoned ; such as under four years of age, three for one ; under eight, two for one ; under twelve, three for two. And that a ship of 200 tons shall not carry above 120 passengers com- plete ; and so of other ships, after the same propor- 1629. Dec. 118 THE TRADE OF THE PLANTATION. CHAP. tion. And for sroocls homewards, the frei2:ht shall HI. ^ . > — — be, for beavers £3 per ton, and for other commodi- ties 405. per ton ; and such as will have their goods assured, shall pay £5 per c. Concerning the magazine, it is likewise agreed, that the undertakers should furnish the Plantation with all such commodities as they shall send for ; and the planters to take them off and retail them at their pleasure, allowing the undertakers .£25 in the hundred above all charges, and the planters to have liberty to dispose of their part of the beavers at their own will ; and every man may fetch or send for any commodity for his own use, where or how he please, so as he trade not w^ith interlopers, so long as he may be furnished sufficiently by the adventurers at the rates aforesaid. Lastly, it is ordered, that in regard this Court could not set down particular direction for every- thing which may be fit to be considered and provid- ed for in all or any of the matters aforesaid, therefore the said undertakers should have power to meet and consult about the premises ; and what orders and directions they, or the greater number of them, shall set down, shall be accounted legal, and to be duly observed, until it shall be thought fit by this Court to alter or determine the same. Provided always, that if those that intend to in- habit upon the Plantation shall, before the first of January next, take upon them all the said engage- ments and other charges of the joint stock, then the power and privileges of the undertakers to deter- mine, and all the trade, &c. to be free. DEBATE ABOUT THE JOINT STOCK. 119 A General Court, holden at Mr. Goff's house, on the ^hjp- loth of December, 1629. Present, 1629. Mr. John Hctmfry, Deputy, -p. Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. William Pinchion, 15. Mr. Matthew Cradock, Mr. Increase Noell, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Capt. Venn, Mr. John Revell, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. George Harwood, Assistants. With divers of the Generality. Mr. Deputy caused to be read the Acts and Or- ders made at the last General Court of the 30th of November ; which being of great consequence, as namely for settling the joint stock, and managing of the whole business, it was desired the same should receive confirmation by this Court. Upon debate . whereof, some exceptions were taken by those who had doubled their adventures, conceiving themselves to be wronged in having both their sums drawn down to so low a rate as one third part ; alleging that the second sum was paid in upon a proposition of trade, which W'Cnt not forward, and not as unto the joint stock for the Plantation. This business received a large discussion, and Capt. Waller and Mr. Vassall were content to give the first <£50 to the Plantation, so as their other £bO might go on wholly in this new stock. But foras- much as this concerned divers others w^ho were in the same case, and that it could not be done without alteration of the Act made the 30th of November, which was done by a General Court, upon mature and deliberate consideration, and that the undertak- ers w^ould not continue their said undertaking but 120 THE MINISTERS APPOINTED REFEREES. CHAP, upon the same conditions, which were then pro- pounded and concluded on. This Court, in conclusion, put it to the question, and by erection of hands every particular of the former Court was ratified and confirmed. And the matter in difference with them who had doubled their adventures being no more to each of them than between £50 and £33 6s. 8d., was by mutual consent referred to the three ministers here present, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Nye, and Mr. Archer, who are to reconcile the same between the new undertakers and them. 1630. A General Court, holden at Mr. Goff's house, on Wed- Feh. nesday, the 10th of February, 1629. Present, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor, Mr. John IIumfry, Dejnity, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Increase Noell, Mr. Matthew Ckadock, Mr. Nathaniel Wright, Mr. Tiieophilus Eaton, Mr. John Revell, Mr. Thomas Adams, Mr. William Pinchon, Mr. George Harwood, With many others of the GencraUly. Forasmuch as the furtherance of the Plantation will necessarily require a great and continual charge, which cannot with convenience be defrayed out of the joint stock of the Company, which is ordained for the maintenance of the trade, without endanger- ing the same to be wasted and exhausted, it was therefore propounded that a common stock should be raised from such as bear good affection to the Planta- tion and the propagation thereof, and the same to be employed only in defrayment of public charges, as A COMMON STOCK TO BE RAISED. 121 maintenance of ministers, transportation of poor fam- chap. ilies, building of churches^ and fortifications, and all — - other public and necessary occasions of the Planta- i^^^- - . Feb. tion. And the Com*t do think fit and order that two lo. hundred acres of land shall be allotted for every <£50, and so proportionably for what sums shall be brought in by any to this purpose. And Mr. George Har- wood is chosen Treasurer for this account of the common stock, which he accepted of; who is to re- ceive all such money as shall be by any sent in, and to issue out the same upon warrant under the hands of any tv/o or more of the undertakers. And it is further agreed on and ordered, that an Order be drawn up and published under the seal of the Com- pany, to signify and declare to what uses all such moneys as are given to the common stock shall be employed, and what land shall be allotted to each man that gives thereunto, as w^ell for their satisfac- tion as the encouragement of others to so laudable and charitable a work ; and it was further taken into consideration, and ordered, that this allotment or division of land shall not prejudice the right of any the adventurers who are to have land, and have not yet the same allotted out unto them, nor unto those whose land is already set out according to the former order and direction of this Court. Yet, nevertheless, it is further agreed, that if for good and weighty reasons, and for the benefit of the Plant- ation in general, there shall be occasion to alter any ' Thus houses of public worship house was a later iunovation, which are also called churches, at the Court sprang up in this country, and held Oct. 15th of the preceding year- ought to have been long ago sup- See page 96. The word meeting- pressed. 122 SIR WILLIAM BRERETON's APPLICATION. CHAP, particular man's allotment, the said party is to have such due recompense for the same as, in the wisdom 1630. of the Governor and Company, there resident, shall ^Q^- be thought reasonable and expedient. Motion was made on the behalf of Sir William Brewerton,^ who, by virtue of a late patent pretends right and title to some part of the land within the Company's privileges and Plantation, in New-Eng- land ; yet nevertheless he is content (intends)^ not to contest wdth the Company, but desires that a pro- portionable quantity of land might be allotted unto him for the accommodation of his people and ser- vants now to be sent over. Which request the Court taking into due consideration, do not think fit to enter into any particular capitulation with him therein, nor to set out any allotment of land for him more than the six hundred acres he is to have by virtue of his adventure in the joint stock, nor to ac- knowledge anything due unto him as of right, by virtue of his said patent, nor to give any considera- tion in case he should relinquish his pretended right; but they are well content he should join with them in the prosecution of this business, according to their Charter, and do promise in the mean time, that such servants as he shall send over to inhabit upon the Plantation, shall receive all courteous respect, and be accommodated with land, and what else shall be necessary, as other the servants of the Company. Which answer was delivered unto those that were sent from him ; and the Court desired also that Capt. ' See note ^ on page 51. '^ In the original MS. thus— • ' ^ ° IS content. GRIEVANCES OF THE BROWXES. 123 Waller and Mr. Eaton ^ would signify the Company's affection and due respect unto him, he having written to them about this business. A writing of grievances of Mr. Samuel and John Browne was presented to this Court, wherein they desire recompense for loss and damage sustained by them in New-England ; which this assembly taking into consideration, do think fit that upon their sub- mitting to stand to the Company's final order for ending of all differences between them, (which they are to signify under their hands,) Mr. Wright and Mr. Eaton are to hear their complaint, and to set down what they in their judgments shall think requi- site to be allow^ed them for their pretended damage sustained, and so to make a final end with them ac- cordingly. Mr. Roger Ludlowe^ was now^ chosen and sworn ' Theophilus Eaton, the father of the Colony of New-Haven, was horn about tl'.e year 1590, at Stony Stratford, in Oxfordshire, of which place his father was the minister. He was educated at Coventry', whither his father had removed, and at school formed an intimate acquaintance and friendship with John Davenport, son of the mayor of the city, whose parishioner he afterwards became in London, and at whose instigation he came to New- England. Eaton was a wealthy London merchant, largely engaged in business, and deputy-governor of the company of merchant adventur- ers that carried on the Baltic trade. So great was his judgment and ex- perience, gained by travel and prac- tice in affairs, that he was sent by Charles L as his agent to the court of Denmark. In company whh Da- venport he arrived at Boston, June 26, 1637, and on the 30th of INIarch, 1638, they sailed with their associ- ates for the place which they after- wards called New-Haven. On the 25th of October, 1639, he was cho- sen governor of the infant Colony, to which office he was annually re- elected till his death, Jan. 7, 1658, a period of more than eighteen years. See Hubbard's Hist. N. E. 317, 329 ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 136 ; Win- throp's Hist. i. 228, 237, 259, 405 ; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 95-100, 231 ; Kingsley's Cent. Discourse at New -Haven, pp. 11,75; and Ba- con's Hist, Discourses, pp. 109, 354. ^ Roger Ludlow was the brother- in-law of Endicott, and came over with the west-country people, Ros- siter, Warham, Maverick, Roger Clap, &c., in the Mary & John, which sailed from Plymouth March 20, and arrived at Nantasket May 30, thirteen days before Winthrop's ar- rival at Salem. He was one of the first settlers of Dorchester, and was re-elected Assistant until 1634, when he was chosen Deputy Governor. 124 THE LAST COURT IN LONDON. CHAP, an Assistant in the room of Mr. Samuel Sharpe, who by reason of his absence had not taken the oath. And histly, upon the petition of Humphry Scale, the beadle of this Company, the Court were content and agreed to give him twenty nobles for his year's salary ending at Christmas last ; which is to be paid by Mr. Aldersey, the Treasurer, out of the joint stock. ^ In the Colony Records, under date Nov. 7, 1032, it is stated, "There is one hundred acres of land granted to Mr. Rojjer Ludlowe, to enjoy to him and his heirs forever, lying he- tvi^ixt Musqnantum Chapel and tlie mouth of Na})onsett." lie removed with the first emigrants to Windsor, in Connecticnt, of which town he may be considered the founder ; in 1G36 was chosen an Assistant of that Colony, and in 1039 Deputy Governor, to whicli office he was several times re-elected. In 1037 he was out in the Pequot war, with Stoughton and Mason, in pursuit of Sassacus. In 1039 he removed to Fairfield, and in 1054 went to A^ir- ginia, where it is supposed he died. Trumbull says, " He appears to have been distinguished for his abil- ities, especially his knowledge of the law, and the rights of mankind. He rendered most essential services to this Commonwealth ; was a princi- pal in forming its original civil con- stitution, and the compiler of the first Connecticut Code, adopted in 1049, and printed at Cambridge in 1072. For jurisprudence, he ap- pears to have been second to none who came into New-England at that time. Had he possessed a happier temper, he would probably have been the idol of the people, and shared in all the honors which they could have given him." See Mass. Col. Rec. 1^ 95, MS. ; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 04, 103, 109, 177 218 ; Hubbard's N. E., p. 105 Hutchinson's Mass. i. 35, 43, 98 Winthrop's N. E., i. 28, 132, 233, 235. ' Here Secretary Burgess's re- cord ends. He stayed behind, and never came over. The remainder of the Records is in the handwriting of Simon Bradstreet, who was the first Secretary after their arrival in New-England. See Ed. Johnson, in Mass. Hist. Coll. ii. 87, and Col. Rec. MS. i. 55. WINTHROP'S COMPANY AT SOUTHAMPTON. 125 At a Meeting of Assistants at Southampton,^ March ^^jj^- 18/A, 1629. Present, ™ 1630, Mr. Governor, Mr. Humfrev, March Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Novvell, 18. Mr. Johnson, Mr. Pinchion, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Goffe. It was ordered, and concluded, by erection of hands, that Sir Brian Janson, Kt.,^ Mr. William Coddington, and Mr. Simon Bradstreet,^ gentlemen, ^ Southampton is situated at the head of an estuary runnintj up from the Isle of Wight, called the South- ampton Water. It was from this same port that the Pilgrims sailed in the Mayflower and Speedwell, in July, 1620. See Chronicles of the Pilgrims, p. 89. * Governor W^inthrop, writing to his son John ' ' from aboard the Ar- bella, riding at the Cowes, March 22, 1630," says, " There is newly come into our Company, and sworn an Assistant, one Sir Brian Janson, of London, a man of good estate, and so affected with our society, as he hath given £"50 to our common stock, and £50 to the joint stock." W^inthrop's Hist. N. E., i. 367. ^ Simon Bradstreet was the young- est of the Assistants who came over with Winthrop, being at this time only 27 years of age. He was born in jilarch, 1003, at Hor])ling, in Lin- colnshire, of which town his father was a Nonconformist minister, and was educated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, of which his father had been one of the first fellows, and there took the degree of A. B. in 1620 and of A. M. in 1624. He was for some time steward of the Earl of Lincoln, and afterwards served the Countess of Warwick in the same capacity. Before leaving England, he married Ann, daughter of Thomas Dudley, another of the Assistants, she being at this time only 16 years of age, and after her death he married the sister of Sir George Dow'ning. He served the Colony as Assistant, Secretary, Agent in England in 1662, Commis- sioner for the United Colonies, and Governor, in 1679, when in his 76th year. After the deposition of An- dres, in 1G89, he was chosen Presi- dent of the Council of Safety, when in his 87th year, and then again Go- vernor, which otiice he held till the arrival of Sir W'illiam Phips with the new charter in 1692. He lived to be the Nestor of New-England, having been born at the beginning of the century in 1603, and wanting but three years of completing it. He died March 27, 1697, at Salem. The Latin inscription on his monu- ment is printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. vi. 288. " Oct. 3, 1032, there is sixty acres of meadow ground granted to Simon Bradstreet in the marsh ground against the Oyster Bank;" and May 14, 1634, five hundred acres more are granted to him. See Col. Rec. i. 93, 118, MS. ; Matlier's Magnalia, i. 126 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 18, 219, 323, 382, ii. 13, 105 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247, 249. 126 WINTimOP S FLEET AT COWES. shall be chosen in the rooms and places of Assistants of Mr. Nathaniel Wright, merchant, Mr. Theophilus Eaton, and Mr. Thomas Goffe, of London, merchants. Sir Brian Janson was sworn an Assistant before the Governor and Mr. Dudley the same day.* 23. March 23d, 1629. Mr. William Coddington, Mr. Simon Bradstreet, and Mr. Thomas Sharpe, being formerly chosen As- sistants, did now take the oath of Assistants before the Governor, Mr. Dudley, and other Assistants. ' Joslma Scottow, in his " Nar- rative of the Planting of the Massa- chusetts Colony, anno 1028," printed at Boston in 1691, says, page 13, " Some of their choice friends, as the Reverend Mr. Cotton and otiiers, went along with tiiem from Boston, in Lincolnshire, to Southampton, where they parted, and he preached his farewell sermon." This infor- mation he may have received from the venerable Simon Bradstreet, to whom he dedicates his book, and who was then living at the advanced age of 91. We know that Cotton did deliver a sermon, entitled " God's Promise to his Plantations," in 1630, and that it was printed the same year ; but whether it was preached at Boston to his parishion- ers who were then coming over, (among whom were Dudley and Coddington,) or at Southampton, may be a question. That it was at the latter place, as stated by Scot- tow, is rendered probable by a state- ment of Dr. Samuel Fuller, the physician of New-Plymouth, who, writing to Governor Bradford from Charlestown, June 28, 1630, soon after the arrival of Winthrop's fleet, says, " Here is a gentleman, one Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, who tuld me that Mr. Cotton's charge at Hampton was, that they should take advice of them at Plymouth, and should do nothing to offand thein." See pp. 16 and 48, and Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 75. Hubbard states, p. 125, we know not on what authority, that " Mr. John Winthrop, the Governor of the Company, at a solemn feast amongst many friends a little before their last farewell, finding his bowels yearn within him, instead of drinking to them, l)y breaking into a flood of tears himself, set them all a weeping, with Paul's friends, while they thought of see- ing the faces of each other no more in the land of the living." Mather, in the Magnalia, i. 69, mentions the same circumstance, deriving it, doubt- less, from Hubbard's MS. See also Ed. Johnson's Hist. N. E., ch. 12. " Here is a fleet of fourteen sail, furnished with men, women, child- ren, all necessaries, men of handi- crafts, ai;d others of good condition, wealth and quality, to make a firm Plantation in New-England, between 42 and 48, north latitude ; but stay at Southampton and thereabouts till May, to take 260 kine, with other live cattle, &c." Howes, Continu- ation of Stow's Annals, quoted in Prince, p. 270. THOMAS DUDLEY CHOSEN DEPUTY. 127 At a Court of Assistants aboard the Arbella,^ March chap. "^ ni. 23, 1629. Present, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Isaac Johnson, Mr. Thomas Dudley, Mr. William Coddington, Mr. Thomas Sharpe, Mr. William Vassall, Mr. Simon Bradstreet. Mr. John Humfrey, (in regard he was to stay behind in England,) was discharged of his Deputy- ship, and Mr. Thomas Dudley chosen Deputy in his place." ' The Arbella, formerly the Ea- gle, a ship of 350 or 400 tons, man- ned with 52 seamen and 28 pieces of cannon, was at this time liding at Cowes, a well-known anchoring- ground near the Isle of Wight, and in the vicinity of Portsmouth. Here she remained till Monday, the 29th, when she proceeded to Yarmouth. See note ' on page 93, and Win- throp's Hist. i. 1, 367. * This is the last record of the INIassachusetts Company in England. Winthrop, with a fleet of four ships, the Arbella, the Talbot, the Am- brose, and the Jewel, sailed from Cowcs, March 29, and from Yar- mouth, in the Isle of Wight, April 8. Passing through the Needles, on the 9tli they were otf Poiiland, and on the 10th over against Plymouth, and in sight of the Lizard. On the 11th they passed Scilly, and took their departure. They made land on the American coast June 6, were within sight of Cape Ann on the 1 1th, cast anchor inside of Baker's island on the 12th, where they remained over Sunday, and on the 14th warped ship into the inner harbour of Salem. Winthrop kept a minute journal of the voyage, wiiich is printed at the beginning of his History. The fleet tliat brought over Winthrop's com- pany consisted of fifteen ships, and the number of persons was not far from 1500. " What must we think," says Hutchinson, i. 19, "of persons of rank and good circumstances in life bidding a final adieu to all the conveniences and delights of Eng- land, their native country, and ex- posing themselves, their wives and children, to inevitable hardships and sufferings, in a long voyage across the Atlantic, to land upon a most inhospitable shore, destitute of any kind of building to secure them from the inclemency of the weather, and of most sorts of food to which they had been always used at their former home ! The sickness and mortality which prevailed the first winter, they did not foresee." A nobler body of men never left their native soil to colonize a new land. What does Bancroft mean (Hist. U. S. ii. 455,) by " the Puritan felons that freight- ed the fleet of Winthrop ' ' ? Let him who would understand the char- acter of these men, read the admi- rable Address delivered by Gov. Everett at Charlestown in 1830, on the Second Centennial Anniversary of the arrival of Gov. Winthrop. — It was in reference to the persecu- tion and exile of such men, that Milton, writing in 1641, said, " What numbers of futhful and freeborn Englishmen, and good Christians, have been constrained to forsake their dearest home, their friends and kindred, whom nothing but the wide ocean, and tlie savage 128 THE COMPANY S RECORDS. deserts of America, could hide and shelter from tiie fury of the bishojjs. if we could but see the shape of 1G30 °^^ dear mother England, as poets are wont to give a personal form to what they please, how would she appear, think ye, but in a mourning weed, with aslies upon her head, and tears abundantly flowing from her eyes, to behold so many of her children exposed at once, and thrust from things of dearest necessity, because their conscience could not assent to things which the bishops thought indifferent 1 Let the astrolo- ger be dismayed at the portentous blaze of comets and impressions in the air, as foretelling troubles and changes to States ; I shall believe there cannot be a more ill-boding sign to a nation, (God turn the omen from us!) than when the inhabitants, to avoid insufferable grievances at home, are enforced by heaps to for- sake their native country." Prose Works, i. 37, (Symmons's ed.) These Rfxords of the Governor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England, before the bringing over of the Charter by Gov. Winthrop, now for the first time printed from the original manuscript in the archives of the Common- wealth, are for the most part, in good order and preservation. This is especially true of by much the larger and more important portion of them, kept after the organization of the Government and the choice of Officers, May 13, 1629, when Wil- liam Burgess was chosen Secretary, whose handwriting is very distinct and legible. The preceding por- tion, kept by the first Secretary, John Washburn, who wrote an exe- crable hand, is considerably mutila- ted on the edges, particularly the lower edge, by the constant wear and tear of two hundred years and more. One leaf, too, at least, if not more, is missing, as stated on page 66. Still, torn and tattered though it be, it is a most interesting and invaluable relic ; and the Record, taken as a whole, constitutes an authentic history, such as no other Colony, ancient or modern, pos- sesses, of its origin and foundation. The copy of this Record in the Land Office is inaccurate and worthless. Great pains have been taken to se- cure entire correctness in the copy from which this is printed, by a mi- nute and patient collation of it with the original manuscript, at long in- tervals of time, and by different eyes and hands. GOV. CRADOCK'S LETTER TO CAPTAIN ENDICOTT. CHAPTER IV. CUADOCK S LETTER, TO ENDICOTT. Worthy Sir and my loving Friend, All due commendations premised to yourself ^^^^• and second self, with hearty well-wishes from myself ^q^ and many others, well-willers and adventurers in Feb. this our Plantation, to yourself and the rest of your ^^* good company, of whose safe arrival being now thoroughly informed by your letters, bearing date the 13th September last, which came to my hands the 13th this instant February, we do not a little rejoice ; and to hear that my good cousin, your wife, were perfectly recovered of her health, would be ac- ceptable news to us all ; which God grant, in his good time, that we may.^ Meanwhile I am, in the behalf of our whole Com- pany, (which are much enlarged since your depart- * She did not live long ; for we the physician of New Plymouth, find by C4ov. Winthrop's Journal, who we know \isited Salem on pro- that Endicott was man-led again, fessional duty in the time of prevail- August 18, 1630, to Elizabeth Gib- mg sickness there. "Dr. Noddy did son. The unscrupulous Morton, in a great cure for Capt. Littleworth. his New English Canaan, chap. 18, He cured him of a disease called a intimates that the first wife was kill- wife." See note on page 32, and ed by the quackery of Dr. Fuller, Wintlirop's N. E., i. 30. 132 MORE COLONISTS COMING OVER. cpiAP. lire out of England,)^ to giA^e you hearty thanks for your large advice contained in this your letter, which I have fully imparted unto them, and farther to cer- tify you that they intend not to be wanting by all good means to further the Plantation. To which purpose, (God willing,) you shall hear more at [large from] them, and that speedily ; there being one ship bought for the Company, ~ of 100^ tons, and two others hired, of about 200 tons each of them, one of 19, the other of 20'' pieces of ordnance ; besides, not unlike but one other vessel shall come in company with these ; in all which ships, for the general stock and for particular adventures, there is likely to be sent thither 'twixt 2 and 300 persons, (we hope to reside there,) and about 100 head of cattle. Wherefore, as I wrote you in a letter^ sent by Mr. Allerton,^ of New-Plymouth, in November last, so the desire of the [Company] is, that you would en- deavour to get convenient housing fit to lodge as many as you can against they do come ; and withal what beaver, or other commodities, or fish, (if you have the means to preserve it,) can be gotten ready to return in the foresaid ships ; likewise wood, if no better lading be to be had ; that you would endeav- our to get in readiness what you can, whereby our ships, whereof two are to return back directly hither, * Endicott left Enijland about June before it was mutilated. Felt, Annals 20, 1628. His instructions were of Salem, i. 47, errs in saying 200. dated London, May 30. See pp. 13, * Erased in the MS., but restored 30, 43 ; Prince's Annals, p. 249 ; from Prince. Felt, ibid, errs in Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9. callinn- it 10. ^ This was the Lion's Whelp, a * Tliis letter has not been pre- vessel of 120 tons. served. ^ This is obliterated in the MS. ^ Sec an account of Isaac Aller- I have restored it from Prince, An- ton in the Chronicles of Plymouth, iials, p. 253, who quoted the letter p. 195. COMMODITIES TO BE SENT HOME. 133 may not come wholly empty. There hath not been chap. a better time for the sale of timber these two seven years than at present, and therefore pity it is these i^^o. ships should come back empty, if it might be made is.' ready that they need not stay for it ; otherwise, men's wages and victuals, together with the ships', will quickly rise too high, if to be reladen with wood, and that the same be not ready to put aboard as soon as the ships are discharged of their outward lading. I wish also that there be some sassafras^ and sarsa- parilla sent us, as also good store of sumach, if there to be had, as we are informed there is. The like do I wish for a ton weight at least of silk grass, and of aught else that may be useful for dying, or in physic ; to have some of each sent, and advice given withal what store of each to be had there, ^f vent may be found here for it. Also I hope you will have some good sturgeon in a readiness to send us, and if it be well cured, 2 or 300 firkins thereof would help well towards our charge. We are very confident of your best endeavours for the general good, and we doubt not but God will in mercy give a blessing upon our labors ; and we trust you will not be unmindful of the main end of our Plantation, by endeavouring to bring the Indians to the knowledge of the Gospel ; which that it may be the speedier and better effected, the earnest desire of our whole Company is, that you have a diligent and watchful eye over our own people, that they live unblamable and without reproof, and demean them- selves justly and courteous towards the Indians, thereby to draw them to affect our persons, and con- ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 130, note '. 134 THE CONVERSION OF THE NATIVES. CHAP, sequently our religion ; as also to endeavour to get some of their children to train up to reading and con- sequently to religion, whilst they are young ; herein to young or old to omit no good opportunity that may tend to bring them out of that woful state and condition they now are in ; in which case our prede- cessors in this our land sometimes w^ere, and, but'for the mercy and goodness of our good God, might have continued to this day. But God, who out of the boundless ocean of his mercy hath showed pity and compassion to our land, he is all-sufficient, and can bring this to pass which we now desire, in that coun- try likewise. Only let us not be wanting on our parts, now we are called to this work of the Lord's ; neither, having put our hands to the plough, let us look back, but go on cheerfully, and depend upon God for a blessing upon our labors ; who by weak instruments is able, (if he see it good,) to bring glo- rious things to pass. Be of good courage, go on, and do worthily, and the Lord prosper your en- deavour. It is fully resolved, by God's assistance, to send over two ministers, at the least, with the^ ships now intended to be sent thither. But for Mr. Peters,- • " At the least, with the " is re- of the Puritans, he v^ent to Holland, stored from Prince. and hconme pnslor of an Indcpend- ^ Hugh Peters, (or Peter, as he cnt Church at Potterdam, having himself uniformly spelt his name,) for a colleague the celebrated Dr. was born at Fowey, in Cornwall, in William Ames, whose wife and 1599, and was educated at Trinity cliildren, after his death in 1G33, College, Cambridge, where he took came to New-England, bringing the degree of A. M. in 1022. V\m\ with them his valuable lil)rary. ''Pe''- Icaving the University he came to ters was one of the earliest members London, and was appointed lecturer of the Massachusetts Company. In at St. Sepulclire's. Towards the May, 1028, he subscribed i."50 to close of 1()29, when Laud, (" our the joint stock of the Plantation, and great enemy," as Winthrop calls he was one of the fourteen who lam, ii. 31,) began his persecution signed the first instructions to Endi- HUGH PETERS. 135 he is now in Holland, from whence his return hither chap. IV. I hold to be uncertain. Those we send you, shall — ^^-^ be by the^ approbation of Mr. White, of Dorchester, 1629. and Mr. Davenport. For whatsoever else you have ^f' given advice, care shall be taken, (God willing,) to cott, Sept. 13, 1628. It appears from pages 69 and 70, that he at- tended the courts of the Company held on the Uth and 13th of May, 1629, three months after the date of this letter. Of course he must have come over, for a season, from Hol- land. After remaining six years in that country he came to New- England Oct. 6, 1635. Gov. Win- throp, speaking of his arrival, says, " amongst others came Mr. Peter, pastor of the English church in Rot- terdam, who, being persecuted by the English ambassador — who would have brought his and other churches to the English discipline — and not having had his health these many years, intended to advise with the ministers here about his removal." Dec. 21, 1636, he took charge of the Church in Salem, being the fourth minister, Higginson and Skel- ton having died, and Roger Wil- liams having left in Nov. 1635. Winthrop calls him ' ' a man of a very public spirit and singular activ- ity for all occasions," and says that " he went from place to place labor- ing, both publicly and privately, to raise up men to a public frame of spirit." In 1641, Aug. 3, he was sent with Thomas Weld, the ininister of Roxbury, as agent of the Colony to attend to its interests in the mo- ther country, and " to congratulate the happy success there." Neither of them returned. During the civil wars Peters made himself active and conspicuous. In 1641 he was "chap- lain to the train," and secretary to Cromwell. In 1649 he was chap- lain to the Parliamentary forces sent against the rebels in Ireland, and one of the Triers of preachers, and in 1651 was one of the commissioners for amending the laws. At the Re- storation he was apprehended as a regicide, although he had not been one of the King's judges, was tried, condemned, and executed Oct. 16, 1660. After his death, his wife, whom he had married in New-Eng- land, and who had been insane, re- turned to this Colony, and was sup- ported by a collection of jC30 a year until 1071. Gov. John Winthrop, of Connecticut, married a daughter of Hugh Peters. — The common ac- counts we have of Peters, Vane, Cromwell, and their associates, are from the pens of bigoted royalists and churchmen, like Clarendon. A new and more favorable view of Cromwell has recently been given to the world by the ingenious editor of his Letters and Speeches. I have been favored with the perusal, in manuscript, of a very able vindica- tion of the character of Hugh Peters, from the pen of a recent successor of his in the First Church in Salem, the Rev. Charles W. Upham, of whose Life of Sir Henry Vane, in the fourth volume of Sparks's Amer- ican Biography, Mr. Grahame, the historian of the United States, re- marks, " New-England has now re- paid Vane's noble devotion by the best memoir of that great man, that has ever been given to the world." It is hoped that Mr. Upham's Life of Hugh Peters may soon be pub- lished. See Winthrop's Hist. i. 65, 169, 173, 176, ii. 24, 25, 31 ; Hutch- inson's Mass., i. 9, 98; Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 164, 186, 370 ; Mass. Hist. Coll., vi. 250-254, 285, xxviii. 248 ; Monthly Repository, (London,) xiv. 525-532, 602-607 ; Peters 's Last Legacy to his Daugh- ter, (1661,) p. 99. ^ " Shall be by the" also restor- ed from Prince. 136 THE PLANTING OF TOBACCO. CHAF. perform the needful, as near as we can, and the times IV. will permit ; whereof also you may expect more IG29. ample advertisement in their General Letter,^ when •^g'" God shall send our ships thither. The course you have taken in giving our country- men their content in the point of planting tobacco there for the present, (their necessity considered,) is not disallowed ; but we trust in God, other means will be found to employ their time more comfortable and profitable also in the end ; and we cannot but generally approve and commend their good resolu- tion to desist from the planting thereof, whenas they shall discern how to employ their labors otherwise ; which we hope they will be speedily induced unto, by such precepts and examples as we shall give them. And now minding to conclude this, I may not omit to put you in mind, however you seem to fear no enemies there, yet that you have a watchful eye for your own safety, and the safety of all those of our nation with you, and not to be too confident of the fidelity of the salvages. It is [a proverb trite] as true, " the burnt child dreads the fire." Our coun- trymen have suffered by their too much confidence in Virginia.^ Let us by their harms learn to beware ; and as we are commanded to be innocent as doves, so withal we are enjoined to be wise as serpents. The God of heaven and earth preserve and keep you * The General Letter from the Go- Indians, hy a preconcerted signal, vernor and Company to Endicott is fell upon tlio English settlements printed immediately after this letter there, and killed 347 persons. See ofCradock's. Smith's Virginia, ii. (54-79, (Rich- * He probably alludes to the mas- niond ed.) ; Stith's Virginia, pages sacre in Virginia, on the 22d of 208-213; and Grahame's Hist. U. S, March, 1022, when, at mid-day, the i. 74-7'J, (2d ed.) MATTHEW CRADOCK, OF LONDON. 137 from all forei«;n and inland enemies, and bless and chap. . . . IV. prosper this Plantation, to the enlarging of the king dom of Jesus Christ ; to whose merciful protection I 1629. . • Feb. recommend 3'ou and all your associates there, known ig.* or unknown ; and so till my next, w^hich shall be, (God willing,) by our ships, who I make account will be ready to set sail from here about the 20th of this next month of March, ^ I end ; and rest. Your assured loving friend and cousin, Matthew Cradock.^ From my house in Swithen''s Lane^ near London Stone., this \Qth Februari/, 1628, stilo AngliccA ' The ships did not actually sail till the middle of April. * Matthew Cradock, the first Governor of the Massachusetts Com- pany, was a wealthy London mer- chant, and, it will be recollected, was usually the highest in all sub- scriptions for the good of the Colo- ny. He owned the Ambrose and the Jewel, two of the ships in Win- throp's fleet, and went to the Isle of Wight to take leave of the emi- grants. On his leaving the xlrbella on the 29th of March, " the captain gave him a farewell with four or five shot." He came al)oard the same vessel again at Yarmouth, April 6, and on hi? taking leave, " the cap- tain gave him three shot out of the steerage for a farewell." He never came over to New-England ; but he continued to take an interest in the Colony, and befriended it essentially at home. He had an agent and ser- vants here, and capital engaged in fishing and trading. He had a house at Marblehead and another at Ips- wich, and employed fishermen at both places. His name frequently occurs in the Records of the Colony. At a Court held at Water town, March 8, 1C31, " it was ordered that Thomas Fox, servant to Mr. Crad- ock, shall be whipped." Nov. 7, 1632, "Mr. Matthew Cradock is fined £\ for his men being absent from training divers times." At a Court held March 4, 1634, "the wear at Mistick is granted to John ^Vinthrop, Esq., present Govcrnin-, and to Mr. INIatthew Cradock, of London." March 4, 1635, "All the ground, as well upland as mea- dow, lying and being betwixt the lands of ]\Ir. Nowell and Mr. Wil- son on the east, and the partition betwixt Mistick bounds on the west, bounded with Mistick river on the south and the rocks on the north, is granted to Mr. Matthew Cradock, merchant, to enjoy to him and his heirs forever." This farm was within the present town of Maiden, opposite W'inthrop's farm at Ten- hills. William Wood, who was here in 1633, says in his New-Eng- land's Prospect, chap, x., " On the east side (of Mistick river) is Mr. Cradock's plantation, where he hath impaled a park, where he keeps his cattle till he can store it with deer. Here likewise he is at charges of building ships. The last year one was upon the stocks of 100 tons. That being finished, they are to build one twice her burden." He was a member of Parliament from the city of London in 1640. He left a claim upon the Colony, which in 1648 amounted to £679 65. 4 In Gravesend, the 11th of April, 1629. Loving Friends, We heartily salute you. We have received your chap. letter^ of the 13th of September, by which we take ^^ — — notice of your safe arrival, blessina; God for it. We 1629. •^ ^ April have formerly requested Mr. Cradock, our Governor, i7. to write you of the receipt thereof, and give advice how we purposed to proceed in setting forward our Plantation ; whose letters, if they be come to your hands, (as we hope they are,) will put life into your affairs, and encourage you to provide for the enter- tainment of such as are now coming. Since your departure we have, for the further strengthening of our grant from the Council at Ply- mouth, obtained a confirmation of it from his Majesty * A not unusual mode of com- ^ This letter has not been pie- mencing a letter at the time this served, was written. See Carlyle's Crom- well, i. 132. 142 THE COLONY CHARTER. CHAP, by his letters patents under the broad seal of Eng- -~ land ;' by which said letters patents we are incorpo- 1629. rated into a body politic, with ample power to govern "^7"^ and rule all his Majesty's subjects that reside within the limits of our Plantation, as by the duplicate^ thereof, under the broad seal, which we have deliv- ered to Mr. Sharpe to be delivered to you, doth fully appear. And for that the propagating of the Gospel is the thing we do profess above all to be our aim in set- • tling this Plantation, we have been careful to make plentiful provision of godly ministers; by whose faith- ful preaching, godly conversation, and exemplary life, we trust not only those of our own nation will be built up in the knowledge of God, but also the Indians may, in God's appointed time, be reduced to the obedience of the Gospel of Christ.^ One of them is well known to yourself, viz. Mr. Skelton,'' whom we * The original Charter, with the '^ This duplicate of the Charter is broad seal appendant, which was preserved in the Athensunni at Sa- broiight over by Gov. Winthrop, is lem. The party-colored string, by carefully preserved in a glass case which the royal seal was appended, in the office of the Secretary of State, remains, but the seal itself is gone, at the State House in Boston. It is ^ Cradock, in his letter to Endi- distinctly and beautifully engrossed cott, mentions this as " the main on parchment, and has on it the head end of the Plantation," and the of the sovereign by whom it was Charter also avers, that " to win and granted, Charles I. That this is the invite the natives of the country to original, and not a copy, is proved the knowledge and obedience of the by 'the fact that on it is the follow- only true God and Saviour of man- in"- certificate of Gov. Cradock hav- kind and the Christian faith, in our ing taken his oath of office before royal intention, and the adventurers' Sir Charles Caesar, Master in Clum- free profession, is the principal end eery. " Praidictus Matthanis Cra- of this Plantation." docke inratus est de fule et oljcdi- ■" Samuel Skelton was educated entia Hegi et successoribus suis, et at Clare Hall, Cambridge, where he de debita cxequutione officii Guber- took the degree of A. B. in 1011, natoris juxta lenorem pra-senlium, and of A. M. in 1615. He is said 18" Martii, 1028, coram me, Carolo by Mather to have come from Lin- Ca^sare, Milite, in Cancellaria Ma- colnshire ; but as it is here related gistro. that l<;ndicott " formerly received Char. C^sak." nmch good by his ministry," it is MINISTERS FOR, THE COLONY. 143 have the rather desired to bear a part in this work, chap. for that we are informed yourself have formerly re- • ■ ceived much good by his ministry ; he conieth in the 162 9. George Bonaventure, Master Thomas Cox. Another 17? is Mr. Higgeson/ a grave man, and of worthy com- mendations ; he Cometh in the Talbot. The third is Mr. Bright,^ some times trained up under Mr. Daven- port, who cometh in the Lion's Whelp. We pray you, accommodate them all with necessaries as well as you may, and in convenient time let there be houses built them, according to the agreement^ we . have made with them, copies whereof, as of all others we have entertained, shall be sent you by the next ships, time not permitting it now. We doubt not but these gentlelnen, your ministers, will agree lov- ingly together ;^ and for cherishing of love betwixt them, we pray you carry yourself impartially to all. more probable that he was of Dor- Salem route, about 200 acres, grant- setshire, from which county Eiidi- ed to Mr. Samuel Skelton, called by cott came. Nothing is known of his the Indians Wahquack. Also there history whilst in England. Arriv- is granted to Mr. Skelton one acre ing at Naumkeak on the 24th of of land on which his house standeth, June, he was, on the 20th of July, and ten acres more in a neck of land chosen and ordained pastor of the abutting on the south river, and church there ; and from this circum- upon Mr. Higgenson"s ground on stance it has been inferred that he the west. Likewise there is grant- was older than Higginson, who at ed to Mr. Skelton two acres more the same time was chosen and or- of ground lying in Salem, abutting dained teacher. He died at Salem on Capt. Endicott's ground on the August 2, 1634. Edward Johnson, south." See Col. Rec. i. 90, MS. ; who was one of Winthrop's compa- Winthrop, i. 137 ; Mather, i. 331 ; ny, and may have known him per- Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 67. xii. 71, sonally, describes him, in his quaint xxviii. 248. way, as "a man of a gracious ' Some account of Higginson and speech, fuU of faith, and furnished Bright will be given hereafter, under by the Lord with gifts from above the date when the former died, and to begin this great work of His, the latter returned home, that makes the whole earth to ring - This agreeinent is preserved, again at the present day." It is a and is printed in a subsequent part little remarkable that we have no of this volume, further accounts of him from the ^ Bright did not agree very well writers of that or the succeeding age. with his colleagues, and returned to "July 3, 1632, there is another neck England in little more than a year, of land, lying about three miles from 144 THE governor's council. CHAP. For the manner of the exercising their ministry, and teaching both our own people and the Indians, we 1629. leave that to themselves, hoping they will make ^ff^^ God's word the rule of their actions, and mutually agree in the discharge of their duties. And because their doctrine will hardly be well esteemed whose persons are not reverenced, we desire that 'both by your own example, and by commanding all others to do the like, our ministers may receive due honor. We have, in prosecution of that good opinion we have always had of you, confirmed you Governor of our Plantation, and joined in commission with you the three ministers, namely, Mr. Francis Higgonson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, and Mr. Francis Bright ; also Mr. John and Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr. Thomas Graves, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe ; and for that we have ordered that the body of the government there shall consist of thirteen persons, we are content the old planters ^ that are now there within our Planta- tion and limits thereof, shall choose two of the dis- creetest and judicial men from amongst themselves to be of the government, that they may see we are not wanting to give them fitting respect, in that we would have their consent, (if it may be,) in mak- ing wholesome constitutions for government : always provided, that none shall be chosen, or meddle in their choice, but such as will live amongst us and conform themselves to our government. But if they shall refuse to perform this our direction, then we * The old planters were Conant, at Cape Ann, and after^vards re- Palfrey, Woodbury, Balch, and their moved to Naumkeag. See pp. 12, associates, wlio hud been induced by 22-28. the Dorchester adventurers to settle THE OLD PLANTERS. 145 hereby authorize you and those nominated to be of chap. the Council aforesaid, to nominate and elect two such men as in your opinions you shall hold meet for 1629. that place and office ; and for the other three which ' ^j] will be wanting to make up the full number of thir- teen, (which we have styled the Council of the Mat- tachusetts Bay,) we hereby authorize [you,] with the aforenamed seven persons, to choose and nominate them out of the whole body of the Company, as well of those that are there, as of those that are to come now, not doubting but, all partiality set apart, you will make choice of such men as may be most useful and careful to advance the general good of our Plan- tation. And that it may appear, as well to all the world, as to the old planters themselves, that we seek not to make them slaves, (as it seems by your letter some of them think themselves to be become by means of our Patent,^) we are content they shall be partakers of such privileges as we, from his Majesty's especial grace, with great cost, favor of personages of note, and much labor, have obtained ; and that they shall be incorporated into this Society, and en- joy not only those lands which formerly they have manured, but such a further proportion as by the ad- vice and judgment of yourself, and the rest of the Council, shall be thought fit for them, or any of them. And besides, it is still our purpose that they should have some benefit by the common stock, as ' Conant and his associates, as government, and their httle planta- was very natural, appear to have tion absorbed by his Colony. The been jealous of the new comers v/ho Massachusetts Company seem to had arrived with Endicott, and pro- have treated the old planters with bably did not like it that their au- great consideration and kindness, thority was to be superseded by his See page 31. 10 146 THE PLANTING OF TOBACCO. CHAP, was by your first commission^ directed and appoint- ed ; with this addition, that if it be held too much to ^^^^' take thirty per cent, and the freight of the goods for 17. and in consideration of our adventure and disburse- ment of our moneys, to be paid in beaver at six shil- lings per pound, that you moderate the said rate, as you with the rest of the Council shall think to be agreeable to equity and good conscience. And our further orders is, that none be partakers of any the aforesaid privileges and profits, but such as be peace- able men, and of honest life and conversation, and desirous to live amongst us, and conform themselves to good order and government. And as touching the old planters, their earnest desire for the present to continue the planting of tobacco, (a trade by this whole Company generally disavowed, and utterly disclaimed by some of the greatest adventurers amongst us, who absolutely declared themselves unwilling to have any hand in this Plantation if we intended to cherish or permit the planting thereof, or any other kind, than for a man's private use, for mere necessity,) we are of opinion the old planters will have small encourage- ment to that employment ; for we find here, by late experience, that it doth hardly produce the freight and custom ; neither is there hope of amendment, there being such great quantities made in other places, that ere long it is like to be little worth. Nevertheless, if the old planters, (for we exclude all others,) conceive that they cannot otherwise provide for their livelihood, we leave it to the discretion of ^ Endicolt's first instructions were dated London, May 30, 1628. See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9. JOHN oldham's pretensions. 147 yourself and the Council there, to give way for the chap. present to their planting of it in such manner and — ^ with such restrictions as you and the said Council 1629. shall think fitting ; having an especial care, with as l'"^ much conveniency as may be, utterly to suppress the planting of it, except for mere necessity. But, how- ever, we absolutely forbid the sale of it, or the use of it, by any of our own or particular men's servants, unless upon urgent occasion, for the benefit of health, and taken privately. Mr. John Oldham^ came from New-En2:land not long before your arrival there, by whom we have had no small distraction in our business, having been cast behind at the least two months' time in our voyage,- through the variety^ of his vast conceits of extraor- dinary gain of three for one propounded to us, to be made and raised in three years, if he might have the managing of our stock, preferring to be contented for his own employment, so he might have the over- plus of the gains. With whom, after long time spent in sundry treaties,* finding him a man altogether unfit for us to deal with, we have at last left him to his own way ; and, as we are informed, he with some others are providing a vessel, and is minded, as soon as he can despatch, to come for New-England, pre- tending to settle himself in Mattachusetts Bay, claim- 1 Oldham left New-England in Higginson, Skelton, Samuel Sliarpe, June, 1628, and Endicott left Eng- and their company. It appears from land June 20, and arrived at Naum- page 43, that the Company were keak Sept. 6. Of course they must preparing for this voyage as early as have crossed each other on the At- Feb. 26 ^ yet the ships did not sail lantic. See pp. 20, 43, and Mass. till after the middle of April. Hist. Coll. iii. 63, and Prince's An- ^ So in the manuscript ; but no nals, p. 249. doubt an error of the Secretary, in ^ This was the voyage of the copying, for vanity. George, the Talbot, and the Lion's * See pp. 48, 51, 61, 69. Whelp, the ships that brought out 148 THE TRADE IN BEAVER. CHAP, ing a title and right by a grant from Sir Ferdinando — '"-^ Gorge's son,^ which we are well satisfied by good 1629. counsel is void in law. He will admit of no terms of ^^I^ agreement, miless we will leave him at liberty to trade for beaver with the natives ; which we deny to the best of our own planters. Neither is he satisfied to trade himself, with his own stock and means, which we conceive is so small that it would not much hinder us, but he doth interest other men, who, for aught we know, are never likely to be beneficial to the planting of the country ; their own particular profits, (though to the overthrow of the general Plan- tation,) being their chief aim and intent. Now, as we shall unwillingly do any act in debar- ring such as were inhabitants before us of that trade, as in conscience they ought to enjoy, so shall we as unwillingly permit any to appropriate that to their own private lucre which we, in our religious inten- tions, have dedicated to the common charge of build- ing houses for God's worship, and forts to defend such as shall come thither to inhabit.^ We fear that as he hath been obstinate and violent in his opinions here, so he will persist and be ready to draw a party to himself there, to the great hindrance of the com- mon quiet. We have therefore thought fit to give you notice of his disposition, to the end you may be- ware how you meddle with him ; as also that you may use the best means you can to settle an agreement with the old planters, so as they may not hearken to Mr. Oldham's dangerous though vain propositions. We find him a man so affected to his own opinion, ' Sec note * on page 51. ** Sec page 96. CAUTION ABOUT OLDHAM. 149 as not to be removed from it, neither by reason nor chap. any persuasion ; and, miless he may bear sway, and have all things carried to his good liking, we have i629. little hope of quiet or comfortable subsistence where n. he shall make his abode. And therefore, if you shall see just cause, we hereby require you and the Coun- cil there to exercise that power we have, (and our privileges will bear us out in it,^) to suppress a mis- chief before it take too great a head. Not that we would wrong him, or any man that will live peacea- bly within the limits of our Plantation ; but as the preservation of our privileges will chiefly depend, under God, upon the first foundation of our govern- ment, so if we suffer so great an affront as we find is intended towards us, by the proceedings of Mr. Old- ham and his adherents, in our first beginnings, we may be sure they will take heart and be emboldened to do us a far greater injury hereafter. And there- fore we pray you and the Council there to advise seriously together for the maintenance of our privi- leges and peaceable government ; which if it may be done by a temperate course, we much desire it, though with some inconvenience, so as our govern- ment and privileges be not brought in contempt, wishing rather there might be such a union as might draw the heathen by our good example to the em- bracing of Christ and his Gospel, than that offence should be given to the heathen, and a scandal to our ' By the Charter it was provided, within the precincts and parts of that " all officers employed by the New-England aforesaid, according Company in the government of the to the orders and instructions of the Plantation, shall have full and abso- Company, not being repugnant to lute power and authority to correct, the laws and statutes of the realm of punish, govern and rule all persons England." See the Charter in Haz- a8 shall at any time hereafter inhabit ard, i. 239 ; Hutchinson's Coll. p. 1. 150 MASSACHUSETTS BAY TO BE OCCUPIED. CHAP, religion, through our disagreement amongst our- -- — selves. 1629. -gyj. j^ necessity require a more severe course, 17" when fair means will not prevail, we pray you to deal as in your discretions you shall think fittest for the general good and safety of the Plantation, and preservation of our privileges.^ And because we would not omit to do anything which might strengthen our right, we would have you (as soon as these ships, or any of them, arrive with you, whereby you may have men to do it,) send forty or fifty persons to Mattachusetts Bay,^ to inhabit there ; which we pray you not to protract, but to do it with all speed ; and if any of our Company in particular shall desire to settle themselves there, or to send servants thittier, we desire all accommodation and encouragement may be given them thereunto, whereby the better to strengthen our possession there against all or any that shall intrude upon us, which we would not have you by any means to give way unto f with this caution, notwithstanding, that for such of our countrymen as you find there planted,"* so as they be willing to live under [our] government, you endeavour to give them * These instructions seem to ap- understood only the territory border- prove and justify Eiidicott's aitack ing on Boston harbour, from Nahant upon Morton's riotous company at to Point Alderton. Naumkeak was Mount Wollaston, soon after his not included in it. arrival in the preceding year. See '' The planters in Massachusetts Hubbard's N. E., p. 104 ; Morton's 15ay at this time were William Memorial, pp. 138, 141, note, where Ijhickstone at Shawmut, (Boston), the chronology is set right. Thomas Walford at Mishawum, 2 Sec note ' on page 4. (Charlestown), Samuel Maverick ^ All this shows the anxious de- at Noddle's Island, (East Boston), sire and settled detennination of the and David Thompson, at Thomp- Company to anticipate Oldham, and son's Island, near Dorchester. How by preoccupying the ground, to get or when they came there, is not the exclusive possession of Massa- known. See Johnson, Hist. N. E., chusetts Bay ; by which was then ch. 17. RALPH SMITH, THE MINISTER. 151 1629. April 17. all fitting and due accommodation as to any of our- chap. selves ; yea, if you see cause for it, though it be with -— J^ more than ordinary privileges in point of trade. Mr. Ralph Smith,^ a minister, hath desired passage in our ships ; which was granted him before we understood of his difference in judgment in some things from our ministers. But his provisions for his voyage being shipped before notice was taken thereof, through many occasions wherewith those intrusted with this business have been employed, and forasmuch as from hence it is feared there may grow some distraction amongst you if there should be any ' We learn from Hutchinson, who, as well as Hubbard and Prince, appears to have had the leaf now torn out of the Colony Records, con- taining the proceedings of the courts held April 8 and 30, 1629, that, "of the four ministers provided, Ralph Smith was required to give under his hand, that he would not exercise his ministry within the limits of the patent without the express leave of the Governor upon the spot." He seems to have been a Separatist in England, which occasioned the cau- tion used with him. He remained but a very short time at Salem, for in the end of June, says Gov. Brad- ford, " he goes with his family to some straggling people at Nan- tasket ; where some Plymouth peo- ple, putting in with a boat, find him in a poor house that would not keep him dry. He desires them to carry him to Plymouth ; and seeing him to be a grave man , and understand- ing he had been a minister, they bring him hither ; where we kindly entertain him, send for hLs goods and servants, and desire him to ex- ercise his gifts among us ; after- wards choose him into the minis- try, wherein he remains for sundry years."' Hubbard speaks disparag- ingly of his abilities, saying that the Plymouth people, in calling him to exercise the office of a pastor among them, " were more induced there- unto, possibly, by his approving the ligid way of Separation principles, than any fitness for the office he un- dertook ; being much overmatched by him that he was joined with in the presbytery, [Elder Brewster,] both in the point of discretion to rule and aptness to teach ; so as, through many infinnities, being found una- ble to discharge the trust committed to him with any competent satisfac- tion, he was forced soon after to lay it down." Gov. Winthrop says, that in Dec. 1635, Smith " gave over his place," that John Norton might have it. This, perhaps, was only temporarily ; for Morton savs, that in Dec. 1638, Gorton was sum- moned to the court at Plymouth to answer a complaint made against him by Smith. He was residing there as late as 1641, and Sept. 27, 16-12, sold his house and land to the Rev. John Reyner, his successor in the church. In Nov. 1615, he was called to preach at Manchester, on- Cape Ann, and he died at Boston ]March 1, 1662. See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 10 ; Winthrop, i. 91, 175, ii. 253 ; Hubbard, pp. 97, 121 ; Prince, pp. 257, 261, 262 ; Morton's Mem» p. 202 ; INIass. Hist. Coll. iv. 110 ;• Folt's Salem, i. 80. ' 152 THOMAS GRAVES, THE ENGINEER. CHAP, siding, though we have a very good opinion of his — — honesty, yet we shall not, [we] hope, offend in charity 162 9. to fear the worst that may grow from their different ^1^7^' judgments. We have therefore thought fit to give you this order, that unless he will be conformable to our government, you suffer him not to remain within the limits of our grant. We take notice that you desire to have Frenchmen sent you that might be experienced in making of salt and planting of vines. ^ We have inquired diligently for such, but cannot meet with any of that nation. Nevertheless, God hath not left us altogether unpro- vided of a man able to undertake that work ; for that we have entertained Mr. Thomas Graves,^ a man ' It appears somewhat singular that they should have seriously thought of planting vineyards in this cold region. "Vine-planters" are mentioned on page 42 among what the Company were to " pro- vide to send for New-England." In 1634, the yearly rent of Governor's Isla;d, in Boston harbour, was a hogs'iead of wine. That island had been granted to Gov. Winthrop April 3, IG32, on condition that he should plant a vineyard or orchard there. See Col. Rec. i. 85, 141. * Of Thomas Graves, the engi- neer, very little is known, except what is contained in the preceding Records of the Company and in this letter. Very soon after his arrival at Salem, at the end of June, he was sent by Gov. Endicott, with the Rev. Francis Bright, Abraham Pal- mer, and others, to take possession of Masisachusetts Bay, in conformity with the instructions sent over by the Company. He pitched on Mish- awum, (now Charlestown,) where he found Walford, the smith, .and perhaps the Spragues, (unless, as is more probable, tliey were of the 100 who came with him.) The Charles- town records inform us that he mo- delled and laid out the plan of that town, with streets about the hill, measured out two acre lots for the inhabitants, and " built the great house for such of the Company as are shortly to come over, which afterwards became the meeting- house." At the end of the third edition of Higginson's New-Eng- land's Plantation, printed in London in 1630, is " a letter sent from New- England by Master Graves, Engi- neer, now there resident." In White Kennett's American Library, or Catalogue of Books and Papers which he gave in 1713 to the Soci- ety for the Propagation of the Gos- pel in Foreign Parts, page 237, is the following entry : "A copy of a Letter from an Engineer sent out to New-England, written to a friend in England, A. D. 1629, giving an ac- count of his landing with a small company at Salem, and thence going and making a settlement at Massa- chusetts Bay, and laying the found- ation of a town, to which the Gov- ernor gave the name of Charles- town ; with a pleasing description of the exceeding pleasantness and fruit- fulness of the country, and of the civility of the natives. In one sheet GRAVES's QUALIFICATIONS. 153 commended to us as well for his honesty, as skill in chap. V. many things very useful. First, he professeth great skill in the making of salt, both in ponds and pans, ^^^^• as also to find out salt springs or mines. vSecondly, yj] he is well seen in mines and minerals, especially about iron ore and iron works. Thirdly, he is able to make any sort of fortifications. Fourthly, he is well able to survey and set forth lands. He hath been a traveller in divers foreign parts to gain his experience. Therefore we pray you take his advice touching the premises, and where you intend to sit down in, to fortify and build a town, that it may be qualified for good air and water, according to your first instructions,^ and may have as much natural help as may be ; whereby it may with the less labor and cost be made fit to resist an enemy. So soon as you have made trial of his sufficiency, write us your opinion how long you conceive it will be fit for us to continue him in our service ; for that he is tied" to MS. Ex dono Rev. Alexandri with another Thomas Graves, who Young, S. T. B." There can be was mate of the Talbot on her no doubt that the author of this let- first voyage, and who, according to ter was Graves. This circumstance, Winthrop, writing under June 3, to say nothing of the identity of the 1635, " had come every year for donor's name with my own, prompt- these seven years." Besides, the ed me to apply, four years ago, to rear-admiral of that name was born Gov. Everett, then our Minister at in 1605, and in 1629 was only twen- the Court of Great Britain, to pro- ty-four years old, whilst the engineer cure for rae a copy of it. He very at this lime had a family of five obligingly applied in my behalf to children. It is probable that he soon the Secretary of the Society, but no returned to England, as no notice of document of the kind was to be him occurs in the subsequent history found in their archives. Search was of the Colony. See page 54; Win- then made, at his instance, in the throp's Hist. i. 161, and Frothing- Library at Lambeth, but with like ham's excellent History of Charles- ill success. It is to be feared that town, p. 26. the manuscript is irrecoverably lost. ' These first instnictions to Endi- — Graves was admitted a freeman cott are not preserved. See Hutch- May 18, 1631, and Prince, p. 321, inson's Mass. i. 9. appends to his name this remark, ' Graves's contract is printed on " after, a rear-admiral in England." pp. 56-59. I think he confounds the engineer 154 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. CHAP, serve us one whole year absolutely, and two years — more if we should give him order to stay there so long. ^ ^^^ So we hope to receive your advice time enough to give 17" him order to stay out full three years, or to come home at the end of one year. His salary costs this Company a great sum of money ; besides which, if he remain with us, the transporting of his wife, and building him a house, will be very chargeable ; which we pray you take into your consideration, that so we may continue or surcease this charge, as occasion shall require. In our next we intend to send you a particular of such as are to have land allotted and set out unto them, that so you may appoint unto each man an equal proportion by lot, according to what is to be allowed in the first dividend ;^ touching which we shall then give you more large instructions. Mean- while, for such as have sent over servants and cattle in these ships, ^ and for such as have more to come in two other ships, ^ which we hope will be ready to set sail within ten days, our desire is, they should either be accommodated at Nahumkeeke, or in the Mattachusetts Bay, or in both places, if they desire it, with all the conveniency that may be ; and for such grounds as shall be allotted unto them, that the same be conveyed unto them, if they desire it, at any time within one year after their entering upon it, and to be accounted as part of their first dividend. But if they shall dislike it at any time before a gene- ral distribution be made by lot to all the adventurers, * See pp. 69, 73-77. ^ They despatched three others, * The George, the Talbot, and the Mayflower, the Four Sisters, the Lion's Whelp. and the Pilgrim. PRIVATE ADVENTURERS. 155 then they may have liberty to do it, and take in lieu chap. thereof as by lot shall fall out amongst other private — - adventurers. 1629. We recommend unto you Sir Richard Saltonstall ^p"^ and Mr. Isaac Johnson, who send over servants and cattle in these ships, desiring you will take care for their present accommodation, as aforesaid ; and as for them, so we may not omit to pray you likewise to give all good accommodation to our present Gov- ernor, Mr. Matthew Cradock, who, with some parti- cular brethren of our Company, have deeply engaged themselves in their private adventures in these ships, and those to come ; and as we hold these men that thus deeply adventure in their private, to be, under God, special instruments for the advancing and strength- ening of our Plantation, which is done by them with- out any charge to the Company's general stock, wherein notwithstanding they are as deep or deeper engaged than any other, so being contented to be debarred from all private trading in furs for three years, we do hold it very requisite in all other their desires to give them all accommodation and further- ance that reasonably may be propounded by them, or any for them ; their good beginnings in the in- fancy of our Plantation worthily deserving of us all favor and furtherance. We have caused a common seal ^ to be made, which we send you by Mr. Sharpe. ' Tliis seal, mentioned on page 42, appropriateness of this device is lost is stamped on the back of this vol- in the present seal of the Common- ume. In the centre stands an In- wealth, where the Indian is retained dian, raising the Macedonian cry, but an arm brandishing a sword is (Acts, xvi. 9,) " Come over and placed over his head, and for the old help us;" in allusion to the main motto is substituted Algernon Sid- end of the Plantation, the conversion ney's well-known line, " Ense petit of the natives to Christianity. The placidam sub libertate quietem." 156 ARTICLES SENT OYER FOR THE COLONY. If you want any swine, we have agreed with those of New Plymouth that they deliver you six sows 16 29. ^^-j^i^ pjg^ foj. which they are to be allowed £9 in ac- 17" count of what they owe unto Mr. Goffe, our Deputy. And for goats, we have bought forty-two for the general and particular men's accounts, which shall be sent you by these and the next ships, or at least- wise so many of them as they can conveniently carry. We have followed your advice, and sent most of our guns snaphance,^ bastard musket bore ; and we have also sent store of powder and shot, grain for seed, both wheat, barley, and rye, in the chaff, &.c.^ As for fruit-stones and kernels, the time of the year fits not to send them now ; so w^e purpose to do it per our next. Tame turkeys shall be now sent you, if may be; if not, per other ships. We are disap- pointed of the provisions ordered to have been sent you for yourself and Mrs. Endicott ; but, God W'illing, they shall come by the next. We have made our servants' apparel of cloth and leather ; which leather is not of oil skins, ^ for we found them over dear. Yet if this prove not profita- ble, upon your second advice w^e will send you oil skins. For such of our nation as sell munition, guns, or other furniture, to arm the Indians against us, or teach them the use of arms, we would have you to apprehend them and send them prisoners for Eng- land,^ where they will not escape severe punishment, ' See note ^ on page 14. Wollaston, and sent liim home. See - See page 42. note ' on page 48, and Mass. Hist. ^ See pages 40 and 42. ColL iii. 62; Morton's Memorial, ■* It was on this ground that, he- 13G-M1 ; Prince's Annals, pp. 250 fore Endicott's arrival, Standish had to 252. alieady arrested Morton, at Mount SAMUEL SHARPE, MASTER-GUNNER. 157 being expressly against the Proclamation.^ You chap. have had former caution given you to take heed of — -^ being too secure in trusting the Indians,^ which we 1629. again commend to your care ; and that you may be * n" the better able to resist both foreign enemies and the natives, if either should assail you, we pray you let all such as live under our government, both our servants and other planters and their servants, be exercised in the use of arms, and certain times appointed to muster them ; in which business Mr. Sharpe" and Mr. Graves will be assistant to you. Mr. Sharpe is by us entertained'* to be master-gunner of our ordnance ; in which service he is to employ so much of his time as the charge of that office doth require, and in the rest he is to follow other employ- ments of our Governor's and others, for whose em- ployment he is particularly sent over. Enclosed you shall receive a factory^ of such pro- vision of victual and other necessaries as we have sent for the general account, to which we refer you, nothing doubting but you will be a provident stew- ard to husband our provisions to the best advantage. We also send you the particular names of such as are entertained for the Company's service ; amongst which we hope you will find many religious, dis- creet, and well-ordered persons, which you must set ' See pages 83 and 84. low. He was Cradock's agent in ^ In Cradock's letter. See page the Colony. He remained at Sa- 136. lem, where he was chosen a ruling ^ Samuel Sharpe was chosen an elder of the church. He was never Assistant of the Company in Eng- afterwards a magistrate ; and died land April 30, 1629, and again Oct. in 1658. See pages 50, 59 and 121 ; 20, 1629. But being out of the Prince, p. 271. country, and not able to take the * See the agreement with Sharpe oath, he was superseded in his on page 50. place, Feb. 10, 1630, by Roger Lud- * Inventory. 158 DISCIPLINE TO BE EXERCISED. CHAP, over the rest, dividing them into families, placing • — — some with the ministers, and others under such as 1629. being honest men, and of their own calling, as near 17" as may be, may have care to see them well educated in their general callings as Christians, and particular according to their several trades, or fitness in dis- position to learn a trade. And wiiereas, amongst such a number, notwithstanding our care to purge them, there may still remain some libertines, we de- sire you to be careful that such, if any be, may be forced, by inflicting such punishment as their offences shall deserve, (which is to be, as near as may be, according to the laws of this kingdom,) to conform themselves to good order ; with whom, after admo- nition given, if they amend not, we pray you proceed without partiality to punish them, as the nature of their fault shall deserve ; and the like course you are to hold both with planters and their servants ; for all must live under government and a like law. And to the end you may not do anything contrary to law, nor the power granted us by his Majesty's letters patents, we have, as aforesaid, sent you the duplicate of the letters patents under the great seal of Eng- land, ordering and requiring you and the rest of the Council there, not to do anything, either in inflicting punishment on malefactors, or otherwise, contrary to or in derogation of the said letters patents ; but, if occasion require, we authorize you and them to proceed according to the power you have. Never- theless, we desire, if it may be, that errors may be reformed with lenity, or mild correction ; and if any prove incorrigible, and will not be reclaimed by gentle correction, ship such persons home by the TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS. 159 Lion's Whelp/ rather than keep them there to infect chap. or to be an occasion of scandal unto others ; we be- 1629 ing fully persuaded that if one or two be so reship- " ' ped back, and certificate sent home of their misde- 17. meanour, it will be a terror to the rest, and a means to reduce them to good conformity. And, above all, we pray you be careful that there be none in our precincts permitted to do any injury, in the least kind, to the heathen people ; and if any offend in that way, let them receive due correction. And we hold it fitting you publish a proclamation to that effect, by leaving it fixed under the Company's seal in some eminent place, for all to take notice at such time as both the heathen themselves, as well as our people, may take notice of it. And for the avoiding of the hurt that may follow through our much famil- iarity with the Indians, we conceive it fit that they be not permitted to come to your Plantation but at certain times and places, to be appointed them. If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavour to purchase their title, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion.^ ' This was Endicott's authority satisfied there are no complaints and apology for sending home the against this Province by his Majes- Brownes. ty's agents for Indian affairs; and ^ These instructions were literally that no settlement has been made or and scrupulously observed by the attempted by us without proper au- first settlers of Massachusetts as thority. It is with much pleasure well as of Plymouth. They made we remind your Excellency and in- conscience of paying the natives to form the world, that greater care their satisfaction for all parts of the was taken of the Indians by our territory which were not depopula- pious ancestors during the old char- ted, or deserted, and left without a ter, and by this government under claimant. The government of the the new, even to this day, than was Province, writing home to Lord ever required of us by the British Shelbume, the Secretary for the government. Nothing has been Colonies, in 1767, say, " We are omitted by the province since 1633 160 UxMTY TO BE MAINTAINED. CHAP. V. 1629. April 17. We have, in the former part of our letter, certified you of the good hopes we have of the love and unanimous agreement of our ministers, they having declared themselves to us to be of one judgment, and to be fully agreed on the manner how to exercise their ministry ; which we hope will be by them accordingly performed.^ Yet, because it is often found that some busy persons, led more by their will than any good warrant out of God's word, take opportunities by moving needless questions to stir up strife, and by that means to beget a question, and bring men to declare some difference in judgment, most com- monly in things indifferent, from which small begin- nings great mischiefs have followed, we pray you and the rest of the Council, that if any such disputes shall happen amongst you, that you suppress them, and be careful to maintain peace and unity. ^ We desire you to take notice of one Lawrence Leech,^ whom we have found a careful and painful to this day, which justice or human- ity required, within this jurisdiction. We glory in the conduct of our go- vernment, we make our boast of it as unexampled ; and we have been free and spontaneous on our part. We assure you, that being animated by the same principles with our ancestors, we shall do everything which duty to the King, and the maxims of good policy, of justice and equity to the Indians can re- quire." The fu'st President Adams being asked his opinion concerning the treatment of the Indians in New- England, replied, that he believed it to have been just. "In all my practice at the bar," said he, "I never knew a contested title to lands, but what was traced up to the Indian title." See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 2j{) ; Hutchinson's Mass. ii. 266 ; Holmes's Annals, i. 217, ii. 150 ; Colony Laws, p. 132. ^ " By this," says Prince, p. 258, " it appears Mr. Bright was a Puri- tan ; and Mr. Hubbard seems mista- ken in supposing him a Conformist ; unless he means in the same sense as were many Puritans in those days, who by particular favor omitted the more offensive ceremonies and parts in the Common Prayer, while, for the unity and peace of the Church, and in hopes of a farther reforma- tion, they used the other." See Hubbard, pp. 112, 113, and John- son, Hist. N. E., ch. 9. ^ This would serve to justify En- dicott in his summary proceedings to suppress the schismatical and anarchical conduct of the Brownes. ^ Lawrence Leach Avas admitted a freeman May 18, 1631. He was SIX SHIPWRIGHTS SENT OVER. 161 man, and we doubt not but he will continue his dili- gence ; let him have deserving respect. The like we say of Richard Waterman/ whose chief employ- ment will be to get you good venison. We have sent six shipw^rights, of whom Robert Molton^ is chief. These men's entertainment is very chargeable to us ; and by agreement it is to be borne two-thirds at the charge of the general Com- pany, and the other third is to be borne by Mr. Cra- dock, our Governor, and his associates, interested in a private stock. We hope you w ill be careful to see them so employed as may countervail the charge, desiring you to agree with Mr. Sharpe that their labor may be employed two thirds for the general 1629. April 17. one of the thirteen men (selectmen) of Salem ; and that town, in 1636, made him a grant of 100 acres of land. He died in 1(62, aged 83, having been a useful and respectable citizen. See Felt's Annals of Sa- lem, pp. 215, 536, (1st ed. 1827.) ^ Richard ^Yaterman lived at Sa- lem till hewrs required by the Gen- eral Court, March 12, 1638, with rther familists or antinomians, to quit the Colony. He joined Roger AVilliams at Providence, in October, and became one of the founders of that city and of the Baptist church there, the fir t of the name in Amer- ica. In Jan. 1643, with Randall Holden and Samuel Gorton, he pur- chased of the Indians the tract of land called Shawomet, (now War- wick,) and in September was arrest- ed there, with the rest of Gorton's company, by order of the General Court of Massachusetts, and brought to Boston. After his discharge, he returned to Providence. He was one of the commissioners for that town in the General Assembly of Rhode Island in 1650, and one of the town magistrates in 1655. He was living as late as 1658. See Col. Rec. i. 218 ; Winthrop, ii. 120, 137, 11 148 ; Callender's Hist. Disc, 89, 97 ; Backus, Hist, of the Baptists in N. E., i. 92 ; Hague, Hist. Uisc. p. 32 ; Staples, Annals of Providence, pp. 30, 33, 35, 76, 112, 121; Mass. Hist. Col . xix. 170, 182. ^ Robert ■Moulton was admitted a freeman ]\Iay 18, 1631. He was chosen constable of Charlestown April 1, 163-1, and the same year was a deputy from that town in the General Court. " May 14, 1634, Mr. Beecher, ]Mr. Pierce, and Ro- bert Moulton are desired to treat with INIr. Stevens and Mr. Mayhew for the building of the sea-fort by the great.'' After this he removed to Salem ; for in 1637 he was one of the thirteen men, and represented that town the same year in the Gen- eral Court, and was one of those that were ordered to be disarmed for signing the petition or remonstrance in favor of Wheelwright. Morton's Point, in Charlestown, (or INIolten's, as it was formerly called, according to Winthrop, i. 154,) was probably named after him. He died in 1655. See page 94 ; Col. Rec. MS. i. Ill, 117; Felt's Salem, 105,527, (ed. 1827) ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 129, 215,248. 162 THE RETURN CARGOES OF THE SHIPS. CHAP. Company, and one third for Mr. Cradock and his >— — associates ; praying you to accommodate the said 1629. Mr^ Cradock's people in all fitting manner, as he ^ff^^ doth well deserve. Such cattle, both horses, mares, cows, bulls and goats, as are shipped by Mr. Cradock, are to be divided in equal halves 'twixt him and the Company; which was omitted to be done here, for avoiding partiality ; so you must do it equally there. We pray you to be careful to make us what returns you possibly may, the better to enable us to send out a fresh supply. We hope you have converted the commodities you carried with you for truck, into beaver, otter, or other furs, which we pray you send us by the Talbot ; as also any other commodities you have provided in readiness against the ship's coming thither. But pray do not detain her any long time to cut timber, or any other gross lading ; for she is at <£150 a month charges, which will soon eat out more than the goods she should stay for is worth. Wherefore, pray make what expedition you can to unlade her goods, and to put such things aboard her as you have ready, and send her hitherward again as soon as you may. We have sent five weight of salt in the Whelp, and ten weight in the Talbot. If there be any shallops to be had to fish withal, and the season of the year fit, pray let the fishermen, (of which we send six from Dorchester,) together with some of the ships' company, endeavour to take fish, and let it be well saved with the said salt, and packed up in hogsheads, or otherwise, as shall be thought fittest, SATURDAY AFTERNOON TO EE KEPT. 163 and send it home by the Talbot or Lion's Whelp, chap. V. Now, forasmuch as the Lion's Whelp belongeth to the Company, you may, if there be hope to do good ^^^^• by it, keep her there some time after the Talbot ; n. but unless it be to very good purpose, do not detain her, but let her come home in company of the Tal- bot. The George Bonaventure is to land her pas- sengers, and other things belonging to the general Company or to particular men, and so set sail for Newfoundland ; and we pray you let it be your care to despatch her as soon as may be. William Ryall and Thomas Brude, coopers and cleavers of timber, are entertained by us in halves with Mr. Cradock, our Governor. Pray join others that can assist them unto them, and let them pro- vide us some staves, and other timber of all sorts, to be sent us by the Talbot, Whelp, or the other two ships that come after. But we pray you consider the charge of these ships, and detain them not for small matters. Rather use all diligence to send them away. If, at the arrival of this ship, Mr, Endicott should be departed this life, (which God forbid,) or should happen to die before the other ships arrive, we au- thorize you, Mr. Skelton, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe, to take care of our affairs, and to govern the people according to order, until further order. And to the end the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious manner, we appoint that all that inhabit the Planta- tion, both for the general and particular employ- ments, may surcease their labor every Saturday throughout the year at three of the clock in the afternoon ; and that they spend the rest of that day 164 A MINISTER TO BE SENT TO MASSACHUSETTS BAY. CHAP, in catechising and preparation for the Sabbath, as the - — — ministers shall direct.^ 1629. jf ii ghall please God to take away by death any "^^"^ of the thirteen that shall be chosen and appointed for the Council, (of which yourself or your successor is to be one,) in such case the then being Gov- ernor and the surviving Council shall from time to time make choice of one or more to supply the place of such as shall be wanting ; and that there may no difference arise about the appointing of one to be minister with those you send to inhabit at Mattachu- setts Bay, we will have you, in case the ministers cannot agree amongst themselves who shall under- take that place, to make choice of one of the three by lot ; and on whom the lot shall fall, he to go with his family to perform that work." We have advised you of the sending of William Ryall and Thomas Brude, cleavers of timber.^ But * This serves to show that the custom, once universal throughout New-England, of "keeping" Sa- turday atternoon and evening, was not of home origin or invention, but was early enjoined and introduced from abroad. The practice no doubt originated from the injunction in Le- viticus, xxiii. 32, " From even unto even shall ye celebrate your sab- bath." The Jewish sabbath (Satur- day,) began at six o'clock of our Friday evening, and the preparation for it at three in the afternoon. There is an allusion to this in Matthew xxvii. 62, and John xix. 42, where " the day of the prepara- tion," and " the Jews' preparation day," are spoken of. Mather says that John Cotton " began the sab- bath the evening before ; for which keeping of the sabbath from evening to evening he wrote arguments be- fore his coming to New-England ; and I suppose 'twas from his reason and practise that the Christians of New-England have generally done so." Hutchinson says it was some time before this custom was settled. Mr. Hooker, in a letter written about tlie year 1640, says, " The question touching the beginning of the sabbath is now on foot among us, hath once been spoken to, and we are to give in our arguments, each to the other, so that we may ripen our thoughts concerning that truth, and if the Lord will, it may more fully appear ;" and in another letter, March, 1640, " Mr. Huit hath not answered our arguments against the beginning the sabbath at morning." See Mather's Mag- nalia, i. 253, and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 428. - Bright went, as appears from the Charlestown records. He had a wife and two children. ^ See page 150. LAMBERT WILSON, THE SURGEON. 165 indeed the said Thomas his name is Brand, and not chap. Norton ;^ but there is one Norton,^ a carpenter, ^-^ whom we pray you respect as he shall deserve. 1629. There is one Richard Ewstead, a wheelwright, n" who was commended to us by Mr. Davenport for a very able man, though not without his imperfections. We pray you take notice of him, and regard him as he shall well deserve. The benefit of his labor is to be two-thirds for the general Company and one-third for Mr. Cradock, our Governor, being his charges is to be borne according to that proportion ; and withal we pray you take care that their charges who are for partable employments, whether in halves or thirds, may be equally defrayed by such as are to have benefit of their labors, according to each party's pro- portion. Their several agreements, or the copies thereof, shall be (if God permit) sent you by the next ships. We have entertained Lambert Wilson, chirurgeon, to remain with you in the service of the Plantation ; with whom we are agreed that he shall serve this Company and the other planters that live in the Plantation, for three years, and in that time apply himself to cure not only of such as came from hence for the general and particular accounts, but also for the Indians, as from time to time he shall be directed by yourself or your successor and the rest of the Council. And moreover he is to educate and in- struct in his art one or more youths,^ such as you ^ Probably an error of the pen ^ We have here the embryo of a for Brude. Medical School, undoubtedly the - Probably the Mr. Norton with first contemplated on the continent whom the congregation at Salem of America. Whether it ever went agreed to build a suitable meeting- into operation, or how it succeeded, house in 1634. See Felt's Salem, we are not informed. p. 72, (ed. 1827.) 166 JOHN IIIGGINSON, OF SALEM. CHAP, and the said Council shall appoint, that may be help- ful to him, and, if occasion serve, succeed him in the Plantation ; which youth or youths, fit to learn that profession, let be placed with him ; of which Mr. Hugesson's son,^ if his father approve thereof, may be one, the rather because he hath been trained up in literature ; but if not he, then such other as you shall judge most fittest, &c. The 2\st of Aprils in Gravesend.^ 21. The afore-written is, for the most part, the copy^ of our General Letter, sent you together w^ith our patent under the broad seal, and the Company's seal in silver, by Mr. Samuel Sharpe, passenger in the George, who, we think, is yet riding in the Hope ;^ but, by means of stormy weather, the Talbot and Lion's Whelp are yet at Blackwall.^ By these ships that are to follow we intend (God w^illing,) to supply both in our advice and in our provisions what is ' This was John, the eldest son, 125, ii. 176; Trumbull 's Connecti- at this time nearly thirteen years cut, i. 379, 280, 296 ; Kingsley's old, having been born Aug. 6, 1616. Hist. Disc. p. 102. He had been educated at the gram- " Gravesend is on the right bank mar school in Leicester, England, of the Thames, 22 miles below Lon- After his father's death in August, don, in Kent. All vess-els sailing 1630, he accompanied his mother to from the port of London were, till Charlestown, and afterwards to recently, obliged to clear out at New Haven. For a while he Gravesend. Gov. Cradock had pro- taught a school at Hartford, and bably gone down there to take leave having studied divinity, became a and put his letters on board, preacher in 1637, and officiated three ^ This identical copy, in the hand- or four years as a chaplain at Say- writing of Burgess, the Secretary of brook fort. His mother died in the Company, is preserved in excel- 1610, and in 1611 he removed to lent order at the end of the first Guildford, and in 1660 succeeded volume of Deeds in the Registry of his father in the church at Salem, Suffolk ; and it is from that we being its sixth minister. He died print. there Dec. 9, 1708, aged 92, having ^ A reach in the Thames, just been a preacher more than seventy below Gravesend. years. See Mather's Magnalia, i. ^ lilackwall is only four miles 10, 330; Hutchinson's Mass. i. from St. Paul's, down the Thames. FAMILY DISCIPLINE TO BE MAINTAINED. 167 wanting now. In the mean-while we pray you ac- chap. commodate business with your true endeavours for the general good in the best and discreetest manner 1^29. that you may. 21. For the better accommodation of businesses, we have divided the servants belonging to the Company into several families, as we desire and intend they should live together ; a copy whereof we send you here enclosed, that you may accordingly appoint each man his charge and duty. Yet it is not our in- tent to tie you so strictly to this direction, but that in your discretion, as you shall see cause from time to time, you may alter or displace any as you shall think fit. Our earnest desire is that you take special care, in settling these families, that the chief in the family, at least some of them, be grounded in religion ; whereby morning and evening family duties may be duly performed, and a watchful eye held over all in each family, by one or more in each family to be appointed thereto, that so disorders may be prevent- ed, and ill weeds nipped before they take too great a head. It will be a business worthy your best en- deavours to look unto this in the beginning, and, if need be, to make some exemplary to all the rest ; otherwise your government will be esteemed as a scarecrow. Our desire is to use lenity, all that may be ; but, in case of necessity, not to neglect the other, knowing that correction is ordained for the fool's back. And as we intend not to be wanting on our parts to provide all things needful for the main- tenance and sustenance of our servants, so may we justly, by the laws of God and man, require obe- 168 JOHN AND SAMUEL BROWNE. CHAP, dience and honest carriage from them, with fitting labor in their several employments ; wherein if they ^^^^- shall be wanting, and much more if refractory, care 2L^ must be taken to punish the obstinate and disobe- dient,^ being as necessary as food and raiment. And we heartily pray you, that all be kept to labor, as the only means to reduce them to civil, yea a godly life, and to keep youth from falling into many enor- mities, which by nature we are all too much inclined unto. God, who alone is able and powerful, enable you to this great work, and grant that our chiefest aim may be his honor and glory. And thus wishing you all happy and prosperous success, we end and rest Your assured loving friends, The Governor and Deputy Of the New-England Company For a Plantation in Mattachusetts Bay. Through many businesses we had almost forgot- ten to recommend unto you two brethren of our Company, Mr. John and Mr. Samuel Browne, who, though they be no adventurers in the general stock, yet are they men we do much respect, being fully persuaded of their sincere affections to the good of our Plantation. The one, Mr. John Browne, is sworn an Assistant here, and by us chosen one of the Council there ; a man experienced in the laws of our kingdom, and such an one as we are persuaded will worthily deserve your favor and furtherance ; which we desire he may have, and that in the first division of lands there may be allotted to either of them two hundred acres. ^ Some word, such as order or discipline, is here accidentally omitted. JOHN OLDHAM S GRANT. 169 I find Mr. Oldham's^ grant from Mr. Gorge is to chap. him and John Dorrell, for all the lands within Mat- ^ — ^ tachusetts Bay, between Charles river and Abousett- I629. river, containing in length, by a straight line, five ^P^'ii miles up the said Charles river, into the main land northwest from the border of the said Bay, including all creeks and points by the way, and three miles in length from the mouth of the foresaid river of Abou- sett, up into the main land, upon a straight line south- west, including all creeks and points, and all the land in breadth and length between the foresaid rivers, with all prerogatives, royal mines excepted. The rent reserved is twelve pence on every hundred acres of land that shall be used ; William Blaxton,^ clerk, ^ We hear nothing more of Old- ham, after his unsuccessful attempt to negotiate with the jVIassachusetts Company and to get his claim to territory within their patent allowed, till May 18, 1631, when he was ad- mitted a freeman of the Colony. Of course, before this was done, he must have abandoned his pretensions and made terms with the colonial government. When he came over, for the last time, is uncertain, whether in the vessel he was at this time providing, or in one of the Company's three ships that sailed in June, after Higginson's departure, or in one of Winthrop's fleet. He was one of the early settlers of Wa- tertown, and was evidently trusted and respected in the Colony. We find him in 'Slav, 1632, one of the two deputies sent from Watertown to advise with the Governor and As- sistants about raising a public stock ; and he was also one of the three re- presentatives of that town in the first General Court of Delegates, held May 14, 1631. He was a fearless and enterprising trader with the na- tives, and his murder by the Indians of Block Island in July, 1636, was the immediate cause of the Pequot W'ar. See Wmthrop's Hist. i. 76, 80, 129, 189-192, ii. 362. ^ Saugus river, in Lynn. See Lewis's History of Lynn, p. 21. ^ William Blackstone, (or Blax- ton, as it was spelt by his son, and by Ed. Johnson, in his History of New-England,) the first European occupant of the peninsula on which Boston is built, was a clergyman, a Puritan and Nonconfonnist, and was educated at Emanuel College, Cam- bridge, where he took the degree of A.B. in 1617, and of A.M. in 1621. He was one of the first settlers in Massachusetts Bay, having been as- sessed in June, 1628, for the cam- paign against ^Morton of JMount Wol- laston. Lechford, who was here in 1637, says that Blackstone lived at Boston nine or ten years. Now, as he left Boston in the spring of 1635, this would determine his residence here as early as 1625 or 1626. He may have been one of the company whom Robert Gorges brought over in Sept. 1623, and one of " the un- dertakers " to whose charge and custody he left his plantation at Wessagusset, when he returned to 170 WILLIAM BLACKSTONE, OF BOSTON. CHAP. V. and William Jeffryes/ gentleman, authorized to put John Oldham in possession. Having a sight of his 1629. April 21. England in 1624. It certainly ap- pears from this letter, that he was at this time acting as an agent of John Gorges, (who, after his brother Robert's death, had succeeded to his patent,) and was empowered by him, in conjunction with Jeffries, to put Oldham in possession of the territory which he had leased him. Accord- ing to the united testimony of the Charlestown Records, Edward John- son, and Roger Clap, Blackstone, at the time of Winthrop's arrival, "was dwelling alone at a place called by the Indians Shawmut, where he only bad a cottage, — that plain neck called Blackstone's neck, — on a point of land called Black- stone's Point." This was the place afterwards called Barton's Point, near Craigie's bridge, and opposite the State's Prison. He was admit- ted a freeman May 18, 1631. Ma- ther, i. 221, and after him, Hutchin- son, i. 21, says, that Blackstone claimed the whole peninsula, on the gi-ound that he was the first person that had slept upon it. Such a claim could not be allowed by the gov- ernment of Massachusetts, since by their charter the whole territory within the Bay vested in them. Still they seem to have treated him generously ; for at a Court held April 1, 1633, it was " agreed that Mr. Wm. Blackstone shall have fifty acres of ground set out for him near to his house in Boston, to enjoy fur- ever;" which must have been at least a fourteenth part of the whole peninsula. The next year, 163-1, he sold this land to the other inhab- itants of the town for jC30, reserv- ing for himself only about six acres on the Point where he had built his house. To pay this sum, a rate of six shillings to each householder was assessed Nov. 10, 1634 ; and Blackstone probably removed the next spring, 1635, with a stock of cows wliich he had purchased with the money he had received. Lech- ford says that Blackstone " went from Boston because he would not join with the church ;" and Cotton Mather says, that "this man was, indeed, of a particular humour, and he would never join himself to any of our churches, giving this reason for it, ' I came from England be- cause I did not like the lord-bish- ops ; but I can't join with you, be- cause I would not be under the lord- brethren.' " There is no ground, however, for the intimation throw^n out by certain writers, that he was driven away by intolerance or harsh usage. He seems to have been a contemplative, recluse sort of per- son, and, amidst the growing popu- lation of the peninsula, he doubtless pined for the seclusion and quiet which he had enjoyed when he was its solitary, imdisturbed possessor. These he found in his new resi- dence, in the southern part of the present town of Cumberland, in Rhode Island, about thirty-five miles to the southward of Boston, and three miles above the village of Pawtucket, on the eastern bank of the beautiful river that now bears his name. The spot he selected was then vidthin the jurisdiction of New-Plymouth, the government of which, in 1671, granted him the land on which he had settled, being about 200 acres. In the Records of that Colony, under 1661, his place is mentioned as that " where one Blackstone now sojourneth." The antiquarian pilgrim may identify it by inquiring for the Whipple farm, within a few rods of Whipple's bridge, a mile and a half above Valley Falls, on the west side of the stage road from Pawtucket to Worcester. Here Blackstone lived a retired and quiet life, cultivating his garden and orchard, and study- ing his books, of which he had 186 volumes, among them three bibles and eleven Latin folios and quartos, which he probably brought with him THOMAS JEFFREY, OF IPSWICH. 171 grant, this I found. Though I hold it void in law, chap yet his claim being to this, you may, in your discre ^ tion, prevent him by causing some to take possession ^^^q of the chief part thereof.^ April 21. from Emanuel College. These books were all destroyed with his house, in Philip's War, which broke out only a few weeks after his death. On July 4th, 16-59, he was married at Boston, by Gov. Endicott, to Sa- rah Stevenson, widow of John Ste- venson, by whom he had one son, John, who survived him, and was a minor at the time of his father's death. The old mnn died in May, 1675, and was buried on his own farm on the 28th of the month. He could not have been far from eight}^ years of age, as he was probably about 21 when he graduated at Cam- bridge in 1617. His well, with the stoning almost entire, is still to be seen, and also the cellar of his house, and his lonely grave by the side of Study Hill. A few years since it was marked by a large round white stone. But this has disappeared, and two rude stones now stand at the head and foot of the grave. How long will it be before some one of the princely merchants of the renowned peninsula which he first tenanted, will erect a worthy monu- ment over his grave, or build a cen- otaph to liis memory in the metropo- lis of New-England ? See Savage's Winthrop, i.'"44, ii. 362; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 63, xii. 70, 86, xix. 174, XX. 170, xxiii. 97, 399, xxviii. 247; Hazard, i. 391 ; Holmes's An- nals, i. 377 ; Prince's Annals, pp. 221-224 ; Snow's Boston, pp. 31, 50 ; Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 45 : Daggett's Attleborough, pp. 24-34 : Bliss's Rehoboth, pp. 2-14. ' William Jetirey, or Jeffries, was an old planter in New-England be- fore the arrival of Endicott ; for we find his name among those who, in June, 1628, were assessed for the expenses of arresting Morton and sending him home. He was at this time probably residing at Cape Ann or Ipswich. It is not known when or how he came over. He was among the first admitted to be free- men, May 18, 1631. Jeffrey's Creek, now INIanchester, and Jef- frej'''s Neck, in Ipswich, were un- doubtedly called nfter him. In 1638, with Nicholas Eastcn, he removed to the vicinity of the Rhode Island Plantations ; and in 1642 his name appears among the proprietors of Weymouth. He appears to have claimed the neck of land in Ipswich, called by his name, on the ground of a purchase from the natives ; for we find b}^ an act of the General Court, passed in 1666, that 500 acres of land were granted to him " on the south side of our patent, [probably at Weymouth,] to be a final issue of all claims by virtue of any grant heretofore made by any Indians whatsoever." By a letter which Morton, of Merry Mount, wrote to him in IMay, 1634, it would seem that Jeffrey was formerly one of his friends, for he addresses him with the familiar title, " My very good gossip." See Winthrop's Hist. i". 44, 138, ii. 361 ; Hutchin- son's Mass. i. 31 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 63 ; Felt's Hist, of Ipswich, p. 9 ; Leach's Hist, of Manchester, MS. p. 4, hi tlie Archives of the Mass. Hist. Society. ^ This last p.aragraph, in the sin- gular number, was probably written by Gov. Cradock. 1629, CHAPTER VI. THE company's SECOND GENERAL LETTER OF IN- STRUCTIONS TO ENDICOTT AND HIS COUNCIL. London, 28th May, 1629. After our hearty commendations — our last unto you was of the 17th and 2 1st April, sent by the last ships, viz. the George- Bonaventure, Thomas Cox, 28. master, who set sail from the Isle of Wight the 4th of this month, and seconded^ by the Talbot, Thomas Beecher, master, and the Lion's Whelp, John Gibbs, master, who set sail also from the Isle of Wight about the 11th of this month ; which letter being large, and consisting of many particulars, hath been confirmed here ; and herewith you shall receive a copy^ thereof, desiring you to take especial care of the performance and putting in execution of all things material therein mentioned, and particularly, amongst others, that point concerning publication to be made that no wrong or injury be offered by any of our peo- ' The duplicate of tlieir first letter that is preserved in the first book of was sent by the Talbot. See page the Suffolk Registry of Deeds, and IGO. from which we have printed the let- * It is this second copy, probably, ter. See page 166. JOHN ENDICOTT APPOINTED GOVERNOR. 173 pie to the natives there/ To which purpose we chap. desire you, the Governor, to advise with the Coun cil in penning of an effectual edict, upon penalty to 1^2 9. be inflicted upon such as shall transgress the same ; 28. which being done, our desire is, the same may be published, to the end that all men may take notice thereof, as also that you send a copy thereof unto us by the next return of the ships. We have, sithence our last, and according as we then advised, at a full and ample Courf^ assembled, elected and established you. Captain John Endicott, to the place of present Governor in our Plantation there, as also some others to be of the Council with you, as more particularly you will perceive by an Act of Court ^ herewith sent, confirmed by us at a General Court,'* and sealed with our common seal ; to which Act we refer you, desiring you all punctu- ally to observe the same, and that the Oaths ^ we herewith send you, (which have been here penned by learned counsel, to be administered to each of you in your several places,) may be administered in such manner and form as in and by our said Order is particularly expressed ; and that yourselves do frame such other Oaths, as in your wisdoms you shall think fit to be administered to your Secretary or other officers, according to their several places respec- tively. ^ See page 159. authorized by the Charter, were 2 This Court was held April 30, called Great and General Courts. 1629. See page 66. Hence the oriofin of the title by ^ This Act of Court, establishing which the Legislature of Massachu- the government in New-England, is setts is still designated, preserved, and is printed at the end ^ These oaths are preserved, and of this letter. See also pp. 68, 78. are printed in a subsequent part of * The four quarterly meetings, or this volume. See also page 69. general assemblies of the Company, 1629, 174 ALLOTMENT OF LAND TO THE ADVENTURERS. We have further taken into our consideration the fitness and conveniency, or rather a necessity, of making a dividend of land, and allotting a proportion 5^8. to each adventurer, and otherwise ; and to this pur- pose have made and confirmed an Act,^ and sealed the same with our common seal, to the particulars whereof we refer you, desiring you with all conve- nient expedition to put the same in execution ; and for your better direction in the allotment, we have herewith sent you (as by our last we promised) a list of all the several adventurers, and of the sum by each of them adventured," desiring that upon the dividend each adventurer may have his allotment of land ; as also such others as are no adventurers, coming in person at their own charge,^ and the ser- vants of adventurers sent over to reside upon the Plantation, may have such a proportion of land allot- ted unto and for them as by our said Order is ap- pointed. And whereas divers of the Company are desirous to have the lands lie together,'* we holding it fit herein to give them all accommodation, as tend- ' This Act will also be found at John Endicott, Daniel Ilodsen, Ed- the end of this letter. See also pp. ward Ford, Daniel Ballard, Thomas 74-78. Hewson, Andrew Arnold, Richard ^ The following is a list of the Bushord, Richard Young, George names of the adventurers in May, Way, Richard Bellingham, Job 1628. The first two subscribed Bradshaw, Joseph Bradshaw, Henry j£^ 100 each, and the rest £50 each: Durley, Thomas Hutchins, Charles — Sir Richard Saltonstall, Knt., Whichcoyt, George Foxcroft, Wil- Isaac Johnson, Esq., Mr. Samuel liam Crowther, Nathaniel Mans- Aldersey, John Venn, Hugh Peter, trey. Several of these names have John Humfrey, Thomas Stevens, not occurred in the Company's Re- George Harwood, John Glover, cords, and of these two we know Matthew Cradock, Simon Whet- came over, Richard Bellingham and combe, Francis Webb, Increase Abraham Palmer. See Felt's Sa- Nowell, Mr. A. C, Richard Tuff- lem, i. 509. neale, Richard Perry, Joseph Of- ^ The Brownes were of this class, field, John White, Joseph Caron, See pages 61 and 168. Thomas Adams, Richard Davis, •* See page 69. Abraham Palmer, William Darby, THE \ a:\ies and contracts of the colonists. 175 ing to the furtherance of the Plantation, do pray you chap. to give way thereunto for such as shall desire the ■ same, whether it be before a dividend be made ac- 1629. cording to our direction, or at the time of the allot- ^sJ ment to observe the same course. You shall also receive herewith the copies of all the several agreements made with the servants and others sent over in the three last ships for account of the Company, together with their several names, for your better direction in employing them in their several places according to those agreements ; as also the names of the servants of such particular members of the Company as went over in the said ships ; desiring you that a due register be taken and kept, from time to time, of all the persons formerly sent over, or that shall hereafter come to the Planta- tion, both of the names, and quality, and age of each particular person, and for or by whom they are sent over.^ We send you also herewith a particular of all the goods and cattle sent in those forenamed ships, as also of what goods, cattle, or other provisions we now send upon~ these three ships, viz. the May- flower,^ of Yarmouth, William Peirse master, the Four Sisters, of London, Roger Harman master, the Pilgrim, of London, William Wollridge master ; amongst which we have remembered you, the Gov- ernor there, with certain necessaries promised by our last ;^ and if in aught Ave have been now wanting, ' The agreements, lists of names vessel that brought the Pilgrim Fa- and registers, mentioned in this pa- thers to Phnnouth in 1620. See ragraph, are not preserved. Chronicles oi'Phinouth, pp. 99, 108, ^ Upon used for in, as on p. 176. and Savage's AVinthrop, i. 1. ^ The Mayflower is the renowned * See page 156. 176 THE INDIANS' LANDS TO BE PURCHASED. CHAP, we shall, upon notice from you, see the same sup- — plied by our next.^ 1629. Whereas in our last we advised you to make com- ^g^^ position with such of the salvages as did pretend any title or lay claim to any of the land within the terri- tories granted to us by his Majesty's charter, we pray you now be careful to discover and find out all such pretenders, and by advice of the Council there to make such reasonable composition wdth them as may free us and yourselves from any scruple of intrusion ;~ and to this purpose, if it might be con- veniently done, to compound and conclude with them all, or as many as you can, at one time, not doubting but by your discreet ordering of this business, the natives will be willing to treat and compound with you upon very easy conditions. We pray you, as soon as these ships are discharg- ed, to cause a particular to be taken and sent us at their return for England, of the names of all such persons as come upon them to remain in the country ; as also a note of the cattle and all manner of goods, of what kind soever, landed out of them, with the several marks, and names of the owners thereof. The like whereof we desire to receive from you of the former three ships, viz. the George, Talbot, and Lion's Whelp ; to the end we may compare the same with the invoices here, and receive freight, if any be omitted. The charge we are at in sending over servants for the Company is very great, the recompense whereof ^ We have no other C4eneral Let- the Colony the next sprinT- rendered tcr from the Ccmpany ; and proba- further instructions unnecessary, bly none was written. The transfer ^ See page 159. of the Charter and Government to FAMILY REGISTERS TO BE KEPT. 177 (under God) depends upon their labor and endeav- chap. ours ; and therefore our desire is that you appoint a careful and diligent overseer to each family, who is 1629. to see each person employed in the business he or gs^ they are appointed for. And to the end both your- selves there and we here may from time to time have notice how they employ their time, we have sent you divers paper books, which we pray you to distribute to the said overseers, who are to keep a perfect re- gister of the daily work done by each person in each family ; a copy whereof we pray you send unto us once every half year, or as often as conveniently you may. But if you conceive that the said register may be too much to write particularly every day, we de- sire that a summary may be taken thereof, at the least every week, registered in the book kept for that family, and at each week's end the same to be examined and subscribed by two, three, or four such discreet persons as you shall think fit to appoint for that purpose. And for the better governing and ordering of our people, especially such as shall be negligent and remiss in performance of their duties, or otherwise exorbitant, our desire is that a house of correction^ be erected and set up, both for the punishment of such offenders, and to deter others by their example from such irregular courses. Richard Claydon,^ a wheelwright, recommended unto us by Dr. Wells to be both a good and painful workman, and of an orderly life and conversation, ' Thus early was this useful and ^ In his contract, on page 61, he necessary institution contemplated, is called a carpenter, and is to in- if not established, in the Colony. struct in the trade of a ploughwright. 12 178 RICHARD INGERSOLL, OF BEDFORDSHIRE. CHAP, our desire is, that upon all occasions he may have your furtherance and good accommodation, as you ^^^^- shall find him by his endeavours to deserve; to 28^ whom, as to all others of fitness and judgment, let some of our servants be committed, to be instructed by him or them in their several arts, &c. There is also one Richard Haward and Richard Inkersall,^ both Bedfordshire men, hired for the Company with their families, who we pray you may be well accommodated, not doubting but they will well and orderly demean themselves. Our Governor, Mr. Cradock, hath entertained two gardeners, one of which he is content the Com- pany shall have use of, if need be ; and we de- sire that Barnaby Claydon,^ a wheelwright, may serve Mr. Sharpe for our said Governor here, or • Richard Ingersoll remained at Salem, where he received from the town, April 6, 1635, two acres for a house lot, in 1636 eighty acres more, and Dec. 23, 1639, twenty acres of meadow in the great meadow. — " The 16th of 11th mo. 1636, it is agreed tliat Richard Inkersell shall henceforward have one penny a time for every person he doth ferry over the north ferry, during the town's pleasure." He died in 1644, leav- ing a widow, Ann, and three sons, George, John, and Nathaniel, and four daughters. It appears from his will, which was witnessed and pro- bably written by Gov. Endicott, and from the inventory of his estate at- tached to it, that, at the time of his death, he was a substantial farmer, owning two houses, 203 acres of land, and a large number of cattle. His son Nathaniel was chosen dea- con of the church at Salem Village, (Danvers,) Nov. 24, 1689, and at the same time was lieutenant, and inn-holder, and took an active part in the witchcraft delusion in 1692. His great grandson, Nathaniel, mar- ried Bethiah Gardner in 1737, and had nine children, one of whom, Mary, married Habakkuk Bowditch, and was the mother of the late Dr. Bowditch, the eminent mathemati- cian, the author of the Practical Navigator, and the world-renowned commentator on La Place. What a contrast between the sphere and the influence of the two extreme links in this long genealogical chain — between the humble ferryman who transported the first settlers of Naumkeak over North River, and the great pilot who by means of his invaluable book steers the ships of a nation round the globe ! — Numer- ous descendants of Richard Ingersoll are living in Salem, and also in Gloucester, and all the children of Dr. Bowditch bear the honorable surname of the ancient ferryman. Records of the Bowditch family, MS. '^ Brother of Richard. See p. 61. THE PLANTERS FROM DORSET AND SOMERSET. 179 some other person in lieu of him that may give him chap. content. Some things we are desired by Mr. Whyte,^ the i^^g. minister, to recommend unto your care, viz. that you Qsf would show all lawful favor and respect unto the planters that came over in the Lion's Whelp out of the counties of Dorset and Somerset ; that you would appoint unto William Dodge,^ a skilful and painful husbandman, the charge of a team of horses ; to appoint Hugh Tilly and William Edes for servants to Sir Richard Saltonstall ; to give approbation and furtherance to Francis Webb^ in setting up his saw- mill ; and to take notice that all other persons sent over by Mr. Whyte are servants to the Company, whatsoever he hath written to the contrary, this be- ing now his own desire. The charge of these three ships now sent, though every man that hath any private adventure in them is to pay for his particular, yet the hazard of profit and loss by the freighting of them all, and men's wages and victual, with victual for the pas- sengers, is to be borne one half by the Company's general stock, and one half by the Governor and his partners their private stock ; so is also the fishing to be returned by them, as the salt sent in them is. ' See notes on pages 16 and 26. and killed two Indians. See Hub- * "William Dodge lived at Salem, bard's Indian Wars, p. 59 ; Stone's on Bass liver, or Cape Ann side ; Hist, of Beverly, p. 15 ; and Farm- and when that part of tlie territory er's Gen. Register. was incorporated as Beverly, he was ' Francis Webb was one of the chosen, Nov. 23, 1668, one of the first adventurers, and a member of the selectmen of the new town, and was Company. He subscribed jC50 to one of the founders of the church the joint stock in May, 1628, and there in 1667. It was probably his his name occurs at six of the courts son, William Dodge, jr., who was in the preceding Records. Felt, i. out in King Philip's War, and Jan. 171, errs inputting his name among 21, 1676, saved the life of his friend the colonists. See pp. 69 and 174. 180 TOOLS AND MATERIALS FOR SHIP-BUILDING. CHAP. Wherefore we pray you, when your ships are dis- chaged, if any surplus shall be in victuals that they ■ can spare, as also of other provisions, that was pro- 28. vided for the passengers' accommodation, let the same be equally divided, one half to the Governor there for the Company, the other half to Mr. Samuel Sharpe for the use of Mr. Cradock, our Governor, and his partners. All provisions for the fishing at sea is here equally borne in halves. So are all the provisions for shipping of all the cattle in these three ships ; and accordingly we desire the deals and cask may be divided there. The provisions for building of ships, as pitch, tar, rosin, oakum, old ropes for oakum, cordage and sail- cloth, in all these ships, with nine firkins and five half-barrels of nails in the Four Sisters, are two- thirds for the Company in general, and one-third for the Governor, Mr. Cradock, and his partners ; as is also the charge of one George Farr,^ now sent over to the six shipwrights, formerly sent. Our desire is, a storehouse may be made, apt for the provisions of the shipwrights and their tools, whereof Robert Moulton^ to have the chief charge, and an inventory to be sent us of all the tools, the new by themselves and old by themselves, that are sent over for the use of the said shipwrights, or any of them, in these and the former ships ; in like manner of all provisions any way concerning shipping ; to the end we may here examine and find that the Company may be duly charged with their two-thirds parts of the * George Farr was a farmer at Elizabeth, who was buried March Lynn in 1630, was admitted a free- II, 1687. See Lewis's History of man May 6, 1635, and died in 1661, j^ynn, p. 27. leaving eight children, and a widow, - See pages 94 and 161. FISHING-VESSELS TO BE BUILT ON SHARES. 181 charge, and no more, and the Governor likewise and chap. his partners with one-third part, and no more ; and -^— our desire is, that these men be kept at work i^^o. Mav together, adding to their help such of the Company's 28. servants as you shall find needful, and proportionably one half as many of Mr. Cradock's, which course we hold most equal ; and that accordingly as any ves- sels be built, first that both parties may be accom- modated for the present occasion ; but so soon as three shallops shall be finished, two of them to be set out for the Company, by lot, or as you shall agree there to make an equal division, and one for our Governor and his partners ; with whose agent, Mr. Sharpe, if you shall think fit to agree upon equal terms, either in thirds or halves, to fish together, when you shall have vessels fitting, or for setting any other design forward that may conduce to the good of all parties, the charge to be borne indifferently by each party proportionably, we leave to your care and good discretions, desiring and heartily praying that love and unity may be continued without any heart-burning. And as our Governor^ hath engaged himself beyond all expectation in this business, not only in his particular, but by great sums disbursed for the general, to supply the wants thereof, so our desire is, that you endeavour to give all furtherance and friendly accommodation to his agents and ser- vants there, not doubting but you shall find them likewise ready to accommodate the Company in w^hat they may, the Company standing in need of their help. ' Matthew Cradock. See note ^ on page 137. 182 THE CATTLE SENT OVER FOR THE COLONY. The cattle^ now and formerly sent have been all provided by the Governor, excepting three mares ^^^^ that came out of Leicestershire ; but as well those, 28. as all the rest, are agreed upon to be shipped, the one half at the charge and upon the adventure of the general Company, the other half for the Governor and his partners. And because all occasions shall be avoided of just exceptions in their division, it is a2:reed the division shall be made after the arrival there ; that so whatsoever it shall please God to send thither in safety, a division may be then made there- of by lot, or in such equal manner as you, the Gov- ernor there, and Mr. Sharpe, shall hold to be in- different. And in case Mr. Samuel Sharpe should be sick or absent, the Governor's desire is, that Henry Haughton^ supply his place herein, and in other his occasions there. And as in our former,^ so now again we especially desire you to take care that no tobacco be planted by any of the new planters under your government, unless it be some small quantity for mere necessity, and for physic, for preservation of their healths ; and that the same be taken privately by ancient men, and none other ; and to make a general restraint thereof, as much as in you is, by persuading the old planters to employ themselves in other business, ac- cording to our example, and not to permit that any tobacco be laden there upon our ships.'* * The George had on board, when and died in the winter of 1629-30, she sailed, thirty cows, twelve mares leaving one child. See Prince's and some goats; and tliirty cows Annals, pp. 263, 271 ; Hutchinson's and ten mares were expected by the Coll. p. 51. ships tliat were now sent, ^ See page 146. ^ Henry Houghton was the first " See jjages 136 and 146. To- ruling elder of the church in Salem, bacco derives its name not from the TOBACCO NOT TO BE PLANTED. 183 Since the above written, we have, upon further chap. consideration, resolved that the charge of the six fishermen sent over in the Lion's Whelp, and three ^ more now sent by our Governor, should be borne, two-thirds by the general Company and one-third by Mr. Cradock and partners ; the like for salt and other necessaries for fishing. In consideration where- of, and for that they will have a like interest in the shallops, our desire is, that the benefit of their labor, 1629. May 28. island of Tobajro, nor from Tabaco, a province of Yucatan, but from the forked tube through which the na- tives of Hayti inhaled its fumes into their nostrils. It was sent from America into Spain and Portugal by Hernandez de Toledo in the year 1559. Jean Nicot, ambassador from France to the court of Lisbon, in 1660, transmitted the seeds of the plant to his sovereign, Catharine de Medici ; and hence it derived the popular title of the Qucen^s Herb, and the Ambassador'' s Herb, and its botanical name of Nirotiana. On its first introduction into Europe, nu- merous and extraordinary medicinal virtues were ascribed to it, as may be seen in Monardes and Frampton. It appears to have been brought into England by Ralph Lane and his companions on their return from Virginia in 1586, and to have be- come fashionable there among the young gallants, and even the ladies of the court, by the example of its use set by Sir Walter Raleigh. King James, however, on his acces- sion to the throne, blew his " Coun- terblast to Tobacco," and in 1604 issued a commission to restrain the consumption of it, by laying a duty on it of 8s. Sd. a pound, and prohib- iting its use by " persons of mean and base condition," and confining it to " the better sort." In 1620 he issued another Proclamation, in which, after declaring his " dislike of the use of tobacco, being a weed of no necessary use," he forbade the planting of it in England, and the importation of it, except by per- sons licensed for the purpose, and then only fiom Virginia and the Sommer Islands, — a Proclamation which was renewed by Charles I. in 1625, and followed by another in 1634, in which he assumed the sole preemption of it, and appointed a commission to manage the monop- oly. The planting of tobacco in England is still prohibited by law, and the import duty is about 1200 per cent. — In 1638, it was ordered by the General Court of Massachu- setts, that " no man shall take any tobacco within ten poles of any house, or near any barn, corn, or hay-cock, as may occasion the firing thereof, nor shall take any tobacco in any inn, except in a private room there, so as neither the master of the said house, nor any other guest there, shall take offence thereat." See Oviedo, Sommario della Natu- rale et Generale Historia dell' In- die Occidentali, lib. v. cap. 2, in Ramusio, iii. 113; Frampton, loy- full Newes out of the New-found Wo:lde, fol. 34-45; Bigelow's Me- dical Botanv, ii. 171-199 ; Raleigh's Works, i." 73-77, (Oxford, 1829) ; Rymer's Foedera, xvi. 601, xvii. 190, 233, 621, 633, 668, xviii. 19 ; Mass. Colony Laws, p. 146, (ed. 1672.) p. 194, (ed. 1814.) ' Two of these were subsequently dismissed by the Governor, and did not come over ; as will be seen here- after. 1629, 184 IMPLEMENTS FOR FISHING SENT OVER. CHAP, both in fishing and otherwise, (the trade of beaver excepted, in which, if you use any of these fishermen as seamen, you must recompense their labors by 28. other men to supply their place,) be equally divided, two-thirds for the use of the general Company, and one-third for our Governor, Mr. Cradock, and part- ners, proportionably. And for such others as are to be assisting to these men in their fishing, you are to appoint two-thirds of them to be of the general Com- pany's servants, and one-third of the servants of Mr. Cradock and his partners accordingly. The charge of the freight of these three ships, their men, victuals, &c., will stand us in about .£2400 ; and their freight outward will nothing near countervail that charge. Wherefore we pray you to ease it what you may by sending us returns in fish or other lading ; and w^e desire you to give them all expedition, for otherwise their monthly pay, being about <£400 per month for these three ships, will soon swallow up the gains we shall make of anything they may bring home from thence. We have now sent by these three ships twenty- nine weight of salt, viz. eleven weight in the May- flower, fifteen in the Four Sisters, and three weight in the Pilgrim, together with lines, hooks, knives, boots, and barrels, necessary for fishing ; desiring our men may be employed either in harbour or upon the Bank^ to make use thereof for lading our ships ; wherein we desire you to confer and advise with Mr. Peirce, who hath formerly fished there. And if you ' Of Newfoundland, which, very ite place of resort for the fishermen eatly after the discovery of the coast of Europe, of North America, became a favor- SHIP-BUILDING IN THE COLONY 185 May 28. send the ships to fish at the Bank, and expect them chap. not to return again to the Plantation, that then you send our bark,^ that is already built in the country, ^^^^• to bring back our fishermen, and such provisions as they had for fishing, viz. of salt, if any remainder be, as also of hooks, lines, knives, boots, and barrels, which to them will be of no use, their fishing being ended, but may be of use to you upon all occasions. And as we have hereby desired that a store-house be built for the shipwrights and their provisions, and an inventory kept thereof, so we desire likewise that the same course be observed for the fishermen, and an inventory be duly kept of all the provisions and implements for fishing, and a copy thereof to be sent unto us ; and that such a careful person be appoint- ed to take care and charge thereof, to preserve the ' This was probably the fijst ves- sel built in the Colony, and preceded, by at least two years, the building of Winthrop's bark at Rlistick, call- ed the Blessing of the Bay, of 30 tons, which was launched July 4, 1631, Cradock, as we have seen, page 137, carried on ship-building at his plantation on Mistick river, and in 1633 had a vessel on the stocks of 100 tons, and the next year was to build another of twice the burden. In 1636, a ship of 120 tons, called the Desire, was built at Marblehead. In 1640 Hugh Peters " procured some to join for building a ship at Salem of 300 tons, and the inhabitants of Boston, stirred up by his example, set upon building an- other at Boston of 150 tons." Her name was the Trial. In the sum- mer of 1642 five ships more were built, three at Boston, one at Dor- chester, and one at Salem. In 1644, a ship of 250 tons was built at Cam- bridge, and another of 200 at Bos- ton. Oct. 17, 1646, a ship of 300 tons was launched at Boston. The author of New-England's First Fruits, writing from Boston, Sept. 26, 1642, says, " Besides many boats, shallops, hoys, lighters, pin- naces, we are in a way of building ships of an 100, 200, 300, 400 tons. Five of them are already at sea, many more in hand at this present, we being much encouraged herein by reason of the plenty and excel- lency of our timber for that purpose, and seeing all the materials will be had there in short time." Such was the origin and early progress of ship-building in Massachusetts, a branch of her industry which, in the year ending April 1 , 1845, employed 1017 men, and produced 112 vessels, whose burthen was 26,312 tons, and whose value was $1,172,147. See Savage's Win- throp, i. 57, 60, 193, ii. 24, 65, 173, 278 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 248 ; Statistics of the Condition and Pro- ducts of certain Branches of Indus- try in Massachusetts, p. 362. 186 THOMAS BEARD, THE FIRST SHOEMAKER. CHAP, same from loss and spoil, as you in your discretions — — shall think fit ; which we pray you take into your 1629. especial care and consideration ; and so to order this 28^ and other business, by distributing the care thereof to several persons, that the burthen be not too heavy to any particular, and so the business itself suffer. And this care we desire may be taken, for that we know not how soon we may resolve of some other division. Thomas Beard, ^ a shoemaker, and Isaac Rickman, being both recommended to us by Mr. Simon Whet- combe,^ to receive their diet and house-room at the charge of the Company, we have agreed they shall be with you, the Governor, or placed elsewhere, as you shall think good, and receive from you, or by your appointment, their diet and lodging ; for which they are to pay, each of them, after the rate of ,£10 per annum. And we desire to receive a certificate under the hand of whomsoever they shall be so dieted and lodged with, how long time they have remained with them, in case they shall otherwise dispose of themselves, before the year be expired, or at least- wise at the end of each year, to the end we may here receive payment according to the said agreement. The said Thomas Beard hath in the ship the May- flower divers hides, both for soles and upper leathers, which he intends to make up in boots and shoes there in the country. We pray you let Mr. Peirce, the master of the said ship, view the said leather, and estimate what tonnage the same may import ; that so ' Thomas Beard was admitted a as appears from tlie preceding Rec- freeman May 10, 1G43. ords, was a very active member of * Whetcombe was one of the pa- the Company, and a constant at- tentees named in the Charter, and, tendant at its meetings. LANDS TO EE HELD BY SERVICE. 187 the said Beard may either pay unto you there after chap. the rate of £4 per ton for freight of the same ; the -— ^- like for his diet, if there be occasion to use any of his i629. commodities ; or otherwise, upon your advice, we 2^. may receive it of Mr. AVhetcombe, who hath prom- ised to see the same discharged. We desire also the said Thomas Beard may have fifty acres of land allotted to him, as one that transports himself at his own charge. But as well for him as all others that shall have land allotted to them in that kind, and are no adventurers in the common stock, which is to support the charge of fortifications, as also for the ministry'^ and divers other aflfairs, we hold it fit that these kind of men, as also such as shall come to in- herit lands by their service, should, by w^ay of ac- knowledgment to such from whom they receive these lands, become liable to the performance of some ser- vice, certain days in the year, and by that service they and their posterity after them to hold and inherit these lands ;^ which will be a good means to enjoy their lands from being held in capite, and to support the Plantation in general and particular. We may not omit, out of our zeal for the general good, once more to put you in mind to be very cir- cumspect in the infancy of the Plantation to settle some good orders, whereby all persons resident upon our Plantation may apply themselves to one calling, * See pages 96 and 1 18. Hutch- and cheap to authorize it, or render inson, i. 14, says that no notice was it practicable ; and accordingly it taken in the Colony of the provision was all held in fee simple. One of that one half of the charge of the the early settlers, writing home from fortifications and support of the min- New-Plymouth in 1621, says, " We isters should be paid out of the joint are all freeholders ; the rent-day stock. doth not trouble us." See Chroni- ^ This feudal tenure was never cles of Plymouth, p. 250. established. Land was too plentiful 188 JUSTICE TO BE IMPARTIALLY ADMINISTERED. CHAP, or Other, and no idle drone be permitted to live • — -— ' amongst us ;^ which if you take care now at the first 1629. to establish, will be an undoubted means, through ^Q^ God's assistance, to prevent a world of disorders, and many grievous sins and sinners. The course we have prescribed for keeping a daily register in each family, of what is done by all and every person in the family, will be a great help and remembrance to you, and to future posterity^ for the upholding and continuance of this good act, if once well begun and settled ; which we heartily wish and desire, as aforesaid. And as we desire all should live in some honest calling and profession, so we pray you to be unpar- tial in the administration of justice, and endeavour that no man whatsoever, freeman or servant to any, may have just cause of complaint herein. And for that it cannot be avoided but offences will be given, we heartily pray you to admit of all complaints that shall be made to you, or any of you that are of the Council, be the complaint never so mean, and pass " it not slightly over, but seriously examine the truth of the business ; and if you find there was just cause for the complaint, endeavour to right the oppressed in the best manner you can. But, howsoever, take some strict course to prevent the like ; and such as are by us put in authority, as subordinate governors of families, if they shall abuse any under their gov- ernment, and after a gentle admonition do not reform ' This is noteworthy. cd. They might have thrown light ^ Posterity would have liked to see on the history of families, and the these family registers, and regrets character and struggles of the first that none of them have been preserv- planters. SWEARERS TO BE PUNISHED. 189 it, fail not speedily to remove them, as men more fit chap. to be governed than to govern others, and place more fit and sufficient men in their stead. Butif^^^^' you find any complaint to be made without just cause 28. given, let not such a fault escape without severe punishment, and that forthwith, and in public, whereby to terrify all others from daring to complain against any that shall be set over them without a just cause. We pray you take this earnestly to heart, and neglect not the due execution thereof upon plaintiff" or defendant, according to the nature of the offence. It will be a means, through God's mercy, of preventing many inconveniences and disorders, that otherwise will undoubtedly befall you and the whole government there. And amongst other sins we pray you make some good laws for the punishing of swearers, whereunio it is to be feared too many are addicted that are ser- vants sent over formerly and now. These and other abuses we pray you who are in authority to endeav- our seriously to reform, if ever you expect comfort or a blessing from God upon our Plantation. We have discharged divers servants here that we had entertained and been at great charges with some of them. Yet fearing their ill life might be prejudi- cial to the Plantation, w^e rather thought fit to dis- miss them and lose our charges, than to burthen the Plantation with them.' Amongst others, in like ' The Company seem to have afterwards Lieutenant-Governor, in taken all possible precautions to pre- the Election Sermon which he vent immoral persons from going preached in 1668, " God sifted a over to their Plantation. They in- whole nation, that he might send tended to colonize only "the best." choice grain over into this wilder- As was said by William Stoughton, ness." 190 SPIRITS NOT TO BE SOLD TO THE INDIANS. CHAP, manner dismissed by the Governor, two of the three VI. , -^ ■ fishermen of his formerly mentioned are gone. We 1629. jQy})f j^Qj- i^ut God will in due time provide us suffi- 28. ciently with honest and able servants, and we hope these sent will be conformable to good government ; which if they do willingly and cheerfully, will be the greater comfort to you and us ; if otherwise, we doubt not but you in your good discretions will know how to proceed with such. Wherein, and in all things else you go about, we beseech the Almighty so to direct you, as that God alone may have the glory, and you and we comfort here temporally, and hereafter perpetually. We pray you to take notice that in these and the former ships there is shipped in cattle and other pro- visions, according to particular invoices here enclos- ed ; but whether all things be inserted in the same invoices we make doubt, and therefore pray you to be careful a due register be kept of all put ashore. We pray you endeavour, though there be much strong waters sent for sale, yet so to order it as that the salvages may not, for our lucre sake, be induced to the excessive use, or rather abuse of it ;^ and at any hand take care our people give no ill example ; and if any shall exceed in that inordinate kind of drinking as to become drunk, we hope you will take care his punishment be made exemplary for all others. Let the laws be first published to forbid these disorders, and all others you fear may grow up ; whereby they may not pretend ignorance of the ' In conformity with this direc- liquors to the Indians. See Mass. tion, seveial orders were made, at Colony Laws, p. 76, (ed. 1672,) p. different times, forbidding any per- 134, (ed. 1814.) 80D in the Colony selling strong THE COMPANY S IXSTRUCTIONS. 191 one nor privilege to 'offend ; and then fear not to put chap. good laws, made upon good ground and warrant, in > — -— - due execution. 1629. And so recommendino; you and all your affairs to ^j^y » J ^ J 28. the protection of the Almighty, we conclude, and rest, Yours, &c. Gravesend, 3 June, 1629. To the worshipful our very loving friends, Capt. John Endecott, Esq., Governor, Fraxcis Higgenson, Samuel Skelton, Francis Bright, John and Sa:\iuel Browne, Samuel Sharpe, Tho.mas Graves, and the rest of the Council for London's Plantation in the Mattachusetts Bay, in New- England.* ' These two General Letters of Instructions to Gov. Endicott and his Council, are bound up at the end of the first book of Deeds in the Re- gistry of Suffolk. How they came there, is not known . They are in the hand-writing of Burgess, the second Secretary of the Company, as will be manifest to any one who will inspect and compare them with his entries in the first volume of the Court Records at the State House. The manuscript is either the duplicate mentioned on page 166, or part of the Company's Letter Book, men- tioned on page 99. CHAPTER VII. THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR THE COLONY. CHAP. A General Court holden at London the 30th day VTT • .,^_L of April, 1629, by the Governor and Company of the 1629. Mattachusetts Bay, in New-England.^ April on Whereas the King's most excellent Majesty hath been graciously pleased to erect and establish us, by his letters patents under the great seal of England, to be a body corporate, entitled The Governor and Company of the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England ; and thereby hath endowed us with many large and ample privileges and immunities, with power to make good and wholesome laws, orders, and ordinances, for the better maintenance and support of the said privileges, and for the better and more orderly and regular government to be observed in the prosecu- tion and propagation of our intended voyages and the Plantation there ; authorizing us to nominate and appoint and select fit persons amongst ourselves for the managing, ordering and governing of our affairs, both in England and in the places specified and ' See pages 66, 68, 73, and 144. ENDICOTT APPOINTED GOVERNOR. 193 granted unto us by virtue of his Majesty's said char- chap. ter : We have, in the prosecution of the said povs^er and authority given us, and in conformity thereunto, 1629. and to the purpose and intent thereof, and not other- 30 wise, thought fit to settle and establish an absolute^ government at our Plantation in the said Mattachu- setts Bay, in New-England ; which, by the vote and consent of a full and ample Court now assembled, is thought fit and ordered, as followeth, viz. That thirteen of such as shall be reputed the most wise, honest, expert, and discreet persons, resident upon the said Plantation, shall, from time to time, and at all time hereafter, have the sole managing and ordering of the government and of our affairs there ; who, to the best of their judgments, are to endeav- our so to settle the same as may make most to the glory of God, the furtherance and advancement of this hopeful Plantation, the comfort, encouragement, and future benefit of us and others, the beginners and prosecutors of this so laudable a work ; the said thirteen persons so appointed to be entitled by the name of The Governor and Council of London's Plant- ation in the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England. And having taken into due consideration the merit, worth, and good desert of Captain John Endecott, and others lately gone over from hence with purpose to reside and continue there, we have, with full consent and authority of this Court, and by erection of hands, chosen and elected the said Cap- tain John Endecott to the place of present Governor in our said Plantation. ^ This is noteworthy. 13 194 endicott's council. CHAP. Also, by the same power, and with the like full > — ~ and free consent, we have chosen and elected Mr. 1629. Francis Higgesson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, Mr. Francis "^5"^ Bright, Mr. John Browne, Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr. Thomas Graves, and Mr. Samuel Sharpe, these seven, to be of the said Council ; and do hereby give power and authority to the said Governor and those seven to make choice of three others, such as they, or the greater number of them, in their discretions shall esteem and conceive most fit thereunto, to be also of the said Council. And to the end that the. former planters^ there may have no just occasion of exception, as being ex- cluded out of the privileges of the Company, this Court are content, and do order, by erection of hands, that such of the said former planters as are willing to live within the limits of our Plantation, shall be enabled and are hereby authorized, to make choice of two, such as they shall think fit, to supply and make up the number of twelve of the said Council ; one of which twelve is by the Governor and Council, or the major part of them, to be chosen Deputy to the Governor for the time being. And further, the Court doth authorize and give power to the said Governor and Council, or the ma- jor part of them, (whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always one,) to make choice of a Secretary and such other subordinate ofhcers, to attend them at their courts, meetings, or otherwise, as in their dis- cretions shall seem meet and needful. And to the end that every one of the forenamed officers, as well Governor, Deputy, and Council, as others whom * Conant and his associates, employed by the Dorchester adventurers. See page 145. THE GOVERNMENT CHOSEN FOR ONE YEAR. 195 they shall think fit to nominate and choose, may be chap. the more careful in performance of the charge com- . — L- mitted unto them, it is by this Court thought fit and 1629. ordered, that each of them shall take an oath, proper |J to that place he shall be elected and chosen to, which is to be administered unto him or them at the time of his or their election or admittance into the said several place or places. And we do hereby authorize [blank] to administer unto the Governor the oath to his place appertain- ing ; and that the Governor, having taken his oath, as aforesaid, shall administer the oath to the Deputy appertaining to his place. And we do further hereby authorize the Governor, or Deputy, or either of them, to administer the oath to the rest of the Council, and unto all others the several officers respectively ; which said oaths are to be administered in a public Court, and not elsewhere. It is further concluded on, and ordered by this Court, that the said Governor, Deputy, and Council, before named, so chosen and established in their several places, shall continue and be confirmed therein for the space of one whole year, from and after the taking the oath, or until such time as this Court shall think fit to make choice of any others to succeed in the place or places of them, or any of them. And if it shall please God that any of them, or any others to be hereafter chosen to any oflice there, shall depart this life before the expiration of the time they w^ere so chosen, or for any misde- meanour or unfitness shall be held unmeet for the place he was formerly chosen unto, that then the Governor, or Deputy, and Council, or the greater number of them, at an ample Court assembled, shall 196 THE GOVERNMENT TO MAKE LAWS. CHAP, have power, and hereby are authorized, not only to ^ — — remove and displace such unfit person or persons,^ 1629. but also to nominate and choose a fit person or per- ^Iq^ sons to succeed him or them so deceased, removed, or displaced, as aforesaid, into the said place or places, for the residue of the time unexpired. And it is further agreed on and ordered, that the Governor for the time being, shall have power, and is hereby authorized, to call courts and meetings in places and at times convenient, as to his discretion shall seem meet ; which power is hereby also con- ferred upon the Deputy, in the absence of the said Governor. And the said Governor or Deputy, to- gether with the said Council, being chosen and as- sembled as aforesaid, and having taken their oaths respectively to their several places, they, or the greater number of them, whereof the Governor or Deputy to be always one, are authorized by this Act, grounded on the power derived from his Majesty's charter, to make, ordain, and establish all manner of wholesome and reasonable laws, orders, ordinances, and constitutions,^ (so as the same be no way repug- nant or contrary to the laws of the realm of Eng- land,) for the administering of justice upon malefac- tors, and inflicting condign punishment upon all other offenders, and for the furtherance and propagating of the said Plantation, and the more decent and orderly government of the inhabitants resident there.^ * This justified Endicott in dis- ^ This Act for establishing the placing the Biownes from the Coun- government in New-England, is oil. They had been guilty, to say printed from the copy transcribed the least, of a misdemeanour. into the Company's Records, by * Instructions, in the Charter and Secretary Burgess, fol. 11-14. in the Company's Records. Seep. 67. CHAPTER VIII. THE ALLOTMENT OF THE LANDS. At a Court of Assistants on Thursday, the 21st of May, 1629.1 This Court taking into due and mature considera- chap. . . . vni tion how necessary it will be that a dividend be ^^ -^ forthwith made of some competent quantity of land ^^^g. in the London Plantation in New-England, both for 2if the present accommodation of the people lately gone thither, as well to build them houses, as to enclose and manure, and to feed their cattle on, have thought fit and ordered, that the Governor, Deputy, and Council there shall make a dividend accordingly, and allot the same unto the several adventurers and others, as followeth, viz. That two hundred acres of land be by them allot- ted to each adventurer for £50 adventure in the common stock, and so after that rate, and according to that proportion, for more or less, as the adventure is, to the intent they may build their houses and improve their labors thereon. ' See pages 74-77. 1629, 198 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. That every adventurer in the common stock, or his servant for him or on his behalf, shall make re- quest or demand to the Governor or Deputy and 2iT Council, to have a proportion of land allotted unto him accordingly ; and if, within ten days after such request or demand made, the same be not set out and allotted unto him, then such person or persons are, by virtue of this Act, permitted and authorized to seat him or themselves, and build his or their house or houses, and enclose and manure ground in any convenient place or places not formerly built upon or manured ; provided that the land so made choice of by any such person or persons do not ex- ceed in quantity the one half of the land which is to be allotted unto him or them by dividend, according to this order above written ; with liberty also, when the first dividend shall be made, to take his or their allotment of land as others do, in lieu of this, if in the mean time the first choice shall be disliked by them, or any of them. And for further explanation of this Act, it is thought fit, that if the plot of ground whereon the town is to be built be set out, and that it be publicly known to be intended for that purpose, that then no man shall presume to build his house in any other place, unless it be in the Mattachusetts Bay, and there according to such direction as shall be thought meet for that place. And in case his allotment for building his house within the plot of ground set out for building of the town be not appointed unto him within ten days after demand or request to the Gov- ernor or the Deputy and Council for the same, it shall be free for any, being an adventurer in the THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. 199 common stock, or his servant for him or on his be- chap. VIII. half, to build his house in any place within the said plot set out for the town, and to impale to the quan- 1629. tity of half an acre of ground for each <£50 adventure off in the common stock ; unless a greater or lesser proportion be formerly determined by the Governor and Council, by which each builder is to be guided and directed. It is further thought fit and ordered, that all such as go over in person, or send over others at their own charge, and are adventurers in the common stock, shall have lands allotted unto them for each person they transport to inhabit the Plantation, as w^ell servants as all others ; which fifty acres of land, so allotted to servants or others, is hereby ordered to be to and for the use of his master or setter forth, being an adventurer in the common stock, to dispose of at his discretion, in regard the master, &c. is at the charge of the said servant and others their trans- portation, wages, and otherwise. But for such as being no adventurers in the common stock shall transport themselves and their families, it is ordered that fifty acres of land shall be allotted and set out for the master of the family, and such a proportion of land more, if there be cause, as, according to their charge and quality, the Governor and Council of the Plantation there shall think necessary for them, whereby their charge may be fully and amply sup- ported; unless it be to any with whom the Company in London have or shall make any other particular agreement, to which relation is to be had in such case. And to the end every adventurer may the more 200 THE ALLOTMENT OF LANDS. CHAF. safely and peaceably enjoy their said lands allotted — — - unto them or chosen by them, and the houses they 1629. buiifj thereupon, as abovesaid, it is thought fit and 21. ordered by this Court, that conveyances shall be made thereof unto each particular man for the land he possesseth, in the Company's name, and the com- mon seal of the Company to be thereunto affixed by the Governor and Council there, at the charge of the Company ; which common seal is by this Court thought fit and ordered to be committed to the charge and keeping of the Governor for the time being, and in his absence, to his Deputy there. All which premises before mentioned the Compa- ny do by general consent ratify, establish and con- firm ; and do also order, that copies of these Acts shall be sent over to the Governor and Council there resident, subscribed by the Governor, Deputy, and six of the Assistants here, and sealed with the com- mon seal of the Company.^ * See page 78. ny's Records, in the handwriting of This Act for the allotment of the Secretary Burgess, fol. 11-16. lands is also taken from the Compa- CHAPTER IX. OATHS OF OFFICE FOR THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL.^ The Oath of the Governor in New-England.^ You shall be faithful and loyal unto our Sovereign chap. Lord, the King's Majesty, and to his heirs and sue- - — -^ cessors. You shall support and maintain, to your 16 29. power, the government and Company of the Matta- ^^* chusetts Bay, in New-England, in America, and the privileges of the same, having no singular regard to yourself in derogation or hindrance of the common wealth of this Company ; and to every person under your authority you shall administer indifferent and equal justice. Statutes and ordinances shall you none make without the advice and consent of the Council for the government of the Mattachusetts Bay in New-England. You shall admit none into the freedom of this Company but such as may claim the same by virtue of the privileges thereof You shall not bind yourself to enter into any business or process for or in the name of this Company, without ' See page 69. istered to the Deputy." Marginal '^ " Thia oath is also to be admin- note in the MS. 202 THE GOVERNOR S OATH. ^'H^p. the consent and agreement of the Council aforesaid, ' — ^ — ' but shall endeavour faithfully and carefully to carry 1629. yourself in this place and office of Governor, as long ^^" as you shall continue in it. And likewise you shall do your best endeavour to draw on the natives of this country, called New-England, to the knowledge of the True God, and to conserve the planters, and others coming hither, in the same knowledge and fear of God. And you shall endeavour, by all good means, to advance the good of the Plantations of this Company, and you shall endeavour the raising of such commodities for the benefit and encouragement of the adventurers and planters as, through God's blessing on your endeavours, may be produced for the good and service of the kingdom of England, this Company, and their Plantations. All these premises you shall hold and keep to the uttermost of your power and skill, so long as you shall continue in the place of Governor of this fellowship. So help you God! The Oath of the Council in New- England. You swear to be faithful and loyal to our Sovereign Lord, the King's Majesty, and to his heirs and succes- sors. You shall from time to time give your best advice and counsel for supporting and maintaining the common wealth and corporation of The Governor and Compariy of the Mattachusctts Bay, in New-Eng- land ; not sparing for love nor dread, for favor nor meed, but according to the statutes and ordinances THE OATH OF THE COUNCIL. 203 made and to be made by virtue of the Charter of the chap. IX. said Company, shall effectually assist the Governor, ^^ — ^ or his Deputy and Council of the said Company, in 1629. executing the said statutes and ordinances ; having ^^^y* no singular regard to yourself in derogation of the common wealth of the same. All these premises you shall hold and truly keep to your power, so long as you shall continue in the place or office of one of the said Council. So help you God !^ ^ These Oaths of Office for the setts, pages 75 and 76, hanng been Governor and Council, are copied inserted there out of place, by some from the first volume of the Records mistake. They are in the hand- of the General Comt of Massachu- writing of Secretary Burgess. THE COMPANY'S AGREEMENT WITH THE MINISTERS. CHAPTER X AGREEMENT OF THE NEW-ENGLAND COMPANY WITH THE MINISTERS.^ The Agreement luith Mr. Bright. I, Francis Bright, of Roily ,^ in Essex, clerk, chap. have this present 2d February, 1628, agreed with — L- the Company of Adventurers for New-England, in i629. America, to be ready with my w^ife, two children, ^g^" and one maid-servant, by the beginning of March next, to take our passage to the Plantation at or near Massachusetts Bay, in New-England, as aforesaid ; where I do promise, God sparing me life and health, to serve the said Company in the work of the minis- try, by my true and faithful endeavours, for the space of three years. For and in consideration whereof, these several particulars are this day agreed upon by the said Company, and by me accepted, namely : 1. That i!20 shall be forthwith paid me by the Company's treasurer towards charges of fitting ' See page 143. London, See Newcourt's Reperto- * The name of this town is now riura, ii. 482. spelt Rayleigh. It is 26 miles from 208 FRANCIS BRIGHT's AGREEMENT. CHAP, myself with apparel and other necessaries for the — voyage. 1629. 2. That £10 more shall be paid me by him to- 2. ' wards providing of books ; which said books, upon my death or removal from the charge now intended to be transferred upon me, are to be and remain to such minister as shall succeed in my place for the said Company ; and before my departure out of Eng- land, I am to deliver a particular of the said books. 3. That £20 yearly shall be paid me for three years, to begin from the time of my first arrival in New-England, and so to be accounted and paid at the end of each year. 4. That during the said time, the Company shall provide for me and my family aforementioned, neces- saries of diet, housing, firewood, and shall be at the charge of the transportation of us into New-England ; and at the end of the said three years, if I shall not like to continue longer there, to be at charges of transporting us back for England. 5. That in convenient time a house shall be built, and certain lands allotted thereunto ; which, during my stay in the country and continuing in the minis- try, shall be for my use, and after my death or re- moval, the same to be for succeeding ministers. 6. That at the expiration of the said three years, one hundred acres of land shall be assigned unto me, for me and my heirs forever. 7. That in case I shall depart this life in that country, the said Company shall take care for my widow, during her widowhood and abode in that country 'and Plantation ; the like for my children whilst they remain on the said Plantation. FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S AGREEMENT. 209 8. That the milk of two kme shall be appointed chap. me toward the charge of diet for me and my family, ^^-^ as aforesaid, and half their increase during the said 1^2 9. . Feb three years, to be likewise mine ; but the said two 2. ' kine and the other half of the increase to return to the Company at the end of the said three years. 9. That I shall have liberty to carry bedding, linen, brass, iron, pewter, of my own, for my neces- sary use during the said time. 10. That if I continue seven years upon the said Plantation, that then one hundred acres of land more shall be allotted to me for me and my heirs forever.^ The Agreement with Mr. Higginson. A true note of the allowance that the New-England April 8 Company have, by common consent and order of their Court and Council, granted unto Mr. Francis Higginson,^ minister, for his maintenance in New- England, April 8, 1629. 1. Imprimis, that £30 in money shall be forth- with paid him by the Company's treasurer towards the charges of fitting himself with apparel and other necessaries for his voyage. 2. Item, that £10 more shall be paid over by the said treasurer towards the providing of books for present use. 3. Item, that he shall have £30 yearly paid him for three years, to begin from the time of his first * See Felt's Annals of Salem, i. 510, * See page 65. 14 210 FRANCIS HIGGINSON's AGREEMENT. CHAP, arrival in New-Ensrland, and so to be accounted and X V — ~ paid him at the end of every year. 1629. 4_ Item, that dm'ing the said time, the Company ^^Q^ shall provide for him and his family necessaries of diet, housing and firewood, and shall be at charges of transporting him into New-England ; and at the end of the said three years, if he shall not like to continue there any longer, to be at the charge of transporting him back for England. 5. Item, that in convenient time a house shall be built, and certain lands allotted thereunto ; which, during his stay in the country, and continuance in the ministry, shall be for his use ; and after his death or removal, the same to be for succeeding ministers. 6. Item, at the expiration of the said three years, a hundred acres of land shall be assigned to him and his heirs forever. 7. Item, that in case he shall depart this life in that country, the said Company shall take care for his widow during her widowhood and abode in that country and Plantation ; and the like for his child- ren whilst they remain upon the said Plantation. 8. Item, that the milk of two kine shall be ap- pointed towards the charges of diet for him and his family as aforesaid, and half the increase of calves during the said three years ; but the said two kine, and the other half of the increase, to return to the Company at the end of the said three years. 9. Item, that he shall have liberty of carrying over bedding, linen, brass, iron, pewter, of his own, for his necessary use during the said time. 10. Item, that if he continue seven years upon the HIGGINSON AND SKELTON's AGREEMENT. 211 said Plantation, that then a hundred acres of land chap, X. more shall be allotted him for him and his forever/ The 8th of April, 1629. Mr. Francis Higgeson and Mr. Samuel Skelton, intended ministers for this Plantation, and it being thought meet to consider of their entertainment, who expressing their willing- ness, together also with Mr. Francis Bright, being now present, to do their endeavour in their places of the ministry, as well in preaching, catechising, as also in teaching or causing to be taught the Compa- ny's servants and their children, as also the salvages and their children, whereby to their uttermost to further the main end of this Plantation, being, by the assistance of Almighty God, the conversion of the salvages — the propositions and agreements conclud- ed on with Mr. Francis Bright the 2d of February last were reciprocally accepted of by Mr. Francis Higgeson and Mr. Samuel Skelton ;^ who are in every respect to have the like conditions as Mr. Bright hath. Only, whereas Mr. Higgeson hath eight ^ * This Agreement is printed from in Westmoreland, where he died in an early MS. 1672, aged 55. 3. Timothy, ten. ^ In Felt's Annals of Salem, i. 4. Theophilus, nine. 5. Samuel, 511-513, is an accomit of moneys eight, who at his mother's death in due to him from the Company in 1640, was bound as a servant to 1629 and 1630, including his charges Gov. Eaton, of New Haven, for two for provisions and clothing. years. O.Ann, six. 7. Mary, four, ^ Their names, and their ages at who died on the passage, May 19. this time, so far as I have been able 8. Charles, one, who. in 1640, was to determine them from the data I bound apprentice to Thomas Fugill have, were as follows: — 1. John, for nine years. There was a 9th thirteen, concerning whom see note ' child, bom in Salem, called Neo- on p. 166. 2. Fiancis, twelve, who phytus, who had been placed with after studying at Leyden and other Atherton Hough, at Boston, to be universities on the continent, return- brought up. See Kingsley's Hist, ed to England, and was settled in Disc. p. 103 ; Mather's Magnalia, the ministry at Kirkby- Stephen, i. 330. 212 HIGGINSON AND SKELTON's AGREEMENT. CHAP, children, it is intended that i)10 more yearly shall be allowed him towards their charges. And it is agreed that the increase to be improved of all their grounds, during the first three years, shall be at the Company's disposing, w^ho are to find their diet during that time; and .£10 more to Mr. Higgeson, towards his present fitting him and his for the voyage. Francis Higgeson. Samuel Skelton. Further, though it was not mentioned in the Agreement, but forgotten, Mr. Higgeson was pro- mised a man-servant, to take care and look to his things, and to catch him fish and fowl, and provide other things needful, and also two maid-servants, to look to his family. HIGGINSON'S JOURNAL OF HIS VOYAGE TO NEW-ENGLAND. A TRUE Relation of the last Voyage to New -England, declaring all circumstances, with the manner of the passage we had by sea, and what manner of country and inhabitants we found when we came to land ; and what is the present state and condition of the English people that are there already. Faithfully recorded according to the very truth, for the satisfaction of very many of my loving friends, who have earnestly requested to be truly certified in these things. Written from New-England, July 24, 1629. If any curious critic that looks for exactness of phrases, or expert seaman that regards propriety of sea terms, &c. CHAPTER XI. higginson's journal of his voyage. A TRUE Relation of the last Voyage to New-Eng- chap. land, made the last summer, begun the 25th of April, being Saturday, Anno Domini, 1629. 1629. April. The Company of New-England, consisting of many worthy gentlemen in the city of London, Dorchester, and other places, aiming at the glory of God, the propagation of the Gospel of Christ, the conversion of the Indians, and the enlargement of the King's Majesty's dominions in America, and being author- ized by his royal letters patents for that end, at their very great costs and charge furnished five ships to go to New-England, for the further settling of the English Plantation that they had already begun there. ^ The names of the five ships were as followeth : The first is called the Talbot,^ a good and strong ship, of three hundred tons, and nineteen pieces of * Under Endicott, in 1628, the ^ Francis Higginson, with his year before. See pages 13 and 30. family, sailed in the Talbot. See page 143. 216 NAMES OF THE SHIPS. CHAP, ordnance, and served with thirty mariners. This ship carried above a hundred planters, six goats, five great pieces of ordnance, with meal, oatmeal, pease, and all manner of munition and provision for the Plantation for a twelvemonth. The second the George,^ another strong ship also, about three hundred tons, twenty pieces of ordnance, served with about thirty mariners. Her chief car- riage were cattle, twelve mares, thirty kine, and some goats." Also she had in her fifty-two planters, and other provision. The third is called the Lion's Whelp,^ a neat and nimble ship, of a hundred and twenty tons, eight pieces of ordnance, carrying in her many mariners and above forty planters, specially from Dorches- ter'' and other places thereabouts, with provision, and four goats. The fourth is called The Four Sisters, as I hear, of about three hundred tons ; which fair ship carried many cattle, with passengers and provision. The fifth is called the Mayflower,^ carrying pas- sengers and provision.*^ Now amongst these five ships, the George having some special and urgent cause of hastening her pas- ' Samuel Skelton, with his wife, ^ Francis Bright, with his wife went in the George. See page 143. and two children, was in the Lion's ''The Colony of Massachusetts Whelp. See page 143. Bay was, in this particular, much " See page 50. earlier and better ])rovided than the ^ Thirty-five of the Leyden con- Colony of New Plymouth had been, gregation, with their families, came The latter had no (-attle till March, over to Plymouth at this time in the 1624 when Mr. Edward Winslow Mayflower and Talbot. See Mass. brought over a bull and three Hist. Coll. iii. 66 ; Prince, pp. 261, heifers; whereas as early as 1626, 264; Chronicles of Plymouth, page twelve cows at least had been sent 482. over to Cape Ann. See pages 9 " There was a sixth vessel sent, and 12, and Prince's Annals, p. 225. called the Pilgrim. See page 175. THE SHIPS DROP DOWN THE THAMES. 217 sa2:e,^ set sail before the rest, about the midst of chap. ^ ' XI. April. And the Four Sisters and the Mayflower, being not thoroughly furnished, intended, as we heaiTl, to set forth about three weeks after us. But we that were in the Talbot and the Lion's Whelp, being ready for our voyage, by the good hand of God's providence, hoisted up sail from Gravesend on Saturday the 25th of April, about seven o'clock in 25. the morning. Having but a faint wind we could not go far that day, but at night we anchored against Leigh," which is twelve miles from Gravesend, and there we rested that night, and kept Sabbath the 26. next day. On Monday we set forward and came to the Flats, ^ 27. a passage somewhat difficult by reason of the narrow- ness of the channel^ and shallowness of the water; and going over this we were in some danger ; for our ship being heavy laden and drawing deep water, was sensibly felt of us all to strike three or four times on the ground. But the wind blowing some- what strong, we were carried swiftly on, and at last, by God's blessing, came safe to anchor at Gorin^ road. Tuesday we w^ent a little further, and anchored 28 over against Margate town, staying for a wind for the Downs. ^ On account of the cattle she had Sheerness to the North Foreland, onboard — and also on account of See Norie's British Channel Pilot, the instructions she was carrying- out pp. 13-17. to Endicott to anticipate Oldham in * The channel is called the Five occupying Massachusetts Bay. See Fathoms Channel, pages 68 and 150. * The Gore is one of the anchor- ^ Leigh is near the mouth of the ages most commonly used, especially Thames. by large ships bound to the Downs, ^ These Flats, under different before coming to Margate and the names, extend from the Nore and North Foreland. See Norie, p. 17. 218 THE SHIPS IN THE DOWNS. Wednesday, we came safely, though with much turnmg and tacking, through the Gulls, ^ into the 1629. Downs,^ and stayed that night. 20, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday, the wind blew May hard from south-west, and caused our ship to dance; ^' ^' and divers of our passengers, and my wife specially, were sea-sick. Here the King's ship called the As- surance pressed two of our mariners. Here we saw many porpoises playing in the sea, which they say is a sign of foul weather. 3- Sabbath day, a windy day and cold. We kept Sabbath, staying still at the Downs. 4. Monday, God sent us a fair gale of wind, north north-east, whereby we came merrily from the Downs ; and passing Dover we saw six or seven sail of Dunkirkers"^ wafting after us. But it seemed they saw our company was too strong for them, for then we had with us three or four ships that w^ent for the Straits ;"* so they returned back from pursu- ing us any longer. But sailing with a good wind, we went speedily, and at night came near the Isle of Wight ; but being dark, we durst not put into the channel,^ but put back for sea-room four hours, and then other four hours sailed back again the same way. ' The common track for large ides of Plymouth, note * on page ships to the Downs is through the 123, and Norie, p. 28. Gull Stream. This is hounded on ^ Dunkirk was at this time part the eastern side by the Goodwin of the Spanish Netherlands, and Sands, and on the western side by there was war between England and the Elbow. Gull, and Brake Sands. Spain. See Norie, p. 23. "* Of Gibraltar, bound up the Me- ^ The Downs, or Dunes, properly diteiTanean. signify sand-liills on the coast. But * The channel between the Isle of the word is njw used to designate Wight and the coast of Hampshire, the well-known anchorage olf Deal, entering at St. Helen's, and com- inside of the Goodwin. See Chron- ing out at the Needles. THE SHIPS AT COWES. 219 Tuesday, early in the morning, we entered the chap. channel, the wind being weak and calm, and passed by Portsmouth very slowly; but in the afternoon ^^^^• the wind quickened, and we were forced to anchor a 5^ little on this side Cowcastle ;^ but the wind growing more favorable, we weighed and came to anchor again right against Cowcastle, thinking to stay that night, the wind being very calm. Here I and my wife, and my daughter Mary, and two maids, and some others with us, obtained of the master of the ship to go ashore to refresh us and to wash our linens ; and so we lay at Cowes~ that night. But the wind turning when we were absent, they hoisted sail and left us there, and anchored eight miles fur- ther, over against Yarmouth,^ about eight of the clock at night. Wednesday, betime in the morning, the shallop 6. was sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth. But the water proved rough, and our women desired to be set on shore three miles short of Yarmouth ; and so went on foot by land, and lodged in Yarmouth that night. On Thursday and Friday, there master Beecher,^ 7, 8. <> ' A small castle, in the form of a name, with his wife's, Christian, crescent, was built at West Cowes, stands second on the list of those on each side of the river Medina, in wlio subscribed the covenant of the the reign of Henry VIII. The part church in that place, Nov. 2, 1632, on the west side still remains. See having been dismissed for that pur- Parl. Gaz. i. 517. pose from Boston church, Oct. 14. ^ See note ' on page 127. He was one of the first selectmen of ^ Yarmouth is in the Isle of Charlestown, and was one of its Wight. representatives at the first Court of ■* Thomas Beecher commanded Deputies held May 14, 1634, and the same vessel, the Talbot, in again in 1635 and 1636. In May, Winthrop's fleet, the next year. 1635, he was appointed by the Gen- He was one of the early members of eral Court captain of the fort at Cas- the church in Boston, and was ad- tie Island. He died in 1637. See mitted a freeman Nov. 6, 1632. Col. Rec. i. 150 ; Savage's Win- He settled in Charlestown, and his throp, i. 2, ii. 363 ; Frothingham's 220 THE SHIPS AT YARMOUTH. XI 1629 CHAP, allowed by the Company,^ gave me forty shillings to make our provision of what things we would for the voyage. ^9^^ Saturday, we went to board again ; and this day we had two other men pressed to serve the King's ship ; but we got one again by entreaty. 10. The Sabbath, next day, we kept the ship, where I preached in the morning, and in the afternoon was entreated to preach at Yarmouth ; where Mr. Meare and Captain Borley^ entertained us very kindly, and earnestly desired to be certified of our safe arrival in New-England, and of the state of the country.^ 11. Monday morning, blew a fair wind from east south- east ; and the Lion's Whelp having taken in all her provision for passengers, about three of the clock in the afternoon we hoisted sail for the Needles,^ and by God's guidance safely passed that narrow passage a little after four o'clock in the afternoon ; and being entered into the sea, from the top of the mast w^e discerned four sail of ships lying southward from us. But night coming on, we took in our long-boat and Hist, of Charlestown, p. 80 ; Bud- tain in Queen Elizabeth's time, and ington's Hist, of First Church in being taken prisoner at sea, was Charlestown, pp. 33, 184. kept prisoner in Spain three years. ' The Company of Adventurers Himself and three of his sons were for New-England, who had made captains in Roe's voyage." Win- the Agreement with the ministers, throp, i. 4. Burleigh was probably Skelton charged the Company £2 a Puritan. 10s. for the expenses he incurred at ^ It was partly, perhaps, to grat- Tilbnry, Cowes, and Yarmouth, he- ify them, that Higginson vn-ote this ing wind-bound. See Felt's Salem, Journal of his Voyage and his New- i, 511. England's Plantation. See p. 214. * " Captain Burleigh, captain of '• The Needles' channel is so call- Yarmouth castle, a grave, comely ed from the sharp rocks, which, at gentleman, and of great age, came the western extremity of the Isle of aboard us, and stayed breakfast ; Wight, shoot up like needles. The and offering us much courtesy, he sharp-pointed granite peaks in the departed, our captain giving him neighbourhood of Mont Blanc are four shot out of the forecastle for his called Aiguilles, or Needles, farewell. He was an old sea-cap- FAREWELL TO ENGLAND. 221 shallop, and the next day we had a fair gale of east- ^^^p- erly wind, that brought us towards night as far as the Lizard. ^^^^' May Wednesday, the wind still holding easterly, we is. came as far as the Land's End, in the utmost part of Cornwall, and so left our dear native soil of England behind us ;^ and sailing about ten leagues further, we passed the isles of Scilly, and launched the same day a great way into the main ocean. And now my wife and other passengers began to feel the tossing waves of the western sea, and so were very sea-sick. And this is to be noted, that all this while our pas- sage hath been upon the coast of England, and so ought truly to be accounted the first day of our part- ing with Old England. Thursday the same easterly wind blew all day and 14. night, and the next day,- so that some of the seamen is. thought we were come by this time two hundred leagues from England ; but toward night the wind was calm. Saturday we were becalmed all day. This day le. met us a little ship of Bristol, that came from Chris- topher islands.^ ^ Cotton Mather says, that "when ruptions in it. But we go to prac- they came to the Land's End, Mr. tise the positive part of church re- Higginson, calling up his children formation, and propagate the Gospel and other passengers unto the stern in America.' And so he concluded of the ship, to take their last sight 4^'ith a fervent prayer for the King, of England, said, ' We will not say, and Church, and State, in England, as the Separatists were wont to say and for the presence and blessing of at their leaving of England, Fare- God with themselves in their present well, Babylon ! Farewell, Rome! undertaking for New-England." — But we will say. Farewell, dear See INLather's Magnalia, i. 328. England I Farewell, the Church of * " That every thing approaching God in England, and all the Christ- to an acknowledgment of the author- ian friends there ! We do not go to ity of the Pope, and his power of New-England as Separatists from canonization, might be avoided, they the Church of England ; though we never used the addition of Saint cannot but separate from the cor- when they spoke of the Apostles and 1629. 222 THE FIRST SABBATH AT SEA. Sabbath, being the first Lord's day we held at sea, was very cahn, especially in the morning. But we were disturbed in our morning service by the ap- 17. proach of a Biscayner's ship, a man-of-war, that made towards us, and manned out his boat to view us ; but finding us too strong for him, he durst not venture to assault us, but made off. This day my two children, Samuel and Mary, be- gan to be sick of the small pox and purples together, which was brought into the ship by one Mr. Browne, which was sick of the same at Gravesend ; whom it pleased God to make the first occasion of bringing that contagious sickness among us, wherewith many were after afflicted. 18. Monday calm still, the wind being north-west, blowing a little towards evening, but contrary to our course. 19. Tuesday wind south-west, as little helpful as the former, and blowing very weak. This day the mas- ter of our ship, myself and another, went aboard the Lion's Whelp, where Mr. Gibbs^ made us welcome with bountiful entertainment. And this day, towards night, my daughter grew sicker, and many blue spots were seen upon her breast, which affrighted us. At the first we thought they had been the plague tokens ; but we found afterwards that it was only a high mea- sure of the infection of th§ pocks, which were struck again into the child ; and so it was God's will the the ancient Fathers of the Christian which Saint had been prefixed." church ; and even the usual names Hutchinson, Hist, of Mass. i. 429. of places were made to conform, .See also note ^ on page 138 ; Win- The island of St. Christopher's was throp, i. 60, ii. 33. always written Christopher's, and, ' John (Jibbs was captain of ihe by the same rule, all olher places to Lion's Whelp. See page 172. MARY HIGGINSOX DIES. 223 child died about five of the clock at night, being the chap. XI. 1629, first in our ship that was buried in the bowels of the great Atlantic sea ; which, as it was a grief to us her parents, and a terror to all the rest, as being 19^ the beginning of a contagious disease and mortality, so in the same judgment it pleased God to remember mercy in the child, in freeing it from a world of mis- ery, wherein otherwise she had lived all her days. For being about four years old, a year since, we know not by what means, swayed^ in the back, so that it was broken, and grew crooked, and the joints of her hips were loosed, and her knees went crook- ed, pitiful to see. Since which time she hath had a most lamentable pain in her belly, and would oft- times cry out in the day and in her sleep also, " My belly!" which declared some extraordinary distem- per. So that in respect of her we had cause to take her death as a blessing from the Lord to shorten her misery. Wednesday a wet morning. The wind was west 20. south-west, and in the afternoon north-west and by w^est, both being contrary to our course, which was to sail west and by south. Thus it pleased God to lay his hand upon us by sickness and death and con- trary winds ; and stirred up some of us to make the motion of humbling ourselves under the hand of God by keeping a solemn day of fasting and prayer unto God, to beseech him to remove the continuance and further increase of these evils from us ; Avhich was willingly condescended unto, as a duty very fitting and needful for our present state and condition. ' Drawn to one side. 224 A FAST KEPT ON BOARD. Thursday, there being two ministers in the ship, Mr. Smith ^ and myself, we endeavoured, together with others, to consecrate the day as a solemn fast- ing and humiliation to Almighty God, as a further- ance of our present work. And it pleased God the ship was becalmed all day, so that we were freed from any incumbrance. And as soon as we had done prayers, (see and behold the goodness of God !) about seven o'clock at night the wind turned to north-east, and we had a fair gale that night as a manifest evidence of the Lord's hearing our prayers. I heard some of the mariners say, they thought this was the first sea-fast that ever was kept, and that they never heard of the like performed at sea before. 22. Friday the. wind fair, and east northerly, and for our purpose for New-England. It did blow strongly, and carried us on amain with tossing waves, which did affright them that were not wonted to such sights. 23. Saturday the same wind blowing, but more gently. Now we were comforted with hope of my son Sam- uel's recovery of the pox. 24. The second Lord's day, a fair day, an orderly wind, and prosperous. 25. On Monday a fair, firm gale, the wind south south- west. Tuesday, about ten of the clock in the morning, whilst we were at prayers, a strong and sudden blast came from the north, that hoisted up the waves, and tossed us more than ever before, and held us all the day till towards night, and then abated by little and ' Ralph Smith. See note * on page 151. 26 A TERRIBLE STORM. 225 little till it was calm. This day Mr. Goffe's great chap. dog^ fell overboard, and could not be recovered. ^ — -^ Wednesday the wind still north, and calm in the 1629. morning ; but about noon there arose a south wind g'? which increased more and more, so that it seemed to us, that are landmen, a sore and terrible storm ; for the wind blew mightily, the rain fell vehemently, the sea roared, and the waves tossed us horribly ; be- sides, it was fearful dark, and the mariners' mate was afraid, and noise on the other side, with their running here and there, loud crying one to another to pull at this and that rope. The waves poured themselves over the ship, that the two boats were filled with water, that they were fain to strike holes in the midst of them to let the water out. Yea, by the violence of the waves the long-boat's cord, which held it, was broken, and it had like to have been washed overboard, had not the mariners, with much pain and danger, recovered the same. But this last- ed not many hours, after which it became a calmish day. All which while I lay close and warm in my cabin, but far from having list to sleep, with Jonah ; "^l*"^''' my thoughts were otherwise employed, as the time and place required. Then I saw the truth of the Scriptures, Psalm cvii. from the 23d to the 32d ; and my fear at this time was the less, when I remember- ed what a loving friend of mine, a minister, accus- tomed to sea-storms, said to me, that I might not be ^ Why Mr. Goffe's great dog was tery gi-ave, has thus hecome indisso- sent over to the Colony, it is difficult luhly connected with the liistory of to surmise, unless it was to defend the Colony, as much ns the Deputy the sheep from the wolves. There Governor himself, and they will go is a naivete in relating this incident, down to posterity together. See which is quite noticeable. Mr. note ^ on page 70. Goffe's great dog, buried in his wa- 15 226 ANOTHER FAST KEPT. CHAP, dismayed at such storms, for they were ordinary at sea, and it seldom falls out that a ship perisheth at^ ^^^^' them if it have sea-room ; which I the rather write, 21. that others as well as myself, by the knowledge hereof, may be encouraged and prepared against these ordinary sea-storms. 28. Thursday, south wind ; calm at night. 29. On Friday a boisterous wind, blowing cross, but was allayed towards night with a shower of rain. 30. Saturday, south-west wind, but fair and quiet. 31. Sabbath day, being the third Lord's day, fair and calm. We saw abundance of grampus fishes,^ two or three yards long, and a body as big as an ox. June Monday, the wind westerly and calm. But be- sides our being stayed by contrary winds, we began to find the temperature of the air to alter and to be- come more sultry and subject to unwholesome fogs. For coming now to the height of the Western Isl- ands, some of our men fell sick of the scurvy, and others of the small pox, which more and more in- creased ; yet, thanks be to God, none died of it but my own child mentioned. And therefore, according to our great need, we appointed another fast for the next day. 2. Tuesday, we solemnly celebrate" another fast. The Lord that day heard us before we prayed, and gave us answer before we called ; for early in the morning the wind turned full east, being as fit a wind as could blow ; and sitting at my study on the ship's poop, I saw many bonny fishes^ and porpoises^ ' At for in or hy. * The porpoise, {delphinus pho- ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, rmia,) of the cetacean class of the note * on page 152. Mammalia, porcopcsce, Ital., porc- ^ Boiiilos. poisson, Fr., hog-fish, Eng. It is HALF-WAY TO NEW-ENGLAND. 227 pursuing one another, and leaping some of them a chap. yard above the water. Also, as we were at prayer • ■ under the hatch, some that were above saw a whale ^^^^• puffing up water not far from the ship. Now my wife was pretty well recovered of her sea-sickness. Wednesday a fair day, and fine gale of full east 3- wind. This day myself and others saw a large round fish sailing by the ship's side, about a yard in length and roundness every way. The mariners called it a sun-fish.^ It spreadeth out the fins like beams on every side, four or five. Thursday and Friday the w^ind full east. We 4, 5. were carried with admiration on our journey. By this we were more than half way to New-England. This day I saw a fish very strange to me, (they call it a carvel,) which came by the ship's side, wafting along the top of the water. It appeared at the first like a bubble above the water, as big as a man's fist ; but the fish itself is about the bigness of a man's thumb ; so that the fish itself and the bubble resem- bleth a ship with sails, which therefore is called a carvel.^ Saturday wind direct east still. 6. The fourth Sabbath we kept at sea. The wind 7. full easterly till noon, and then it came full south- so called from the supposed resein- ^ Carvel is a Spanish name for a blance of its projecting snout to that light vessel without decks. The of the hog. See Griffith's Cuvier, iv. fish which resembled it, was proba- 453 ; Sliaw"s Zoology, ii. 504 ; Nat- bly the Physalia, called by sadors uralists' Library, Mammalia, vi. 222. the Portuguese man-of-war, a mo- ' A species of Acalepha;, Medusa luscous animal, w' hich has a large or Cyanea, familiarly know'n under air-bag to aid its swimming, and a the names of sea-jellies and sea-net- comb or crest, which answers as a ties. The fins here mentioned are sail. See Griflith's Cuvier, xii. 490, its tentacles. See Griffith's Cuvier, 569-571 ; Chronicles of Plymouth, xii. 482, 562-569; Gould's Report note * on page 86. of the Invertebrata of Massachusetts, p. 347. 228 ON THE BANK OF NEWFOUNDLAND. CHAP, east, a strong gale that night and the next day till night. 1629. Tuesday the same wind held till nine o'clock in 9. the morning, and then a great shower, which lasted till about seven at night, and then it was a very calm. Here we sounded with a deep-lead^ line above a hundred fathom, and found no bottom. This day we saw a fish called a turtle, a great and large shell- fish, swimming above the w^ater near the ship. 10. Wednesday wind northerly, a fine gale, but calm- ish in the afternoon. 11- Thursday, the wind at north, an easy gale and fair morning. We saw a mountain of ice, shining as white as snow, like to a great rock or cliff on the shore. It stood still, and therefore w^e thought it to be on ground,^ and to reach the bottom of the sea ; for though there came a mighty stream from the north,^ yet it moved not ; which made us sound, and we found a bank^ of forty fathom deep, where- upon we judged it to rest, and the height above was as much. We also saw six or seven pieces of ice float- ing on the sea, which was broken off from the former mountain. We also saw great store of water-fowl swimming by the ship within musket shot, of a pied ' The deep-sea-lead, spelt dipled ' This was the tide, or the strong' in the manuscript, and commonly current that runs counter to the Gulf pronounced 6?tps«/-lead, weighs from Stream, from the Banks of New- 11 to 18 or 20 pounds, and the deep- fuundland to Cape Florida, sea-line is from 90 to 1 10 f ithoms. "• They were now on the eastern See Dana's Seaman's Friend, page edge of the Grand Bank of New- 17. foundland, which extends from " These icebergs are frequently about the latitude of 42° to 50°, or grounded in 40 and 50 fathoms \va- upwards. About the latitude of 45", ter, and in foggy weather their vi- its breadth is nearly four degrees, cinity may be known by the intense To the northward and southward it coldness they diffuse, and by the narrows almost to a point, and seems roar of the waters breaking against insensibly to drop into fathomless them. water. FOGGY WEATHER. 229 color, and about the bio:ness of a wild duck, about chap, XI forty in a company ; the mariners call them hag-birds/ ^ Toward night came a fog, that the Lion's Whelp was 1629. lost till morning. And now we saw many bonitos, porpoises, and grampuses, every day more and more. Friday foggy and calmish, the wind northerly in the 12. morning, but about noon it came south-east, a dainty loom-gale, ~ which carried us six leagues a watch. Saturday the same wind till night, and we saw 13. great store of porpoises and grampuses. The fifth Sabbath, the same wind. Tow^ards noon 11. it began to be foggy, and then it rained till night. We went four or five leagues a watch. Monday a fair day, but foggy ; the same wind 15. blowing, but with fresh gales, carried us seven leagues a watch. In the afternoon it blew harder, so the sea was rough, and we lost the sight of the Lion's Whelp. It being foggy, we drummed for them, and they shot off a great piece of ordnance ; but we heard not one another. Tuesday wind south and by east ; foggy till about le. 10 o'clock. While we were at prayers, it cleared up about an hour, and then we saw the Lion's Whelp distant about two leagues southward. We presently tacked about to meet her, and she did the same to meet us ; but before we could get together, a thick fog came, that we were long in finding each other. This day we sounded divers times, and found our- selves on another bank,^ at first forty fathom, after ' Probably a species of the Mer- ^ A gentle, easy gale of wind, in ganser. The approach to the Banks whicli a ship can carr}^ her topsails, may be known by the appearance of ^ " On the western side of the numerous sea-fowls, such as guille- Great Bank, and to the southward mots and divers, of the island of Newfoundland and 230 FIRST SIGHT OF LAND. CHAP, thirty-six, after thirty-three, after twenty-four. We thought it to have been the bank over against Cape ^^^^- Sable, but we were deceived ; for we knew not cer- T 16. tainly where we were, because of the fog. After three or four hours' company we lost the Lion's Whelp again, and beat our drum and shot off a great piece of ordnance, and yet heard not of them. But perceiving the bank to grow still the shallower, we found it twenty-seven and twenty-four fathoms. Therefore, being a fog, and fearing we were too near land, we tacked about for sea-room for two or three watches, and steered south-east. 17. Wednesday very foggy still, and wind south and by west ; and sounding, found no bottom that we could reach. 18. Thursday wind full west, and contrary to us. This day a notorious wicked fellow, that was given to swearing and boasting of his former wickedness, bragged that he had got a wench with child before he came this voyage, and mocked at our days of fast, railing and jesting against Puritans ; this fellow fell sick of the pocks, and died. We sounded and found thirty-eight fathom, and stayed for a little to take some codfish, and feasted ourselves merrily. 19. Friday, wind Avest still, a very fair, clear day. About four o'clock in the afternoon some went up to the top of the mast, and affirmed, to our great com- fort, they saw land to the north-eastward. 20. Saturday wind south-west, a fair gale. We sound- Nova Scotia, a chain of banks ex- depths, from 20 to 70 fathoms, ad- tends almost two degrees from the mirably situated, in dark weather, land. These are called Green Bank, to warn the mariner of his approach Banquereau, Sable Island Bank, &c. towards the land." Blunt's Ameri- AU these have soundings of various can Coast Pilot, p. 12. CAPE SABLE IN SIGHT. 231 ed and found forty, thirty, twenty-two, and a little chap. after no ground. Sabbath, being the sixth Lord's day, wind west- erly, but fair and calm. Monday, wind easterly, a fair gale. This day we saw a great deal of froth not far from us. We feared it might be some breach of water against some [ ]} Therefore the master of our ship hoisted out the shallop, and went with some of the men to see what it was ; but found it only to be a froth carried by the stream. Tuesday the wind north-east, a fair gale. This 23 day we examined five beastly Sodomitical boys which confessed their wickedness, not to be named. The fact was so foul, we referred them to be punished by the Governor, when we came to New-England, wlio afterwards sent them back to the Company, to be punished in Old England, as the crime de- served.^ Wednesday, wind north-east, a fair day and clear. 24. About nine o'clock in the morning we espied a ship about four leagues behind us, which proved the Lion's Whelp, which had been a week separated from us ; we stayed for her company. This day a child of goodman Black's,^ which had a consumption before it came to ship, died. This day we had all a clear and comfortable sight of America, and of the Cape Sable, that was over against us seven or eight ^ Here are two words which I ^ See pages 90 and 93. cannot deciplier. They look like ^ Tlas man's name was probably ned grales. The copyist puts a star Blake. The name of that ancient over them, seeming to intunate that and respectable family, ihe Blakes he could not make them out. Hutch- of Dorchester, is usually found writ- inson has it rocks. But no such word ten Black in old family papers and is to be found in the MS. records. 232 CAPE ANN IN SIGHT. CHAP, leagues northward. Here we saw yellow gilliflowers > — ■ — ' on the sea. 1629. Thursday wind still north-east, a full and fresh 25. gale. In the afternoon we had a clear sight of many islands and hills by the sea-shore. Now we saw abundance of mackerel, a great store of great whales puffing up water as they go ; some of them came near our ship. Their greatness did astonish us that saw them not before ; their backs appeared like a little island. At five o'clock at^ night the wind turned south-east, a fair gale. This day we caught mackerel. 20. Friday a foggy morning, but after clear, and wind calm. We saw many schools of mackerel,^ infinite multitudes on every side of our ship. The sea was abundantly stored with rockweed and yellow flowers, like gilliflowers. By noon we were within three leagues of Cape Ann f and as we sailed along the coasts, we saw every hill and dale and every island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance, sometimes scattered abroad, sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low meadows by the tide. Now what with fine woods and green trees by land, ^ Here the MS. ends ; and for the be rapidly declining. Thus in the rest of the Journal I am ol)liged to year ending April 1, 1837, the num- rely upon Hutchinson, who used the ber of barrels caught was 23 1,059, MS. when it was entiie. See his valued at $ 1,639,402, whilst hi tlic Collection, p. 42. year ending April 1, 1845, the * The spring mackerel appear on number was only 86,628, valued at the coast of Massachusetts about the .9637,052. Compare the Statistical end of May, and towards the middle Tables of the Industry of INIassachu- of June tlipy become very plentiful, setts for those years, and see Sto- The numbers taken, however, vary rer's Report on the Fishes of Mas- exceedingly from year to year, and sachusetts, p. 41. upon the whole the fishery seems to ^ See page 22. ARRIVAL IN CAPE ANN HARBOUR. 233 and these yellow flowers^ painting the sea, made us chap. all desirous to see our new paradise of New-Eng land, whence we saw such forerunning signals of i^^^- fertility afar oflf.^ Coming near the harbour towards 26. night, we tacked about for sea-room. Saturday a foggy morning ; but after eight o'clock 27. in the morning very clear. The wind being some- what contrary at south and by west, we tacked to and again with getting little, but with much ado. About four o'clock in the afternoon, having with much pain compassed the harbour, and being ready to enter the same, (see how things may suddenly change !) there came a fearful gust of wind and rain and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little terror and trouble to our mariners, having very much ado to loose down the sails when the fury of the storm struck us.^ But, God be prais- ed, it lasted but a while, and soon abated again. And hereby the Lord showed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But, blessed be God, he soon removed this storm, and it was a fair and sweet evening. We had a westerly wind, which brought us, be- tween five and six o'clock, to a fine and sweet har- bour, seven miles from the head point ^ of Cape Ann. This harbour twenty ships may easily ride therein ;^ * These may have heen hutter- Cape Cod ! See Chronicles of Ply- cups, which had heen washed from mouth, pp. 104-106. the shore, and become mixed with ^ In Hutchinson, " held up ;" rock-weed, kelp, and tangle ; or, which is unquestionably an error, more probably, a species of animal ■* By the head-point I suppose he plants, Actinim, sea-anemones or means the part of the Cape near fixed sea-nettles. See GrifRth"s Thacher's Island. Cuvier, xii. 494, 519,. '" The outer harbour will contain ^ How different was this scene 400 ships, and the inner harbour 200 from that which met the eyes of the fishing-vessels. It is an excellent Pilgrims, in November, 1620, when harbour, and well protected, except they made the opposite headland of from a south-west storm. 234 ARIIIVAL AT NAIMKECK. CHAP, where there was an island,^ whither four of our men XI. with a boat went, and brought back again ripe straw- berries and gooseberries, and sweet single roses.^ Thus God was merciful to us in giving us a taste and smell of the sweet fruit as an earnest of his bountiful goodness to welcome us at our first arrival. This har- bour was two leagues and something more from the harbour at Naimkecke,"^ where our ships were to rest, and the Plantation is already begun. But because the passage is difficult, and night drew on, we put into Cape Ann harbour. 28. The Sabbath, being the first we kept in America, and the seventh Lord's day after we parted with England. 29. Monday we came from Cape Ann to go to Naim- kecke, the wind northerly. I should have told you before, that, the planters spying our English colors, the Governor'* sent a shallop with two men on Satur- day to pilot us. These rested the Sabbath with us at Cape Ann ; and this day, by God's blessing and their directions, we passed the curious and difficult entrance into the large, spacious harbour of Naim- kecke. And as we passed along, it was wonderful to behold so many islands,^ replenished with thick wood and high trees, and many fair, green pastures. And being come into the harbour, we saw the ^ Ten-pound Island, on which a full topographical description of there is now a light-house. which may be seen in Bentley's * The sweet briar. Gooseberries Histoiy of Salern, in Mass. Hist, are still found on the island, and be- Co 1. \i. 219-222. See also 13ow- fore it was cleared up, wild straw- ditch's Chart of the Harbouis of berries were also obtained there. Salem, Beverly, Marblehead and ^ The distance from Gloucester to Manchester, and the accurate and Salem harbour is about nine miles. beautifnl Map of Massachusetts, * Kiidicott. made by order of the Legislature in * Baker's Island, (ireat and Little 1844. , Miseries, Coney Island, and others, THE VOYAGE FORTY-FIVE DAYS LONG. 235 George to our great comfort, there being come on chap. Tuesday, which was seven days before us. We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that 1629. God had put an end to our long and tedious journey 09^ through the greatest sea in the world. The next morning the Governor came aboard to so. our ship, and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wife to come on shore and take our lodg- ing in his house ;^ which we did accordingly. Thus you have a faithful report, collected from day to day, of all the particulars that were worth noting in our passage. Now in our passage divers things are remarkable. First, through God's blessing, our passage was short and speedy ; for whereas we had a thousand leagues, that is, three thousand miles English, to sail from Old to New England, we performed the same in six weeks and three days. Secondly, our passage was comfortable and easy for the most part, having ordinarily fair and moderate wind, and being freed for the most part from stormy and rough seas, saving one night only, which we that were not used thought to be more terrible than in- deed it was ; and this was Wednesday at night, May 27th. Thirdly, our passage was also healthful to our passengers, being freed from the great contagion of the scurvy and other maledictions,^ which in other passages to other places had taken away the lives of * Higgiiison says, in another place, that it was " a fair house, newly- built for the Governor." ^ Maladies, diseases. June. 236 THE VOYAGE A HEALTHFUL ONE. CHAP. many. And yet we were, in all reason, in wonder- -^-^^ ful danger all the way, our ship being greatly crowd- 1629. ej ^yi|-jj passengers ; but, through God's great good- ness, we had none that died of the pox but that wicked fellow that scorned at fasting and prayer. There were indeed two little children, one of my own, and another beside ; but I do not impute it merely to the passage, for they were both very sickly children, and not likely to have lived long, if they had not gone to sea. And take this for a rule, if children be health- ful when they come to sea, the younger they are the better they will endure the sea, and are not troubled with sea-sickness as older people are, as we had ex- perience in many children that went this voyage. My wife, indeed, in tossing weather, was something ill by vomiting ; but in calm weather she recovered again, and is now much better for the sea-sickness.^ And for my own part, whereas I have for divers years past been very sickly, and ready to cast up whatsoever I have eaten, and was very sick at Lon- don and Gravesend, yet from the time I came on shipboard to this day I have been strangely health- ful.^ And now I can digest our ship diet very well, which I could not when I was at land. And indeed in this regard I have great cause to give God praise, that he hath made my coming to be a method to cure me of a wonderful weak stomach and continual pain of melancholy wind from the spleen. Also divers children were sick of the small pox, but are safely recovered again ; and two or three passengers, to- ^ She lived till 1G40, in which ' Yet he died in August of tlie year she died, at New Haven, in next year, — of a hectic fever, ac- (Vonncclicut. See note ^ on page cording to Hotton Mather. See the 211. Magiiaha, i. 3:21). THE VOYAGE PLEASANT AND PROFITABLE. 237 wards the latter end of the voyage, fell sick of the chap. scurvy, but coming to land recovered in a short time. - — -^-- Fourthly, our passage was both pleasurable and 1629. profitable. For we received instruction and delight in beholding the wonders of the Lord in the deep waters, and sometimes seeing the sea round us ap- pearing with a terrible countenance, and, as it were, full of high hills and deep valleys ; and sometimes it appeared as a most plain and even meadow. And ever and anon we saw divers kinds of fishes sporting in the great waters, great grampuses and huge whales, going by companies, and puffing up water streams. Those that love their own chimney-corner, and dare not go far beyond their own town's end, shall never have the honor to see these wonderful works of Almighty God. Fifthly, we had a pious and Christian-like passage ; for I suppose passengers shall seldom find a company of more religious, honest and kind seamen than we had. We constantly served God morning and even- ing by reading and expounding a chapter, singing, and prayer. And the Sabbath was solemnly kept, by adding to the former, preaching twice and cate- chising. And in our great need we kept two solemn fasts, and found a gracious effect. Let all that love and use fasting and praying, take notice that it is as prevailable by sea as by land, wheresoever it is faith- fully performed. Besides, the shipmaster and his com- pany used every night to set their eight and twelve o'clock watches with singing a psalm, and prayer that was not read out of a book.^ This I write not ' That is, extempore, according Justin Martyr says, the officiating to the mode of the early Clu-istians. minister in the public worship of the 238 END OF HIGGINSON S VOYAGE. CHAP, for boasting and flattery, but for the benefit of those that have a mind to come to New-England hereafter, ^^^^' that if they look for and desire to have as prosperous ""^* a voyage as we had, they may use the same means to attain the same.' So letting pass our passage by sea, we will now bring our discourse to land, on the shore of New- England; and I shall, by God's assistance, endeavour to speak nothing but the naked truth, and both ac- quaint you with the commodities and discommodities of the country.- primitive church, " offered prayers and thaiiksfTiviiifjs according to his ability." See his Second Apolonry, towards the end, Opera, p. 98, (ed. Cologne, 1086.) Origen, too, con- tra Celsum, Ub. viii. pp. 386, 402, says the same thing ; and Tertullian in his Apol., cap. 30, says, " We pray without a prompter, because our prayers flow from our own minds : sine monitorc, quia dc pec- tore oramus." Opera, v. 80, (ed. Semler.) ^ It appears from page 214, that this Journal was "written from New-England, July 24, 1G29," and was undoubtedly sent home on the return of tlie Talbot and Lion's Whelp, which arrived in England bef(n-c Sept. 19. See page 90. ^ The principal part of the pre- ceding Journal is printed from an old MS., which, though not the original, is unquestionably a very early copy. It was in the posses- sion of Hutchinson, but not of Prince. It is now the property of the Massachusetts Historical Soci- ety. See page 232. FRANCIS HIGGINSON'S NEW-ENGLAND'S PLANTATION. New-Englands Plantation. Or a Short and Trve Description of tlie Commodities and Discommodities of that Countrey. Writ- ten by Mr. Higgeson,^ a reuerend Diuine now there resident. Whereunto is added a Letter, sent by Mr. Graues, an Enginere, out of New- En gland. The third Edition., enlarged. London. Printed by T. and R. Cotes for Michael Sparke, dwell- ing at the Signe of the Blew Bible in Greene Arbor. 1G30. sm. 4to. pp. 25. ^ Mr. Higginson's name does not appear on the title-page of the first edition, printed the same year ; nor is Graves's Letter printed in that edition. I have both editions before mo, loaned me by Edward A.Crown- inshield, Esq. of Boston. That they were actually distinct editions, and not merely different in their title- pages, is demonstrated by the colla- tion of the volumes, by which it ap- pears that the typographical errors of the first edition are not to be found in the third. The appearance of three editions of this pamphlet in the course of a year, shows the in- terest with which the infant Planta- tion was regarded in England. TO THE READER. Reader, Do not disdain to read this Relation; and igso, look not here to have a large gate, and no building within, a full-stuffed title, with no matter in the book. But here read the truth ; and that thou shalt find without any frothy, bombasting words, or any quaint, new-devised additions, only as it was written (not intended for the press) by a reverend divine now there living, who only sent it to some friends^ here which were desirous of his Relations ; which is an epitome of their proceedings in the Plantation. And for thy part, if thou meanest to be no planter nor venturer, do but lend thy good prayers for the furtherance of it. And so I rest a well-wisher to all the good designs both of them which are gone, and of them that are to go.^ M. S.2 ^ Among them were Isaac John- • This indicates that the first edi- son and Increase Nowell, who was tion of the book was printed before a rehitive, besides his parishioners at the saihng of Winthrop's fleet, that Leicester, and the persons who treat- is, before April. ed hini so kindly at Yarmouth. See ^ The initials of Michael Sparke, pages 65 and 220. the publisher. See page 240. 16 CHAPTER XII. new-england's plantation.^ CHAP. Letting pass our voyage by sea,~ we will now « — -^ begin our discourse on the shore of New-England. 16 29. j^^^ because the life and welfare of every creature to here below, and the commodiousness of the country ^^P'* whereas such creatures live, doth, by the most wise ordering of God's providence, depend, next unto himself, upon the temperature and disposition of the four elements. Earth, Water, Air, and Fire, (for as of the mixture of all these all sublunary things are composed, so by the more or less enjoyment of the wholesome temper and convenient use of these con- sisteth the only well being both of man and beast in a more or less comfortable measure in all coun- tries under the heavens,) therefore I will endeavour ' This Relation was pvobaljly sent * It is evident from page 238, that home on the return of the Four Sis- this Narrative was a continuation of ters and Mayflower, wliich arrived the Journal of the Voyage. But in England before Nov. 20th. Of the Journal, it seems, was not deem- course it covers a space of only ed of sufficient importance to be about three months, from the first printed with it, and was accordingly of July to the middle or end of Sep- omitted, and was never subsequently tember. See pages 107 and 210. printed in England. THE SOIL OF NEW-ENGLAND. 243 to show you what New-England is, by the consider- chap. ation of each of these apart, and truly endeavour, by ^^ — ^ God's help, to report nothing but the naked truth, ig29, and that both to tell you of the discommodities as "o^ well as of the commodities. Though, as the idle pro- ^^P^- verb is, " Travellers may lie by authority," and so may take too much sinful liberty that way, yet I may say of myself, as once Nehemiah did in another case, "Shall such a man as I lie ?" No, verily. It be- cometh not a preacher of truth to be a writer of falsehood in any degree ;^ and therefore I have been careful to report nothing of New-England but what I have partly seen with mine own eyes, and partly heard and inquired from the mouths of very honest and religious persons,^ who by living in the country a good space of time have had experience and know- ledge of the state thereof, and whose testimonies I do believe as myself. First therefore of the Earth of New-England, and all the appurtenances thereof. It is a land of divers and sundry sorts all about Masathulets^ Bay, and at Charles river is as fat black earth as can be seen anywhere ; and in other places ' And yet he was accused of ex- son's installation on the 6th of Aug. aggerating the advantages of the and with whom he then had ample country. See Dudley's letter to the opportunity to confer. See Morton's Countess of Lincoln, in a subsequent Memorial, p. 14G, and Prince's An- part of this volume. nals, p. 263. * Conant and his associates ; per- ^ So spelt in the original ; possi- haps, also, Gov. Bradford and others bly a typographical error, although from the Colony of New-Plymouth, it is spelt four times afterwards in who came to Salem as messengers the same manner, from the church to attend Higgin- 244 MUCH CLEARED GROUND. CHAP, you have a clay soil, in other gravel, in other sandy, as it is all about our Plantation at Salem, for so our town is now named. ^ The form of the earth here, in the superficies of it, is neither too flat in the plainness, nor too high in hills, but partakes of both in a mediocrity, and fit for pasture or for plough or meadow ground, as men please to employ it. Though all the country be, as it were, a thick wood for the general, ye*: in divers places there is much ground cleared by the Indians,^ and especially about the Plantation ; and I am told that about three miles from us a man may stand on a little hilly place and see divers thousands of acres of ground as good as need to be, and not a tree in the same. It is thought here is good clay to make brick and tiles and earthen pots, as need to be. At this instant we are setting a brick-kiln on work, to make bricks and tiles for the building of our houses. For stone, here is plenty of slates at the Isle of Slate^ in Masathulets Bay, and limestone, freestone, and smooth-stone, and iron-stone, and marble-stone^ also in such store, that we have great rocks of it, and a harbour hard by. Our Plantation is from thence called Marble-harbour.'' * See pages 12 and 31. the trade of fishintr. There was ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. made here a ship's loading offish 124, 167 and 206. the last year, where still stand the ' This Isle of Slate and the mar- stages and drying scaffolds." In ble-stone have never yet been found. Professor Sevvall's oration, delivered ■* A name nearly resembling this, in 17G9 at the funeral of the Rev. now belongs to a« adjoining town, Edward Ilolyoke, President of Har- which in 1619 was set off from Sa- vard College, who had once been a lem. Wood, wiio was here in 1633, minister in that town, it is thus gra- says, in his New-England's Pros- phically described : " Marmaracria, pect, part i. ch. 10, " Marvilhead is oppidum maritimum, saxis abun- a place whicli lieth four miles full dans, inde N^v-anglice dictum south from Salem, and is a very Marblehead ; asperrima vox, aurcs convenient place for a plantation, Latinas horride perstringens." Sec especially for such as will set upon Muss, Hist. Coll. viii. 54. WONDERFUL FERTILITY OF THE SOIL. 245 Of minerals there hath yet been but little trial chap. XIL made, yet we are not without great hope of being furnished in that soil. 1629. The fertility of the soil is to be admired at, as ap- ^J peareth in the abundance of grass that groweth every ^^P^* where, both very thick, very long, and very high in divers places. But it groweth very wildly, with a great stalk, and a broad and ranker blade, ^ because it never had been eaten with cattle, nor mowed with a scythe, and seldom trampled on by foot. It is scarce to be believed how our kine and goats,^ horses and hogs do thrive and prosper here, and like well of this country. In our Plantation we have already a quart of milk for a penny. But the abundant increase of corn proves this country to be a wonderment. Thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, are ordinary here. Yea, Joseph's increase in Egypt is outstripped here with us. Our planters hope to have more than a hundredfold this year. And all this while I am within compass ; what will you say of two hundred fold, and upwards ? It is almost incredible what great gain some of our English planters have had by our Indian corn. Cred- ible persons have assured me, and the party himself avouched the truth of it to me, that of the setting of thirteen gallons of corn he hath had increase of it fifty-two hogsheads, every hogshead holding seven bushels of London measure, and every bushel v.'as by him sold and trusted to the Indians for so much > Probably the meadow spear ^ They had at this time in the grass {poanervata),OT: the foul mea- Plantation about forty cows, and as dow grass. See Dewey's Report many goats, as Higginson himself on the Herbaceous Plants of Mas- informs us in a letter at the end of sachusetts, p. 246, and Bigelow's this Relation. Plants of Boston and Vicinity, p. 35. 246 NATURAL PRODUCTIONS OF THE COUNTRY. CHAP, beaver as was worth ei2:liteen shillin2;s ; and so of XII. O 7 ' — -^ this thirteen gallons of corn, which was worth six 1629. shillings eight pence, he made about dG327 of it the ^J year following, as by reckoning will appear ; where Sept. jQ^ jj^^y ggg jjQ^y QqJ blesseth husbandry in this land. There is not such great and plentiful ears of corn I suppose any where else to be found but in this country, being also of variety of colors, as red, blue, and yellow, &c. ;^ and of one corn there springeth four or five hundred. I have sent you many ears of divers colors, that you might see the truth of it. Little children here, by setting of corn, may earn much more than their own maintenance. They have tried our English corn at New Ply- mouth Plantation,- so that all our several grains will grow here very well, and have a fitting soil for their nature. Our Governor hath store of green pease growing in his garden as good as ever I eat in England. This country aboundeth naturally with store of roots of great variety and good to eat. Our turnips, parsnips and carrots are here both bigger and sweeter than is ordinarily to be found in England. Here are also store of pumpions, cowcumbers, and other things of that nature which I know not. Also, divers excel- lent pot-herbs grow abundantly among the grass, as strawberry leaves in all places of the country, and plenty of strawberries in their time, and penny-royal, winter-savory, sorrel, brooklime, liverwort, carvel. ' See Chronicles of Pl3'mouth, ^ Sec Chronicles of Plymouth, note ' on p. 131, and note'' on p. lo'3 ; pages 231 and 370. and Dewey's Kc] ort, p. 253. THE PLANTS AND TREES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 247 and watercresses ; also leeks and onions are ordi- chap. xn. nary, and divers physical herbs. ^ Here are also abundance of other sweet herbs, delightful to the ^^^^• smell, whose names we know not, and plenty of to single damask roses, ^ very sw^eet ; and two kinds of ^^'^^' herbs that bear two kinds of flowers very sweet, which they say are as good to make cordage or cloth as any hemp or flax'' we have. Excellent vines are here up and down in the woods. Om- Governor hath already planted a vine- yard,"* with great hope of increase. Also, mulberries, plums, raspberries, currants, chestnuts, filberts, walnuts, small-nuts, hurtleber- ries, and haws of white-thorn, near as good as our cherries in England, they grow in plenty here. For wood, there is no better in the world, I think, here being four sorts of oak, diff"ering both in the leaf, timber, and color, all excellent good. There is also good ash, elm, willow, birch, beech, sassa- fras, juniper, cypress, cedar, spruce, pines and fir,^ that will yield abundance of turpentine, pitch, tar, masts, and other materials for building both of ships and houses. Also here are store of sumach*^ trees, that are good for dyeing and tanning of leather ; likewise such trees yield a precious gum, called white benjamin, that they say is excellent for per- fumes. Also here be divers roots and berries, ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, port, p. 83 ; and Bigelow's Plants, pp. 132, 165, and 234; Dewey's p. 13(3. Report, p. 209. ^ See note ^ on page 152. ^ The sweet briar {rosa ruUgi- ° See Chronicles of Plymouth, nosa.) See Chron. Plym. 234 ; pages 118, 124, 164, 165. Dewey's Report, p. 55 ; and Bige- ® See page 133 ; Dewey's Re- low's Plants, p. 209. port, p. 200 ; and Bigelow's Plants, ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, page 125. note * on page 166 ; Dewey's Re- 248 THE BEASTS OF NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP, wherewith the Indians die excellent holdina; colors, XII. . ^ that no rain nor washing can alter. Also we have materials to make soap ashes and saltpetre in abun- dance. For beasts there are some bears, and they say some lions ^ also ; for they have been seen at Cape Anne. Also here are several sorts of deer, some whereof bring three or four young ones at once, which is not ordinary in England ; also wolves, foxes, beavers, otters, martens, great wild cats, and a great beast called a molke,~ as big as an ox. I have seen the skins of all these beasts since I came to this Plantation, excepting lions. Also here are great store of squirrels, some greater, and some smaller and lesser ; there are some of the lesser sort, they tell me, that by a certain skin will fly from tree to tree, though they stand far distant.^ Of the Waters of Neio- England, with the things belong- ins to the same. "G New-England hath water enough, both salt and fresh. The greatest sea in the world, the Atlantic Sea, runs all along the coast thereof. There are abundance of islands along the shore, some full of wood and mast to feed swine, and others clear of ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, ^ "The third kind is a flying note ' on page 176. squirrel, which is not very big, slen- ^ Probably an error of the press dcr of body, with a great deal of for moose. See Josselyn's New- loose skin, which she spreads square England's Rarities, p. 19 ; Wood's when she flies ; which the wind New-England's Prospect, part i. gets, and so wafts her bat-like body ch. 6 ; and Emmons's Report on from place to place." Wood's New- the Quadrupeds of Massachusetts, England's Prospect, ch. 6. pp. 74-78. ABUNDANCE OF SEA-FISH. 249 wood, and fruitful to bear corn. Also we have store chap. of excellent harbours for ships, as at Cape Anne, and at Masathulets Bay, and at Salem, and at many I629. other places ; and they are the better, because for -^^^J strangers there is a very difficult and dangerous pas- Sept. sage into them, but unto such as are well acquainted with them they are easy and safe enough. The abundance of sea-fish are almost beyond be- lieving ; and sure I should scarce have believed it except I had seen it with mine own eyes. I saw great store of whales, and grampuses, and such abund- ance of mackerels^ that it would astonish one to be- hold ; likewise codfish, abundance on the coast, and in their season are plentifully taken. There is a fish called a bass,^ a most sweet and wholesome fish as ever I did eat ; it is altogether as good as our fresh salmon ; and the season of their coming was begun when we came first to New-England in June, and so continued about three months' space.^ Of this fish our fishers take many hundreds together, which I have seen lying on the shore, to my admiration. Yea, their nets ordinarily take more than they are able to haul to land, and for want of boats and men they are constrained to let a many go after they have taken them ; and yet sometimes they fill two boats at a time with them. And besides bass, we take plenty of scate and thornback, and abundance of * See note ^ on page 232. was probably sent home by the * The striped bass, {labrax linea- Mayflower or Four Sisters, both of tus.) See Wood, ch. 9, and Sto- which reached England belbre Nov. rer"s Report on the Fishes of Massa- 20, and had brought a letter, dated chusetts, page 7. the 5ih of September, from Gov. ^ This helps us to fix the date of Endicott and others. See pages this Relation. It was not written 107, 109 and 242. till after the first of September, and 250 EXCELLENCE OF THE WATER. lobsters,' and the least boy in the Plantation may both catch and eat what he will of them. For my own part, I was soon cloyed with them, they were so great, and fat, and luscious. I have seen some myself that have weighed sixteen pound ; but others have had divers times so great lobsters as have weighed twenty-five pound, ^ as they assured me. Also, here is abundance of herring, turbot,^ stur- geon, cusks, haddocks, mullets, eels, crabs, muscles, and oysters.^ Besides, there is probability that the country is of an excellent temper for the making of salt ; for, since our coming, our fishermen have brought home very good salt which they found can- died by the standing of the sea-water and the heat of the sun upon a rock by the seashore ; and in divers salt marshes that some have gone through, they have found some salt in some places crushing under their feet, and cleaving to their shoes. And as for fresh water, the country is full of dainty springs,^ and some great rivers, and some lesser brooks ; and at Masathulets Bay*^ they digged wells and found water at three foot deep in most places ; and near Salem they have as fine clear water as we ' The lobster, {homarus America- ermen, weighed 28 pounds. See nus,) the largest of all crustaceous Gould's Report, page 360. animals, is found about all the isl- ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, ands in IMassachusctts Bay, and in note ^ on page 164. every cove along the coast. Probably ■* See Wood, ch. 9; Morton's 200,000 are annually taken in our New-English Canaan, book ii. ch. waters, one half of which are 7; and Gould's Report, pages 121, brought to Boston. See Gould's 135, 356, 300. Report on the Invertebrate Animals ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, of Massachusetts, pp. 330 and 360. note * on page 129. ^ Wood, ch. 9, mentions "very ® AtCharlestown, whither Graves large ones, some being 20 pounds had already gone. See note ^ on in weight." The largest that has page 152. been seen of late by the Boston fish- THE AIR OF NEW-ENGLAND. 251 can desire, and we may dig wells and find water chap. where we list. -^ — — Thus we see both land and sea abound with store 1629. of blessings for the comfortable sustenance of man's ^^^^ life in New-England. ^^p^- Of the Air of New-England, with the temper and crea- tures in it. The temper of the air ^ of New-England is one spe- cial thing that commends this place. Experience doth manifest that there is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the world that agreeth better with our English bodies. Many that have been weak and sickly in Old England, by coming hither have been thoroughly healed, and grown healthful and strong. For here is an extraordinary clear and dry air, that is of a most healing nature to all such as are of a cold, melancholy, phlegmatic, rheumatic temper of body. None can more truly speak hereof by their own experience than myself. My friends that knew me can well tell how very sickly I have been, and continually in physic, being much troubled with a tormenting pain through an extraordinary weakness of my stomach, and abundance of melan- cholic humors. But since I came hither on this voyage, I thank God I have had perfect health, and freed from pain and vomiting, having a stomach to digest the hardest and coarsest fare, who before could not eat finest meat ; and whereas my stomach could only digest and did require such drink as was both ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, pao-es 233, 369. 252 THE CLIMATE OF NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP, strons: and stale, now I can and do oftentimes drink XII. New-England water very well. And I that have not 16 29. gone without a cap for many years together, neither to^ dm'st leave off the same, have now cast away my cap, ^^P^- and do wear none at all in the day time ; and whereas beforetime I clothed myself with double clothes and thick waistcoats to keep me warm, even in the sum- mer time, I do now go as thin clad as any, only wearing a light stuff cassock upon my shirt, and stuff breeches of one thickness without linings. Besides, I have one of my children, that was formerly most lamentably handled with sore breaking out of both his hands and feet of the king's evil ; but since he came hither he is very well ever he was, and there is hope of perfect recovery shortly, even by the very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and drying up the cold and crude humors of the body ; and therefore I think it is a wise course for all cold complexions to come to take physic in New-Eng- land ; for a sup of New-England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale. In the summer time, in the midst of July and Au- gust, it is a good deal hotter than in Old England, and in winter January and February are much colder, as they say ; but the spring and autumn are of a middle temper. Fowls of the air are plentiful here, and of all sorts as we have in England, as far as I can learn, and a great many of strange fowls which we know not. Whilst I was writing these things, one of our men brought home an eagle which he had killed in the wood ; they say they are good meat. Also here are many kinds of excellent hawks, both sea hawks and THE FOWLS OF NEW-ENGLAND. 253 land hawks ; and myself walking in the woods with chap. another in company, sprung a partridge^ so big that through the heaviness of his body could fly but a 1^29. little way ; they that have killed them say they are "o^ as bis; as our hens. Here are likewise abundance of ^^^^' turkeys^ often killed in the woods, far greater than our English turkeys, and exceeding fat, sweet, and fleshy ; for here they have abundance of feeding all the year long, as strawberries (in summer all places are full of them) and all manner of berries and fruits. In the winter time I have seen flocks of pigeons,^ and have eaten of them. They do fly from tree to tree, as other birds do, which our pigeons will not do in England. They are of all colors, as ours are, but their wings and tails are far longer ; and there- fore it is likely they fly swifter to escape the terrible hawks in this country. In winter time this country doth abound with wild geese, wild ducks,'' and other sea-fowl, that a great part of winter the planters have eaten nothing but roast meat of divers fowls which they have killed. Thus you have heard of the Earth, Water, and Air of New-England. Now it may be you expect some- thing to be said of the Fire, proportionable to the rest of the elements. ' This, no doubt, was the par- ^ See Josselyn's JNTew-England's tridge of New-England, the pheasant Earities, p. 8 ; Bonaparte's Amer. of the middle and western States, Ornithol. i. 79 ; Audubon, i. 1 ; (tretao umbtilus.) ^Vood and Mor- Nuttall, i. 039 ; Peabody, p. 352. ton both remark that they are bigger ^ See Wood, ch. 8; Wilson, v. in body than the partridges of Eng- 102 ; Audubon, i. 319 ; NuttalJ, i. land. See Peabody 's Report, page 629 ; Peabody's Report, p. 351. 354 ; Wilson's Amer. Ornithol. vi. '' See Chronicles of Plymouth, 45 ; Audubon's Ornithol. Biog. i. note ^ on page 139, and note * on 211 ; Nuttall, i. 657. page liO. 254 ABUNDANCE OF FUEL. CHAP. Indeed I think New-England may boast of this — ^ — element more than of all the rest. For though it be 1629. jjgpg somewhat cold in the winter, yet here we have t/ plenty of fire to warm us, and that a great deal Sept. cheaper than they sell billets and fagots in London ; • nay, all Europe is not able to afford to make so great fires as New-England. A poor servant here, that is to possess but fifty acres of land, may afford to give more wood for timber and fire as good as the world yields, than many noblemen in England can afford to do. Here is good living for those that love good fires. And although New-England have no tallow to make candles of, yet by the abundance of the fish thereof it can afford oil for lamps. Yea, our pine trees, that are the most plentiful of all wood, doth allow us plenty of candles, which are very useful in a house ; and they are such candles as the Indians commonly use, having no other ; and they are no- thing else but the wood of the pine tree cloven in two little slices something thin, which are so full of the moisture of turpentine and pitch that they burn as clear as a torch. ^ I have sent you some of them, that you may see the experience of them. Thus of New-England's commodities. Now I will tell you of some discommodities, that are here to be found. First, in the summer season, for these three months, June, July, and August,^ we are troubled ' Pine-knots. " Out of these pines is gotten the candle-wood, that is so much spoken of." Wood, ch. 5. ^ See note ' on page 219. THE INCONVENIENCES OF THE COUNTRY. 255 much with little flies called mosquitoes,^ being the chap. same they are troubled with in Lincolnshire and the fens ; and they are nothing but gnats, which, except ^^^^• they be smoked out of their houses, are troublesome t"o^ in the night season. ®P*' Secondly, in the w^inter season, for two months' space, the earth is commonly covered with snow, which is accompanied with sharp biting frosts, some- thing more sharp than is in Old England, and there- fore are forced to make great fires. Thirdly, this country being very full of woods and wildernesses, doth also much abound with snakes and serpents, of strange colors and huge greatness. Yea, there are some serpents, called rattlesnakes j*^ that have rattles in their tails, that will not fly from a man as others will, but will fly upon him and sting him so mortally that he will die within a quarter of an hour after, except the party stinged have about him some of the root of an herb called snake-weed^ to bite on, and then he shall receive no harm. But yet seldom falls it out that any hurt is done by these. About three years since an Indian was stung to death by one of them ; but we heard of none since that time. Fourthly and lastly, here wants as yet the good company 6i honest Christians, to bring with them horses, kine and sheep, to make use of this fruitful land. Great pity it is to see so much good ground for corn and for grass as any is under the heavens, to lie altogether unoccupied, when so many honest men and their families in Old England, through the ' See Wood, ch. 11 ; and Harris's " See Josselyn, p. 38 ; Morton, Report on the Insects of Massachu- ch. 5 ; Wood, ch. 11. etts, page 401. * ^ See Wood, ch. 11. 256 THE NATIVES OF NEW-ENGLAND. popiilousness ther one by the other. CHAP, popiilousness thereof, do make very hard shift to live Now thus you know what New-England is, as also with the commodities and discommodities thereof. Now I will show you a little of the inhabitants^ thereof, and their government. For their governors they have kings, which they call saggamores, some greater and some lesser, ac- cording to the number of their subjects. The greater saggamores about us cannot make above three hun- dred men, and other less saggamores have not above fifteen subjects, and others near about us but two. Their subjects, about twelve years since,^ were swept away by a great and grievous plague that was amongst them, so that there are very few left to in- habit the country. The Indians are not able to make use of the one fourth part of the land ; neither have they any set- tled places, as towns, to dwell in ; nor any ground as they challenge for their own possession, but change their habitation from place to place. For their statures, they are a tall and strong- limbed people. Their colors are tawny. They go naked, save only they are in part covered with beasts' skins on one of their shoulders, and wear something before their privities. Their hair is gen- erally black, and cut before, like our gentlewomen, ' For the Indians of New-Eng- 1-20; and Daniel Gooldn and Roger land, see Edward Winslow, in Williams in Mass. Hist. Coll. i. Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 351- 111-226, and iii. 203-238. o67 ; Wood's New-England's Tros- Mu 1G17. See Chronicles of pect, part ii. chaps. 1-20 ; Morton's Plymouth, note ^ on page 183. New-English Canaan, book i. chaps. * THE NATIVES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 257 and one lock lonarer than the rest, much like to our chap. xn. gentlemen, which fashion I think came from hence into England. 1629. For their weapons, they have bows and arrows, ^J some of them headed with bone, and some with brass. ^^P** I have sent you some of them for an example. The men, for the most part, live idly ; they do nothing but hunt and fish. Their wives set their corn, and do all their other work. They have little household stuff, as a kettle, and some other vessels like trays, spoons, dishes and baskets. Their houses^ are very little and homely, being made with small poles pricked into the ground, and so bended and fastened at the tops, and on the sides they are matted with boughs and covered on the roof with sedge and old mats ; and for their beds that they take their rest on, they have a mat. They do generally profess to like well of our com- ing and planting here ; partly because there is abun- dance of ground that they cannot possess nor make use of, and partly because our being here will be a means both of relief to them when they want, and also a defence from their enemies,^ wherewith (I say) before this Plantation began, they were often endangered. For their religion, they do worship two Gods, a good God and an evil God. The good God they call Tantum, and their evil God, whom they fear will do them hurt, they call Squantum. For their dealing with us, we neither fear them ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, borders of the Penobscot. See note * on page 144. Chronicles of Pl}Tnouth, note ^ on * These were the Tarrateens, or page 225, and the Planters' Plea, Eastern Indians, who lived on the page 27. 17 258 CONVERSION OF THE INDIANS. CHAP, nor trust them ; for forty of our musketeers will drive five hundred of them out of the field. We use 1629. them kindly.^ They will come into our houses •^"^^ sometimes by half a dozen or half a score at a time to -^ _ Sept. when we are at victuals, but will ask or take nothing but what we give them. We purpose to learn their language^ as soon as we can, w^hicli will be a means to do them good. Of the present condition of the Plantation, and ivhat it is. When we came first to Nehum-kek, we found about half a score houses, and a fair house newly built for the Governor."^ We found also abundance • As they were instructed to do. See pages 159 and 176. ' The first planters of Massachu- setts liave been reproached for not attendhig sooner to one of the pro- fessed designs of their Plantation, the conversion of the Indians to Christianity. The reproach is un- merited. They attended to it as soon as it was possible. For a while they had to struggle with dis- ease and famine and the manifold hardships attendant upon a new set- tlement. They had also to set up a Church and a State in the wil- derness. Then came the troubles of the Antinomian c(nitroversy, and immediately upon that, broke out the Peqnotwar. During all this period they had no fit opportunity to en- gage in this great work, and no suitable instruments to prosecute it. As soon as these were raised up by Providence, they entered upon the work, learned the Indian languages, and preached to the natives. In 1646 the General Court of Massa- chusetts passed an Act to encourage the carrying of the Gospel to the Indians, and it was recommended to the elders to consider how it might best be done. In the same year, John Eliot, the Apuslk to the In- dians^ as he has been called, preach- ed to them in their own language, and subsequently undertook the Herculean task of translating the wlude Bible into the language of the Massachusetts Indians, which was printed at Cambridge in 1663, and a second edition in 1685. A series of seven tracts, giving an ac- count of the attempts to convert the natives of New-England to Christ- ianity, from 1617 to 1655, may be seen in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xxiv. See also Daniel Gookin's Account in the same Coll. i. 169-22-1; Hutch- inson's Mass. i. 161 ; and Francis's Life of Eliot in Sparks's American Biography, vol. 5. ^ See i)age 240. According to the deposition of Richard Bracken- bury, (who came over with Endicott in 1628,) taken in 1681, when he was eighty years old, the house here mentioned was built of the materials of another house erected at Cape Ann by Conant and his associates. It is said that some of its timbers are contained in a house now stand- ing in Salem, at the corner of Court and Church streets. See note ^ on page 30, and Felt's Annals of Sa- lem, i. 122. CONDITION OF THE PLANTATION. 259 of corn planted by them, very good and well liking, chap. And we brought with us about two hundred passen gers and planters more, which, by common consent 1629. of the old planters, were all combined together into t^/ one body politic, under the same Governor. ^^P** There are in all of us, both old and new planters, about three liundred, whereof two hundred of them are settled at Nehum-kek, now called Salem, and the rest have planted themselves at Masathulets Bay,^ beginning to build a towii~ there, which we do call Cherton or Charles town. We that are settled at Salem make what haste we can to build houses, so that within a short time we shall have a fair town. We have great ordnance,^ wherewith we doubt not but we shall fortify ourselves in a short time to keep out a potent adversary. But that which is our great- est comfort and means of defence above all others, is that we have here the true religion and holy ordi- nances of Almighty God taught amongst us.^ Thanks be to God, we have here plenty of preaching, and dil- igent catechising, with strict and careful exercise, and good and commendable orders to bring our people into a Christian conversation with whom we have to do withal. And thus we doubt not but God will be with us ; and if God be with "us, who can be against us ? viii. 3I. Here ends Master Higgeson's Relation of New- England. * According to the Instructions of ^ The church of Salem was formed the Company. See page 150. August 6th, and the pastor, and ^ It was laid out by Graves, the teacher, and ruling elder, were or- engineer. See note ^ on pane 152. daincd the same day. See Morton's Winthrop, i. 20, 30, 39,4(5,127, Menioriul, p. 116, and Prince's An- cuUs it Charlton. nals, p. 263. ^ Sec pages 45, 50, 157. 260 MORE COLONISTS EXPECTED. CHAP. Some brief Collections out of a Letter'^ that Mr. His- XII. ^ . ^ . ^ ginson sent to his friends at Leicester. 1629. Ill g t. There are certainly expected here the next spring the coming of sixty families out of Dorsetshire," who have by letters signified so much to the Governor, to desire him to appoint them places of habitations, they bringing their ministers with them. Also many families are expected out of Lincolnshire,^ and a minister with them, and a great company of godly Christians out of London. Such of you as come from Leicester,^ I would counsel you to come quickly, and that for two rea- sons. First, if you linger too long, the passages of Jordan, through the malice of Sathan, may be stop- ped, that you cannot come if you would. ^ Secondly, those that come first speed best here, and have the ' " A letter then from New-Eng- mas Shepard embarked under the land, and for a considerable tune assumed name of his elder brother after, was venerated as a sacred John, a husbandman. In April, script, or as the writing of some 1637, a Proclamation was issued " to holy prophet ; 'twas carried many restrain the disorderly transporting miles, where divers came to hear of his Majesty's subjects to the Col- it." Scottow's Narrative, p. 17. onies witliout leave." It command- ^ These were the west-country ed that " no license should be given people, Warbam and Maverick, them, without a certificate that they Ludlow and Piossiter, of whom we had taken the oaths of Supremacy shall hear more presently from Ro- and Allegiance, and had conformed ger Clap, who came with them. to the cliscipline of the Church of ^ These were the Boston people, England." And in May, 1638, a with whom Cotton was expected to fresh Proclamation was .published, come. See note ^ on page 48. " commanding owners and masters * His former place of residence in of vessels, that they do not fit out England. See page 65. any with passengers and provisions to * These obstructions to emigra- New-England, without license from tion were soon interposed. In 1633, the Commissioners of Plantations." Cotton, Hooker and Stone with great See Chalmers's Annals, i. 161; difhcvdty eluded the vigilance of the Rushworth's Collections, ii. 409; pursuivants, and escaped from the Rymer's Fcedera, xx. 143, 223 ; country. In 1635, Richard Mather Savage's Winthrop, i. 109 ; and was obhged to keep close till the Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268. vessel was fairly at sea ; and Tho- MORE CATTLE WANTED. 261 privilege of choosing choice places of habitations, chap. Little children of five years old may, by setting corn ^ one month, be able to get their own maintenance 1629. abundantly. what a good work might you that ^P*' are rich do for your poor brethren, to help them with your purses only to convey them hither with their children and families, where they may live as well, both for soul and body, as any where in the world. Besides, they will recompense the cost by helping to build houses and plant your ground for a time ; which shall be difficult work at the first, ex- cept you have the help of many hands. Mr. John- son,^ out of Lincolnshire, and many others, have helped our godly Christians hither, to be employ- ed in their work for a while, and then to live of themselves. We have here about forty goats that give milk, and as many milch kine. We have six or seven mares and a horse, and do every day expect the coming of half a score mares more, and thirty kine,^ by two ships ^ that are to follow us. They that come let them bring mares, kine and sheep, as many as they can. Ireland is the best place to provide sheep, and lies in the way. Bring none that are in lamb, nor mares in foal, for they are in more danger to perish at sea. Of all trades, carpenters are most needful ; therefore bring as many as you can. It were a wise course for those that are of abilities to join together and buy a ship for the voyage, and other merchandise ; for the Governor would that ' Isaac Johnson, of whom more ' The Four Sisters and the May- hereafter, flower. See page 216. * See note * on page 216. 262 TRANSPORTATION EXPENSIVE. CHAP, any man may employ his stock in what merchandises he please, excepting only beaver skins, which the company of merchants reserve to themselves, and the managing of the public stock. ^ If any be of the mind to buy a ship, my cousin Nowell's^ counsel would be good. Also one Mr. [ ],^ a very godly man and the master of the ship we went in, and like- wise one Mr. Graves,'^ the master's mate, dwelling in Wapping, may herein stand you in stead. The pay- ment of the transportation of things is wondrous dear, as £5 a man, and £10 a horse, and commonly £3 for every ton of goods ; so that a little more than will pay for the passage will purchase the possession of a ship for all together. No man hath or can have a house built for him here unless he comes himself, or else sends servants before to do it for him. It was an error that I now perceive both myself and others did conceive, by ' See pages 114 and 148. whom the first and the last gradu- * Increase Nowell, who was one ated at Harvard College in 1653 and of the patentees mentioned in the 16G4. See Savage's Winthrop, i. Charter, and whose name occurs so 31 ; Bndington's Hist, of the First often in the Company's Records, Church in Charlestown,pp, 31, 190; was one of the Assistants from tlie Prince's Annals, p. 334. beginning till his death, and a very '•' This name, which the copyist active and efficient member of the could not decipher, was Beechcr, Company. He came over with Guv. Thomas. See note "^ on page 219. Winthrop, and settled at Charles- ■* This Graves was, the next year, town, of which place he was the mate of the Arbella, the flag-ship of first town-clerk, and one of the se- Winthrop's fleet, was afterwards lectmen for nineteen years. He commander of a vessel, and is men- was also chosen a ruling elder of tioned by Winthrop, under date of Wilson's f 'hurch, but soon resigned June 3, 1G35, as one " who had that place on the ground of its being come every }'ear for these seven incompatible with the office of a civil years." He is probably the person magistrate. For six years, from who was made a rear-admiral by 1G44 to 1049, he was Secretary of Cromwell for capturing a Dutch pri- the Colony, which he fiiitiifully serv- vateer, and is not to be confounded ed. lie died poor, Nov. 1, 1655, with Graves, the engineer, mention- leaving a widow, Parnel, and five ed on pp. 56 and 152. See Sav- children, Samuel, Mehetable, In- age's Winthrop, i. 8, 161. crease, Mary, and Alexander, of A yeak's provisions to be brought. 263 not rightly understanding the merchants' meaning, chap. For we thought that all that put in their money into the common stock should have a house built for them, besides such a portion of land ; but it was not so. They shall indeed have so much land allotted to them when they come to take possession of it and make use of it ; but if they will have houses, they must build them. Indeed, we that are ministers, and all the rest that were entertained and sent over and maintained by the rest of the Company, as their ser- vants, for such a time in such employments, all such are to have houses built them of the Company's charge,^ and no others, nor otherwise. They that put money into the stock, as they do a good work to help forw^ard so worthy a Plantation, so all the gain they are like to have is according to the increase of the stock at three^ years' end by the trade of bea- ver, besides the lands, which they shall enjoy when they will. All that come must have victuals with them for a twelvemonth. I mean they must have meal, oatmeal, and such like sustenance of food, till they can get increase of corn by their own labor. For otherwise, so many may come without provision at the first, as that our small beginnings may not be sufficient to maintain them. Before you come, be careful to be strongly in- structed what things are fittest to bring with you for your more comfortable passage at sea, as also for your husbandry occasions when you come to the land. For when you are once parted with England, ' See the Agreement with Brio-ht '^ Probably an error for seven. See and Higginson, on pp. 208 and 210. jjp. Ill, 114, 116 and 117. 264 NECESSARIES FOR THE COLONY. CHAP, you shall meet neither with taverns, nor alehouse, nor butchers', nor grocers', nor apothecaries' shops to help what things you need, in the midst of the great ocean, nor when you are come to land ; here are yet neither markets nor fairs to buy what you want. Therefore be sure to furnish yourselves with things fitting to be had, before you come ; as meal for bread, malt for drink, woollen and linen cloth, and leather for shoes, and all manner of carpenters' tools, and a good deal of iron and steel to make nails, and locks for houses, and furniture for ploughs and carts, and glass for windows,^ and many other things, which were better for you to think of them there than to want them here. Whilst I was writing this letter,- my wife brought me word that the fishers had caught sixteen hundred bass at one draught ; which, if they were in Eng- land, were worth many a pound. A Letter^ sent from Neiv-England by Master Graves ^'^ Engineer, now there resident. Thus much I can affirm in general, that I never came in a more goodly country in all my life, all * See Chronicles of Plymouth, late news from New-England. I note ' on page 237. would have some of you read it to * The preceding letter was not a your mother, and let Forth copy out part of Higginson's New-England's the ohsen'ations and all that follows Plantation, Yet it was written by from the IO=, and the Letter in the him about the same time, and comes end, and show it Mr. Mott and others in more appropriately here than at that intend this voyage." See Win- the end of the Journal of his voyage, lhro})'s Hist. i. 3G1. to which it was appended. I have ^ Tliis Letter is not contained in taken the liberty to insert it in this the first edition, printed the same place. Gov. Winthrop undoubtedly year. It may be a part of the letter refers to it, when, in a letter to his mentioned in note ^ on page 152. son John, dated Oct. 9, 162!), he •* See pages 53, 56, and note * on writes, " I have sent down all the page 152. FRUITFULNESS OF THE COUNTRY. 265 things considered. If it hath not at any time been chap. manured and husbanded, yet it is very beautiful in ^^ — ^ open lands, mixed with goodly woods, and again 1^29. open plains, in some places five hundred acres, some ^^*" places more, some less, not much troublesome for to clear for the plough to go in ; no place barren but on the tops of the hills. The grass and weeds grow up to a man's face in the lowlands, and by fresh rivers abundance of grass and large meadows, with- out any tree or shrub to hinder the scythe. I never saw, except in Hungaria,^ unto which I always par- allel this country, in all or most respects ; for every thing that is here either sown or planted prospereth far better than in Old England. The increase of corn is here far beyond expectation, as I have seen here by experience in barley, the which, because it is so much above your conception, I will not men- tion. And cattle do prosper very well, and those that are bred here far greater than those with you in England. Vines do grow here plentifully, laden with the biggest grapes that ever I saw ; some I have seen four inches about. So that I am bold to say of this country, as it is commonly said in Germany of Hungaria, that for cattle, corn, and wine, it excelleth. We have many more hopeful commodities here in this country, the which time will teach to make good use of. In the mean time, we abound with such things which, next under God, do make us subsist ; as fish, fowl, deer, and sundry sorts of fruits, as musk-melons, water-melons, Indian pompions, Indian pease, beans, and many other odd fruits that I cannot name ; all which are made good and pleasant through ' " Ke hath been a traveller in divers foreign parts." See p. 153. 266 HEALTHFULNESS OF THE COUNTRY. CHAP, this main blessing of God, the healthfulness of the ■ country, which far exceedeth all parts that ever I 1629. j^ave been in. It is observed that few or none do ^^^' here fall sick, unless of the scurvy, that they bring from aboard the ship with them ; whereof I have cured some of my company only by labor. Thus making an end of an imperfect description, and com- mitting you to God, &c. 16 30. A Catalogue of such needful things as every planter doth or ought to provide to go to New-England ; as namely for one man ; which, being doubled, may serve for as many as you please, viz. Victuals for a wJiole year for a man, and so after the rate for more. 8 bushels of meal, 2 bushels of pease, 2 bushels of oatmeal, 1 gallon of aqua-vitae, 1 gallon of oil, 2 gallons of vinegar, 1 firkin of butter. Apparel. 1 Monmouth cap,^ 3 falling bands, ^ 3 shirts. 1 waistcoat, 1 suit of canvass, 1 suit of frieze,^ 1 suit of cloth, 3 pair of stockings, 4 pair of shoes, 2 pair of sheets, 7 ells of canvass, to make a bed and bolster, 1 pair of blankets, 1 coarse rug. • See note ^ on page 41. " See note * on page 40. ^ A sort of coarse woollen cloth. THINGS NEEDFUL FOR THE PLANTER. 267 Arms. 2 frowers,^ chap. 1 armour, complete, 1 handbill,^ ^^ 1 long piece, 1 grindstone, ^^^^• 1 sword. 1 pickaxe. 1 belt. Nails, of all sorts. 1 bandoleer,^ 20 pound of powder, Household Implements. 60 pound of lead. 1 iron pot. 1 pistol and goose shot. 1 kettle, 1 frying-pan. Tools. 1 gridiron, 1 broad hoe. 2 skillets, 1 narrow hoe. 1 spit. 1 broad axe. Wooden platters, 1 felling axe. Dishes, 1 steel handsaw. Spoons, 1 whipsaw, Trenchers. 1 hammer. 1 shovel. Spices. 1 spade, Sugar, 2 augers. Pepper, 4 chisels. Cloves, 2 piercers, stocked. Mace, 1 gimlet. Cinnamon, 1 hatchet. Nutmegs, Fruit. Also, there are divers other things necessary to be taken over to this Plantation, as books, nets, hooks and lines, cheese, bacon, kine, goats, &c.^ ' See note '" on page 44. ^ An edged tool, with a hooked * An edged tool, used in cleaving point, used to lop trees, hedges, &c. laths. ■* This list of articles is not con- tained in the first edition. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. CHAPTER XIII. GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS FOR THE PLANTATION IN NEW-ENGLAND ; WITH AN ANSWER TO SEVERAL OBJECTIONS. First, it will be a service to the Church of great chap. consequence, to carry the Gospel into those parts of. L the world, and to raise a bulwark against the king- 1629. dom of Antichrist, which the Jesuits labor to rear up in all pla es of the world. Secondly, all other churches of Europe are brought to desolation, and it may be justly feared that the like judgment is coming upon us ; and who knows but that God hath provided this place to be a refuge for many wdiom he means to save out of the general destruction ? Thirdly, the land grows weary of her inhabitants, so that man, which is the most precious of all crea- tures, is here more vile and base than the earth they tread upon ; so as children, neighbours and friends, especially of the poor, are counted the greatest burdens, which, if things were right, would be the chiefest earthly blessings. Fourthly, we are grown to that excess and in- 272 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS CHAP, temperance in all excess of riot, as no mean estate ' — — ' almost will suffice [a man] ^ to keep sail with his 1629. equals ; and he that fails in it, must live in scorn and contempt. Hence it comes to pass, that all arts and trades are carried in that deceitful manner and unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good, upright man to maintain his charge, and live comfortably in any of them. Fifthly, the schools of learning and religion are so corrupted as, (besides the unsupportable charge of their education,) most children, even the best, witti- est, and of fairest hopes, are perverted, corrupted, and utterly overthrown by the multitude of evil ex- amples and licentious governors of those seminaries. Sixthly, the whole earth is the Lord's garden, and he hath given it to the sons of Adam to be tilled and improved by them. Why then should we stand starving here for places of habitation, (many men spending as much labor and cost to recover or keep sometimes an acre or two of lands as would procure him many hundreds of acres, as good or better, in another place,) and in the mean time suffer whole countries, as profitable for the use of man, to lie waste without any improvement ? Seventhly, what can be a better work, and more noble, and worthy a Christian, than to help to raise and support a particular church while it is in its in- fancy, and to join our forces with such a company of faithful people as by a timely assistance may grow stronger and prosper, and for want of it may be put to great hazard, if not wholly ruined ? ' So in Mather, Magnalia, i. 65, who says he transcribes from a MS. FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. 273 Eighthly, if any such as are known to be godly, chaf. and live in wealth and prosperity here, shall forsake all this to join themselves with this church, and run 1^29. in hazard with them of a hard and mean condition, it will be an example of great use both for the remov- ing of scandal and sinister and worldly respects, to give more life to the faith of God's people in their prayers for the Plantation, and also to encourage others to join the more willingly in it. OBJECTIONS. Ob J. 1. It will be a great wrong to our own Church and country to take away the best people ; and we shall lay it more open to the judgments feared. Ans. First, the number will be nothing in respect of those that are left. Secondly, many that live to no use here, more than for their own private fami- lies, may be employed to a more common good in another place. Thirdly, such as are of good use here may yet be so employed as the Church shall re- ceive no loss ; and since Christ's coming, the Church is to be conceived as universal, without distinction of countries ; so as he that doth good in any one place, serves the Church in all places, in regard of the unity. Fourthly, it is the revealed will of God that the Gospel should be preached to all nations ; and though we know not whether the Indians will re- ceive it or not, yet it is a good work to observe God's will in offering it to them ; for God shall have glory by it, though they refuse it. Obj. 2. We have feared a judgment a long time ; but yet we are safe. Therefore it were better to stay till it come ; and either we may fly then, or if 18 274 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS CHAP, we be overtaken in it, we may well be content to XIII > — ~ suffer with such a Church as ours is. 1G29. _A.NS. It is likely that this consideration made the Churches beyond the seas, as the Palatinate^ and Rochelle,^ &c. to sit still at home, and not look out for shelter while they might have found it. But the woful spectacle of their ruin may teach us more wis- dom, to avoid the plague while it is foreseen, and not to tarry as they did, till it overtook them. If they were now at their former liberty, we may be sure they would take other courses for their safety. And though most of them had miscarried in their escape, yet it had not been half so miserable to themselves, or scandalous to religion, as this des- ' Frederic V., the Elector Pala- tine of the Rhine, married, in 1612, the princess Elizabeth, daughter of James I. of England, and in 1619 accepted the crown offered to him by the Protestants of Bohemia. This election gave great ofl^ence to Ferdinand, the Emperor of Genna- ny, who claimed the kingdom as his own. He consequently invaded and reduced both the Palatinate and Bo- hemia, defeated the Palgrave near Prague in 1621, and put him under the ban of the Empire. A dreadful persecution of the Protestants now commenced through the Austrian territories, and the Catholic religion was forcibly introduced into the Pa- latinate. An edict was issued, that the Protestant ministers should be forever exiled, and their churches closed. See Mod. Univ. Hist, xxvii. 1-2-1 ; Coxe's Hist, of the House of Austria, i. 769-797, 815 ; Harte's Hist, of Gustavus Adolphus, i. 238- 246. ' Rochclle, the principal seat and strong-hold of tlie Huguenots, was l)e8icgcd by Cardinal Richelieu, and, after a long and desperate resistance, was reduced by famine in Oct. 1628. This disastrous event prostrated the Protestants in France, and broke their spirits and their strength. Their af- fairs became every day more afflictive and perilous. They saw and dread- ed the approaching storm, but knew not how to evade it. Some of them fled to England, but found no peace there ; for Laud and other high churchmen drove them back. See Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. v. 351 ; and Dr. Holmes's Memoir of the French Protestants, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxii. 18. Prince, the Annalist, referring to the two events mentioned in the text, says, " In France and Navarre the King begins to persecute the Protestants, and turn them out of their churches. In Bohemia and Germany the Imperial and Spanish forces are ruining the Refonned in- terest ; and the King of England, extremely solicitous of matching his only son, Prince Charles, to the Spanish Infanta, refuses to support his own daughter, the excellent Queen of Bohemia, tiie darling of the British Puritans." Annals, p. 179. FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND. 275 perate backsliding and abjuring the truth, which chap. many of the ancient professors among them, and the whole posterity that remain, are plunged into. ^^2^- Obj. 3. We have here a fruitful land, with peace, and plenty of all things. Ans. We are like to have as good conditions there in time ; but yet we must leave all this abundance, if it be not taken from us. When we are in our graves, it will be all one whether we have lived in plenty or in penury, whether we have died in a bed of down or locks of straw. Only this is the advan- tage of the mean condition, that it is a more freedom to die. And the less comfort any have in the things of this world, the more liberty they have to lay up treasure in heaven. Obj. 4. We may perish by the way, or when we come there, having^ hunger or the sword, &c. ; and how uncomfortable will it be to see our wives and children and friends come to such misery by our occasion. Ans. Such objections savor too much of the flesh. Who can secure himself or his from the like calami- ties here ? If this course be warrantable, we may trust God's providence for these things. Either he will keep those evils from us, or will dispose them for our good, and enable us to bear them. Obj. 5. But what warrant have we to take that land, which is and hath been of long time possessed of others the sons of Adam ? Ans. That which is common to all is proper to none. This savage people ruleth over many lands ' Perhaps an error for braving. 276 GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS CHAP, without title or property ; for they enclose no ground, L neither have they cattle to maintain it, but remove 1629. their dwellings as they have occasion, or as they can prevail against their neighbours. And why may not Christians have liberty to go and dwell amongst them in their waste lands and woods, (leaving them such places as they have manured for their corn,) as xiii.^xv. lawfully as Abraham did amongst the Sodomites ? For God hath given to the sons of men a twofold right to the earth ; there is a natural right, and a civil right. The first right was natural, when men held the earth in common, every man sowing and feeding where he pleased. Then, as men and cattle increased, they appropriated some parcels of ground by enclosing and peculiar manurance ; and this in time ffot them a civil rio:ht. Such was the rio:ht Gen. _ => ... xxiii. which Ephron the Hittite had in the field of Machpe- lah, wdierein Abraham could not bury a dead corpse without leave, though for the outparts of the country, which lay common, he dwelt upon them and took the fruit of them at his pleasure. This appears also in Gen. Jacob aud his sons, who fed their flocks as boldly in i>i7- the Canaanites' land, for he is said to be lord of the country ; and at Dothan and all other places men accounted nothing their own but that which they had appropriated by their own industry, as appears plainly by Abimelech's servants, who in their own country Oeii. xxvi'. did often contend with Isaac's servants about wells 20. which they had digged, but never about the lands which they occupied. So likewise between Jacob and Laban ; he would not take a kid of Laban's without special contract, but he makes no bargain with him for the land where they fed. And it is Onn. .\xx. FOR PLANTING NEW-ENGLAND, 277 probable that if the country had not been as free for ^■^^^^• Jacob as for Laban, that covetous wretch would have made his advantage of him, and have upbraided Jacob ^^^^• with it, as he did with the rest. Secondly, there is more than enough for them and us. Thirdly, God hath consumed the natives with a miraculous plague,^ wdiereby the greater part of the country is left void of inhabitants. Fourthly, we shall come in with good leave of the natives. Obj. 6. We should send our young ones, and such as may best be spared, and not of the best of our ministers and magistrates. Ans. It is a great work, and requires more skilful artisans to lay the foundation of a new building, than to uphold and repair one that is already built. If great things be attempted by weak instruments, the effects will be answerable. Obj. 7. We see that those plantations that have been formerly made, succeeded ill. Ans. First, the fruit of any public design is not to be discerned by the immediate success ; it may ap- pear in time, that they were all to good use. Se- condly, there w^ere great fundamental errors in others, which are like to be avoided in this ; for, first, their main end and purpose was carnal, and not religious ; secondly, they aimed chiefly at profit, and not at the propagation of religion ; thirdly, they used too unfit instruments, a multitude of rude, ungovern- ed persons, the very scums of the land ; fourthly, they did not stablish a right form of government.^ ' See page 256, and Chronicles of of that date, -written by John Win- Plymouth, note ^ on p. 183. throp, jr. to his father, he says, " This paper was drawn up before "The Conclusions which you sent August 21, 1629. For in a letter down, I showed my uncle and aunt. 278 THE CONCLUSIONS. who like them well. I think they are unanswerable ; and it cannot but be a prosperous action, which is so 1629 ^^^^ allowed by the judgments of God's prophets, undertaken by so rehgious and wise wortliies of Israel, and indented to God's glory in so special a service." Mr. Savage re- marks on this, " Tlie Conclusions spoken of by the son were, no doubt, a paper of Considerations for the Plantation, with an Answer to several Objections, probably drawn by our author (Gov. Winthrop.) I have had in my possession the larger part of the original ;" which he since informs me was in the hand- writing of Winthrop. Felt, in his Annals of Salem, i. 69, ascribes it to Higginson, but upon no other au- thority than the general title which Hutchinson prefixes to certain pa- pers appended to the Journal of the Voyage. The MS. used by Hutch- inson is now in my possession, and from that I print. It varies some- what from Mather's copy in the Magnalia, i. 65. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 360. THE AGREEMENT AT CAMBRIDGE. CHAPTER XIV. THE TRUE COPY OF THE AGREE:\rEXT AT CAM- BRIDGE, AUGUST 26, 1629. Upon due consideration of the state of the Planta- chap. XIV. tion now in hand for New-England, wherein we, -^ — 1 whose names are hereunto subscribed, have engaged 1^29. ourselves, and having weighed the greatness of the 'go! w^ork in regard of the consequence, God's glory and the Church's good ; as also in regard of the difficul- ties and discouragements which in all probabilities must be forecast upon the prosecution of this busi- ness ; considering withal that this whole adventure grows upon the joint confidence we have in each other's fidelity and resolution herein, so as no man of us w^ould have adventured it without assurance of the rest ; now, for the better encouragement of ourselves and others that shall join with us in this action, and to the end that every man may without scruple dis- pose of his estate and affairs as may best fit his pre- paration for this voyage ; it is fully and faithfully AGREED amongst us, and every of us doth hereby freely and sincerely promise and bind himself, in the 282 THE AGREEMENT AT CAMBRIDGE. CHAP, word of a Christian, and in the presence of God, who is the searcher of all hearts, that we will so really 1629. endeavour the prosecution of this work, as by God's 26t' assistance, we will be ready in our persons, and with such of our several families as are to go with us, and such provision as we are able conveniently to furnish ourselves withal, to embark for the said Plantation by the first of March next, at such port or ports of this land as shall be agreed upon by the Company, to the end to pass the seas, (under God's protection,) to inhabit and continue in New-England : Provided always, that before the last of September next, the whole government, together with the patent for the said Plantation, be first, by an order of Court, legally transferred and established to remain with us and others which shall inhabit upon the said Plantation :* and provided also, that if any shall be hindered by such just and inevitable let or other cause, to be allowed by three parts of four of these whose names are hereunto subscribed, then such persons, for such times and during such lets, to be discharged of this bond. And we do further promise, every one for himself, that shall fail to be ready through his own default by the day appointed, to pay for every day's default the sum of o£3, to the use of the rest of the company who shall be ready by the same day and time. This was done by order of Court, the 29th of August, 1629.2 Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Sharpe, Thomas Dudley, Increase Nowell, William Vassall, John Winthrop, Nicholas West,^ William Pinchon/ Isaac Johnson, Kellam Browne,' John Humfrey, William Colbron. WILLIAM PYNCHON, OF SPRINGFIELD. 283 ' See pages 85-88, and 91. * This seems to have been a note interpolated after the paper was signed. See page 88. ^ West and Browne never came over to the Colony, and nothing is known concerning them. * William Pynchon, whose name occurs so frequently in the Compa- ny's Records, was a gentleman of learning as well as religion. He was one of the Assistants named in the Charter, and came over with Gov. Winthrop. He laid the found- ation of the town of Roxbury, and was the first member of the church in that place. Early in 1636 he re- moved to Connecticut river, with eight others, and was the father of the town of Springfield, which was so named after the town in England where he resided, near Chelmsford, in Essex. In 1650, there appeared in England a book entitled, " The INIeritorious Price of our Redemp- tion, Justification, &c., clearing it from some Errors, by William Pin- chin, in New-England, gent." A copy of til is book was brought over by a ship a few days before the meeting of the General Court, which was held Oct. 15, and which pro- ceeded to pass the following order : " This Court having had a sight of a book lately printed, under the name of William Pinchon, in New- England, gent., and judging it meet, do therefore order; first, that a Pro- test be drawn, fully and clearly to satisfy all men that this Court do ut- terly dislike it and detest it as erro- neous and dangerous ; secondly, that it be sufficiently answered by one of the reverend elders ; thirdly, that the said William Pinchon, gent., be summoned to appear before the next General Court to answer for the same ; fourthly, that the said book, now brought over, be burnt by the executioner, and that in the market- place in Boston on the morrow, im- mediately after the Lecture." The Rev. John Norton, of Ipswich, was entreated to answer the book, which he did. The Protest of the Court covers a page of their Records, and in it they condemn the book as " false, erroneous, and heretical," and declare their purpose " to pro- ceed with the author according to his demerits, unless he retract the same, and give full satisfaction both here and by some second writing to be printed and dispersed in England." The grand error of the book consist- ed in regarding the sufterings of Christ as merely " trials of his obe- dience ;" and of course it was the first heretical work on the Atone- ment that was written in this coun- try. At the next General Court, held May 7, 1651, Pj-nchon appear- ed, and explained or retracted the obnoxious opinions, after hanng conferred with the Rev. Messrs. Cotton, Norris, and Norton. He appeared before them again Oct. 14, 1651, but the judgment of the Court on his errors and heresies was sus- pended till the next session in May, 1652. Before that time, Mr. Py^i- chon, seeing the storm gathering, and doubtful what might be the re- sult, prudently left the Colony and returned to England, accompanied by his son-in-law, Capt. Henry Smith, and the Rev. George Moxon, a graduate of Sydney College, Cam- bridge, in 1623, who had been the minister of Springfield since 1637. Is it not probable, that Moxon him- self was infected with the same her- esy, and perhaps had a hand in writ- ing the book ? From a letter of the Governor and Council, preserved in INIass. Hist. Coll. xxi. 35, it appears that Sir Henry Vane had written them a letter in behalf of Pynchon, April 15, 1652, previous to which he had probably arrived in England. They speak of him as " one whom we did all love and respect," and intimate that he had privately held this doctrine " above thirty years." He died at Wraysbury, on the Thames, in Buckinghamshire, in October, 1662, aged 72 or 74. His son, John, was a prominent man in the Colony, and a long line of de- scendants mav be seen in Farmer's 284 WILLIAM PYNCHON, OF SPRINGFIELD. CHAP. Genealogical Register. No copy of his family, is printed in the Mass. XIV. Pynchon's book is known to exist in Hist. Coll. xviii. 228-249. See Col. — - this country, liiit Mr. Savage found Rec. ii. 280-3, 295, 328 ; Breck's 162 9. it in the British Museum, and two Century Sermon at Springfield, other tracts written by him. A se- pp. 15-17 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvi. rics of papers, belonging to him and 308, xxviii. 248, 288, 294. THE COMPANY'S LETTERS TO I HIGGINSON AND ENDICOTT. ^ CHAPTER XV. THE company's LETTER TO THE MINISTERS.^ Reverenb Friends, There are lately arrived here the Governor, Mr. Endecott being sent from chap. as men factious and « -^ evil conditioned, John and Samuel Browne,^ being ' See note on page 99. * The Brownes arrived in London before Sept. 19, in the Talbot or Lion's Whelp. They probably left Salem soon after the installation of the ministers, which took place Au- gust 6. Of course they remained in New-England only five or six weeks, having landed at vSalem June 30. See pages 89, 90, 235. ^ The case of the Brownes has already been frequently mentioned and referred to. See pages 89, 91, 94, 123, 168. We are fortunate in having a statement of the aifair from one who was a contemporary and probably an eye-witness. Gov. Brad- ford, who was at Salem on the day that Higginson and Skelton were ordained, Aug. 6, tells us, (for, as Prince says, p. xx. " Morton's His- tory, down to 1646, is chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated,") that " some of the passengers that came over at the same time, observ- ing that the ministers did not at all use the Book of Common Prayer, and that they did administer baptism and the Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and that they professed also to use discipline in the congre- gation against scandalous persons, by a personal application of the word of God, as the case might require, and that some that were scandalous were denied admission into the church, they began to raise some trouble. Of these, Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother were the chief, the one being a lawyer, the other a merchant, both of them amongst the number of the first pa- tentees, men of estates, and men of parts and port in the place. These two brothers gathered a company together, in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sundry times, the Book of Common Prayer Avas read unto such as resorted thi- ther. The Governor, Mr. Endicott, taking notice of the disturbance that began to grow amongst the people by this means, he convented the two brothers before him. They accused 1629. Oct. 16. 288 THE AFFAIR OF THE BROWNES. CHAP, brethren ; who, since their arrival, have raised ru- mors (as we hear,) of divers scandalous and intem- perate speeches passed from one or both of you in your public sermons or prayers in New-England, as also of some innovations attempted by you. We have reason to hope that their reports are but slan- ders ; partly, for that your godly and quiet condi- the ministers as departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they were Separatists, and would be Anabaptists, &c. : but for themselves, they would hold to the oiders of the Church of England. The ministers answered for them- selves, They were neither Separa- tists nor Anabaptists ; they did not separate from the Church of Eng- land, nor from the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders there ; and that they came away from the Common Prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered much for their non-conformity in their native land ; and therefore be- ing in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful corruptions in the wor- ship of God. The Governor and Council, and the generality of the people, did well approve of the min- isters' answer ; and therefore, find- ing those two brothers to be of high spirits, and their speeches and prac- tices tending to mutiny and faction, the Governor told them that New- England was no place for such as they, and therefore he sent them both back for England at the return of the ships the same year ; and though they breathed out threaten- ings both against the Governor and ministers there, yet the Lord so dis- posed of all, that there was no fur- ther inconvenience followed upon it." Morton's Memorial, p. 147. It appears from page 89, that on their return to England, a committee of ten was appointed l)y the Compa- ny, four of whom were nominated by the Brownes themselves, to in- vestigate the affair. To what result that committee came, we are not in- formed ; but the fact of the appoint- ment of such a committee shows the disposition of the Company to do am- ple justice to the complainants, and disproves the charges of contempt and injustice alleged against them by Chalmers, (Annals, p. 146.) We find from page 94, that, at their re- quest, the Brownes were furnished with a copy of Endicott's accusation against them, to enable them to pre- pare their defence, — and from page 123, that a statement of grievances, which they presented to the Compa- ny for loss and damage sustained in New-England, was referred to an- other committee, with full power to allow what indemnity they should think proper, and so end the matter. Endicott undoubtedly thought he was acting in conformity with his instructions, in sending them home. See pages 159, 160, 196. Grahame, in his History of the United States, i. 218, says, " Notwithstanding the censure with which some writers have commented on the banishment of these two individuals, the justice of the proceeding must commend it- self to the sentiments of all impartial men." Bancroft, i. 350, remarks that " faction, deprived of its lead- ers, died away," and adds, that " the liberal EbeUng, i. 869, defends the measure." A mural tablet has been erected to the memory of the ]3rownes in the Episcopal church at Salem. THE company's LETTER TO THE MINISTERS. 289 tions are well known to some of us ; as also, for that chap. these men, yom^ accusers, seem to be embittered . -^ against you and Captain Endecott for injuries which 1629. they conceive they have received from some of you jg/ there. Yet, for that we all know that the best ad- vised may overshoot themselves, we have thought good to inform you of what we hear, that if you be innocent you may clear yourselves ; or if otherwise, you may hereby be entreated to look back upon your miscarriage with repentance ; or at least to take notice that we utterly disallow any such passages, and must and will take order for the redress thereof, as shall become us. But hoping, as we said, of your unblamableness herein, we desire only that this may testify to you and others that we are tender of the least aspersion which, either directly or obliquely, may be cast upon the State here ;^ to whom we owe so much duty, and from whom we have received so much favor in this Plantation where you now reside. So with our love and due respect to your callings, we rest, Your loving friends, R. Saltonstall, Tho. Adams, IsA. Johnson, Sym. Whetcombe, Matt. Cradock, Governor, William Vassall, Tho. Goff, Deputy, Wm. Pinchion, Geo. Harwood, Treasurer, John Revell, John Winthrop, Francis Webb.* London, 16 October, 1629. ^ The Company seem to ha,ve Endicott, as we may infer from the been veiy sohcitous that nothing- daring and reckless spirit with which should be done in their Plantation he afterwards cut the red cross out which might furnish a pretext for the of the King's colors, not being able Government to revoke their Char- to brook what appeared to him a ter. Such prudential considerations, Popish and idolatrous emblem. however, weighed but little with * See note " on page 179. 19 290 THE company's letter THE COMPANY S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR. Sir, As we have written at this time to Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higgison touching the rumors of John and Samuel Browne, spread by them upon their arrival here, concerning some unadvised and scandalous speeches uttered by them in their public sermons or prayers, so have we thought meet to advertise you of what they have reported against you and them, concerning some rash innovations^ begun and prac- tised in the civil and ecclesiastical government. We do well consider that the Brownes are likely to make the worst of any thing they have observed in New-England, by reason of your sending them back, against their wills, for their offensive behaviour, ex- pressed in a general letter from the Company there.^ Yet, for that we likewise do consider that you are in a government newly founded, and want that assist- ance which the weight of such a business doth re- quire, we may have leave to think that it is possible some undigested counsels have too suddenly been put in execution, which may have ill construction ' These innovations, I suppose, is, as far as I can yet gather, no had reference principally to the i'orva- other than is warranted by the evi- ation of the church at Salem, the dence of truth, and the same which adoption of a confession of faith and I have professed and maintained covenant by the people, and their ever since the Lord in mercy reveal- election and ordination of the minis- ed himself unto me, being far differ- ters. Endicott, we know, sympa- ing from the common report that thized fully with the Separatists of hath been spread of you touching New-Plymouth. In a letter of his th;it particular," See Mass. Hist. to Gov. Bradford, dated Naumkeak, Coll. iii. 66. May 11, 1629, he writes. " I rejoice ^ It is to be regretted that this much that I am by Mr. Fuller satis- letter is not now in existence. See fied touching your judgment of the pages 89 and 94. outward form of God's worship. It TO GOVERNOR ENDICOTT. 291 with the State here, and make us obnoxious to any chap. adversary. Let it therefore seem good unto you to be very sparing in introducing any laws or commands ^^2^- which may render yourself or us distasteful to the le.' State here, to which (as we ought) we must and will have an obsequious eye.^ And as we make it our main care to have the Plantation so ordered as may be most for the honor of God and of our gracious Sovereign, who hath bestowed many large privileges and royal favors upon this Company, so we desire that all such as shall by word or deed do any thing to detract from God's glory or his Majesty's honor, may be duly corrected, for their amendment and the terror of others. And to that end, if you know any thing which hath been spoken or done either by the ministers, (whom the Brownes do seem tacitly to blame for some things uttered in their sermons or prayers,) or any others, we require you, if any such thing be, that you form due process against the offend- ers, and send it to us by the first, that we may, as our duty binds us, use means to have them duly punished. So not doubting but we have said enough, we shall repose ourselves upon your wisdom, and do rest Your loving friends. Dated and signed as the former letter to Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higgison. To the Governor^ Capt. Endecott.^ ' In dealing with such unscrupu- vioiis to his coming- to New-Eng- lous persons as Charles I. and Laud, land, except what is stated on page the Company had to exercise a good 143, that he had sat under Mr. Skel- deal of the wisdom of the serpent, ton's ministry, perhaps in Lincoln- See note ' on page 289. shire. He was of course supersed- ^ Nothing is known of the life ed in his ofBce of Governor of the and history of John Endicott pre- Colony by the arrival of Winthrop 292 JOHN ENDICOTT, OF SALEM. Oct. 16. with the Charter, in 1630. He was, however, the same year chosen an Assistant, which place he occupied 1629, ""'^ years. In 1636, he was chosen a colonel, and commanded the first unsuccessful expedition in the Pe- quot War. In 1641, he was elected Deputy Governor, which office he held four years. He was chosen Governor in 1644, 1649, 1651-53, and 1655-1665, sixteen years, a longer period than any Governor of the Colony was in office under the old Charter, and exceeded one year only, under the new, by Shirley alone. In 1645 he was chosen Ma- jor General, which office he held for four years. In 1644, he removed to Boston, where he died, March 15, 1665, in his 77th year. His wife, Anna Gover, a cousin of Gov. Cra- dock, died soon after his arrival at Salem. See page 131. His house stood on the lot now occupied by the shops in Tremont-street, at the head of Court-street, in front of Pem- berton Square. His portrait hangs in the Senate Chamber, at the State House. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 26, 156, 158, 192 ; Snow's Hist, of Boston, p. 148 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 52. Hutcliinson says, i. 17, that " En- dicott was among the most zealous undertakers, and the most rigid in principles. This disposition distin- guished him, more than his otlier mental accomplisliments, or his out- ward condition in life. I have seen a letter from the Secretary of State in King Charles the Second's time, in which is this expression, ' The King would take it well if the peo- ple would leave out Mr. Endicott from the place of Governor.' " Mr. F. M. Hubbard, in his new edition of Belknap's Amer. Biog. iii. 166, remarks, " Gov. Endicott was un- douljtedly the finest specimen to be found among our Governors of the genuine Puritan character. He was of a quick temper, which the habit of mihtary command had not soften- ed ; of strong religious feelings, moulded on the sterner features of Calvinism ; resolute to uphold with the sword what he had received as Gospel truth, and fearing no enemy so much as a gainsaying spirit. Cordially disliking the English Church, he banished the Brownes and the Prayer Book ; and, averse to all ceremonies and symbols, the cross in the King's colors was an abomination he could not away with. He cut down the Maypole at Merry Mount, published his detestation of long hair in a formal proclamation, and set in the pillory and on the gal- lows the returning Quakers. Infe- rior to Winthrop in learning, in com- prehensiveness to Vane, in tolerance even to Dudley, he excelled them all in the eye keen to discern the fit moment for action, in the quick re- solve to profit by it, and in the hand always ready to strike." See note ^ on page 13. THE HUMBLE REQUEST, The Hvmble Reqvest of His Majestie's loyall Subjects, the Governour and the Company late gone for New-England ; To the rest of their Brethren, in and of the Church of England. For the obtaining of their Prayers, and the removall of suspitions, and misconstructions of their Intentions. London. Printed for Iohn Bellamie. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 12. CHAPTER XVI Reverend Fathers and Brethren, The general rumor of this solemn enterprise, chap. wherein ourselves with others, through the provi dence of the Almighty, are engaged, as it may spare . ' us the labor of imparting our occasion unto you, so 7. it gives us the more encouragement to strengthen ourselves by the procurement of the prayers and blessings of the Lord's faithful servants. For which end we are bold to have recourse unto you, as those whom God hath placed nearest his throne of mercy ; which, as it affords you the more opportunity, so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to intercede for his people in all their straits. We beseech you, therefore, by the mercies of the Lord Jesus, to consi- der us as your brethren, standing in very great need of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And how- soever your charity may have met with some occa- sion of discouragement through the misreport of our intentions, or through the disaffection or indiscretion 296 THE HUMBLE REQUEST pHAP. of some of US, or rather amongst us/ (for we are not of those that dream of perfection in this world,) yet we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the 7V' principals and body of our Company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother ; and cannot part from our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart and many tears in our eyes,^ ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom and sucked it from her breasts.^ We leave it not therefore as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and edu- cation, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavour the continu- ance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlarge- ment of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus. Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and breth- ' There may be an allusion here you leave ns or stay at home with to the case of the Brownes. See us. O pray for the peace of Jerusa- note '' on page 287. Zem; they shall prosper that love her. * This language, so full of sincere As God continueth his presence and tender affection, exposes the with us, (blessed be his name!) so falsity of Chalmers's statement, be ye present in spirit with us, where he speaks of "the savage though absent in body. Forget not fury with which they deserted their the womb that bare you, and the ' native land." And this too when breasts that gave you suck. Even he himself admits that they had ducklings, hatched under a hen, been persecuted in England. See though they take the water, yet Chalmers's Pol. Annals, pages 152 will still have recourse to the wing and U)5. that hatched them ; how much more ^ John Cotton, in his Discourse should chickens of the same feather entitled "God's Promise to his and yolk ! In the amity and unity Plantation," p. 18, delivered just of brethren, the Lord hath not only before the sailing of Winthrop's promised but commanded a blessing, fleet, said, " Be not unmindful of even life foreverraore." See note ^ our Jerusalem at home, whether on page 126. OF WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANY. 297 ren, to help forward this work now in hand ; which chap. if it prosper, you shall be the more glorious, howso- — -1 ever your judgment is with the Lord, and your re- ic^o. ward with your God. It is a usual and laudable ex- 7" ercise of your charity, to commend to the prayers of your congregations the necessities and straits of your private neighbours : do the like for a Church spring- ing out of your own bowels. We conceive much hope that this remembrance of us, if it be frequent and fervent, will be a most prosperous gale in our sails, and provide such a passage and welcome for us from the God of the whole earth, as both we which shall find it, and yourselves, with the rest of our friends, who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as the specialties of his providence and goodness may justly challenge at all our hands. You are not igno- rant that the spirit of God stirred up the apostle Paul to make continual mention of the Church of Philippi, which was a colony from Rome ; let the same spirit, we beseech you, put you in mind, that are the Lord's remembrancers, to pray for us without ceasing, who are a weak colony from yourselves, making continual request for us to God in all your prayers. What we entreat of you, that are the ministers of God, that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our brethren, that they would at no time forget us in their private solicitations at the throne of grace. If any there be who, through want of clear in- telligence of our course, or tenderness of affection towards us, cannot conceive so well of our way as we could desire, w^e would entreat such not to de- spise us, nor to desert us in their prayers and affec- 298 THE HUMBLE HEQUEST. c'HAP. tions, but to consider rather that they are so much the more bound to express the bowels of their com- ^ passion towards us, remembering always that both 7. nature and grace doth ever bind us to relieve and rescue, with our utmost and speediest power, such as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be running uncomfortable hazards. What goodness you shall extend to us in this or any other Christian kindness, we, your brethren in Christ Jesus, shall labor to repay in what duty we are or shall be able to perform, promising, so far as God shall enable us, to give him no rest on your behalfs,^ wishing our heads and hearts may be as fountains of tears for your everlasting welfare when w^e shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, through the manifold necessities and tribulations which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unprofit- ably, befall us. And so commending you to the grace of God in Christ, we shall ever rest Your assured friends and brethren, John Winthrope, Gov. Richard Saltonstall, Charles Fines,^ Isaac Johnson, Thomas Dudley, George Phillifps,^ William Coddington, &C. &oC. From Yarmouth, aboard the Arlclla, April 7,^ 1630.^ ' Edward Johnson, who was one ^ Fines never came over. He of the company that came with was probably a relative, perhaps a Winthrop, says, "For England's brother, of William Fiennes, Vis- sake they are going from England, count Saye and Sele. In company to pray without ceasing for Eng- with his noble kinsman. Sir Richard land. O England ! thou shalt find Saltonstall, John Pym, and the great New-England prayers prevailing John Hampden, he was one of the with their God for thee." See his patentees named in the grant of Hist, of New-England, ch. 12, in Connecticut from the Earl of War- Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 77. wick, in 1632, and is there styled GEORGE PHILLIPS, OF WATEPvTOWN. 299 the honorable Charles Fiennes, Esq. See Hazard's State Papers, i. 318, and TrumbuU"s Connecticut, i. 495. ^ The Rev. Georg-e Phillips was educated at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1613, and of A. M. in 1617. He was settled in the ministry at Boxted, in Essex. He came over in the fleet with Gov. Winthrop, and united with Sir Rich- ard Saltonstall and others in the set- tlement of Watertown, of which place he was chosen the minister, and remained there till his death, July 1, 1644. Winthrop calls him " a godly man, specially gifted, and very peaceful in his place, much la- mented of his own people and others." Dr. Fuller, of New Ply- mouth, in a letter to Gov, Bradford, dated Charlestown, June 28, 1630, writes, "Here is come over, with these gentlemen, one Mr. Phillips, a Suffolk man, who hath told me in private, that if they will have him stand minister by that calling which he received from the prelates in England, he will leave them." Tradition says he lived in the Sawin house, now standing, oppo- site the old burial-ground in Water- to^^•n. His son, Samuel, was the minister of Rowley. Most of the families of the name of Phillips in New-England, are descended, it is believed, from the minister of Wa- tertown. See Mather's jNIagnalia, i. 339 ; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 171; Francis's Hist, of Watertown, p. 33 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74, xv. 186, xxviii. 248. * This was the day before they left England. See page 127, note ^. * Hubbard, in speaking of this beautiful and touching Address, re- marks, "It is commonly said that the Declaration was drawn up by ]Mr. White, that famous minister of Dorchester, of whom there is oft mention made in this History ; if so, it had a reverend, learned and holy man for its author." It seems more probable, however, that it was wTit- CHAP. ten by Winthrop, or Johnson, or XVI. some other one of those who signed it. "This paper," says Hutchin- i6 30. son, i. 19, " has occasioned a dis- pute whether the first settlers of the Massachusetts were of the Church of England, or not." It has also exposed them to the imputation of inconsistency and insincerity. But there is no ground for such an im- putation. When they wrote this letter, they belonged to the Church of England. They disliked her cer- emonies, indeed, and abjured her errors, but had never renounced her fellowship. They were Puritans, Nonconformists, but not Separatists, differing in this respect from the Colonists of New Pl3rmouth. It was not till they were in the wilder- ness, far away from the pursuivants and the bishops, that they set up churches of their own, independent of their mother Church. It should be recollected, too, that this Fare- well Letter was addressed not to the persecuting prelates who had driven them into the wilderness, but to " their brethren of the Church of England." There were many in the Church at this time, both among the clergy and laity, who were sigh- ing for purity and reform, as much so as those that emigrated, and were prevented from emigrating either by the lack of means or resolution, or perhaps preferred to remain at home and see what they could do there in the way of church reformation. With all such the departing colo- nists wished to hold spiritual com- munion, to retain their fellowship, and be benefited by their prayers. The foregoing paper is printed from the original edition of 1630, a copy of which is preserved among the books in Prince's New-England Library. It was probably publish- ed immediately after the sailing of Winthrop's fleet, in April. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 69-71 ; Prince's Annals, 282-307 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 126 ; Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 416, 435. DUDLEY'S LETTER TO THE COUNTESS OF LINCOLN. CHAPTER XVII. DEPUTY GOVERNOR DUDLEY'S LETTER. To the Right Honorable, my very good Lady, The Lady Bridget, Countess of Lincoln} Madam, Your letters (which are not common nor cheap,) following me hither into New-England, and bringing with them renewed testimonies of the accustomed favors you honored me with in the Old, have drawn from me this narrative retribution, which, (in respect of your proper interest in some persons of great note amongst us,)^ was the thankfullest present I had to send over the seas. Therefore I humbly entreat ^ The wife of Theophilus, the Deputy Governor in England, Oct. fourth earl of Lincoln, and daughter 20, 1629, but did not come over till of the Viscount Saye and Sele. — 1632. See pp. 106 and 127. This Dudley had been steward in the family had a more intimate connec- family. See note ^ on page 75 in tion with the New-England settle- the Chronicles of Plymouth. ments, and must have felt a deeper ^ The Lady Arbella, the wife of interest in their success, than any Isaac Johnson, who came over with other noble house in England. Cot- Winthrop, was the sister of the Earl ton Mather speaks of the family as of Lincoln. The Lady Susan, an- "religious," and " the best family other sister, was married to John of any nobleman then in England." Humphrey, who had been chosen See Mather's Magnalia, i. 126. 304 THOMAS DUDLEY, OF ROXBURY. CHAP, your Honor this be accepted as payment from him ^— — who neither hath nor is any more than 1631. Your Honor's ^11^^ Old thankful servant, T. D.^ Boston, in New-England, March I2t.h, 1630.- For the satisfaction of your Honor and some friends, and for the use of such as shall hereafter ^ Thomas Dudley, the author of this letter, and one of the leading planters of Massachusetts, was born at Northampton, in 1577, being the only son of Capt. Roger Dudley, who was killed in battle. Young Dudley was brought up in the fam- ily of the Earl of Northampton, and afterwards became a clerk to his maternal kinsman, Judge Nichols, and thus obtained some knowledge of the law, which proved of great service to him in his subsequent life. At the age of 20, he received a captain's commission from Queen Elizabeth, and commanded a com- pany of volunteers, under Henry IV. of France, at the siege of Amiens, in 1597. On the conclusion of peace the next year, he returned to Eng- land, and settled near Northampton, where he was in the neighbourhood of Dod, Hildersham, and other emi- nent Puritan divines, and became himself a Nonconformist. After this, he was for nine or ten years steward to Theophilus, the young Earl of Lincoln, who succeeded to his father's title Jan. 15, 1619. But becoming desirous of a more retired life, he removed to Boston, in Lincolnshire, where he enjoyed the acquaintance and ministry of tlie Rev. John Cotton. He was after- wards prevailed upon by the Earl of Lincoln to resume his place in his family, where he continued till the storm of persecution led him to join the company that v.'ere meditating a removid to New-England. He was one of the signers of the Agreement at Cambridge, Aug. 29, 1629, and we find him present for the first time at the Company's courts, on the 16th of October. When Win- throp was chosen Governor, he was made an Assistant ; and on Hum- phrey's declining to go over with the Charter, he was elected Deputy Governor in his place. He was continued in the magistracy from the time of his arrival in New-Eng- land till his death, having been cho- sen Governor in 1634 and three times afterwards, and Deputy Governor thirteen times. In 1644 he was ap- pointed the first Major General of the Colony. He was the principal founder of Newtown, now Cam- bridge, and was very desirous to have it made the metropolis. On Mr. Hooker's removal to Hartford in 1636, he removed to Ipswich, and afterwards to Roxbury, where he died July 31, 1653, in his 77th year. His son Joseph was Governor, and his grandson Paul Chief Justice, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay. His eldest son, Samuel, mar- ried Mary, daughter of Gov. Win- throp, and his daughter Ann, who was a poetess, was maiTied to Gov. Bradstreet. See Mather's Magna- lia, i. 120-123 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 14, 183; Savage's Winthrop, i. 50 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 255 ; and note ^ on page 125. ^ That is, old style, the new year beginning on the 25th of March. Sec note '' on page 138. CHICKATALBOT, OF NEPONSET. 305 intend to increase our Plantation in New-En<>:lancl, I chap. . . O 5 XVII. nave, m the throng of domestic, and not altogether free from public business,^ thought fit to commit to i^^i. memory our present condition, and what hath befal- [l.^ len us since our arrival here ; which I will do short- ly, after my usual manner, and must do rudely, hav- ing yet no table, nor other room to write in than by the fireside upon my knee, in this sharp winter ; to which my family must have leave to resort, though they break good manners, and make me many times forget what I would say, and say what I would not. * * * ^ sachim in New-England, w^hom I saw the last summer. Upon the river of Naponset,^ near to the Mattachusetts fields,'* dwellethChickatalbott,^who hath between fifty and sixty subjects. This man least favoreth the English of any sagamore (for so are the kings with us called, as they are sachims southwards,) we are acquainted with, by reason of the'old quarrel between him and those of Plymouth, wherein he lost seven of his best men;° yet he lodg- ed one night the last winter at my house in friendly ^ Dudley, it will be recollected, plague, who caused it to be cleared was at this time Deputy Governor for himself." Wood's New-Eng- of the Colony. See page 127. land's Prospect, part i. ch. 10. ^ A part of the MS. is here miss- ^ This, no doubt, is the sagamore ing, probably, however, only a few mentioned in the preceding note, lines, which may have contained a His residence, according to Wood's description of the bays and rivers, map, made in 1633, was on the east- followed by a brief notice of the In- ern bank of the Neponset, in Quin- dian tribes living on them. cy, probably not far from Squantum. ^ The Neponset river separates He died in November, 1633, with Dorchester from Quincy and Milton, many of his people, of the small pox. * "Three miles to the north of See Savage's Winthrop, i. 48, 115 ; Wessaguscus, (Wejanouth,) is Drake's Book of the Indians, book Mount Wollaston, (in Quincy.) — ii. 43 ; and Chronicles of Plymouth, This place is called Massachusetts note ■* on page 226. Fields ; where the greatest sagamore ® See Chronicles of Plymouth, in the country lived, before the page 339. 20 I 306 THE INDIANS OF NEW-ENGLAND. manner. About seventy or eighty miles westward from these are seated the Nipnett^ men, whose ^^^^- sagamore we know not, but we hear their numbers exceed any but the Pecoates~ and the Narragan- sets,^ and they are the only people we yet hear of in the inland country. Upon the river of Mistick is seated sagamore John,'' and upon the river of Saugus March 12 ' The Nipnets, or Nipmiicks, (Iweh chiefly about the great ponds in Webster, Massachusetts ; but their territory extended southward into Connecticut more than twenty miles. They were partly tributary to the Narragansetts, and partly to the Massachusetts Indians. The Blackstone river was originally the Kipmuck river. See the map of New-England in Hubbard's Indian Wars, printed in 1677, which was copied and prefixed to Judge Da- vis's edition of Morton's Memorial ; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 43 ; Hutchinson's Massachusetts, i. 459; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147, 148, 185, 189-194. ^ The Pcquods, the most warlike and formidal)le tribe of Indians in New-England, dwelt between the Thames and Pawcatuck rivers, in Connecticut, their chief seats and forts being at New-London, Croton, and the head of Mystick river. In 1637, they were completely subdued and nearly exterminated by the Con- necticut and Massachusetts forces Tinder the command of Captains John Mason, John Underbill, and Israel Stougliton. There are four contemporaneous Narratives of the Pequot War, written by Mason, Ilnderhill, Lion Gardiner, and P. Vincent, which are contained in the Ma.ss. Hist. Coll. xviii. 120-153, xxiii. 131-161, xxvi. 1-13. But the best History of it, with an illus- trative map, will be found in the Rev. George E. Ellis's Life of Ca.pt. John Mason, in Sparks's Am. Biog. xiii. 310-405. See also Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 116 ; Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 41 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. i. 147. ^ The Narragansetts, a numerous and powerful body of Indians, dwelt between Pawcatuck river, along the coast from Stonington round P(;int Judith, and on the bay in Rhode Island called by their name. On the nortii their territory was bound- ed by the Quinebaug and Nipmuck countries. See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 457 ; Potter's Early Hist, of Nar- ragansett, pp. 1-11 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. v. 239, xviii. 122, xxi. 210. ^ His Indian name was Wonoha- quaham. He lived upon the neck of land in Maiden, which lies be- tween Maiden river and the creek that separates the neck from Chel- sea ; but his territory also included Winesemett, afterwards called Rum- ney Marsh, and now Chelsea. He died Dec. 5, 1633, of the small pox, and almost all his people, more than thirty of whom were buried in one day by Mr. Maverick, who lived at Noddle's Island, now East Boston. The Charlestown Records speak of him as "of a gentle and good dis- position," that he " loved the Eng- lish, and gave them permission to settle here." He left one son, whom he commended to the care of the Rev. Mr. Wilson, of Boston. See Lewis's Lvnn, pp. 16, 17; Felfs Salem, i' 13, 16; Hutchhi- son's Mass. i. 461 ; Savage's Win- tin-op, i. 49, 119, 120; New-Eng- land's First Fruits, p. 2 ; and the map in Wood's New-England's Prospect, made in 1633, which is THE SAGAMORES OF NEW-ENGLAND. 307 sasramore James, ^ his brother, both so named by the chap. ^ . XVII. English. The elder brother, John, is a handsome young man, [one line missing] conversant with us, i63i. affecting English apparel and houses, and speaking * j^*^ well of our God. His brother James is of a far worse disposition, yet repaireth often to us. Both these brothers command not above thirty or forty men, for aught I can learn. Near to Salem dwelleth two or three families," subject to the sagamore of Agawam, whose name^ he told me, but I have forgotten it. This sagamore hath but few subjects, and them and himself tributary to sagamore James, having been before the last year (in James's minority) tributary to Chickatalbott. Upon the river Merrimack is seat- ed sagamore Passaconaway,"* having under his com- mand four or five hundred men, being esteemed by his countrymen a false fellow, and by us a witch. For any more northerly, I know not, but leave it to after Relations. Having thus briefly and disorderly, especially in my description of the bays and rivers, set down what is come to hand touching the [one line missing.] Now concerning the English that are planted copied and inserted in a subsequent and south side of that river was to- part of this volume. gether called Xaurnkeke." See ' His Indian name was j\Ionto- Felt's Salem, i. 14. wompate. His territory included ^ His name was Masconnomo, or the towns of Saugus, Lynn, and Masconnomet. He came on board ]\Iarblehead. He also died in Dec. Winthrop's ship the day after his 1633, of the small pox, "and most arrival at Salem ; and by a deed of his folks." Consult the map and dated June 28, 1638, he sold to John references in the preceding note. Winthrop, jr. for X20, all the ^ The Rev. John Higginson says, lands lying around the bay of Aga- that when he came over with his wam, or Ipswich. See Savage's father in 1629, " the Indian town of Winthrop, i. 27 ; and Felt's Histo- wigwams was on the north side of ry of Ipswich, pp. 3 and 8. the North river, not far from Si- " ^ See Chronicles of PljTnouth, monds'o, and then both the north note - on page 366. 308 THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. CHAP, here, I find that about the year 1620, certam English XVII. ... > — ~ set out from Leyden, in Holland, intending their course 1620. for Hudson's river, the mouth whereof lieth south of the river^ of the Pecoates, but ariseth, as I am in- formed, northwards in about 43°, and so a good part of it within the compass of our patent. These, being much weather-beaten and wearied with seeking the river,^ after a most tedious voyage^ arrived at length in a small bay lying north-east^ from Cape Cod ; Dec. where landing about the month of December, by the ^^" favor of a calm winter, such as w^as never seen here since, begun to build their dwellings in that place which now is called New Plymouth ; where, after much sickness, famine, poverty, and great mortality, (through all wdiich God by an unwonted providence carried them,) they are now grown up to a people healthful, wealthy, politic and religious ; such things doth the Lord for those that wait for his mercies. These of Plymouth came with patents from King James,^ and have since obtained others from our sovereign. King Charles,*^ having a governor and council of their own. 162 2. There was about the same time one Mr. Weston, an English merchant, who sent divers men to plant and trade, who sat down by the river of Wesaguscus. ' The Thames, in Connecticut, ■* Plpnouth harbour lies due west running- from Norwich to New Lon- from Cape Cod. don, and emptying into Long Island ^ Not so. They had only a pa- Sound, tent from the Virginia Company. ^ From his silence on the point, it See Chronicles of Plymouth, pages would seem that Dudley had never 7-4 and 383. heard of the alleged treachery of the ® Another mistake. This second captain of the Mayflower in carrying patent was not from the King, but the Pilgrims north of Hudson's riv- from the Council for New-England, er. See Chronicles of IMymouth, See Prince's Annals, pp. 268-270 ; p. 101, note ^. Chalmers's PoHtical Annals of the ^ The voyage was 64 days long. United Colonies, p. 97. See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 105. ORIGIN OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 309 But these comine; not for so 2:ood ends as those of chap. "WTT Plymouth, sped not so well ; for the most of them ^ dying and languishing away, they who survived were rescued by those of Plymouth out of the hands of ifiss. Chickatalbott and his Indians, who oppressed these weak English, and intended to have destroyed them, and the Plymotheans also, as is set down in a tract written by Mr. Winslow, of Plymouth.^ Also, since, one Captain Wollaston, with some 16 25. thirty with him, came near to the same place, and built on a hill w^hich he named Mount Wollaston.^ But being not supplied with renewed provisions, they vanished away, as the former did. 16 26. Also, divers merchants of Bristow^, and some other places, have yearly for these eight years, or there- 1623- abouts,^ sent ships hither at the fishing times to trade for beaver ; where their factors dishonestly, for their gains, have furnished the Indians w^th guns, swords, powder and shot.^ Touching the Plantation which we here have be- i62 7. gun, it fell out thus. About the year 1627, some friends being together in Lincolnshire,^ fell into dis- course about New-England, and the planting of the Gospel there ; and after some deliberation we'^ im- parted our reasons, by letters and messages, to some in London^ and the west country ;^ where it was likewise deliberately thought upon, and at length with often negotiation so ripened, that in the year 1628^ 16 2 8. * See Chronicles of Plymouth, ® Of course the %vriter, Dudley, pp. 296-312, 327-345. was one of them. * In Quincy. See Hubbard, p. 102, ^ See pages 12 and 29. and Prmce, pp. 231 and 240. « See pages 5, 21, 22, 29. ^ See note '^ on page 5. ^ The Charter from the King is * See note * on page 84. dated ]\Iarch 4, 1628, that is, 1629, ^ See note ^ on page 48. new style. 310 ENDICOTT SENT OVER. CHAP, we procured a patent from his Majesty for our planting between the Mattachusetts Bay and Charles 1628. river on the south, and the river of Merrimack on the north, and three miles on either side of those rivers and bay ; as also for the government of those who did or should inhabit within that compass. "^20® And the same year we sent Mr. John Endecott,^ and some with him, to begin a Plantation, and to strength- en such as he should find there, which we sent thither from Dorchester^ and some places adjoining. From whom the same year receiving hopeful news, 1629. the next year, 1629, we sent divers ships over, with ^PJ"!^ about three hundred people,^ and some cows, goats and ^ / . May. and horses,'' many of which arrived safely. These, by their too large commendations of the country and the commodities thereof,^ invited us so strongly to go on, that Mr. Winthrop, of Suffolk, (who was well known in his own country, and well approved here for his piety, liberality, wisdom, and gravity,) coming in to us, we came to such resolu- 1630. tion, that in April, 1630, we set sail from Old Eng- "^P"^ land with four good ships. "^ And in May following ' See pages 13, 30. Cowes, March 28, 1630," says, ^ See pages 23-29. " We have only four ships ready. * Higginson's company. See The rest of our fleet, being seven pages 14, 215-238. ships, will not be ready this sen'- ■* Prince, page 257, quoting the night. We are, in all our eleven Company's Records, says 140 head ships, about seven hundred persons, of cattle, and adds, that Dudley passengers, and two hundred and seems too short in his statement, forty cows, and about sixty horses. See note ^ on page 66. The ship which went from Ply- '" He probably alludes to Iliggin- mouth [the Mary & John] carried son's and Graves's description of about one hundred and forty persons, the country and its advantages. See and the ship which goes from Bris- pages 243 and 204. towe [the Lion] carrieth about * The Arbella, the Talbot, the eighty persons." The whole num- Ambrose, and the Jewel. Win- her in these thirteen vessels then throp, writing to his wife " from w;is 020 persons ; and as the Hand- aboard the Arbclla, ridiiig at the maid brought about sixty passen- GOVERNOR WINTHROP S FLEET. 311 ei2;ht more followed ; two having srone before in chap. & ' , XVII. February and March,^ and two more following in June and August, besides another set out by a pri- ^^^^* vate merchant. These seventeen ships arrived all safe in New^-England,^ for the increase of the Planta- tion here this year 1630, but made a long, a trouble- some, and costly voyage, being all wind-bound long in England,^ and hindered with contrary winds after they set sail, and so scattered with mists and tem- pests that few of them arrived together. Our four ships which set out in April arrived here in June and July, where we found the Colony in a sad and unexpected condition, above eighty of them being dead the winter before ; and many of those alive weak and sick ; all the corn and bread amongst them all hardly sufficient to feed them a fortnight, inso- June and July. gers, the emigrants amounted cer- ^ The Lion, Capt. William Peirce, tainly to 980. See note ^ on page from Bristol, and the Mary & John, 127, and Savage's Wintluop, i. 37, Capt. Squeb, from Plpnouth. 368. * We are indebted to Prince for the following table : A list of Ships ivhich arrived in New-England this year. Lion Marv & John . . . Arhella .Jewel Ambrose Talbot Mayflower Whale Hopewell William & Francis. Trial Charles Success Gift Another Handmaid < Another set out l.y I a private merchant England. Bristol, Plymouth, j Yarmouth, ). at the Isle I ofWi^ht, Southampton. When set sail. When arrived. I Where arrived. 1(330. Fell. March 20. April 8, May, June, 1630. May, May 30, June 12, " 13, " 1^, July 2, ' 1, Aug. 20, Oct. 29, New-England: Salem. IN'antasket. u Salem. Charlestown. [Salem.] ^ Charlestown. \ Salem. [Salem.] Charlestown. Plymouth. See pages 125-127, and Savage's Winthrop, i. 1-5. I 312 REMOVAL TO CHARLESTOWN. CHAP, much that the remainder of a hundred and eisfhty XVII. ^ -^ servants we had the two years before sent over, 163 0. commg to us for victuals to sustain them, we found ourselves wholly unable to feed them, by reason that the provisions shipped for them were taken out of the ship they were put in, and they who were trusted to ship them in another failed us and left them behind ; whereupon necessity enforced us, to our extreme loss, to give them all liberty, who had cost us about £16 or <£20 a person, furnishing and sending over. But bearing these things as we might, we began to consult of the place of our sitting down ; for Sa- lem, where we landed, pleased us not.^ And to that 17. purpose, some were sent to the Bay,~ to search up the rivers for a convenient place ; who, upon their return, reported to have found a good place upon Mistick ;^ but some other of us, seconding these, to approve or dislike of their judgment, we found a place [that] liked us better, three leagues up Charles river ;'' and thereupon unshipped our goods into other vessels, and with much cost and labor brought July, them in July to Charlestown. But there receiving ' " For the capital town," says emor's island, and even then the Prince, p. 308. distance up the river would hardly * Massachusetts Bay, that is, be three leagues. But distances at Boston harbour, " made," as Wood this time were computed, not meas- says, " by a great company of isl- ured, and of course could not be ands, whose high cliffs shoulder out very exact. Dr. Fuller, of Ply- the boisterous seas." See note ^ on mouth, in a letter to Gov. Bradford, page 4, and N. E. Prospect, ch. 1. written from Charlestown, June 28, ^ " We went up Mistick river says, " The gentlemen here lately about six miles," says Winthrop, come over are resolved to sit down i. 27. at the head of Charles river, and * Probably at the place afterwards they of Matapan (Dorchester) pur- called Newtown and Cambridge, and pose to go and plant with them. I not Watertown, as Prince, p. 308, have been at Matapan, at the request suggests ; for Watertown is after- of Mr. Warham, and let some twen- wards mentioned as a place distinct ty of these people blood." See from this. The reckoning must Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74. have been from Conant's or Gov- THE SETTLEMENT OF BOSTON. 313 advertisements, by some of the late arrived ships, chap. from London and Amsterdam, of some French pre parations against us, (many of our people brought 16 30. with us being sick of fevers and the scurvy, and we " ^°' thereby unable to carry up our ordnance and bag- gage so far,) we were forced to change counsel, and for our present shelter to plant dispersedly, some at Charlestown,^ which standeth on the north side of the mouth of Charles river ; some^ on the south side thereof, which place we named Boston,^ (as we in- tended to have done the place we first resolved on;) some of us upon Mistick, which we named Medford;^ some^ of us westwards on Charles river, four miles from Charlestown, which place we named Water- town ;*" others of us two miles from Boston, in a place ^ At the head of whom was In- crease Nowell. See note ^ on page 262. ^ Among whom were Winthrop, Johnson, Coddington, and Wilson. ^ At " a Court of Assistants hold- en at Charlton, the 7th of Septem- ber, 1630, it is ordered that Tri- mountain shall be called Boston, Mattapan Dorchester, and the town upon Charles river Waterton." — " Thus this remarkable Peninsula, about two miles in length and one in breadth, in those times appearing at high water in the form of two islands, whose Indian name was Shaivmut, but I suppose on account of three contiguous hUls appear- ing in a range to those at Charles- town, by the English called at first Trimountnin , now receives the name of Boston.''^ Prince's An- nals, p. 315. See note ^ on p. 48 ; Wood's N. E. Prospect, part i. ch. 10 ; and Snow's Hist, of Bos- ton, p. 32. * This was where Cradock's men had commenced a plantation, on the north side of Mj'stick river, in the present towm of ISIalden, and a dif- ferent location from the present town of Medford. See AVood's N. E. Prospect, part i. ch. 10 ; Hutch- inson's Mass. i. 22 ; and the very thorough note on pp. 89-93 of Frothingham's History of Charles- town. ^ The chief of whom were Sir Richard Saltonstall and the Rev. George Phillips. ^ Hubbard says, p. 135, " The reason of the name was not left upon record, nor is it easy to find ; most of the other Plantations being well watered, though none of them plant- ed on so large a fresh stream as that was." Farmer says, " It seems highly probable that it was derived from Waterton, a small place in the West Riding of Yorkshire, and not far from Halifax, the residence of Gilbert Saltonstall, the ancestor of Sir Richard Saltonstall, who was one of the principal settlers of our W^atertown, and who might, from some local attachment or other cir- cumstance, have given this name to the tract ' westwards on Charles 314 MORTALITY IN THE COLONY. CHAP, we named Rocksbury ;^ others upon the river of Sau2;us," between Salem and Charlestown ; and the 16 30. western men^ four miles south from Boston, at a "^' place we named Dorchester. This dispersion troubled some of us ; but help it we could not, wanting ability to remove to any place fit to build a town upon, and the time too short to deliberate any longer, lest the winter should sur- prise us before we had builded our houses. The best counsel we could find out was to build a fort to retire to, in some convenient place, if any enemy pressed us thereunto, after we should have fortified ourselves against the injuries of wet and cold. So ceasing to consult further for that time, they who had health to labor fell to building, wherein many were interrupted with sickness, and many died w^eekly, yea, almost daily. ^ Amongst whom were Mrs. Pyn- chon,^ Mrs. Coddington,*^ Mrs.. Phillips,^ and Mrs. Alcock,^ a sister of Mr. Hooker's. ° Insomuch that river.' The early spelling of the dead. The Lord in mercy look name, which is Watcrtun in the upon them ! I can do them no good, earliest records, and throughout this for I want drugs, and things fitting letter, except in the above single to work with. Mrs. Coddington is instance, seems to give some sup- dead." See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. port to this conjecture." But I 7G. can find no such place as Waterton ^ The wife of William Pynchon, on any map of England, or in any one of the Assistants, an account of Gazetteer. See Francis's Water- whom is given on page 283, note ''. town, p. 11, and New Hampshire ^ The wife of William Codding- Hist. Coll. iv. 231. ton, another of the Assistants. ' At the head of whom was ' T'he wife of the Rev. George William Pynchon, mentioned on Phillips. See note ^ on page 299. j)age 283. ** 'l"he wife of George Alcock, ^ Afterwards called Lynn. See deacon of the church in Dorchester, note ^ on page 1G9. and afterwards of the church in ' These were Ludlow, Rossiter, Roxbury. He was a representative Warham, Maverick, and their asso- from the latter town at the first Ge- ciates, who came in the Mary & John, neral Court, May 11,1634, and died * Dr. Fuller, writing to (Jov. December 30, 1640. See Prhice's ]}radford from Charlestown, August Annals, p. 399. 2, says, "The sad news here is, ^ The Rev. Thomas Hooker, who that many are sick, and many are came over with John Cotton ui Sept. A HUNDRED RETURN IN THE SHIPS. 315 the ships being now upon their return, some for England, some for Ireland, there was, as I take it, not much less than a hundred, (some think many more,) partly out of dislike of our government, which restrained and punished their excesses, and partly through fear of famine, not seeing other means than by their labor to feed themselves, which returned back again ;^ and glad were we so to be rid of them. Others also, afterwards hearing of men of their own disposition, which were planted at Pascataway,^ went from us to them ; whereby though our numbers were lessened, yet we accounted ourselves nothing weakened by their removal. Before the departure of the ships, we contracted with Mr. Peirce, master of the Lion, of Bristow, to return to us with all speed with fresh supplies of victuals, and gave him direc- tions accordingly. With this ship returned Mr. Re- vell,^ one of the five undertakers here for the joint 1633, and settled at Cambridge, but been sent out by Gorges and Mason in 1636 removed to Hartford, on and certain merchants who styled Connecticut river. themselves " The Company of La- ' How different was this from the conia." In 1628, Piscataqua was conduct of the Pilgrims at Pljmiouth. assessed £2 10s. for the campaign Although of tire hundred persons against INIorton, of Mount Wollas- who came in the Mayflower, forty- ton, a sum equal to that paid by four, nearly a half, had died before Pl}'Tnouth ; and yet, in 1631, there she returned to England, yet not one were but three houses on the river, of the survivors embarked in her. In 1653, w'hen the name of " Straw- See Chronicles of PljTnouth, note ^ berry Bank" was exchanged for on page 199. Portsmouth, there were but fifty or ^ In the spring of 1623, a settle- sixty families there. See Belknap's ment was commenced at two differ- New Hampshire, (Farmer's edit.) ent places on the Piscataqua, by pp. 4-9, 431 ; Adams's Annals of David Thompson, and Edward and Portsmouth, pp. 10, 11 ; Mass. Hist. William Hilton. Thompson plant- Coll. iii. 63 ; Prince's Annals, pp. ed himself on the southern shore of 215, 239, 268 ; Hubbard, 214-219; the river, at its mouth, which he Chronicles of Pl}Tnouth, pp. 251, called Little Harbour, and built a 351. house on a peninsula, now called ^ John Revell never returned to Odiorne's Point. The Hiltons seat- New-England. Mr. Savage sug- ed themselves eight miles up the gests that "he was probably too river, at Dover. Both parties had rich to adventure life and fortune 316 WILLIAM VASSALL AND FRANCIS BRIGHT. CHAP, stock of the Company/ and Mr. Vassall,* one of the -^ — ~ Assistants, and his family, and also Mr. Bright,^ a 1630. minister sent hither the year before. "^' The ships being gone, victuals wasting, and mor- tality increasing, we held divers fasts ^ in our several with us." He had been chosen one of the Assistants Oct. 20, 1629, and he was one of the merchant adven- turers interested in the Plymouth Colony. See pages 106 and 116 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 20 ; and Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 48. ' See page 110. ^ William Vassall, as well as his brother Samuel, mentioned on page 89, were, according to Hutchinson, gentlemen of good circumstances in England. He came back in 1635, and settled at Scituate, in Plymouth Colony. In 1646 he returned to England, and in 1048 removed to Barbadoes, and there died in 1655. Winthrop speaks of him as "a man of a busy and factious spirit, and always opposite to the civil govern- ment of this country and the way of our churches." He left a son John in Scituate, who removed from that town in 1661. The Vassalls of Quincy and Cambridge were de- scendants of Samuel. See Savage's Winthrop, ii. 261, 321 ; Hutchin- son's Mass. i. 17, 145 ; Deane's Hist, of Scituate, 60-89, 366-370 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 244 ; Harris's Cambridge Epitaphs, p. 179. ^ Francis Bright was the son of Edward Bright, of London, and was born in 1602. He was matriculated at New College, Oxford, Fel). 18, 1624, but probably left without tak- ing a degree. In the Company's Instructions to Endicott, on page 143, he is said to have been " some time trained up under Mr. Daven- port," and in his Agreement, on p. 207, he is called " of Rayleigh, in Essex," where he probably had a lectureship. Soon after his arri- val at Salem, June 29, 1629, he went to Charlcstown, in the records of which place he is called " minis- ter to the Company's servants." As the Lion sailed in August, he was in the country only about a year. Edward Johnson, who came in Winthrop 's fleet, says, " All this while little likelihood there was building the temple for God's wor- ship, there being only two that be- gan to hew stones in the mountains, the one named Mr. Bright, and the other Mr. Blaxton ; and one of them began to budd. But when they saw all sorts of stones would not fit in the building, as they supposed, the one betook him to the seas again, and the other to till the land, retain- ing no symbol of his former profes- sion but a canonical coat." On the strength of this, Hubbard calls him a Conformist, and so does Morton. But the Company say in their Let- ter, that " the ministers have de- clared themselves to us to be of one judgment, and to be fully agi-eed on the manner how to exercise their ministry." See note * on p. 160, and note ^ on p. 169 ; Morton's Me- morial, p. 145 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 112, 113, xii. 70, xxviii. 250. ■* Their first fast was kept Friday, July 30, when Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, and Wilson entered into church covenant, and laid the found- ation of the church of Charlestown, which is now the fust church of Boston. The day was also observ- ed by their brethren of Plymouth in their behalf. Another fast was kept Aug. 27, when John Wilson was ordained teacher, Increase Nowell ruling elder, and William C4ager and William Aspinwall dea- cons. See Morton's Memorial, p. 159 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 31 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 75. FRANCIS HIGGINSON DIES. 317 congregations. But the Lord would not yet be de- c^^ap. precated ; for about the begmning of September died Mr. Gager/ a right godly man, a skilful chirurgeon, and one of the deacons of our congregation ; and Mr. Higginson,^ one of the ministers of Salem, a zeal- ous and a profitable preacher — this of a consumption, that of a fever ; and on the 30th of September died 30. Mr. Johnson,^ another of the five undertakers, (the ' William Gager died Sept. 20. At the first Court of Assistants, held Aug. 23, it was "ordered that l\Ir. Gager should have a house builded him against the next spring, is to have a cow given him, and £20 in money for this year, to begin the 20th June, 1630, and after £30 per annum ; and all this to be at the common charge." His son John went with the younger Winthrop to New London, and in 1660 was one of the founders of Norwich, where his descendants still remain. William Gager graduated at Yale College in 1721, and was ordained minister of the second church of Lebanon, May 27, 1725. See Ha- zard's State Papers, ii. 412 ; Trum- bull's Connecticut, ii. 532 ; Caulk- ins's Hist, of Norwich, p. 103. * Francis Higgixson was bom in 1588, and was educated at Jesus College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1609, and received the degree of A. M. from St. John's College in 1613. He was a minister of one of the five parish churches of J aicester, but tlirough his intimacy with Hilder- sham and Hooker, and his study of the Scriptures, he became a Non- conformist. He was accordingly excluded from his pulpit ; but a lec- tureship was established for him, in which he was maintained by the voluntary contribution of the inhab- itants. He was in this situation when invited by the New-England Company to go over to their Plant- ation. See p. 65. He was ordain- ed at Salem Aug. 6, 1629, and lived only a year afterwards. Mather says the last sermon he preached was to Winthrop "s company on their arrival at Salem, from jMatth. xi. 7, What went ye out into the wil- derness to see ? He left a wife and eight children, who after his death removed to CharlestowTi, and then to New-Haven. The portrait at the State House in Boston is not his, but his son John's. See note ^ on page 211, and note ^ on page 236 ; INIather's Magnalia, i. 322. ^ Isaac Johnson was of Clips- ham, in the county of Rutland, son of Abraham Johnson, Esq. He was the largest subscriber to the joint stock of the Company, and in April, 1629, he valued his interest in the New-England adventure at jC600. His landed estate lay in the counties of Rutland, Northampton, and Lin- coln. He left no children. In his last will, dated March 8, 1630, a month before he sailed, of which will the great John Hampden was one of the executors, he left some part of his personal estate to the Governor and Company. In a previous will, dated April 28, 1629, he gave to the Rev. John Cotton, from whom he acknowledges to have received much help and comfort in his spiritual state, i-30 and a gown- cloth, and to him and Mr. Dudley he gave the right of presentation to the parish church of CUpsham. Prince says, that Chief Justice Se- wall informed him that I\Ir. Johnson was the principal cause of settling the town of Boston, and so of its becoming the metropolis ; that he 318 ISAAC JOHNSON AND HIS WIFE. 1630. Sept. 30. Oct. 23. lady Arbella,^ his wife, being dead a month before.) This gentleman was a prime man amongst us, having the best estate of any, zealous for religion, and the greatest furtherer of this Plantation. He made a most godly end, dying willingly, professing his life better spent in promoting this Plantation than it could have been any other way. He left to us a loss greater than the most conceived. Within a month after, died Mr. Rossiter," another of our Assistants, a godly man, and of a good estate ; which still weakened us more. had removed hither, and had chosen for his lot the great square, lying between Tremont, Court, Washing- ton and School streets. Tradition places his house about the centre of the north-east side, that is, near the present site of the Court House. He was buried, at his own request, at the upper end of his lot, on Tre- mont-street, which was the origin of the first burial ground in the town, adjoining King's Chapel. Win- throp, i. 34, says " he was a holy ■man, and wise, and died in sweet peace, leaving some part of his sub- stance to the Colony." Edward Johnson, who came in the fleet with him, says that " the Lord had in- dued him with many precious gifts, insomuch that he was had in high esteem among all the people of God, and as a chief pillar to support this new-erected building. He very much rejoiced, at his death, that the Lord had been pleased to keei) his eyes open so long, as to see one church of Christ gathered before his death ; at W'hose departure there was not only many weeping eyes, but some fainting hearts, fearing the fall of the present work." Sec Hutchinson's Mass. i. 16 ; Prince's Annals, pp. 316, 318, 333 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 87, xxviii. 244 ; Snow's Boston, p. 36. ' The Lady Arbella was a daughter of Thomas, the third Earl of Lincoln. Hubbard says that she came " from a paradise of plenty and pleasure, which she enjoyed in the family of a noble Earldom, into a wilderness of wants," and Mather adds, that " she took New-England in her way to heaven." Johnson says that the name of the ship Eagle had been changed to Arbella, in honor of her, and that after the ar- rival of the fleet, she " and some other godly women al)ode at Salem, but their husbands continued at Charlestown, both for settling the civil government, and gathering an- other church of Christ." Dr. Holmes says, Annals, i. 206, " Dr.Holyoke, of Salem, aged 99, informs me that she was buried about half a mile distant from the body of the town, near Bridge-street, leading to Bev- erly, about ten feet from the street." The Johnson Grammar School, for girls, in Boston, was so called as a mark of respect to her name and memory. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 71, 340 ; Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 75; Mass. Hist. Coll. "xii. 79, 86, XV. 132. ^ Edward Rossiter was of a good family in the west of England, and one of the founders of Dorchester. His son lived afterwards at Combe, in England, and his grandson, Ed- ward, was deacon of the church in Taunton in 1682. See Hutcliinson's Mass. i. 17. TWO HUNDRED DIE. 319 So that now there were left of the five undertakers ^ but the Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, and my- self, and seven other of the Assistants." And of the i63o. people who came over with us, from the time of their setting sail from England in April, 1630, until De- cember following, there died by estimation about two hundred at the least so low hath the Lord brought us |3 Well, yet they who survived were not discouraged, but bearing God's corrections with humility, and trusting in his mercies, and considering how, after a lower ebb, he had raised up our neighbours at ' See page 116. * Endicott, Ludlow, Nowell, Pyn- chon, Coddington, Bradstreet, and Thomas Sharpe. See pp. 106, 127. * Gov. Winthrop, in his Journal WTites, " The poorer sort of people, who lay long in tents, were much afflicted with the scurvy, and many died, especially at Boston and Charlestown ;" and writing to his wife under date of Sept. 9 and Nov. 29, he says, "the lady Arhella is dead, and good Mr. Higginson, my servant, old Waters of Neyland, and many others. — I have lost twelve of my family, viz. Waters and his wife, and two of his child- ren, Mr. Gager and his man Smith of Buxall, and his wife and two children, the wife of Taylor of Ha- verhill and their child ; my son H. makes the twelve. And, besides many other of less note, as JefF. Ruggle of Sudbury, and divers others of that town, (about twenty,) and one of L. Kedby his sons, the Lord hath stripped us of some prin- cipal persons, Mr. Johnson and his lady, Mr. Rossiter, Mrs. Phdlips, and others unknown to thee. We conceive that this disease grew from ill diet at sea, and proved infec- tious." Winthrop's History, i. 44, 377, 379. Henry Winthrop, the Governor's second son, who had accidentally been left behind at the Isle of Wight, was unfortunately drowned in a small creek at Salem, on the 2d of July, the very day he landed. He was in his twenty-third year. He left his wife, Elizabeth, behind in England, and an only daughter, Martha, who was baptized May 9, 1630. His father, in his first letter, dated Jvdy 16, to his own wife, who also was obliged to remain behind in England, writes, "We have met with many sad and discomfortable things, as thou shalt hear after ; and the Lord's hand hath been heavy upon myself in some very near to me. My son Henry ! my son Henry ! Ah, poor child ! Yet it grieves me much more for my dear daughter. The Lord strengthen and comfort her heart to bear this cross patiently. I know thou wilt not be wanting to her in this dis- tress. Yet, for all these things, (I praise my God,) I am not discour- aged ; nor do I see cause to repent or despair of those good days here, which will make amends for all." See Savage's "Winthrop, i. 7, 29, 372; Hubbard's Hist. p. 131 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 296, 297. 320 A FORTIFIED TOWN CONTEMPLATED. CHAP. Plymouth, we began again in December to consult about a fit place to build a town upon, leaving all 1630. thoughts of a fort, because upon any invasion we D6C. were necessarily to lose our houses, when we should retire thereinto. So after divers meetings at Boston, 28. Roxbury, and Waterton, on the 28th of December we grew to this resolution, to bind all the As- sistants (Mr. Endicott and Mr. Sharpe excepted, which last purposeth to return by the next ship into England,) to build houses at a place a mile east from Waterton, near Charles river, ^ the next spring, and to winter there the next year ; that so by our exam- ples, and by removing the ordnance and munition thither, all who were able might be drawn thither, and such as shall come to us hereafter, to their advantage be compelled so to do ; and so, if God would, a fortified town might there grow up, the place fitting reasonably well thereto. I should before have mentioned how both the Eng- lish and Indian corn being at ten shillings a strike,^ and beaver being valued at six shillings a pound, we made laws to restrain the selling of corn to the In- dians, and to leave the price of beaver at liberty,^ which was presently sold for ten and twenty shillings a pound. I should also have remembered, how the half of our cows and almost all our mares and goats, sent us out of England, died at sea in their passage hither, and that those intended to be sent us out of Ireland were not sent at all ; all which, together * Winthrop, i. 39, says, " Dec. about it." This was at Newtown, 21, we met again at Watertown, afterwards called Cambridge, and there, upon a view of a place a ^ Strike, a bushel, mile beneath the town, all agreed it ^ These orders were passed at a fit place for a fortified town, and the two Courts of Assistants held we took time to consider further tSept. 28 and Nov. 9. Psah cxii. MORTON, OF MOUNT WOLLASTON. 321 with the loss of our six months' buildinof, occasioned chap. . XVII. by our intended removal to a town to be fortified, ^^— - weakened our estates, especially the estates of the i^^^- undertakers,^ who were 3 or ^£4000 engaged in the joint stock, which was now not above so many hun- dreds. Yet many of us labored to bear it as com- fortably as we could, remembering the end of our coming hither, and knowing the power of God, who can support and raise us again, and useth to bring his servants low that the meek may be made glorious by deliverance. In the end of this December departed from us the Dec. ship Handmaid, of London, by which we sent away one Thomas Morton,~ a proud, insolent man, who has lived here divers years, and had been an attorney in the west countries while he lived in England. Mul- titude of complaints were received against him for injuries done by him both to the English and Indians ; ^ Seepage 116. sent home a second time, by the ^ Thomas Morton, if we may he- Massachusetts government, he did lieve his own statement, first came all he could, in conjunction with Sir to New-England in 1622 ; and if so, Christopher Gardiner and its other he was probably one of Weston's enemies, to injure the Colony, and imfortunate colony, which arrived in in 1637 published a scurrilous book June of that year, and settled at against it, entitled " New-English Wessaguscus, now Weymouth. In Canaan." He returned to New- 1625 he was with Wollaston's com- England in Dec. 1643, when he was pany at Quincy ; and on Wollaston's called to account for his malprac- departure for Virginia, Morton be- tices. His book and an abusive came such a troublesome and dan- letter which he had written, were gerous neighbour, by sellmg guns produced against him, and he was and ammunition to the natives, that imprisoned about a year, and in in 1628 the scattered plantations in Sept. 1644, fined £100. Not being New-England combined, and em- able to pay the fine, he was pennit- ployed Capt. Standish to apprehend ted to escape, and went to Agamen- him. He was sent prisoner to Eng- ticus, in Maine, where he died, land in the custody of John Oldham, in 1645 or 1646. See Morton's but returned in August, 1629, and Memorial, pp. 135-142 ; Savage's took up his abode again at Merry Winthrop, i. 34, 138, ii. 151, 189- Mount, as he called it. It was dur- 92; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 61-64, ing his absence in England that En- Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 296, dicott visited the Mount, and cut 334 ; Morton's New-English Ca- down the Maypole. After being naan, ch. 2. 21 322 SAMUEL MAVERICK, OF NODDLE's ISLAND. CHAP, and amongst others, for shooting hail-shot at a troop of Indians for not bringing a canoe unto him to cross 1030. g^ river withal ; whereby he hurt one, and shot Dgc through the garments of another. For the satisfac- tion of the Indians wherein, and that it might appear to them and to the English that we meant to do jus- tice impartially, we caused his hands to be bound behind him, and set his feet in the bilboes, and burn- ed his house to the ground, all in the sight of the Indians, and so kept him prisoner till we sent him for England ; whither we sent him, for that my Lord Chief Justice there so required, that he might punish him capitally for fouler misdemeanours there perpe- trated, as we were informed. I have no leisure to review and insert things for- gotten, but out of due time and order must set them down as they come to memory. About the end of Oct. October this year, 1630, I joined with the Governor and Mr. Maverecke^ in sending out our pinnace to * Samuel Maverick was found murtherers to protect him from the here by Gov. Winthrop, on his Indians." Gov. Winthrop says, on arrival in June, 1G30, living at his first visit to the Bay from Salem, Nottle's Island, now East Boston. "June 17, we lay at Mr. Mave- How long he had lived there, is un- rick's." Josselyn, who was here known. As he was not assessed in 1638, says, " July 10, I went for the campaign against Morton, in ashore upon Noddle's island, to Mr. 1628, it is to be presumed that he Samuel Maverick, the only hospita- did not come over till the following ble man in all the country, giving year. Edward Johnson, one of entertainment to allcomers gratis;" Winthrop's company, says, that and Henry Gardner, in his New- " on the north side of Charles river, England's Vindication, p. 9, (Lon- they landed near a small island, don, 1660,) speaks of him as " the called Noddle's island, where one most hospitable for entertainment of Mr. Samuel Mavereck was then liv- people of all sorts." Winthrop tells ing, a man of a very loving and us in his Journal, under July, 1637, courteous behaviour, very ready to that " Mr. Vane went over to Not- entertain strangers, yet an enemy to tie's island to dine with Mr. Mave- the reformation in liand, being strong rick, and carried the Lord Ley with for the lordly prelatical power. On him." This characteristic hospital- this island he had built a small fori , ity of Mr. Maverick appears to have witli the help of one Mr. David been at times somewhat trouble- Thompson, placing therein four some, for at a General Court held RHODE ISLAND DISCOVERED. 323 the Narragansetts, to trade for corn to supply our <-'hap. wants ; but after the pinnace had doubled Cape Cod, ^ she put into the next harbour^ she found, and there i^so. meeting with Indians, who showed their willingness to truck, she made her voyage there, and brought us a hundred bushels of corn, at about four shillings a bushel, which helped us somewhat. From the coast where they traded, they saw a very large island,- four leagues to the east, which the Indians commend- ed as a fruitful place, full of good vines, and free from sharp frosts, having one only entrance into it, by a navigable river, inhabited by a few Indians, which for a trifle would leave the island, if the Eng- lish would set them upon the main ; but the pinnace having no direction for discovery, returned without sailing to it, which in two hours they might have done. Upon this coast they found store of vines full of grapes dead ripe, the season being past ; whither we purpose to send the next year sooner, to make some small quantity of wine, if God enable us ; the vines growing thin with us, and we not having yet any leisure to plant vineyards.^ But now having some leisure to discourse of the motives for other men's coming to this place, or their March 4, 1635, it was "ordered, also Winnisimet ferry, both to that Mr. Samuel Maverick shall, Charlestown and Boston. He died before the last of December next, March 10, 1664. See Winthrop, remove his habitation for himself and i. 27, 232, ii. 51 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. his family to Boston, and in the xii. 86, xxui. 220. mean time shall not give entertain- * Probably the harbour of Chat- ment to any strangers for longer ham, called by the Indians Mana- times than one night, without leave raoyk. See Chronicles of Plymouth, from some Assistant ; and all this pages 217 and 300. to be done under the penalty of ^ This was no doubt the island £100." This order, however, w^as of Aquethneck, afterwards called repealed in the following September. Rhode Island. Prince, p. 323. The island on which he lived had ^ See pages 152 and 247 been granted him April 1, 1633, and 324 THE ENCOURAGEMENTS TO PLANTERS. CHAP, abstaining from it, after my brief manner I say this : . <~ that if any come hither to plant for worldly ends, that 1631. can live well at home, he commits an error, of which he will soon repent him ; but if for spiritual, and that no particular obstacle hinder his removal, he may find here what may well content him, viz. materials to build, fuel to burn, ground to plant, seas and rivers to fish in, a pure air to breathe in, good water to drink, till wine or beer can be made ; which, to- gether with the cows, hogs and goats brought hither already, may suffice for food ; for as for fowl and venison, they are dainties here as w^ell as in England. For clothes and bedding, they must bring them with them, till time and industry produce them here. In a word, we yet enjoy little to be envied, but endure much to be pitied in the sickness and mortality of our people. And I do the more willingly use this open and plain dealing, lest other men should fall short of their expectations when they come hither, as we to our great prejudice did, by means of letters^ sent us from hence into England, wherein honest men, out of a desire to draw over others to them, wrote some- what hyperbolically of many things here. If any godly men, out of religious ends, will come over to help us in the good work we are about, I think they cannot dispose of themselves nor of their estates more to God's glory and the furtherance of their own reckoning. But they must not be of the poorer sort yet, for divers years ; for we have found by experi- ence that they have hindered, not furthered the work. And for profane and debauched persons, their over- ' These were probably the letters written by Higginson and Graves. See note ^ on page 310. CAUSES OF THE MORTALITY. 325 sight in coming hither is wondered at, where they ^^f- shall find nothing to content them. If there be any ■ • endued with grace, and furnished with means to feed ^ ^• themselves and theirs for eighteen months, and to build and plant, let them come over into our Macedonia and help us,^ and not spend themselves and their estates in a less profitable employment. For others, I conceive they are not yet fitted for this business. Touching the discouragement which the sickness and mortality which every first year hath seized upon us and those of Plymouth, as appeareth before, may give to such who have cast any thoughts this way, (of which mortality it may be said of us almost as of the Egyptians, that there is not a house where there xiL°36. is not one dead, and in some houses many,) the natu- • ral causes seem to be in the want of warm lodging and good diet, to which Englishmen are habituated at home, and in the sudden increase of heat which they endure that are landed here in summer, the salt meats at sea having prepared their bodies thereto ; for those only these two last years died of fevers who landed in June and July ; as those of Plymouth, who landed in winter, died of the scurvy ;^ as did our poorer sort, whose houses and bedding kept them not sufficiently warm, nor their diet sufficiently in heart. Other causes God may have, as our faithful minister, Mr. Wilson,^ lately handling that point, ^ This was the motto of the Col- ester, a canon of Windsor, and rec- ony Seal. See note ' on page 155. tor of Cliffe, in Kent ; and his mo- ^ See Chronicles of Plymouth, ther was the niece of Dr. Edmund p. 198. Grindall, archbishop of Canterbury, ^ John Wilson, the first minister after whom he named his eldest son. of the first church in Charlestown After studying four years at Eton, and Boston, was born at W^indsor Mather says he was admitted into in 1588 His father, Dr. William King's College, Cambridge, in 1602, Wilson, was a prebendary of Roch- in which he afterwards obtained a 326 JOHN WILSON, OF BOSTON. CHAP, showed unto us ; which I forbear to mention, leav- XVII ^ ing this matter to the further dispute of physicians ^^^^* and divines. fellowship. But Mr. Savage, who inspected the rejjisters of the Uni- versity in 1842, found that he took his degrees of A. B. and A. M. at Christ's College in 1605 and 1609. Becoming a Puritan and Noncon- formist, he was forced by the bishop of Lincoln to resign his fellowship and leave the University. Upon tliis his father sent him to London to stu- dy law at the Lins of Court, where he remained three years ; but find- ing him strongly bent on the minis- try, he permitted him to return to Cambridge, and finish his studies, and take his Master's degree. After preaching at several places, he was settled in the ministry at Sudbury, in Suffolk, where he was a near neighbour to Winthrop, at Groton. After preaching here for awhile, he was first suspended and then si- lenced by the bishop of Norwich ; but, through the interposition of the Earl of Warwick, he again obtained permission to exercise his ministry. Tired, however, of being thus ha- rassed, he embarked, at the age of 42, with some of his neighbours, in "Winthrop's fleet. At the first Court of Assistants, held at Charlestown, Aug. 23, 1630, it was ordered that a house should be built for Mr. Wilson, and that he should have £20 a year till his wife came over. She was a daughter of Lady Mans- field, widow of Sir John Mansfield, and a near relative of Sir William Bird. He returned from England without her. May 26, 1632 ; and it was not till his second visit that he could prevail upon her to accompany him to New-England, in 1635. She probably had been discouraged by the death of so many prominent fe- males the first year. Gov. Win- throp's wife, who had been neces- sarily prevented from accompanying her husband, writes thus to her son in June, 1631, " Mr. Wilson is now in London. He cannot yet persuade his wife to go, for all he hath taken this pains to come and fetch her. I marvel what mettle she is made of." Wilson was minister of the first church in Boston 37 years, 3 years before Mr. Cotton, 19 years with liim, 7 years with Mr. Noilon, and 4 years after him. Winthrop speaks of him as "a very sincere, holy man." He died Aug. 7, 1667, in his 79th year. His Life was written by Cotton Mather, and Hutchinson says he had it "in manuscript by another hand . ' ' His will is preserved ui the Probate Re- cords of Suffolk, lib. vi. fol. 1, and his portrait hangs in the hall of the Massachusetts Historical Society. His second son, John, who gradu- ated in the first class at Harvard College, in 1641, was ordained col- league with Richard Mather at Dor- chester, in 1649, and after two years removed to Medfield, where he was pastor forty years, and died Aug. 23, 1691, aged 70. He married Sarah, daughter of the Rev. Tho- mas Hooker, of Hartford, and his son John was baptized in his grand- father Wilson's church at Boston, July 8, 1649. It was Dr. Edmund Wilson, a physician, a brother of the minister of Boston, who gave jClOOO to the Colony, with which they purchased artillery and ammu- nition. An inventory of these arti- cles, sent over in the Griffin in 1634, may be found in Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 228. See also Winthrop, i. 50, 77, 81, 169, 172, 382; Morton's Memorial, p. 326 ; Mather, i. 275- 292 ; Prince, 370 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 258 ; Emerson's Hist, of the First Church in Boston, pp. 1- 106 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 59, xvii. 56, xxiii. 378, xxviii. 248, 316 ; Wood's Fasti Oxon. (edit. Bliss,) pnrt i. 322, 360 ; Ashmole's Anti- quities of Berkshire, iii. 157. Dec. 28. A SHALLOP DRIVEN TO SEA. 327 Wherefore to return, upon the 3d of January died chap. the daughter of Mr. Sharpe,^ a godly virgin, making -— .^^ a comfortable end, after a long sickness. The Plant- i63i. ation here received not the like loss of any woman 3^* since we came hither, and therefore she well de- serves to be remembered in this place. And to add to our sorrows, upon the 5th day came 5. letters to us from Plymouth, advertising us of this sad accident following.^ About a fortnight before, leso. there went from us in a shallop to Plymouth six men and a girl, who, in an hour or two before night, on the same day they went forth, came near to the mouth of Plymouth bay ; but the wind then coming strongly from the shore, kept them from entering, and drove them to sea-wards ; and they having no better means to help themselves, let down their kil- lock,^ that so they might drive the more slowly, and be nearer land when the storm should cease. But the stone slipping out of the killock, and there- by they driving faster than they thought all the night, in the morning, when they looked out, they found themselves out of sight of land ; which so as- tonished them, (the frost being extreme and their hands so benumbed with cold that they could not handle their oars, neither had any compass to steer by,) that they gave themselves for lost, and lay down to die quietly. Only one man, who had more natural heat and courage remaining than the rest, continued so long looking for land, that, the morning waxing clearer, he discovered land, and * Thomas Sharpe. ^ A wooden frame enclosing a ^ See Winthrop, i. 39, and stone, used for an anchor. Wood's New-England's Prospect, part i. ch. 2. 328 THE MEN REACH PLYMOUTH. CHAP, with difficulty hoisted the sail ; and so the wind a XVII. '' little turning, two days after they were driven from 1630. Plymouth bay, they arrived at a shore unknown unto so'J" them/ The stronger helped the weaker out of the boat, and taking their sail on shore, made a shelter thereof, and made a fire. But the frost had so pierced their bodies, that one of them died about 16 31 , three days after their landing, and most of the others Jan. grew worse, both in body and courage, no hope of relief being within their view. Well, yet the Lord pitying them, and two of them, who only could use their legs, going abroad rather to seek than to hope to find help, they met first with two Indian women, who sent unto them an Indian man, who informed them that Plymouth was within fifty miles, and offer- ed together to procure relief for them ; which they gladly accepting, he performed, and brought them three men from Plymouth, (the Governor and Coun- cil of Plymouth liberally rewarding the Indian, and took care for the safety of our people,) who brought them all alive in their boat thither, save one man, who, with a guide, chose rather to go over land ; but quickly fell lame by the way, and getting har- bour at a trucking-house the Plymotheans had in those parts," there he yet abides. At the others' landing at Plymouth, one of them died as he was taken out of the boat. Another, and he the worst in the company, rotted from the feet upwards, where the frost had gotten most hold, and so died within a few days. The other three,^ after God had blessed ' On Cape Cod, according to wicli. See Chronicles of Plymouth, Winthrop and Wood. P^^p 306. * At Scusset harbour, in Sand- ^ The name of one of them was DEATH OF RICHARD GARRETT. 329 the chirursreon's skill used towards them, returned chap. ^ XVII. safe to us. I set down this the more largely, partly ^~ because the first man that died was a godly man of ^^^i- our congregation, one Richard Garrad,^ who, at the time of his death, more feared he should dishonor God than cared for his own life ; as also because divers boats have been in manifest peril this year, yet the Lord preserved them all, this one ex- cepted. Amongst those who died about the end of this January, there was a girl of eleven years old, the daughter of one John Ruggles,^ of w^hose family and kindred died so many,^ that for some reason it was matter of observation amongst us ; who, in the time of her sickness, expressed to the minister, and to those about her, so much faith and assurance of sal- vation, as is rarely found in any of that age ; which I thought not unworthy here to commit to memory. And if any tax me for wasting paper with recording these small matters, such may consider that little mothers bring forth little children, small common- wealths matters of small moment, the reading where- of yet is not to be despised by the judicious, because small things in the beginning of natural or politic bodies are as remarkable as greater in bodies full grown. Henry Harwood, " a godly man of ' Garrad, or Garrett, was a shoe- the congregation of Boston." At a maker, of Boston, and was the 55th Court of Assistants, held the 16th member admitted to the church of August following, it was ordered there. " that the executors of Richard Gar- ^ John Ruggles was admitted a rett shall pay unto Henry Harwood freeman July 3, 1632. the sura of twenty nobles," proba- ' Winthrop mentions Jeffrey Rug- bly for the 'danger and suffering to gles, of Sudbury, among those who which he had involuntarily subjected died. See note ^ on page 319. him. See Savage's Wintiirop, i. 40, 330 AURIVAL OF THE LION. Upon the 5th of February arrived here Mr. Peirce, with the ship Lion, of Bristow, with supplies of vict- *^^^' uals from Eno:land :^ who had set forth from Bris- Feb. 5.* tow the 1st of December before. He had a stormy passage hither, and lost one of his sailors ^ not far from our shore, who in a tempest having helped to take in the spritsail, lost his hold as he was coming down, and fell into the sea ; where, after long swim- ming, he was drowned, to the great dolor of those in the ship, who beheld so lamentable a spectacle with- out being able to minister help to him, the sea was so high and the ship drove so fast before the wind, though her sails were taken down. By this ship w^e understood of the fight of three of our ships and two English men-of-war coming out of the Straits, with fourteen Dunkirkers,^ upon the coast of England, as they returned from us in the end of the last summer ; who, through God's goodness, with the loss of some thirteen or fourteen men out of our three ships, and I know not how many out of the two men-of-war, got at length clear of them ; the Charles, one of our three,^ a stout ship of three hundred tons, being so torn, that she had not much of her left whole above water. By this ship we also understood the death of many of those who went from us the last year to * She arrived at Nantasket on son of Henry Way, one of the first the 5th, and anchored before Boston settlers of Dorchester, who died in on the 9th. The celebrated Roger 1667, aged 84. He had another son Wilhams and his wife came in her. killed by the Eastern Indians in Her cargo consisted of 34 hhds. June, 1632. See Savage's Win- wheat meal, 15 hhds. pease, 4 hhds. throp, i. 43, 79 ; Blake's Annals of oatmeal, 4 hhds. beef and pork, 15 Dorchester, p. 24; Wood's New- cwt. of cheese, butter, suet, seed England's Prospect, part ii. eh. 2. barley and rye, &c. They arrived ^ See note ^ on page 218. in good order. See Savage's Win- * The other two Avere the Success throp, i. 41, 43, 47. and the Whale. See Winthrop, i. ^ His name was Way, probably a 4G. Feb. ILL REPORTS OF THE COLONY AT HOME. 331 Old England, as likewise of the mortality there ; chap. whereby we see there are graves in other places as well as with us. lesi. Also, to increase the heap of our sorrows, we re- ceived advertisement by letters from our friends in England, and by the reports of those who came hither in this ship to abide with us, (who w^ere about tw^enty-six,) that they who went discontentedly from us the last year, out of their evil affections towards us, have raised many false and scandalous reports against us, affirming us to be Brownists^ in religion, and ill affected to our State at home, and that these vile reports have won credit with some who formerly wished us well. But we do desire, and cannot but hope, that wise and impartial men will at length con- sider that such malecontents have ever pursued this manner of casting dirt, to make others seem as foul as themselves, and that our godly friends, to whom we have been known, will not easily believe that we are so soon turned from the profession we so long have made in our native country. And for our further clearing, I truly affirm, that I know no one person, who came over with us the last year, to be altered in judgment and affection, either in ecclesi- astical or civil respects, since our coming hither. But we do continue to pray daily for our sovereign lord the King, the Queen, the Prince, the royal blood, the Council and whole State, as duty binds us to do, and reason persuades others to believe. For how ungodly and unthankful should we be, if we should not thus do, who came hither by virtue of his Majesty's letters patent, and under his gracious pro- ' See Chronicles of Plymouth, pp. 416-444. 332 THE FIRST TIIANKSGIVING-DAY. tection ; under which shelter we hope to live safely, and from whose kingdom and subjects we now have 1G31. received and hereafter expect relief. Let our friends therefore give no credit to such malicious aspersions, but be more ready to answer for us than we hear they have been. We are not like those which have dispensations to lie ; but as we were free enough in Old England to turn our insides outwards, sometimes to our disadvantage, very unlike is it that now, he- mgprocul afulmine, we should be so unlike ourselves. Let therefore this be sufficient for us to say, and others to hear in this matter. Amongst others who died about this time was Mr. Robert Welden,^ whom, in the time of his sickness, we had chosen to be captain of a hundred foot ; but before he took possession of his place, he died, the Feb. 16th of this February, and was buried as a soldier, ' with three volleys of shot. 22. Upon the 22d of February we held a general day of Thanksgiving throughout the whole Colony for the safe arrival of the ship which came last with our provisions. About this time we apprehended one Robert Wright, who had been sometimes a linen draper in Newgate market, and after that a brewer on the Bank side and on Thames street. This man we lately understood had made an escape in London from those who came to his house to apprehend him for clipping the King's coin [one or two words wanting] had stolen after us. Upon his examination he con- * Winthrop, i. 45, calls him "a sumption on the 18th. Perhaps his hopeful younfT gentleman, and an military funeral took place on the experienced soldier," and says that 18th. he died at Charlestown of a con- SIR CHRISTOPHER GARDINER. 333 fessed the fact, and his escape, but affirmed he had chap- the King's pardon for it under the broad seal ; which he yet not hems: able to prove, and one to whom he ^^^^• \ ,. ,.^.' 1- n-, . March. was known chargmg him with untruth in some oi nis answers, we therefore committed him to prison, to be sent by the next ship into England.^ Likewise we were lately informed that one Mr. April. Gardiner, who arrived here a month before us, and who had passed here for a knight, by the name of Sir Christopher Gardiner, all this while was no knight, but instead thereof had two wives now living in a house at London, one of which came about Sep- tember last from Paris in France (where her husband had left her years before) to London, where she had heard her husband had married a second wife, and whom, by inquiring, she found out. And they both condoling each other's estate, wrote both their let- ters to the Governor, (by Mr. Peirce, who had con- ference with both the women in the presence of Mr. Allerton,^ of Plymouth,) his first wife desiring his return and conversion, his second his destruction for his foul abuse, and for robbing her of her estate, of a part whereof she sent an inventory hither, com- prising therein many rich jewels, much plate, and costly linen. This man had in his family (and yet hath) a gentlewoman, whom he called his kinswoman, and whom one of his wives in her letter names Mary * At a Court of Assistants held at however, he was discharged the Boston, March 1, it was "ordered same year for acting contrary to that Mr. Wright shall be sent prisoner their instructions. See an account into England by the ship Lion, now of him in the Chronicles of Ply- returning thither." mouth, note ' on page 195. See ^ Isaac Allerton was at this time also Prince's Annals, pp. 358 and in London, as an agent of the Ply- 3G1, and Winthrop, i. 57. mouth Colony, from which office, 334 SIR CHRISTOPHER GARDINER. CHAF. Grove, afRrmina: her to be a known harlot, whose XVJI ' ~ ' ^ sending back into Old England she also desired, to- 1G31. gether with her husband. Shortly after this intelli- ^i} gence, we sent to the house of the said Gardiner, (which was seven miles from us,) to apprehend him and his woman, with a purpose to send them both to London to his wives there. But the man, who bav- ins heard some rumor from some who came in the ship, that letters were come to the Governor requir- ing justice against him, was readily prepared for flight, so soon as he should see any crossing the river, or likely to apprehend him ; which he accord- ingly performed. For he dwelling alone, easily discerned such who were sent to take him, half a mile before they approached his house ; and, with his piece on his neck, went his way, as most men think, northwards, hoping to find some English there like to himself. But likely enough it is, which way soever he went, he will lose himself in the woods, and be stopped with some rivers in his passing, not- withstanding his compass in his pocket, and so with hunger and cold will perish before he find the place he seeks. ^ His woman was brought unto us, and 1 Winthrop says that " he travel- England, but seem actuated by a led up and down among the Indians spirit of adventure and an unaccount- about a month ; but, by means of able love of frolic. Morton says, the Governor of Plymouth, he was that Gardiner " came into those taken by the Indians about Namas- parts, intending discovery." It is ket, (Middleborough,) and brought not unlikely, however, that they to Plymouth, and from thence he were both in the employment of Sir was brought, by Capt. Underhill Ferdinando Gorges, who claimed a and his lieutenant, Dudley, May 4, great part of the Bay of Massachu- lo Boston." There seems to be a setts, and had been sent over as his mystery hanging over Gardiner, as agents or spies. We know that well as Morton of Merry Mount, Gorges corresponded with them which it is difficult to clear up. both, and by his intercepted letters They appear to have had no definite it appears that he had some secret object in view in coming to New- design to recover his pretended 1631. FLOCKS OF PIGEONS. 335 confessed her name, and that her mother dwells chap. . XVII. eight miles from Boirdly, in Salopshire, and that Gardiner's father dwells in or near Gloucester, and was (as she said) brother to Stephen Gardiner, Bish- op of Winchester,^ and did disinherit his son for his twenty-six years' absence in his travels in France, Italy, Germany, and Turkey ; that he had (as he told her) married a wife in his travels, from whom he was divorced, and the woman long since dead ; that both herself and Gardiner w^ere Catholics till of late, but were now Protestants ; that she takes him to be a knight, but never heard when he was knighted. The woman was impenitent and close, confessing no more than was wrested from her by her own contra- dictions. So we have taken order to send her to the two wives in Old England, to search her further. Upon the 8th of March, from after it was fair day- March light until about eight of the clock in the forenoon, ^' there flew over all the towns in our plantations so many flocks of doves, each flock containing many thousands, and some so many that they obscured the light, that it passeth credit, if but the truth should be written ;^ and the thing was the more strange, right, and that he reposed much ' This story, says Farmer, was trust in Gardiner. On his return to probably invented by the pretended England Gardiner was very active knight, to raise him in the estiraa- in cooperating with Gorges and Mor- tion of his paramour. Gardiner, ton in their endeavours to injure the the bishop of Winchester, was born colonists, and deprive them of their 147 years before this examination, patent. These attempts, however, and had been dead 75 years. See were defeated by the friends of the New Hampshire Hist. Coll. iv. 245, Colony in England, especially Sir and Harington's Nugae Antiquae, Richard Saltonstall, Mr. Humphrey, ii. 64. Mr. Cradock, and Emanuel Down- ^ Gov. Winthrop, writing in ing. See W^inthrop, i. 54,57, 100, 1643, says, " The pigeons came in 10-2, 106; Morton's Mem. p. 163; flocks, above 10,000 in one flock." Prince, p. 352 ; Morton's New-Eng- See note - on page 253, and Win- lish Canaan, book iii. ch. 30 ; Mass. throp, ii. 94, 331. Hist, Coll. xxviii. 320, 323. 336 SIR RICHARD SALTONSTALL. CHAP, because I scarce remember to have seen ten doves XVII. . ^ . , „i „ since I came into the country, ihey were all tur- 1631 March ties, as appeared by divers of them we killed flying, somewhat bigger than those of Europe, and they flew from the north-east to the south-west ; but what it portends, I know not. The ship now waits but for wind ;^ which when it blows, there are ready to go aboard therein for Eng- land, Sir Richard Saltonstall,^ Mr. Sharpe, Mr. Cod- ^ The ship, the Lion, was at Sa- lem, whence she sailed April 1. See Winthrop, i. 49, 52. 2 Sir Richard Saltonstall, one of the principal founders of the Colony, was the son of Samuel Sal- tonstall, and grandson of Gilhert Saltonstall, of Halifax, in the West Riding of Yorkshire. His uncle, Sir Richard, was Lord Mayor of London in 1597. He married Grace, daughter of Robert Kaye, Esq., who probably died before her hus- band came over to this country, as we find no mention of her, although her daughters came with their fa- ther. He was the founder of Wa- tertown, and the first member of the church there. Edward Johnson says, " This town began by occa- sion of Sir Richard Saltonstall, who at his arrival, having some store of cattle and servants, they wintered in those parts." He remained in the country less than a year, taking home with him liis two daughters and one of his younger sons, and leaving behind his two oldest sons, Richard, the elder, being at this time 20 years of age. He still con- tinued, however, to take a deep in- terest in the welfare of the Colony, and befriended it essentially at home against the machinations of its ene- mies. He was also largely inte- rested in the joint stock of the Com- pany, and in .Tune, 1635, sent over a bark of 40 tons, with twenty ser- vants, to plant at Connecticut, of whioli Colony he was one of the pa- tentees. By his will it appears he was living in 1658. There is a fine portrait of him in the possession of one of his descendants in New York. His eldest son, Richard, was born at Woodsome, in Yorkshire, in 1610. He was admitted to Emanuel Col- lege, Cambridge, in 1627, but left without taking a degree, in order to accompany his father to New-Eng- land. He went to England in Nov. 1631, and married Mariel, daughter of Brampton Gurdon, Esq., of As- sington, in Suffolk, whence his grandson, the Governor of Connect- icut, got the name of Gurdon Sal- tonstall. Richard settled at Ips- wich, and was chosen an Assistant in 1037. He went to England again in 1672, and returned in 1680. He visited England a third time in 1683, having three daughters mar- ried there, and died at Holme, April 29, 1694, aged 84. A long line of his descendants has illustra- ted the name of Saltonstall down to the present day, among whom not the least eminent and worthy was the late lamented Leverett Salton- stall, of Salem, Mayor of that city, President of the Senate of Massa- chusetts, and a Representative in the Congress of the United States, who died May 8, 1845, in his 62d year. See Winthrop, i. 49, 161 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 15, 332 ; Mass. Plist. Coll. xii. 94, xiv. 154- 168, xviii. 42, xxviii. 249, 314, xxix. 117-125; Francis's Hist, of Watertown, pp. 14-17 ; Thoresby's Hist, of Leeds, (ed. Whitaker,) ii. 236. 10 31. ]\Iarch. WILLIAM CODDINGTON, OF BOSTON. 337 dington/ and many others ; the most whereof pm'- ^.^J*- pose to retmui to us again, if God will. In the mean time, we are left a people poor and contemptible, yet such as trust in God, and are contented with our condition, being well assured that he will not fail us nor forsake us. I had almost forgotten to add this, that the wheat we received by this last ship stands us in thirteen or fourteen shillings a strike, and the pease about eleven shillings a strike,^ besides the adventure, which is worth three or four shillings a strike ; which is a higher price than I ever tasted bread of before. Thus, Madam, I have, as I can, told your Honor all our matters, knowing your wisdom can make good use thereof. If I live not to perform the like office of my duty hereafter, likely it is some other w^ill do it better. Before the departure of the ship, (which yet was wind-bound,) there came unto us sagamore John,^ ^ William Coddington, the father where he built the first brick house, of Rhode Island, -was of Boston, in In 1637, in the Wheelwright and Lincolnshire, " a godly man and of Hutchinsonian controversy, he sided good estate," according to Win- with A'ane and Cotton against Win- throp. He was chosen an Assistant throp and Dudley, and on this ac- at Southampton March 18, 1629, count the people left him out of the just before the sailing of the fleet, magistracy. In April of the next In a letter to John Cotton, written year he left his advantageous situa- after his return to England, and tion at Boston, and his large proper- dated June 4, 1632, he says, "I am, ty and improvements at Braintree, I thank God, in bodily health ; yet and removed to Rhode Island, of not enjoying that freedom of spirit, which he was several times chosen being withheld from that place Governor, dpng in that office, Nov. which my soul desireth, and my 1, 1678, in his 78th year. Callen- heart earnestly worketh after ; nei- der dedicated his Historical Dis- ther, I think, shall I see it till course on Rhode Island, in 1739, to towards the next spring." He re- his grandson, the Hon. William turned to New-England in May, Coddington. See Winthrop, i. 50, 1633, bringing his second wife, 102, 132, 220, 224, 265, 382 ; Mary, with him. The next year Hutchinson, i. 24 ; Callender, 49- he was chosen treasurer of the Col- 53, 84, 96 (ed. 1838.) ony. He was one of the founders ^ See Winthrop, i. 46. and principal merchants of Boston, ^ See note * on page 306. 22 338 TWO HOUSES BURNT. CHAP, and one of his subjects, requiring satisfaction for the • burning of two wigwams by some of the English ; 1631. which wigwams were not inhabited, but stood in a place convenient for their shelter, when upon occa- sion they should travel that way. By examination we found that some English fowlers, having retired into that which belonged to the subject, and leaving a fire therein carelessly, which they had kindled to warm them, were the cause of burning thereof. For that which was the sagamore's, we could find no certain proof how it was fired ; yet, lest he should think us not sedulous enough to find it out, and so 8. should depart discontentedly from us, we gave both him and his subject satisfaction for them both.^ The like accident of fire also befell Mr. Sharpe^ 17. and Mr. Colborne^ upon the 17th of this March ; both whose houses (which were as good and as well furnished as the most in the Plantation,) were in two hours' space burned to the ground, together with much of their household stuff, apparel, and other things ; as also some goods of others who sojourned with them in their houses ; God so pleasing to ex- ercise us with corrections of this kind, as he hath ' " At a Court at Watertown, mentioned on page 157. The death March 8, it was ordered that Sir of his daughter and the loss of his Richard Saltonstall (as the fire had house probably induced him to re- been occasioned by his servant, turn to England. He never came James Woodward,) satisfy the In- back. See pp. 106, 127, and 327. dians for the wrong done to them ; ' William Colburn was admitted which accordingly he did by giving a freeman May 18, 1631. He was them seven yards of cloth." See a gentleman of great influence in Col. Rec, and Prince, p. 345. Boston, and was representative of ^ Thomas Sharpe was chosen an the town in 1635 and the two suc- Assistant Oct. 29, at the same time ceeding years. He was long a rul- Winthrop was chosen Governor, ing-elder of the first church, after His name stands the sixth on the ceasing to be deacon, and died Au- list of the Boston church members, gust 1,1662. See Savage's Win- He may have been a brother of throp, i. 37, ii. 361 ; Prince, pp. Samuel Sharpe, the master-gunner, 321, 322. MRS. SKELTON, OF SALEM, DIES. 339 done with others. For the prevention whereof in chap. . XYII. our new town/ intended this summer to be builded, -^^ we have ordered that no man there shall build his i63i. chimney with w^ood, nor cover his house with thatch; w^hich was readily assented unto, for that divers other houses have been burned since our arrival, (the fire always beginning in the wooden chimneys,) and some English wigwams, which have taken fire in the roofs covered with thatch or boughs. And that this ship might return into Old England with heavy news, upon the 18th day of March came is. one from Salem, and told us that upon the 15th thereof there died Mrs. Skelton,^ the wife of the other minister there ; who, about eighteen or twenty days before, handling cold things in a sharp morning, put herself into a most violent fit of the wind colic and vomiting ; which continuing, she at length fell into a fever, and so died, as before. She was a godly and a helpful woman, and indeed the main pillar of her family, having left behind her a husband and four children, weak and helpless, who can scarce tell how to live without her. She lived desired, and died lamented, and well deserves to be honorably re- membered. Upon the 25th of this March, one of Watertown 25. having lost a calf, and about ten of the clock at night ' Called Cambridge in 1638. See winter. Winthrop, however, to Winthrop, i. 265. According to the fulfil a promise which he had made agreement, mentioned on page 320, to the people of Boston, took down Dudley, Bradstreet, and the princi- his frame and removed it to the pe- pal persons in the Colony, proceed- ninsula. This was a great disap- ed the next spring to build their pointment to the rest of the compa- houses at Newtown. Winthrop set ny, and caused a temporary coolness up the frame of his house on the between the Governor and Deputy, spot where he first pitched his tent; See Hubbard, p. 136 ; Winthrop, i. and Dudley finished his house and 82 ; Prince, p. 363. removed his family there before ^ See note '' on page 142. 340 A FALSE ALARM AT ROXBURY. XVII. CHAP, hearing the howling of some wolves not far off, raised many of his neighbours out of their beds, that, by discharging their muskets near about the place where he heard the wolves, he might so put the wolves to flight, and save his calf. The wind serv- ing fit to carry the report of the muskets to Rocks- bury, three miles off, at such a time, the inhabitants there took an alarm, beat up their- drum, armed themselves, and sent in post to us to Boston, to raise us also. So in the morning, the calf being found safe, the wolves affrighted, and our danger past, we w^ent merrily to breakfast.^ I thought to have ended before ; but the stay of the ship, and my desire to inform your Honor of all I can, hath caused this addition ; and every one hav- ing warning to prepare for the ship's departure to- 28. morrow, I am now, this 28th of March, 1631, sealing my letters.^ ' See Winthrop, i. 49. * This Letter was sent by the Lion, Oapt. Peirce, which sailed from Salem April 1, and arrived at London April 29. Wilson probably carried it. See Winthrop, i. 52. Dudley's Letter, the most in- teresting as well as authentic docu- ment in our early annals, first ap- peared in print at Boston, in 1696, in a 16mo. volume of 56 pages, en- titled "Massachusetts, or the First Planters of New-England, the end and manner of their coming thither, and abode there : in several P4MS- tles." It contained also The Hum- ble Request, Allin and Shepard's Preface to their Defence of the An- swer to the Nine Questions, and John Cotton's Preface, in I^atin, to Norton's Answer to the Questions of Apollonius. It is not unlikely that it was printed at the suggestion of Joshua Scottow, who seems to have been the earliest person in the Colony who had an antiquarian turn of mind, and who had already, in 1691 and 1694, published two works of his own, entitled " Old Men's Tears for their own Declensions, mixed with fears of their and posterity's further falling off from New-England's primitive constitu- tion. Published by some of Bos- ton's old Planters and some other," and " A Narrative of the Planting of the Massachusetts Colony, anno 1628 ; with the Lord's signal pre- sence the first thirty years. ' ' Where Dudley's Letter had lain all this time, from 1631 to 1696, sixty-five years, and why it had never been printed before, either in England or this country, it is diflficult to ex- plain. In 1834, that indefatigable antiquary, John Farmer, of Con- cord, N. H., printed an enlarged copy of it in the fourth volume of the Collections of the New Hamp- DUDLEY S LETTER. 341 shire Historical Society. In liis Preface to it he says, " The copy of Gov. Dudley's Letter to the Coun- tess of Lincoln, from which the fol- lowing is printed, has lately been discovered in a manuscript, of the chirography of the beginning of the seventeenth century, and bound up with Johnson's Wonder-working Providence, and Winslow's New- England's Salamander Discovered, works printed more than 180 years since. It is valuable on account of its containing much more than the printed copy which was used by the Annalist, Mr. Prince. It is to be regretted that the first part of the 1631 manuscript is missing ; how much, CHAP cannot be ascertained, but probably XVII.' only a small part. The description ^^~- ^ of the bays and rivers is wanting, and a few lines giving some account of the Indians. It has been copied and compared with scrupulous care. There is good reason to believe that the original printed copy was made from this manuscript, just so much of it being marked as was print- ed, and having the printer's mark (thus ] ) for the end of the signa- ture." Farmer's copy has been followed in printing this Letter. — For an account of Scottow, see Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 100-104. ROGER CLAP'S MEMOIRS. " Memoirs of Capt. Roger Clap. Relating some of God's Remarkable Providences to Hirn^ in bringing him into Neio- England ; and some of the Straits and Afflictions, the Good- People met witli here in their Beginnings. And Instructing, Counselling, Directing and Commanding his Children and Children's Children, and Household, to serve the Lord in their Generations to the latest Posterity. — ITeb. xi. 4. He being dead, yet speaketh. "Boston in Neio- England : Printed by B. Green, 1731." 18mo. pp. 34. CHAPTER XVIII CAPTAIN ROGER CLAP S MEMOIRS. I THOUGHT o-ood, mv clear children, to leave with chap. ^ ' -' ' , XVIII. you some account of God's remarkable providences • — — to me, in bringing me into this land, and placing me here among his dear servants, and in his house, who am most unworthy of the least of his mercies. The Scripture requireth us to tell God's w^ondrous works to our children, that they may tell them to their children, that God may have glory throughout all Bges. Amen. I was born in England, in Sallcom,^ in Devonshire, i609. in the year of our Lord 1609. My father was a man April fearing God, and in good esteem among God's faith- ful servants. His outward estate was not great, I think not above ^£80 per annum. We were five brethren, (of which I was the youngest,) and two sisters. God was graciously pleased to breathe by his holy spirit (I hope) in all our hearts, if in mine ; ' Salcombe Regis is near the sea- Prince's Annals, p. 368, and Pari, coast, about 12 miles east of Exe- Gazetteer, ter. Population in I83I, 448. See 346 clap's early life in England. CHAP, which I am not altogether without hopes of. Four XVIII -' of us brethren lived at home. I did desire my dear father (my dear mother being dead,) that I might live abroad ; which he consented to. So I first went for trial to live with a worthy gentleman, Mr. Wil- liam Southcot, who lived about three miles from the city of Exon.^ He was careful to keep a godly fam- ily. There being but a very mean preacher in that place, we went every Lord's day into the city, where were many famous preachers of the word of God. I then took such a liking unto the Rev. Mr. John War- ham, that I did desire to live near him. So I re- moved (with my father's consent,) into the city, and lived with one Mr. Mossiour, as famous a family for religion as ever I knew. He kept seven or eight men, and divers maid-servants ; and he had a con- ference upon a question propounded once a week in his own family. With him I covenanted. 16 29. I never so much as heard of New-England until I heard of many godly persons that were going there, and that Mr. Warham was to go also. My master asked me whether I would go. I told him, were I not engaged unto him, I would willingly go. He answered me, that should be no hindrance ; I might go for him, or for myself, which I would. I then wrote to my father, who lived about twelve miles off, to entreat his leave to go to New-England ; who was so much displeased at first that he wrote me no an- swer, but told my brethren that I should not go. Having no answer, I went and made my request to ' Exeter, the capital of Devon- miles west by south of London. Its shire, and the emporium and orna- population in 1831 was 28,201. mentof the west of England, is 17.3 HIS DEPARTURE FROM PLYMOUTH. 347 him ; and God so inclined his heart, that he never chap. said me nay. For now God sent the reverend Mr. Maverick, who lived forty miles off, a man I never i^'^o. saw before. He having heard of me, came to my father's house ; and my father agreed that I should be with him and come under his care ; which I did accordingly. So God brought me out of Plymouth the 20th of March, in the year 1629-30, and landed March 20 me in health at Nantasket on the 30th of May, 1630, I being then about the age of twenty-one years. Blessed be God that brought me here ! There came many godly families in that ship. We were of passengers many in number, (besides sea- men,) of good rank. Two of our magistrates came with us, viz. Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow.' These godly people resolved to live together ; and there- fore, as they had made choice of those two reverend servants of God, Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick, to be their ministers, so they kept a sol- emn day of fasting in the New Hospital in Plymouth, in England, spending it in preaching and praying ; where that worthy man of God, Mr. John White,^ of Dorchester, in Dorset, was present, and preached unto us the word of God in the fore part of the day ; and in the latter part of the day, as the people did solemn- ly make choice of and call those godly ministers to be their officers, so also the reverend Mr. Warham^ ' See pages 310 and 123. only facts mentioned concerning ^ See note ' on page 26. him are, that he was the first minis- ' John Warham remained in the ter in New-England who used a ministry at Dorchester till Septem- manuscript in the pulpit, and that he ber, 1636, when he removed, witli was subject to fits of religious me- the greater part of his cjiurch, to lancholy, so much so, that at times, Windsor in Connecticut, and formed when he had administered the com- the first settlement in that place, munion to his people, he shrunk where he died April 1,1670. The from partaking of it himself. Ful- 348 ARRIVAL AT NANTASKET AND CHARLESTOWN. 1630. May 30. and Mr. Maverick^ did accept thereof, and expressed the same. So we came, by the good hand of the Lord, through the deeps comfortably, having preach- ing or expounding of the word of God every day for ten weeks together by our ministers. When we came to Nantasket, Capt. Squeb, who was captain of that great ship of four hundred tons,^ would not bring us into Charles river, as he was bound to do, but put us ashore and our goods on Nantasket Point, and left us to shift for ourselves in a forlorn place in this wilderness. But, as it pleased God, we got a boat of some old planters, and laded her with goods ; and some able men, well armed, went in her unto Charlestown, where we found some ler, the Plymcuth physician, in his letter to Gov. Bradford, dated June 28, 1630, says, " I have been at Mattapan, at the request of Mr. Warham. I had conference with them till I was weary. Mr. War- ham holds that the visible church may consist of a mixed people, god- ly and openly ungodly; upon which point we had all our conference, to which, I trust, the Lord will give a blessing." He lost his wife in 1634. His daughter Eunice mar- ried Rev. Eleazer Mather, son of Richard Mather, of Dorchester, and first minister of the church at North- ampton ; and her only daughter, Eunice, was the wife of Rev. John Williams, of Deerfield, and was killed by the Indians and French under Hertel de Rouville, when tliat town was burnt, and her hus- band and children carried into cap- tivity, in March, 1704. See Ma- ther, i. 399 ; Winthrop, i. 385 ; Trumbull's Conn. i. 65, 467 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74 ; Hoyt's Indian Wars, p. 186 ; Williams's Redeem- ed Captive, printed in 1706. ' John Maverick intended to ac- company his church to Windsor, bill was prevented by his death, which occurred Feb. 3, 1636, in his 60th year. Winthrop says that " he was a man of a very humble spirit, and faithful in furthering the work of the Lord here, both in the churches and civil state." The only fact that he mentions about him is, his narrow escape one day from the explosion of a small barrel of gunpowder, some of which he was drying in a fire-pan in the new meeting-house in Dorchester ! See Winthrop, i. 72, 181. Prince says, that "Mr. Maverick was the elder person ; that they had both been ministers in the Church of England, and had therefore been ordained by some bishop or other ; as none other in those days were allowed to preach in that kingdom, nor any separate congregation al- lowed there till the Civil Wars be- gan in 1642. Nor would Mr. Mav- erick and Warham have been allow- ed to form a Congregational church at Plymouth in England, were it not of those who had taken their passage for New-England, and were just ready to sail hither." See Prince's Annals, p. 369. * Tbe Mary & Jolm. See page 311. THE FIRST LANDING AT WATERTOWN. 349 wififwams and one house ;^ and in the house there chap. -11111 x^iii- was a man which had a boiled bass, but no bread, that we see. But we did eat of his bass, and then ^*^'^^- went up Charles river, until the river grew narrow and shallow, and there we landed our goods with much labor and toil, the bank being steep ;^ and night coming on, we were informed that there were hard by us three hundred Indians. One English- man, that could speak the Indian language, (an old planter,) went to them, and advised them not to come near us in the night ; and they hearkened to his counsel, and came not. I myself was one of the sentinels that first night. Our captain was a Low June. Country soldier, one Mr. Southcot,^ a brave soldier. In the morning, some of the Indians came and stood at a distance off, looking at us, but came not near us. But when they had been a while in view, some of them came and held out a great bass towards us ; so we sent a man with a biscuit, and changed the cake for the bass. Afterwards, they supplied us with bass, exchanging a bass for a biscuit cake, and were very friendly unto us. Oh, dear children ! forget not what care God had ^ Probably the " English palisa- ^ Capt. Richard Southcot was one doed and thatched house," which of the first settlers at Dorchester, the Spragues found on their amval At a Court held July 26, 1631, at Charlestown, " wherein lived " Capt. Southcot hath liberty to go Thomas Walford, a smith." See for England, promising to return the Charlestown Records, in the with all convenient speed." He next chapter of this volume. probably never came back, as his - The place where they landed is name does not afterwards occur in supposed to be near the spot where our annals. Had he been here, the United States' Arsenal now this " brave Low Country soldier " stands. This part of Watertown would undoubtedly have been en- was, till quite a recent period, called gaged in the Pequot War. See Dorchester Fields, and it is so called Winthrop, i. 57, ii. 361; Prince, in the town records. See Francis's p. 358 ; Blake's Annals of Dorches- Hist. of Watertown, pp. 9, 10, and ter, p. 10; Harris's Memorials of Holmes's Annals, i. 203. the First Church in Dorchester, p. 64. I 350 REMOVAL TO DORCHESTER. CHAP, over his dear servants, to watch over us and protect us in our weak beginnings. Capt. Squeb turned ^^^^- ashore us and our goods, like a merciless man;^ but June. • - 1 /-< 1 1 • God, even our mercilul God, took pity on us, so that we were supplied first with a boat, and then caused many Indians (some hundreds) to be ruled by the advice of one man, not to come near us. Alas, had they come upon us, how soon might they have destroyed us ! I think we were not above ten in number. But God caused the Indians to help us with fish at very cheap rates. We had not been there many days, (although by our diligence we had got up a kind of shelter to save our goods in,) but we had order to come away from that place, which was about Watertown, unto a place called Mattapan, now Dorchester, because there was a neck^ of land fit to keep our cattle on. So we removed, and came to Mattapan. The Indians there also were kind unto us. 12. Not long after came our renowned and blessed Governor, and divers of his Assistants with him. Their ships came into Charles river, and many pas- sengers landed at Charlestown, many of whom died the winter following. Governor Winthrop purposed to set down his station about Cambridge, or some- ' Winthrop, in his Journal, under rived from some early document left June 17, says, "As we came home, by the first settlers of Windsor, who (from Charlestown to Salem,) we came in the ship. See Winthrop's came by Nantasket, and sent for Hist. i. 28, and Trumbull's Con- Capt. Squib ashore, and ended a necticut, i. 23. dilference between him and the pas- ^ This neck was called Dorches- sengers," undoubtedly growing out tor Neck till it was annexed to the of his recent ill treatment of them ; metropoUs in 1804, since which time and Trumbull says that " Capt. it has been called South Boston. Squeb was afterwards obliged to Sec Harris's History of Dorchester pay damages for this conduct." in Mass. Hist. Coll. ix. 162, and This information he may have de- Snow's Hist, of Boston, p. 319. SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. 351 where on the river ; but viewina; the place, liked chap. ' » r 5 XVIII. that plain neck, that was called then Blackstone's Neck, now Boston.^ But in the mean time, before i^^^- they could build at Boston, they lived many of them in tents and wigwams at Charlestown, their meeting- place being abroad under a tree, where I have heard Mr. Wilson and Mr. Phillips preach many a good sermon. Now coming into this country, I found it a vacant wilderness, in respect of English. There w^ere in- deed some English at Plymouth and Salem, and some few at Charlestown,^ who were very destitute when we came ashore ; and planting time being past, shortly after provision was not to be had for money. I wrote to my friends, namely to my dear father, to send me some provision ; which accordingly he did, and also gave order to one of his neighbours to sup- ply me with what I needed, (he being a seaman ;) who coming hither, supplied me with divers things. But before this supply came, yea, and after too, (that being spent, and the then unsubdued wilderness yielding little food,) many a time if I could have filled my belly, though with mean victuals, it would have been sweet unto me. Fish was a good help unto me and others. Bread was so very scarce, that sometimes I thought the very crusts of my father's table would have been very sweet unto me. And when I could have meal and water and salt boiled together, it was so good, who could wish better ? In our beginning many were in great straits for ' See note ^ on page 169. who came from Salem to Charles- - These were probably the town the year previous. Spragues and their companions, 352 SUFFERINGS FROM FAIMINE. CHAP, want of provision for themselves and their little XVIII. ^ ones. Oh th3 hunger that many suffered, and saw 1630. j^Q hope in an eye of reason to be supplied, only by clams, and muscles, and fish. We did quickly build boats, and some went a fishing. But bread was with many a very scarce thing, and flesh of all kind as scarce. And in those days, in our straits, though I cannot say God sent a raven to feed us, as he did the prophet Elijah, yet this I can say, to the praise of God's glory, that he sent not only poor ravenous Indians, which came with their baskets of corn on their backs to trade with us, (which was a good sup- ply unto many,) but also sent ships from Holland and from Ireland with provisions, and Indian corn from Virginia, to supply the wants ^ of his dear ser- vants in this wilderness, both for food and raiment. And when people's wants were great, not only in one town but in divers towns, such was the godly wisdom, care, and prudence, (not selfishness, but * Edward Johnson, an eye-wit- himself among the Indians for corn, ness, gives a graphic description of and can get none ; as also onr hon- the scarcity of provisions among the ored Governor hath distributed his first colonists. " In the absence of so far, that a day or two moT-e will bread, they feasted themselves with put an end to his store, and all the fish. The women once a day, as rest. And yet, methinks, our child- the tide gave way, resorted to the ren are as cheerful, fat, and lusty, muscle and clam banks, (which are with feeding upon those muscles, a fish as big as horse-muscles,) clams, and other fish, as they were where they daily gathered their in England with their fill of bread ; families food. Quoth one, ' My which makes me cheerful in the husband hath travelled as far as Lord's providing for us ; being fur- Plymouth, (which is near forty ther confirmed by the exhortation of miles,) and hath with great toil our pastor to trust the Lord with pro- brought a little corn home with him ; viding for us, whose is the earth and and before that is spent, the Lord the fulness thereof.' And as they will assuredly provide.' Quoth the were encouraging one another, they other, ' Our last peck of meal is now lift up their eyes, and saw two ships in the oven at home a baking, and coming in ; and presently this news many of our godly neighbours have came to their ears, that they were quite spent all, and we owe one loaf come from Ireland, full of victuals." of that little we have.' Then spake See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 125. a third, ' Mv husband hath ventured THE CHARITY AND TRUST OF THE PEOPLE. 353 self-denial,) of our Governor Winthrop and his As- S^f.^- sistants, that when a ship came laden with provisions, they did order that the whole cargo should be bought ^^^^• for a general stock ; and so accordingly it was, and distribution was made to every town, and to every person in each town, as every man had need.^ Thus God was pleased to care for his people in times of straits, and to fill his servants with food and glad- ness. Then did all the servants of God bless his holy name, and love one another with pure hearts fervently. In those days God did cause his people to trust in him, and to be contented with mean things. It was not accounted a strange thing in those days to drink water, and to eat samp or hominy without butter or milk. Indeed, it would have been a strange thing to see a piece of roast beef, mutton, or veal ; though it was not long before there was roast goat. After the first winter, we w^ere very healthy, though some ifisi. of us had no great store of corn. The Indians did sometimes bring corn, and truck with us for clothing and knives ; and once I had a peck of corn, or there- abouts, for a little puppy-dog. Frost-fish, muscles, and clams were a relief to many. If our provision be better now than it was then, let us not, and do you, dear children, take heed that you do not, forget the Lord our God. You have better food and rai- ment than was in former times ; but have you better hearts than your forefathers had ? If so, rejoice in ' Winthrop mentions the same provisions at fifty in the hundred, circumstance under April 12, 1636. (which saved the country jC200,) " The Charity, of Dartmouth, of 120 and distributed them to all the towns, tons, arrived here laden with provi- as each town needed." See Win- sions. Mr. Peter bought all the throp, i. 185, 388. 23 354 THE CONTENTEDNESS OF THE COLONISTS. CHAP, that mercy, and let New-England then shout for joy. Sure, all the people of God in other parts of the world, that shall hear that the children and grand- children of the first planters of New-England have better hearts and are more heavenly than their pre- decessors, they will doubtless greatly rejoice, and will say, " This is the generation whom the Lord hath blessed." I took notice of it as a great favor of God unto me, not only to preserve my life, but to give me content- edness in all these straits ; insomuch that I do not remember that ever I did wish in my heart that I had not come into this country, or wish myself back again to my father's house. Yea, I was so far from that, that I wished and advised some of my dear brethren to come hither also ; and accordingly one of my brothers,' and those two that married my two sisters, 1633. sold their means and came hither.^ The Lord Jesus Christ was so plainly held out in the preaching of the Gospel unto poor lost sinners, and the absolute necessity of the new birth, and God's holy spirit in those days was pleased to accompany the word with such efficacy upon the hearts of many, that our hearts were taken off from Old England and set upon heaven. The discourse not only of the aged, but of the youth also, was not, "How shall we go to England?" (though some few did not only so discourse, but also ' This was Edward, an elder bro- for his fo-st wife a sister of Roger ther, who came over in 1633, and Clap, whose name was Sarah, settled in Dorchester, where he George Weeks married the other died, Jan. 8, 1664. sister. Of the 35 voters of the name * There were three cousins of of Clap now living in Dorchester, Roorer Clap, the sons of his uncle all but one are descended from Ni- Richard, who came to Dorchester, cholas. See the Collections of the Their names were Thomas, Niclio- Dorchester Antiquarian and Histor- las, and John. Nicholas married ical Society, No. 1, pp. vi.-xi. 62. THE POWER OF RELIGION. 355 went back again,) but "How shall we go to heaven? ^f^^- Have I true grace wrought in my heart ? Have I Christ or no ? " how did men and women, young ^^^^• and old, pray for grace, beg for Christ in those days. And it was not in vain. Many were converted, and others established in believing. Many joined unto the several churches where they lived, confessing their faith publicly, and showing before all the as- sembly their experiences of the workings of God's spirit in their hearts to bring them to Christ ; which many hearers found very much good by, to help them to try their own hearts, and to consider how it was with them, whether any work of God's spirit were wrought in their own hearts or no. the many tears that have been shed in Dorchester meeting- house at such times, both by those that have declar- ed God's work on their souls, and also by those that heard them. In those days God, even our own God, did bless New-England ! After God had brought me into this country, he was pleased to give me room in the hearts of his ser- vants ; so that I was admitted into the church fellow- ship at our first beginning in Dorchester, in the year 1630. I now return to declare unto you some of the wonderful works of God in bringing so many of his faithful servants hither into this wilderness, and pre- serving us and ours unto this day, notwithstanding our great unworthiness, and notwithstanding the many assaults and stratagems of Satan and his instru- ments against God's people here. I say, wondrous works. For was it not a wondrous work of God, to put it into the hearts of so many worthies to agree 356 THE MAGISTRATES OF THE COLONY. CHAP, together, when times were so bad in Enofland that they could not worship God after the due manner 1630. prescribed in his most holy word, but they must be imprisoned, excommunicated, &c., I say that so many should agree to make humble suit unto our sovereign lord the King to grant them and such as they should approve of, a Patent of a tract of land in this remote wilderness, a place not inhabited but by very barbarous nations ? And was it not a wondrous good hand of God to incline the heart of our King so freely to grant it, with all the privileges which the Patent expresseth ? And what a wondrous work of God was it, to stir up such worthies to undertake such a difficult work, as to remove themselves, and their wives and children, from their native country, and to leave their gallant situations there, to come into this wilderness to set up the pure worship of God here ; men fit for government in the magistracy and in families, and sound, godly, learned men for the min- istry, and others that were very precious men and women, who came in the year 1630. Those that came then were magistrates ; men of renown were Mr. Winthrop, Governor, Mr. Dudley, Deputy Governor, Sir Richard Saltonstall, Mr. John- son, Mr. Rossiter, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowel, and Mr. Bradstreet. Mr. Endicott came before, and others came then, besides those named. And there came famous ministers in that year, and afterwards ; as, to name some, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Warham, Mr. Maverick, and Mr. Phillips. In our low estate God did cheer our hearts in sending good and holy men and women, and also famous preachers of the word of God ; as Mr. Eliot, Mr. Weld, Mr. Cotton, Mr. THE MINISTERS OF THE COLONY. 357 Hooker, Mr. Bulkley, Mr. Stone,^ Mr, Nathaniel chap. Rogers, and Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, Mr. Shepard, Mr. ■ Mather, Mr. Peters, Mr. Davenport, Mr. Whiting, i^so. Mr. Cobbet, Mr. Hubbard, Mr. Brown, Mr. Flint, Mr. Thomson, Mr. Newman, Mr. Prudden, Mr. Nor- ris, Mr. Huit, Mr. Street, and many others.^ Thus did God work wonderfully for his poor people here. Before I proceed any further, I will inform you that God stirred up his poor servants to use means in their beginning for their preservation ; though a low and weak people, yet a willing people to lay out their estates for the defence of themselves and others. They having friends in divers places who thought it best for our safety to build a fort upon the island now called Castle Island, at first they built a castle 16 34. ' Stoughton in the first edition of 1731, and all subsequent ones; but in the copy which I have, which be- longed to Prince, the Annalist, and contains his notes and corrections, he has written >S/o;ie in the margin. There was no minister by the name of Stoughton among the colonists. ^ John Wilson * was the minister of Boston ; John Warham, of Dor- chester, and afterwards of Windsor, Conn. ; John Maverick, of Dorches- ter ; George Phillips,* of Water- town ; John Eliot * and Thomas Weld,* of Roxbury ; John Cotton,* of Boston; Thomas Hooker* and Samuel Stone,* of Hartford, Conn.; Peter Bulkley,* of Concord ; Na- thaniel Rogers,* of Ipswich ; Eze- kiel Rogers,* of Rowley ; Thomas Shepard,* of Cambridge ; Richard Mather, t of Dorchester ; Hugh Pe- ters,* of Salem ; John Davenport, f of New-Haven, Conn., and after- wards of Boston ; Samuel Whit- ing,* of Lynn ; Thomas Cobbett, of Lynn, and afterwards of Ipswich ; Peter Hobart,* of Hingham ; Ed- mund Bro\^n, of Sudbury ; Henry Flint and William Tomson.t of Braintree ; Samuel Newman, f of Rehoboth ; Peter Prudden, of Mil- ford, Conn. ; Edward Norris, of Salem ; Ephraim Huet, of Wind- sor, Conn. ; Nicholas Street, of Taunton, and afterwards of New- Haven, Conn. Of these ministers, twenty-seven in number, fourteen, (marked thus *,) had been educated and taken their degrees at the Uni- versity of Cambridge, in England ; and four (marked thus f,) had stu- died at Oxford. Most of the minis- ters who came to New-England, besides those contained in this list, had been educated at one of the Uni- versities. Of some of the above, an account has already been given, and of others due notice will be taken. The limits of these Notes, however, will not permit us to do justice to them all ; and the reader is there- fore referred to jMather"s third book of the Magnalia, i. 213, to Eliot's New-England, and Allen's Ameri- can Biographical Dictionaries. See also Wood's Athen?e et Fasti Oxon. and Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247- 250. 358 BOSTON CASTLE. CHAP, with mud walls, which stood divers years. First, XVIII. _ ^ *' ' Capt. Simpkins was commander thereof; and after 1634. j^jjjj Lieut. Monish for a little space. When the mud walls failed, it was built again with pine trees 1645. and earth; and Capt. Davenport was commander. When that decayed, which was within a little time, there was a small castle built with brick walls, and had three rooms in it, a dwelling room below, a lodging room over it, the gun room over that, wherein stood six very good saker guns, and over it, upon the top, three lesser guns. All the time of our weakness, God was pleased to give us peace, until the wars with the Dutch in Charles the Second's time. At that time our works were very weak, and intelligence came to us that De Ruyter, a Dutch commander of a squadron of ships, was in the West Indies, and did intend to visit us ; whereupon our battery also was repaired, wherein are seven good guns. But in the very time of this report, in July, 1665. 1G65, God was pleased to send a grievous storm of •l"^y thunder and lightning, which did some hurt at Bos- ton, and struck dead here at the Castle Island that worthy, renowned Captain, Richard Davenport.^ Aug. Upon which the General Court, in August 10th fol- lowing, appointed another Captain- in the room of him that was slain. But, behold ! God wrought for us ; for although De Ruyter intended to come here, ' Being- fatigued with labor, he Hubbard, p. 642, and Hutchinson's had lain clown upon his bed to rest, Mass. i. 253. the window of the castle being open ^ This was Capt. Clap himself, as against him. Three or four of the we learn from the following record : people were hurt, and a dog was " At a General Court, begun Au- killed at the gate. There was only gust 1, 1665, this Court having con- a wainscot partition between the sidered of the want of a captain for room where the captain was killed, the Castle, do nominate and appoint and the powder magazine. No in- Capt. Roger Clap to be captain jury was done to the building. See thereof." Col. Rec. iv. 651. BOSTON CASTLE. 359 yet God by contrary winds kept him out ; so he chap. went to Newfoundland, and did great spoil there. ■ And again, when danger grew on us by reason of the late wars with Holland, God permitted our castle at that very time to be burnt down, which was on the 21st day of March, 1672-3.^ But still God was pleased to keep this place in safety. The Lord enlarge our hearts unto thankfulness ! I will now return unto what I began to hint unto you before ; namely, that Satan and his instruments did malign us, and oppose our godly preachers, say- 1673. March 21. ' The history of " The Castle," from its conimencement to the pre- sent time, deserves to be recorded, and there are abundant materials for it in the Court Records, at the State House. The limits of a Note, how- ever, will not permit us to use them ; and the topic, too, belongs more properly to the history of the me- tropolis. The first notice of it we find in Winthrop's Journal, under July 29, 1634; "The Governor and Council, and divers of the ministers, and others, met at Castle Island, and there agreed upon erecting- two platforms, and one small fortifica- tion to secure them both ; and, for the present furtherance of it, they agreed to lay out £5 a man, till a rate might be made at the next Ge- neral Court. The Deputy, Roger Ludlow, was chosen overseer." At the General Court, Sept. 3, it was " ordered, that there should be a platform made on the north-east side of Castle Island, and a house built on the top of the hill, to defend the said platform." Edward Johnson informs us, that " there was a castle on an island, upon the passage into the Mattachusetts Bay, wholly built at first by the country in general. But, by reason the country affords no lime but what is burnt of oyster shells, it fell to decay in a few years after. Hereupon (in 1644) the next six towns take upon them to rebuild it. The castle is built on the north- east of the island, upon arising hill. The commander of it is one Captain Davenport, a man approved for his faithfulness, courage, and skill. Although this castle hath cost about £4000, yet are not this poor pilgrim people weary of maintaining it in good repair." Edward Randolph, in his Narrative of the state of New- England in 1676, writes, " Three miles from Boston, upon a small island, there is a castle of stone lately built, and in good repair, with four bastions, and mounted with 38 guns, 16 whole culverin, commodiously seated upon a rising ground sixty paces from the water- side, under which, at high-water- mark, is a small stone battery of six guns. The present commander is one Capt. Clap, an old man ; his salary i"50 per annum. There be- long to it six gunners, each jClO per annum." In 1705, its name was changed to Castle William, and in 1799, the island having been pre- viously ceded to the United States, it received the name of Fort Inde- pendence. When the substantial fortress now building on the site is completed, it is hoped that the an- cient name, " The Castle," will be restored. See Col. Rec. i. 122 Winthrop, i. 137, ii. 155, 243 Hutchinson's Massachusetts, i. 284 Hutchinson's State Papers, p. 486 Holmes's Annals, i. 493, ii. 412 Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 56. 360 TROUBLES FROM THE ANTINOMIANS. CHAP, ing they were legal preachers, but themselves were - — — for free grace and for the teachings of the Spirit ; ^^^^' and they prevailed so by their flatteries and fair speeches, that they led away not only "silly women, laden with their lusts," but many men also, and some of strong parts too, who were not ashamed to give out that our ministers were but legal preachers, and so endeavoured to bring up an evil report upon our faithful preachers, that they themselves might be in high esteem ; and many of them would presume to preach in private houses, both men and women, much like the Quakers. They would talk of the Spirit, and of revelations by the Spirit without the Word, as the Quakers do talk of the Light within them, rejecting the holy Scriptures. But God, by his servants assembled in a Synod at Cambridge in 1G3 7. 1637, did discover his truth most plainly, to the es- tablishment of his people, and the changing of some, and to the recovery of not a few, which had been drawn away with their dissimulations. Thus God delivered his people out of the snare of the Devil at that time. Let us, and do you in your generations, bless the holy name of the Lord. " The snare is broken, and we and ours are delivered." There were some that not only stood out obstinate against the truth, but continually reviled both our godly ministers and m.agistrates, and greatly troubled our Israel. But, by order of the General Court, they were banished out of this jurisdiction ; and then had the churches rest, and were multiplied.^ ' The best account of this whole Antinomian Controversy in Massa- afFair will be found in the Rev. chusetts," in Sparks's Am. Biog. George E. Ellis's " Life of Anne xvi. 107-376. The original author- Hutchinson, with a Sketch of the ilies are there all enumerated. TROUBLES FROM THE QUAKERS. 361 Many years after this, Satan made another assault chap. XVIII upon God's poor people here, by stirring up the Quakers to come amongst us, both men and women ; who pretended holiness and perfection, saying they spake and acted by the Spirit and Light within, which (as they say) is their guide ; and most blasphemously said that the Light within is the Christ, the Saviour, and deceived many to their persuasion. But, blessed be God, the Government and Churches both did bear witness against them, and their loathsome and perni- cious doctrine ; for which they were banished out of this jurisdiction, not to return without license, upon pain of death. The reason of that law was, because God's people here could not worship the true and living God, as He hath appointed us in our public assemblies, without being disturbed by them ; and other weighty reasons, as the dangerousness of their opinions, &c. Some of them presumed to return, to the loss of their lives for breaking that law, which was made for our peace and safety.^ Now as Satan has been a lying spirit to deceive and ensnare the mind, to draw us from God by error, so hath he stirred up evil men to seek the hurt of this country. But God hath delivered his poor people here from time to time ; sometimes by putting cour- age into our magistrates to punish those that did re- bel, and sometimes God hath wrought for us by his providence other ways. Here was one Ratcliff^ ' For an account of the treatment land Rent ; Bishop's New-England of the Quakers in Massachusetts, Judged ; SeweH's History of the see Hutchinson's Hist, of Massa- Quakers, pp. 160, 171, 193-200. chusetts, i. 196-205 ; Grahame's ^ Philip Ratclilf was a servant of Hist, of the United States, i. 303- Governor f'radock. On his return to 312 ; ivlather's Magnalia, ii. 451- England, he became, with Morton 463 ; Norton's Heart of New-Eng- and Gardiner, a violent enemy to I 362 DIXY BULL, THE PIRATE. CHAP, spake boldly and wickedly against the Government ^ \ and Governors here, using such words as some judg- 1631. gj deserved death. He was for his wickedness whipped, and had both his ears cut off in Boston, A. D. 1631. I saw it done. There was one Mor- ton,^ that was a pestilent fellow, a troubler of the country, who did not only seek our hurt here, but went to England, and did his utmost there, by false reports against our Governor ; but God wrought for us, and saved us, and caused all his designs to be of 1632. none effect. There arose up against us one Bull,^ who went to the eastward a trading, and turned pirate, and took a vessel or two, and plundered some plant- ers thereabouts, and intended to return into the Bay, and do mischief to our magistrates here in Dorches- ter and other places. But, as they were weighing anchor, one of Mr. Short's^ men shot from the shore, and struck the principal actor dead, and the rest were filled with fear and horror. They having taken one Anthony Dicks,'* a master of a vessel, did endea- vour to persuade him to pilot them unto Virgirfia ; but he would not. They told him that they were filled with such fear and horror, that they were afraid of the very rattling of the ropes ; this Mr. Dicks told the Colony. See CoL Rec. i. 86 ; and afterwards resided at their plan- Savage's Winthrop, i. 56 ; Morton's tation at Pemaquid. See Savage's New-English Canaan, book iii. ch. Winthrop, i. 61, 79, ii. 177 ; Wil- 25 ; Muss. Hist. Coll. xxix. 244. Uamson's History of Maine, i. 694 ; ' See note '^ on page 321. Hazard's State Papers, i. 315; * See Winthrop, i. 79, 96, 104 ; Hutchinson's Coll. p. 114. Hubbard, p. 160 ; Williamson's ■» Anthony Dix arrived at Ply- Maine, i. 252. mouth in the Anne, in the summer ^ Abraham Shurte, or Shurd, or of 1623. In Dec. 1638, he was cast Short, came over to the shores of away, in a bark of thirty tons, upon Maine as early as 1625, as the agent the head of Cape Cod. See Chron- of Cyles Eibridge and Robert Aid- icles of Plymouth, p. 352, and Win- worth, in which year he purchased throp, i. 287. tlic island of Monhcgan for them, CAPT. STONE KILLED BY THE PEQUOTS. 363 me with his own mouth. These men fled eastward, chap. XVIII. and Bull himself got into England ; but God destroy ed this wretched man. There was also one Capt. i6 33. Stone/ about the year 1633 or 1634, who carried himself very proudly, and spake contemptuously of our magistrates, and carried it lewdly in his conver- sation. For his misdemeanour, his ship was stayed ; but he fled, and would not obey authority ; and there came warrants to Dorchester to take him dead or alive. So all our soldiers were in arms, and senti- nels were set in divers places ; and at length he was found in a great cornfield, where we took him and carried him to Boston ; but for want of one witness, when he came to his trial, he escaped with his life. He was said to be a man of great relation, and had great favor in England ; and he gave out threatening speeches. Though he escaped with his life, not be- ing hanged for adultery, there being but one witness, yet for other crimes he was fined, and payed it ; and being dismissed, he went towards Virginia. But by the way putting into the Pequot country, to trade with them, the Pequots cut off both him and his men, took his goods, and burnt his ship. Some of the Indians reported that they roasted him alive. Thus did God destroy him that so proudly threaten- ed to ruin us, by complaining against us when he came to England. Thus God destroyed him, and delivered us at that time also. About that time, or not long after, God permitted lese. Satan to stir up the Pequot Indians to kill divers ' The murder of this man, Capt. the Pequot War. See Winthrop, John Stone, in 1633, by the Indians, i. 104, III, 122, 148. was one of the principal causes of 364 THE PEQUOT WAR. CHAP, Ensflishmen, as Mr. Oldham,' Mr. Tilly,^ and others; XVIII. ^ ' 111- and when the murderers were demanded, instead of 1636. delivering them, they proceeded to destroy more of our English about Connecticut ; which put us upon sending out soldiers, once and again, whom God prospered in their enterprises until the Pequot peo- ple were destroyed.^ See Mr. Increase Mather's Relation of the Troubles luhich have happened in New- England by reason of the Indians^ from 1634 to 1675. I say nothing to you of the late war,^ but refer you to the histories in print. Thus was the Lord pleased to deliver us at that time also, and to put a fear and dread of us into the hearts of the Indians round about us ; and many of them did voluntarily put themselves under the government of the English. It also pleased God to put it into the hearts of 16 4 6. some of our worthies, to consider that one end of our coming hither was to preach the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ to the Indians,^ for the saving of God's elect, and for the bringing into Christ's kingdom those that w^ere as in highways and hedges. Some did therefore set themselves to learn the Indian lan- guage, and so taught them to know God and the Lord Jesus Christ, whom they never knew or heard of before, nor their fathers before them, and to know themselves, namely, their misery by nature and by reason of sin. Among others, the principal was that ' John Oldham. See note ^ on dian Wars ; Increase Mather's Brief p;i{ro Hi!). History; Church's History of King - .Tdlm Tilley. See Winthrop, Philip's War ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 200. li. ■18.'3-19y ; Callcnder's Hist. Disc. ^ See note ^ on page 306. pp. 126-136 ; Grahame, i. 316-351. '' Philip's War, which broke out ^ See note " on page 258. in June, 1075. See Hubbard's In- JOHN ELIOT, OF ROXBTJRY. 365 reverend man of God, Mr. John Eliot/ teacher of the chap. church of Christ at Roxbury ; whose great labor and pains in catechising, preaching the word, and trans- i^*^- lating the Bible into the Indian language, God has blessed, I doubt not, to the converting of many among them. " He that converteth souls shall shine as the sun in the firmament." how glorious will the shining of that star be in heaven ! I rejoice to think of it. Furthermore, know ye, that God wrought wonder- fully for our preservation, when men abroad (and doubtless some at home) endeavoured to overthrow our government, and prevailed so far that Commis- sioners were sent from England hither with such 1665. ' John Eliot was bom in 1604, about November, as Prince sup- poses. His birth-place is unknown. Cotton Mather says, " it was a town in England, the name whereof I can- not presently recover." He was educated at Jesus College, Cam- bridge, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1622. After leaving the University, he was for some time an assistant in a school kept by the Rev. Thomas Hooker, (aftei-\vards of Hartford, Conn.) at Little Bad- dow, near Chelmsford, in Essex. But the tyranny of Laud, which drove Hooker into Holland, led Eliot to flee to America ; and he landed at Boston, Nov. 3, 1631. Wilson, the minister of the Boston church, being at this time absent in England, Eliot was invited to officiate in his place, which he did for a year, till Nov. 5, 1632, when he was estab- lished teacher of the church in Rox- bury, where he continued till his death. May 20, 1690, at the advanc- ed age of 86 . Eliot is chiefly known for his indefatigable labors in preach- ing the Gospel to the natives, which obtained for him the deserved title of The Apostle to the Indians, and for his arduous work of translating the whole Bible into the language of the Massachusetts Indians. " Since the death of the Apostle Paul," says President Everett, " a nobler, truer and warmer spirit, than John Eliot, never lived ; and taking the state of the country, the narrowmess of the means, the rudeness of the age, into consideration, the History of the Christian Church does not contain an example of resolute, untiring, successful labor, superior to that of translating the entire Scriptures into the language of the native tribes of Massachusetts ; a labor performed, not in the flush of youth, nor within the luxurious abodes of academic ease, but under the constant burden of his duties as a minister and a preacher, and at a time of life when the spirits begin to flag." His wife's name was Anna, and his sons, John and Joseph, were ministers of New- town, Mass., and Guildford, Conn. See note ^ on page 258 ; W^inthrop, i. 64, 93, ii. 303-5 ; Mather, i. 474- 532 ; Prince, pp. 378, 408 ; Hutch- inson, i. 162, 211 ; Grahame, i. 281- 88 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. viii. 5-35, xxviii. 248 ; Francis's Life of Eliot, in Sparks's Am. Biog. vol. 5, 366 THE COMMISSIONERS FROM ENGLAND. CHAP, power and authority that doubtless put themselves ; (and too many among us) in hopes that they had at- 1665. tained their ends. They proceeded so far that they set up a Court, appointed the time and place, and gave out their summons, yea, for our then honored Governor and Company personally to appear before them. But the Lord our God was for us, though troubles were very near. He stirred up a mighty spirit of prayer in the hearts of his people. This poor country cried, and the Lord heard, and deliv- ered them from all their fears. And the Lord put wisdom and courage into the hearts of his servants, then sitting in the General Court, to give such An- swers and to make such a Declaration, published by a man appointed, on horseback, with the trumpet sounding^ before the Proclamation, to give the people notice that something was to be published, — which was done in three several places in Boston, — that it put an end to their Court, and (through God's good- ness) to our troubles at that time about that matter.^ And as our Court did assert our privileges granted unto us by Patent, and did adhere thereto, so our God hath hitherto continued the same unto us : Blessed be his glorious name ! I humbly beg of God that he will in mercy continue those privileges unto you and yours in your generations, for Jesus Christ's sake. Amcn.^ ' See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 246. of Boston Castle from 1665 to 1686, * See Hutchinson's Mass. i. 230- in which year he removed to Bos- 25G, 535; Hutchinson's Coll. 390, ton. In the Records of the General 407-425 ; Chalmers's Annals, pp. Court, Oct 19, 1664, I find the fol- 386-389; Grahame's Hist. United lowing order . " The Court judgeth States, i. 331-342. it meet to grant Capt. Roger Clap ^ Roger Clap was a prominent £i, to be paid him by the Treas- citizen of Dorchester, both in civil urer for his service in laying out the and militarv affairs, and was captain southern line of our Patent." He ROGER CLAP S MEMOIRS. 367 was married, Nov. 6, 1633, to Jo- anna Ford, of Dorchester, England, who, with her parents, came over in the same ship with himself. He died Feb. 2, 1691, in his 82d year, and was buried in King's Chapel grave-yard, where his grave-stone may still be seen. A full account of his children and descendants may be seen in the first number of the Collections of the Dorchester Hist, and Antiq. Society. The family of Clap is still among the most nume- rous and respectable families in that ancient town, and one of the name at least (Ebenezer Clapp, jr.) cher- ishes the memory of the fathers, and is imbued with the true antiquarian spirit. In Prince's list of the manuscripts which he used in compiling his An- nals, he mentions " Capt. Roger Clap's Account of the ancient affairs of the Massachusetts Colony . " This he obtained from James Blake, jr., of Dorchester, and caused it to be printed in 1731. I happen to pos- sess Prince's own copy of that edi- tion, which contains his marginal corrections and annotations, and in which he has, by marks and num- bers, rearranged the whole compo- sition, so as to make the parts suc- ceed each other in chronological or- der, which was not the case in the manuscript. This he seems to have done with reference to a new edition of the work. This arrangement I have adopted, it being a manifest and decided improvement. I have also omitted whatever is not of a historical character; since Clap's exhortations to his children, and his account of his religious experiences, though excellent in their way, do not fall within the plan of this work, and would swell the volume beyond its assigned limits. The Memoirs were probably written not long after 1676, for on page 364 the author speaks of " the late war," by which he means Philip's War, which broke out in 1675, and lasted about a year. THE CHARLESTOWN RECORDS. 24 CHAPTER XIX. THE EARLY RECORLiS OF CHARLESTOWN. Captain John Smith, having (in the reign of our chap. sovereign lord, James, by the grace of God King of J^!^ England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of 16 14. the Faith,) made a discovery of some parts of Amer- ica, lighted, amongst other places, upon the opening betwixt Cape Cod and Cape Ann, situate and lying in 315 degrees of longitude, and 42 degrees 20 min- utes of north latitude ; where, by sounding and mak- ing up, he fell in amongst the islands, and advanced up into the Massachusetts Bay, till he came up into the river between Mishawum, (afterwards called Charlestown,) and Shawmutt, (afterwards called Boston ;) and having made discovery of the land, rivers, coves, and creeks in the said Bay, and also taken some observations of the natures, dispositions, and sundry customs of the numerous Indians, or na- tives, inhabiting the same, he returned to England ;^ ' Captain Smith, in the summer lished his Description of New-Eng- of 1614, ranged along the coast of land, which is reprinted in Mass. New-England, in a small boat, with Hist Coll. xxvi. 95-140. The map eight or nine men, from the Penob- is prefixed to vol. xxiii. of the same scot to Cape Cod, and in 1616 pub- Collections. See note ' on page 19. 372 ENDICOTT AND HIS COMPANY. CHAP, where it was reported, that upon his arrival, he pre- -- — -- sented a map of the Massachusetts Bay to the King, **^^'*- and that the Prince, (afterwards King Charles the First,) upon inquiry and perusal of the foresaid river, and the situation thereof upon the map, appointed it to be called Charles river. Now upon the fame that then went abroad of the place, both in England and Holland, several persons of quality sent over some at their own cost, who planted this country in several parts ; but for want of judgment, care, and orderly living, divers died. Others, meeting with many hazards, hardships, and wants, at length being reduced to great penury and extremity, were so tired out, that they took all opportunities of returning to England ; upon which several places were altogether deserted, and left. Only some few that, upon a better principle, trans- ported themselves from England and Holland, came 1620. and settled their Plantation a little within Cape Cod, and called the same Plymouth, notwithstanding all their wants, hazards, and suiferings, continued seve- ral years in a manner alone ; at which time this country was generally called by the name of New- England. At length, divers gentlemen and merchants of London obtained a patent and charter for the Mas- sachusetts Bay, from our sovereign lord King Charles the First, gave invitation to [such] as would trans- port themselves from Old England to New-England, to go and possess the same ; and for their encour- agement, the said patentees, at their own cost, sent over a company of servants under the government of Mr. John Endicott ; who, arriving within this Bay, THE THREE SPRAGUES, BROTHERS. 373 settled the first Plantation of this jurisdiction, called chap. Salem ; under whose wing there were a few also that ^ [did] settle and plant up and down, scattering in 1628. several places of the Bay ; where, though they met with the dangers, difficulties, and [wants] attending new plantations in a solitary wilderness, and so far remote from their native country, yet were they not long without company ; for in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred twenty-eight, came over from England several people at their own charge, and arrived at Salem. After which, people came over yearly in great numbers ; in [torn off] years many hundreds arrived, and settled not only in the Massachusetts Bay, but did suddenly spread them- selves into other colonies also. Amongst others that arrived at Salem at their own cost, were Ralph Sprague,^ with his brethren, Rich- ard^ and William,^ who, with three or four more, by joint consent and approbation of Mr. John Endicott, ' Ralph Sprague was the eldest of the three brothers, and by occu- pation a farmer. Their father, Ed- ward Sprague, is said to have been a fuller, of Upway, in Dorsetshire, England. Ralph is supposed to have been about 25 years old when he came to this country. He was a prominent and useful man in Charles- town, one of the founders of the church there in 1632, one of the se- lectmen several years, in 1630 the first constable, in 1639 lieutenant, and a representative in 1637, and eight times afterwards. He died in 1650, leaving a widow, Joanna, four sons, and a daughter. In 1639, the General Court granted him 100 acres of land, " he having borne difficul- ties in the beginning." See Froth- ingham's Charlestown, p. 21 ; Bud- ington, pp. 33, 184. ^ Richard Sprague was a mer- chant. He was one of the founders of the church in Charlestown in 1632, a selectman several years, and a representative of the town from 1659 to 1666. He died Nov. 25, 1668, leaving a widow, Mary, but no children. See Frothingham, p. 22 ; Budington, pp. 33, 184. ^ WiUiam Sprague was the young- est of the three brothers. In 1636 he removed to Hingham, where he- died Oct. 26, 1675, leaving a widow, Millesaint, and eleven children. The Spragues of Bridgewater are de- scended from him. See Frothing- ham, p. 22 ; Lincoln's History of Hingham, p. 45 ; Mitchell's History of Bridgewater, p. 306 ; Hosea Sprague's Genealogy of the Sprague family. 374 THOMAS AVALFORD, THE SMITH. 1628. CHAP. Governor, did, the same summer of anno 1628, un- XIX. ' ' 1 11 dertake a journey from Salem, and travelled the woods above twelve miles to the westward, and lighted of a place situate and lying on the north side of Charles river, full of Indians, called Aberginians.^ Their old sachem being dead, his eldest son, by the English called John Sagamore,^ was their chief, and a man naturally of a gentle and good disposition ; by whose free consent they settled about the hill of the same place, by the said natives called Misliaw- um ; where they found but one English palisadoed and thatched house,^ wherein lived Thomas Walford,^ a smith, situate on the south end of the westernmost hill of the East Field, a little way up from Charles river's side ;'^ and upon surveying, they found it was a neck of land, generally full of stately timber, as was the main, and the land lying on the east side of the river called Mistick river, (from the farm Mr. Craddock's^ servants had planted, called Mistick, which this river led up unto ;) and indeed generally ' " The Abarginny men," says Edward Johnson, "consisted of the Massachusetts, Wippanaps, and Tarratines." See Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 66. ^ See note ^ on page 306. ^ See page 349. 4 How or when Walford came to Mishawum, is unknown. He pro- bably remained there but a few years ; for, at a General Court held April 12, 1631, " Thomas Walford, of Charlton, is fined 40s., and is en- joined, he and his wife, to depart out of the limits of this Patent before the 20th day of October next, under pain of confiscation of his goods, for liis contempt of authority and con- fronting officers, &c." A month afterwards, he was fined X"2, which "he paid by killing a wolf." He removed to Piscataqua ; but still seems to have been an object of dis- trust, for, Sept. 3, 1633, " it is or- dered that the goods of Thomas Walford shall be sequestered and remain in the hands of Ancient Gen- nison, to satisfy the debts he owes in the Bay to several persons." He died in 1657. See Col. Rec. i. 71 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. 53 ; Bel- knap's New-Hampshire, pp. 28, 57, (Farmer's ed.) ; Adams's Annals of Portsmouth, pp. 18, 394 ; Froth- ingham, pp. 2.">, 84. '" Probably on the south side of Breed's Hill, a short distance from the water. See Frothingham, p. 24. ^ See note ^ on page 137. THE FIRST SETTLERS OF CHARLESTOWN. 375 all the country round about was an uncouth wilder- chap. y XIX. nesSj full of thuber. 1629, The inhabitants that first settled in this place, and brought it into the denomination of an English town, were in anno 1628 as follows, viz., Ralph Sprague ; Richard Sprague ; William Sprague ; John Meech ;^ Simon Hoyte ;^ Abraham Palmer ;^ Walter Palmer ; Nicholas Stowers ;^ John Stickline ;^ Thomas Wal- ford, smith, that lived here alone before ; Mr. [blank] Graves,'* who had charge of some of the servants of the Company of Patentees, with whom he built the great house ^ this year, for such of the said Company ■ Of John Meech, Simon Hoyt, and John Stickline, or Stickland, nothing is known except that the two last were admitted freemen May 18, 1631. See VVinthrop, ii. 361, 362. * Abraham Palmer was a mer- chant, and a member of the Compa- ny in Eno^land. He was one of the fourteen who signed the instructions to Endicott, I\Iay 30, 1628, and in the same month he adventured £50 in the joint stock. He probably embarked with Higginson, and came to Charlestown with Graves, in 1629. He was an active and in- fluential citizen, and filled the offices of town clerk and selectman. He was one of the two deputies from Charlestowm at the first General Court held in 1634, and five times afterwards. He was a sergeant in the Pequot War, and did good ser- vice in the swamp fight. He re- moved to Barbadoes, where he died about 1653, leaving a widow, named Grace. See note * on page 174 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 9 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. XV. 122, xviii. 146 ; Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 22. ^ Nicholas Stowers was herds- man in 1633. His duties were "to drive the herd forth to their food in the main every morning, and to bring them into town every evening, and to have fifty bushels of Indian corn for keeping the milch cows till Indian harvest be taken in." He died May 17, 1646, leaving a widow, Amy, and five children. See Froth- ingham, p. 23. ■* See note "^ on page 152. * " April, 1633. Agreed and concluded by the inhabitants, that the sum of i'lO be collected of the said inhabitants, and be paid to John Winthrop, Esq., Governor, and the rest of the gentlemen interested in the great house built in anno 1628, by Mr. Graves and the Company's servants ; which is for the purchase of the said house, now the public meeting-house in this town ; all which was accordingly done." It continued to be used as a place of public worship till 1636, when a new church was built " between the town and the neck." The great house was afterwards used as a tav- ern, or ordinary, and in 1711 was called " The Great Tavern." It was probably destroyed when the town was burnt by the British, June 17, 1775. It stood wholly in the Square, opposite the lane by the " Mansion House." See Frothing- ham, p. 96 ; Budington, pp.35, 195. 376 GRAVES LAYS OUT THE TOWN. CHAP, as are shortly to come over,^ which afterwards be- XIX — ^ came the meeting-house ; and Mr. [blank] Bright,^ 1629. minister to the Company's servants. By whom it was jointly agreed and concluded, that this place on the north side of Charles river, by the natives called Mishmvum, shall henceforth, from the name of the river, be called Charlestown ; which was also confirmed by Mr. John Endicott, Governor. It is jointly agreed and concluded by the inhabit- ants of this town, that Mr. [blank] Graves do model and lay out the form of the town, with streets about the Hill ; which was accordingly done, and approved of by the Governor. It is jointly agreed and concluded, that each inha- bitant have a two acre lot to plant upon, and all to fence in common ; which w^as accordingly by Mr. [blank] Graves measured out unto them. Upon which, Ralph Sprague and others began to build their houses, and to prepare fencing for their lots, which was afterwards set up almost in a semi- circular^ form on the south and south-east side of that field laid out to them, which lies situate on the north-west side of the Town Hill.'' ' " The Charlestown Records ^ Hence the street on which here mistake in placing this in 1628 ; these houses were built is called for Mr. Graves comes not over till Bow-street. 1629. And as by Deputy Governor ■• The Town Hill has been much Dudley's Letter (p. 319,) there was reduced in height since the first set- a great mortality among the English tlemcnt. In 16 16 it was ordered at the Massachusetts Colony, in the that it " should lie common to the winter of 1629-30, so by Capt. town forever," and in 1648, that Clap's account, (p. 349,) there was " no more gravel should be digged but one house and some few Eng- or fetched from it." Yet in 1782 lish at Charlestown in June succeed- large quantities of gravel were taken ing." Prince, p. 261. from it. See Frothingham, p. 94, * Francis Bright. See note ^ on and Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 168. page 316. AN INDIAN CONSPIRACY. 377 Walter Palmer^ and one or two more shortly after chaf. XIX began to build in a straight line upon their two acre '^ lots on the east side of the Town Hill,^ and set up a 1629. slight fence in common, that ran up to Thomas Wal- /ord's fence ; and this was the beginning of the East Field. About the months of April and May, in the year leso. of our Lord 1629, there was a great design of the April Indians, from the Narragansetts, and all round about ^ay. us to the eastward in all parts, to cut off the English ; which John Sagamore, who always loved the English, revealed to the inhabitants of this town. But their design was chiefly laid against Plymouth, (not re- garding our paucity in the Bay,) to be effected under pretence of having some sport and pastime at Ply- mouth ; where, after some discourse with the Gov- ernor there, they told him, if they might not come with leave, they would without. Upon which the said Governor sent their flat-bottomed boat (which was all they had,) to Salem, for some powder and shot. At which time it was unanimously concluded by the inhabitants of this town, that a small fort should be made on the top of this Town Hill, with palisadoes and flankers made out ; which was per- formed at the direction of Mr. [blank] Graves, by all hands of men, women and children, who wrought at digging and building till the work was done. But that design of the Indians was suddenly broke up, by ' Walter Palmer, probably a bro- eleven children. One of them, ther of Abraham, removed soon after John, probably the eldest, remained 1642 to Rehoboth, of which town in Charlestown. See Frothingham, he was one of the first settlers, and p. 23, and Bliss's Rehoboth, p. 70. there died, about 1662, leaving ^ On the east side of Main-street. I 378 THE SETTLERS BUILD ON THE TOWN HILL. CHAP, the report of the great guns at Salem, only shot off - — ~ to clear them ; by which means they were so fright- 1630. gj^ i\^.^^ .^\[ their companies scattered and ran away ; and though they came flattering afterwards, and call- ed themselves our good friends, yet were we con- strained by their conspiracies yearly to be in arms.^ June In the months of June and July, 1629, arrived at July, this town, John Winthrop, Esq. Governor, Sir Rich- ard Saltonstall, knight, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Nowell, Mr. Pincheon, Mr. Broad- street ; who brought along with them the charter or patent for this jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay; with whom also arrived Mr. John Wilson and Mr. [blank] Phillips, ministers, and a multitude of people, amounting to about fifteen hundred, brought over from England in twelve ships.- The Governor and several of the Patentees dwelt in the great house, w^hich was last year built in this town by Mr. Graves and the rest of their servants. The multitude set up cottages, booths and tents about the Town Hill. They had long passage ; some of the ships were seventeen, some eighteen weeks a coming. Many people arrived sick of the scurvy, which also increased much after their arrival, for want of houses, and by reason of wet lodging in their cottages, &c. Other distempers also prevailed ; and although [the] people were generally very loving and pitiful, yet the sickness did so prevail, that the whole were not able to tend the sick, as they should ' There is no account of this In- must have occurred, if it occurred at dian conspiracy in Morton's Memo- all, in the next year, 1630. See rial, or anywhere else. As Graves Prince, p. 277. did not come over till June, 1629, it ^ tsee note ^ on page 311. SICKNESS AND FAMINE. 379 be tended ; upon which many perished and died/ chap- and were buried about the Town Hill. By which means [the] provisions were exceedingly wasted, ^^^o. and no supplies could now be expected by planting. ^ ^" Besides, there was miserable damage and spoil of provisions by sea, and divers came not so well pro- vided as they would, upon a report, whilst they were in England, that now there was enough in New-Eng- land. And unto all this there [some few luords missing] [and yet some imprudently selling much of the re- mainder^] to the Indians for beaver. All which being taken into consideration by the Governor and gentlemen, they hired and despatched away Mr. William Pearce, w4th his ship, of about two hundred tons, for Ireland, to buy more f and in the mean time went on with their work for settling. In order to which they, Avith Mr. John Wilson, one of the ministers, did gather a church, and chose the said so. Mr. Wilson pastor ; the greatest number all this time intending nothing more than settling in this town ; for which the Governor ordered his house to be cut and framed here. But the weather being hot, many sick, and others faint after their long voyage, people grew discontented for want of water, who generally notioned no water good for a town but running springs.'* And though this neck do abound with good water, yet, for want of experience and ' See pages 314, 319, and 325. ning water was one of the reasons ^ The words enclosed in [ ] are offered Dec. 14, 1630, which de- obliterated in the MS., being at the cided the question in the negative bottom of a page ; but restored from about building a fortified town on Prmce, p. 313, who copied from the the neck between Boston and Rox- original. bury. See Savage's Winthrop, i. ^ Sec pages 315 and 340. 38, and Chronicles of Plvmouth, * This same prejudice about run- note * on page 129. 380 NO GOOD WATER AT CHARLESTOWN. industry, none could then be found to suit the humor of that time, but a brackish spring in the sands, by the water side,^ on the west side of the North-west Field,- which could not supply half the necessities of the multitude ; at which time the death of so many was concluded to be much the more occasion- ed by this want of good water.^ This caused several to go abroad upon discovery. Some went without the neck of this town, who trav- elled up into the main till they came to a place well watered ; whither Sir Richard Saltonstall, knight, and Mr. [blank] Phillips, minister, went with several others, and settled a plantation, and called it Water- town. Others went on the other side of Charles river, and there travelled up into the country, and likewise finding good waters, settled there with Mr. Ludlow, and called the plantation Dorchester ; whither went Mr. [blank] Maverick and Mr. [blank] Warham, who were their ministers. In the mean time Mr. [blank] Blackstone,'* dwell- ing on the other side Charles river alone, at a place ' This spring is supposed to have beheld the piteous case these people been not far from the site of the were in. And that which added to Winthrop Church, on the shore, to their present distress, was the want the south of the State's Prison, of fresh water. For although the See Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 165, and place did afford plenty, yet, for the Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 31. present, they could find but one '^ The north-west field was in the spring, and that not to be come at vicinity of Washington-street. but when the tide was down ; which ^ Edward Johnson, one of the caused many to pass over to the sufferers, tells us, " The grief of south side of the river, where they this people was further increased by afterwards erected some other towns, the sore sickness which befell among and in October the Governor, Depu- them, so that almost in every family ty, and Assistants, held their second lamentation, mourning, and wo was Court, on the south side of the river, heard ; and no fresli food to be had where they began to build, holding to cherish them. It would assuredly correspondency with Charlestown, have moved the most lockcd-up af- as one and the same." See Mass. lections to tears, no doubt, had they Hist. Coll. xii. 87. passed from one hut to another, and * See note ^ on page 169. BLACKSTONE S SPRING IN BOSTON. 381 by the Indians called Shawmutt, where he only had chap. a cottage, at or not far off the place called Black- ^ — — stone's Point, he came and acquainted the Governor 1630. of an excellent spring there ; withal inviting him and soliciting him thither. Whereupon, after the death of Mr. Johnson^ and divers others, the Gov- Sept. 30. ernor, with Mr. Wilson and the greatest part of the church, removed thither ; whither also the frame of the Governor's house, in preparation at this town, was also (to the discontent of some,) carried;^ where people began to build their houses against winter ; and this place was called Boston. After these things Mr. [blank] Pincheon and seve- ral others planted betwixt Boston and Dorchester ; which place was called Roxbury. Now after all this, the Indians' treachery being feared, it was judged meet the English should place their towns as near together as could be. For which end Mr. Dudley and Mr. Broadstreet, with some others, went and built and planted between Charles- town and Waterton ; who called it Newtown, which was afterwards called Cambridge.^ Others issued out to a place between Charlestown and Salem, called Saugust, since ordered to be call- ed Linn.^ And thus, by reason of discouragements and diffi- culties, that strangers in a wilderness at first meet * Isaac Johnson died Sept. 30. ters and magistrates had been edu- See note ^ on page 317. cated. See note ^ on page 357, * A similar dissatisfaction was and Winthrop, i. 265. felt when Winthrop removed the "• So called in 1636, out of corn- frame of his house from Newto\vn pliment, no doubt, to the Rev. Sam- (Cambridge) to Boston, in 1632. uel Whiting, the minister of the See page 339, and Winthrop, i. 82. place, who had been a preacher at ^ In 1638, out of regard to the Lynn Regis, in Norfolk, England, place where so many of their minis- See Winthrop, i. 204. 382 THE COLONISTS SCATTETIED. CHAP, withal, though as to some things but supposed, as in this case people might have found water abundant in ^^^^" this town, and needed not to have perished for want, or wandered to other places for relief, would they but have looked after it. But this, attended with other circumstances, the wisdom of God made use of as a means for spreading his Gospel and peopling of this great and then terrible wilderness ; and this sudden spreading into several town.ships came to be of far better use for the entertainment of so many hundreds of people, that came for several years fol- lowing hither in such multitudes from most parts of Old England, than if they had now remained all to- gether in this town. But after their departure from this town to the peopling and planting of the towns aforesaid, and in particular of the removal of the Governor, and the greatest part of our new gathered church, with the pastor, to Boston, the few inhabitants of this town remaining were constrained, for three' years after, generally to go to Boston on the Lord's day to hear the word and enjoy the sacraments, before they could be otherwise supplied. A list of the names of such as stayed and became inhabitants of this town in this year 1629, as follows : Increase Nowell, Esq. ;^ Mr. William Aspinwall ;^ ' It was only two years ; for the removed to Boston. Taking an ac- Charlestown church was gathered tive part in the Antinomian contro- and the covenant entered into, Nov. versy, and having written the peti- 2, 1632. See Budington's Hist, of tion to the General Court in favor of First Church in Charlestown, pages Wheelwright, in 1637, he was dis- 21 and 183 ; and Frothingham's franchised, disarmed, and banished. Hist, of Charlestown, p. 70. Whereupon he retired, with Cod- " See note ^ on page 262. dington and others, to Rhode Island, ^ William Aspinwall afterwards and was the first Secretary of that i NAMES OF THE FIRST PLANTERS. 383 Mr. Richard Pals2:rave:^ Edward Convers;^ William chap. XIX Penn ;=' William Hudson ;'* Mr. John Glover ;' Wil ^ liam Brackenburry ;^ Rice Cole ;' Hugh Garrett ; i^^^- Ezekiel Richeson f John Baker ;^ John Sales ;^° Capt. [blank] Norton ;^^ Mr. Edward Gibbons ;^^ Mr. William Jennings ; John Wignall ; these four went and built in the main, on the north-east side of the north-west creek of this town. Colony. In 1642 he returned to Boston, tendered his submission, and was reconciled to the Church and State. He afterwards went to England, where he died. See Sav- age's Wintnrop, i. 33, 245, 248, ii. 62 ; Callender's Rhode Island, p. 84. ' Richard Palsgrave was the first physician in Charlestown, He came from Stepney, in the coimty of Mid- dlesex, in England, and died about 1656, leaving a widow, Anne, who removed to Roxbury. See Froth- ingham, p. 78. * Edward Converse was the first ferryinan between Boston and Charlestown, and one of the first settlers of Woburn, whither he re- moved as early as 1643, and which town he represented in 1660. He died Aug. 6, 1663, leaving a widow, Sarah, and three sons and two daughters. See Winthrop, ii. 349, and Frothingham, p. 78. ^ I find no such name as William Penn among the colonists. It is probably an error for James Penn, who was chosen Aug. 23, 1630, "as a beadle, to attend upon the Gov- ernor, and always to be ready to execute his commands in public business." He was a ruling elder, a representative in 1648, and a lead- ing man in the church and common- wealth. He died Sept. 30, 1671. See Col. Rec. ; Winthrop, ii. 213, 216, 348 ; Prince, p. 404 ; Hutch- inson's Mass. i. 269. '' William Hudson removed to Boston about 1640, and in 1643 re- turned to England, and engaged in military service on the Parliament's side. See Snow's Boston, p. 108 ; Frothingham, p. 78. ^ John Glover removed to Dor- chester, where he became a promi- nent man, was a selectman, a cap- tain, a representative in 1637, and an Assistant in 1652. Edward Johnson calls him " a man strong for the truth, a plain, sincere, godly man, and of good abilities." He died in Jan. 1654. See Winthrop, i. 46, 212; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 24. * William Brackenbury was a baker, and one of the principal men of Maiden, and died in Aug. 1668, aged 66. ' Rise Coles was admitted a free- man xlpril 1, 1633, and died May 15, 1646. * Ezekiel Richardson was one of the first settlers of Woburn, and there died Oct. 28, 1647. ^ John Baker was a tailor, and removed from Charlestown in 1637. '" John Sales enjoys the unenvia- ble reputation of having been " the first known thief that was notori- ously observed in the country." See page 385. '^ He was killed by the Pequots in 1633. See Winthrop, i. 123. '^ Edward Gibbons, according to Scottow, "being the younger bro- ther of the house, of an honorable extract, and his ambition exceeding what he could expect at home, he rambled hither." He was origin- ally one of Wollaston's plantation, and a young gentleman "of a jocund 384 TWO ACRES ALLOTTED TO EACH PLANTER. Agreed and concluded by the inhabitants of this town, that the great corn-field shall be on the east 16 30. gj(jg Qf j]^g Town Hill ; the fence to range along even with those dwellings^ where Walter Palmer's house stands, and so along towards the neck of land ; and that to every inhabitant dwelling within the neck, be given two acres of land for a house-plot, and two acres for every male that is able to plant. But in consideration of the greatness of the charge in fencing down to the neck of land, it is concluded, that that be suspended at present, and that only a cross fence be drawn at the neck of land from Mis- ticke river to the water on the w^est of the neck ; which, being computed, ariseth to one pole and two foot an acre for so many acres as are at present allot- ted ; and that the cattle be kept without upon the main. But now, as the winter came on, provisions began temper;" but being at Salem in August, 1629, when the church was gathered and the ministers or- dained, he was so much affected by the solemnities, that he requested to be admitted to their fellowship. This request, however, was pru- dently declined on the ground of his being a stranger. He was soon af- terwards admitted to the Boston church. Winthrop mentions Gib- bons's " farm at Pullen Point ;" and Edward Johnson, describing the country as it appeared in 1630, says, " about one mile distant, (from Noddle's island,) upon the river, (Charles,) ran a small creek, taking its name from major general Ed- ward Gibbons, who dwelt there for some time after." He represented Charlestown in the General Court in 1635 and 1636 ; soon after which he removed to Boston, and became largely engaged in trade and navi- gation. He lost jG2500 when La Tour's fort at St. John's was taken byD'Aulney in 1645, by which loss, says Winthrop, he was quite un- done. He was chosen an Assist- ant in 1650, and was major general of all the forces from 1649 to 1651. Johnson, who knew him, and was himself a soldier, speaks of him as " a man of a resolute spirit, bold as a lion, being wholly tutored up in New-England discipline, very gen- erous, and forward to promote all military matters." He died Dec. 9, 1654, leaving two sons, Jotham and John, who were born in Boston in 1633 and 1641. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 192, ii. 60, 238; Ma- ther, i. 329 ; Scottow's Narrative, p. 10 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 135, 160 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 86, xvii. 54. ' This was the beginning of Main- street. Frothinghara, p. 59. ARRIVAL OF PROVISIONS. 385 to be very scarce, upon the grounds aforesaid, and chap. people were necessitated to live upon clams, and muscles, and ground-nuts, and acorns, and these got i^so. with much difficulty in the winter time. Upon which, people were very much tired and discour- aged, especially when they heard that the Governor himself had the last batch of bread in the oven ;^ and many were the fears of people that Mr. Pearce, who was sent to Ireland to fetch provisions, was cast away, or taken by pirates. But God, who delights to appear in greatest straits, did work marvellously at this time ; for before the very day appointed to seek the Lord by fasting and prayer, about the month of February or March, in comes Mr. Pearce, i6 3i. laden with provisions. Upon which occasion the Feb. day of Fast was changed, and ordered to be kept as a day of Thanksgiving ;" which provisions were by 22. the Governor distributed unto the people propor- tionable to their necessities. The summer this year proving short and wet, our 1632. crops of Indian corn, (for all this while we had no other,) was very small ; and great want threatened us. At which time here happened in this town the first known thief that was notoriously observed in the country. His name was John Sales ; who, hav- ing stolen corn from many people in this scarce time, was convicted thereof before the Court, and openly ' See pages 351 and 379. Ma- stant they spied a ship arrived at ther says, that "on Feb. 5, 1631, the harbour's mouth laden with pro- when he [Winthrop] was distribut- visions for them all." See Mather's ing the last handful of meal in the Magnalia, i. Ill ; Savage's note on barrel iinto a poor man distressed Winthrop, i. 46. l)y the wolf at the door, at that in- * See pages 330 and 332. 25 386 MORTALITY AMONG THE INDIANS. CHAP, punished, and all he had by law condemned and sold, to make restitution. 1633. Trills winter also proved very sharp and long, and people were generally exceedingly pinched for want of provisions ; for there came very little over this year from England. But it pleased God to send an unexpected and early supply ; for one Mr. Stratton arrived here with his vessel in the beginning of March. March, laden with Indian corn, from Virginia, which he sold for ten shillings per bushel. At this time began a most grievous and terrible sickness amongst the Indians, who were exceeding numerous about us, (called the Aberginians.) Their disease was generally the small pox, which raged not only amongst these, but amongst the Eastern Indians also, and in a few months swept away multi- tudes of them, young and old. They could not bury their dead ; the English were constrained to help ;^ and that which is very remarkable is, that though the English did frequently visit them in their sick- ness, notwithstanding the infection, it was observed that not one Englishman was touched with the dis- ease. But it was extremely infectious among them- selves, and mortal where it took any of them ; inso- much as there was scarce any of them left. By ^ " It wrought much with them," ties, and buried their dead, and took says Winthrop, "that when their home many of their children. So own people forsook them, yet the did other of the neighbours." Ed- English came daily and ministered ward Johnson, a contemporary, re- to them ; and yet few, only two cords the same general facts in his families, took any infection by it. History of New-England, printed in Among others, Mr. Maverick, of 1654. See note ■* on page 306, and Winesemett, is worthy of a per- Winthrop, i. 119, 120; Morton's petual remembrance. Himself, his Memorial, p. 175 ; Hutchinson's wife, and servants, went daily to Mass. i. 34 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. thcin, ministered to their necessi- 127. THE CHARLESTOWN RECORDS. 387 1634, which awful and admirable dispensation it pleased ^hap. God to make room for his people of the English na- tion ; who, after this, in the immediate years follow- ing, came from England by many hundreds every year to us, who, without this remarkable and terrible stroke of God upon the natives, would with much more difficulty have found room, and at far greater charge have obtained and purchased land.^ ^ Prince enumerates among the manuscripts which he used in com- piling his Annals of New-England, ' ' the ancient records of the town of Charlestown ; in the first volume whereof is a particular history of the first coming and settling of the Eng- lish there and in the neighbouring places." And afterwards, in quot- ing them, he says that they were " written by Mr. Increase Nowell, afterwards town-clerk of Charles- town, and Secretary of the Mas- sachusetts Colony." But this is a mistake. Increase Nowell was town-clerk in 1636 and 1637, and assisted Abraham Palmer in the same office in 1639. But the re- cords which he made are not now in existence. The earliest records now extant, from which the preced- ing Chapter is taken, were copied in 1664, nine years after Nowell's death, as appears hy the following order. " At a meeting of the Se- lectmen, April 18, 1664, John Greene is appointed by us to trans- cribe the records of this town ; and having begun the same in a book as far as to folio eight, most lohereof is gathered by information of knoivn gentlevien that lived and were actors m those times, we do approve of the same, and consent that what is writ- ten on those seven pages remain as it is." Of course this record is not a contemporaneous document, but a digest from early papers and tradi- tion. It contains, indeed, many in- teresting statements, and some few facts not to be found elsewhere. Yet, as an authority, it is not to be put upon a level with Dudley's touching Letter, or even with Roger Clap's homely Narrative. Its chro- nology, too, is all wrong, anticipat- ing a whole year, in a most extraor- dinary manner, making Graves and Bright arrive in 1628, and Governor Winthrop and his company in 1629. It may be that this error extends also to the arrival of the Spragues, and that they did not come to Charlestown till 1629. See Prince's Annals, pp. xvii. 250 ; and Froth- ingham's History of Charlestown, pp.2, 14,61. "-S WILLIAM WOOD'S DESCRIPTION OF MASSACHUSETTS. New-Englands Prospect. A true, lively, and experimentall description of that part of America^ commonly called New England : discovering the state of that Countrie, both as it stands to our new-coine English Planters ; and to the old Native Inhabitants. Laying downe that which may both enrich the knowledge of the mind-travelling Reader, or benefit the future Voyager. By William Wood. Printed at London by Tlio. Cotes^ for lolm Bcllamic^ and are to be sold at his slio]), at the three (iolden Lyons in Curne-hill^ neere the Royall Exchange. 1634. sm. 4to. pp. 112. CHAPTER XX. OF THE BAYS, HAVENS, INLETS, AND SEVERAL PLANT- ATIONS OF NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP. Forasmuch as the King's most excellent Majesty ^x. hath been graciously pleased, by the grant of his letters patents, at first to give life to the Plantations of New-England, and hath daily, likewise, by his favors and royal protection, cherished their growing hopes ; whereby many of his Majesty's faithful sub- jects have been emboldened to venture persons, states, and endeavours, to the enlargement of his dominions in that western continent ; wherefore I thought fit, for the further encouragement of those that hereafter, either by purse or person, shall help forward the Plantation, to set forth these few obser- vations, out of my personal and experimental know- ledge. The place whereon the English have built their Colonies, is judged by those who have best skill in discovery, either to be an island,^ surrounded on the ' The first settlers of New-Eng- and. See Chronicles of Plymouth, land generally considered it an isl- pp. 256, 368. 1633. 392 MASSACHUSETTS BAY XX 1633 CHAP, north side with the spacious river Cannada, and on the south with Hudson's river ; or else a peninsula, these two rivers overlapping one another, having their rise from the great lakes, which are not far off one another, as the Indians do certainly inform us. But it is not my intent to wander far from our Patent ; wherefore I refer you to the thrice memorable dis- coverer of those parts, Capt. Smith, who hath like- wise fully described the southern and north-east parts of New-England, with the noted headlands, capes, harbours, rivers, ponds, and lakes, with the nature of the soil, and commodities both by sea and land, &c. within the degrees of forty-one and forty- five.^ The Bay of Massachusetts lieth under the degree of forty- two and forty-three, bearing south-west from the Land's End of England ; at the bottom whereof are situated most of the English plantations. This Bay is both safe, spacious, and deep, free from such cockling seas as run upon the coast of Ireland and in the channels of England. There be no stiff running currents, or rocks, shelves, bars, quicksands. The mariners having sailed two or three leagues towards the bottom, may behold the two Capes em- bracing their welcome ships in their arms, which thrust themselves out into the sea in form of a half- moon, the surrounding shore being high, and show- ing many white cliffs,^ in a most pleasant prospect, with divers places of low land, out of which divers rivers vent themselves into the ocean, with many openings, where is good harbouring for ships of any ' Seepages 19 and 371. ity of Cape Cod, are of a dazzling * The sand hills, at the cxtrom- wliitc. 1633. BOSTON HARBOUR. 393 burthen. So that if an unexpected storm or cross chap. wind should bar the mariner from recovering his de — -—■ sired port, he may reach other harbours, as Plim- mouth. Cape Ann, Salem, Marvill Head ; all which afford good ground for anchorage, being likewise land-locked from wind and seas. The chief and usual harbour is the still Bay of Massachusetts,^ which is close aboard the Planta- tions ; in which most of our ships come to anchor, being the nearest their mart, and usual place of land- ing of passengers. It is a safe and pleasant harbour within, having but one common and safe entrance," and that not very broad, there scarce being room for three ships to come in, board and board, at a time ; but being once within, there is room for the anchor- age of five hundred ships. This harbour is made by a great company of islands,^ whose high cliffs shoulder out the boisterous seas ; yet may easily deceive any unskilful pilot, presenting many fair openings and broad sounds,^ which afford too shallow waters for any ships, though navigable for boats and small pin- naces. The entrance into the great haven is called Nan- tascot ;^ which is two leagues from Boston. This place of itself is a very good haven ; where ships ' Boston harbour, included be- tween George's and Lovell's isl- tween Nahant and Point Alderton. ands. Twice afterwards he calls it " the ^ See a list of these islands, some still bay," to distinguish it from forty or more, in Mass. Hist. Coll. the outer bay, included between iii. 295, and in Snow's History of Cape Ann and Cape Cod. Boston, p. 114. ^ The ship channel, or main en- ■* The northern entrance to Bos- trance into Boston harbour, com- ton harbour is called Broad Sound, monly called the Light House Chan- It is not considered a proper channel nel, lies between Boston Light on for large vessels, though they some- the north side and Point Alderton times pass through it. on the south, and then passes be- '" See note ^ on page 19. 394 WEYMOUTH. CHAP, commonlv cast anchor, until wind and tide serve XX. ^ them for other places.^ From hence they may sail ^^^^- to the river of Wessaguscus, Naponset, Charles river, and Misticke river ; on which rivers be seated many towns. In any of these forenamed harbours, the sea- men, having spent their old store of wood and water, may have fresh supplies from the adjacent islands, with good timber^ to repair their weather-beaten ships. Here, likewise, may be had masts or yards, being store of such trees as are useful for the same purpose. Having described the situation of the country in general, with all his commodities arising from land and sea, it may add to your content and satisfaction, to be informed of the situation of every several plant- ation, with his conveniences, commodities, and dis- commodities, &LC. Where, first, I will begin with the outmost plant- ation in the Patent, to the southward ;^ which is called Wessaguscus,^ an Indian name. This as yet is ^ Nantasket Road is still a favor- mas Weston in the summer of 1622. ite anchorage. It lies between The plantation, however, was bro- George's island and Hull. ken up and abandoned the next ^ This shows that the islands spring. A few months afterwards, were at this time well wooded ; al- the ground was reoccupied by Capt. though the settlers of New Ply- Robert Gorges, son of Six Ferdi- mouth, on their first visit to the nando, with William Morell, an harbour in Sept. 1621, found some episcopal clergyman, "and sundry of them " cleared from end to end." passengers and families." Losing See Chronicles of Plymouth, p. 229. much of their goods and provisions ^ Bordering on the Old Colony of by a fire at Plymouth in November, Plymouth. The dividing line be- some of them returned to England, tween the Colonies is marked on the out of discontent and dislike of the splendid topographical Map of Mas- country. Morell remained a year, sachusetts, made by order of the and wrote a Latin poem descriptive Legislature in 1844. of the country and its productions, * Wessaguscus, afterwards called which is printed in Mass. Hist. Coll. Weymouth, was first planted by 1.125-139. "At his going away," fifty or sixty men sent over by Tho- says Gov. Bradford, " he told some QUINCY AND DORCHESTER. 395 but a small village ; yet it is very pleasant, and chap. healthful, very good ground, and is well timbered, and hath good store of hay-ground. It hath a very i^^^- spacious harbour for shipping before the town, the salt water being navigable for boats and pinnaces two leagues. Here the inhabitants have good store of fish of all sorts, and sw^ine, having acorns and clams at the time of year. Here is likewise an ale- w^ife river. Three miles to the north of this, is Mount Walles- torij^ a very fertile soil, and a place very convenient for farm.ers' houses, there being great store of plain ground, without trees. This place is called Massa- chusetts Fields, where the greoitest sagamore^ in the country lived, before the plague, who caused it to be cleared for himself. The greatest inconvenience is, that there is not very many springs, as in other places of the country ; yet water may be had for digging. A second inconvenience is, that boats can- not come in at a low water, nor ships ride near the shore. Six miles further to the north lieth Dorchester, w^hich is the greatest town in New^-England,^ well of our people he had a power of ^ Chickatabot. See page 305. superintendency over the churches ^ Dorchester originally included here, but never showed it. And in its territory the towns of Milton, thus the second plantation at the Stoughton, Sharon, Canton, and Massachusetts ended." But "some Foxborough. It was then about 35 few remain," he adds ; and these miles in length, and in some places may have been the nucleus of the from six to eight in width. Some subsequent permanent settlement, idea of its comparative wealth at See p. 309 ; Savage's Winthrop, i. that time may be obtained from the 43 ; Prince's Annals, pp. 204, 214, fact, that in this year, 1633, when a 221, 224 ; Chronicles of Plymouth, rate of £400 was assessed upon the pp. 297, 342. Colony, Dorchester was called upon * This hill in Quincy, near the to pay jC80, one-fifth of the whole, shore; and not far from President whilst Boston, Roxbury, Charles- Adams's seat, still bears the name town, and Watertown were each of Mount Wollaston. taxed only =C48, and Salem £2%. 396 ROXBURY. CHAP, wooded and watered, very good arable grounds, and . -1- hay-ground, fair corn-fields and pleasant gardens, 163 3. ^yj^}^ kitchen gardens. In this plantation is a great many cattle, as kine, goats, and swine. This plant- ation hath a reasonable harbour for ships. Here is no alewife river, which is a great inconvenience. The inhabitants of this town were the first that set upon the trade of fishing in the Bay ; who received so much fruit of their labors, that they encouraged others to the same undertakings. A mile from this town lieth Roxberry, which is a fair and handsome country-town, the inhabitants of it being all very rich. This town lieth upon the main, so that it is well wooded and watered, having a clear and fresh brook running through the town ; up which, although there come no alewives, yet there is great store of smelts, and therefore it is called Smelt Brook. ^ A quarter of a mile to the north side of the town is another river, called Stony river, upon which is built a water-mill. ~ Here is good ground for corn, and meadow for cattle. Up westward from the town it is something rocky ; whence it hath the name of Roxberry. The inhabitants have fair houses, store of cattle, impaled corn-fields, and fruitful gardens. Twenty years later, viz. in 1652, other cattle of that kind, about 450. Edward Johnson thus describes Thus hath the Lord been pleased to the town. " Dorchester, a frontier increase his poor dispersed people, town, is situated very pleasantly whose number in this flock are near both for facing the sea, and also its about 150." See Savage's Win- large extent into the main land, throp, i. 112, and Mass. Hist. Coll. well watered with two small rivers, ix. 159, xii. 90. Her houses for dwelling are about ' This is probably the brook that 110 ; orchards and gardens full of divides Roxbury from Dorchester, fruit trees ; plenty of corn-land ; ^ It is still called Stony Brook, although much of it hath been long and the water-mill, now called in tillage, yet hath it ordinarily White's Mill, is yet at work near good crops. The number of trees where the road to Brookline crosses are near upon 1500 ; cows, and the Providence rail-road. BOSTON. 397 XX. 1633, Here is no harbour for ships, because the town is chap. seated in the bottom of a shallow bay, which is made by the neck of land on which Boston is built ; so that they can transport all their goods from the ships in boats from Boston, which is the nearest harbour.^ Boston is two miles north-east from Roxberry. His situation is very pleasant, being a peninsula, hemmed in on the south side with the bay of Rox- berry, on the north side with Charles river, the marshes^ on the back side being not half a quarter of a mile over ; so that a little fencing will secure their cattle from the wolves. Their greatest wants be wood and meadow-ground, which never were in that place,^ being constrained to fetch their building ' Compare with this Edward Johnson's description of the place in 1652. " Roxbury, situated be- tween Boston and JDorchester, is well watered with cool and pleasant springs, issuing forth the rocky hills, and with small freshets, wa- tering the valleys of this fertile town ; whose form is somewhat like a wedge double pointed, entering between the two forenamed towns, filled with a very laborious people, whose labors the Lord hath so blest, that in the room of dismal swamps and tearing bushes, they have very goodly fruit trees, fruitful fields and gardens. Their herd of cows, oxen and other young cattle of that kind, about 350, and dwelUng-houses near upon 120. Their streets are large, and some fair houses ; yet have they built their house for church as- sembly destitute and unbeautified with other buildings. The church of Christ here is increased to about 120 persons. Their first teaching elder called to office is jMr. Eliot, a young man at his coming thither, of a cheerful spirit, walking unblama- ble, of a godly conversation, apt to teach, as by his indefatigable pains both with his own flock and the poor Indians doth appear, whose language he learned purposely to help them to the knowledge of God in Christ, frequently preaching ^n their wigwams, and catechising their children." Johnson's History of New-England, ch. 21. ^ The marshes were on the isth- mus or neck which connects Boston with Roxbury. ^ " Mr. Wood was wrong in as- serting that ' wood was never in this place.' It had doubtless been the favorite residence of the natives for many years, and a considerable por- tion had been cleared by burning, as was their custom, for the culture of com. Hence it was sometimes called the flain neck ; and compared with the surrounding country, cov- ered with interminable forests, it might with propriety be called -plain. There were, however, many large clumps left, sufficient for fuel and timber. The growth was probably similar to that of the islands. Had the peninsula been wholly denuded of trees, even the temptation of Mr. Blackstone's spring of fresh water could not have induced the first 398 THE HILLS OF BOSTON. 1633 CHAP, timber and firewood from the islands in boats ^ and XX. their hay in lighters. It being a neck, and bare of wood, they are not troubled with three great annoy- ances, of wolves, rattlesnakes, and mosquitoes. These that live here upon their cattle, must be con- strained to take farms in the country, or else they cannot subsist ; the place being too small to contain many, and fittest for such as can trade into England for such commodities as the country wants, being the chief place for shipping and merchandise. This neck of land is not above four miles in com- pass ;~ in form almost square, having on the south side, at one corner, a great broad hill,^ whereon is planted a fort, which can command any ship as she sails into any harbour within the still bay. On the north side is another hill,^ equal in bigness, w^hereon stands a windmill. To the north-west, is a high planters to settle at Shawmut at the approach of a rigorous winter." Shaw's History of Boston, p. 77. ' At a Court held Nov. 7, 1032, " it is ordered that the inhabitants of Boston shall have liberty to fetch wood from Dorchester neck of land for twenty years, the propriety of the land to remain to Dorchester." Col. Rec. i. 94. * The peninsula on which Boston is built, contained originally about 700 acres. Its whole length, from Roxbury line to Winnisimet ferry is two miles and three-fourths and 238 yards. Its greatest breadth, from Foster's wharf to Barton's point, is one mile and 139 yards. See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 242. ^ This hill was originally called Corn Hill ; but after the fort was built, it received the name of Fort Hill, which it still retains. It is situated at the eastern extremity of the city, directly opposite the har- bour. The fortification was begun May 24, 1632, the people of Charles- town, Roxbury, and Dorchester woi'king upon it in rotation ; and in May, 1034, " it was in defence, and divers pieces of ordnance mounted in it." See Winthrop, i. 77, 99, 132. " This hill at the north end of the city, opposite Charlestown, and which formerly rose to the height of 50 feet above the sea, was first call- ed Windmill Hill, from the wind- mill on its summit, which was brought down from Watertown in August, 1632, "because it would not grind but with a westerly wind." On the map of Boston, printed in 1722, it is called Snow Hill About the time of the Revolution, in 1775, it bore the name, which it still re- tains, of Copp's Hill, after William Copp, the earliest proprietor of a portion of it. See Winthrop, i. 87; Snow's Boston, p. 105. THE TREMONT. 399 mountain,* with three little rising hills on the top of chap. It : wherefore it is called • 1633. THE TRAMOUNT. From the top of this mountain a man may overlook all the islands which lie before the bay, and descry such ships as are upon the sea-coast. This town, although it be neither the greatest nor the richest, yet it is the most noted and frequented, being the centre of the plantations, where the monthly Courts are kept.^ Here likewise dwells the Governor. This place hath very good land, affording rich corn- fields and fruitful gardens ; havmg likewise sweet and pleasant springs.^ ' The top of this beautiful hill, which was in the rear of the State House, was 138 feet above the level of the sea. With its two adjoining eminences it occupied about 100 acres of ground. I'he easternmost hiU was where Pemberton Square now stands, and the westernmost occupied what is now called JMouut Vernon, near Louisburgh Square. The central elevation received the name of Sentry and afterwards Bea- con Hill, from the beacon which was placed on its summit to alarm the country in case of invasion, by setting fire to a tar-barrel fixed on the top of it. This beacon was blown down by the wind in Nov. 1789. The wood-cut represents the three hills as they appeared when seen from Charlestown. See p. 313 ; Snow's Boston, pp. 65, 112, 315 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 2U. ^ At a Court tield Oct. 3, 1632, " it is thought, by general consent, that Boston is the fittest place for puljrlic meetings of any place in the Bay." It is still thought so, and probably always will be. ^ " Boston," says Johnson, writ- ing in 1652, "is the centre town and metropolis of this wilderness work. Environed it is with the brinish floods, savinar one small isth- mus, which gives free access to the neighbour towns by land on the south side. On the north-west and north-east two constant ferries are kept for daily traffic thereunto. The form of this town is like a heart, 400 BROOKLI-XE AND CHARLESTOWN. 1633 The inhabitants of this place, for their enlarge- ment, have taken to themselves farm-houses in a place called Muddy-river,^ two miles from their town ;- where is good ground, large timber, and store of marsh land and meadow. In this place they keep their swine and other cattle in the summer, whilst the corn is on the ground at Boston, and bring them to the town in winter. On the north side of Charles river is Charles Towne,^ naturally situated for fortifications, having two hills on the frontice-part thereof next the sea ; the one well fortified on the superficies thereof with store of great artillery, well mounted. The other hath a very strong battery, built of whole tim- ber, and filled with earth, at the de- scent of the hill, in the extreme point thereof. Betwixt these two strong arms lies a large cove or bay, in wluch the chiefest part of this town is built, overtopped with a third hill. All three, like overtop- ping towers, keep a constant watch to foresee the approach of foreign dangers, being furnished wi h a beacon and loud-babbling guns, to give notice, by their redoubled echo, to all their sister towns. The chief edifices of this city-like town are crowded on the sea-banks, and wharfed out w^ith great industry and cost ; the buildings beautiful and large, some fairly set forth with brick, tile, stone, and slate, and or- derly placed, with comely streets, whose continual enlargement presag- eth some sumftuoiis city. The won- der of this modern age, that a few years should bring forth such great matters by so mean a liandful ; and they so far from being enriched by the spoils of other nations, that the states of many of them have been spoiled by the lordly prelacy, whose lands must assuredly make restitu- tion. At this people's landing, the hideous thickets in this place were such, that wolves and bears nursed up their young from the eyes of all beholders, in those very places where the streets are full of girls and boys, sporting up and down, with a contin- ued concourse of people . Good store of shipping is here yearly built, and some very fair ones. Both tar and masts the country affords from its own soil ; also store of victual both for their own and foreigners' ships, who resort hither for that end. This town is the very mart of the land. French, Portugals, and Dutch come hither for traffic." Johnson's Hist. N. E., ch. 20. Seep. 313. ' This place continued to be call- ed Muddy-river and Muddy-river Hamlet, till Nov. 24, 1705, when it was incorporated as a distinct town, by the name of Brookline. See Winthrop, i. 88, 290 ; Dr. Pierce's Hist, of Brookline, m Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 145. ^ That is, in a direct line across the water, over which they used to pass in boats when they went to their farms. The Rev. John Cot- ton, of Boston, had a farm here. It included the two estates now owned by John Kenrick and Moses Andem. See Dr. Pierce's Address at Brook- line, Oct. 14, 1845, p. 17. ^ "This town of Charles," says Johnson in 1652, " is situated on the north side of Charles river, from whence it took its name, the river being about five or six fathoms deep ; over against the town many small islands lying to the seaward of it, and hills on either side. By which CHARLESTOWN. 401 which is another neck of land, on whose north side chap. runs Misticke river. This town, for all things, may be well paralleled with her neighbour Boston, being in the same fashion with her bare neck, and con- strained to borrow conveniences from the main, and to provide for themselves farms in the country for their better subsistence. At this town there is kept a ferry-boat ^ to convey passengers over Charles riv- er ; which, between the two towns, is a quarter of a mile over, being a very deep channel. Here may ride forty ships at a time. Up higher it is a broad bay,~ being above two miles between the shores, into which runs Stony river and Muddy river. ^ Towards the south-west, in the middle of this bay,^ is a great oyster bank.'' Towards the north-west of this bay is a great creek, upon whose shore is situated the village of 1633. means it proves a very good harbour for ships ; which hath caused many seamen and merchants to sit down there. The form of this town, in the frontice-piece thereof, is Hke the head, neck, and shoulders of a man. Only the pleasant and navigable river of Mistick runs through the right shoulder thereof, and by its near approach to Charles river in one place, makes a very narrow neck ; by which means the chief part of the town, whereon the most buildings stand, becomes a penin- sula. It hath a large market-place, near the water side, built round with houses comely and fair ; forth of which there issue two streets, orderly built, with some very fair houses, beautified with pleasant gardens and orchards. The whole town consists, in its extent, of about 150 houses. Their meeting-house for Sabbath assembly stands in the market-place, very comely built and large. The number of souls, 26 (church members) is about 160. Their corn land in tillage in this town is about 1200 acres ; their great cattle are about 400 head ; sheep near upon 400." Johnson's N. E., ch. 18. * By an order of the Court of As- sistants, June 14, 1631, Edward Converse was permitted " to set up a ferry between Charlton and Bos- ton, for which he is to have 2d. for every single person, and Id. apiece if there be two or more." See Col. Rec. ; and Frothingham's Charles- town, p. 94. * The Back Bay, as it is called, west of the Common, across which runs the Mill-dam road, or Western Avenue. ^ Muddy river is the boundary between Roxbury and Brookline. * "Aug. 6, 1633. Two men, servants to one Moody, of Roxbury, returning in a boat from the wind- mill, (on Copp's Hill,) struck upon the oyster bank." Winthrop, i. 106. 402 CAMBRIDGE. CHAP. Medford,'^ a very fertile and pleasant place, and fit ^' for more inhabitants than are yet in it. This town 1^23. is a mile and a half from Charlestown ; and at the bottom of this bay the river begins to be narrower, being but half a quarter of a mile broad. By the side of this river is built Newtown, which is three miles by land from Charlestown, and a league and a half by water. This place was first intended for a city ;- but, upon more serious considerations, it was not thought so fit, being too far from the sea, being the greatest inconvenience it hath. This is one of the neatest and best compacted towns in New^-Eng- land, having many fair structures, with many hand- some contrived streets. The inhabitants, most of them, are very rich, and well stored with cattle of all sorts, having many hundred acres of ground paled in with one general fence, which is about a mile and a half long, which secures all their weaker cattle from the wild beasts. On the other side of the river lieth all their meadow and marsh ground for hay.^ ^ " Medford and Mistick were among the Indians, than hazard the then distinct places, though not so fury of malignant adversaries, who at present. Medford I take to have in a rage might pursue them ; and been a small village at the lower therefore chose a place, situate on part of Mistick river, now called Charles river, between Charlestown Neck of Land, where a creek also and Watertown, where they erected ran into Charles river." Hutchin- a town, called Newtown, now nam- son's Mass. i. 22. See Winthrop, ed Cambridge. This town is com- i. 69. pact closely within itself, till of late * See pages 320 and 339. years some few straggling houses ^ " At this time those who were have been built. The liberties of in place of civil government, having this town have been enlarged of late some additional pillars to underprop in length, reaching from the most the building, began to think of a northerly part of Charles river to the place of more safety, in the eyes of most southerly part of Mystick river, man, than the two frontier towns It hath well-ordered streets, and of Charlestown and Boston were comely, completed with the fair foi the habitation of such as the building of Harvard College. Their Lord had prepared to govern this first pastor was the faithful and la- Pilgrim people. Wherefore they l)orious Mr. Hooker. The people rather made choice to enter farther of this town are at this day in a WATEHTOWN. 403 Half a mile westward of this plantation, is Water- chap. towne, a place nothing inferior for land, wood, mea- dow, and water, to New-towne. Within half a mile ^^^^• of this town is a great pond,^ which is divided be- tween those two towns, which divides their bounds northward. A mile and a half from this town is a fall of fresh waters,^ which convey themselves into the ocean through Charles river. A little below this fall of waters, the inhabitants of Water-to wne have built a wear to catch fish, wherein they take great store of shads and alewives. In two tides they have gotten one hundred thousand of those fishes. This is no small benefit to the plantation.^ Ships of small thriving condition in outward things ; also both corn and cattle, neat and sheep, of which they have a good flock, which the Lord hath caused to thrive much more in these latter days than formerly. This town was appointed to be the seat of govern- ment ; but it continued not long. This year (1633) a small glean of rye was brought to the Court as the first fruits of English grain ; at which this poor people greatly re- joiced to see the land would bear it. But now the Lord's blessing that way hath exceeded all people's ex- pectation, clothing the earth with plenty of all kinds of grain." John- son, chap. 28. An excellent histo- ry of Cambridge, written by the Rev. Dr. Holmes, the accurate au- thor of the Annals of America, is contained in Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 1-67. A more enlarged history of the town, prepared with indefatiga- ble labor and research, is soon ex- pected from the pen of the Rev. Lucius R. Paige, of Cambridge. ' Fresh Pond, from which most of the ice is obtained that is export- ed from Boston. ^ From Wood's description, it would appear that the original set- tlement at Watertown was in a very different spot from the present vil- lage. Winthrop, too, says that "a wear was erected by Watertown men upon Charles river, three miles above the toivn, where they took gi-eat store of shads." Winthrop, i. 73. ^ "Watertown," says Johnson, " is situate upon one of the branches of Charles river, a fruitful plot, and of large extent, watered with many pleasant springs and small rivulets, running like veins throughout her body ; which hath caused her inhab- itants to scatter in such manner, that their Sabbath assemblies prove very thin, if the season favor not, and hath made this great town, con- sisting of 160 families, to show no- thing delightful to the eye in any place. This town began by occa- sion of Sir Richard Saltonstall, who, at his arrival, having some store of cattle and servants, they wintered in those parts. This town abounds in several sorts of fish at their seasons, bass, shad, alewives, frost-fish, and smelts. Their herd of kine, and cattle of that kind, are about 450, with some store of sheep and goats. Their land in tillage is near upon 1800 acres. This church is increas- ed to near about 250 souls in church 404 MEDFORD AND CHELSEA. ^xxf' burthen may come up to these two towns ; but the oyster banks ^ do bar out the bigger ships. The next town is Misticke," which is three miles from Charles-towne by land, and a league and a half by water. It is seated by the water's side very pleasantly ; there be not many houses as yet. At the head of this river are great and spacious ponds,^ whither the alewives press to spawn. This being a noted place for that kind of fish, the English resort thither to take them. On the west side of this river the Governor hath a farm, ^ where he keeps most of his cattle. On the east side is Master Cradock's planta- tion, where he hath impaled a park, where he keeps his cattle, till he can store it Avith deer. Here like- wise he is at charges of building ships. The last year one w^as upon the stocks of a hundred ton.^ That being finished, they are to build one twice her burthen. Ships, without either ballast or loading, may float down this river. Otherwise, the oyster bank would hinder them, which crosseth the channel. The last town in the still bay is Winnisimet,^ a very sweet place for situation, and stands very corn- fellowship. Their first pastor was Mystick river. Medford continued a Mr. Phillips, a man mighty in the manor or plantation till Oct. 15, Scriptures, and very diligent to 1683, when it was made a separate search out the mind of Christ there- town. See pages 313 and 374; in contained." Johnson's Hist, of Savage's Winthrop, ii. 161 ; Froth- New-England, ch. 23. An excel- ingham's Charlestown, pp. 89-93. lent History of Watertown, in 151 ^ Mystick, Horn, and Spy Ponds, pages octavo, was published in 1830, * Governor Winthrop's farm on written by the Rev. Convers Fran- the banks of the Mystick was called cis, formerly minister of the town, Tenhills, which name is still retain- and now a professor in the Divinity ed. See note ^ on page 104. School at Cambridge. ^ See note ' on page 185. ' See page 401. * Chelsea. A flourishing village - Mistick is now Medford. Itwa.s in this town, connected with Boston originally the name of Cradock's by a steam-ferry, retains the ancient farm or plantation, containing about name of Winnisimet. 2500 acres, on the north side of 1633. THE ISLANDS IN BOSTON HARBOUR. 405 modiously, being fit to entertain more planters than chap. are yet seated. It is within a mile of Charlestown, the river ^ only parting them. The chief islands which keep out the wind and the sea from disturbing the harbours are, first, Deer Island, ■" which lies within a flight-shot of Pullin-point. This island is so called because of the deer, which often swam thither from the main, when they are chased by the wolves ; some have killed sixteen deer in a day upon this island. The opposite shore is called Pullin-point, because that is the usual chan- nel boats use to pass through into the bay ; and the tide being very strong, they are constrained to go ashore, and haul their boats by the seaside, or roads ; whereupon it was called Pullin-point.^ The next island of note is Long Island, so called from his longitude. Divers other islands be within these, viz. Nodle's Isle, Round Isle, the Governor's Garden, where is planted an orchard, and a vineyard, wdth many other conveniences, and Slate Island, Glass Island, Bird Island, &-c.^ These isles abound with woods, and water, and meadow ground, and whatsoever the spacious fertile main affords. The inhabitants use to put their cattle in these for safety, viz. their rams, goats, and swine, when their corn is on the ground. Those towns that lie without the * Mystick. bly Apple Island. The Governor's ^ Deer island, lying between Point Garden is the island on which Fort Shirley and Lovell's Island, keeps Warren is built. Slate Island is off its original name. Crow Point, in Hinghara. Grass ^ It is now called Point Shirley. Island (Glass probably an error.) is SeeWinthrop,i. 90; Prince, p. 403; off Weymouth. Bird island was Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 299. between Noddle's and Governor's. * Long island still retains its an- Its soil is washed away, but it is cient name. Noddle's island is now drv at low water. East Boston. Round Isle is proba- 406 LYNN AND NAHANT. CHAP, bay, are a great deal nearer the main, and reap a greater benefit from the sea, in regard of the plenty 1633. \yQ^]^ Qf f][g}j and fowl which they receive from thence ; so that they live more comfortably, and at less charges, than those that are more remote from the sea, in the inland plantations. The next plantation is Saugus, six miles north-east from Winnesimet. This town is pleasant for situa- tion, seated at the bottom of a bay, which is made on the one side with the surrounding shore, and on the other side with a long sandy beach. This sandy beach is two miles long, at the end whereon is a neck of land, called Nahant} It is six miles in circumference, well wooded with oaks, pines, and cedars. It is, besides, well watered, having, besides the fresh springs, a great pond^ in the middle ; be- fore which is a spacious marsh. In this neck is store of good ground, fit for the plough ; but for the pre- sent it is only used for to put young cattle in, and wether -goats, and swine, to secure them from the wolves. A few posts and rails from the low-water marks to the shore keeps out the wolves, and keeps in the cattle. One Black William,^ an Indian duke, out of his generosity, gave this place in general to this plantation of Saugus ; so that no other can ap- propriate it to himself. Upon the south'* side of the sandy beach the sea beateth, which is a true prognostication to presage ' Sec Lewis's History of Lynn, murder of Walter Bagnall. He was, (2(1 ed.) pp. 21-27. probably, however, a different per- '^ This is called Bear Pond. See son from the Duke of Saugus. See Lewis's Lynn, p. 29. Winthrop, i. 02, 99; Lewis's Lynn, ^ An Indian, called Black Will, p. 51. was hung at Richmond's Isle in •* More properly on the east side. J632, for being concerned in the 1633, RUMNY MARSH. 407 Storms and foul weather, and the breaking up of the <^'gAP. frost. For when a storm hath been, or is likely to be, it will roar like thunder, being heard six miles ; and after storms, casts up great store of great clams, which the Indians, taking out of their shells, carry home in baskets. On the north side of this bay is two great marshes, which are made two by a pleasant river ^ which runs between them. Northward, up this river, goes great store of alewives, of which they make good red herrings ; insomuch that they have been at charges to make a wear, and a herring-house to dry these herrings in. The last year were dried some four or five last,^ for an experiment ; which proved very good. This is like to prove a great enrichment to the land, (being a staple commodity in other coun- tries,) for there be such innumerable companies in every river, that I have seen ten thousand taken in two hours by two men, without any wear at all, sav- ing a few stones to stop their passage up the river. There likewise come store of bass, which the Indians and English catch with hook and line, some fifty or threescore at a tide. At the mouth of this river runs up a great creek^ into that great marsh, which is called Rumny Marsh ;^ which is four miles long and two miles broad, half of it being marsh ground, and half upland grass, with- out tree or bush. This marsh is crossed with divers creeks, wherein lie great store of geese and ducks. ' Saugus or Abousett river. See ^ Now called Chelsea Creek, page 169. ■* In Chelsea. There is said to * A last of white herrings is 12 be a place of the same name in the barrels ; of red herring-s, 20 cades, County of Kent, England. See or 20,000. See Richardson's Die- Am. Antiq. Soc. Trans, ii. 441. tionary. 408 LYNN. CHAP. There be convenient ponds for the planting of duck- > ^ oys. Here is likewise, belonging to this place, ^ 1633. divers fresh meadows, which afford good grass, and four spacious ponds, ~ like little lakes, wherein is store of fresh fish, within a mile of the town ; out of which runs a curious fresh brook,^ that is seldom frozen, by reason of the warmness of the water. Upon this stream is built a water-mill, and up this river come smelts and frost-fish, much bigger than a gudgeon. For wood, there is no want, there being store of good oaks, walnut, cedar, asp, elm. The ground is very good, in many places without trees, fit for the plough. In this plantation is more Eng- lish tillage than in all New-England and Virginia besides ; which proved as well as could be expect- ed, the corn being very good, especially the barley, rye, and oats. The land affordeth the inhabitants as many rarities as any place else, and the sea more ; the bass con- tinuing from the middle of April to Michaelmas, which stays not above half that time in the bay. Besides, here is a great deal of rock-cod and mack- erel, insomuch that shoals of bass have driven up shoals of mackerel from one end of the sandy beach to the other, which the inhabitants have gathered up in wheelbarrows. The bay that lieth before the town, at a low spring tide, will be all flats for two miles together ; upon which is great store of muscle- banks and clam-banks, and lobsters amongst the rocks and grassy holes. These flats make it unnavi- ' Tliut is, Saug-us, or Lynn. ^ The name of it is Strawberry * Theirnames are Flax, Tomline, Brook. It conects the three first- Cedar, and Spring. See Lewis's named ponds with Saug-us river. Lynn, p. 29. See Lewis's Lynn, pp. 20, 29, 84. SALEM. 409 gable for ships. Yet, at high water, great boats, chap. lighters, and pinnaces of twenty and thirty ton, may -^~ sail up to the plantation ; but they need have a skil- 1633. ful pilot, because of many dangerous rocks and foam- ing breakers, that lie at the mouth of that bay. The very aspect of the place is fortification enough to keep off an unknown enemy. Yet may it be fortified at a little charge, being but few landing places there- about, and those obscure.^ Four miles north-east from Saugus, lieth Salem, which stands on the middle of a neck of land very pleasantly, having a South river on the one side, and a North river on the other side. Upon this neck, where the most of the houses stand, is very bad and sandy ground. Yet, for seven years together, it hath brought forth exceeding good corn, by being fished but every third year. In some places is very good ground, and very good timber, and divers springs, hard by the sea-side. Here, likewise, is store of fish, as basses, eels, lobsters, clams, &c. Although their land be none of the best, yet beyond those rivers is a very good soil, where they have ' " Lynn," says Johnson, " is fore made with steps descending between Salem and Charlestown. into the earth. Their streets are Her situation is near to a river, straight and comely, yet but thin of whose strong freshet, at breaking houses. The people mostly inclin- up of winter, filleth all her banks, ing to husbandry, have built many and with a furious torrent vents it- farms remote there ; cattle exceed- self into the sea. This town is fur- ingly multiplied ; goats, which were nished with minerals of divers kinds, in great esteem at their first coming, especially iron and lead. The form are now almost quite banished ; and of it is almost square ; only it takes now horse, kine, and sheep, are too large a run into the land-ward, most in request with them. The as most towns do. It is filled with first feeder of this flock of Christ about 100 houses for dwelling, was Mr. Stephen Batchelor, gray Here is also an iron mill in constant and aged." Johnson's Hist. N. E., use ; but as for lead, they have tried ch. 22. There is a History of Lynn, but little yet. Their meeting-house including Nahant, by Alonzo Lewis, is on a level land, undefended from in octavo, 278 pages, 2d ed., 1844. the cold north-west wind , and there- 410 MARBLEHEAD AND IPSWICH. CHAP, taken farms, and get their hay, and plant their corn. There they cross these rivers with small canoes, 1633. -which are made of whole pine trees, being about two foot and a half over, and twenty foot long. In these likewise they go a fowling, sometimes two leagues to sea. There be more canoes in this town, than in all the whole Patent ; every household having a water- house or two. This town wants an alewife river, which is a great inconvenience. It hath two good harbours, the one being called Winter, and the other Summer harbour,^ which lieth within Derby's fort f w^hich place, if it were well fortified, might keep ships from landing of forces in any of those two places. Marvill Head^ is a place which lieth four miles full south from Salem, and is a very convenient place for a plantation, especially for such as will set upon the trade of fishing. There was made here a ship's loading of fish the last year, where still stand the stages and drying scaftblds. Here be good harbour for boats, and safe riding for ships. Agoivamme^ is nine miles to the north from Salem, ' Winter harbour is now called twenty miles farther up in the coim- Cat Cove ; and Summer harbour is try, issuingr forth a very pleasant the principal harbour of Salem. See pond. But soon after it betakes its Felt, i. 231, 241. course through a most hideous ^ This fort was probably built on swamp of large extent, even for Naugus' Head, on Marblehead side, many miles, being a great harbour It may have got its name from Wil- for bears. After its coming forth liam Darby, one of the Company in this place, it groweth larger by the London, who in May, 1C28, sub- income of many small rivers, and scribed jG50 to the joint stock. See issues forth in the sea, due east over p. 174, and Felt, i. Ill, 205. against the Island of S holes, a great ^ See note * on page 244. place of fishing for our English na- 4 By order of Court, Aug. 4, tion. The peopling of this town is 1634, called Ipswich. " This town," by men of good rank and quality, says Johnson, " is situated on a fair many of them having the yearly re- and delightful river, whose first venue of large lands in England he- rise or spring begins about five and fore they came to this wilderness. MERRIMACK RIVER. 411 which is one of the most spacious places for a plant- chap. XX ation. Being near the sea, it aboimdeth with fish, ^ -i- and flesh of fowls and beasts, great meads and 16 3 3. marshes and plain ploughing grounds, many good rivers and harbours, and no rattlesnakes. In a word, it is the best place but one, which is Merrimacke,^ lying eight miles beyond it, where is a river twenty leagues navigable. All along the river side is fresh marshes, in some places three miles broad. In this river is sturgeon, salmon, and bass, and divers other kinds of fish. To conclude, the This town lies in the sagamoreship or earldom of Agawam, now by our English nation called Essex. It is a very good haven town, yet a little barred up at the mouth of the river. Some merchants here are ; but Bos- ton being the chiefest place of resort of shipping, carries away all the trade. They have very good land for husbandry, where rocks hinder not the course of the plough. The Lord hath been pleased to increase them in corn and cattle of late, inso- much that they have many hundred quarters to spare yearly, and feed, at the latter end of summer, the town of Boston with good beef. Their houses are many of them very fair built, with pleasant gardens and orchards, consisting of about 140 families. Their meeting-house is a very good prospect to a gi-eat part of the town, and beautifully built. The church of Christ here consists of about 160 souls." Johnson's N. E., ch. 30. See Winthrop, i. 101, 133, 137. A History of this town, written by the Rev. J. B. Felt, in 300 pages octavo, was printed in 1834. ' Merrimack I take to be New- bury, which Johnson thus describes. " This town is situate about twelve miles from Ipswich, near upon the wide venting streams of Merrimack river, whose strong current is such that it hath forced its passage through the mighty rocks ; which causeth some sudden falls, and hinders ship- ping from having any access far into the land. Her banks are in many places stored with oaken timber of all sorts ; of which that which they commonly call white oak is not in- ferior to our English timber. In this river lie some few islands of fertile land. This town is stored with meadow and upland ; which hath caused some gentlemen, (who brought over good estates, and find- ing then no better way to improve them,) to set upon husbandry; among whom that religious and sin- cere-hearted servant of Christ, Mr. Richard Dummer, some time a ma- gistrate in this little commonwealth, hath holpen on this town. Their houses are built very scattering, which hath caused some contending about removal of their place for Sab- bath assemblies. Their cattle are about 400 head, with store of corn- land in tillage. It consists of about seventy families. The souls in church fellowship are about a hun- dred." Johnson's Hist. of. N. E., chap. 31. See Chronicles of Ply- mouth, pp. 402, 403. A History of Newbury, by Joshua Coffin, was published in 1845, in octavo, 416 pages. 15. 412 UNREASONABLE EXPECTATIONS. CHAP, country hath not that which this place cannot yield. So that these two places may contain twice as many 1633. people as are yet in New-England, there being as yet scarce any inhabitants in these two spacious places. Three miles beyond the river of Merrimack is the outside of our patent for the Massachusetts Bay. These be all the towns that were begun when I Aug. came for England; which was the 15th of August, 1633. I have informed you of the country in general, and of every plantation in particular, with their com- modities, and wherein one excelleth another. But some, peradventure, may say that they have heard that the people have been often driven to great wants and extremities. To which I answer; it is true that some have lived for a certain time with a little bread, others without any. Yet all this argues nothing against the country in itself, but condemns the folly and improvidence of such as would venture into so rude and unmanaged a country without so much pro- visions as should have comfortably maintained them in health and strength, till by their labors they had brought the land to yield his fruit. I have myself heard some say, that they heard it was a rich land, a brave country ; but when they came there, they could see nothing but a few canvass booths and old houses, supposing at the first to have found walled towns, fortifications, and corn-fields ; as if towns could have built themselves, or corn-fields have grown of themselves, without the husbandry of man. These men, missing of their expectations, returned home and railed against the country. ALL NEW-ENGLAND MUST WORK. 413 Others may object, that of late time there hath chap. been great want. I deny it not. But look to the ^~' original, and tell me from whence it came. The i^^^- root of their want sprung up in England. For many hundreds, hearing of the plenty of the country, were so much their own foes and country's hindrance, as to come without provision ; which made things both dear and scant. Wherefore, let none blame the country, so much as condemn the indiscreetness of such as will needs run themselves upon hardship. And I dare further assure any, that will carry provi- sion enough for a year and a half, shall not need to fear want, if he either be industrious himself, or have industrious agents to manage his estate and affairs. And whereas many do disparage the land, saying a man cannot live without labor ; in that they more disparage and discredit themselves, in giving the world occasion to take notice of their dronish dis- position, that would live of the sweat of another man's brows. Surely they were much deceived, or else ill informed, that ventured thither in hope to live in plenty and idleness, both at a time ; and it is as much pity that he that can w^ork and will not, should eat, as it is pity that he that would work and cannot, should fast. I condemn not such, therefore, as are now there, and are not able to work. But I advise, for the future, those men that are of weak constitutions to keep at home, if their estates cannot maintain servants. For all New-England must be workers in some kind. And whereas it hath been formerly reported, that boys of ten or twelve years of age, might do much more than get their living,^ ' See page 246. 414 THE COUNTRY FAR FROM BEING POOR. CHAP, that cannot be. For he must have more than a boy's XX. — head, and no less than a man's strength, that intends 1633. ^Q ijyg comfortably ; and he that hath understanding and industry, with a stock of ^£100, shall live better there than he shall do here of <£20 per annum. But many, I know, will say, If it be thus, how comes it to pass then that they are so poor ? To which I answer, that they are poor but in comparison. Compare them with the rich merchants or great land- ed men in England, and then I know they will seem jDoor. There is no probability they should be ex- ceeding rich, because none of such great estate went over yet. Besides, a man of estate must first scatter before he gather. He must lay out moneys for trans- porting of servants and cattle and goods, for houses, and fences and gardens, &c. This may make his purse seem light, and to the eye of others seem a leaking in his estate. Whereas these disbursements are for his future enrichments ; for he being once well seated and quietly settled, his increase comes in double. And howsoever they are accounted poor, they are well contented, and look not so much at abundance as a competency. So little is the poverty of the country, that I am persuaded if many in Eng- land, which are constrained to beg their bread, were there, they would live better than many do here that have money to buy it. Furthermore, when corn is scarce, yet may they have either fish or flesh for their labor. And surely that place is not miserably poor to them that are there, where four eggs may be had for a penny, and a quart of new milk at the same rate ; where butter is six pence a pound, and Cheshire cheese at five WILLIAIM WOOD. 415 1633, pence. Sure Middlesex affords London no better chap. pennyworths. What though there be no such plenty as to cry these things in the streets ? Yet every day affords these pennyworths to those that need them in most places, I dare not say in all. Can they be very poor, where for four thousand souls there are fifteen hundred head of cattle, besides four thousand goats, and swine innumerable ? In an ill sheep year I have know^n mutton as dear in Old England, and dearer than goat's flesh is in New-England ; which is altogether as good, if fancy be set aside. ^ ' Of W^iLLiAM Wood, the author of the preceding very accurate topo- graphical description of Massachu- setts, I can obtain no information. He says in the Preface to his book, ' ' I have laid down the nature of the country without any partial re- spect unto it, as being my dwelling- place, where I have lived these four years, and intend (God willing) to return shortly again." Of course, he must have come over in 1629, probably with Higginson. At the end of the 12th chapter of his first part he says that ' ' the end of his travel was observation.''^ He return- ed to England in the ship Elizabeth Bonadventure, Capt. Graves, and probably never came back. I pre- sume he is the person referred to in the following order of the General Court. " Sept 3, 1634, it is order- ed that there shall be letters of thankfulness signed by the Court, and sent to the Countess of War- wick, Mr. PajTiter, Mr. Wood, and others, that have been benefactors to this Plantation." See Col. Rec. i. 127, and Wmtlirop, i. 104, 107. JOHN COTTON'S LIFE AND LETTERS. 27 CHAPTER XXI. CONCERNING THE LIFE OF THE FAMOUS MR. COTTON, TEACHER TO THE CHURCH OF CHRIST AT BOSTON, IN NEW-ENGLAND. What I have to add concernino; the life of this chap. ... XXI. blessed man of God, now triumphing in glory, to what hath been already set forth by the reverend Mr. Davenport,^ the worthy pastor of the Church of Christ at New Haven, I shall hold forth in these particulars ; first, concerning the place of his birth and education, till he went to the University, and his abode in Cambridge ; secondly, concerning his re- moval from Cambridge to Boston, in Lincolnshire, and what he met with and did there ; thirdly, con- cerning his departure from thence into New-Eng- ' Davenport's account is also Davenport, with many tears, bewail- mentioned on page 51, and is quoted ed it in a public discourse." Per- on page 32, of John Norton's Life haps it was the manuscript of this of Cotton. Whether it was ever discourse that Whiting and Norton printed, I have not been able to as- saw and used. Richard Mather also certain. Dr. Bacon does not men- preached a funeral sermon on his tion it in his list of Davenport's friend, which probably was never writings. Cotton Mather says, that printed. See note ^ on p. 102 ; Ma- " when the tidings of Mr. Cotton's ther'sMagnalia, i. 249 ; Leonard Ba- decease reached New-Haven, Mr. con's Historical Discourses, p. 389. 420 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP, land, and what service the Lord made him an instru- ment of in that remote comitry. I. For the first, the place of his birth was the town of Derby, ^ the most eminent place in that country. His father^ trained him up to such learn- ing as the school afforded for the fitting him for Cambridge ; whither he went when he was very 15 98. young, at thirteen years of age, and was admitted into the famous society of Trinity College ; where he fell so hard to his study, and so profited in the knowledge of the tongues and arts, that he had un- doubtedly been Fellow there, but that at that time their great Hall was then in building,^ which caused such expenses to them that the election was put by, or at least deferred, till some longer time. And this providence I cannot pass by concerning him, that his father, whose calling was to be employed in the study and practice of the law, had not many clients that made use of his advice in law matters before. It pleased God, after he was gone to Cam- bridge, to put his father upon great practice, so that he was very able to keep him there and allow him liberal maintenance ; insomuch that the blessed man said, " God kept me at the University." ^ ' Derby is a borough and market is said to have spent £^3000 in en- town, the capital of Derbyshire, 126 larging and improving his College, miles northwest of London. Popu- To him it is indebted for the Great lation in 1841, 32,741. Court, as it is at present ; and he ^ His father's Christian name was built two sides of the Court, which, Roland, after whom he called one of after his name, has since been called his own sons. John's grandson, Nevile's Court. See Le Keux's the minister of Sandwich, was bap- Memorials of Cambridge, vol. i. tized at Dorchester May 3, 1668, Trinity College, p, 29 ; Fuller's with the name i?oZ£'-on- Gof/. It was Hist, of the Univ. p. 174; Dyer's afterwards spelt Roland. See Mass. Hist, of the Univ. ii. 331. Hist. Coll. ix. 193. ^ He was admitted to the degree ^ This must refer to the additions of A. M. at Trinity College in 1606. made in the mastership of Thomas See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247. Nevile, who died in 1615, and who THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 421 From Trinity College he removed to Emmanuel chap. College,^ the happy seminary of learning and piety, where he was honored with a fellowship in that So- ciety, after a diligent and strict examen, according to the statutes of that House. Wherein this is worth the taking notice of, that when the poser came to examine him in the Hebrew tongue, the place where he was to be examined was that in Isaiah iii., that speaks against the bravery of women, which hath more hard words together than any place in the Bi- ble within so narrow a compass, and might have posed a very good Hebrician ; but he was very ready ac it, and all those difficult words were easy to him. Afterwards he was head-lecturer, and dean, and catechist in the College, and was a diligent tutor to many pupils, and very much beloved of them. His exercises that he performed in the College, whether in the way of common-place or dispute, wanted not sinews and strength, were highly com- mended and applauded of those that knew him. The first time that he became famous throughout the whole University, was from a funeral oration which he made in Latin for Dr. Some,^ who was leos. Master of Peter House ; which was so elegantly and oratoriously performed, that he was much admired ^ The Puritan College, at which which, when it becomes an oak, more of our first ministers and ma- God alone knows what will be the gistrates were educated than at any fruit thereof.' " See note * on page other. It was founded in 1585, by 357 ; Fuller's Hist, of the University, Sir Walter Mildmay. Fuller says, p. 205, (8vo. ed.) ; Dyer's Hist, of that " coming to Court after he had the Univ. ii. 344-396 ; Le Keux's founded his College, the Queen Memorials of Cambridge, vol. 2 ; (Elizabeth) told him, ' Sir Walter, Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 247, 248. I hear you have erected a Puritan ^ Robert Soame was elected Mas- foundation.' ' No, madam,' saith he, ter of Peter House in 1589, and died ' far be it from me to countenance in 1608. See Fuller's History of any thing contrary to your estab- the University of Cambridge, p. 48. lished laws ; but I have set an acorn, 422 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP, for it by the greatest wits in the University. After -^— that, being called to preach at the University Church, ^^^^- called St. Mary's, he was yet more famous for that sermon, and very much applauded by all the gallant scholars for it. After that, being called to preach there again, God helped him not to flaunt, as before, but to make a plain, honest sermon, which was blessed of God to famous Dr. Preston's^ soul's eter- nal good. His Concio ad Clerum, when he took his degree for Bachelor of Divinity, which was after he had been at Boston half a year or more, was very much admired, and applauded more than he desired. His text was out of Matthew, v. 13. Vos estis sal terra, ; quod si sal infatuatus fuerit, quo salidur 7 In handling of which, both the matter and the rhetorical strains, elegancy of phrase, and sweet and grave pronunciation, rendered him yet more famous in the University. And so did his answering of the Divin- ity Act in the Schools, though he had a very nimble opponent, Mr. William Chappel by name, who dis- puted with him. H. Concerning his removal from Cambridge to Bos- ton,^ in Lincolnshire, this is to be said, that his call was good, for their desire was urgent, their need pressed, their assembly of people very great, himself very able, and his heart inclining to come to them. At his first coming, he found some obstruction from the Bishop of the Diocese, which was B. Barlow,^ who told him he was a young man, and unfit to be ' Dr. John Preston, at this time ^ See note on page 49 ; Pishey feUow of Queen's, was afterwards Thompson's Hist, of Boston, p. 86 ; Master of Emmanuel CoUeg-e. — and Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 343. Some account of him will be found ^ Barlow was succeeded in the on a subsequent page. See the In- see of Lincoln by Dr. John Wil- dex. liams, in August, 1621. THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTOX. 423 over such a factious people. Mr. Cotton, being in- chap. genuous, and undervaluing himself, thought sd too, - — — ^ and was purposing to return to the College again. But some of Mr. Cotton's Boston friends, understand- ing that one Simon Biby^ was to be spoken with, which was near the Bishop, they presently charmed him ; luI so the business went on smooth, and Mr. Cotton was a learned man with the Bishop, and he was admitted into the place, after their manner in those days. Well, to Boston the good man came, and for three 1612. years he preached and lived so amongst them, that they accounted themselves happy, as they well might, in the enjoyment of him, both the town and country thereabout being much bettered by him. But it pleased God, after three or four years being I615. there, that he could not digest the ceremonies, that were so pressed, nor conformity to them ; w^hich, in some space of lime after, bred him trouble in the Court of Lincoln, from which he was advised to ap- peal to a higher Court. And employing Mr. Lev- erit"^ (which was afterwards one of the ruling elders of the Church at Boston in New-England,) to deal in * " Which some call Simony and arrived Sept. 4. On the 10th Oct. Bribery.^' Marginal Note, by the he -was chosen a ruling elder of Bos- author, Samuel Whiting. — It was ton church. Winthrop speaks of by the influence of this same Simon him as " an ancient, sincere profes- Biby, " a near alliance of the Bish- sor, of Mr. Cotton's congregation in op"s \-isiter," that Richard Mather England." His wife, Ann, came was restored to his parish at Tox- with him. His son, John, knight- teth in Xov. 1633, having been sus- ed by Charles H. in 1676, was pended in the preceding August for Governor of the Colony from 1673 Nonconformity. See Mather's Mag- until his death, March 16, 1679, and nalia, i. 405. his great-grandson, John, was Pre- * Thomas Leverett was an alder- sident of Harvard College from 1708 man of the borough of Boston ; to his death, May 3, 1724. See which office he resigned July 22, Winthrop, i. 114, ii. 245 ; Hubbard, 1633, in view of embarking with his p. 190 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 269, pastor for New-England, where he 323 ; Mass. Plist. Coll. xxviii. 343. 424 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP, that business, and he bemg a plain man, as Jacob ^^ — — was, yet subtile to get such a spiritual blessing, so far insinuated himself into one of the proctors of the High Court, that he sware in animam Domini, that Mr. Cotton was a conformable man, and so he was restored to Boston ; as likewise by the means that a gentleman of Boston, called Mr. Bennett, used to bring him in again. After which, he was marvellous successful in his ministry, till he had been twenty years there. And 1G32. in that twenty years' space he, on Lord's day, on afternoons, went over thrice the whole body of di- vinity in a catechistical way, and gave the heads of his discourse to those that were young scholars, and others in that town, to answer to his questions in public in that great congregation ; and after their answers, he opened those heads of divinity, and sweetly applied all to the edification of his people, and to such strangers as came to hear him. In the morning on the Lord's day, he preached over the first six chapters of the Gospel by John,^ the whole Book of Ecclesiastes, the Prophecy of Zephaniah,^ and many other Scriptures ; and when the Lord's Supper was administered, (which was usually every month,) he preached upon 1 Cor. xi. and the whole 30th chapter of the 2 Chronicles, and some other Scriptures about the Lord's Supper. On his lecture days, he preached through the whole 1st and 2d Epistles of John, the whole book of Solomon's Song, the Parables of our Saviour, set forth in Matthew's Gospel to the end of chapter 16th, comparing them with Mark and Luke. He took much pains in private, ' Sec note ^ on page 138, and " Norton, in liis Lite of (Jotton, note ^ on ptigc 221. p. 17, says Zcchariah. THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 425 and read to sundry youns: scholars that were in his chap. "VVT house, and some that came out of Germany, and had ^ his house full of auditors. Afterwards, seeing some inconveniences in the people's flocking to his house, besides his ordinary lecture on the fifth ^ day of the week, he preached thrice more on the week days, on the fourth and sixth days, early in the morning, and on the last day, at three of the clock in the after- noon. Only these three last lectures w^ere perform- ed by him but some few years, before he had another famous colleague ~ with him, and not many years before he left Boston. He always preached at the election of their mayors, and at that time when they took their oath, and were installed in their office, and always (if he were at home,) at the funerals of those of the abler sort that died. He w^as frequent in duties of humiliation and thanksgiving ; in which I have known him in prayer and opening the word and applying it, five or six hours ; so indefatigable he was in the Lord's work, and so ready to spend and be spent for his people's souls. He was of admirable candor, of unparalleled meekness, of rare wisdom, very loving even to those that differed in judgment from him, yet one that held his own stoutly, ardt temns accurategue defendens what himself judged to be the truth. He answered many ^ This fifth day or Thursday lee- the Lecture day." See Winthrop, ture he transfen-ed to Boston in i. 112, 124 ; Frothingham's Sermon New-England, where it has been at the close of the Second Century continued ever since by his sncces- since the establishment of the Thurs- sors, the pastors of the First Church, day Lecture ; and Waterston's Dis- The first notice of it is found in course on its reopening, Dec. 14, Winthrop's .Journal under March 4, 1843, in the Christian Examiner, 1634, by which it appears that it xxxvi. 24. was already established. " By order ^ Anthony Tuckney, who marri- of Court a mercate was erected at ed his cousin, and succeeded him in Boston, to be kept upon Thursday, the vicarage, the fifth day of the week, being 426 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP, letters that were sent far and near ; wherein were ^^ — ~ handled many difficult cases of conscience, and many doubts by him cleared to the greatest satisfaction. He was exceedingly beloved of the best, and admired and reverenced of the worst of his hearers. Nothing was wanting to make him a complete min- ister, nothing lacking to make him a perfect Chris- tian, but the perfection of grace w^hich he hath now attained to, and the glory he hath now arrived at. He was a man that was in great favor with Dr. Wil- liams,^ the Bishop of Lincoln, who admired him for his learning, and (as I have been told,) when he was Lord Keeper of the great seal, he went to King James, and speaking of Mr. Cotton's great learning and worth before him, the King was willing, not- withstanding his Nonconformity, to give way that he should have his liberty to go on without interruption in his ministry ; which was very marvellous, consid- ering how the King's spirit was carried out against such men. The mystery of which Mr. Samuel Ward,^ ' Dr. John Williams succeeded the Rev. Mr. Osbaldiston,) can be Lord Bacon as Keeper of the Great resolved into nothing but envy and Seal, July 10, 1621. Within a revenge." He died March 25, month afterwards he was made Bi- 1649. See Fuller's Worthies, ii. shop of Lincoln, and in 1641 Arch- 585, and Ch. Hist. iii. 290, 388, 402, bishop of York. He was mild and 484-490 ; Hallam's Const. Hist. i. tolerant towards the Puritans and 447 ; Aikin's Life of James L, ii. Nonconformists, and this probably 132, 250, 254 ; Aikin's Life of was the cause of the bitter hatred Charles I., i. 422-430, ii. 190 ; and cruel persecution which he en- Neal's Puritans, ii. 197, 308. countered from Laud. " This pro- * Samuel Ward was the son of secution" says Bishop Warburton, the Rev. John Ward, of Haverhill, " must needs give every one a bad and brother of our Nathaniel Ward, idea of Laud's heart and temper, mentioned on page 112, He seems You might resolve his high acts of to have had the same vein of humor power in the State into reverence with the author of " The Simple and gratitude to his master ; his ty- Cobbler of Agawam." He was ranny in the Church to his zeal for educated at Sidney College, Cam- and love of what he called religion ; bridge, " of which he became fel- but the outrageous prosecution of low," says Fuller, " being an ex- these two men (Dr. Williams and cellent artist, linguist, divine and THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. 427 of Ipswich, being ignorant of, spake merrily among chap. some of his friends, " Of all men in the world I envy Mr. Cotton, of Boston, most ; for he doth nothing in way of conformity, and yet hath his liberty, and I do everything that way, and cannot enjoy mine." He had many enemies at Boston, as w^ell as many friends, and some that rose up against him, and plot- ted secretly to undermine him, and others that prac- tised more openly against him. But they all of them were blasted, either in their names, or in their es- tates, or in their families, or in their devices, or else came to untimely deaths ; which shows how God both owned his servant in his holy labors, and that in the things wherein they dealt proudly against him, he would be above them. One thing more, and I have done with him, as he was one of England's glories, and then come to him as over the Atlantic ocean, and in New-England ; and it is this, concerning his hospitality, wherein he did exceed most that ever I heard of. And espe- cially his heart and doors were open to receive, as all that feared God, so especially godly ministers, which he most courteously entertained, and many other strangers besides. Only one minister, Mr. Hacket by name, w^hich had got into the fellowship of famous Mr. Arthur Hildersham,^ with many other preacher. From Cambridge he was had three brethren ministers ; on preferred minister of Ipswich, hav- the same token that some have said, ing a care over, and a love from, all that these four put together would the parishes in that populous place, not make up the abilities of their Indeed he had a magnetic virtue father. Nor were they themselves (as if he had learned it from the offended with this hyperbole, to have loadstone, in whose qualities he was the branches lessened to greaten so knowing,) to attract people's their root." See Fuller's Wor- afFections. Yet found he foes as thies, ii. 344 ; Brook's Lives of the well as friends, who complained of Puritans, ii. 452. him to the High Commission. He ' See note ' on page 66. 428 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP, godly ministers, and being acquainted with their secrets, betrayed them into the prelates' hands, this man, coming into Boston, and meeting with Mr. Cotton, the good man had not the heart to speak to him, nor invite him to his house ; which he said he never did to any stranger that he knew^ before, much less to any minister. III. Concerning the last thing, viz. his departure from Boston to New-England. The times growing perilous, he was envied of some at home, and others abroad ; and letters missive were come to convent him before the High Commission Court ; and a pro- fligate fellow and a fdthy fornicator, Gowen Johnson by name, who not long after died of the plague, was to bring the letters to him, as he did to some others near him. Which when Mr. Cotton understood, he looked for nothing from the Court but scorns and prison ; and therefore, with advice from many able heads and gracious hearts, he kept close for a time, and fitted himself to go to New-England.^ 1033. And God bringing him and his company over in '^^P^* safety, through his mercy, after they had been there a while, there grew some trouble between those that were to settle matters in church and commonwealth. But Mr. Cotton then preaching before the General * " Ilis forced flight " says Jolin cully," says Winthrop, " all places Davenport, " from Boston to Lon- being belaid to have taken Mr. Cot- don for his safety from pursuivants ton and Mr. Hooker, who had been sent to apprehend him, I well re- long sought for to have been brought member ; and admire tlie special into the High Conmiission. But providence of God towards myself the master being bound to touch at and some others in it, amongst the Wight, the pursuivants attended whom safe retirement and hiding- there, and in the mean time, the places were provided for him in and ministers were taken in at the about London." Davenport was at Downs." See note * on page 102, this lime vicar of St. Stephen's, in and note ^ on page 2G0 ; Norton's Coleman-street, London. — "They Life of Cotton, pp. 21, 32 ; Win- got out of England with much difli- throp, i. 109 ; Mather, i. 240, 241. THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON, 429 Court an excellent sermon out of Ha2fs:ai, ii. " Be chap. °^ XXI. strong, Zerubbabel, and be strong, Joshua, and be strong, ye people of the land," &c., it pleased God so to com- pose and calm and quiet spirits, that all apprehensions were laid aside, and they went about the work of the Lord very comfortably, and were much encouraged.^ After which time, how useful he was to England, to New-England, to magistrates, ministers, people, in public, in private, by preachings, counsels, dissolv- ing hard knots and answering difficult questions, all knew that knew the grace of God so evidently mani- fested in him. What Scriptures he went over on Lord's days, in expounding and preaching, I cannot certainly say, because I was of another church,^ serving there according to the grace bestowed upon me. But surely he went through very many. For on his Lecture days he preached over the whole book of the Revelation, Ecclesiastes, and Canticles, the second and third Epistles of John, the two Epis- tles of Timothy, with divers others ; all which shows the unwearied pains which he took in the Lord's work, besides all the books ^ that were written by him, and other unknown labors that he went through. ' ' Cotton preached the Election King's Chapel,) in the northern cor- Sermon in May, 1634. See Win- ner, near the Savings' Bank, and throp, i. 132. not far from Winthrop's tomb. In ^ Whiting was the pastor of the the same grave with Cotton's, re- church at Lynn, where he was set- pose the ashes of his friend, John tied in Nov. 1636. See Winthrop, Davenport. His daughter Maria i. 204. married Increase Mather, and was ^ A list of Cotton's writings may the mother of Cotton Mather. His be seen in Emerson's History of the son Seaborn married Dorothy, the First Church in Boston, page 85. daughter of Gov. Bradstreet, and * Cotton died on Thursday, Dec. was settled in the ministry at Hamp- 23, 1652, between the hours of 11 ton, in New-Hampshire, where he and 12, after the bell had called to was succeeded by his son John, the Lecture. Upon the 29th he Seaborn's younger brother, John, was interred in a brick tomb in the was tlie niinish'r of Plynunilli, and old burying-ground, (adjoining the had two sons, John and Roland, who 430 THE LIFE OF JOHN COTTON. CHAP. I could speak much more ; but at this present — ~ want strength. But this I say ; he may be a pattern to us all, and happy they that come nearest him in those things wherein he most followed Christ. I am not like to live to see such another in New-England, though I know God is able to double the spirit of that Elias upon him that succeeds him, and upon many others in our native country and here. It is well for both the Bostons that they had such a light, if they walk in the light, and continue in that word of Christ and light of grace and truth that he held out to them. I end all with that of our Saviour con- cerning John Baptist, " he was a burning and a shining light ;" and God grant the after words be not verified of both Englands, and both Bostons. I speak my fears, but would be glad to entertain bet- ter hopes. My prayers shall be, that it may never be said as of old, Fuimus Troes, fuit Ilium ; sed jam seges est uhi Troja fuit. Fuimus fideles, fuimus (fLlod-toL ; fuit Anglia, fuit Nov-Anglia, fuit Bosto- nia, EuropcBa^ Americana. Deus, Pater miserationum, avert at omen per viscera Jesu Christi ! Amen. Samuel Whiting.^ Pastor Liimensis Nov-Anglicanus. were the ministers of Yarmouth and had for a chamber-mate his cousin, Sandwich. See Norton's Life of Anthony Tuckney, the colleague Cotton, p. 46 ; Mather's Magnalia, and successor of Cotton in Boston i. 300. church. He was a minister three * Samuel Whiting, the author years at Lynn Regis in Norfolk, of the preceding biography, was of and afterwards at Skirbeck, less a reputable family in Boston, in Lin- than a mile from Boston ; " where," colnshire, where he was born Nov. says Mather, " he was refreshed 20, 1597. His father and brother with the delightful neighbourhood were both mayors of that borough, of his old friends, and especially He was educated at Emanuel Col- those eminent persons, Mr. Cotton lege, Cambridge, where he took the and Mr. Tuckney, to both of whom degree of A. B. in 1616, and of A. he had some affinity." Being ha- M. in 1620. At the University he rassed for his Nonconformity, he SAMUEL WHITING, OF LYNN. 431 embarked for New-England, and arrived at Boston May 26, 1636. After spending a month with his kinsman, Atherton Hough, he re- moved to Lynn, where he was or- dained in November, and where he continued till his death, Dec. 11, 1679, in his 83d year. His second wife, Elizabeth, was the daughter of Oliver St. John, who was Chief Justice of England in Cromwell's reign, and whose second wife was a cousin of Cromwell's. One of Whiting's sons, Samuel, was the first minister of Billeriea. His vi- cinity to Cotton, before their remo- val to America, afforded him the best opportunities to obtain informa- tion concerning his life and history ; and we are under great obligations to him for his admirable biographi- cal sketch. It forms the foundation of Norton's as well as of Mather's Life of this great man. Both of them appropriate Whiting's labors most unceremoniously, and add but little to his original sketch. See note ' on page 419 ; Winthrop, i, 204 ; Mather, i. 249, 452-461 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 19 ; Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 94, 97, 556 ; Thomp- son's Hist, of Boston, pp. 100,263, 264 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248, 344. 432 JOHN cotton's letter to his wife. COTTON S letter TO HIS WIFE. Dear wife, and comfortable yoke-fellow, CHAP. If our heavenly Father be pleased to make our > — -^ yoke more heavy than we did so soon' expect, re- 1632. member (I pray thee,) what we have heard, that our Oct 3. ' heavenly husband, the Lord Jesus, when he first called us to fellow^ship with himself, called us unto this condition, to deny ourselves and to take up our cross daily, to follow him. And truly, sweet heart, though this cup may be brackish at the first taste, yet a cup of God's mingling is doubtless sweet in the bottom to such as have learned to make it their greatest happiness to partake with Christ, as in his glory, so in the way that leadeth to it. Where I am for the present," I am very fitly and welcomely accommodated, I thank God ; so, as I see, here I might rest, (desired enough,) till my friends at home shall direct further. They desire also to see thee here ; but that I think it not safe yet, till we see how God will deal with our neighbours at home. For if you should now travel this way, I fear you will be watched and dogged at the heels. But I hope shortly God will make way for thy safe coming. Meanwhile, send me now by this bearer such linen as I am to use. * May we not infer from this ex- * Cotton was at this time in con- pression that they had been recently ccalment in London. See note ^ on married ? pasj^e 428. JOHN COTTON S LETTER TO HIS WIFE. 433 If Margarett be fit to come with this bearer, ™|P. whither I shall direct him, she may come behind him upon my mare, unless she desire to stay with some other, at Boston ; which if she do, help her therein. I pray you go to my mother, Havered,^ and com- mend my hearty respect and love to her ; and the rather because I had not time to see her at my com- ing out. To many other friends it will not be meet to speak of me now. The Lord watch over you all for good, and reveal himself in the guidance of all our affairs. So with my love to thee, as myself, I rest, desir- ous of thy rest and peace in Him, J. C. Octoler 3, 1632. When you have read my letter to Margarett, seal it up and give it her. Once again. Farewell in the Lord. If she be not ready to come with him now, he may come for her the next week. [^Addressed on the outside.,^ To my dear wife, Mrs. Sarah Cotton,* deliver this Avith speed. ' Was this the mother of his first p. 57. Cotton's widow married the wife, whom Mather, i. 237, calls Rev. Richard Mather, of Dorches- Horrocks, married again to a Mr. ter. — It appears from an endorse- Havered ? ment on this letter, in the handwrit- - This letter was wTitten to his ing of Prince, the Annalist, that it second wife, Sarah Story, who was was once in the possession of In- a widow when he married her, pro- crease Mather. Prince prints a part bably in 1632. His first wife, Eli- of it on page 419 of his Annals. It zabeth Horrocks, with whom he is printed now for the first time lived eighteen years, but had no entire, from the original, preserved children, was living as late as Oct. among Prince's manuscripts in the 2, 1630, as appears from another Archives of the Mass. Hist. Society, letter of his printed in the Appendix See Norton's Life of Cotton, p. 18 ; to the Rev. Dr. Harris's Memorials Mather's Magnalia, i. 237. of the First Church in Dorchester, 28 434 JOHN cotton's letter cotton's letter to TPIE bishop of LINCOLN.^ To the Right Reverend and my very honorable good Lord, John, Lord Bishop of Lincoln, at his palace in Buckden^ present these. My very good Lord, It is now above twenty years ago, since, by the goodness of God, and for a good part of this time by your Lordship's lawful favor, I have enjoyed the happiness to minister to the Church of God at Bos- ton, a remote corner of your Lordship's diocese. What I have done there, all this while, and how I have spent my time and course, I must ere long give account to the Great Shepherd of the sheep, the Bishop of our souls. Meanwhile, give me leave to make your Lordship this short account. The bent of my course hath been, (according to my weak measure,) to make and keep a threefold Christian concord amongst the people ; between God and their conscience ; between true-hearted loyalty and Christian liberty ; between the fear of God and the love of one another. That wherein I have most seemed to your Lordship to fail, to wit, in not dis- cerning Christian liberty to practise some commands of authority in some circumstances, I do humbly ' Dr. John Williams. See note * the Bishop of Lincoln, situated here, on page 426. was pulled down by an order of ^ Buckden is in the county of Council, April 3, 1838. Some of Huntingdon, on the western bank of the bisliops of Lincoln have been the Ouse, four miles southwest from interred in the cluirch at Buckden. Huntingdon. The ancient palace of TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. 435 thank your Lordship, and freely acknowledge your chap. Lordship hath not been wanting freely and often to admonish me thereof, and that with such wisdom and \^/^" ' . May- gravity, and with such well-tempered authority and 7. mildness, that I profess unfeignedly no outward re- spect in the world could have detained me from re- questing your Lordship's favor, with ready subjec- tion to your Lordship's counsel, that I might have prolonged mine own peace and your Lordship's favor together. But so it is, my good Lord, though I do unfeignedly and deservedly honor your Lordship, and highly esteem many hundreds of other reverend divines, great lights of the Church, (in comparison of whom, what am I, poor spark ?) who doubt not of their liberty in those matters, yet to this day, (I speak in the simplicity of my heart,) I can only fol- low your Lordship with observance, and them with reverence, but not with that plerophory of faith in ^°'"- these things which in such cases the Apostle requir- eth. Your Lordship well knoweth it is both the Apostles' and Prophets' principle, (and it holdeth in every righteous man, from the meanest to the greatest,) Justus ex fide sua vivit, non aliend ; and therefore, howsoever I do highly prize and much prefer other men's judgment and learning and wis- dom and piety, yet in things pertaining to God and his worship, still I must, as I ought, live by mine own faith, not theirs. Nevertheless, where I cannot yield obedience of faith, I am willing to yield pa- tience of hope. And now, my good Lord, I see the Lord, who began a year or two ago to suspend, after a sort, my ministry from that place by a long and sore sicknesSj XIV. 5. 436 JOHN cotton's letter CHAP, the dregs whereof still hang about me, doth now put •^ ^ a further necessity upon me wholly to lay down my 163 3. ministry there, and freely to resign my place into 7^^ your Lordship's hands. For I see neither my bodily health, not the peace of the Church, will now stand with my continuance there. I do now therefore hum- bly crave this last favor at your Lordship's hand, to accept my place as void, and to admit thereto such a successor as your Lordship shall find fit, and the pa- tron, which is the corporation of Boston, shall present to you therefor.^ The congregation is great, and the church duties many, and those many times re- quiring close attendance ; and I would be very loth the service of God or the help of the people should be in any sort neglected by my long discontinuance. What though this resignation of my place into your Lordship's hands may be defective in some form of law, yet I trust your Lordship will never forget the ancient moderation and equity of that honorable * " At an assembly holden at the same resignation, and did then pro- Guildhall of the Borough of Boston, nounce the same \acarage to be ac- in the county of Lincoln, this 22d tually void of incumbent, and that dayof July, 1633, before the Mayor, he did then, by the said Thomas Aldermen, and Common Council : Cony, intimate to the Mayor and "At this assembly, Mr. John Cot- Burgesses of Boston the voidance of ton, late vicar of Boston, yielded up the same, to the end that the said his place of being vicar, by his letter Mayor and Burgesses may, when dated in July, 1633, which this they please, present some able per- House have accepted. son thereunto." " At this assembly there was an Whereupon the Corporation pro- intimation delivered to the Mayor ceeded forthwith, as the Record and Burgesses of this Borough, shows, and made choice of Mr. An- from the right honorable John, Lord thony Tuckney to be their vicar, Bishop of Lincoln, by the hands of who continued in office till 1660, Mr. Thomas Cony, [town-clerk] of twenty-seven years. We are in- this town, intimating that the 8th debted to Mr. Savage for this trans- of July, 1633, Mr. John Cotton, late cript from the records of Boston, vicar of Boston, had resigned his See his Gleanings for New-England said vicarage to the said Bishop, and History, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. that the said Lord Bishop did the 344; and Thompson's Hist, of Bos- same day, at his house in the Col- ton, pp. 86, 271. lege of Westminster, accept of tlie TO THE BISHOP OF LINCOLN. 437 and high Court of Chancery, whereunto your Lord- chap. ship was advanced, to temper the rigor of legal jus — tice to the relief of many distressed. Never, I think, i^^s. came there any cause before your Lordship more dis- 7, tressed, nor more justly craving Christian equity. Now the Lord of heaven and earth so guide and keep and bless your Lordship on earth, that he may delight to crown your Lordship with honor in hea- ven, at the end of your days, through Jesus Christ. Thus at once commending my humble suit, and late vicarage, and the comfort of the whole congregation, to your Lordship's honorable favor and integrity, I humbly take leave, and rest A bounden suppliant to your Lordship, And for you, J. C. May 7, 1633. 438 JOHN cotton's reasons COTTON S reasons FOR HIS REMOVAL TO NEW-ENGLAND. Reverend and beloved brother in our blessed Saviour,* CHAP. That which you observe touchina; the wonder- XXI. -^ ... ful goodness of the Lord to my wife and child in the 1634. miJst of deep dangers,~ I desire never to forget it, 3^^' but to w^alk, (as the Lord shall be pleased to help me,) according to that abundant faithfulness of his to one so undeserving, all my days. Help me with your faithful prayers so to do, that as by the prayers of yourself and other brethren I acknowdedge the former mercy to have been granted me, so by the same a faithful and fruitful use of it may be granted to me likewise. Otherwise, (I may say it with shame,) I see a frame of spirit in myself ready to turn every grace of God into unprofitableness, yea, and forget- fulness of the most high God, the God of our sal- vation. Howsoever God dealt otherwise with my cousin Tuckney,^ (which might give unto some whom ' This letter was addressed to one was baptized at Boston Sept. 8, four of the Puritan ministers in England, days after his father's arrival. He perhaps John Davenport, Richard was ordained the third minister of Mather, or Thomas Shepard. Hampton, in 16G0, and died April * This refers to the birth of his 19, 1686, asjed 52. See Winthrop, eldest son, born on the voyatre in i. 110; Norton's Life of Cotton, August, 1633, and whom he named page 18. Seaborn, " to keep alive (said he,) ^ The wife of Anthony Tuckney, in me, and to teach him, if he live, his colleague and successor in the a remembrance of sea-mercies from church at Boston. Tuckney was the hand of a gracious God." Li born in Sept. 1599, at Kirton, four the Triennial Catalogue of the Grad- miU's from Boston, of which place uates of Harvard (College, under his father was minister. He was 1651, he is called Marigena. He educated at Emmanuel College, FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 439 it nearly concerned a seasonable advertisement,) yet chap. I am persuaded it was in much faithfulness to her that God took her away, to prevent the disquietness and i^^*- discouragement of her spirit ; which the evils ensu- 3, ' ing, evils hastening upon the town,^ would have brought upon her. The Lord is wise and gracious, and knoweth how to deliver his out of the hour of temptation ; blessed forever be his name in Christ ! The questions you demand I had rather answer by w^ord of mouth than by letter. Yet I will not refuse to give you account of my brother Hooker's removal and mine own, seeing you require a reason thereof from us both. We both of us concur in a threefold ground of our removal. 1 . God having shut a door against both of us from ministering to him and his people in our wonted congregations, and calling us, by a remnant of our people, and by others of this country, to minister to them here, and opening a door to us this way, who are we that w^e should strive against God, and refuse to follow the concurrence of his ordinance and prov- idence together, calling us forth to minister here ? If we may and ought to follow God's calling three hundred miles, why not three thousand ? Cambridge, with his cousin, our scribino; the Confession. After the Samuel Whiting, of Lynn. After Restoration he was one of the Com- graduating, he was chaplain to the missioners at the Conference held at Earl of Lincoln till he was chosen the Savoy in 1661. He was soon, fellow of his CoUege. In 1645, he however, compelled to resign all his was chosen Master of Emmanuel, places, on account of his Puritan- and in 1653 Master of St. John's, ism and Nonconformity^ and died at He was also vice-chancellor of the London, in February, 1670, in his University in 1648, and Regius Pro- 71st year. See note on page 430 , fessor of Divinity. He was one of Calamy's Nonconformists' Memo- the Assembly of Divines that met at rial, i. 264 ; Neal's History of the Westminster in 1643, and had a Puritans, iii. 141 ; Dyer's Hist, of hand in drawing up the Assembly's Univ. of Cambridge. 1. 119, ii. 354, Catechism, but voted against sub- ' Boston, in Lincolnshiie. 1634. XXI. 7. 440 JOHN cotton's reasons CHAP. 2. Our Saviour's warrant is clear and strong (as we conceive,) in our case, that when we are dis- tressed in our course in one country, (ne quid dicam 3. ' gravius,) we should flee to another. To choose Matth. rather to bear witness to the truth by imprisonment X 23 than by banishment, is indeed sometimes God's way; but not in case men have ability of body and oppor- tunity to remove, and no necessary engagement for J^".tin^. to stay. Whilst Peter was young, he might gird himself and go whither he would ; but when he was old and unfit for travel, then indeed God called him rather to suffer himself to be girt of others, and led along to prison and to death. Nevertheless, in this point I conferred with the chief of our people, and offered them to bear witness to the truth I had preached and practised amongst them, even unto bonds, if they conceived it might be any confirmation to their faith and patience. But they dissuaded me that course, as thinking it better for themselves, and for me, and for the church of God, to withdraw my- self from the present storm, and to minister in this country to such of their town ^ as they had sent be- fore hither, and such others as were willing to go along with me, or to follow after me ; the most of the [obliterated] choosing rather to dwell in the [a line and a half obliterated] there. What service my- self or brother Hooker might do to our people or other brethren in prison, (especially in close prison, which was feared,) I suppose we both of us, by God's help, do the same, and much more, and with more freedom from hence, as occasion is offered ; besides all our other service to the people here, which yet is ' Boston, in Lincolnshire. Sec note ^ on page 48. FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 441 enough, and more than enough, to fill both our hands, crap- yea and the hands of many brethren more, such as yourself, should God be pleased to make way for ^^^*- • • Dec. your comfortable passage to us.^ To have tarried in 3. " England for the end you mention, to appear in de- fence of that cause for which we were questioned, had been, as we conceive it in our case, to limit witness-bearing to the cause (which may be done more ways than one,) to one only way, and that such a way as we did not see God calling us unto. Did not Paul bear witness against the Levitical ceremonies, and yet choose rather to depart quickly out of Hie- rusalem, because the most of the Jews would not xxii.i8. receive his testimony concerning Christ in that ques- tion, than to stay at Hierusalem to bear witness to that cause unto prison and death ? Not that we came hither to strive against ceremonies, or to fight against shadows ; there is no need of our further labor in that course. Our people here desire to worship God in spirit and in truth ; and our people left in England know as well the grounds and reasons of our suffering against these things, as our sufferings them- selves ; which we beseech the Lord to accept and bless in our blessed Saviour. How far our testimony there hath prevailed with any others to search more seriously into the cause, we do rather observe in thankfulness and silence, than speak of to the pre- judice of our brethren. 3. It hath been no small inducement to us to choose rather to remove hither than to stay there, that we might enjoy the liberty, not of some ordi- nances of God, but of all, and all in purity. For ' See note ' on page 43*^. 442 JOHN cotton's reasons CHAP, though we bless the Lord with you for the gracious means of salvation which many of your congregations 1634. ^Q enjoy, (whereof our own souls have found the Dec • • 3. * blessing, and which we desn-e may be forever con- tinued and enlarged to you,) yet seeing Christ hath instituted no ordinance in vain, (but all to the per- fecting of the body of Christ,) and we know that our souls stand in need of all to the utmost, we durst not so far be wanting to the grace of Christ and to the necessity of our own souls, as to sit down somewhere else, under the shadow of some ordinances, when by two months' travel we might come to enjoy the lib- erty of all. To your second question. How far ministers are bound to bear witness against corruptions cast upon the face of God's ordinances, it is too large a point for me to give answer to in the heel of a letter. But thus much briefly. Witness is to be borne against ^Lis. corruptions, 1. By keeping a man's own garments clean ; I mean his own outward practice. 2. By Acts, declaring the whole counsel of God to his people, XX. 2G, 27. not shunning any part of it, as reasonable occasion iThes. is offered, to prevent sin in them. 3. By avoiding ^'^~ appearances of evil, as well as evil itself. Eleazar durst not eat mutton, or bread, or any other clean 2 Mac. fQQj^ when it had an appearance of eating swine's ^^'^^- flesh, but chose death rather than deliverance by such means ; whose story, though it be Apocryphal, yet the example is authentical, as being ratified by the Apostle's testimony among the rest of like na- xL3o. ture, where, by the others he speaketh of, he mean- eth not other women, but other men ; for the word is a)loi, (masculine.) Howsoever, Peter's dissembling 1 Peter, iii. 15. 19-21. FOR COMING TO NEW-ENGLAND. 443 is evidently blamed by Paul in a like case, when by chap. his example he countenanced the imposing of cere- -1-1-1 monies upon the Gentiles, to whom God never gave i6 34. them. 4. By contending for the truth in a holy 3^^* manner, when others contend with us against it. cai. " li. 5. By giving account of our faith before magistrates, '^-i^- if they call us to do it publicly, requiring to be in- ^^''^^> formed of our doctrine and manner of life. Other- wise, if they call us to know our opinions in private, (intending to bring us into trouble,) or publicly, rather as captious questionists than judicial govern- ors, in such a case I suppose we may conceal our minds, and put our adversaries upon proof, as our j^j^^ Saviour did. ,^0!" But why do I spend time and w^ords to you in these things, who know them as well as I can tell you ? I rather desire you may be kept in a peacea- ble way of bearing witness to the truth, (if the will of God be such,) than exposed to hazards by such confessions as might prejudice your liberty. My poor requests are to Heaven for you, as I desire you might not forget me and mine, and all us here. Now the God of peace and power guide and support your spirit in all your holy endeavours, bless and prosper your labors, and keep you as a chosen vessel in the shadow of his hand, through him that hath loved us. Present my humble service to my right honorable Lord ;^ as also my dear affection to Mr. Ball,^ Mr. Slater, and all the brethren with you, especially to * The Earl of Lincoln. Thomas, the former of whom was a ' There were two Puritan cler- graduate of Oxford, and the latter orymen living in England at this of Cambridge. Thomas is probably- time by the name of Ball, John and the one here mentioned. He was 444 JOHN COTTON S REASONS. CHAP. Mr. Dod,' Mr. Cleaver,^ Mr. Winston, Mr. Cotton, L with earnest desire of the continuance of all their 16 3 4. prayers, with your own, in our behalf. So I rest ^^^- Your very loving brother in our blessed Saviour, Boston, Dec. 3, 1634.= J. c. educated at Queen's College, was a fellow of Emmanuel, and was set- tled in the ministry at Northampton, where he died June 21, 1659, aged 69. He wrote a Life of Dr. Pres- ton, Master of Emmanuel. See Wood's Athens, ii. 670 (ed. Bliss); Fuller's Worthies, ii. 232 ; Neal's Puritans, ii. 365 ; Brook's Lives of the Puritans, ii. 440, iii. 534. * John Dod was an eminent Pu- ritan divine. He was born at Shot- wick, in Cheshire, in 1550, and was educated at Jesus College, Cam- bridge, of which he was a fellow. Fuller classes him among the learn- ed writers of that College, and says that " he was a passive Noncon- formist, an excellent scholar, and an exquisite Hebrician ; by nature a witty, by industry a learned, and by grace a godly divine ; successively minister of Hanwell, in Oxford, Fenny-Compton in Warwick, Can- nons- Ashby and Fawsley, in North- amptonshire, though for a time si- lenced in each of them. He died in 1645, in his 96th year, and was bu- ried at Fawsley ; with whom the Old Puritan may seem to expire, and in his grave to be interred ; humble, meek, patient, hospitable, charitable, as in his censures of, so in his alms to, others." See Ful- ler's Worthies, i. 191 ; Fuller's Ch. History, iii. 479 ; Fuller's Hist, of Cambridge, p. 129 ; Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. 1-6 ; Neal's Hist, of the Puritans, iii. 322, '^ Perhaps Robert Cleaver, who was a Puritan minister at Drayton, in Northamptonshire, but silenced by arclrbisliop Bancroft for Noncon- formity. He and Dod were joint authors of several valuable religious works. See Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. 6, 516. ^ The original of this Letter is preserved among the Hutchinson manuscripts in the library of the Mass. Hist. Society. EICHARD MATHER'S JOURNAL. CHAPTER XXII. RICHARD MATHER S JOURNAL. Praise the Lord, my soul ; and all that is with- ^^j^- in me, praise his holy name ! Praise the Lord, ^ — — ' my soul, and forget not all his benefits ! Yea, let all that is within me, and all that is without me, praise his holy name ! And let every thing that hath breath praise the name of the Lord for ever and ever ! Who gave unto us, his poor servants, such a safe and com- fortable voyage to New-England ; the particular passages whereof were as followeth. We came from Warrington^ on Thursday, April icss. 16, and came to Bristol- on the Thursday following, ^^prii viz. April 23 ; and had a very healthful, safe, and prosperous journey all the way, (blessed be the name of our God for the same,) taking but easy journeys, because of the children and footmen, despatching ^ Warrington is a market town and Liverpool by railway. Popula- in Lancashire, on the river Mersey, tion in 1841, 21,901. 77 miles from Birmingham, and 20 - Bristol is 114 miles west from miles equidistant from Manchester London, on the Avon, and in 1841 had a population of 140,158. 16. 23. 448 RICHARD MATHER AT BRISTOL. ^•^^jP- a hundred and nineteen or twenty miles in seven days.^ 163 5. Coming to Bristol, we found divers of the compa- ny come before us ; but some came not till after us. Howbeit, the last was come by the first of May. Nevertheless, we went not aboard the ship until ^^y Saturday, the 23d of May ; so that the time of our staying in Bristol was a month and two days ; during all which time we found friendship and courtesy at the hands of divers godly Christians in Bristol. Yet our stay was grievous unto us, when we considered how most of this time the winds were steady, and served directly for us. But our ship was not ready ; so ill did our owners deal with us. Going aboard the ship in King Road the 23d of May, we found things very unready, and all on heaps, many goods being not stowed, but lying on disordered heaps here and there in the ship. This day there came aboard the ship two of the searchers, and viewed a list of all our names, ministered the oath of Allegiance^ to all at full age, viewed our certificates from the ministers in the parishes from whence we came, approved well thereof, and gave us tickets, that is, licenses under their hands and ' Cotton Mather says that his first had and obtained, and they to grandfather, on his journey "to take the oaths of Supremacy and Bristol, to take ship there, was Allegiance." Certificates were to forced to change his apparel, that be given by the ministers and jus- he might escape the pursuivants, tices of the several parishes, that who were endeavouring to appre- this regulation had been complied hend him." See Mather's Magna- with. The principal object of it lia, i. 406. seems to have been to prevent the "^ Sir Ferdinando Gorges says, emigration of Puritan ministers to "In a short time, numbers of peo- New-England. But the measure pie of all sorts flocked thither (to was wholly ineffectual. See note * New-England,) in heaps, that at on page 260 ; Chronicles of Ply- last it was specially ordered by the mouth, note ^ on page 64 ; Mass. King's command, that none should Hist. Coll. xxvi. 80, xxviii. 252- be suffered to go without license 276. THE JAMES AT ANCHOR IN KING ROAD. 449 seals to pass the seas, and cleared the ship, and so chap. departed. When we came to King Road, which is a '■ spacious harbour of five or six miles broad, and four i^ss. or five miles distant from Bristol,^ we found near our 2S ship another ship of Bristol, called the Diligence, bound for Newfoundland, riding at anchor. The 24th, being the Lord's day, the wind was 24. strong in the morning, and the ship danced, and many of our women and some children were not well, but seasick, and mazy or light in their heads, and could scarce stand or go without falling, unless they took hold of something to uphold them. This day Mr. Maud^ was exercised^ in the forenoon and I in the afternoon. The wind still easterly. The 25th, we that were passengers would fain 25. have had anchor weighed and sail set, that we might have been gone. But the mariners would insist that they could not stir till the goods were stowed, and the hatches or deck above cleared, &c. ; so we were forced to sit still, and fall in hand with the goods. Which stay was a greater grief unto us, because the Diligence, that lay within two or three stones' cast of us, did this morning go out in our sight. The [26th,] Tuesday morning, the wind being 26. ^ Just below the junction of the was " a good man, and of a serious Avon with the Severn. spirit, and of a peaceable and quiet ^ Daniel Maude was educated at disposition." See Savage's Win- Emmanuel College, Cambridge, throp, ii. 215 ; Snow's History of where he took the degree of A. B. Boston, p. 348 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. in 1606 and of A. M. in 1610. On xvi. 364, xvii. 33, xxviii. 248; New the 12th of August, 1636, he was Hamp. Hist. Coll. iv. 7, II. chosen "free-school master" of ^ The same expression is used by Boston. In 1642 he became minis- Winthrop. " The Lord's day fol- ter of the church at Dover, N. H., lowing. Air. Cotton exercised in the where he continued till his death in afternoon." " Mr. Phillips exercis- 1655. Edwai'd Johnson speaks of ed with us the whole day." See him as " godty and diligent in the Winthrop's Hist. i. 110, 371. work," and Hubbard says that he 29 450 THE ANGEL GABKIEL ALSO IN KING ROAD. CHAP, easterly, and the deck somewhat cleared, the mari- XXII '■ ners began to address themselves for going. But 1635. about nine of the clock, when they had taken up one 2^g^ of their anchors, and were in a manner ready to set forward, the wind turned directly against us, unto the west ; so that we were forced to cast anchor again, and sit still. This evening the Diligence, that went out the day before, came in again, and cast anchor about the place where she lay before, and found us riding at anchor where she left us. And another ship, also bound for New-England, came unto us ; which other ship was called the Angel Gabriel. 27. On Wednesday, the wind continuing still at the west, we having sent some of our men ashore to fetch more bread and victuals, and more water for the cattle, our master. Captain Taylor, went aboard the Angel Gabriel, Mr. Maud, Nathaniel Wales,^ Barnabas Fower,^ Thomas Armitage,^ and myself, accompanying him. When we came there, we found divers passengers, and among them some loving and godly Christians, that were glad to see us there. And soon after we were come aboard there, there came three or four boats, with more passengers, and * Nathaniel Wales was admitted settled in Braintree, and had fifteen a freeman Nov. 2, 1637, at the same children. time with John Harvard, the found- * Barnabas Fewer settled at Dor- cr of the College. He settled in Chester with his minister. He sub- Dorchester, but removed to Boston sequently removed to Boston, and as early as 1654, where he died died there in 1654. His wife's Dec. 4, 1661, at an advanced age. name was Dinah, who died Dec. 27, His wife's name was Susan. He 1642 ; after which he married a se- had three sons, Nathaniel, jr., Tim- cond wife, whose name was Grace, othy, and John. Nathaniel remov- By his first wife he had a son Elea- ed to Boston with his father, and zar, born in 1636. See Blake's died there May 10, 1662. Timothy Annals of Dorchester, p. 16. and John settled in Dorchester. ^ Thomas Armitage, according to Nathaniel, son of Nathaniel, jr., Lewis, was at Lynn in 1635, and in 1637 removed to Sandwich. SIR FERDINANDO GORGES COMES ON BOARD. 451 one wherein came Sir Ferdinando Goro-e,^ who came chap. XXII. to see the ship and the people. When he was come, ^ — ' he inquired whether there were any people there i63 5. that went to Massachusetts Bay. Whereupon Mr. 27^ Maud and Barnabas Fower were sent for to come before him.^ Who being come, he asked Mr. Maud of his country, occupation, or calling of life, &c., and professed his good will to the people there in the Bay, and promised that, if he ever came there, he would be a true friend unto them. On Thursday, the wind being still at west, the 28. master of the Angel Gabriel and some of their pas- sengers came aboard our ship, and desired to have our company, &c. This day their cattle came aboard, and our master and some of the sailors and passengers went ashore. Friday morning, the wind was south-east ; but 29. our master and some of the mariners being away, we could not set sail. So being constrained to ride at anchor still, and fearing a want if our journey should prove long, some of our company were sent by boat to Bristol to provide some more oats for the cattle, and bread and other provisions for ourselves, which they performed, and so came aboard again at evening. Saturday, at morning, the wind waxed strong at 30. north-west, and against our going out ; and, besides, our master and some of the sailors were gone ashore and not come aboard again ; so that this day also we were constrained to sit still. In the afternoon the wind waxed louder, and our ship danced with wind ^ For an excellent account of ' Mather himself keeps in the Gorges see Belknap's Am. Biog. i. background, probably from fear of 346-393. being recognized and stopped. See note ' on page 448. 452 THEY SET SAIL FROM KING ROAD. CHAP, and waves, and many passengers, especially women, '■ and some children, were seasick. 16 35. The second Sabbath on shipboard. The wind 3 if easterly, and directly for us. But our master and many of the sailors being away, and it being also the Lord's day, there could be no going out that day. I was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. June Monday, the wind was westerly, and against us. This day we sent some of our company ashore to wash linens, and some to buy more hay and provi- sions. Towards night the wind grew stronger, and our ship danced, and many of the passengers were ill through casting and seasickness. 2. Tuesday, the wind still westerly. This day we sent some of our people ashore to provide more water and hay for the cattle. 3. Wednesday morning, the wind was easterly, and good for our purpose. But our master and many of the sailors were away ; and those that were aboard with us told us it was no going out till the wind was settled, lest we should be forced to come in again, upon change of wind, as the Diligence was. This evening there came to anchor in King Road another ship of Bristol, of 240 tons, called the Bess, or Eli- zabeth, bound for Newfoundland, as there had done another two or three days before, called the Mary, which was also bound for Newfoundland. 4. Thursday morning, the wind serving for us, and our master and all the sailors being come aboard, we set sail, and began our sea voyage, with glad hearts that God had loosed us from our long stay wherein we had been holden, and with hope and trust that FORCED TO ANCHOR IN THE CHANNEL. 453 he would graciously guide us to the end of our jour- ^^f^^^- ney. We were, that set sail together this morning, five ships, three bound for Newfoundland, viz. the i^^^- Diligence, a ship of 150 tons, the Mary, a small ship 4"^ of 80 tons, and the Besse ; and two bound for New- England, viz. the Angel Gabriel, of 240 tons, [and] the James, of 220 tons. And even at our setting out, we that were in the James had experience of God's gracious providence over us, in that the Angel Gabriel, hauling home one of her anchors, had like, being carried by the force of the tide, to have fallen foul upon the forepart of our ship ; which made all the mariners as well as passengers greatly afraid. Yet, by the guidance of God, and his care over us, she passed by without touching so much as a cable or cord ; and so we escaped that danger. This day we went about ten or twelve leagues afore twelve of the clock, and then the wind turned to the west, and the tide also was against us, so that we were forced to come to anchor again in the channel, between Wales and Winnyard,^ in Somersetshire, and there we abode till about six or seven of the clock at night ; and then the tide turning for us, we tacked about with the tide to and fro, as the wind would suffer, and gained little, yet continued all night till about two of the clock after midnight, and then (the tide turning,) we came to anchor again. Friday morning, the wind still strong at west, we 5. tacked about again with the tide to and fro, till about one of the clock after dinner ; about which time the tide and wind being both against us, we came to an- ' There is no such place as Winnyard in Somersetshire. It may possi- bly be an eiTor for Mmehead. 454 THEY ANCHOR OFF LUNDY. CHAP, chor again within sight of Lundy, about two leagues short thereof; which Lundy is an island about twenty leagues short of the Land's End, and twenty-eight leagues from King Road.^ This day many passen- gers were very seasick, and ill at ease through much vomiting. This day, at night, when the tide turned, we set sail again, and so came, on Saturday morning, to anchor again under Lundy, where abiding, because the wind was strong against us, some of us were desirous to go ashore into the island. And speaking thereof to our master, he was very willing to satisfy us therein, and went with us himself. Mr. Maude, Mathew Michell,^ * This island lies off the entrance of the Bristol Channel. It is high, rising upwards of 450 feet above the level of the sea, the shores consist- ing of perpendicular granite cliffs. It is about two miles and three quarters in length, and half a mile in breadth. There is still but one farm-house on the island ; and live stock, vegetables, and good water may be obtained from the shore. Lundy Road is on the east side of the island. See Norie's British Channel Pilot, p. 99. 2 The father of the Rev. Jona- than Mitchell, who at this time was only eleven years of age, and in 1650 succeeded Shepard as pastor of the church in Cambridge. Mat- thew Mitchell was from Halifax, in Yorkshire. " All his family," says Mather, " were visited with sick- ness the winter after their first aiTi- val at Charlestown, and the scarcity then afflicting the country added to the afflictions of their sickness. Re- moving to the town of Concord, his beginnings were there consumed by fire, and some other losses befell him in the latter end of that winter. The next summer he removed unto Saybrook, and the next spring unto Weathersfield, upon Connecticut river, by which he lost yet more of his possessions, and plunged him- self into other troubles. Towards the close of that year he had a son- in-law slain by the Pequot Indians ; and many of his cattle w^ere destroy- ed, and his estate, unto the value of some hundreds of pounds, was dam- nified. A shallop, which he sent unto the river's mouth, was taken and burned by the Pequots, and three men in the vessel slain, in all of whom he was nearly concerned ; so that indeed the Pequot scourge fell more on this family than on any other in the land. Afterwards there arose unhappy differences in the place where he lived, wherein he met with many injuries ; for which causes he transferred himself, with his interests, unto Stamford, in the Colony of New-Haven, where he died in 1645, about the 55th year of his age." Matthew Mitchell's name is recorded by Trumbull among the first settlers of Stam- ford ; and Lion Gardiner speaks of " old Mr. Mitchell " being with him at Saybrook in the fall of 1636, and says that the Indians " took the brother of Mr. Mitchell, who is the minister of Cambridge, and roasted him alive." See Mather's Magna- THEY LAND ON THE ISLAND. 455 George^ Kenrick, myself, and some others, accompa- chap. nying him. When we came into the island, we found -^ — — only one house therein ; and walking in it from side i^^^- to side and end to end, one of the house being with g^ us, we found thirty or forty head of cattle, about sixteen or twenty horses and mares, goats, swine, geese, &,c., and fowl and rabbits innumerable. The island is seventeen hundred acres of land, but yields no corn. Here we got some milk, and fowl, and cheese, which things my children were glad of, and so came aboard again. But the wind being strong against us, especially towards night, we rode there all night and the next day ; and many of our passen- gers were this evening very sick. The third Sabbath on shipboard. This day the 7. wind still at west, against us, we lay still under Lundy. Mr. Maude was exercised in the forenoon, and I in the afternoon. Monday, the wind still strong at west. This day 8. we sent some of our people on shore to Lundy, to fetch more water for the cattle. Tuesday, the wind still strong against us. This 9. morning the five ships, being all weary of lying at Lundy, because the harbour was not very good, and seeing the wind still contrary, weighed anchor again and set sail for Milford Haven, ~ which is fourteen lia, ii. 66 ; Morton's Memorial, p. (Brookline,) where Ins wife, Amy, 335; Hubbard, p. 199; Scottow's died Nov. 15, 1656, and from thence Narrative, p. 14 ; TrumbiiU's Con- to Newton, where he died Aug. 29, necticut, i. 67, 68, 79, 121, 125; 1686, aged 82. See Farmer's Gen, Mass. Hist. Coll. vii. 47, xxiii. 142, Reg. 143. ^ Milford Haven is the only safe * I am not sure that I have deci- port for a large ship between the phered this word aright. It may Land's End and Holyhead. It is possibly be John, who was at Bos- the most secure and commodious ton in 1639, admitted a freeman harbour in England, and may be en- in 1640, removed to Muddy-river, tered without a pilot, either by night 456 THEY ANCHOR IN MILFORD HAVEN. CHAP, leagues from Lundy, and lies upon Pembrokeshire, in Wales, and came thither that night. This day, as we came from Lundy to Milford Haven, the sea wrought and was rough,- and most of the passengers were very sick, worse than ever before. 10- Wednesday, the wind still against us, we lay still in Milford Haven, and most of our people were in good health, and many went on shore into the coun- try, and brought more fresh water for the cattle, more fresh victuals, as eggs, loaf bread, fresh fish,&c. which things our children were glad of. 11 Thursday, the wind still against us. Many went this day also on shore, to take the air, view the country, &c., and some of us upon business, to pro- vide more hay and provisions. 12. Friday. A knight of the country, dwelling near Hartford West,^ being aboard the Diligence, sent for me to come to speak with him. Much wondering we had what should be the matter, seeing I never knew him, nor he me. When I came to him, he used me courteously, invited me to his house, wished us all good success, lamented the loss of them that stayed behind, when so many of the best people, for uphold- ing religion, were removed and taken away.^ The knight's name is Sir James Parret. 13. Saturday, wind still against us. u. The fourth Sabbath on shipboard. This day Mr. Maud, Mathew Michel, and many of our passengers, or day, even with contrary winds, broke, and one of the principal towns only taking the tide. In it the ship- of South Wales, situated at one of ping of the whole British empire the inland extremities of the creek might ride together in perfect safety, or bay called Milford Haven. It is ' So in the MS. ; but the name seven miles from Milford. of the town is Haverford-West. It ^ Sec note " on page 127. is tlie capital of the county of Pem- THEY GO ASHORE AT ANGLE. 457 and of the Ano:el Gabriel's, went to a church on chap. XXII. shore, called Nangle/ where they heard two good '- and comfortable sermons, made by an ancient, grave -^^^ minister, living at Pembrooke, whose name is Mr. Jessop. His text was Psalm xci. 11. " He will give his angels charge," &c. ; and his coming was purpose- ly for the comfort and encouragement of us that went to New-England. I was exercised on shipboard both ends of the day, remaining there for the help of the weaker and inferior sort, that could not go on shore. Monday, I went on shore to Nangle, with my wife 15. and children, John Smith and his wife, and Mary, Susan Michel,^ and divers others. It was a fair day, and we walked in the fields, and at a house got some milk, &c., wherewith we were much refreshed, and came aboard again at evening. Tuesday, a rainy day ; the w^ind still against us. Wednesday, the wind still against us. 17. Thursday, the wind still against us. This day, in ^g the morning, our master and the seamen sent away and set on shore one of the seamen, called Jephrey Cornish, who had fallen out and been in quarrelling and fighting with some of the seamen. The main matter alleged against him, was his drunkenness, and blasphemy, and brawling and cursing in his drunk- enness. In the afternoon there came to the Angel Gabriel and to our ship, Mr. Jessop,^ to see the Christians bound for New-England. He was a grave and godly old man, one that had lost a good living ^ Angle, a village on the right of ^ He was the father of Const'an- the entrance to Milford Haven, so tine Jessop, also a Nonconformist called from being, as it were, in an- minister. See Wood's Athen. Oxon. gulo, in a nook. iii. 540, Fasti, i. 461, (ed. Bhss) ; ^ Probably the wife of Matthew Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. Mitchell. 375. 1635 June 458 THEY SAIL FROM MILFORD HAVEN. CHAP, because of his Nonconformity, and wished us all well ; and we were much refreshed with his godly company and conference. 19." Friday, a foggy morning ; wind still westerly. 20. Saturday, the wind still hovering to and fro. 21. The fifth Sabbath on shipboard ; a fair, cheerful summer day. This day I was exercised both ends of the day, and had much comfort therein, because the fairness of the day freed us from distraction, and fitted us the better for attendance. Besides, the day was more comfortable to us all, in regard of the company of many godly Christians from the Angel Gabriel, and from other vessels lying in the harbour with us ; who, wanting means at home, were glad to come to us, and we were also glad of their company, and had all of us a very comfortable day, and were much refreshed in the Lord. 22. Monday morning, the wind serving, with a strong gale at east, we set sail from Milford Haven, where we had waited for wind twelve days, and were car- ried forth with speedy course, and about noon lost all sight of land. The wind being strong, the sea was rough this day, and most of our passengers were very sick and ill through much casting. Tuesday, the wind still easterly, and a very rainy day. We were carried forward apace, and launched forth a great way into the deep. But our people were still very sick. This day, at evening, we lost sight of the three ships bound for Newfoundland, which had been in company with us from King Road ; and our master thought it best for us to stay for the Angel Gabriel, being bound for New-England, as we were, rather than to leave her and go with the other 23 A PIRATICAL LOOKING VESSEL. 459 three. The Angel Gabriel is a strong ship, and well chap. furnished with fourteen or sixteen pieces of ordnance, and therefore our seamen rather desired her compa- ny ; but yet she is slow in sailing, and therefore we went sometimes with three sails less than w^e might have done, that so we might not overgo her. Wednesday, the wind still at east, but not so 24. strong as the other two days before. This morning we saw abundance of porpoises^ leaping and playing about our ship ; and spent a great deal of time, till two or three o'clock in the afternoon, in pursuing (with the Angel Gabriel,) another ship, which we sup- posed to have been a Turkish pirate, and to have ta- ken the Mary. The ground of which supposal was, because yesternight the Mary was in our sight, behind her fellows, and a little ship, like to the Mary, had been with the other ship this morning when we first espied them. But the little ship parted from the other, and we doubted she had been the Mary, taken and sent away as a prize by the Turk ; and this made us more willing to pursue them. But not being able to overtake them, we left pursuing, and turned our course again our own way. Thursday, the wind still easterly ; in the morning 25. wet and rainy ; but about noon a fair, sunshiny day. Many of our passengers, that had been sick before, began to be far better, and came with delight to walk above, upon the deck. Friday, wind at north, and afterward more west- ge. ward. This day we saw many porpoises leaping and running like about our ship. * See note * on page 226. 460 A PORPOISE CAUGHT. CHAP. Saturday, wind still north-west ; but a fair, cool XXII. , day. 1635. The first Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the T 27. sixth on shipboard ; a fair, cool day ; wind north- 28- erly, good for our purpose. I was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. This evening we saw porpoises about the ship, and some would fain have been striking ; but others dissuaded because of the Sabbath ; and so it was let alone. 29, Monday morning, wind still northerly ; a fair, cool day. This morning, about seven of the clock, our seamen struck a great porpoise, and hauled it with ropes into the ship ; for bigness, not much less than a hog of twenty or twenty-five shillings apiece, and not much unlike for shape, with flesh fat and lean, like in color to the fat and lean of a hog ; and being opened upon the deck, had within his entrails, as liver, lights, heart, guts, &c., for all the world like a swine. The seeing of him hauled into the ship, like a swine from the sty to the trestle,^ and opened upon the deck in view of all our com- pany, was wonderful to us all, and marvellous merry sport, and delightful to our women and children. So good was our God unto us, in affording us the day before spiritual refreshing to our souls, and this day morning also delightful recreation to our bodies, at the taking and opening of this huge and strange fish. In the afternoon the Angel Gabriel sent their boat to our ship, to see how we did ; and our mas- ter. Captain Taylor, went aboard the Angel, and took Mathew Michel and me along with him. When ' Trestle, a Irarae or support for a table, made triangular, or with three legs. THE WEATHER FAIR AND HOT. 461 we came thither, we found their passengers that had ^"^p. JV.^11* been seasick now well recovered, the most of them, and two children that had had the small pox well \ ^ J line recovered again. We were entreated to stay supper 29. there with their master, &c., and had good cheer, mutton boiled and roasted, roasted turkey, good sack, &c. After which loving and courteous enter- tainment, we took leave, and came aboard the James again at night. Tuesday, a fair, hot summer day, but small wind. 30. This day w^e saw with wonder and delight abundance of porpoises, and likewise some grampusses, as big as an ox, puffing and spewing up water as they went by the ship. Wednesday, a fair, hot summer day ; but the wind -^f^ westerly, so that we gained little that day. Thursday, rainy in the morning, but in the after- 2. noon fair and clear ; but little wind all day. Friday, wind strong at southward. We were 3. carried on apace, after eight or nine leagues a watch, as the seamen conceived ; (a watch is four hours, a league is three miles.) This day some few of the weakest passengers had some small remembrance again of sea-qualms and sea-sickness. Saturday, a very strong wind, but not much for us. 4. This day the sea was very rough, and we saw the truth of that Scripture, Psalm 107. Some were very seasick ; but none could stand or go upon the deck, because of the tossing and tumbling of the ship. This day we lost sight of the Angel Gabriel, sailing slowly behind us, and w^e never saw her again any more. The second Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the 5. 462 A PLEASANT SABBATH ON BOARD. CHAP, seventh on ship. This day God was very gracious '■ unto us, in giving a fair, calm, sunshiny day, that we ''^IJ^y might above, upon the deck, exercise ourselves in his worship. For if this day had been as the former for wind and rain, we could not have known how to have sanctified the Sabbath in any comfortable man- ner. I was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. 6- Monday, wind north and north-east ; good for us, had it been strong enough ; but being but weak, we could not despatch much way. A fair day, and our people were most of them hearty and cheerful. This morning Mathew Michell and I spake to our master, desiring him that we might not stay for the Angel, because we doubted our hay for our cattle would not hold out, and many casks of water were leaked and spent. To which request he gave free assent, and caused the sailors to make all the sail they possibly could ; and so we went that day as the soft wind could drive us. 7. Tuesday, a fair day, but soft wind at south. Our people cheerful, and in good health. g^ Wednesday, wind westerly ; yet by tacking south- ward and northward, we gained, as the seamen con- ceived, twenty or twenty-one leagues. 9. Thursday, a strong wind at north-west, which made the sea somewhat rough. Yet the passengers, by the mercy of God, were few of them seasick. This day and two days before we saw following the ship a little bird like a swallow, called a 'pitkrill^ ' The Stormy Petrel, or Mother Oruitliol. Bioof. iii. 486 ; Nuttall's Carey's Chicken. See Wilson's Ornithology, Water Birds, p. 322. Am. Ornithol. vii. 90 ; Audubon's FOGGY AND ROUGH WEATHER. 463 which they say doth follow ships against foul weather; chap. and we saw also this afternoon by the ship side a great grampus, as big as an ox. "^^^^ Friday, wind westerly, so that we could gain lit- lo. tie. A fair day, and our people generally in good health. Saturday, much like. ii. The third Sabbath from Milford, and the eighth 12. on shipboard. A very fair day, so that we had liberty to serve God without distraction and dis- turbance from weather. Mr. Maud w^as exercised in the forenoon, and I in the afternoon. Wind southward. Monday, a foggy, misty day ; but a good gale of 13. wind at south and by east, which carried us apace, after ten leagues a watch. Tuesday, also very foggy and misty. Wind south- 14. erly, but about noon became calm. Wednesday, a strong wind northerly, which made 15. the sea rough ; yet we went about eight or nine leagues a watch. Few of us w^ere seasick ; though a wind not so strong and sea not so rough would, in the beginning of our journey, have wrought more upon us. But now we were better used unto it. Thursday, a fair day ; though the w^ind being le. westerly, carried us more to the southward than else we desired. This day we saw with wonder and de- light an innumerable multitude of porpoises leaping and playing about the ship. Towards evening the wind was little. Friday, calm in the morning. But afore noon, the 17. wind waxed strong at north, and so continued all day, and carried us a good speed in our course. 464 ABUNDANCE OF SEA-FOWL. Saturday, wind north-west, a fair, cool day. We saw this morning a great many of bonitoes ^ leaping and playing about the ship. Bonito is a fish some- what bigger than a cod, but less than a porpoise. 19. Sabbath, a fair forenoon ; but at noon the wind became stiff westward, which was against us. In the afternoon it blew so hard and loud, that my voice could scarce be heard, though I extended it to the furthest that I could. 2^- Monday, a foggy and misty day ; wind about north- west. We saw this day divers dolphins playing about the ship, and many sea-fowl, hagbats,^ and others. 21. Tuesday morning a great calm after a hot night. This morning our seamen took a bonito, and opened him upon the deck ; of which, being dressed, our master sent Mathew Michel and me part, as good fish in eating as could be desired. About noon the wind became north-east, good for our purpose, so that we went that afternoon nine or ten leagues a watch. 22. Wednesday, wind still about north-east, but not so strong as the day before. Now we saw every day abundance of sea-fowl, as pitterels, hagbats, &c. 23. Thursday morning, a fine gale of wind at north and by east. Now we saw this morning abundance of porpoises and grampuses, leaping, and spewing up water about the ship. About eight or nine of the clock the wind blew more stiffly, and we went about ' "Or Spanish dolphins, a fish England, p. 7, in Mass. Hist. Coll. about the size of a large mackerel, xxiii. 217. beautified with admirable variety of - Higginson, in his Journal, calls glittering colors in the water." ihcm hag-birds. See page 229. Josselyn's Two Voyages to New- ON THE BANK OF NEWFOUNDLAND. 465 ei^ht or nine leao:iies a watch. Towards evenins:, chap. XXII our seamen deemed that w^e w^ere near to some land, — — '■ because the color of the water w^as changed. But i^ss. sounding with a line of a hundred and sixty fathom, gsf they could find no bottom. It w^as a very cold wind, like as if it had been winter, which made some to w^ish for more clothes. Friday, wind still northerly, but very faint. It 24. was a great foggy mist, and exceeding cold, as it had been December. One w^ould have wondered to have seen the innumerable numbers of fowd, w^hich we saw swimming on every side of the ship,^ and mighty fishes rolling and tumbling in the waters, twice as long and big as an ox. In the afternoon we saw mighty whales spewing up water in the air, like the smoke of a chimney, and making the sea about them white and hoary, as it is said in Job ; of such incred- ible bigness that I w^ill never wonder that the body of Jonas could be in the belly of a whale. At even- ing our seamen sounded, and found ground at fifty fathom. Saturday morning, they sounded again, and found 25 no bottom, conceiving thereby that we were the day before on Newfoundland Bank, on the end of it nearer to New-England. This day, about nine of the clock, the wind turned from being northerly, and came about by the east unto the south, and the great fog vanished away, and it became a clear, sunshiny day. This day Mathew Michel and I, taking notice that our hay and water waxed scarce, went to our master, entreating him to tell us how far he conceived ' They were now near the Grand Bank of Newfoundland. See pages 228 and 229. 30 Job, xli. 32. 466 FOUR PORPOISES CAUGHT. CHAP. US to want of our journey's end, that so we misrht xxir. 1 1 . . ~ — — better know how to order our water and provisions 16 35. |-Qj. Q^j, cattle, which yet were all alive and in good 25. liking ; and he thereupon summed up all the passages of our journey past, and conceived two hundred and fifty leagues to be yet remaining unfinished. On Friday, in the evening, we had an hour or two of marvellous delightful recreation, which also was a feast unto us for many days after, while we fed upon the flesh of three huge porpoises, like to as many fat hogs, striked by our seamen, and hauled with ropes into the ship. The flesh of them was good meat, with salt, pepper and vinegar ; the fat like fat bacon, the lean like bull-beef; and on Saturday evening they took another also. 26. The fifth Sabbath from Milford Haven, and the tenth on shipboard ; a fair, sunshiny summer day, and would have been very hot, had not God allayed the heat with a good gale of southerly wind ; by which also we were carried on in our journey after seven leagues a watch. I was exercised in the forenoon, and Mr. Maud in the afternoon. In the afternoon the wind grew stronger, and it was a rough night for wind and rain, and some had our beds that night ill wet with rain beating in through the sides of the ship. 27. Monday, wind still strong at south. This day we spent much time in filling divers tuns of emptied cask with salt water ; which was needful, because much beer, fresh water, beef, and other provisions being spent, the ship went not so well, being too light for want of ballast. When this work was done, we set forth more sail, and went that evening and all the night following with good speed in our journey. A LAND-BIRD LIGHTS ON THE SHIP. 467 Tuesday morning, a great calm, and very hot all chap. the forenoon ; om- people and cattle being much afflicted with faintness, sweating, and heat. But ^^^^• (lo ! the goodness of our God,) about noon the wind 28. blew at north and by east, which called us from our heat, and holp us forward in our way. This after- noon there came and light upon our ship a little land- bird, with blue-colored feathers, about the bigness of a sparrow ; by which some conceived we were not far from land. Wednesday, not extremely hot, but a good gale of 29. cooling wind. But yet, being at the west and by north, it was against us in our way ; so that we were forced to tack northw^ard and southward, and gained little. Thursday, wind still westerly, against us, all the so. forenoon. But about one of the clock the Lord re- membered us in mercy, and sent us a fresh gale at south ; which, though weak and soft, yet did not only much mitigate the heat, but also holp us some- thing forw^ard in our way. In the evening, about sun-setting, we saw with admiration and delight, in- numerable multitudes of huge grampuses, rolling and tumbling about the sides of the ship, spewing and puffing up water as they went, and pursuing great numbers of bonitoes and lesser fishes ; — so marvellous to behold are the works and wonders of the Almighty in the deep. Friday, a great foggy mist all the forenoon, and si. the wind west-northwest, which was against us. In the afternoon the mist vanished, and the day cleared up ; but the wind still against us, so that we gained little, being forced to run a by-course, viz. north and by east, and at night to run southward. 468 ABUNDANCE OF COD TAKEN. CHAP. Saturday morning, a cool wind at north, whereby we went on in our course an hour or two, though ^^^^- very slowly, because of the weakness of the wind. 1. Afterwards it became a great calm, and our seamen sounded about one of the clock, and found ground at sixty fathom.^ Presently after, another little land- bird came and light upon the sails of the ship. In the cool of the evening, the calm still continuing, our seamen fished with hook and line, and took cod as fast as they could haul them up into the ship. 2. The sixth Sabbath from Milford, and the eleventh on shipboard. This day was a day of great refresh- ing to us ; not only because of preaching and pray- ers, which we enjoyed for the good of our souls, but also by reason of abundance of fowl which we saw swimming in the sea, as a token of nearness of land. Besides, our bodies fed sweetly on the fresh cod taken the day before, of which our master sent Mr. Maud and me good store. And the wind blew w4th a cool and comfortable gale at south all day, which carried us away with great speed towards our jour- ney's end; — so good was our loving God unto us, as always, so also this day. Mr. Maud was exer- cised in the forenoon and I in the afternoon. But lest we should grow secure, and neglect the Lord through abundance of prosperity, our wise and 3- loving God was pleased on Monday morning, about three of the clock, when we were upon the coast of land, to exercise us with a sore storm and tempest of wind and rain ; so that many of us passengers, with wind and rain were raised out of our beds, and our seamen were forced to let down all the sails ; ' See note ^ un page 229. FOGS AND CALMS. 469 and the ship was so tossed with fearful mountains chap. and valleys of water, as if we should have been over whelmed and swallowed up. But this lasted not i^^^- long ; for at our poor prayers the Lord was pleased sf ' to magnify his mercy in assuaging the winds and seas again about sunrising. But the wind was become west, against us, so that we floated upon the coast, making no despatch of way all that day and the night following. And besides, there was a great fog and mist all that day, so that we could not see to make land, but kept in all sail and lay still, rather losing than gaining, but taking abundance of cod and hali- but, wherewith our bodies were abundantly refresh- ed after they had been tossed with the storm. Tuesday, the fog continued still all the forenoon. 4. About noon, the day cleared up, and the wind blew with a soft gale at south, and we set sail again, go- ing on in our course, though very slowly, because of the smallness of the wind. At night it was a calm, and abundance of rain. Wednesday morning, we had a little wind at north, 5. but a foggy forenoon. In the afternoon, the day somewhat cleared ; but it became a calm again. Thus the Lord was pleased, with foggy mists and want of winds, to exercise our patience and waiting upon his good leisure, still keeping us from sight of land, when our seamen conceived us to be upon the coast. This day, in the afternoon, we saw multi- tudes of great whales ; which now was grown ordi- nary and usual to behold. Thursday, a foggy morning ; afterward a very hot 6. day, and great calm, so that we could make no way, but lay still, floating upon the coast, and could not come to any sight of land. 470 FIRST SIGHT OF LAND. Friday morning, a great fog still, and a slender soft wind at west-southwest. In the afternoon the wind wakened, and we went forward with good speed, though too far northward, because the wind was so much on the west. Saturday morning, we had a good gale of wund at west-southwest ; and this morning our seamen took abundance of mackerel ;^ and about eight of the clock we all had a clear and comfortable sight of America, and made land again at an island called Menhiggin,^ an island without inhabitants, about thirty-nine leagues northward or northeast short of Cape Ann. A little from this island we saw, more northward, divers other islands, called St. George Islands,^ and the main land of New-England all along, northward and eastward, as we sailed. This mercy of our God we had cause more highly to esteem of, because when we first saw land this morning, there was a great fog, and afterward, when the day cleared up, we saw many rocks and islands almost on every side us, as Menhiggin, St. George Islands, Pemmaquid, &c. Yet, in the midst of these dangers our God preserv- ed us ; though, because of the thick fog, we could not see far about us to look unto ourselves. In the afternoon, the wind continuing still westward, against us, we lay off again to the sea southward, and our seamen and many passengers delighted themselves in taking abundance of mackerel. ' See note ^ on page 232. ber, on the coast of Maine, situated * See Chronicles of Plymouth, about the mouth of St. George's note ■• on p. 182, and Williamson's river eastwardly, and on the east History of Maine, i. 61 . margin of Broad or Muscongus Bay. ^ St. George's Islands are a clus- See them described in Williamson, t(^i of islands, about twenty in num- i. 59, 60, THEY ANCHOR AT RICHMOND'S ISLAND. ^ 471 The seventh Sabbath from Milford, and the twelfth chap. on shipboard. This day was a fair, clear, and com '- fortable day, though the wind was directly against i^^^- us, so that we were forced to tack to and again, gT southward and northward, gaining little, but were all day still in sight of land. Mr. Maud in the fore- noon ; I in the afternoon. Monday morning, the wind still continuing against lo. us, we came to anchor at Richmond's Island,^ in the east part of New-England ; the Bay of Massachu- setts, whither we w^ere bound, lying thirty leagues distant from us to the west. Our seamen were will- ing here to cast anchor, partly because the wind was against us, and partly because of necessity they must come to anchor to take in a pilot somewhere before we came to the Bay, by reason that our pilot knew the harbours no further but to the Isle of Shoals. When we came within sight of the island, the planters there, (or rather fishers, for their chief employment was fishing,) being but two families, and about forty persons, were sore afraid of us, doubting lest we had been French, come to pillage the island, as Penob- scots had been served by them about ten days before.^ * Richmond's (or Richman's) Isl- goods, and gave them bills for them, and is on the coast of Maine, near and bade them tell all the plantations Cape Elizabeth. It is three miles they would come with eight ships in circumference, and is only half a next year and displant them all. But, mile from the main ; the strait being by a letter which the captain wrote fordable at low water. This island to the Governor of Plymouth, it ap- is frequently mentioned in the early peared that they had commission from history of the country See Wil- Mons. Rossillon, commander at the liamson's Maine, i. 30. fort near Cape Breton, called La ''"At this time (Aug. 1635,)" Heve, to displant the English as far says Winthrop, " a French ship as Pemaquid ; and by it they pro- came with commission from the fessed all courtesy to us here." See king of France, (as they pretended,) Winthrop, i. 166 ; Hubbard, p. 161; and took Penobscott, a Plymouth Williamson's Maine, i. 262 ; Hutch- trarling house, and sent away the inson's Mass. i. 46 ; Holmes's An- men which were in it, but kept their nals, i. 230. 472 THEY SAIL ALONG THE COAST. CHAP. When we were come to anchor, and their fear was XXII. past, they came some of them aboard to us in their *^^^- shallops, and we went some of us ashore into the isl- i(f ■ and, to look for fresh water and grass for our cattle ; and the planters bade us welcome, and gave some of us courteous entertainment in their houses. 11. Tuesday, we lay still at anchor at Richmond's Island, the wind being still against us. 12. Wednesday morning, the wind serving with a fresh gale at north and by east, we set sail from Richmond's Island for Massachusetts Bay, and went along the coast by Cape Porpus,^ still within sight of land. This day the wind was soft and gentle ; and as we went along, our seamen and passengers took abundance of mackerel. Towards night it became a calm, so that then we could despatch little way. 13. Thursday morning, the wind was against us, at south-southwest, and so had been all night before, so that we tacked to and fro, gaining little, but con- tinuing on the coast towards Cape Ann, within sight of land for the most part, passing by Boon Islands,^ Agamenticus,^ &c. This evening our seamen desir- ed to have anchored at Hog Island,^ or the Isle of Shoals, being seven leagues short of Cape Ann, and thirteen or fourteen leagues from the Isle of Rich- mond. But the wind being strong at south-south- west, they could not attain their purpose, and so were forced to lie off again to sea all night. ' Cape Porpoise is near Kenne- hour. It is a noted landmark for bunk harbour. mariners, being the first height seen * Boon Island is an island of rocks by them from the sea. See Wil- a quarter of a mile in length, situa- liamson's Maine, i. 96, 231. ted six or seven miles southeast from * Hog island is the largest of the York harbour. Isles of Shoals, containing about ^ This mountain is about eight 350 acres, miles northwesterly from York bar- THEY ANCHOR AT THE ISLES OF SHOALS. 473 Friday morning, the wind was strong at south- chap. southwest, and so Continued till towards evening, and then was somewhat milder. This day we tacked ^^^^• to and again all day, one while west and by north 14.' towards Isles of Shoals, another while east-southeast to sea again; Cape Ann, whither our way was, lying from us south-southwest, directly in the eye of the wind, so that we could not come near unto it. But this evening, by moonlight, about ten of the clock, we came to anchor at the Isles of Shoals,^ which are • seven or eight islands and other great rocks, and there slept sweetly that night till break of day. But yet the Lord had not done with us, nor yet had let us see all his power and goodness, which he would have us to take knowledge of; and therefore, on Saturday morning, about break of day, the Lord 15. sent forth a most terrible storm of rain and easterly wind, whereby we were in as much danger as, I think, ever people were. For we lost in that morn- ing three great anchors and cables ; of which cables one, having cost <£50, never had been in any water before ; two were broken by the violence of the waves, and the third cut by the seamen in extremity and distress, to save the ship and their and our lives. And when our cables and anchors were all lost, we had no outward means of deliverance but by loosing sail, if so be we might get to the sea from amongst the islands and rocks where we anchored. But the Lord let us see that our sails could not save us neither, no more than our cables and anchors. For, by the force of the wind and rain, the sails were rent ' See a topographical and histor- Mass. Hist. ColL vii. 242-261; ical account of these islands in Williamson's Maine, i. 23. 474 A TERRIBLE STORM. ci^AP. in sunder and split in pieces, as if they had been but rotten rags, so that of the foresail and spritsail there 163 5. ^y^g scarce left so much as a hand-breadth that was 15.' not rent in pieces and blown away into the sea. So that at this time all hope that we should be saved, in regard of any outward appearance, was utterly taken away ; and the rather, because we seemed to drive with full force of wind and rain directly upon a mighty rock,^ standing out in sight above the water ; so that we did but continually wait when we should hear and feel the doleful rushing and crashing of the ship upon the rock. In this extremity and appear- ance of death, as distress and distraction would suffer us, we cried unto the Lord, and he was pleased to have compassion and pity upon us ; for by his over- ruling providence and his own immediate good hand, he guided the ship past the rock, assuaged the vio- lence of the sea and of the wind and rain, and gave us a little respite to fit the ship with other sails, and sent us a fresh gale of wind at [blank], by which we went on that day in our course south-west and by west towards Cape Ann. It was a day much to be remembered, because on that day the Lord granted us as wonderful a deliverance as, I think, ever peo- ple had, out of as apparent danger as I think ever people felt. I am sure our seamen confessed they never knew the like." The Lord so imprint the me- mory of it on our hearts, that we may be the better for it, and be more careful to please him and to walk uprightly before him as long as we live ; and I hope ' At Piscataqua, says Winthrop, ton's Memorial, p. 179 ; Hubbard, i. 165. pp. 199-201 ; Mather's Magnalia, " For a further account of this i. 406 ; Scottow's Narrative, p. 14. storm, see Winthrop, i. 164 ; Mor- CASUALTIES ON BOARD. 475 we shall not forget the passages of that morning until ^-^^p- our dying day. In the storm, one Mr. Willett/ of New Plymouth, ^^^^• and other three men with him, having been turned 15^" out of all their havings at Penobscot about a fortnight before,^ and coming along with us in our ship from Richmond's Island, with his boat and goods in it made fast at the stern of our ship, lost his boat with all that was therein, the violence of the waves break- ing the boat in pieces, and sinking the bottom of it into the bottom of the sea. And Richard Becon, lending his help to the seamen at the hauling of a cable, had the cable catched about his arm, whereby his arm was crushed in pieces, and his right hand pulled away, and himself brought into doleful and grievous pain and misery. But in all this grievous storm, my fear was the less, when I considered the clearness of my calling from God this way ;^ and in some measure (the Lord's holy name be blessed for it,) he gave us hearts contented and willing that he should do with us and ours what he pleased, and what might be most for the glory of his name ; and in that we rest- ed ourselves. But Avhen news was brought unto us into the gunroom, that the danger was past, how our hearts did then relent and melt within us ! and how we burst out into tears of joy amongst ourselves, in love unto our gracious God, and admiration of his * Thomas Willett was an Assist- Island, Aug. 4, 1674, aged 64. See ant of Pljinouth Colony from 1651 Morton's Memorial, pp. '250, 304 ; to 1664, fourteen years. Farmer Mass. Hist. Coll. xiv. 100, 293. says he was the first mayor of New ^ See page 471. York after its conquest from the ^ That is, his call to come to Dutch by the English in 1664, and New-England, that he died at Barrington, in Rhode 476 THEY ARTIIVE IN BOSTON HARBOUR. CHAP, kindness, in granting to his poor servants such an ' — — extraordinary and miraculous deliverance ! His holy 1635. name be blessed forever ! Aug. 'Yli'is day we went on towards Cape Ann, as the wind would suffer, and our poor sails further, and came within sight thereof the other ^ morning ; which 16. Sabbath, being the thirteenth we kept on shipboard, was a marvellous pleasant day, for a fresh gale of wind, and clear sunshiny weather. This day we went directly before the wind, and had delight all along the coast, as we went, in viewing Cape Ann, the Bay of Saugust, the Bay of Salem, Marvil head, Pullin Point," and other places ; and came to anchor, at low tide, in the evening, at Nantascot, in a most pleasant harbour, like to which I had never seen, amongst a great many of islands on every side. I was exercised on shipboard both ends of the day. After the evening's exercise, when it was flowing tide again, we set sail again, and came that night to an- chor again before Boston, and so rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long journey, being a thousand leagues, that is, three thousand miles English, over one of the greatest seas in the world. ^ Now this our journey, by the goodness of our God, was very prosperous unto us, every manner of way. First of all, it was very safe, and healthful to us ; for though we were in the ship a hundred passengers,^ besides twenty-three seamen, and twenty-three cows and heifers, three sucking calves, and eight mares, ' That is, the next morning ; a tlie same words in his Journal. See peculiar use of the word. l>'iSfi 235. "^ See page 405-410. •* Winthrop, i. 164, adds, " hon- ^ Higginson uses almost precisely est people of Yorkshire." THE VOYAGE SAFE AND HEALTHFUL. 477 yet not one of all these died by the way, neither chap. person nor cattle, but came all alive to land, and -' many of the cattle in better liking than when we first 1635. entered the ship ; and most of the passengers in as ''' good health as ever, and none better than mine own family ; and my weak wife,^ and little Joseph,^ as well as any other. Fevers, calentures, small pox, and such diseases as have afflicted other passengers, the Lord kept from among us, and put upon us no grief in our bodies, but a little seasickness in the beginning of the voyage ; saving that two or three seamen had the flux, and Richard Becon lost his right hand in the last storm, and one woman, and a little child of hers, towards the end of the journey, had the scurvy. The means of which infirmity in her we all conceived to be the want of walking and stirring of her body upon the deck ; her manner be- ing to sit much, between the decks, upon her bed. And a special means of the healthfulness of the pas- sengers, by the blessing of God, we all conceived to be much walking in the open air, and the comforta- ble variety of our food. For seeing we were not tied to the ship's diet, but did victual ourselves, we had no want of good and wholesome beer and bread ; and as our land stomachs grew weary of ship diet, of salt fish and salt beef, and the like, we had liberty to change for other food, which might sort better with our healths and stomachs ; and therefore sometimes we used bacon and buttered pease, sometimes but- * Sept. 29, 1624, he married Ka- ried the widow of John Cotton, Aug. tharine, daughter of Edmund Holt, 26, 1656. Esq., of Bury in Lancashire, by ^ Joseph was the fourth son, and whom he had six children, all sons, the last born in England. She died in Feb. 1655, and he mar- 478 TWO VESSELS LOST. CHAP, tered bag-pudding, made with currants and raisins ; and sometimes drinked pottage of beer and oatmeal, 1^^^' and sometimes water pottage, well buttered. "^' And though we had two storms by the way, the one upon Monday, the 3d of August, the other on Saturday, the 15th of the same, yet our gracious God (blessed and forever blessed be his name !) did save us all alive in them both, and speedily assuaged them again. Indeed, the latter of them was very terrible and grievous; insomuch, that when we came to land, we found many mighty trees rent in pieces in the midst of the bole, and others turned up by the roots, by the fierceness thereof.^ And a bark going from the Bay to Marvil head, with planters and sea- men therein, to the number of about twenty-three, was cast away in the storm, and all the people there- in perished, except one man^ and his wife, that were spared to report the news. And the Angel Gabriel, being then at anchor at Pemmaquid, was burst in pieces and cast away in this storm, and most of the cattle and other goods, with one seaman and three or four passengers, did also perish therein, besides two of the passengers that died by the way, the rest having their lives given them for a prey.^ But the James, and we that were therein, with our cattle * Morton, describing the effects Narrative of the Shipwreck in the of this storm in his New-England's next chapter. Memorial, p. 180, says, " It blew ^ Scottow says that "the ship down many hundred thousands of and whole cargo perished, but not trees, turning up the stronger by one soul of seamen or passengers the roots, and breaking the high miscarried." Hubbard too declares, pine trees, and such like, in the that " the passengers were all pre- midst ; and the tall young oaks, served alive, losing only their and walnut trees of good bigness, goods." Yet Mather probably has were wound as a withe by it, very the truth. See Winthrop, i. 165 ; strange and fearful to behold." Scottow, p. 14 ; Hubbard, p. 199. "^ Anthony Thacher. See his THE VOYAGE PLEASANT AND COMFORTABLE. 479 and goods, were all preserved alive. The Lord's chap. name be blessed forever ! ■' Secondly, it was very delightful, while we took i^^s. pleasure and instruction in beholding the works and wonders of the Almighty in the deep ; the sea some- times being rough with mighty mountains and deep valleys, sometimes again plain and smooth like a level meadow, and sometimes painted with variety of yellow weeds. ^ Besides it was a pleasant thing to behold the variety of fowls and mighty fishes, swimming and living in the waters. Thirdly, it was comfortable to us, by means of the fellowship of divers godly Christians in the ship, and by means of our constant serving God morning and evening every day, the daily duties being performed one day by Mr. Maud, another by myself, and the Sabbath's exercises divided, (for the most part,) equally betwixt us too. True it is, our journey was somewhat long. For though from Monday, the 22d of June, when we lost sight of our Old English coast, until Saturday, the 8th of August, when we made land again, at Men- higgin, it was but six weeks and five days, yet from our first entering the ship in King Road, on Satur- day, the 23d of May, till our landing at Boston, in New-England, on Monday, the 17th of August, it was twelve weeks and two days. For we lay at an- chor in King Road eleven days, before we ever set sail, and three days at Lundy, and twelve days at Milford, and spent three days in tacking between King Road and Lundy, one day between Lundy and • Higginson also mentions these yellow flowers. See pp. 232, 233, 480 RICHAED MATHER, OF DORCHESTER. CHAP. Milford, and eight days between Menhiggin and XXII 1635 Aug. Boston. Nevertheless, our God preserved us all the while, and we had opportunity by these often delays to take in more hay, oats, and fresh water, and arrived in a good condition. Again let our gra- cious God be blessed forevermore ! Amen.^ * Richard Mather, the writer of the preceding: Journal, and the progenitor of all the Mathers in New-England, was horn in 1596, at the village of Lowton, in the parish of Winwick, two miles from War- rington, in Lancashire. His pa- rents, Thomas and Margaret Ma- ther, were of ancient families in that village, hut in reduced circumstances. So great was his proficiency in his studies at Winwick School, that in 1611, at the early age of fifteen, he was invited to take charge of a pub- lic school at Toxteth Park, near Liverpool. Having spent seven years in this occupation, and fitted several scholars for the University, he removed there himself, and was entered a student of Brazen Nose College, May 9, 1618, at the age of 22. But he had been here but a few months before he was invited by the people of Toxteth to return and become their minister. This invita- tion he accepted, preached his first sermon Nov. 30, 1618, and was soon after ordained by Dr. Morton, Bish- op of Chester. After his marriage in 1624, he removed his habitation to Much-Woolton, three miles from Toxteth, but continued to preach at Toxteth. Having thus spent fifteen years, he was suspended from his ministry in August, 1633, for Non- conformity to the ceremonies, but in November following was restored through the intercession of some gentlemen in Lancashire. This re- stored liberty, however, continued not long ; for in 1634, Neal, Arch- bishop of York, sent his visitors into Lancashire, who suspended Mr. Ma- ther again, chiefly for not wearing the surplice. Being thus silenced, and seeing no chance of resuming his ministry, and apprehending fur- ther persecution, he meditated a re- moval to New-England ; and he was confirmed in this purpose by urgent letters received from Cotton and Hooker. On his arrival, he remained for some months in Bos- ton, and was admitted to the church there Oct. 25, 1635, with his wife, and Daniel Maud, his fellow-passen- ger. He immediately received in- vitations to settle at Plymouth , Rox- bury, and Dorchester. By the ad- vice of his friends Cotton and Hook- er, he chose the last place, where a new church was formed Aug. 23, 1636, (the former church, with its pastor, Mr. Warham, having re- moved to Windsor, in Connecticut,) and he was ordained their teacher. Here he spent the remainder of his days, and died April 22, 1669, in the 73d year of his age, and was bu- ried in Dorchester hurying-ground. Of six sons, all by his first wdfe, four, Samuel, Timothy, Nathaniel, and Joseph, were born in England, and two, Eleazar and Increase, in New-England. Four of them were settled in the ministry, — Eleazar at Northampton , in Massachusetts ; Samuel at Dublin, in Ireland ; Na- thaniel at Barnstable in Devonshire, at Rotterdam in Holland, and in London ; and Increase, President of Harvard College and father of Cot- ton Mather, in Boston. Richard Mather had begun a Memoir of him- self, which he had brought dowm to the 39th year of his age, being the year in which he came to New-Eng- land, but left it unfinished. It was never printed, and is probably lost. Extracts from it are contained in his RICHARD MATHER, OF DORCHESTER. 481 Life, which has usually been ascrib- ed to his son, Increase Mather, but which, as appears from his son's Preface to it, was written by some other person who was ' ' not willing that his name should be published. But it is done by one who hath had the viewing of my father's manu- scripts ; from whence, as well as from personal and intimate acquaint- ance of many years' continuance, and other ways, he hath been truly furnished with the knowledge of what is here reported." One of the Public Grammar Schools of Boston, situated in that part of the city which was formerly Dorchester Neck, is called the Mather School, in honor of this patriarch. See the Life of Richard Mather, printed at Cam- bridge, N. E., in 1670, (42 pages, smaU 4to.) ; Mather's Magnalia, i. 401-414 ; Wood's Athen. Oxon. iii. 832 (ed. Bhss) ; Blake's Annals of Dorchester, pp. 14, 24. The MS. of the preceding Jour- nal, which is now printed for the first time, was discovered in Dor- chester in November, 1844, in a box of old papers, w^hich had not been examined for twenty-five years. The author of the Life of Richard CHAP. Mather, mentioned above, had this XXII. Journal, for on page 21 he quotes at length the description of the storm, j g 3 5 The manuscript, which is the ori- ginal, in the handwriting of the author, is in excellent condition, considering its age, 211 years, ex- cept that two pages at the beginning are a little torn in the margin. It probably once belonged to James Blake, the author of the Annals of Dorchester, who died in 1750, and from him descended to the Rev. James Blake Howe, of Claremont, N. H., whose son, William B. W. Howe, of St. John's, Berkley, S. C. found it in the box of papers left at Dorchester by his father, and pre- sented it to the Dorchester Anti- quarian and Historical Society. By the kindness of that Society, I have been permitted to copy and insert it among these Chronicles. The ac- curacy of my copy has been secured by its careful collation with another copy, which had also been collated with the original and corrected by my friend the Hon. James Savage, the editor of Winthrop's History, and President of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 31 i ANTHONY THACHER'S NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. CHAPTER XXIII. thacher's narrative of his shipwreck. I MUST turn my drowned pen and shaking hand to chap. indite the story of such sad news as never before this happened in New-England. i6 35. There was a league of perpetual friendship be- ^^' tween my cousin Avery ^ and myself, never to for- sake each other to the death, but to be partakers of each other's misery or welfare, as also of habitation, in the same place. Now upon our arrival in New- England,^ there was an offer made unto us. My cousin Avery was invited to Marble-head,^ to be their pastor in due time ; there being no church planted there as yet, but a town appointed to set up the trade of fishing. Because many there (the most being fishermen,) were something loose and remiss ^ " This Mr. Avery was a pre- ^ They came in the James, from cious, holy minister, who came Southampton, which arrived at Bos- out of England with Mr. Anthony ton, June 3. See Winthrop, i. 161 ; Thacher." Increase Mather's note. Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 319. His baptismal name was John. ^ Marblehead was not set off from Winthrop calls him " a minister in Salem till 1649. See note ^ on Wiltshire, a godly man." See page 244, and page 410. Winthrop, i. 165. 1635 Aug. 486 ANTHONY THACHER's CHAP, in their behaviour, my cousin Avery was unwillina: xxni. „ . ° to go thither ; and so refusing, we went to New- berry,^ intending there to sit down. But being soli- cited so often both by the men of the place, and by the magistrates, and by Mr. Cotton, and most of the ministers, who alleged what a benefit we might be to the people there, and also to the country and commonwealth, at length we embraced it, and thither consented to go. They of Marble-head forthwith sent a pinnace^ for us and our goods. 11. We embarked at Ipswich August 11, 1635, with our families and substance, bound for Marble-head, we being in all twenty-three souls, viz., eleven^ in my cousin's family, seven ^ in mine, and one Mr. William Eliot, sometimes of New Sarum, and four 12. mariners. The next morning, having commended ourselves to God, with cheerful hearts, w^e hoisted sail. But the Lord suddenly turned our cheerful- ness into mourning and lamentations. For on the 14. 14th of this August, 1635, about ten at night, hav- ing a fresh gale of wind, our sails being old and done, were split. The mariners, because that it was night, would not put to new sails, but resolved 15. to cast anchor till the morning. But before daylight, it pleased the Lord to send so mighty a storm, as the like was never known in New-Eno:land since the ' See note ^ on page 411. ^ Mr. Avery, his wife, a maid- * Winthrop, i. 165, says tliat servant, and " six small children," this was " a bark of Mr. Aller- according to Winthrop, i. 165. ton's." Isaac AUerton was one of * Besides himself and his wife, the Pilgrims who landed at Ply- and his four children, there was mouth in the Mayflower. Moses probably his servant, or joarne5rman, Maverick, of Marblehead, married Peter iligden, who came over with his daughter Sarah. See Chroni- him from England. See Mass. Hist, cles of Plymouth, p. 195, and Mass. Coll. xxviii. 319. Hist. Coll.xxvii. 243-249, 301-304. NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 487 Ensflish came, nor in the memory of any of the In- chap. . . -' •' XXIII. dians.^ It was so furious, that our anchor came home. Whereupon the mariners let out more cable, i6 35. which at last slipped away. Then our sailors knew i^' not what to do ; but we were driven before the wind and waves. My cousin and I perceived our danger, [and] solemn- ly recommended ourselves to God, the Lord both of earth and seas, expecting with every wave to be swal- lowed up and drenched in the deeps. And as my cousin, his wife, and my tender babes, sat comforting and cheering one the other in the Lord against ghast- ly death, which every moment stared us in the face and sat triumphing upon each one's forehead, we were by the violence of the waves and fury of the winds, (by the Lord's permission,) lifted up upon a rock between two high rocks, yet all was one rock. But it raged with the stroke, which came into the pin- nace, so as we were presently up to our middles in water, as we sat. The waves came furiously and vio- lently over us, and against us, but, by reason of the rock's proportion, could not lift us off, but beat her all to pieces. Now look with me upon our distress, and consider of my misery, who beheld the ship bro- ken, the water in her, and violently overwhelming us, my goods and provisions swimming in the seas, my friends almost drowned, and mine own poor children so untimely (if I may so term it without offence,) be- fore mine eyes drowned, and ready to be swallowed up and dashed to pieces against the rocks by the mer- ciless waves, and myself ready to accompany them. But I must go on to an end of this woful relation. • See note ' on page 473. 488 ANTHONY THACHER's CHAP. In the same room whereas he sat, the master of xxni. ■ the pinnace, not knowing what to do, our foremast 16 35. ^^g Q^^ down, our mainmast broken in three pieces, 15?' the fore part of the pinnace beat away, our goods swimming about the seas, my children bewailing me, as not pitying themselves, and myself bemoaning them, poor souls, whom I had occasioned to such an end in their tender years, whenas they could scarce be sensible of death. And so likewise my cousin, his wife, and his children ; and both of us bewailing each other in our Lord and only Saviour Jesus Christ, in whom only we had comfort and cheerfulness ; in- somuch that, from the greatest to the least of us, there was not one screech or outcry made ; but all, as silent sheep, were contentedly resolved to die together lovingly, as since our acquaintance we had lived together friendly. Now as I was sitting in the cabin room door, with my body in the room, when lo ! one of the sailors, by a wave being washed out of the pinnace, was gotten in again, and coming into the cabin room over my back, cried out, " We are all cast away. The Lord have mercy upon us ! I have been washed overboard into the sea, and am gotten in again." His speeches made me look forth. And looking to- wards the sea, and seeing how we were, I turned myself to my cousin, and the rest, and spake these words ; "0 cousin, it hath pleased God to cast us here between two rocks, the shore not far from us, for I saw the tops of trees, when I looked forth." Whereupon the master of the pinnace, looking up at the scuttle hole of the quarter deck, went out at it ; but I never saw him afterwards. Then he that had NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 489 been in the sea, went out a2:ain by me, and leaped chap. XXIII overboard towards the rocks, whom afterwards also I could not see. Now none were left in the bark, that I knew or saw, but my cousin, his wife and children, myself and mine, and his maid-servant. But my cousin thought I would have fled from him, and said unto me, " cousin, leave us not, let us die together ;" and reached forth his hand unto me. Then I, letting go my son Peter's hand, took him by the hand, and said, " Cousin, I purpose it not. Whither shall I go ? I am willing and ready here to die with you and my poor children. God be merciful to us, and receive us to himself;" adding these words, "the Lord is able to help and deliver us." He replied, saying, " Truth, cousin ; but what his pleasure is, we know not. I fear we have been too unthankful for former deliverances. But he hath promised to deliver us from sin and condemnation, and to bring us safe to heaven through the all-suflficient satisfac- tion of Jesus Christ. This therefore we may chal- lenge of Him." To which I replying, said, " That is all the deliverance I now desire and expect." Which words I had no sooner spoken, but by a mighty wave I was, with the piece of the bark, wash- ed out upon part of the rock, where the wave left me almost drowned. But recovering my feet, I saw above me, on the rock, my daughter Mary. To whom I had no sooner gotten, but my cousin Avery and his eldest son came to us ; being all four of us washed out by one and the same wave. We went all into a small hole on the top of the rock, whence we called to those in the pinnace to come unto us, 490 ANTHONY THACHER's CHAP, supposing we had been in more safety than they '■ were in. My wife, seeing us there, was crept up ^^^^- into the scuttle of the quarter deck, to come unto us. \b' But presently came another wave, and dashing the pinnace all to pieces, carried my wife away in the scuttle, as she was, with the greater part of the quar- ter deck, unto the shore ; where she was cast safely, but her legs were something bruised. And much timber of the vessel being there also cast, she was some time before she could get away, being washed by the waves. All the rest that were in the bark were drowned in the merciless seas. We four by that wave were clean swept away from off the rock also into the sea ; the Lord, in one instant of time, disposing of fifteen souls of us according to his good pleasure and will. His pleasure and wonderful great mercy to me was thus. Standing on the rock, as before you heard, with my eldest daughter, my cousin, and his eldest son, looking upon and talking to them in the bark, whenas we were by that merciless wave washed off the rock, as before you heard, God, in his mercy, caused me to fall, by the stroke of the wave, flat on my face ; for my face was toward the sea. Inso- much, that as I was sliding off the rock into the sea, the Lord directed my toes into a joint in the rock's side, as also the tops of some of my fingers, with my right hand, by means whereof, the wave leaving me, I remained so, hanging on the rock, only my head above the water ; when on the left hand I espied a board or plank of the pinnace. And as I was reach- ing out my left hand to lay hold on it, by another coming over the top of the rock I was washed away NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 491 from the rock, and by the violence of the waves was chap. . . XXIII. driven hither and thither in the seas a great while, and had many dashes against the rocks. At length, past hopes of life, and wearied in body and spirits, I even gave over to natm'e ; and being ready to receive in the waters of death, I lifted up both my heart and hands to the God of heaven. For note, I had my senses remaining perfect with me all the time that I was under and in water, who at that instant lifted my head above the top of the water, that so I might breathe without any hindrance by the waters. I stood bolt upright, as if I had stood upon my feet ; but I felt no bottom, nor had any footing for to stand upon but the waters. While I was thus above the water, I saw by me a piece of the mast, as I suppose, about three foot long, which I labored to catch into my arms. But suddenly I was overwhelmed with water, and driven to and fro again, and at last I felt the ground with my right foot. When immediately, whilst I was thus grovelling on my face, I presently recovering my feet, was in the water up to my breast, and through God's great mercy had my face unto the shore, and not to the sea. I made haste to get out ; but was thrown down on my hands with the waves, and so with safety crept to the dry shore. Where, blessing God, I turned about to look for my children and friends, but saw neither, nor any part of the pinnace, where I left them, as I supposed. But I saw my wife about a butt length from me, getting herself forth from amongst the timber of the broken bark ; but before I could get unto her, she was got- ten to the shore. I was m the water, after I was 492 ANTHONY teacher's CHAP, washed from the rock, before I came to the shore, a xxui. quarter of an hour at least. When we were come each to other, we went and sat under the bank. But fear of the seas roaring, and our coldness, would not suffer us there to remain. But we went up into the land, and sat us down under a cedar tree, which the wind had thrown down, where we sat about an hour, almost dead with cold. But now the storm was broken up, and the wind was calm ; but the sea remained rough and fearful to us. My legs were much bruised, and so was my head. Other hurt had I none, neither had I taken in much quantity of water. But my heart would not let me sit still any longer ; but I would go to see if any more were gotten to the land in safety, especially hoping to have met with some of mxy own poor child- ren ; but I could find none, neither dead, nor yet living. You condole with me my miseries, who now began to consider of my losses. Now came to my remem- brance the time and manner how and when I last saw and left my children and friends. One was sev- ered from me sitting on the rock at my feet, the other three in the pinnace ; my little babe (ah, poor Peter !) sitting in his sister Edith's arms, who to the uttermost of her power sheltered him from the wa- ters ; my poor William standing close unto them, all three of them looking ruefully on me on the rock, their very countenances calling unto me to help them; whom I could not go unto, neither could they come at me, neither would the merciless waves afford me space or time to use any means at all, either to help them or myself. Oh I yet see their cheeks, poor I I NARRATIVE OF HIS SHIPWRECK. 493 silent lambs, pleading pity and help at my hands, chap. Then, on the other side, to consider the loss of my dear friends, with the spoiling and loss of all our goods and provisions, myself cast upon an unknown land, in a wilderness, I knew not where, nor how to get thence. Then it came to my mind how I had occasioned the death of my children,^ who caused them to leave their native land, who might have left them there, yea, and might have sent some of them back again, and cost me nothing. These and such like thoughts do press down my heavy heart very much. But I must let this pass, and will proceed on in the relation of God's goodness unto me in that deso- late island, on which I was cast. I and my wife were almost naked, both of us, and wet and cold even unto death. I found a snapsack cast on the shore, in which I had a steel, and flint, and powder- horn. Going further, I found a drowned goat ; then I found a hat, and my son William's coat, both which I put on.^ My wife found one of her petticoats, which she put on. I found also two cheeses and some butter, driven ashore. Thus the Lord sent us some clothes to put on, and food to sustain our new lives, which we had lately given unto us, and means also to make fire ; for in a horn I had some gunpow- der, which, to mine own, and since to other men's admiration, was dry. So taking a piece of my wife's neckcloth, which I dried in the sun, I struck fire, and so dried and warmed our wet bodies ; and then skinned the goat, and having found a small brass pot, ' His children were four in num- ^ We may infer from this that ber, William, Mary, Edith, and his son William was a full-grown Peter. youth. 494 ANTHONY THACHER, OF YARMOUTH. CHAP, we boiled some of her. Our drmk was brackish XXIII. -o 1 11 water. Bread we had none. 1635. There we remained mitil the Monday following ; 17?" when, about three of the clock in the afternoon, in a boat that came that way, we went off that desolate island, which I named after my name, Thacher's Woe,^ and the rock, Avery his Fall,^ to the end that their fall and loss, and mine own, might be had in perpetual remembrance. In the isle lieth buried the body of my cousin's eldest daughter, whom I found dead on 18. the shore. On the Tuesday following, in the after- noon, we arrived at Marblehead.^ * Now called Thacher's Island. It lies about two miles east of the south-east point of Cape Ann. ^ Now called Avery's Rock. ^ Anthony Thacher, the writer of this heart-rending Narrative, was a tailor, from Salisbury, in Wilt- shire, where his brother Peter was the rector of the church of St. Ed- mund as early as 1622. It was written in a letter to his brother, as Increase Mather says, "within a few days after that eminent provi- dence happened to him, when mat- ters were fresh in his memory." Anthony Thacher sailed from South- ampton in April, 1635, in the James, of London, and arrived at Boston June 3. With him came his bro- ther's son, Thomas, then a youth of fifteen, his parents intending soon to follow with the rest of the family ; which intention, however, was pre- vented by the death of his mother. Cotton Mather says that " a day or two before that fatal voyage from Newbury to Marblehead, our young Thacher had such a strong and sad impression upon his mind about the issue of the voyage, that he, with another, would needs go the journey by land, and so he escaped perish- ing with some of his pious and pre- cious friends by sea." He was ed- ucated for the ministry under the Rev. Charles Chauncy, afterwards President of Harvard College, mar- ried. May 11, 1643, a daughter of the Rev. Ralph Partridge, of Dux- bury, was ordained pastor of the church at Weymouth Jan. 2, 1645, and installed the first pastor of the Third, or Old South Church, in Bos- ton, Feb. 16, 1670, where he con- tinued till he died, Oct. 16, 1678, aged 58. He was the progenitor of the long line of clergymen who have illustrated the name of Thacher, the last of whom was my young friend and parishioner, the Rev. William Vincent Thacher, the amiable and accomplished pastor of the Unitarian Church at Savannah, in Georgia, who died July 16, 1839, aged 24, After this sad catastrophe, by which he lost all his children, An- thony Thacher resided at Marsh- field ; and "the General Court," says Winthrop, "gave him £26 135. 4f/. towards his losses, and di- vers good people gave him besides." In Jan. 1639, he removed to Yar- mouth, on Cape Cod, being one of the three original grantees of land in that town, where he resided till his death in 1668, aged about 80. He left two sons and one daughter, born after the disastrous shipwreck, John, Judah, and Bethiah, who, tra- dition says, were the children of a THE THACHER FAMILY. 495 second wife, named Elizabeth Jones, whom he married about six weeks before he left England. A long line of descendants, the children of John, perpetuate the name at Yarmouth, Boston, and elsewhere. The late Dr. James Thacher, of Plymouth, was a descendant from Anthony in the sixth generation. Winthrop mentions among the articles saved from the %vreck ' ' a truss of bed- ding ;" and Dr. Thacher states that ' ' a cradle coverlet, of scarlet broad- cloth, and some articles of clothing. 1635, said to have been saved from the CHAP ship%vreck, are now in the possession XXIII.' of Mr. Peter Thacher, and such is ^- — — the veneration for these relics, that every child of Thacher families that has been baptized in Yarmouth, has been carried to the baptismal font enwrapped in them." See Increase Mather's Illustrious Providences, pages 2-14; Winthrop, i. 161, 165; Mather's Magnalia, i. 441-448 ; Mass. Hist. CoU. viii. 277, xxviii. 317, 319; N. Eng. Magazine, vii. 1-16. THOMAS SHEPARD'S MEMOIR OF HIS OWN LIFE. 32 CHAPTER XXIV. THOMAS SHEPARD's MEMOIR OF HIMSELF. T. j MY BIRTH AND LIFE. | S. In the year of Christ 1604,^ upon the 5th day of chap. November, called the Powder Treason day, and that very hour of the day wherein the Parliament should ^1^"^' have been blown up by Popish priests, I was then born ; 5. which occasioned my father to give me this name, Thomas ; because, he said, I w^ould hardly believe^ that ever any such wickedness should be attempted by men against so religious and good [a] Parliament. My father's name was William Shepard, born in a little poor town in Northamptonshire, called Fosse- cut, near Towcester ; and being a 'prentice to one Mr. Bland, a grocer, he married one of his daugh- ters, of whom he begat many children, three sons, John, William, and Thomas, and six daughters, Ann, Margaret, Mary, Elizabeth, Hester, Sarah ; of all ' This is a singular anachronism, ^ An allusion to the skepticism of antedating the Powder Plot a whole the Apostle Thomas, recorded in year. It is well known that it was the Gospel of John, xx. 25. in 1605 that this plot was contrived. 500 shepard's parentage and family. CHAP, which only John, Thomas, Anna, and Margaret, are XXIV. . . . -^ . still living in the town where I was born, viz. Tow- cester,^ in Northamptonshire, six miles distant from the town of Northampton, in Old England. I do well remember my father, and have some little remembrance of my mother. My father was a wise, prudent man, the peacemaker of the place ; and toward his latter end much blessed of God in his estate and in his soul. For there being no good min- istry in the town, he was resolved to go and live at Banbury,^ in Oxfordshire, under a stirring ministry, having bought a house there for that end. My mo- ther was a woman much afflicted in conscience, some- times even unto distraction of mind ; yet was sweetly recovered again before she died. I being the young- est, she did bear exceeding great love to me, and made many prayers for me ; but she died when I was 1608. about four years old, and my father lived, and mar- ried a second wife, now dwelling in the same town, of whom he begat two children, Samuel and Eliza- 1614. beth, and died when I was about ten years of age. But while my father and mother lived, when I was 16 07. about three years old, there was a great plague in the town of Towcester, which swept away many in my father's family, both sisters and servants. I being the youngest, and best beloved of my mother, was sent away the day the plague brake out, to live with my aged grandfather and grandmother in Fosseciit, a most blind town and corner, and those I lived with also being very well to live, yet very ignorant. And ' Towcester is a market town, ^ Banbury is a borough and mar- eight miles from Northampton. Po- ket town, 09 miles northwest from pulation in 1841, 2749. London. Population in 1841,7366. HE IS SENT TO SCHOOL. 501 there was I put to keep geese, and other such country chap. work, all that time much neglected of them ; and af terward sent from them unto Adthrop, a little blind 160 7. town adjoining, to my uncle, where I had more con- tent, but did learn to sing and sport, as children do in those parts, and dance at their Whitson Ales ;^ until the plague was removed, and my dear mother dead, who died not of the plague, but of some other disease, after it. And being come home, my sister Ann married to one Mr. Farmer, and my sister Mar- garet loved me much, who afterward married to my father's 'prentice, viz. Mr. Mapler, and my father married again to another woman, who did let me see the difference between my own mother and a step- mother. She did seem not to love me, but incens- ed my father often against me ; it may be that it was justly also, for my childishness. And having lived thus for a time, my father sent me to school to a AVelshman, one Mr. Rice, who kept the free school in the town of Towcester. But he Avas exceeding curst ^ and cruel, and would deal roughly with me, and so discouraged me wholly from desire of learn- ing, that I remember I wished oftentimes myself in any condition, to keep hogs or beasts, rather than to go to school and learn. But my father at last was visited with sickness, having taken some cold upon some pills he took, and so had the hickets^ with his sickness a week together; • These were the sports and the description of them in Brand's dances usual in the country at Whit- Popular Antiquities, i. 157, (Ellis's suntide. They were attended with edit. 1841); Hone's Every-Day ludicrous gestures and acts of foole- Book, i. 685 ; Strutt's Sports and ry and buffoonery, and commonly Pastimes, pp. 358, 367. ended in drunkenness and debauch- ^ Crusty, peevish, snarling, ery ; and of course were discounte- ^ Hickups, hiccoughs, nanced by the grave Puritans. See 502 HE RESOLVES TO BE A SCHOLAR. CHAP, in which time I do remember I did pray very strongly 'X'X'TV J. */ •/ o •/ - — ^^ and heartily for the life of my father, and made some covenant, if God would do it, to serve Him the bet- ter, as knowing I should be left alone if he was gone. Yet the Lord took him away by death, and so I was 1614. left fatherless and motherless, when I was about ten years old ; and was committed to my stepmother to be educated, who therefore had my portion, which was a .£100, which my father left me. But she neg- lecting my education very much, my brother John, who was my only brother alive, desired to have me out of her hands, and to have me with him, and he would bring me up for the use of my portion ; and so at last it was granted. And so I lived with this my eldest brother, who showed much love unto me, and unto w^hom I owe much ; for him God made to be both father and mother unto me. And it happen- ed that the cruel schoolmaster died, and another came into his room, to be a preacher also in the town ; who was an eminent preacher in those days, and accounted holy, but afterward turned a great apostate, and enemy to all righteousness, and I fear did commit the unpardonable sin. Yet it so fell out, by God's good providence, that this man stirred up in my heart a love and desire of the honor of learn- ing, and therefore I told my friends I would be a scholar ; and so the Lord blessed me in my studies, and gave me some knowledge of the Latin and Greek tongues, but much ungrounded in both. But I was studious, because I was ambitious of learning and be- ing a scholar; and hence when I could not take notes of the sermon, I remember I was troubled at it, and prayed the Lord earnestly that he would help me to HE ENTERS EMMANUEL COLLEGE. 503 note sermons ; and I see cause of wonderino; at the chap. XXIV. Lord's providence therein ; for as soon as ever I had prayed (after my best fashion) Him for it, I presently, the next Sabbath, was able to take notes, who the precedent Sabbath could do nothing at all that way. So I continued till I was about fifteen years of age, 1619. and then was conceived to be ripe for the University; and it pleased the Lord to put it into my brother's heart to provide and to seek to prepare a place for me there ; which was done in this manner. One Mr. Cockerill, Fellow of Emmanuel College in Cam- bridge, being a Northamptonshire man, came down into the country to Northampton, and so sent for me ; who, upon examination of me, gave my brother encouragement to send me up to Cambridge. And so I came up ; and though I was very raw and young, yet it pleased God to open the hearts of others to admit me into the College a pensioner ; and so Mr. Cockerill became my tutor. But I do here wonder, and, I hope, shall bless the Lord forever in heaven, that the Lord did so graciously provide for me ; for I have oft thought what a woful estate I had been left in, if the Lord had left me in that profane, igno- rant town of Towcester, where I was born ; that the Lord should pluck me out of that sink and Sodom, who was the least in my father's house, forsaken of father and mother, yet that the Lord should fetch me out from thence, by such a secret hand. The first two years I spent in Cambridge was in 1620. studying, and in much neglect of God and private prayer, which I had sometime used ; and I did not regard the Lord at all, unless it were at some fits. The third year, wherein I was Sophister, I began to i62i. 504 HE HEARS DOCTOR CHADDERTON. CHAP, be foolish and proud, and to show myself in the Pub- XXIV '' lie Schools, and there to be a disputer about things which now I see I did not know then at all, but only prated about them. And toward the end of this year, when I was most vile, (after I had been next unto the gates of death by the small pox the year before,) the Lord began to call me home to the fel- lowship of his grace ; which was in this manner. 1. I do remember that I had many good affections, but blind and unconstant, oft cast into me since my father's sickness, by the spirit of God wrestling with me ; and hence I would pray in secret, and hence, when I was at Cambridge, I heard old Doctor Chad- derton,^ the master of the College w^hen I came. 1619. And the first year I was there, to hear him, upon a sacrament day, my heart was much affected ; but I did break loose from the Lord again. And half a 1620. year after, I heard Mr. Dickinson common-place in Gen. the Chapel upon those words, " I will not destroy it ' for ten's sake," and then again was much affected ; but I shook this off also, and fell from God to loose and lewd company, to lust, and pride, and gaming, * Laurence Chadderton was born tend the Conference at Hampton at Chadderton, in Lancashh-e, in Court, and was also appointed by 1537, of an ancient and wealthy him the same year one of the Trans- family. His parents, who were lators of the Bible He was a man Papists, intended him for the Law, of great abilities and learning, a de- and sent him to the Inns of Court, cided but moderate Puritan, and " a But he soon became a Protestant, grave, pious, and excellent preach- forsook the study of the Law, and er." He lived to see three succes- entered Christ's College, Cam- sors in the mastership of his Col- bridge, in 1564, of which he was lege, and died Nov. 13, 1640, in chosen a Fellow three years after- the 103d year of his age. See Vita wards. In 1584, when Sir Walter Chaddertoni, a Gul. Dillinghamo ; Mildmay founded Emmanuel Col- Samuel Clarke's Lives, p. 145, (fol. lege, he was chosen by him its first 1677) ; Fuller's Worthies, i. 550 ; Master, in which office he continued Brook's Lives of the Puritans, ii. thirty-eight years, till 1622. In 445; Dyer's Hist, of Univ. of Cam- 1603 he was one of the four Puritan bridge, ii. 351. divines selected by James I. to at- HE BECOMES DISSIPATED. 505 and bowlinsf, and drinkina;. And yet the Lord left chap- XXIV. me not ; but a godly scholar, walking with me, fell • to discom'se about the misery of every man out of 1620. Christ, viz. that whatever they did was sin ; and this did much affect me. And, at another time, when I did light in godly company, I heard them discourse about the wrath of God, and the terror of it, and how intolerable it was ; which they did present by fire, how intolerable the torment of that was for a time ; what then would eternity be ? And this did much awaken me, and I began to pray again. But then, by loose company, I came to dispute in the Schools, and there to join to loose scholars of other Colleges, and was fearfully left of God, and fell to drink with them. And I drank so much one day, that I was dead drunk, and that upon a Saturday night ; and .so was carried from the place I had drinked at and did feast at, unto a scholar's chamber, one Bassett, of Christ's College, and knew not where I was until I awakened late on that Sabbath, and sick with my beastly carriage. And when I av\^akened, I went from him in shame and confusion, and went out into the fields, and there spent that Sabbath lying hid in the cornfields ; where the Lord, who might justly have cut me off" in the midst of my sin, did meet me with much sadness of heart, and troubled my soul for this and other my sins, which then I had cause and leisure to think of. And note, when I was worst, He began to be best unto me, and made me resolve to set upon a course of daily meditation about the evil of sin and my own ways. Yet although I was troubled for this sin, I did not know my sinful nature all this while. 506 SAMUEL STONE, OF HARTFORD. 1622. 2. The Lord therefore sent Dr. Preston^ to be Master of the College ; and Mr. Stone ~ and others commending his preaching to be most spiritual and excellent, I began to listen unto what he said. The first sermon he preached was Romans xii. " Be re- newed in the spirit of your mind." In opening which point, viz. the change of heart in a Christian, the Lord so bored my ears, as that I understood what he spake, and the secrets of my soul were laid open be- fore me, the hypocrisy of all my good things I thought I had in me ; as if one had told him of all that ever I did, of all the turnings and deceits of my heart ; insomuch as that I thought he was the most searching preacher in the world, and I began to love ^ John Preston was born at Hey- ford, in Northamptonshire, in 1587, and was admitted to King's College, Cambridge, in l(i04, and in 1609 was chosen a Fellow of Queen's. At this time he was a very ambi- tious and aspiring student ; but hear- ing a sermon preached at St. Mary's by our John Cotton, of Boston, he was seriously impressed, and direct- ed all his studies to a preparation for the ministry. He was appointed chaplain to the Prince of Wales, and preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and on the resignation of Dr. Chadder- ton in 1622 was chosen Master of Emmanuel College. He was in great favor with the Duke of Buck- ingham, and might have had the bishoprick of Gloucester, but he pre- ferred the Lectureship of Trinity Church, Cambridge. On the acces- sion of Charles L the Duke offered him the Great Seal, which he pru- dently declined, though he had abil- ities enough to manage it. He died July 20, 1628, being only 41 years of age. Fuller, who classes him among the learned writers of Queen's College, says " he was all judgment and gravity, an excellent preacher, a subtle disputant, and a perfect pol- itician." Echard styles him " the most celebrated of the Puritans." See page 422 ; his Life by Thomas Ball in Clarke's Lives, pp. 75-114; Fuller's Worthies, ii. 171, Hist. Cambridge, pp. 121, 206, Church Hist. iii. 355 ; Brook's Puritans, Li. 352 ; Neal's Puritans, ii. 219 ; Ech- ard's Hist, of Eng. ii. 72. ^ Samuel Stone was born at Hert- ford, in Hertfordshire, and was edu- cated at Emmanuel College, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1623, and of A. M. in 1627. To escape persecution, he came over to New- England in Sept. 1633, in the same ship with Cotton and Hooker, was settled as colleague with the latter at Cambridge Oct. 11, 1633, and in 1636 removed with him to Hart- ford, on Connecticut river, which received its name from his birth- place. He died July 20, 1663, be- ing probably about 60 years old. He accompanied Mason's expedition in the Pecpiot War, as chaplain. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 392 ; Winthrop, i. 108 ; Morton's Memo- rial, p. 301 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 134, xxviii. 248. shepard's skepticism. 507 him much, and to bless God I did see my frame, and chap. • 1 1 1 T XXIV. my hypocrisy, and self and secret sms, although I ^^- found a hard heart, and could not be affected with 1^24. them. 3. I did therefore set more constantly upon the May work of daily meditation, sometimes every morning, but constantly every evening before supper ; and my chief meditation was about the evil of sin, the terror of God's wrath, day of death, beauty of Christ, the deceitfulness of the heart, &c. But principally I found this my misery ; sin w^as not my greatest evil, did lie light upon me as yet ; yet I was much afraid of death and the flames of God's wrath. And this I remember, I never went out to meditate in the fields but I did find the Lord teaching me somewhat of my- self, or Himself, or the vanity of the world, I never saw before. And hence I took out a little book I have every day into the fields, and writ down what God taught me, lest I should forget them ; and so the Lord encouraged me, and I grew much. But, in my observation of myself, I did see my atheism. I questioned whether there were a God, and my unbe- lief w^hether Christ w^as the Messiah; whether the Scriptures were God's w^ord, or no. I felt all man- ner of temptations to all kind of religions, not know- ing which I should choose ; whether education might not make me believe what I had believed, and whether, if I had been educated up among the Pa- pists, I should not have been as verily persuaded that Popery is the truth, or Turcisme is the truth. And at last I heard of Grindleton, and I did ques- tion whether that glorious estate of perfection might not be the truth, and whether old Mr. Rogers's Seven 508 HIS SPIRITUAL TEMPTATIONS. CHAP. Treatises,^ and the Practice of Christianity, the book '- which did first work upon my heart, whether these 1624. lYien were not all legal men, and their books so. But the Lord delivered me at last from them, and in the conclusion, after many prayers, meditations, duties, the Lord let me see three main wounds in my soul. (L) I could not feel sin as my greatest evil. (2.) I could do nothing but I did seek myself in it, and was imprisoned there ; and though I desired to be a preacher, yet it was honor I did look to, like a vile wretch, in the use of God's gifts I desired to have. (3.) I felt a depth of atheism and unbelief in the main matters of salvation, and whether the Scriptures were God's word. These things did much trouble me, and in the conclusion did so far trouble me, that I could not read the Scriptures, or hear them read, without secret and hellish blasphemy, calling all into question, and all Christ's miracles. And hereupon I fell to doubt whether I had not committed the un- pardonable sin ; and because I did question whether Christ did not cast out devils from Beelzebub, &c., I did think and fear I had. And now the terrors of God began to break in, like floods of fire, into my soul. For three quarters of a year this temptation did last, and I had some strong temptations to run my head against walls, and brain and kill myself. And so I did see, as I thought, God's eternal reprobation of me : a fruit of which was this dereliction to these * Richard Rogers was settled in and Ezekiel Rogers, both eminent the ministry at Weathcrsfield, in Puritan divines, and the latter of Essex, and was twice suspended whom came over to New-England, and silenced by Archbishop Whit- and was the first minister of Row- gift. He was the father of Daniel ley. See Brook's Puritans, ii. 231. HIS CONSCIOUSNESS OF SIN. 509 doubts and darkness, and I did see God like a con- chap. XXIV suming fire and an everlasting burning, and myself •' like a poor prisoner leading to that fire ; and the 1624. thoughts of eternal reprobation and torment did amaze my spirits, especially at one time upon a Sab- bath day at evening. And when I knew not what to do, (for I went to no Christian, and was ashamed to speak of these things,) it came to my mind that I should do as Christ, when he was in an agony. He prayed earnestly ; and so I fell down to prayer. And being in prayer, I saw myself so unholy, and God so holy, that my spirits began to sink. Yet the Lord recovered me, and poured out a spirit of prayer upon me for free mercy and pity ; and in the con- clusion of the prayer, I found the Lord helping me to see my unworthiness of any mercy, and that I was worthy to be cast out of his sight, and to leave my- self with him to do with me what he would ; and then, and never until then, I found rest, and so my heart was humbled, and cast down, and I went with a stayed heart unto supper late that night, and so rested here, and the terrors of the Lord began to assuage sweetly. Yet when these were gone, I felt my senselessness of sin, and bondage to self, and unconstancy, and losing what the Lord had wrought, and my heartlessness to any good, and loathing of God's ways. Whereupon, walking in the fields, the Lord dropped this meditation into me, '' Be not dis- couraged, therefore, because thou art so vile, but make this double use of it ; first, loathe thyself the more ; secondly, feel a greater need and put a greater price upon Jesus Christ, who only can redeem thee from all sin." And this I found of wonderful use to 510 HIS RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE. CHAP, me in all my course ; whereby I was kept from sink- — ^ ings of heart, and did beat Satan, as it were, with 1624. jjjs Q^n weapons. And I saw Christ teaching me this before any man preached any such thing unto me. And so the Lord did help me to loathe myself in some measure, and to say oft. Why shall I seek the glory and good of myself, who am the greatest enemy, worse than the Devil can be, against myself; which self ruins me, and blinds me, &c. And thus God kept my heart exercised, and here I began to forsake my loose company wholly, and to do what I could to work upon the hearts of other scholars, and to humble them, and to come into a way of holy walking in our speeches and otherwise. But yet I had no assurance Christ was mine. 4. The Lord therefore brought Dr. Preston to preach upon that text, 1 Cor. i. 30, " Christ is made unto us wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and redemption." And when he had opened how all the good I had, all the redemption I had, it was from Jesus Christ, I did then begin to prize him, and he became very sweet unto me, although I had heard, many a time, Christ freely offered by his ministry, if I would come in, and receive him as Lord, and Sa- viour, and husband. But I found my heart ever un- willing to accept of Christ upon these terms. I found them impossible for me to keep [on] that con- dition ; and Christ was not so sweet as my lust. But now the Lord made himself sweet to me, and to embrace him, and to give up myself unto him. But yet, after this, I had many fears and doubts. 5. I found, therefore, the Lord revealing free mercy, and that all my help was in that to give me THOMAS WELDE, OF ROXBURY. 511 Christ, and to enable me to believe in Christ, and chap. ' . , XXIV. accept of him ; and here I did rest. 6. The Lord also letting me see my own constant ^^^^• vileness in everything, put me to this question. Why did the Lord Jesus keep the law, had no guile in his heart, had no unbrokenness, but holiness there ? Was it not for them that did want it 1 And here I saw Christ Jesus's righteousness for a poor sinner's ungodliness ; but yet questioned whether ever the Lord would apply this and give this unto me. 7. The Lord made me see that so many as receive him, he gives power to be the sons of God. And I \°^li saw the Lord gave me a heart to receive Christ with a naked hand, even naked Christ ; and so the Lord gave me peace. And thus I continued till I was six years' stand- i6 25. ing ; and then went, half a year before I was Master of Arts, to Mr. Weld's house, ^ at Tarling, in Es- * Thomas Welde was educated he -went to Ireland with Lord at Trinity College, Cambridge, Forbes, but came back to England, where he received the degree of A. and was ejected from his living in B. in 1613, and of A. M. in 1618. 1662. Whilst in New-England he He arrived at Boston June 5, 1632, took an active part in the proceed- and in July was ordained the first ing against I\Irs. Hutchinson, and in minister of the church in Roxbury. 166-1 published in London a book In November following, John Eliot entitled " A Short Story of the was settled as his colleague. In Rise, Reign and Ruin of the Anti- 1639 he assisted his colleague and nomians, Familists, and Libertines, Richard Mather in making the New- that infected the Churches of New- England Version of the Psalms ; England," and the same year a and in 1641 was sent with Hugh Vindication of the New-England Peters to England as an agent of Churches. His son Edmund grad- the Colony. In 1646, when Ed- uated at Harvard College in 1650, ward Winslow was sent out to an- and was settled in Ireland. Another swer Gorton's complaint, Peters son, John, was a minister at Riton, and Weld were dismissed from the in the county of Durham. A third agency, and desired to return home, son, Thomas, remained in New- But they both preferred to remain England, whose son Thomas grad- in England. Weld was afterwards uated at Harvard College in 1671, settled in the ministry at Gateshead, and was the first minister of Dun- in the bishoprick of Durham, oppo- stable, N. H. See notes on pages site Newcastle. Hutchinson says 135 and 365 ; Newcourt's Reperto- 512 THOMAS HOOKER, OF HARTFORD. 1626. sex; where I enjoyed the blessing of his and Mr. Hooker's ^ ministry at Chelmesfoord.^ But before I came there, I was very solicitous what would become of me when I was Master of Arts ; for then my time and portion would be spent. But when I came rium, ii. 578 ; Calamy's Noncon. Mem. ii. 181 ; Wintlirop, i. 77, 82, 258, ii. 25 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 98, 149, ii. 492, 504; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248. ^ Thomas Hooker, " the Light of the Western Churches," as Cotton Mather calls him, and "the father and pillar of the churches of Con- necticut," according to Trumbull, was born at Marefield, in Leicester- shire, about the year 1580. He was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where he took the de- gree of A. B. in 1607, and of A. M, in 1611, and was elected to a fellow- ship. In 1626 he was chosen lec- turer at Chelmsford, in Essex. Af- ter preaching here four years with great acceptance, he was obliged, on account of his Nonconformity, to relinquish his ministry, and set up a grammar school at Little Baddow, near Chelmsford, where he had John Eliot, afterwards the Indian Apostle, for his usher. Having been cited before the spiritual court sitting at Chelmsford, and bound over to ap- pear before the High Commission, he judged it prudent to retire into Holland, where he preached as a colleague to the celebrated Dr. Ames of Rotterdam. But hearing that many of his friends in Essex were about emigrating to New-England, he accepted their invitation to ac- company them as their pastor. For this purpose he returned to England, and narrowly escaped arrest by the pursuivants, and went on board the ship at the Downs in disguise. In company with Cotton, Stone, and Havnes, he arrived at Boston Sept. 4, ioP.S, and on the 11th of October was chosen pastor of the church at Newtown, (Cambridge,) Mr. Stone being chosen teacher. In May, 1636, he removed with his colleague and most of his congregation to Hart- ford, on Connecticut river, where he remained till he died of an epidemic disease, July 7, 1647. Winthrop, speaking of the ravages of this epi- demic, says, "But that which made the stroke more sensible and griev- ous both to them (at Connecticut,) and to all the country, was the death of that faithful servant of the Lord, Mr. Thomas Hooker, pastor of the church in Hartford, who, for piety, prudence, wisdom, zeal, learning, and what else might make him ser- viceable in the place and time he lived in, might be compared with men of greatest note ; and he shall need no other praise ; the fruits of his labors in both Englands shaU preserve an honorable and happy re- membrance of him forever." He left a widow, Susan. His son Sa- muel was the second minister of Farmington, in Connecticut, and three of his daughters, Joanna, Ma- ry, and Sarah, married Rev. Tho- mas Shepard, of Cambridge, Rev. Roger Newton, the first minister of Farmington, and Rev. John Wil- son, of Medfield. See Mather, i. 302; Winthrop, i. 88, 108, 115, 187, ii. 310 ; Morton's Memorial, p. 237 ; Trumbull's Conn. i. 293 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 248. ^ Chelmsford, so called from an ancient ford on the river Chelmer, near its junction with the Can, is a county-town near the centre of Es- sex, 29 miles east-northeast of Lon- don. It is the great thoroughfare between London and the towns of Colchester, Harwich and Braintree, and the county of Suffolk, and many parts of Norfolk. Population in 1841, 6789. See Camden's Britan- nia, p. 346. DOCTOR Wilson's lectureship. 513 thither, and had been there some little season, until chap. XXIV. I was ready to be Master of Arts, one Dr. Wilson^ had purposed to set up a Lecture,^ and given £30 ^^^e. per annum to the maintenance of it. And when I was among those worthies in Essex, w^here we had monthly fasts, they did propound it unto me to take the Lecture, and to set it up at a great town in Es- sex, called Cogshall ;^ and so Mr. Weld especially pressed me unto it, and wished me to seek God about it. And after fasting and prayer, the minis- ters in those parts of Essex had a day of humiliation, and they did seek the Lord for direction where to place the Lecture ; and toward the evening of that day they began to consider whether I should go to Cogshall, or no. Most of the ministers were for it, because it was a great town, and they did not know any place [that] did desire it but they. Mr. Hooker only did object against my going thither ; for being but young and unexperienced, and there being an old, yet sly and malicious minister in the town, who did seem to give way to it to have it there, did therefore say it w^as dangerous and uncomfortable for little birds to build under the nests of old ravens and kites. But while they were thus debating it, the town of * Perhaps Dr. Edmund Wilson, the ceremonies, and they lectured on a physician, who was brother of our market-days and Sunday afternoons, John Wilson, of the First Church, as supplemental to the regular priest, See note on page 326, and W'ood"s when he might happen to be idle, or Fasti Oxon. i. 360, (ed. Bliss.) given to black and white surplices. * These Lectures, says Carlyle, They were greatly followed by the were set up by the w^ealthy Puri- serious part of the conmmnity. See tans in those parts of the country note ^ on page 70, and Carlyle's which were insufficiently supplied Cromwell, i. 50, 86-88. with preachers. The lecturers were ^ CoggeshaU (Great) is a market generally persons who were not in town in Essex, six miles from Brain- priests' orders, having scruples about tree. Population in 1841, 3408. 33 514 THE LECTURE ESTABLISHED AT EARLS-COLNE. £HAP Earles-Colne,^ beins; three miles off from Essex, XXIV. . . hearing that there was such a Lecture to be given 1626. fj-eeiy^ and considering that the Lecture might enrich that poor town, they did therefore, just at this time of the day, come to the place where the ministers met, viz. at Tarling,^ in Essex, and desired that it might be settled there for three years ; (for no longer was it to continue in any place, because it was con- ceived if any good was done, it would be within such a time ; and then, if it went away from them, the people in a populous town would be glad to maintain the man themselves ; or if no good was done, it was pity they should have it any longer.) And when they thus came for it, the ministers, with one joint consent, advised me to accept of the people's call, and to stay among them if I found, upon my preach- ing a little season with them, that they still contin- ued in their desires for my continuance there. And thus I, who was so young, so weak, and un- experienced, and unfit for so great a work, was called out by twelve or sixteen ministers of Christ to the work ; which did much encourage my heart ; and for the Lord's goodness herein I shall, I hope, never forget his love. For I might have been cast away upon a blind place, without the help of any ministry about me. I might have been sent to some gentle- man's house, to have been corrupted with the sins ' There are four parishes hi the is about 35 miles north-east from archdeaconryofColchester known by London, and seven north-west from the name of Colne, so called from Colchester. Population in 1841, their situation on or near the river 1385. See Newcourt's Reperto- Colne, distinguished by the several rium, ii. 182 ; Camden's Britannia, additional names of their respective pp. 350, 358. lords. The first of these is Colne- ^ Terling is a parish four miles Comitis, or Earls-Colne, so called from Witham. Population in 1841, from the sepulture thereof the earls 921. of Oxford, lords of this manor. It SHEPARD GOES TO EARLS-COLNE. 515 in it. But this I have found : the Lord was not con- chap. ' XXIV. tent to take me from one town to another, but from the worst town I think in the world to the best place i^^^* for knowledge and learning, viz. to Cambridge. And there the Lord was not content to give me good means, but the best means, and ministry, and help of private Christians ; for Dr. Preston and Mr. Good- win^ were the most able men for preaching Christ in this latter age. And when I came from thence, the Lord sent me to the best country in England, viz. to Essex, and set me in the midst of the best minis- try in the country ; by whose monthly fasts and con- ferences I found much of God ; and thus the Lord Jesus provided for me of all things of the best. So being resolved to go unto Earles-Colne, in Es- sex, after my commencing Master of Arts, and my 1627. sinful taking of orders, about a fortnight after, of the Bishop of Peterborough, viz. B. Dove,^ I came to the ' Thomas Goodwin was an emi- dent of Magdalen College, Oxford, nent Puritan divine, born at Rollesby, In 165.3 he was appointed one of the in Norfolk, Oct. 5, 1600. He was Triers of preachers, and at the Re- educated in Christ's College, Cam- storation in 1660 was removed from bridge, and was a Fellow of Catha- his presidency. Whereupon he re- rine Hall. In 1628, he was chosen tired to London, and died there Feb. to succeed Dr. Preston, of whom he 23, 1680, in his 81st year. See was a great admirer, in the lecture- Wood's Fasti Oxon. ii. 179, (ed. ship at Trinity Church, Cambridge, Bliss) ; Calamy's Nonconformists' which he held till 1634, when he Memorial, i. 236 ; Fuller's Church left the University and relinquished Hist. iii. 447, 461-467. all his preferments, from unwilling- ^ Dr. Thomas Dove was educated ness to conform. He remained in in Pembroke Hall, Cambridge. He retirement till 1638, when he re- was chaplain to Queen Elizabeth, moved to Holland, and became pas- Dean of Norwich, and in 1600 was tor of a congregation at Arnheim. made Bishop of Peterborough. He At the beginning of the Long Par- was a very ornate and florid preach- liament in 1640, he returned to er ; and Queen Elizabeth, when she England, and became one of the first heard him, profanely said " she Assembly of Divines at Westmin- thought the Holy Ghost was de- ster, being one of the five Dissent- scended again in this Dove." He ing Brethren, or Congregationalists. died in 1631. See Harington's He was a favorite of Cromwell, Nugae Antique, ii. 206, (ed. Park); who in 1650 appointed him Presi- Fuller's Ch. Hist. iii. 368. 516 THE HARLAKENDEN FAMILY. S-S^P- town, and boarded in Mr. Cosins his house, an aeed, XXIV. , , ' o ? but godly and cheerful Christian, and schoolmaster ^^^^* in the town, and by whose society I was much re- freshed, there being not one man else in all the town that had any godliness but him that I could under- stand. So having preached upon the Sabbath day out of 2 Cor. V. 19, all the town gave me a call, and set to their hands in writing ; and so I saw God would have me to be there ; but how to be there, and continue there, I could not tell. Yet I sinfully got a license to officiate the cure, of the Bishop of London's register,^ before my name was known, and by virtue of that I had much help. But when I had been here a while, and the Lord had blessed my labors to divers in and out of the town, especially to the chief house in the town, the Priory,^ to Mr. Harlakenden's children, where the Lord wrought mightily upon his eldest son, Mr. Richard,^ (now dwelling there,) and afterward on ' The diocese of London includes son of Roger Harlakenden, Esq., Essex. Mountain was at this time who in Sept. 1583, purchased of the Bishop of the diocese. Earl of Oxford, for the sum of ^ In the time of William the Con- .£"2000, the manor and park of queror, Aubrey de Vere, and Beat- Earls-Colne, containing 1800 acres rice his wife, sister of the Conquer- of land. Richard was born Dec. 21, or, founded in the parish of Earls- 1600, married in May, 1630, Alice, Colne a small convent or priory, daughter of Henry Mildmay, of which he dedicated to St. Andrew. Graces, Essex, who was a cousin Weever, whose book was published of our Gov. Winthrop, and died in 1631, says that the house was Sept. 4, 1677. His name is men- standing in his time, converted into tioned in the records of the proprie- a private dwelling-place, as also the tors of Cambridge under the date of old chapel, in which had been buried 1632, as one of " Mr. Hooker's or thirteen earls of Oxford. See New- the Braintree company," the first court's Repertorium, ii. 183 ; Wee- settlers of that town. Whatever ver's Funeral Monuments, p. 614 ; rights he may have thus acquired, Dugdale's Monasticon Anglicauum, he forfeited by not coming over, i. 436. Being the eldest son and heir, he ^ Richard Harlakenden was the probably felt it his duty to remain eldest son of Richard Harlakenden, on his paternal estate, in which re- a gentleman of ancient family and solution he was doubtless confirmed good estate, who was the second by his brother's early death in the shepard's mode of preaching. 517 Mr. Ro2:er,^ who came over with me to New-Ena;- chap. 11- XXIV. land, and died here, Satan then began to rage, and ^^ — — the commissaries, registers, and others, began to ^^^'''• pursue me, and to threaten me, as thinking I was a non-conformable man, when, for the most of that time, I was not resolved either way, but was dark in those things. Yet the Lord, having work to do in the place, kept me, a poor, ignorant thing, against them all, until such time as my work was done, by strange and wonderful means. Notwithstanding all the malice of the ministers round about me, the Lord had one way or other to deliver me. The course I took in my preaching was, first, to show the people their misery ; secondly, the reme- dy, Christ Jesus ; thirdly, how they should walk answerable to his mercy, being redeemed by Christ. And so I found the Lord putting forth his strength in my extreme weakness, and not forsaking of me when I was so foolish, as I have wondered since why the Lord hath done any good to me and by me. Colony. See Morant's Hist, of Es- pastor at Newtown, (Cambridge,) sex, ii. 211 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. \-ii. where he purchased Deputy-Gov- 10, xxviii. 314, 315. ernor Dudley's estate. He died ^ Roger Harlakenden, the second Nov. 17, 1638, of the small pox, son, was born Oct. 1, 1611, and aged 27. In his will, which is in married Elizabeth, daughter of God- the Probate Records of Suffolk,!, frey Bosseville, Esq., of Gunth- 13, he mentions his estate in Eng- wayte, in Yorkshire, June 4, 1635, land, " Colne Park, or the Little two months before he embarked for Lodge." Winthrop says " he was New-England. He came with Shep- a very godly man, and of good use ard in the Defence, in Aug. 1635, both in the commonwealth and in the bringing with him his wife and his church. He was buried with mili- sister Mabell, born Sept. 27, 1614, tary honor, because he was lieuten- and who afterwards married John ant colonel. He left behind a vir- Haynes, Governor of Connecticut, tuous gentlewoman and two daugh- who had large estates in Essex, and ters. He died in great peace, and had come over two years before, left a sweet memorial behind him of Roger Harlakenden was chosen an his piety and virtue." See Win- Assistant in May, 1636, and was re- throp, i. 278; Mass. Hist. Coll. elected the two following years, xxviii. 268, 315 ; Newell's Cam- He settled with his friend and bridge Church-Gath. in 1636, p. 49. 518 LAUD FORBIDS HIM TO PREACH. So the time of three years being expired, the peo- ple would not let me go, but gathered about £40 1630. yearly for me ; and so I was intended to stay there, if the Lord would, and prevailed to set up the Lec- ture in the town of Towcester, where I was born, as knowing no greater love I could express to my poor friends than thus ; and so Mr. Stone, (Dr. Wilson giving way thereto,) had the Lecture, and went to Towcester with it, where the Lord was with him. And thus I saw the Lord's mercy following me to make me a poor instrument of sending the Gospel to the place of my nativity. So when I had preached a while at Earles-Colne, about half a year, the Lord saw me unfit and unwor- thy to continue me there any longer ; and so the Bishop of London, Mountain, being removed to York, and Bishop Laud,^ (now Archbishop,) coming in his place, a fierce enemy to all righteousness, and a man fitted of God to be a scourge to his people, he pre- Dec. sently, (having been not long in the place,) sent for ^^' me up to London ; and there, never asking me whether I would subscribe, (as I remember,) but what I had to do to preach in his diocese, chiding also Dr. Wilson for setting up this Lecture in his diocese, after many railing speeches against me, for- bade me to preach ; and not only so, but if I went to preach any where else, his hand would reach me. And so God put me to silence there, which did somewhat humble me ; for I did think it was for my sins the Lord set him thus against me. [I was inhibited from preaching in the diocese of * " Our great enemy," as Win- on page 42G. See Fuller's Church throp calls him, ii. 31. See note ' Hist. iii. 292, 471-477. laud's harsh treatment of him. 519 London bv Dr. Laud, bishop of that diocese. As chap. •' . ' ^. . XXIV. soon as I came in the morning, about eight of the -^ clock, falline: into a fit of ra2;e, he asked me what i^^o. . . . Dec. degree I had taken in the University. I answered le.' him I was a Master of Arts. He asked, Of what Col- lege ? I answered. Of Emmanuel. He asked, how long I had lived in his diocese. I answered. Three years and upwards. He asked, who maintained me all this while, charging me to deal plainly with him ; adding withal, that he had been more cheated and equivocated with by some of my malignant faction, than ever was man by Jesuit. At the speaking of which words he looked as though blood would have gushed out of his face, and did shake as if he had been haunted with an ague fit, to my apprehen- sion, by reason of his extreme malice and secret venom. I desired him to excuse me. He fell then to threaten me, and withal to bitter railing, calling me all to naught, saying, " You prating coxcomb, do you think all the learning is in your brain ?" He pronounced his sentence thus, " I charge you that you neither preach, read, marry, bury, or exercise any ministerial function in any part of my diocese ; for if you do, and I hear of it, I'll be upon your back, and follow you wherever you go, in any part of the kingdom, and so everlastingly disenable you." I besought him not to deal so in regard of a poor town. And here he stopped me in what I was going on to say. "A poor town ! You have made a company of seditious, factious bedlams. And what do you prate to me of a poor town ?" I prayed him to suffer me to catechize in the Sabbath days in the afternoon. He replied, " Spare your breath. I'll have no such 520 SHEPARD SEES THE SIN OF CONFORMITY. ^^^p. fellows prate in my diocese. Get you gone ; and now make your complaints to whom you will." So away I went ; and blessed be God that I may go to Him.] ' Yet when I was thus silenced, the Lord stirred me up friends. The house of the Harlakendens were so many fathers and mothers to me ; and they and the people would have me live there, though I did no- thing but stay in the place. But remaining about 1631. half a year, after this silencing, among them, the Lord let me see into the evil of the English ceremo- nies, cross, surplice, and kneeling. And the Bishop of London, viz. Laud, coming down to visit, he cited me to appear before him at the Court at Reldon ;^ where I appearing, he asked me what I did in the place ; and I told him I studied. He asked me, What ? I told him the Fathers. He replied, I might thank him for that ; yet charged me to depart the place. I asked him. Whither should I go ? To the University, said he. I told him I had no means to subsist there. Yet he charged me to depart the place. Now, about this time, I had great desire to change my estate by marriage ; and I had been praying three years before, that the Lord would carry me to such a place where I might have a meet yoke-fellow. ' This passage included in brack- the Church of England in this day." ets, is inserted from Prince, page See Laud"s character portrayed in 338, who says, " I have by me a Hallam's Const. Hist. i. 450, (4th manuscript of Mr. Shepard's, writ- ed. London, 1842,) and Macaulay's ten with his own hand, in which are Essays, i. 241, (Phila. 1843.) these words." Prince adds, " 'Ihus ^ iSo in the manuscript, and in did this bishop, a professed disciple Jacie's Letter, Keldon; both un- of the meek and lowly Jesus, treat doubtedly errors for PehJon, which one of the most pious, humble, dili- is a parish in Essex, five miles south gent and faithful young ministers in by west of Colchester. WELD IS ARRESTED. 521 And I had a call at this time to ffo to Yorkshire, to chap. ° . ' XXIV. preach there in a gentleman's house. But I did not desire to stir till the Bishop tired me out of this ^^^^* place. For the Bishop having thus charged me to depart, and being two days after to visit at Dun- mow,^ in Essex, Mr. Weld, Mr. Daniel Rogers,^ Mr. Ward,=^ Mr. Marshall,' Mr. Wharton, consulted together whether it was best to let such a swine to root up God's plants in Essex, and not to give him some check. Whereupon it was agreed upon pri- vately at Braintry,^ that some should speak to him, and give him a check. So Mr. Weld and I, travelling together, had some thoughts of going to New-England. But w^e did think it best to go first unto Ireland, and preach there, and to go by Scotland thither. But when w^e came to the church, Mr. Weld stood and heard without, being excommunicated by him. I being more free, went within. And after sermon, Mr. Weld went up to hear the Bishop's speech ; and being seen to fol- low the Bishop, the first thing he did was to exam- ine Mr. W^eld what he did to follow him, and to stand upon holy ground. Thereupon he w^as com- mitted to the pursuivant, and bound over to answer ' Dunmow (Great) is a market- Massey. See note * on page 112, town on the western bank of the and note " on page 426. Chelmer, 12 miles from Chelmsford ■• Stephen Marshall was a celebra- and 38 miles from London. Popu- ted Puritan minister, at Weathers- lation in 18-41, 2792. field, in Essex, and afterwards at ^ Daniel Rogers was the son of Finchingfield, in the same county. Richard Rogers, of Weathersfield, See Brook's Lives of the Puritans, mentioned on page 508, and brother iii. 241-254; Neal's Puritans, iv. of Ezekiel Rogers, of Rowley. See 169; Fuller's Worthies, i. 473; Brook's Lives of the Puritans, iii. Newcourt's Repertorium, ii. 265. 149. * Braintree is a market-town in ^ Either old Mr. John Ward, of Essex, forty miles north-east of Haverhill, or his son Samuel, of London, and eight east of Dunmow. Ipswich, or Nathaniel, of Standon Population in 1841, 3670. 522 SHEPARD ESCAPES FROM THE PURSUIVANT. CHAP, it at the Hisrh Commission. But when Mr. Weld XXIV '' was pleading for himself, and that it was ignorance 1631. that made him come in, the Bishop asked him whither he intended to go, whether to New-England, and if so, whether I would go with him. While he was thus speaking, I came into the crowd, and heard the words. Others bid me go away. But neglecting to do it, a godly man pulled me away with violence out of the crowd ; and as soon as ever I was gone, the apparitor calls for Mr. Shepard, and the pursuivant was sent presently after to find me out. But he that pulled me away, Mr. Holbeech by name, a school- master at Felsted, in Essex, hastened our horses, and away we rid, as fast as we could ; and so the Lord delivered me out of the hand of that lion a third time.^ And now I perceived I could not stay in Colne without danger ; and hereupon receiving a letter from Mr. Ezekiel Rogers,- then living at Rowly, in ' The preceding accovint is inci- dentally confirmed by a letter dated Jan 9, 163'2, written to John Win- throp, Jr. by Henry Jacie, a celebra- ted Puritan divine, mentioned by Wood, in his Fasti Oxon. i. 435, (ed. Bliss.) He says, " The plague having been lately at Colchester, the Bishop's visit was fro-prid persona at Keldon. There he excommuni- cated Mr. Weld, who had been sus- pended about a month, and requir- ing Mr. Rogers, of Dedham, to sub- scribe there, he refused ; so he sus- pended him. Mr. Shepard he charg- ed to be gone out of his diocese, as one that kept conventicles. Mr. Weld, after excommunication, com- ing into a church where the Bishop was visiting, the Bishop spied him, and called him, and asked him if he were on this side New-England, and if he were not excommunicated. He answered. Yes. ' And why here then ? ' He hoped he had not offend- ed. ' But he would make him an example to all such. Take him, pursuivant.' The pursuivant called Mr. Shepard, and said he would rather have Shepard ; but he esca- ped, and Mr. Weld, by a bond of 100 marks, (others bound with him) and so fled to Bergen." See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxi. 236-238. ^ Ezekiel Rogers was the second son of the venerable Richard Rogers, the minister of Weathersfield, in Essex, and brother of Daniel Ro- gers, mentioned on page 501, who succeeded his father in the same parish. He was born in 1590, and at the early age of thirteen was sent to Cambridge, where took the de- gree of A. B. at Bennet College in 1604, and of A. M. at Christ's in 1608. On leaving the University HE LEAVES EARLS-COLNE. 523 Yorkshire, to encouraofe me to come to the knight's chap. XXIV house, called Sir Richard Darley, dwelling at a town ^ called Buttercrambe,^ and the knight's two sons, i63i. viz. Mr. Henry and Mr. Richard Darley, promising me j620 a year for their part, and the knight promis- ing me my table, and the letters sent to me crying with that voice of the man of Macedonia, " Come and help us," hereupon I resolved to follow the Lord to so remote and strange a place ; the rather because I might be far from the hearing of the mali- cious Bishop Laud, who had threatened me, if I preached any where. So when I was determined to go, the gentleman sent a man to me to be my guide in my journey ; who coming for me, with much grief of heart I forsook Essex and Earles-Colne, and they me, going, as it were, now I knew not whither. he spent five or six years as chap- lain in the family of Sir Francis Bar- rington, by whom he was presented to the benefice of Rowley, in York- shire. Here he remained twenty years, till he was suspended, as he says, for refusing to read the Book of Sports. He came to New-Eng- land in 1638, with some twenty fa- milies of good estate, from York- shire, and though earnestly solicited to settle at New Haven, he com- menced a new plantation between Ipswich and Newbury, to which was given the name of Rowley, from the former place of his resi- dence and ministry. Johnson says, that these Yorkshiremen ' ' were the first people that set upon making of cloth in the western world ; for which end they built a fulling-mill, and caused their little ones to be very diligent in spinning cotton wool, many of them having been clothiers in England." He preach- ed the Election Sermon in 1643, and also preached before the Synod at Cambridge in 1647. Having met with many misfortunes in losing two wives and all his children, hav- ing his house burnt with his furni- ture and library, and by a fall from his horse losing the use of his right arm, he died Jan. 23, 1661, aged 70. He was a cousin of the Rev. Na- thaniel Rogers, of Ipswich, and he married for liis second wife the daughter of the Rev. John Wilson, of Boston. Winthrop speaks of him as " a man of special note in Eng- land for his zeal, piety, and other parts, a very wise man, a worthy son of a worthy father." In his will he left to Harvard College a reversionary interest in his real es- tate, from which the College has derived $5000 of its funds. See Winthrop, i. 278, 294, 324, ii. 99, 308 ; Mather, i. 369 ; Brook's Puri- tans, iii. 341 ; Gage's Hist, of Row- ley, pp. 5.5-67, 120-134 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xxvii. 13, xviii. 248. ' Buttercrambe is a township in the parish of Bossall, in the north riding of Yorkshire, twelve miles north-east of York, pleasantly situ- ated on the Derwent. 524 HE NARROWLY ESCAPES DROWNING. CHAP. So as we travelled, (which was five or six days XXIV ^— ^ together, near unto winter,) the Lord sent much rain ^^^^- and ill weather, insomuch as the floods were up when we came near Yorkshire, and hardly passable. At last we came to a town called Ferrybridge,^ where the waters were up and ran over the bridge, for half a mile together, and more. So we hired a guide to lead us. But when he had gone a little way, the violence of the water was such, that he first fell in, and after him another man, who was near drowning before my eyes. Whereupon my heart was so smit- ten with fear of the danger, and my head so dizzied with the running of the water, that had not the Lord immediately upheld me, and my horse also, and so guided it, I had certainly perished that bout. But the Lord was strong in my weakness ; and we went on, by some little direction, upon the bridge, and at last I fell in ; yet in a place where the waters were not so violent, but I sat upon my horse ; which, be- ing a very good horse, clambered up upon the bridge again. But Mr. Parley's man, for fear of me, fell in also, but came out safe again ; and so we came to the dry land, where we had a house, and shifted ourselves, and went to prayer, and blessed God for this wonderful preservation of us. And the Lord made me then to profess that I looked now upon my life as a new life given unto me ; which I saw good reason to give up unto him and his service. And truly, about this time, the Lord, that had dealt only gently with me before, began to afllict me, and to let me taste how good it was to be under his tutoring. So I came to York late upon Saturday night ; and ' Ferrybridge is 20 miles south-southwest of York, on the river Aire. HE RESIDES IN YORKSHIRE. 525 having refreshed ourselves there, I came to Butter- chap. XXIV. crambe, to Sir Richard's house, that night, very '- wet and late, which is about seven miles off from i63i. York. Now as soon as I came into the house, I found divers of them at dice and tables ; and Mr. Richard Darley, one of the brothers, being to return to Lon- don the Monday after, and being desirous to hear me preach, sent me speedily to my lodging, (the best in the house,) and so I preached the day after once ; and then he departed the day after, having carefully desired my comfortable abode there. But I do re- member I never was so low sunk in my spirit as about this time. For, first, I was now far from all friends. Secondly, I was, I saw, in a profane house, not any sincerely good. Thirdly, I was in a vile, wicked town and country. Fourthly, I was un- known, and exposed to all wrongs. Fifthly, I was unsufficient to do any work, and my sins were upon me, &c. ; and hereupon I was very low, and sunk deep. Yet the Lord did not leave me comfortless ; for though the lady was churlish, yet Sir Richard was ingenious, and I found in the house three ser- vants, (viz. Thomas Fugill,^ Mrs. Margaret Toute- ville,^ the knight's kinswoman, that was afterward my wife, and Ruth Bushell, who married to Edward * Thomas Fugill was one of the out of office, and excommunicated principal settlers of New-Haven, in from the Church. Soon afterwards 1638, one of the seven pillars of the he returned, it is believed, to Lon- church there, and the first secretary don." See Trumbull's Conn. i. of the Colony, with the title of 99, 106 ; Bacon's Historical Disc. " public notary." Bacon says that pp. 24, 317 ; Kingsley's Hist. Disc. " in the year 1645, he fell under pp. 83, 163. censure for having made an incorrect ^ She was at this time 27 years record for his own advantage. He old. See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. was very sternly dealt with, turned 268. 526 HE IS MARRIED. CHAP. Michelson/) very careful of me ; which somewhat refreshed me. But it happened, that when I had been there a little while, there was a marriage of one Mr. Allured,^ a most profane young gentleman, to Sir Richard's daughter ; and I was desired to preach at their mar- riage. At which sermon the Lord first touched the heart of Mistress Margaret with very great terrors for sin and her Christ-less estate. Whereupon others began to look about them, especially the gentlewo- man lately married, Mrs. Allured ; and the Lord brake both their hearts very kindly. Then others in the family, viz. Mr. Allured, he fell to fasting and prayer and great reformation. Others also were reformed, and their hearts changed ; the whole fam- ily brought to external duties, but I remember none in the town or about it brought home. And thus the Lord was with me, and gave me favor, and friends and respect of all in the family ; and the Lord taught me much of his goodness and sweetness. And when he had fitted a wife for me, he then gave me her, who was a most sweet, humble woman, full of Christ, and a very discerning Christian, a wife who was most incomparably loving to me, and every way amiable and holy, and endued with a very sweet spirit of prayer. And thus the Lord answered my desires. When my adversaries intended most hurt ' Edward Mitchenson and Ruth ^ There was a Colonel Alured, his wife both came over to New- and some others of the name, from England, and were members of the Yorkshire, who were somewhat Church in Cambridge. Their child- conspicuous in the Civil Wars, ren were Ruth, Bethia, Edward, and See Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 57, ii. Elizabeth. See Newell's Cambridge 79,80. Ch, Gathering in 1636, p. 56. HE REMOVES TO NORTHUMBERLAND. 527 to me, the Lord was then best unto me, and used me chap. .X.X1 V • the more kmdly in every place. For the Lord turn ed all the sons, and Sir Richard, and Mr. Allured, so unto me, that they not only gave her freely to be my wife, but enlarged her portion also ; and thus I did marry the best and fittest woman in the world unto me, after I had preached in this place about a twelvemonth. For which mercy to me in my exiled 16 32. condition in a strange place, I did promise the Lord that this mercy should knit my heart the nearer to Him, and that his love should constrain me. But I have ill requited the Lord since that time, and forgot myself, and my promise also. But now when we were married, in the year 1632, she was unwilling to stay at Buttercrambe, and I saw no means or likelihood of abode there. For Bishop Neale^ coming up to York, no friends could procure my liberty of him, without subscription. And hereupon the Lord gave me a call to Northum- berland, to a town called Heddon, five miles beyond Newcastle.^ Which when I had considered of, and saw no place but that to go unto, and saw the people very desirous of it, and that I might preach there in peace, being far from any Bishops, I did resolve to depart thither. And so being accompanied with Mr. Allured to the place, I came not without many fears of enemies, and my poor wife full of fears. It was not a place of subsistence with any comfort to me * " Bishop Neile and Bishop ^ Newcastle is the county-town Laud were a frightfully ceremonial of Northumberland, situated on the pair of Bishops ; the fountain they left bank of the Tyne, ten miles of innumerable tendencies to Papis- from the sea, and 273 from London, try and the old clothes of Baby- Population in 1841, 49,860. Ion!" SeeCarlyle's Cromwell, i. 61. 528 HE PREACHES ABOUT NEWCASTLE. CHAP, there. But the good Lord, who all my life followed XXIV '' me, made this place the fittest for me ; and I found 1632. jyiany sweet friends and Christian acquaintance, Mrs. Sherbourne maintaining me, and Mrs. Fenwick lend- ing us the use of her house ; and so God comforted us in our solitary, and yet married condition, many ways. Now when I was here, the Lord blessed my poor labors both to the saints, and to sundry others about and in Newcastle ; and I came here to read and know more of the ceremonies, church government and estate, and the unlawful standing of Bishops than in any other place. I lived at Mrs. Fenwick's house 1633, for a time, about a twelvemonth or half a year, and then we went and dwelt alone in a town near Hed- don, called [blank], in a house which we found haunt- ed with the Devil, as we conceived. For when we came into it, a known witch went out of it ; and be- ing troubled with noises four or five nights together, we sought God by prayer to remove so sore a trial ; and the Lord heard and blessed us there, and re- moved the trouble. But after we were settled, the Bishop put in a priest, who would not suffer me to preach publicly any more. Hereupon the means was used to the Bishop of Durham, Bishop Morton ; and he professed he durst not give me liberty, because Laud had taken notice of me. So I preached up and down in the country, and at last privately in Mr. Fenwick's house. And there I stayed till Mr. Cot- ton, Mr. Hooker, Stone, Weld, went to New-Eng- land ; and hereupon most of the godly in England were awakened, and intended much to go to New- England. And I having a call by divers friends in HIS FIRST SON IS BORN. 529 New-England to come over, and many in Old Eng- chap. land desiring me to go over, and promising to go ' with me, I did hereupon resolve to go thither, espe- ^^^s. cially considering the season. And thus the Lord blessed me in this dark country, and gave me a son, called Thomas, anno 1633 ; my poor wife being in sore extremities four days, by reason she had an un- skilful midwife. But as the affliction was very bitter, so the Lord did teach me much by it, and I had need of it ; for I began to grow secretly proud, and full of sensuality, delighting my soul in my dear wife more than in my God, whom I had promised better unto ; and my spirit grew fierce in some things, and secretly mindless of the souls of the people. But the Lord, by this affliction of my wife, learnt me to desire to fear him more, and to keep his dread in my heart. And so, seeing I had been tossed from the south to the north of England, and now could go no farther, I then began to listen to a call to New-England. The reasons which sw^ayed me to come to New- England were many. 1. I saw no call to any other place in Old England, nor way of subsistence in peace and comfort to me and my family. 2. Divers people in Old England of my dear friends, desired me to go to New-England, there to live together ; and some went before, and writ to me of providing a place for a company of us ; one of which was John Bridge ;^ and I saw divers families of my Christian friends who were resolved thither to go with me. 3. I saw the Lord departing from England when Mr. ' John Bridge was at Cambridge had a son Matthew. SeeWinthrop, in 1632, admitted a freeman March ii. 347, 3(i5 ; Farmer's Genealogi- 4, 1635, a representative in 1637, cal Register ; Newell's Church-Ga- and a deacon of the church. He thering at Cambridge, p. 53. 34 530 HIS REASONS FOR GOING TO NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP. Hooker and Mr. Cotton were ^one, and I saw the XXIV. hearts of most of the godly set and bent that way ; ^^22- and I did think I should feel many miseries if I stayed behind. 4. My judgment w^as then convinced not only of the evil of ceremonies, but of mixed commu- nion, and joining with such in sacraments ; though I ever judged it lawful to join with them in preaching. 5. I saw it my duty to desire the fruition of all God's ordinances, which I could not enjoy in Old England. 6. My dear wife did much long to see me settled there in peace, and so put me on to it. 7. Although it was true I should stay and suffer for Christ, yet I saw no rule for it now the Lord had opened a door of escape. Otherwise, I did incline much to stay and suffer, especially after our sea-storms. 8. Though my ends were mixed, and I looked much to my own quiet, yet the Lord let me see the glory of those lib- erties in New-England, and made me purpose, if ever I should come over, to live among God's peo- ple, as one come out from the dead, to his praise. Though since I have seen, as the Lord's goodness, so my own exceeding weakness to be as good as I thought to have been. And although they did desire me to stay in the north, and preach privately, yet, 1. I saw that this time could not be long without trouble from King Charles. 2. I saw no reason to spend my time pri- vately, when I might possibly exercise my talent publicly in New-England. 3. I did hope my going over might make them to follow me. 4. I consider- ed how sad a thing it would be for me to leave my wife and child (if I should die) in that rude place of the north, where was nothing but barbarous wicked- HE RETURNS TO EARLS-COLNE. 531 ness generally, and how sweet it would be to leave chap. them among God's people, though poor. 5. My lib -' erty in private was daily threatened ; and I thought i^^'*- it wisdom to depart before the pursuivants came out, for so I might depart with more peace and lesser trouble and danger to me and my friends. And I knew not Avhether God would have me to hazard my person, and comfort of me and all mine, for a disor- derly manner of preaching privately (as it was repu- ted,) in those parts. So after I had preached my farewell sermon at Newcastle, I departed from the north in a ship laden with coals for Ipswich, about the beginning of June, june. after I had been about a year in the north, the Lord having blessed some few sermons and notes to divers in Newcastle, from whom I parted, filled with their love. And so the Lord gave us a speedy voyage from thence to Ipswich,^ in Old England, whither I came in a disguised manner,^ with my wife and child and maid ; and stayed awhile at Mr. Russell's^ house, another while at Mr. Collins^ his house, and then went down to Essex, to the town where I had preached, viz. Earles-Colne, to Mr. Richard Harla- kenden's house, where I lived privately, but with much love from them all, as also from Mr. Joseph Cooke, ^ and also with friends at London and North- ' Ipswich, an inland port, and the bridge. See Newell's Cambridge capital of Suffolk, is situated on the Church-Gatheriner, pp. 47, 50. north-eastern banks of the united •* Perhaps Edward Collins, who rivers Gipping and Orwell, 69 miles was admitted a freeman May 13, north-east of London. Population 1640, and was deacon of the church in 1841, 24,940. at Cambridge. See Mather's Mag- ^ See note * on page 260. nalia, ii. 116 ; Newell's Cam. Ch. ^ Perhaps John Russell, who was Gath. p. 53; Winthrop, ii. 370; admitted a freeman at the same time Farmer's Genealogical Register, with Shepard and Harlakenden, * Joseph Cooke came to New- and was a prominent citizen of Cam- England in 1635 in the same ship 532 HE RESOLVES TO GO TO NEW-ENGLAND. CHAP, amptonshire. And truly I found this time of my life, XXIV. ^ ' -* wherein I was so tossed up and down, and had no 1634. place of settling, but kept secret in regard of the Bishops, the most uncomfortable and fruitless time, to my own soul especially, that ever I had in my life. And therefore I did long to be in New-Eng- land, as soon as might be ; and the rather because my wife, having weaned her first son, Thomas, had conceived again, and was breeding ; and I knew no place in England where she could lie in, without discovery of myself, danger to myself and all my friends that should receive me, and where we could not but give offence to many, if I should have my child not baptized. And, therefore, there being divers godly Christians resolved to go toward the latter end of the year, if I would go, I did therefore resolve to go that year, the end of that summer I came from the north. And the time appointed for the ship to go out was about a month or fortnight Sept. before Michaelmas, (as they there call it.) The ship * was called the Hope, of Ipswich. The master of it, a very able seaman, was Mr. Gurling, who professed much love to me, who had got this ship, of 400 tons, from the Danes, and, as some report, it was by some fraud. But he denied it ; and being a man very loving and full of fair promises of going at the time with Shepard, being at that time 27 person of note in Cambridge, and years old, and settled with his pas- represented that town in the Gene- tor at Newtown. He and his bro- lal Court for five years, from 1636 ther George, and Samuel Shepard, to 1640. His wife's name was are registered, in the list of passen- P^lizabeth, and his children were Jo- gers, under the disguised character seph, Elizabeth, IMary, Grace, and of servants to Roger Harlakenden. Ruth. See Newell "s Cam. Church He was admitted a freeman of the Gath. pp. 47, 49, 52 ; Mass. Hist. Colony March 3, 1636, with others Coll. xxviii. 268 ; Farmer's Geneal. of the same company. He was a Register. HE SAILS FROM HARWICH. 533 appointed, and an able seaman, hence we resolved J'J.j^- to adventure that time, though dangerous in regard -^ of the approaching winter.^ ^ Now here the Lord's wonderful terror and mercy to us did appear. For being come to Ipswich with my family, at the time appointed, the ship was not ready, and we stayed six or eight weeks longer than the time promised for her going ; and so it was very late in the year, and very dangerous to go to sea.^ And, indeed, if we had gone, doubtless we had all perished upon the seas, it being so extreme cold and tempestuous winter. But yet we could not go back, when we had gone so far ; and the Lord saw it good to chastise us for rushing onward too soon, and haz- arding ourselves in that manner ; and I had many fears, and much darkness, I remember, overspread my soul, doubting of our way. Yet, I say, we could not now go back. Only I learnt from that time never to go about a sad business in the dark, unless God's c^ll within as well as that without be very strong, and clear, and comfortable. So that in the year 1634, about the beginning of Oct. the winter, we set sail from Harwich.^ And having gone some few leagues on to the sea, the wind stop- ped us that night, and so we cast anchor in a danger- ous place, and on the morning the wind grew fierce, i7. ^ " Xow one cause of our going ^ Edward Johnson says, that at this time of winter was, because whilst they w^ere waiting for the we were persecuted in Old England ship to sail, plots were laid to en- for the truth of Christ, which we trap and apprehend Shepard and profess here. We durst not stay Norton. See the account at length to make ourselves known, which in his Hist, of New-England, ch. 29, would have been at the baptizing of ^ Harwich is a seaport in Essex, the child. Hence we hastened for at the mouth of the Stour, having a New-England." Shepard's Pre- spacious and safe harbour. Popula- face to this Memoir. tion in 1841, 3289. 534 THE SHIP IS DRIVEN BACK TO YARMOUTH. CHAP, and rough against us full, and drave us toward the sands. But the vessel being laden too heavy at the ^^^*" head, would not stir for all that which the seamen Oct. ' 17. could do, but drave us full upon the sands near Har- wich harbour ; and the ship did grate upon the sands, and was in great danger. But the Lord directed one man to cut some cable or rope in the ship, and so she was turned about, and was beaten quite back- ward toward Yarmouth,^ quite out of our way. But while the ship was in this great danger, a wonderful miraculous providence did appear to us. For one of the seamen, that he might save the ves- sel, fell in when it was in that danger, and so was carried out a mile or more from the ship, and given for dead and gone. The ship was then in such dan- ger, that none could attend to follow him ; and when it was out of the danger, it was a very great hazard to the lives of any that should take the skiff to seek to find him. Yet it pleased the Lord, that being discerned afar off floating upon the waters, three of the seamen adventured out upon the rough waters, and at last, about an hour after he fell into the sea, (as we conjectured,) they came and found him float- ing upon the waters, never able to swim, but sup- ported by a divine hand all this while. When the men came to him, they were glad to find him, but concluded he was dead, and so got him into the skiff*, and when he was there, tumbled him down as one dead. Yet one of them said to the rest, "Let us use what means we can, if there be life, to preserve it;" and thereupon turned his head downward for ' Yarmoutli (Great) is a seaport mouth of the Yare. Population in in the county of Norfolk, at the 1841,21,086. A TERRIBLE STORM. 535 the water to run out. And having done so, the fel- chap. low began to gasp and breathe. Then they applied other means they had ; and so he began at last to move, and then to speak, and by that time he came to the ship, he was pretty well, and able to walk. And so the Lord showed us his great power. Where- upon a godly man in the ship then said, "This man's danger and deliverance is a type of ours ; for he did fear dangers were near unto us, and that yet the Lord's power should be shown in saving of us." For so, indeed, it was. For the wind did drive us quite backward out of our way, and gave us no place to anchor at until w^e came unto Yarmouth roads — an open place at sea, yet fit for anchor- age, but otherwise a very dangerous place. And so we came thither through many uncomfortable haz- ards, within thirty hours, and cast anchor in Yar- mouth roads. Which when we had done, upon a Saturday morning, the Lord sent a most dreadful and is. terrible storm of wind from the west, so dreadful that to this day the seamen call it Windy Saturday ; that it also scattered many ships on divers coasts at that time, and divers ships were cast away. One among the rest, which was the seaman's ship who came with us from Newcastle, was cast away, and he and all his men perished. But when the wind thus arose, the master cast all his anchors; but the storm was so terrible, that the anchors broke, and the ship drave toward the sands, where we could not but be cast away. Whereupon the master cries out that we were dead men, and thereupon the whole company go to prayer. But the vessel still drave so near to the sands, that the master shot off two pieces of ord- 536 THEY CUT DOWN THE MAINMAST. CHAP, nance to the town, for help to save the passengers. The town perceived it, and thousands came upon ■ the walls of Yarmouth, and looked upon us, hearing 18. we were New-England men, and pitied much, and gave us for gone, because they saw other ships per- ishing near unto us at that time ; but could not send any help unto us, though much money was offered by some to hazard themselves for us. So the master not knowing what to do, it pleased the Lord that there was one Mr. Cock, a drunken fellow, but no seaman, yet one that had been at sea often, and would come in a humor unto New-Eng- land with us ; whether it was to see the country, or no, I cannot tell. But sure I am, God intended it for good unto us, to make him an instrument to save all our lives ; for he persuaded the master to cut down his mainmast. The master was unwilling to it, and besotted, not sensible of ours and his own loss.^ At last this Cock calls for hatchets, tells the master, " If you be a man, save the lives of your passengers, cut down your mainmast." Hereupon he encour- aged all the company, who were forlorn and hopeless of life ; and the seamen presently cut down the mast aboard, just at that very time wherein we all gave ourselves for gone, to see neither Old nor New Eng- land, nor faces of friends any more, there being near upon two hundred passengers in the ship. And so when the mast was down, the master had one little anchor left, and cast it out. But the ship was driven ' Edward Johnson, in his Hist, of ship was bewitched, and therefore New-England, chap. 29, says that made use of the common charm ig- " the master and other seamen made noraiit people use, nailing two red- a strange construction of the sore hot horse-shoes to their mainmast." storm they met withal, saying the See Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 141. THE WIND ABATES. 537 away toward the sands still ; and the seamen came chap- ' XXIV. to us, and bid us look, pointing to the place, where ^ — — our graves should shortly be, conceiving also that 1^34. the wind had broke off this anchor also. So the i^s." master professed he had done what he could, and therefore now desired us to go to prayer. So Mr. Norton^ in one place, and myself in another part of the ship, he with the passengers, and myself with the mariners above decks, went to prayer, and committed our souls and bodies unto the Lord that gave them. Immediately after prayer, the wind began to abate, and the ship stayed. For the last anchor was not broke, as we conceived, but only rent up with the wind, and so drave, and was drawn along, plough- ^ John Norton was born at Star- ford, in Hertfordshire, May 6, 1606, and was educated at Peter House, Cambridge, where he took the de- gnree of A. B. in 1(;23, and of A. M. in 1627. He was for a time cu- rate of the church at Starford, and afterwards chaplain to Sir William Masham, at High Lever, in Essex. But, like the other non-conformists of that day, he was so harassed by the bishops and the pursuivants, that he resolved to emigrate to America. After escaping, with his wife, from the storm mentioned in the text, he returned to his friends in Essex, and the next year embarked again, in the same ship with Edward Wins- low, and arrived at Plymouth in October, 1635. Here he preached through the winter, and the church were very desirous of retaining him. But he preferred to settle in the Massachusetts Colony, and in 1636 was ordained the second minister of Ipswich. On the death of John Cotton he was chosen to succeed him as teacher of the church in Bos- ton, and was installed colleague with Wilson July 23, 1656. In Feb. 1662, he was sent to England, with Simon Bradstreet, as an agent for the Colony, returned in Septem- ber, and died very suddenly on Sun- day, April 5, 1663, in his 57th year. He was an accomplished scholar and theologian, as his writings show. He wrote a Life of his pre- decessor, John Cotton ; a treatise against the doctrines of the Quakers, entitled The Heart of New-England Rent; an Answer to the heretical book of Pynchon, mentioned on page 283, and several other works, both in English and Latin. In reference to one of the latter, Fuller, the English Church historian says, "Of all the authors I have perused con- cerning the opinions of these dis- senting brethren, (the Congrega- tionalists,) none to me was more in- formative than Mr. John Norton, one of no less learning than modes- ty, minister in New-England, in his Answer to Apollonius, pastor in the church of Middleburgh." He left a widow, Mary, but no children. See Winthrop, i. 175 ; Mather, i. 261-275 ; Morton's Memorial, page 298; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 219- 223 ; Emerson's Hist, of the First Church in Boston, pp. 88-98; Felt's Ipswich, p. 221 ; Mass. Hist. CoU. xxviii. 248 ; Fuller, iii. 467. 538 THE SHIP RIDES OUT THE STORM. CHAP, inff the sands with the violence of the wind ; which XXIV ■ abating after prayer, though still very terrible, the ship was stopped just when it was ready to be swal- lowed up of the sands, a very little way off from it. And so we rid it out ; yet not without fear of our lives, though the anchor stopped the ship ; because the cable was let out so far, that a little rope held the cable, and the cable the little anchor, and the little anchor the great ship, in this great storm. But when one of the company perceived that we were so strangely preserved, had these words, " That thread we hang by will save us ;" for so we accounted of the rope fastened to the anchor in comparison of the fierce storm. And so indeed it did, the Lord show- ing his dreadful power towards us, and yet his un- speakable rich mercy to us, who, in depths of mercy, heard, nay helped us, when we could not cry through the disconsolate fears we had, out of these depths of seas, and miseries. This deliverance was so great, that I then did think, if ever the Lord did bring me to shore again, I should live like one come and risen from the dead. This is one of those living mercies the Lord hath shown me, a mercy to myself, to my wife and child then living, and to my second son, Thomas, who was in this storm, but in the womb of his dear mother, who might then have perished, and been cut off from all hope of means and mercy ; and unto my dear friends then with me, viz. brother Champney,^ ' Richard Champney came to Nov. 26, IGOl). His wife's name New-Entrland, and was at Cam- was Jane, and his children were bridge in 1635, was admitted a Esther, Samuel, Lydia, and Daniel, freeman May 25, 1636, and was a See Newell's Cambridge Church- fiilln,^ nlJn., „*' 4U„ ^U.,,.,.V, Jr. C^n^-rt- riotVicvinrr iat-v /1ft firt '\0 ■ Ti^n rin P r ' « ruling-elder of the church in Cam- Gathering, pp. 48,50, 52 ; Far bridge in February, 1637. He died Genealogical Register. mer s SHEPARD LANDS AT YARMOUTH. 539 Frost,^ GofF,^ and divers others, most dear saints ; §-5^J- and also to all with me. And how would the name of the Lord [have] suffered, if we had so perished. ^^^*' Oct That the Lord Jesus should have respect to me, so is.' vile, and one at that time full of many temptations and weaknesses, amazed [me] much, and deeply afraid of God's terror, yet supported. I desire this mercy may be remembered of my children, and their children's children, when I am dead, and cannot praise the Lord in the land of the living any more. And so we continued that night, many sick, many weak and discouraged, m^any sad hearts. Yet upon the Sabbath morning we departed and went out of 19. the ship ; I fear a little too soon, for we should have spent that day in praising of Him. Yet we were afraid of neglecting a season of providence in going out while we had a calm ; and many sick folk were unfit for that work, and had need of refreshing at shore. So, upon the Sabbath-day morning, boats came to our vessel from the town ; and so my dear wife and child went in the first boat. But here the Lord saw that these waters were not sufficient to wash away my filth and sinfulness, and therefore he cast me into the fire, as soon as ever I was upon the sea, in the boat ; for there my first-born child, very precious to my soul, and dearly beloved of me, was ' Edmund Frost was admitted a ^ Edward GofFe was made a free- freeman with Shepard's company man May 25, 1626, was a represent- March 3, 1636, and was a ruling- alive in 1646 and 1650, and died elder of the church in Cambridge. Dec. 26, 1658. His children by his He died in 1672. His wife's name first wife, Joyce, were Samuel and was Thomasine, and his children Lydia, and by his second wife, Mar- were John, Samuel, Joseph, James, garet, were Deborah, Hannah, and Mary, Ephraim, Thomas, and Sa- Abiah. See Newell, pp. 48, 49, rah. See Newell, pp. 47, 48, 50, 52. 50, 54 ; Farmer's Gen. Reg. 540 HIS CHILD DIES. smitten with sickness. The Lord sent a vomiting upon it, whereby it grew faint ; and nothing that we could use could stop its vomiting, although we had many helps at Yarmouth. And this was a very bit- ter affliction to me ; and the Lord now showed me my weak faith, want of fear, pride, carnal content, immoderate love of creatures, and of my child espe- cially, and begat in me some desires and purposes to fear his name. But yet the Lord would not be en- treated for the life of it, and after a fortnight's sick- ness, at last it gave up the ghost, when its mother had given it up to the Lord, and was buried at Yar- mouth ; where I durst not be present, lest the pur- suivants should apprehend me and I should be dis- covered ;^ which was a great affliction, and very bitter to me and my dear wife. And hereby I saw the Lord did come near to me, and I did verily fear the Lord would take away my wife also, if not my- self, not long after. And these afflictions, together with the Lord's crossing us and being so directly against our voyage, made me secretly willing to stay and suffer in Eng- land ; and my heart was not so much toward New- England. Yet this satisfied me, that seeing there was a door opened of escape, why should I suffer, and I considered how unfit I was to go to such a good land, with such an unmortified, hard, dark, for- mal, hypocritical heart ; and therefore no wonder if * Scottow, in his " Narrative of them both, (Shepard and Norton,) the Planting oi' the Massachusetts but to seize their persons. But how Colony," after describing the above strangely preserved, is not unknown storm, says, page 15, " The next to some oyw.s,- though the house was day they all landed safe ; and as beset by them, whenas they were soon as ashore, two vipers designed at a pious meeting, then called a not only to leap upon the hands of conventicle." HE SPENDS THE WINTER IN NORFOLK. 541 the Lord did thus cross me. And the Lord made chap. XXIV me fear my affliction came in part for running too far -' in a way of separation from the mixed assemblies in 1634. England ; though I bless God I have ever believed that there are true churches in many parishes in England, where the Lord sets up able men and min- isters of his Gospel, and I have abhorred to refuse to hear any able minister in England. So that now, I having buried my first-born, and being in great sadness, and not knowing where to go nor what to do, the Lord sent Mr. Roger Harla- kenden and my brother, Samuel Shepard,^ to visit me after they had heard of our escape at sea ; who much refreshed us, and clave to me in my sorrows. And being casting about where to go and live, Mr. Bridge, then minister in Norwich, sent for me to come and live with him ; and being come, one Mrs. Corbet, who lived five miles off" Norwich, an aged, eminent, godly gentlewoman, hearing of my coming, and that by being with Mr. Bridge might hazard his liberty by countenancing of me, she did therefore freely offer to me a great house of hers, standing empty, at a town called Bastwick f and there the Lord stirred up her heart to show all love to me, which did much lighten and sweeten my sorrows. And I saw the Lord Jesus' care herein to me, and saw cause of trusting him in times of straits, who set me in such a * Samuel Shepard came over with Ireland. His wife's name was his brother, being at that time 22 Hannah, and his daughter Jane re- years old, and settled at Cambridge, mained here. See Newell, pp. 47, In 1639 he was one of the superin- 50, 54 ; Farmer's Genealog. Reg. ; tendents for erecting the first col- Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 2(58. lege-building at Cambridge. He " Bastwick, a hamlet in the parish returned to England after 1645, and of Repps, in the county of Norfolk. in 1658 was a major, and living in 542 HIS SECOND SON IS BORN. CHAP, place : where I lived for half a year, all the winter XXIV. •! ' '■ long, among and with my friends, (Mr. Harlakenden 1634. (levelling with me, and bearing all the charge of housekeeping,) and far from the notice of my ene- mies ; where we enjoyed sweet fellowship one with another, and also with God, in a house which was fit to entertain any prince for fairness, greatness and pleasantness. Here the Lord hid us all the winter long ; and 16 35. when it was fit to travel in the spring, we went up to London, Mr. Harlakenden not forsaking me all this while ; for he was a father and mother to me. And when we came to London, to Mrs, Sherborne, not knowing what to do nor where to live privately, the Lord provided a very private place for us ; where my wife was brought to bed and delivered of my second son, Thomas, and none but our friends did know of it. And so, by this means, my son was not baptized until we came to New-England, the winter April following, being born in London, April 5, 1635. One remarkable deliverance my wife had when we were coming up to London. Mr. Burrowes, the minister, kindly entertained us about a fortnight in the way ; and when my wife was there, being great with child, she fell down from the top of a pair of stairs to the bottom. Yet the Lord kept her, and the child also, safe from that deadly danger. When we had been also at London for a time, and began to be known in the place, my wife was brought to bed. The Lord put it into our hearts to remove to another place in Mr. Eldred's^ house, in London, ' Alured, called also Aired or Aldred. See page 526, and Carlyle's Cromwell, i. 57. HE SAILS FOR NEW-ENGLAND. 543 which stood empty ; and the very night we were all chap. come away, then came the pm'suivants and others to ^^ '■ search after us. But the Lord delivered us out of i^ss. their hands. And so, when the Lord had recovered my wife, we began to prepare for a removal once again to New-England. And the Lord seemed to make our way plain. L Because I had no other call to any place in England. 2. Many more of God's people resolved to go with me, as Mr. Roger Harlakenden and Mr. Champney, &c. 3. The Lord saw our unfitness and the unfitness of our going the year before. And therefore giving us good friends to accompany us, and good company in the ship, we set forward about the 10th of August, 1635, with Xng. myself, wife, and my little son Thomas, and other ^^' precious friends, having tasted much of God's mercy in England, and lamenting the loss of our native country, when we took our last view of it.^ In our voyage upon the sea, the Lord was very tender of me, and kept me from the violence of sea- sickness. In our coming we were refreshed with the society of Mr. Wilson,^ [and] Mr. Jones,^ by their faith, and prayers, and preaching. The ship"* we came in was very rotten, and unfit for such a voyage ; ' He embarked in disguise, under he died about lfi6 4, being over 70 the assumed name of his brother years of age. His son John gradu- " John Shepard, husbandman." — ated at Harvard College in 1643, See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268, and a daughter married Thomas, 276. son of Rev. Peter Bulkley, went * Rev. John Wilson, of Boston, with her father to Fairfield, and died See note ' on page 325. about 1652. See Winthrop, i. 169, * Rev. John Jones, who was col- 189, 217 ; Shattuck's History of league with Peter Bulkley at Con- Concord, pp. 153, 160 ; Trumbull's cord about eight years, having been Conn. i. 280. ordained pastor April 6, 1637, and ^ Her name was the Defence, of then removed with part of his church London, Capt. Thomas Bostock. — to Fairfield, in Connecticut, where See Mass. Hist. Coll. xxviii. 268. 544 HE ARRIVES AT BOSTON. CHAP, and therefore the first storm we had, we had a very XXIV - — — ^ great leak, which did much appall and affect us. Yet 16 35. j.}jg Lord discovered it unto us when we were think- ing of returning back again, and much comforted our hearts. We had many storms ; in one of which my dear wife took such a cold, and got such weakness, as that she fell into a consumption, of which she afterward died. And also the Lord preserved her, with the child in her arms, from imminent and ap- parent death. For by the shaking of the ship in a violent storm, her head was pitched against an iron bolt, and the Lord miraculously preserved the child and recovered my wife. This was a great affliction to me, and was a cause of many sad thoughts in the ship, how to behave myself when I came to New- England. My resolutions I have written down in my little book. And so the Lord, after many sad storms and wea- risome days, and many longings to see the shore, the Lord brought us to the sight of it upon October Oct. 2, anno 1635 ; and upon October the 3d, we arriv- o ' ed, with my Avife, child, brother Samuel,^ Mr. Har- lakenden, Mr. Cookes,^ &c. at Boston, with rejoicing in our God after a longsome voyage;^ my dear wife's great desire being now fulfilled, which was to leave me in safety from the hand of my enemies, and ' His younger brother, mentioned tain, and commanded the troops sent on page 500, who was at this time to arrest Gorton and his company in 22 years of age, and who, as well 1643, was speaker of the House of as the Cookes, came in the assumed Deputies in 1645, and was after- character of servants to Roger Har- wards a colonel under Cromwell, in lakenden. See Mass. Hist. Coll. Ireland. See Newell's Cam. Ch. xxviii. -208, 273. Gath. pp. 47, 50 ; Winthrop, ii. 2 Joseph Cooke, mentioned in note 53, 137, 142; Mass. Hist. Coll. ^on page 531, had a brother George, xvii. 55, xxviii. 268. who accompanied him, and who set- ^ Their passage w^as fifty-four tied in Cambridge. He was a cap- days, from Aug. 10. HE SETTLES AT CAMBRIDGE. 545 among God's people, and also the child under God's J^^^- precious ordinances.^ Now when we came upon shore, we were kindly saluted and entertained by many friends, and were the first three days in the house of Mr. Cottington,^ being Treasurer at that time, and that with much love. When we had been here two days, upon the Mon- day, October 5, we came, (being sent for by friends 5. at Newtown,) to them, to my brother Mr. Stone's house. And that congregation being upon their re- moval to Hartford, at Connecticut, myself and those that came with me, found many houses empty, and many persons willing to sell ; and hence our compa- ny bought off their houses to dwell in, until we should see another place fit to remove unto. But having been here some time, divers of our brethren did desire to sit still, and not to remove farther ; partly, because of the fellowship of the churches ; partly, because they thought their lives were short, and removals to new plantations full of troubles ; partly, because they found sufficient for themselves and their company. Hereupon there was a purpose to enter into church fellowship, which we did the i636 year after, about the end of the winter f a fortnight ^^^• after which my dear wife Margaret died, being first 15, received into church fellowship ; which as she much * The child was baptized Februa- Discourse on the Cambridge Church- ry 7, 1636. Gathering in 1636, delivered in the ^ William Coddington. See note ^ First Church of Cambridge, Feb. 22, on page 337. 1846, by William Newell, Pastor of ^ It was on February 1st, 1636, the Church." The next year, 1637, old style, according to Winthrop, Shepard preached the Election Ser- corresponding to Feb. llth of new mon and offered the prayer at the style. See a graphic and beautiful opening of the Synod at Cambridge, description of this transaction in "A See Winthrop, i. 179, 221, 237. 35 546 TROUBLES FROM THE FAMILISTS. CHAP, lonsfed for, so the Lord did so sweeten it unto her, XXIV. '' that she was hereby exceedingly cheered, and com- ^^^^- forted with the sense of God's love, which continued until her last gasp. No sooner were we thus set down and entered into church fellowship, but the Lord exercised us and the whole country with the opinions of Fami- lists ; begun by Mrs. Hutchinson,^ raised up to a May great height by Mr. Vane, too suddenly chosen ^^' Governor, and maintained too obscurely by Mr. Cotton, and propagated too boldly by the members of Boston, and some in other churches. By means of which division by these opinions, the ancient and received truth came to be darkened, God's name to be blasphemed, the churches' glory diminished, many godly grieved, many wretches hardened, de- ceiving and being deceived, growing worse and worse. The principal opinion and seed of all the rest was this, viz. that a Christian should not take any evidence of God's special grace and love toward him by the sight of any graces, or conditional evan- gelical promises to faith or sanctification, in way of ratiocination, (for this was evidence, and so a way of works,) but it must be without the sight of any grace, faith, holiness, or special change in himself, by immediate revelation in an absolute promise. And because that the whole Scriptures do give such clear, plain, and notable evidences of favor to per- sons called and sanctified, hence they said that a second evidence might be taken from thence, but ' See note ' on page 360. A. SYNOD AT CAMBRIDGE. 547 no first evidence. But from hence it arose, that as chap. XXIV all error is fruitful, so this opinion did gender above '■ a hundred monstrous opinions in the country. Which i636. the elders perceiving, having used all private broth- erly means with Mr. Cotton first, and yet no healing, hereupon, they publicly preached both against opin- ions publicly and privately maintained. And I ac- count it no small mercy to myself, that the Lord kept me from that contagion, and gave me any heart or light to see through those devices of men's heads ; although I found it a most uncomfortable time to live in contention ; and the Lord was graciously pleased, by giving \vitness against them, to keep this poor church spotless and clear from them. This division in the Church began to trouble the Commonwealth. Mr. Wheelwright, a man of a bold and stiff conceit of his own worth and light, preached i637. (as the Court judged,) a seditious sermon,^ stirring go! up all sorts against those that preached a covenant of works ; meaning all the elders in the country that preached justification by faith, and assurance of it by sight of faith, and sanctification, being enabled thereto by the spirit. The troubles thus increasing, and all means used for crushing and curing these sores, a Synod was thought of and called, from the example Acts xv. ; wherein, by the help of all the elders joined together, those errors, ' This sermon, the text of which blank page, that " it was left in the was from ^latth. ix. 15, has never hands of Mr. John Coggeshall, who been printed ; but the larger part of was a deacon of the church in Bos- the original manuscript, being the ton.'' A perfect copy of this ser- last thirty-three pag-es, is preserved mon is contained in the first volume in the archives of the Massachusetts of the Hutchinson manuscripts, be- Historical Society. A compara- longing to the same Society. See lively modern hand has written on a Winthrop, i, 215. 548 RESULT OF THE SYNOD. CHAP. throuo;h the 2frace and power of Christ, were discov- XXIV. '=' * ^ . 1 1 1 J ered, the defenders of them convniced and ashamed, ^^^'- the truth stablished, and the consciences of the saints settled ; there being a most wonderful pres- ence of Christ's spirit in that Assembly, held at Aug. Cambridge anno 1637, about August, and continued ^^" a month together, in public agitations.^ For the issue of this Synod was this : 1. The Pekoat Indians were fully discomfited. For as the opinions arose, wars did arise ; and when these began to be crushed by the ministry of the elders, and by opposing Mr. Vane, and casting him and others from being magistrates, the enemies be- gan to be crushed, and were perfectly subdued by the end of the Synod. Nov. 2. The magistrates took courage, and exiled Mr. Wheelwright, Mrs. Hutchinson, and divers Islanders, whom the Lord did strangely discover, giving most of them over to all manner of filthy opinions, until many that held w^ith them before, were ashamed of them. And so the Lord, within one year, wrought a great change among us. At this time I cannot omit the goodness of God as to myself, so to all the country, in delivering us from the Pekoat furies. These Indians w^ere the stoutest, proudest, and most successful in their wars of all the Indians. Their chief sachem was Sasakus, a proud, cruel, unhappy, and headstrong prince ; who, not willing to be guided by the persuasions of his fellow, an aged sachem, Monanattuck, nor fearing the revenge of the English, having first » See Sparks's American Bio- i. 237-241 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. graphy, xvi. 249-260 ; Winthrop, 67-09. WAR WITH THE PEQUOTS. 549 sucked the blood of Captain Stone and Mr. Oldham,^ chap. found it so sweet, and his proceedings for one w^iole winter so successful, that having besieged and killed i^^"''- about four men that kept Seabrook fort, he adven- tured to fall upon the English up the river at Wethersfield, where he slew nine or ten men, ^p^^ women, and children at unawares, and took two ^^^ maids prisoners, carrying them away captive to the Pekoat country. Hereupon, those upon the river first gathered about seventy men, and sent them into [the] Pekoat country, to make that the seat of war, and to revenge the death of those innocents, whom they barbarously and most unnaturally slew. These men marched two days and nights from the ^^ way of the Naraganset unto Pekoat, being guided 24. by those Indians, then the ancient enemies of the Pekoats. They intended to assault Sasakus's fort ; but falling short of it the second night, the provi- dence of God guided them to another, nearer, full of stout men, and their best soldiers, being, as it were, cooped up there, to the number of three or four hundred in all, for the divine slaughter by the hand of the English. These, therefore, being all night 35. making merry, and singing the death of the English the next day, toward break of the day, being very ^^ heavy with sleep, the English drew near within the sight of the fort, very weary with travel and want of sleep ; at which time five hundred Naragansets fled for fear, and only two of the company stood to it to conduct them to the fort, and the door and entrance thereof. The English being come to it, ' See pages 363 and 36-i. 550 THE PEQUOTS SUBDUED. CHAP, awakened the fort with a peal of muskets, directed XXIV . '' into the midst of their wigwams ; and after this, 1637. some undertaking to compass the fort without, some 25^ adventured into the fort, upon the very faces of the enemy, standing ready with their arrows ready bent to shoot whoever should adventure. But the Eng- lish, casting by their pieces, took their swords in their hands, (the Lord doubling their strength and courage,) and fell upon the Indians ; when a hot fight continued about the space of an hour. At last, by the direction of one Captain Mason, their wigwams were set on fire ; which being dry, and contiguous one to another, was most dreadful to the Indians ; some burning, some bleeding to death by the sword, some resisting till they were cut off; some flying were beat down by the men without ; until the Lord had utterly consumed the whole company, except four or five girls they took prison- ers, and dealt with them at Seabrooke as they dealt with ours at Wethersfield. And 't is verily thought, scarce one man escaped, unless one or two to carry forth tidings of the lamentable end of their fellows. And of the English not one man was killed, but one by the musket of an Englishman, as was conceived. Some were wounded much ; but all recovered, and restored again. ^ Thus the Lord having delivered the country from war with Indians and Familists, (who arose and fell 16 36. together,) he was pleased to direct the hearts of the ^gP*^- magistrates, (then keeping Court ordinarily in our town, because of these stirs at Boston,) to thir.k of ' See page 364, and note * on page 306. HARVARD COLLEGE FOUNDED. 551 erecting a School or College, and that speedily, to chap. be a nursery of knowledge in these deserts, and supply for posterity.^ And because this town, i^^e. then called Newtown, was, through God's great care and goodness, kept spotless from the contagion of the opinions, therefore, at the desire of some of our town, the Deputies of the Court, having got Mr. Eaton- to attend the School, the Court, for that and sundry other reasons, determined to erect the College here.^ Which was no sooner done, but the i63 7. ' " After God had carried us safe to New-England, and we had build- ed our houses, provided necessaries for our liveHhood, reared conven- ient places for God's worship, and settled the civil government, one of the next things we longed for and looked after, was to advance learn- ing, and perpetuate it to posterity ; dreading to leave an illiterate min- istry to the churches, when our pre- sent ministers shall lie in the dust. And as we were thinking and con- sulting how to effect this great work, it pleased God to stir up the heart of one INIr. Harvard, a godly gentle- man and a lover of learning, there li"sang amongst us, to give the one half of his estate, it being in all about £1700, towards the erecting of a College, and all his library. After him another gave jC300 ; others after them cast in more ; and the public hand of the State added the rest." New-England's First Fruits, p. 12, (London, 1643.) ^ Nathaniel Eaton, brother of Theophilus Eaton, of New Haven, was admitted a freeman June 9, 1638. He had been educated under Dr. Ames in Holland, and was known to Mr. Hooker whilst there, who says "he did not approve of his spirit, and feared the issue of his being received here." He was intrusted not only with the educa- tion of the students, but with the management of the funds. For his cruel treatment of his usher, Bris- coe, he was dismissed from office, sentenced by the Court to pay a fine of twenty marks, and to pay Bris- coe =C20. After this sentence, the church at Cambridge excommuni- cated him. He went first to Pisca- taqua, afterwards to Virginia, and then to England, where he lived privately till the Restoration, then conformed, and was settled at Bid- deford, where he persecuted the Nonconformists, and at last died in prison, where he had been put for debt." See Winthrop, i. 308 ; Mather, ii. 8 ; Hutchinson's Mass. i. 91. ^ Edward Johnson says, " For place, they fix their eye upon New- town, which, to tell their posterity whence they came, is now named Cambridg'e ; and withal, to make the whole world imderstand that spiritual learning was the thing they chiefly desired, to sanctify the other, and make the whole lump holy, and that learning, being set upon its right object, might not contend for error instead of truth, they chose this place, being then under the orthodox and soul-flourishing minis- try of INIr. Thomas Shepard ; of whom it may be said, without any wrong to others, the Lord by his ministry hath saved many a hundred soirls." Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 27. 552 JOHN HARVARD, OF CHARLESTOWN. 1638. Sept. U. 1639, 1640, Auff. 17. chief of the magistrates and elders sent to England to desire help to forward this work. But they all neglecting us, in a manner, the Lord put it into the heart of one Mr. Harvard,^ who died worth £1600, to ofive half his estate to the erectins: of the School. The man was a scholar, and pious in his life, and enlarged towards the country and the good of it, in life and death. But no sooner was this given, but Mr. Eaton, (professing eminently, yet falsely and most deceit- fully, the fear of God,) did lavish out a great part of it, and being for his cruelty to his scholars, especially to one Briscoe," as also for some other wantonness in life, not so notoriously known, driven the country, the Lord, about a year after, graciously made up the breach by one Mr. Dunstar,^ a man ' Of John Harvard little is known. In 1628, he entered Em- manuel College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1631, and of A. M. in 1635. He was admitted an inhabitant of Charles- town Aug. 6, 1637, " with promise of such accommodations as we best can ; " was made a freeman Nov. 2 ; was admitted, with his wife Anna, a member of the church at Charles- town Nov. 6; and "was sometime minister of God's word here," as assistant to the Rev. Zechariah Symmes. There is no account, however, of his ordination. The town records state that he had a lot of land assigned him in 1637, and the ne.\t year his share in an- other allotment was a third larger than Mr. Symmes's. He was ap- pointed, April 26, 1638, one of a committee " to consider of some things tending towards a body of laws," and had a grant of three and a half feet of ground for a portal to his house. He died of a consumption Sept. 14, 1638, aged not above thirty, supposing he en- tered college between his seven- teenth and twentieth year. Froth- ingham makes it probable that his widow married the Rev. Thomas Allen, of Charlestown. His library consisted of 260 volumes, a cata- logue of which is preserved, though the books were destroyed in the fire of 1764. On the 5i6th of Sept. 1828, a monument of granite, a solid obelisk, fifteen feet high and four square at the base, was erected to the memory of Harvard in the burying-ground at Charlestown ; on which occasion an eloquent address was delivered by Edward Everett, now President of the College which he founded. See Winthrop, ii. 88, 312 ; Mather, ii. 7 ; Everett's Orations, p. 163 ; Frothingham's Charlestown, p. 74 ; Budington's Charlestown Church, pp. 44, 182, 247 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 16, 28, xxviii. 248, 249. ^ See an account of this in Win- throp, 1. 308. ' Henry Dunster is placed by Cot- HENRY DUNSTER, OF CAMBRIDGE. 553 1640. pious, painful, and fit to teach, and very fit to lay chap. the foundations of the domestical aff"airs of the Col lege ; whom God hath much honored and blessed. The sin of Mr. Eaton was at first not so clearly discerned by me. Yet, after more full information, I saw his sin great, and my ignorance, and want of wisdom, and watchfulness over him, very great ; for which I desire to mourn all my life, and for the breach of his family. ton Mather among the ministers of his "first class," that is, such as ■were in the actual exercise of the ministry -when they left England. But neither he, nor Morton, nor any other writer, mentions the place of his ministry or birth. He was edu- cated at Emmanuel College, Cam- bridge, where he received the de- gree'of A. B. in 1630, and of A. M. in 1634. He arrived in New-Eng- land in 1640, and was admitted a freeman June 2, 1641. The au- thor of New-England"s First Fruits (1043) says, "Over the College is Master Dunster placed, as Presi- dent, a learned, conscionable, and industrious man." Edward John- son (165-2) speaks of him as "one fitted from the Lord for the work, and by those that have skill that way, reported to be an able profi- cient in both Hebrew^ Greek and Latin languages." He remained in office fourteen years, till, as Mather says, " his unhappy en- tanglement in the snares of Ana- baptism filled the Overseers with uneasy fears lest the students by his means should come to be en- snared. Wherefore they labored with an extreme agony either to rescue the good man from his own mistakes, or to restrain him from imposing them upon the hope of the flock. Of both which finding themselves to despair, they did as quietly as they could procure his removal. Their uneasiness was so signified unto him that on Oct. 24, 1654, he resigned his president- ship." On leaving Cambridge, he retired to Scituate, where he was employed in the ministry till his death,^ Feb. 27, 1659. Mather re- marks, that " he died in such har- mony of affection with the good men who had been the authors of his removal from Cambridge, that he, by his will, ordered his body to be carried unto Cambridge for its burial, and bequeathed legacies to those very persons." Morton says, that " his body was embalmed, and removed to Cambridge, and there honorably buried." The Corpora- tion of the College have lately taken measures to erect a monument to his memory on the spot where he is supposed to have been buried, as indicated by the ruins of a former monument, on which no traces of an inscription remain. Dunster re- vised and polished the New-Eng- land version of the Psalms, which had been translated in 1640, by Eliot, Weld, and Mather, as men- tioned on page 511. His wife Elizabeth was the widow of the Rev. Jesse Glover, who died on his passage to New-England in 1639 ; and he had three sons ; David, born May 16, 1645, Henry, born in 1650, and Jonathan, born in 1653. See Mather, i. 366, ii. 8, 10; Morton's Memorial, p. 283 ; Deane's Scitu- ate, p. 179 ; Peirce's Hist, of Har- vard Univ. p. 7; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvii. 25, 31, xxviii. 248; Farmer's Genealogical Register. 554 SHEPARD MAHRIES HOOKER's DAUGHTER. CHAP. But thus the Lord hath been very ffood unto me, XXIV. _ ^ ... in planting the place I live in w^ith such a mercy ^^^^' to myself, such a blessing to my children and the country, such an opportunity of doing good to many by doing good to students, as the School is. After this, I fell sick after Mr. Harlakenden's death, my most dear friend, and most precious ser- vant of Jesus Christ. And when I was very low, and my blood much corrupted, the Lord revived me, and after that took pleasure in me, to bless my labors, that I was not altogether useless nor fruitless ; and not only to speak by me to his people, but likewise to print my Notes upon the Nine Principles, I intended to proceed on with in Yorkshire, but never intended them, or imagined they should be for the press. Yet six of them being finished in Old England, and printed, and the other three de- sired, I finished (the Lord helping,) those at Cam- bridge ; and so sent them to England, where they also are printed ; which I do not glory in, (for I know my weakness,) that my name is up by this means, but that the Lord may be pleased to do some good by them there in my absence. For I have seen the Lord making improvement of my weak abilities as far as they could reach, and of myself to the utmost ; which I desire to bless his name forever for. The year after those wars in the country, God having taken away my first wife, the Lord gave me ^olt ^ second, the eldest daughter of Mr. Hooker,^ a blessed store ; and the Lord hath made her a great ' Her name was Joanna. See Farmer's Gen. Reg., art. Shepard. TWO OF HIS CHILDREN DIE. 555 blessing to me to carry on matters in the family ^^f^- with much care and wisdom, and to seek the Lord God of her father. The first child I had by her, being a son, died through the weakness of the midwife, before it saw the sun, even in the very birth. The second, whom 1641. Oct the Lord I bless hath hitherto spared, viz. my little Samuel,^ is yet living. The third son, viz. my son John, after sixteen weeks, departed, on the Sabbath day morning, a day of rest, to the bosom of rest, to Him who gave it ; which was no small affliction and heart-breaking to me, that I should provoke the Lord to strike at my innocent children for my sake. The Lord thus afflicting, yet continued peace to the country, that amazing mercy, when all England and Europe are in a flame. The Lord hath set me and my children aside from the flames of the fires in Yorkshire and Northumberland, whence if we had not been delivered, I had been in great afflictions and temptations, very weak and unfit to be tossed up and down, and to bear violent persecution. The Lord therefore hath showed his tenderness to me and mine, in carrying me to a land of peace, though a place of trial ; where the Lord hath made the savage Indians, (who conspired the death of all the English by Miantinomo upon a sudden, if Uncas i643. could have been cut off first, who stood in their ' He was born in October, 1641, the death of his colleague, he says, and was brought up, I believe, in " Little Sam. Shepard is well." the family of his grandfather Hook- He was ordained at Rowley Nov. er, at Hartford. Li an unpublished 15, 1()()5, the third minister of that letter that I have seen, written by town, and died April 7, 1668, aged Samuel Stone of Hartford, and 26. See Gage's History of Rowley, dated July 19, 1647, in which he pp. 19, 74. gives a very affecting account of 2 556 HIS SECOND WIFE DIES. way,^ and determined an open war upon us by the privy suggestions of some neutral English on the Island,) ^ to seek for peace from us upon our own terms, without bloodshed, August 26, 1645. But the Lord hath not been wont to let me live long without some affliction or other ; and yet ever jg^g mixed with some mercy. And therefore, April the April 2d, 1646, as he gave me another son, John, so he took away my most dear, precious, meek, and loving wife, in child-bed, after three weeks' lying-in ; hav- ing left behind her two hopeful branches, my dear children, Samuel and John. This affliction was very heavy to me ; for in it the Lord seemed to with- draw his tender care for me and mine, which he graciously manifested by my dear wife ; also refused to hear prayer, when I did think he would have hearkened and let me see his beauty in the land of the living, in restoring of her to health again ; also, in taking her away in the prime time of her life, when she might have lived to have glorified the Lord long ; also, in threatening me to proceed in rooting out my family, and that he would not stop, having begun here, as in Eli, for not being zealous enough against the sins of his sons. And I saw that if I had profited by former afflictions of this nature, I should not have had this scourge. But I am the Lord's, and He may do with me what he will. He did teach me to prize a little grace, gained by a cross, as a sufficient recompense for all outward losses. 'See Winthrop, ii. 131-134; - I suppose he means Gorton and Hutchinson's Mass. i. 13G, 138 ; his company. Hazard's State Papers, ii. 7-9. HER CHARACTER. 557 But this loss was very sfreat. She was a woman chap. XXIV of incomparable meekness of spirit, toward myself -* especially, and very loving; of great prudence to 1646. take care for and order my family affairs, being neither too lavish nor sordid in anything, so that I knew not what was under her hands. She had an excellency to reprove for sin, and discern the evils of men. She loved God's people dearly, and [was] studious to profit by their fellowship, and therefore loved their company. She loved God's word ex- ceedingly, and hence was glad she could read my notes, which she had to muse on every week. She had a spirit of prayer, beyond ordinary of her time and experience. She was fit to die long before she did die, even after the death of her first-born, which was a great affliction to her. But her work not being done then, she lived almost nine years with me, and was the comfort of my life to me ; and the last sacrament before her lying-in, seemed to be full of Christ, and thereby fitted for heaven. She did oft say she should not outlive this child ; and when her fever first began, by taking some cold, she told me so, that we should love exceedingly together, because we should not live long together. Her fever took away her sleep ; want of sleep wrought much distemper in her head, and filled it with fantasies and distractions, but without raging. The night before she died, she had about six hours' unquiet sleep. But that so cooled and settled her head, that when she knew none else, so as to speak to them, yet she knew Jesus Christ, and could speak to him ; and therefore, as soon as she awakened out of sleep, she brake out into a most heavenly, heart- 558 THOMAS SHEPARD's MEMOIR. CHAP, breaking prayer, after Christ, her dear Redeemer, > — — '- for the spirit of life, and so continued praying until 1646. ^jjg j^gj- jjQyj. Qf jjgj. death, "Lord, though I [am] unworthy. Lord, one word, one w^ord," &c. ; and so gave up the ghost. Thus God hath visited and scourged me for my sins, and sought to wean me from this world. But I have ever found it a difficult thing to profit even but a little by the sorest and sharpest afflictions.^ * Shepard remained pastor of the church at Cambridge till his death, Aug-. 25, 1649, in the forty-fourth year of his age. He is described as "a poor, weak, pale-complec- tioned man." Edward Johnson speaks of him as "that gracious, sweet, heavenly-minded and soul- ravishing minister, Mr. Shepard; " and Fuller classes him among "the learned writers of Emmanuel Col- lege." After the death of his sec- ond wife, he married a third, Mar- garet Boradel, by whom he had one son, Jeremiah, who became tiie minister of Lynn, Oct. 6, 1680. After his death, she married his successor in the church at Cam- bridge, the Rev. Jonathan Mitchell. Shepard's eldest son, Thomas, was ordained pastor of the church in Charlestown, April 13, 1659, in which place he was succeeded by his son Thomas, May 5, 1680. Samuel, as has been already stated on page 555, was settled in the ministry at Rowley, Nov 15, 1665. Anna, the daughter of the first Thomas Shepard, of Charlestown, was married, in 1682, to Daniel Quincy. They had one son, named John Quincy, born July 21, 1689, whose daughter Elizabeth married William Smith, the minister of Weymouth, and his daughter, Abi- gail, married the first President Adams, and was the mother of John Quincy Adams, who is thus a de- scendant, in the sixth generation. from Thomas Shepard, of Cam- bridge. See Mather, i. 343-357, ii. 75, 100, 118, 125; Fuller's Hist. Cambridge, p. 206 ; Hazard's State Bapers, ii. 17 ; Budington's Hist, of Charlestown Church, pp. 54,81,219; Lewis's Lynn, p. 194 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. xiii. 152, xxviii, 248, 268. The preceding Memoir is printed from the original manuscript, in the hand-writing of Thomas Shep- ard. It is evident that it was used by Mather in writing the Life of him in the Magnalia. In 1750, it was in the possession of Samuel Blake, and, in 1768, of James Blake, the author of the Annals of Dorchester ; from whom it de- scended to the Rev. James Blake Howe, of Claremont, N. H., who presented it to the Shepard Con- gregational Society in Cambridge, for whose use it was transcribed and printed in 1832. By the kind- ness of the Rev. John A. Albro, the minister of that Society, I have been favored with the loan of the manuscript, and been permitted to reprint it, in a much more accurate and attractive form. Although the spelling has been modernized, and the punctuation corrected, not a single word of the original has been altered or omitted, wliilst several ])assages, left out in the first pub- lication of the Memoir, are now inserted. INDEX. Abergiiiians, the, 374, 3S6. Abigail, the, 43, 79. See Gaiiden. Ahouseit river, in Lynn, 169, 407. Adams, John, President, his opinion concern- ing the treatment of the Indians, 160. Adams, 'J'homas, one of the Massachusetts Company, 47, 53, 59, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 73. 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 37, 90, 92, 93,94,97,98,99, 101, 106, 107, 109, 113, 119, 120, 174. 239. Adventurers, the merchant, abandon their enterprise, 11, 25. The heaver trade to be reserved to the, 96, 114, 143, 262. Articles of agreement between the planters and ihe, 100,102. Privileges of the old, 115. Pri- vate, 151. Names of the, 174. Agamenticus, Mount, 4 72. Agawam. 307. Sagamore of, 307. Described, 410. See Ipsicich, and Masconnomo. Agreement, at Cambridge, England, 86, 279-284. Air of Wew-England, 251. Alcock, George, death of his wife, 314. No- tice of him, 314. Aldersey, Samuel, 68, 71, 72, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 87, 92, 94, 101, 102, 106, 117, 124, 174. Aldworth, Robert, 362. See Monhegan. AUerton, Isaac, 132, 436. Agent of "the Ply- mouth Colony, 333. AUin, John, .Rev., 340. Allotment of land, 69, 73, 74-77, 154, 174, 197-200, 3S4. Alured, Mr., 526, 527, 542 ; and Colonel, 526. Ambrose, the, 127, 137, 310. Ames, William, Rev., 512. His wife and children come to New England, 134. Anahaptists, 233. Andrews, Richard, a benefactor of the Mas- sachusetts Colony, 81. Andrews, Thomas, 79, 90. Notice of him, 81 . Angel Gabriel, the, 453, 457, 458, 459, 460 461. At anchor in King Road, 450, 451 Cast away, 478. Antinomian Controversy, 258, 360, 546. BeS: account of the, 360. Apparel for the Colonists, 40, 266. Aqueihneck, Rhode Island, 323. Arbella, the, 93, 125, 127, 137,262,298, 310. Archer, John, Hev., 112, 120. Arrniiage, 'J'homas, 4.50. Arm.s, lor the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, 43, 54, 63. Arnold, Andrew, 174. Articles of agreement between the planters and adventurers, 100, 102. Aspinwall, William, 316. Notice of him, 382. Assistants, chosen, 71. See Courts and Mas- sachusetts. Atonement, first heretical work on the, in New-Kngland, 233. .Auditors appointed, 81. Avery, John, Kev., 485, 486, 487, 488, 489. Perishes at sea, 490. See I'hacher. Avery's Rock, 494. B. TO, 78, 79, 109. Backhouse, — Bacon, Leonard, Rev., on Fugill, 525. Baker, John, 333. Balcli, John, 144. Notice of him, and of his family, 26. Ball, John, Rev., 443. Ball. Thomas, Rev,, notice of, 443. Ballard, Daniel, 70, 79, 81, 82, 86, 87, 94, 101. Bandoleers, 44, 267. Barkley, William, 64. 560 INDEX. Barlow, Bishop, 422. Barton's Point, 170. Basseit, , a student of Christ's Col- lege, 505. Batchelor, Stephen, Rev., 409. Baieman, , 90, 93. Beard, Thomas, the first shoemaker, 186, 187. Beaver -skins, 309, 320. To be sold, 93. Trade in, reserved to the adventurers, 96, 114, 148, 262. Becon, Richard, 475. Beecher, Thomas, 101. Master of the Tal- bot, 108, 172, 262. Notice of him, 219. Belknap, Jeremy, Rev., cited, 34. Bellingham, Richard, Gov., 13, 48, 174. Belts, John, 84. Biby, Simon, 423. Bilson, , 76. Biscoe, , 551, 552. BlacUstone, WiUiam, 150, 316, 380. Account of him, 169 ; his claims, 170; and his fam- ily, 171. See Boston. Blackstone's Point, 381. Black William, Duke of Saugus, 406. Blake, Goodman, 231. Blake, James, 481. Bland, Mr., Rev. Thomas Shepard's grand- father, 499. Bonitos, 226, 229, 464, 467. Boon Island, 472. Boreman, Felix, 63. Bostock, Thomas, Master of the Defence, 543. Boston, England, described, 48, 49. Boston, New-England, Blackstone at, 150, 169, 3S0. Settlement of, 313, 381. Win- throp removes to, 381. Described, 397. Boston Castle, account of, 338, 359. Boston harbour, described, 393. Islands in, 405. Boston men, the, 48, 440. Bowditch, Nathaniel, 178. Bowry, Richard, 70. Brackenbury, Richard, notice of, 30. His deposition, 256. Brackenbury, William, 383. Bradford's and Winslow's Journal, effect of the publication of 5. Bradford, William, Gov., 243, 290, 299. On Massachusetts Bay, 19. On Lyford and Oldham, 20. On Smith, 151. On the affair of the Biownes, 2t)7. Kndicott's letter to him, cited, 290. Letters of Fuller, thc^ phy- sician, to, cited, 299, 312, 314, 348. Sends to Salem for ammunition, 377. Cited, 32, 33, 394. Bradsliaw, , 109. Bradshaw, Job, 101, 174. Bradshaw, Joseph, 82, 174. Bradstreet, Simon, Gov., 97, 124, 126, 127, 304, 319, 339, 356, 378, 381. Notice of him, 125. Brand, Thomas, 165. See Brude. Brereton, Sir William, his claim, and propo- sition to the Massachusetts Company, 51, 122. Brewster, William, 151. Brickhed, Thomas, 04. Bridge, Mr., Rev., 541. Bridge, John, notice of, 529. Bright, Francis, Rev., 67, 143, 144, 152, 160, 104, 191, 194, 216, 376, 3:i7. His agree- ment with the JVIassachusetts Company, 207-209. Account of him ; his return to England, 316. Brown, Edmund, Rev., 357. Browne, , 65. Browne, , 222. Browne, John, 61, 67, 71, 194. and Samuel, 144, 159, 160, 168, 174, 191, 296. Their difficulty with Endicott, 89, 290. A committee appointed to investigate the affair, 89, 288. Their letters to be opened, 91 ; and detained, 92. Furnished with a copy of the accusation against them, 94, 288. Their complaint, 108 ; and statement of grievances, 123,238. In what respect guilty, 196. Statement of their case, 287. A tablet to the memory of, in the church at Salem, 288. See Broicne, Samuel. Browne, Kellam, 282, 283. Browne, Samuel, 61, 67, 194. Brownists, the Massachusetts colonists ac- cused of being, 331. Brude, Thomas. 103, 164. Bulkley, Peter, Rev , 357, 543. Bull, Di.xy, the pirate, account of, 362. Burgess, William, secretary of the Massa- chusetts Company, 71, 72, 73, 124, 128, 160, 191. Burleigh, Captain, 220. Burnell, , 82. Burrowes, Mr., Rev., 542. Bushell, Ruth, 525, 526. Bushord, Richard, 174. Cambridge, England, Agreement at, 86, 279- 284. Cambridge, New England, synod at, 360, 547. See Ncwtoicn and Synod. Cannon, for the Massachusetts Colony, 43. Cape Ann, men left at, 7. Two fishing ves- sels employed at, 8. Disorders of the men left at, 10 Most of the men at return to England, 11. Those remaining remove to Naumkeng, 12. Cattle sent to, 12, 216. Conant, Lyford, and Oldham at, 20. Error concerning, 22. J'ishing at, 22. Planta- tion at, 23, 310. Contest about a fishing- stage at, 32. A patent for, obtained by the company of New Plymouth, 33. Capacity of the harbour of, 233. See Naumkcag and NciD Plijmotith. Caps, 41. See Monmouth. Caron, Joseph, 81, 174. Carvel, 227. Casson. Edward, 64. Castle, Boston, account of the, 358,359. Cattle, first brought to Plymouth, 9, 216. Sent to Naumkeag, 12,216; to the Massa- chusetts Colony, 66, 182, 190,216,310. The Massachusetts Colony better provided with, than the Colony of New Plymouth, 216. More wanted, 201. INDEX. 561 Chadderton, Laurence, Rev., notice of, 504. Chalmers, George, his assertions, with regard to the Massacliusetts company, 89 ; dis- proved, 288 ; with regard to the Massachu- setts colonists, 296. Cited, 60. Champney, Richard, 543. Notice of him, 538. Chape, meanmg of, 63. Chaplains, of the General Court of the Mas- sachusetts Company, chosen, 112. Chappel, William, disputes with Cotton, 422. Charity, the, 353. Charles I., 291,292. The patent of the Mas- sachusetts Company confirmed by him, 13, 372. His proclamation, 84, 157. Charles, the, 311, 330. Charlestown, 259. Everett's address at, 127. Walford, the smith, at, 150, 152, 349, 375. Fuller, the physician of Plymouth, at, 299, 312,314. Settlement of, 313, 374. Roger Clap at, 348. Records of, 369-387. The Spragues at, 374. First settlers of, 375. The town laid out, 376. A fort built, 377. Winlhrop arrives at, 378. A church gath- ered, 379. No good water at, 380. First planters of 382. Described, 400. Charlton, Robert, 64. Chatham. See Manamoyk. Chelsea. See Rumney Marsh and Winnis- simet. -X^Chickatabot, sachem of Neponset, 305, 307, ' 309, 395. Unfriendly to the English, 305. Churches and public works, the charges of, how, and by whom, to be defrayed, 96, 148, 187. Churchill, , 63. Clap, Edward, 354. Clap, family, 354, 367. Clap, Roger, 123, 260. His Memoirs, 343, 367. His early life in England, 345, 346. Sails from Plymouth, and arrives at Nan- tasket, 347. At Charlestown, 348 ; Water- town, 349; Dorchester, 350. Admitted into church fellowship, 355. Appointed Captain of Boston Castle, 357. Notice of, and of his family, 366. Cited, 170. See Western men. Clarendon, cited, 60, 99. Clarke, , 79, 81. Claydon, Barnaby, 61, 178. Claydon, Richard, 61, 62, 177. Cleaver, Robert, Rev., notice of, 444. Clothing, for the Massachusetts Colony, 62. Cobbett, Thomas, Rev., 357. Cockerill, Mr., tutor in Emmanuel college, Cambridge, 503. Coddington, William, 48, 125, 126, 127, 298, 313, 319, 336, 545. Death of his wife, 314. Account of him, 337. Coke, Sir John, 84. Colbrand. See Colburn. Colbron. See Colburn. Colburn, William, 86, 87. Notice of, 338. Cole, Rice, 333. Collins, Edward, notice of, 531. Commissioners, sent from England, 365. Common stock of the Massachusetts Com- pany, 120, 121, 125. Conant, Christopher, 23. Conant, Roger, 106, 144, 194, 243, 258. At 36 Nantasket, Cape Ann, and Naumkeag; 20. Appointed agent for the adventurers, 23. Notice of, and of his family, 23. Re- moves to Cape Ann, 25. Petition of, 27. Conant, Roger, jr., the first child born at Sa- lem, 24. Conanfs Island, Governor's Garden so called, 24. Granted to Winthrop, 105. See Gov- ernor's Garden. Converse, Edward, 401. Notice of, 383. Cony, Thomas, 436. Notice of him, 48. Cooke, Edward, 79, 81, 86, 101. Cooke, George, 532, 544. Cooke, Joseph, 544. Notice of him, 531. Corbet, Mrs., 541. Cornish, Jeffrey, 457. Cotton, John, Rev., 48, 103, 113, 164, 260, 283, 304, 317, 337, 340,356,357,506,512, 528, 530, 546, 547. On Humphrey, 106. His farewell sermon to the Massachusetis colonists, 126, 296. His iarm, 400. His Lifeand Letters, 417-444. Obliged to con- ceal himself 428, 432. Notice of, 429 ; and of his family, 429, 433. Resigns his vicarage, 436. His reasons for removing to New-England, 438. Cotton, Seaborn, birth, and notice of, 438. Coulson, Christopher, 47, 68, 71, 72, 82, 86, 87, 88, 101, 107. Courts, General, of the Massachusetts Com- pany, in London, 73, 79, 82, 86, 87, 8ci, 90, 94, 101, 109, 113, 119, 120, 192. of Assistants, 73, 76, 98, 107, 125, 127. Coventry, Thomas, Lord, 84. Cox, Thomas, master of the George Bonaven- ture, 143, 172. Cradock, Matthew, 29, 30, 47, 50, 51, 53, 59, 65, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94,98,99, 101,102, 105, 106, 107, 109, 113, 116, 119, 120, 141, 142, 155, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166, 171, 174, 179, ISO, 131, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 289, 292, 361. Governor of the New-England Company, 30. His house, where situated, 74. His proposition to transfer the gov- ernment and patent of the plantation to New-England, 85, 86, 37, 88, 90, 91, 97, 98, 176,232. His letter to Endicott, 129-137, 133. Account of and of his family, 137. His plantation at Mistick, 137,313,374,404. Crane, , 70, 78, 81, 82, 94. Crowther, William, 70, 174. Cushman, Robert, on the preacher for Ply- mouth, 20. Cited, 33. D. Darby, William, S2, 174, 410. Darley, Henry, 523. Darley, Richard, 523, 525. Darley, Sir Richard, 523, 525, 527. Davenport, John, Rev., 70, 90, 94, 97, 99, 101, 102,109,120, 123, 135, 143, 165,357,419, 433. Notice of him, 102. Cited, 428. Davenport, Richard, 30, 65, 81, 86, 87,359. Notice of him, 31. His death, 358. Davis, John, cited, 34. Davis, Richard, 79, 86, 87, 174. 562 INDEX. Defence, the, 517, 543. See Bostock. Dicker, meaning of, 41. Dickinson, Mr. Rev., 504. Diligence, the, 449, 452, 453. Dix, Anthony, notice of, 362. Dod, John, Kev., notice of, 444. Dodge, William, notice of, 179. Dodge, William, Jr., 179. Dorchester, England, the cradle of the Massa- chusetts Colony, 50. Dorchester, Lord Viscount, the patent of the Massachusetts Company obtained through him, CO. Dorchester, New-England, settlement of, 314, 350, 360. Roger Clap at, 350. Described, 395. See Western men. Dorchester Fields, 349. Dorchester Neck, 350. Dorchester Planters, 145, 179, 194. Their controversy with the new comers, 31. Dorrell, John, his grant from Robert Gorges, 169. Dorset, planters from, 179. Sixty families expected from, 260. See Western men. Dove, Thomas, Rev., Bishop of Peterbor- ough, notice of, 515. Dover, N. H., the Hiltons settle at, 315. Downing, Calibute, 97. Downing, Emanuel, notice of, and of his fam- ily, 97'. Downing, Sir George, 97, 125. Ducks, wild, in New-England, 253. Dudley, Thomas, 29, 43, 86, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 106, 107, 113, 116, 125, 126, 282, 298, 316, 317, 337, 339, 356, 378, 381. De- puty Governer of the Massachusetts Col- ony, 127, 305. His letter to the Countess of Lincoln, 301-341. Account of, and of his family, 304. Errors of, 13, 308. Dummer, Richard, 411. Dunkirk, and the Dunkirkers, 218, 330. Dunsler, Henry, Rev., account of, 552, 553 Durbridge, , 62. Durley, Henry, 174. E. Eagle, the, 92, 99, 101. See Arbella. Earls-Colne, description of, 514. The lecture established at, 514. See Wilson. Easton, Nicholas, 171. Eaton, Nathaniel, 552, 553. Account of him, 551. Eaton, Theophilus, 53, 59, 60, 71, 72, 76, 77, 81, 82, S3, 84, 86, 87, 92, 103, 106, 109, 113, 116, 120, 126, 551. Notice of him, 123. Edes, William, 179. Edmonds, James, 47. Elbridge, Gyles, 362. See Monhegan. Eldred. See Alurcd. Election Day, first of the Massachusetts Company, 70. Eliot, John, Rev., the Apostle, 258, 356, 357, 397, 511, 512. Account of, and of his fam- ily, 365. Eliot, William, 4f^6. Elizabeth, the, 452, 453. Elizabeth Bonadventure, 415. See Graves. Elizabeth, Queen, and Sir Walter Mildmay, 421. Her remark respecting Bishop Dove, 515. Emigration, obstructions to, 260, 428, 448. See 3fassachnsetis. Emmanuel College, most of the magistrates and ministers of JNew-England educated at, 357, 421. Its founder, 421, 504. bee Cliaclderton, Mildmay, and Preston. Endicott, John, Gov., 29, 43, 63, 71,97,98, 106, 123, 142, 143, 147, 152, 156, 159, 160, 163, 171, 174, 191, 215, 217, 319, 320, 321, 356, 373, 376. Emigration with, 13, 310. Johnson on, 13. At Salem, 30, 372, 373. Sends to Plymouth for a physician, 32. Governor of the plantation of Massachu- setts Bay, 60, 173, 175, 193. Letters from, 83, 89, 109, 131, 141, 249. Letters to, from the Company in England, 99, 136, 290, 291. Cradock's letter to him, 129 - 137. Death of his wife, 131, 156, 292. Marries again, 131. His instructions, 63, 132,133,139- 191, 146, 153. How justified in his pro- ceedings towards the Brownes, 159, 160, 196. His daring spirit,' 289. His letter to Gov. Bradford, cited, 290. Account of him, 291. England, lectures and lecturers in, 70, 513, 514. Mortality in, 351, 500. Commis- sioners sent from, 365. Everett, Edward, 153. His addresses at Charlestown, 127, 552. Cited, 31, 365. Ewstead, Richard, 165. F. Fagot, meaning of, 39. Familists, troubles from the, 546, 550. See Antinomians, and Hutchinson. Family Registers, to be kept, 177, 188. Famine, in the Colony, 351, 352. Farmer, Mr. , Rev. Thomas Shepard's brother- in-law, 501. Farmer, John, cited, 313, 335, 341. Farr, George, notice of, 180. Fasts, kept by the Colonists, 224,226,316. One at Plymouth, 316. Felt, Joseph B., Rev., errors of, corrected, 31, 54, 110, 132, 179, 278. Fenwick, Mrs., 528. Feoffees, for supporting lecturers, 70. See Lectures. Fines, Charles, notice of, 293. Fish and fishing, on the north-eastern coasts of New-England, 5, 309. At Cape Ann, 8, 22. Ill success in, 8, 10. At Newfound- land, 9, 184; Monhegan, 22; Massachu- setts Bay, 22. Implements for, 184. Fishing-vessels, to be built, 181. Flint, Henry, Rev., 357. Flyer, Francis, 101. Fodder, meaning of, 39. Ford, Kdward, 94, 174. Four Sisters, the, 39, 78, 107, 154, 175, 180, 184, 216, 217, 242, 249, 261. See Harman. Fower, Barnabas, 451. Notice of him, 450. Fox, Thomas, Cradock's servant, to be whip- ped, 137. INDEX. 563 Foxcroft, George, 70, 71, 72, 73, 76, 78, 79, S6, 87, 90, 94. 93, 99, 101, 109, 174. France. See Huguenots. Frost, Edmund, notice of, 539. Fugill, Thomas, notice of, 525. Fuller, Samuel, the physician at Plymouth, sent for to Salem, 32. Morton's insinuation respecting, 131. At Charlestown, 299, 312, 314. His letters to Gov. Bradford, cited, 126, 299, 312, 314, 348. Fuller, Thomas, Rev., on Ward, 426. On Dod, 444. Cited, 421, 537. G. Gace, John, 56. Gager, VViliiam, 316. His death ; notice of him, 317. Gardiner, Lion, 306. Cited, 454. Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 361. His en- deavours to injure the Massachusetts Colo- ny, 321, 335. Account of him, 3-33. Gardner, , 85. Gardner, Henry, his New-England's Vindi- cation, cited, 322. Gardner, Thomas, an overseer at Cape Ann, 23. Garrad, or Garrett, Richard, his death, and notice of him, 329. Gauden, Henry, master of the Abigail, 43. General Considerations for planting New- England, 269-278. Authorship of, 27S. General Court, prayer at the opening of the ; antiquity of the practice, 112. See Massa- chusetts. George Bonaventure, the, 39, 138, 143, 147, 154, 163, 166, 172, 176, 132,216. See Cox. Gibbons, Edward, account of, 383. Gibbs, John, master of the Lion's Whelp, 172, 222. Gladwing, John, 64. Glass, for windows, 264. Glover, John, 70, 174. Notice of, 383. Goffe, Edward, notice of, 539. Goffe, Thomas, 47, 50, 51, 53, 59, 64, 65, 68, 69, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 79, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 106, 107, 108, 113, 114, 116, 125, 126, 156,239. Interested in the Massachusetts Company, 4, 29. Deputy Governor, 30. Notice of him, 70. His dog, 225. Goodwin, Thomas, Rev., account of him, 515. Gorges, John, 52.-- Succeeds to his brother's patent, 170. Gorges, Robert, 148. His colony, 21, 169,394. His patent, 51. His grant to Dorrell, 169. See Gorges, John. Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 143, 331,451. Sends overThomson and the Hiltons, 315. Cited, 29, 443. Gorton, Samuel, 151, 161. Gott, Charles, notice of, 30. Governor's Garden, originally called Conant's Island, 24. Granted to Winthrop, 105, 152. See ConanVs Island. Grahame, James, cited, 135, 288. Grampus, 226, 229, 461, 463, 464, 467. Graves, "Thomas, the engineer, 53, 67, 144, 157, 191, 194, 250, 259, 375, 337. His con- tract, 56. Account of him, 152. Letter from, 152, 264-266, 310. His qualifica- tions, 153. Lays out Charlestown, 376. Graves, Thomas, mate of the Talbot, 153. Notice of him, 262. Master of the Eliza- beth Bonadventure, 415. Garrett, Hugh, 383. Greene, John, 337. Guns and gunpowder, proclamation to pre- vent the sale of, 42. H. -, Rev., 427. Hacket, ■ Hag-birds, 229, 464. Half-moon, the, 7. Hampden, John, 60, 293, 317. Handmaid, the, 310, 311. Sails for England, 321. Hanscombe, Thomas, 61. Harlakenden family, 516,531. Kindness of the members of the, toward Shepard, 520. Harlakenden, Roger, 532, 541, 542, 543, 544. Account of him, 517. His death, 554. Harman, Roger, master of the Four Sisters, 175. Harret, Robert, 63. Harvard College, founded, 551. See New- town. Harvard, John, Rev., 551. Account of him, 552. Harwood, Gfeorge, 43, 47, 51, 53, 59, 61, 72, 73, 76, 77, 73, 79, 81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 91, 94, 98, 99,101,107, 113, 119, 120, 121, 174,289. Notice of him, 70. Harwood, Henry, notice of, 323. Haward, Richard, 178. Haynes, John, Gov., 512, 517. Heime, Gawen, 64. Hewes, , his contest with the people of New-Plymouth, 32. Hewson, John, 46. Hewson, Thomas, 47, 70, 76, 82, 83, 90, 92, 93, 94, 93, 99, 101, 109, 174. Higden, Peter, 486. Higginson, Francis, Rev., 13, 30, 65, 67, 107, 135, 143, 144, 147, 191, 194, 290, 291. Em- igration with, 14, 55, 310. Letters to, from the Company, in England, 99, 237. His agreement with the Massachusetts Com- pany, 209-212. His family, 211. His Journal, 213-233. His wife, 236. His death, 236, 317. His New-England's Plan- tation, 239- 259. His Journal never printed in England, 242. Accused of exaggera- tion, 213, 310. Letter from, to his friends at Leicester, England, 260-264. Account of him, and of his family, 317. See Massa- chusetts, and Salem. Hissinson, John, Rev., account of, 166. Cited, 307. Hildersham, Arthur, 427. Notice of him, 66. Hilton, Edward and William, sent over by Gorges and Mason, 315. See Dover. Hohart, Peter, Rev., 357. Hodsen, Daniel, 174. Hog Island, 472. 564 INDEX. Holbeech, Mr , 522. Holden, Randall, 161. Holmes, Ahiel, Rev., cited, 318. Hooker, Thomas, Rev., 260, 304, 357, 365, 42S, 439, 440, 506, 513, 52S, 530. Notice of him, 314. Account of, and of his family, 512. Oil Eaton, 551. Cited, 164. Hope, the, 532. Hopkins, Edward, 103. Home, John, 30. Horses, first brought to Massachusetts, 14. Hough, Atherton, 48, 431. Houghton, Henry, notice of, 182. House of correction, to be established, 177. Houses, two burnt, 338. Hiiyt, Simon, 375. Hul)bard, F. M., on Endicott, 292. Hulibard, William, Kev., 357. Errors of, 13, 24, 160. His Narrative, 17. Notice of him, 31. O.i Smith, 151. Cited, 8, 66, 126, 299, 313, 318, 449, 478. Hudson, Henry, his ship, 7. Hudson, William, 383. Hudson's river, discovery of, 7. Huet, Ephraim, Rev., 164, 357. Huguenots, persecution of the, 274. See ProtestarUs. Hull, originally called Nantasket, 19. Huml)le Request of Wiiithrop and his com- pany, to their brethren of the Church of England, 293-299. Humphrey, John, 29, 43, 60, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73. 76, 78, 86, 87, 94, 97, 93, 101, 102, 105, 107, 109, 113, 119, 120, 125, 127, 174. 2S2. On the Planter's Plea, 16. Treasurer of the adventurers, 24. Notice of him, 106. Humphrev, the Lady Susan, 303. Hutcliins, Thomas, 59, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 77, 81, 82, 88, 101, 107, 174. Hutchinson, Anne, 360, 546, 548. See Anfi- nomiay^s. Hutchinson, Thomas, Gov., cited, 24, 2S, 48, 60, 116, 127, 151, 164, 187, 299, 326, 402. On Endicott, 292. 306, 364, 550. Sachems of the, 548, 549. See Monanattuck, and Sasakus. Indians, Tarrateens, 257. Ingersoll, Richard, account of, and of his family, 178. Ironsyde, , 87. Islands, in Boston harbour, 405. Isles of Shoals, 473. ^ Indians, probably had intercourse with the Jews, 12. Irregular trading with the, 83, 84, 309. Conversion of the, 133, 142, 202, 211, 215, 258, 273, 364. Massacre by, in Virginia, 136. Tre-.itment of the, 159, 160, /" 172. 258. 'I'heir land to be purchased, 176. ] Spirits not to be sold to, 190. Manners, f custom.?, and religion, of the, 256-258. Their sagamores or sachems, 256, 305-307. I Destroyed by pestilence, 256, 277. Their dress, 256 ; weapons, habits, household stuff, houses, and gods, 257 ; their lan- guage, 258. Seven, killed in a quarrel, at Weymouth, 305. Small pox among the, 303,306,336. Plot of the, 309. Conspiracy anjong the, 377. See Aberginians. , Massachusetts, 306. , Narragansett, 306. , Nipmuck or Nipnet, 306. •, Pequod, 306, 363. Exterminated, J. Jacie, Henry, Rev., his letter to John Win- throp, Jr., cited, 522. James, the, 449, 453. See Taylor. James I., patent granted by, 28. His procla- „^ malion, 83. T^Waines, Sagamore, 307. '" Janson, Sir Brian, 125, 126. Jeffrey, or Jeffries, William, 170. Account of him, 171. Jeffrey's Neck, and Creek, 171. Jennings, William, 383. Jessop, , Rev., 457. Jessop, Constantine, Rev., 457. Jewel, ihe, 127, 137, 310, 311. Jews, the Indians probably had intercourse with the, 12. John, Sagamore, 306, 307, 337, 374. Johnson, Edward, on Endicott, 13 ; Skelton, 143 ; Isaac Johnson, 318; Maverick, 322. On the famine, 352; Boston Castle, 359; the Aberginians, 374. His description of Dorchester, 396; of Roxbury, 397; of Bos- ton, 399 ; orCharlestovvn,406; of Newtown, 402; of Walerlowii, 403 ; of Lynn, 409; of Ipswich, 410; of Newtiury, 411. On the Vorkshire men in New-England, 523. On Dunsier, 553 ; Shepard, 558. Cited, 126, 170, 298, 316, 318, 336, 380, 384, 449, 536, 551. Johnson, Francis, 40. Johnson, Gowen, 428. Johnson, Isaac, 29, 65, 71, 72, 79, 80, 81, 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 109, 113, 116, 120, 125, 127, 155, 174, 241, 261, 282, 289, 298, 313, 316, 319, 356, 378. His death, 317, 381. Account of him, 317. Johnson, th 'Lady Arbella. 303. Her death, notice of her, 318. Joint Slock, of the Massachusetts Company, 95, 98, 116, 125. Arrearages of the, 110. Liabilities ('ftlie,113. Privileges of the, 114. Jones, Captain of the Mayflower, alleged treachery of, 4, 308. Jones, John. Rev., notice of, 543. Josselyn, John, cited, 322, 464, 551, 553. K. Kedby, L., 319. Kennebec, settlement at the mouth of the, 21. Kenrick, George and John, 455. Kirk, Jarvis, 64. Land, allotment of, 69, 73, 74, 77, 154, 174, 197-200, 384. To be held by service, 187. INDEX. 565 >4 Laud, William, Archbishop, 113, 134, 274, 291, 365, 527. On Davenport, 103. His prosecution of Williams and Osbaldistone, 426. Silences Shepard, 518, 519 ; and cites him before him, 520. Leach, Lawrence, account of, 160. Lectures and lecturers, in England, 70, 513, 514. Letters, from Endicott, to the Company in England, S3, 89, 109, 131, 141,249 ; to Gov. Bradford, 290. From the Company in England, to Endicott, 99, 136, 141-171, 172-191,290, 291 ; to the ministers, 2S7 - 2S9. From Cradock to Endicott, 129-137. From Higginson to his friends in Leicester, England, 260 -204. From Fuller, the phy- sician, to Gov. Bradford, 299, 312, 314, 348. From Dudley to the Countess of Lincoln, 301-341. Of John Cotton, 432-444. From Jacie to Winihrop, 522. Leveretl, John, Gov., 48. Leverett, Thomas, 48. Account of, and of his family. 423. Levett, Christopher, cited, 33. Lewis, Humphry, 71. Lincoln, Bridget, Countess of, 303. Dudley's letter to her, 301 -341. Lincoln family, connexion of the, with the New-England settlements, 303. Lincoln. See JVilliams. Lincolnshire, colonists expected from, 260. Lions, in New-England, 248. Lion's Whelp, the, 39, 50, 64, 65, 90, 92, 108, 132, 143, 147, 154, 159, 162, 163, 166, 172, 176, 179, 183, 216, 217, 220, 222, 229, 230. 231, 233, 287, 310, 311, 316, 333, 336, 340.' Her cargo, 330. See Gibbs, and Peirce. Lobsters, 250. London. See Mountain. Ludlow, Roger, 260, 314, 319, 347, 356, 359, 378, 380. 'Notice of him, 123. Lyford, John, at Nantaskel, Cape Ann, and iNaumkeag, 20. Notice of him, 20. His death, 27. Lynn, settlement of, 314. Described, 409. See Sauffus. M. Mackerel, 232, 249, 470. Magistrates, of the Massachusetts Colony, 356. Mallion, John, 47, 54. Manamoyk, Chatham, 323. Mandilioiis, 41. Manstrey, Nathaniel, 174. Mapler, Mr., Rev. Thomas Shepard's brother- in-law, 501. Marhlehead, description of, 244, 410. Marshall, Stephen, Rev., 112 ; notice of him, 521. Martyn, Sir Henry, 93. Martyr, Justin, cited, 237. Mary, the, 452, 453, 459. Mary and John, the, 123, 310, 31 ) , 314, 348. . See Squeb. Masconnomo or Masconnomet, sagamore of Agawam, 307. Mason, John, Thomson and the Hiltons, sent over by, 315. See Gorges, Hilton, and Thomson. Mason, John, Capt., 306, 550. Massachusetts, meaning of, 14. Origin of the Colony of, 5, 309. Design of the plantation of, 6. Horses first brought to, 14. First planters of. Nonconformists, not Sepa- ratists, 15, 299. The discovery and first planting of the, 19. Capt. John Smith on the, 19. Wood's description of, 389- 415. Bay, first explored by Capt. John Smith, 19, 371. Visaed by the inhab- itants of New Plymouth; Bradford on, 19. Fishing at, 22. JSorthern promontory of, originally called Tragabizanda, 22. Rec- ords of the Governor and Company of, 37 - 127, 128. Officers of the plantation at, 78. Transfer of the government and pa- tent of, to New-England, 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 97, 98, 176, 2S2 ; resolved upon, 88. Trade of the plantation of, 118. 'I'o be occupied; meaning of, 150. Cattle in the plantation of, 245,261. Town laid out at, 259. Wood's description of 312, 392. See Endicott. Colonists, Cotton's farewell ser- mon to the, 126. Bancroft's slander of the, 127. Never used the appeilalion o{ Saint, 138, 221, 424. Set sail, under Higginson, from Gravesend, 217. Bid farewell to F.ngland, 221. See land, 230. Descry Cape Sable, 231. Cape Ann in sight, 232. Arrive in Cape Ann harbour, 233. Arrive in the harbour of Naumkeag, 234. More expected, 2G0. Transportation expensive to the, 262. A year's provisions to be brought by, 263.' Necessaries for, 264, 266. Chalmers's assertions with regard to the, 296. Remove, under VVinthrop, to Charlestown, 312, 373. Settle Boston, 313, 381 ; Medford, 313 ; Waterlown, 313, 380 ; Dorchester, 314, 380; Saugus, 314, 381; and Roxliury, 314. Mortality among the, 314, 319, 325, 373, 379. A hundred returu in the ships, 315. Fasts kept by the, 316. Two hundred die, 319. Contemplate a fortified town, 320. Send Morton prisoner to England, 321. Thanksgiving kept by the, 332, 385. Sufier from famine, 351, 379. Charity and trust, 353 ; and content- edness, of the, 354. Power of religion among the, 355. Settle Newtown, 331. Scattered, 382. Embark, with Richard Mather, on board the James, at anchor in King Road, 448, 449. The searchers come on hoard, 448 ; Sir F. Gorges visits the ship, 451. Set sail, 452. See land, 470. Anchor at Richmond's Island, 471. Sail along the coast, 472. Anchor at the Isles of Shoals ; arrive in Boston harhour, 476. Colony, supplies for the, 40, 42, 43, 54, 56, 62, 63, 156, 266. Seal of the, 42, 155, 200. Cattle sent over to the, 66, 182, 190, 216, 310. Form of government for the, 73, 192 -196. Richard Andrews, a benefactor of the, 31. Charter of the, 142, 149. Ministers for the, 142,164. Dis- cipline to be exercised in the, 158, 167. 566 INDEX. Shipwrights sent to the, IGl. No "idle drone " to be permitted in the, 188. Jus- tice to be impartially administered in the, 188. Swearers to be punished, 189. Pow- ers of the government of the, 196. Oaths of office for the Governor and Council of the, 201 - 203. Better provided with cattle than the Colony of New Plymouth, 216. Alleged innovations in the government of the, 290. Mortality in the, 314. Gard- iner's attempts to injure the, 321,335. Ed- mund Wilson, a bentfactor of the, 326. Magistrates of the, 3.56; and ministers, 356, 357. Morton's attempts to injure the 302. Letters of thanks to he sent to t' benefactors of the, 415. Massachusetts Company, patent of, confirmed by Charles I., 13, 372. First emigration under the authority of the, 13. Second emigration under the authority of the, 14. Condition of the members of the, 14. Third emigration under the authority of the, 15. Their patent, 60. Meetings of the, in London, 66, 68, 74, 78, 99. Instruc- tions of the, to Endicott, 68, 132, 138, 139, -191, 146, 153. Officers of the, chosen, 70, 71, 105, 106. Courts of Assistants of the, 73, 76, 98, 107, 125, 127. Letters of the, to Endicott, 77, 78, 136 ; to Higginson, Skelton, and Endicott, 99,285-292. Or- ders of the, 77, 78. General Courts of the, in London, 78, 79, 82, 86, 87, 88, 90, 94, 101,109,113,119, 120, 192. Accounts the, to be audited, 81. Chalmers's asser' tions with regard to the, 39, 288. Joint stock of the, 95, 98, 110, 113, 114, 116, 125. Chaplains of the General Court of the, chosen, 112. Common stock of the, 120, 121, 125. Agreement of, with the minis ters, 143,207-212,263. Endeavour to pr ^ vent immoral characters from going to their plantation, 189. Careful not to render them- selves obnoxious to the government at home, 289,291. See Brereton. Massachusetts Fields, 305, 395. See Mount Wnllaston. Mather, Cotton, Rev., 142. On attempts of the English to settle certain parts of New- England, 6. On the origin and signification of the name, Naumkeag, 12. On Black- stone, 170. Cited, 104, 221, 303, 318, 365, 385, 419, 430, 448, 454, 553. Mather, Increase, Rev., 10, 364. Mather, Richard, Rev., 16, 260, 357, 419,422, 438, 511. Account of, and of his family, 480. His Journal, 445-480, 481. At Bris- tol ; goes aboard the James, 448. See Massach usetis Colonists. Mathewes, Andrew, 53. Maud, Daniel, Rev., 450, 451, 452, 4.54, 455, 456, 460, 462, 403, 466, 468, 471, 479. No- tice of him, 449. Maverick, John, Rev., 123, 260, 314, 347, 356, 357, 380, 386. Account of him, 348. He removes to Dorchester, 380. Monmouth, England, noted for the manufac- ture of caps, 41 . Maverick, Samuel, 150,305. Account of him, 322. Mayflower, the, 39, 78, 107, 125, 154, 175, 184, 186,216,217,242,249,261, 311. Alleged treachery of the captain of the, 4, 308. No Pilgrim returns in the, 315. See Jones, and Peirce. May hew, , 161. Mayo, , 62. Meare, , 220. Medford, settlement of, 313. Described, 402. See Misiick. Meech, John, 375. Meetinghouse, a modern term, 121. Merrimack, described, 411. Meyrick, Sir Samuel R., cited, 44. t'liantinomo, 555. Michell, Barnard, 43. Michclson, or Michenson, Edward, notice of, and of his familv, 526. Milhurne, , 83, 92. Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of Emmanuel College, 421, 504. His conversation with Queen Elizabeth, 421. Milk Island, 22. Miller, Sydrach, 47. Milton, John, cited, 127. Ministers, 42, 96, 134, 142, 148, 187, 205, 263. Letters to the, 99, 286-289. Appointed re- ferees, 120. Of the Massachusetts Colony, 356, 357. Mistick, plantation at, 137, 313, 374, 402. Described, 404. See Medford. Mitchell, Matthew, 456, 457, 460, 462,464, 465. Account of him, 454. rionanattuck, sachem of the Pequods, 548. Money, raised, 80, 93, 110. To be paid, 107. Monhegan, fishing at, 22. Purchased by Aid- worth and Elbridge, 362. The James ar- rives at, 470. onish, Lieutenant, 358. 'lontownmpate, or Sagamore James, 307. Morell, William, Rev., 394. Morley, Robert, 53. Mortality, of the Colonists, 319, 325, 378, 379. At Charlestown, 314. Causes of the, 325. In England, 331, 500. See Indians. Morton, Nathaniel, Secretary, on the treach- ery of the captain of the Mayflower, 4. His New-England's Memorial, "287. On the great storm, 478. Morton, Thomas, 150, 151, 156. The first to sell guns and ammunition to the Indians, 83. His insinuation respecting the physi- cian of New Plymouth, 131 . Sent prisoner to England, account of him, 321. His attempts to injure the Colony, 362. Cited, 334. Morton's Point, in Charlestown, 161. Mosquitoes, 255. Mott, ,204. Moulton, Robert, 94, ISO. Account of him, IGl. Mount Wollaston, 83, 150, 156, 305, 309, 395. See Q^idncy. Mountain, Bishop of London, 516, 518. Moxon, George, Rev., 233. N. Nahant, description of, 406. Nantasket, 393. A habitation set up at, 19. INDEX. 567 Conant, Lyford, and Oldham, at, 20. Roger ' Clap arrives at, 347. See Hull. Naumkeag, 25, 154, 258, 259. Settlement at, 12. Origin and signification of the name, 12. Cattle sent to, 12, 216. Conant, Lyford, and Oldham, at, 20. Reason for changmg the name, 31. Islands in the harbour of, 234. See Salem. Neale, Bishop, 527. Neponset, Milton, sachem of, 305 . See Chick- atabot. Nevile, Thomas, 420. Newbury. See Aferrimack. New-England, settlement in, 3. Fishing and fur trade on the north-eastern coasts of, 5, 309. Winslow's Good JNews from, 5. Stock raised for planting a colony in, and at- tempts to settle certain parts of, 6. Fish- ing voyage to, 7. Abortive attempts to plant colonies in, 21, 372. Council of, sell land, 23. The Council and Government in, 67, 68, 77. Letters from, 94. Wife and children of Ames come over to, 134. Soil of, 243, 245. Much cleared ground in, 244. Natural productions of, 246-248. Beasts of, 243. Waters of, and the abundance of sea-fish, 248-251. Air and climate of, 251, 252. Fowls of, 252, 253. Abundance of fuel in, 254. Inconveniences of, 254-256. Natives of, 256-253. Condition of the plantation in, 253-259. Fruitfulness of, 264 ; healthfulness of, 265. General con- siderations for planting, 269-278. Indians of, 305-307. Encouragements to plant in 323. Supposed to be an island, 391. Di scription of the bays, havens, and inlets in' 391 ; of the plantations in, 394. Unreason- able expectations concerning, 412. All must work in, 413. Far from being poor, 414. Cotton's reasons for removing to, 438 ; Shepard's, 529. See Indians, and Massa- chusetts. Newfoundland, 228, 465. Fishing at, 9, 184. Newman, Samuel, Rev., 357. New Plymouth, settlement at, 4. Inhabit- ants of, visit Massachusetts Bay, 19. Suc- cess of the plantation at, 21, 22. Hewes's contest with the people of, 32. Colony of, not so well provided with cattle as the Massachusetts Colony, 216. Colony oL 308. See Bradford, Cape Ann, and PllJ^ mouth. fj. Newton, Roger, Rev., 512. " Newtown, intended for a city, 320. Settle- ment of, 339,381. Described, 402. Har- vard College founded at, 551. See Cam- bridge- Norris, Edward, Rev., 233, 357. Norton, John, captain, 333. Norton, John, Rev., 151, 2?3, 340, 419,533, 540. Account of him, 537. Norton, Thomas, 165. Nowell, Increase, 47, 50, 51, 61, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 77, 79, 81, 82, 36, 87, 90, 93, 94, 99, 101, 106, 107, 109, 113, 114, 119, 120, 125, 137, 174, 241, 232, 313, 316, 319, 356, 378, 382, 387. Notice of, and of his fam- ily, 262. Nye, Philip, Rev., 120. Notice of him, 112. O. Oaths, of office, for the Governor and Council of the Massachusetts Colony, 69, 201 -203. Of Allegiance and Supremacy, 260, 443. Obstructions to emigration, 260, 428, 448. Officers of the Massachusetts Company, chosen, 70, 71, 105, 106. Names of the, 72. Offield, Joseph, 70, 174. Oldham, John, 51, 61, 69, 148, 150,217,321. At Nantasket ; Cape Ann, 20. JNotice of him, 48. His patent, 69 ; and grant, 169. His pretensions, 147. To be guarded against, 149. Account of him, 169. Mur- dered by the Indians, 364, 549. Old Planters, how treated by the Massachu- setts Company, 145, 194. Oyster banks, 401, 404. Oysters, 250. Palfrey, John G., 27, Palfrey, Peter, 106, 144. Notice of, and of his family, 26. Palmer, Abraham, 152, 174. Notice of him, 375. Palmer, Walter, 375. Notice of him, 377. Palsgrave, Richard, notice of, 383. ParEEUS, David, 112. Parret, Sir James, 456. Partisans, 44. Partridges, 253. assaconaway, .307. Passengers, transportation of, 117. Patents, 13, 27, 28, 29, 33, 42, 51, 60, 69, 192, 308, 372. See Charles I., James I., and Massachusetts. Peirce, , 161. Peirce, William, Captain of the Mayflower, 33, 175, 184, 186, 311. Captain of the Lion's Whelp, 333,340. Arrives at Nan- tasket, 330, 385. Despatched to Ireland, for provisions, 379. Pelham, Herbert, 68, 79. Pemaquid, a plantation at, 362, 471. The Angel Gabriel cast away at, 478. Penn, James, notice of him. 383. Penn William. See Penn, James. |Penobscot, attacked by the French, 471. J'equot war, 258, 363, 549. Narratives of the, 306. Perry, Richard, 47, 70, 71, 72, 73, 79, 81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 90, 97, 98, 101, 174. Peters, Hugh, 69, 70, 174, 155, 353, 357, 511 Account of him, 134. Philip's War, 364. Phillips, George, Rev., 298, 351, 356, 357, 378, 330, 404. Account of him, 299. Death of his wife, 314. Phips, Sir William, 125. Pigeons, 253, 335. Pilgrim, the, 78, 154, 175, 134, 216. See Woliridge. Pilgrims. See Mayflower, and Plymouth. Piscataqua, settlement at, 21, 315. Walford, the smith, removes to, 374. Nathaniel Eaton goes to, 551. 568 INDEX. Planters, articles of agreement between the adventurers and, 100, 102. From Dorset and Somerset, 179. Encouragements to, 323. .See Dorchester, and Western men. Planter's Plea, 2. Authorship of, ascribed to Kev. John White ; unknown to histori- ans ; 16. ^ee Humphrey. Plymouth, settlers of, compared with those of Massachusetts, 4. The first cattle brought to, 9, 21G. Physician at, 32. Rem- nant of the Pilgrims come over to, 216. A fast kept at, in behalf of the Massachu- setts colonists, 316. Settlement of, 372. —— Companj', attempt of the, to plant a colony in New-England, 21. Colony, Allerton, agent of the, 333. Pococ'k, John, 71, 72, 73, 79, 82, 86, 87, 88, 98, 101. Interested in the Massachusetts Company, 4. Porpoise, Cape, 472. Porpoises, 22fi, 229, 459, 461, 463, 464, 466. Pratt, John, the surgeon, 103. Notice ofhim, 52. Preston, John, Rev., 422, 510, 515. Account of him, 506. Prince, Thomas, error of, 49. On Bright, 160. On Laud and Shepard, 520. Cited, 20, 56, 66, 70, 105, 153, 274, 237, 348, 376, 337. Private adventurers, 155. Proclamation, to prevent the sale of guns an gunpowder, 42. Of James I., 83. Of Charles I., 84, 157. To prevent emigra- tion, 260. Protestants, persecution of, in the Austrian territories, 274 ; in France, 274. Prudden, Peter, Rev., 357. Pulislon, Thomas, 68, 78, 79, 90, 101. Puritans. See Massachusetts. Pym, John, 60, 298. Pynchon, John, 283. Pynchon, William, 69, 70, 71, 82, 86, 87, 88, 90, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 106, 107, 109, 113, 119, 120, 125, 232, 289, 314, 319, 378, 381. Account of liim, 283. Death of his wife, 314. a. Quakers, troubles from the, 361. Quincy, settlement at, 21. ^ee. Mount Wo. laston. R. Randolph Edward, his Narrative of the state of New-Ensland cited, 359. RatclifT, Philip, notice of, 361. Punished, 362. Rattlesnakes, 255. Revell, John, 82, 83, 86, 90, 92, 94, 97, 98, 101, 106, 107, 113, 116, 119, 120, 2S9. In- terested in the Massachusetts Company, 4. Returns to England, 315. Notice of him, 315. Rayner, John, Rev., 151. Rhode Island. See Aquethneck. Richardson, Ezekiel, 333. Kichmond's Island, 471. Rickman, Isaac, 186. Roe, Lawrence, 71. Rogers, Daniel, Rev., 522. Notice of him, 521. Rogers, Ezekiel, Rev., 357. Account of him, 522. Rogers, Nathaniel, Rev., 357, 523. Rogers, Richard, Kev., 503, 522. Rossiter, Edward, 106, 123, 260, 314, 347, 357. His death ; notice of him, 318. Roswell, Sir Henry, 29, 60, 92. Rolher-hoasts, 14. Kovell, William, 109. Rowe, , 87, 90, 101. Rowe, Owen, notice of, 94. Roxbury, settlement of, 313, 381. Alarm at, 340. Described, 396. Ruggles, Jeffrey, 319, 329. Ruggles, John, 329. Rumney Marsh, 407. See Chelsea. Russell, John, notice of, 531. Ryall, William, 163, 164. Sachems. See Sagamores. |Sagamores, of New-England, 305-307. See Indians. Salem, Naumkeag so called by Higginson, 21. The first child horn at, 24. Kndicott at, 30. Servants sent to; sickness at; mission from, to Plymouth, for a physician, 32. Higginson, Skelton, and their com- pany, arrive at, 234, 235. Church formed at, 259. Bradford sends to, for ammuni- tion, 377. Described, 409. See Browne, Naumkeag, and New-England. Sales, John, 333, 385. Salt, monopoly of, 47. Persons skilled in making, to be sent to New-England, 152. Abundance of, 250. Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 29,51, 61, 65, 70,71, 72, 73, 79, 81, 86, 87, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 105, 106, 107, 109, 113, 116, 119, 125, 127, 155, 174, 179,282,239,298, 319, 338, 356, 378, 330, 403. Account ofhim, and of his family, 336. iarsaparilla, 133. feasakus, sachem of the Pequods, 548, 549. Sassafras, 133. Saturday afternoon, to be kept, 163. Origin of the custom, 164. Saugus, settlement of, 314, 381. Described, 406. Black William, Duke of, 406. Savage, James, cited, 33, 113, 278. Scottow, Joshua, 341. On the origin and sig- nification of the name Na'imkeag, 12. His publications, 340. Cited, 126," 260, 383 478, 540. Scusset harbour, in Sandwich, 328. Seal, of the Massachusetts Colony, 42, 155, 200, 325. Seale, Humphry, 69, 71, 72, 124. Seale, Robert, 70. Separatists, 15,221,288. ^ez Massachusetts. INDEX. 569 Sewall, Stephen, cited, 244. Sharpe, Samuel, 43, 50, 51, 53, 59, G7, 106, 142, 144, 147, 155, 161, 163, 166, 178, 180, 181, 182, 191, 194, 388. Interested in the Massachusetts Company, 4. Agreement with, 50. (^radock's agent, 50, 157. Ac- count of him, 157. Sharpe, Thomas, 86, 106, 126, 127, 282, 319, 320, 336. Death of his daughter, 327. Notice of him, 338. Shaw, Charles, his history of Boston, cited 397. Shepard, John, 499, 500, 502. Shepard, Samuel, 500, 532, 544. Notice of him, 541. Shepard, Samuel, son of Rev. Thomas Shep- ard, notice of, 555. Shepard, Thomas, Rev., 260, 340, 357, 438, 512, 551. His autobiography, 497-558. His parentage and family, 499, 500. Sent to school, 5Ul. Death of his father; re- solves to he a scholar, 502. Enters Em- manuel College, 503. Hears Doctor Chad- derton, 504. Becomes dissipated, 505. His skepticism, 507 ; spiritual temptations, 508 ; consciousness of sin, 509 ; and religious experience, 510. Goes to live with Mr. Weld, 511. Removes to Earls-Colne, 515. His mode of preaching, 517. Silenced by Laud, 518. Sees the sin of conformity, 520. Escapes from the pursuivant, 522 ; leaves Earls-Colne for Yorkshire, 523 ; narrowly escapes drowning, 524. His res- idence in YorKshire, 525. His marriage, 526. Removes to Northumberland, 527. Preaches about Newcastle, 528. His first son born, 529. His reasons for coming to New-England, 529, 530. Returns to Earls- Colne, 531. Resolves to go to New-Eng- land, 532. Sails from Harwich, 532, A plot to apprehend him, 533, 540. The ship driven back to Yarmouth, 534. He lands at Yarmouth, 539. His child dies, 540. Spends the winter in Norfolk, 541. His second son born, 542. Sails for New- England, 543. Arrives at Boston, 544. Settles at Cambridge; his wife dies, 545. Marries Hooker's daughter, 554. Two of his children die, 555. His second wife dies, 556; her character, 557. Notice of him, his family, and his memoir, 558. Sherbourne, Mrs., 528, 542. Sherman, William, 43. Ship-building, in the Colony, 185, 404. Ships, ballast of the, 39. Stores for the, 45. Return of, from New-England, 90, 107. Colonists to be transported in, 132. Com- modities to be sent to England in the, 133, 162. Articles sent in the. 156. Tools and materials for building, ISO. Names of the, 215, 311. Shoes, ordered, 46, 55, 63. Short, Abraham, notice of, 362. Simpkins, Captain of Boston Castle, 358. Skelton, Samuel, Rev., 30, 67, 135, 144, 147, 163, 10!, 194,216,220, 290, 291. Letters to him from the Company in England, 99, 287. Account of him, 142. His agreement with the Massachusetts Company, 211, 212. Death of his wife, 339. 37 Smelt Brook in Roxbury, 396. Smith, ■ , 86. Smiih, the accomptant. 108. Smith, Henry, Captain, 283. Smith, .Tohn, 457. Smith, John, Captain, 392. Massachusetts Bay first explored by him, 19, 371. Cited, 33. See Massachusetts. Smith, Ralph, Rev., 224. Account of him, 151. Snaphances, 44, 150. Soame, Robert, 421. Soil, of New-England, 243 ; its wonderful fertility, 245. Somerset, planters from, 179. See Western men. Southampton, situation of, 125. Southcoat, Thomas, 29. Southcot, Richard, notice of, 349. Southcot, William, 346. Spanish dolphins, 464. Sparkc, Michael, 241. Speedwell, the, 125. Sprague, Ralph, 31, 152, 349, 351, 375, 376, 3S7. Notice of him, 373. Sprague, Richard, 31, 152, 349, 351, 375, 387. Notice of him, 373. Sprague, William, 31, 152, 349, 351, 375, 387. Notice of him, 373. Spurstowe, , 82, 86, 88, 97, 93, 101. Squeb, Captain of the Mary and John, 311, 348, 350. Standish, Miles, 4, 33, 34, 156, 321. Steevens, Thomas, 54, 174. Stephens, , 101. Stevens, , 161. Stevenson, John, 171. Stickline, or Stickland, John, 375. Stock, for planting a colony in New England, how employed, 6. Waste of, 10. See Common and Joint. Stone, John, Captain, killed by the Indians, 363, 549. Stone, Samuel, Rev., 260, 357, 512, 518, 528, 545 Account of him, 506. Stony Brook, in Roxbury, 396, 401. Storm, great. See Massachusetts and Thacher. Stormy Petrels, 462, 464. Stoughton, Israel, 306. Stoughton, William, cited, 189. Stowers, Nicholas, 375. Straitsmouth Island, 22. Street, Nicholas, Rev., 357. Style, old and new, 133, 304. Success, the, 311, 330. Sun-fish, 227. Sydney, Algernon, his motto, 155. Synod, at Cambridge, 360, 547 ; result of the, 548. Talbot, the, 39, 45, 90, 92, 107, 108, 127, 143, 147, 153, 154, 162, 163, 166, 172, 176, 215, 216, 217, 233, 287, 310. See Beecher and Graves. Taylor, Captain of the James, 450, 460. Teiihills farm, 105, 404. Ten-pound Island, 234. Thacher, Anthony, 478. His Narrative of 570 INDEX. bis Shipwreck, 483-494. His children, 493. Account of, and of his family, 494. Thacher family, 494, 595. Thacher's Island, 22, 233, 494. Thanksgiving, 332, 385. Thomson, David, 150, 322. His colony, 21, 315. Sent over by Gorges and Mason, 315. Thursday Lecture, origin, and account, of the, 425. Tilley, John, an overseer at Cape Ann, 24. Murdered by the Indians, 364. Tilly, Hugh, 179. Tobacco, 136, 146. Not to be planted, 182. Account of, 182. Tomson, William, Rev., 357. Touteville, Margaret, 525, 526. Her age, 525. See Shepard. Tragabizanda. See Massachusetts. Transporiaiion, of passengers, 117. Expen- sive, 202. Trask, William, notice of, 31. Trumbull, Jonathan, cited, 124, 350. Tuckney, Anthony, Rev., 425, 430, 436. Notice of him, 438. TulTneale, Richard, 174. Turt.ot, 250. Turkeys, 253. Turner, , 106. Turtle, 223. Waller, ■ %. U. 'Uncas, 555. Underbill, John, Capt., 306. Undertakers, proposed. 111. Chosen, 116. 'i'heir liabilities, 321. Upham, Charles W., his life of Hugh Peters, and of Sir Henry Vane, 135. Vane, Sir Henry, 195, 337, 546, 548. Inter- cedes for Pynchon, 263. Vassall, , 47, 53, 59, 69, 70, 97, 119. Vassall, Samuel, 60, 71, 72, 82, 87, 98. Notice of, and of his family, 89. Vassall, William, 65, 71, 72, 77, 78, 86, 87, 89, 94, 9S, 99, 101, 106, 127, 232, 289. Returns to England with his family, 316. Account of him, 316. Venn, John, 51, 53, 50, 65, 71, 72, 78, 79, 81, 86, 87, 90, 94, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 106, 109, 119, 174. Notice of him, 60. Vincent, P., 306. Vine-planters, to be sent to New England, 42, 152. Virginia, intention to plant in, 3. Indian massacre in, 136. W. Wales, Nathaniel, notice of, and of his fam- ily, 450. Walford, Thomas, the smith, at Charles- town, 150, 152, 349, 375. Removes to Piscataqua, 374. Notice of him, 374. Walgrave, , 68, 79. -, 53, 76, 79, 81, 87, 90, 97,101, 109, 119, 123. Warburion, Bishop, on Laud, 426. Ward, John, Rev., 112, 521. Ward, JNathaniel, Rev., 521. Notice of him, 112. Ward, Samuel, Rev., 521. Notice of him, 426. Warham, John, Rev., 123, 260, 312, 314, 346, 356, 357. Account of him, 347. Removes to Windsor, Conn., 347. At Dorchester, 3S0. Warwick, Sir Robert, a friend of the New- England colonies, 92. Washburn, John, Secretary of the Massachu- setts Company, 39, 51, 55, 71, 72, 90, 94, 12S. Waterman, Richard, account of him, 161. Watortown, settlement of, 313, 380. Origin of the name, 313, 314. Roger Clap at, 349. Described, 403. Way, George, 174. Way, Henry, notice of, 330. Webb, Francis, 69, 78, 82, 84, 87, 101, 114, 174, 179, 269. Notice of him, 179. Weeks, (ieorge, 354. Weld, Thomas, Rev., 135, 356, 357, 513, 522, 428. Account of him, and of his family, 511. Arrested by order of Laud, 521. Welden, Robert, 332. Wells, Doctor, 177. Wessagusset. See Weymouth. West Nicholas, 282. Western men, 123, 179, 260. Settle Dorches- ter, 314, 380. Keep a day of fasting in the ^e^ Hospital at Plymouth; Mr. White preaches to them, 347. Sail from Ply- mouth, 347. Arrive at Nantasket and Charlestown, 348. At Watertown 349. Remove to Dorchester, 350. See Clap, Maverick, and Warhain. W^eston, Thomas, his colony, 21, 308. Weymouth, Weston's colony at, 21, 394. Gorges'scolony at,2l, 169,394. Seven In- dians killed at, 305. Plantation at, de- scribed, 394. Whale, the, 311, 330. Whales, 465, 469. Wharton, Mr., Rev., 521. Wheelright, John, Rev., 161, 547, 548. Whetcomb, Simon, 29, 47, 51, 53, 59, 60, 61, 65, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87. m, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 97, 98, 174, 186, 187, 289. Whitcbcot, Benjamin, Rev., 138. Whichcote, Charles, 70, 76, 94, 174, White, Kdmund, 79, 81. White John, 65. White, John, Rev., 4, 51,69, 74,76, 86,90, 99, 101, 102, 109, HI, 112, 114, 135,174, 179, 347. His Brief Relation, 1. High authority of his Narrative, 3. Probably one of the adventurers, 7. On the origin and signification of the name Naumkeag, 12. Imposed upon, respecting Lyford and Oldham, 20. Notice of him, 26. Author- ship of the Humble Address ascribed to him, 299. White, John, the counsellor, 13, 70, 76, 100, 102. Clarendon on, 99. INDEX. 571 White, Raphe, 40, 64. While, Richard, 81. Wbiliiig, Samuel, Rev., 48, 357, 381, 419, 429, 439. Notice of him, and of his fam- il)-, 430. Wigiiall, John, 333. Wildfowl, in New-England, 252. Willett, Thomas, notice of, 475. Williams, John, Bishop of Lincoln, 422. No- tice of him, 426. Cotton's letter to him, 434. Williams, Roger, 135,161. Comes over in, the Lion's Whelp, 330. L Wilson, Edmund, 518. A benefactor of the- MassachusetlsColon5', 326. His Lecture- ship, 513. Wilson, John, Rev., 306, 313, 316, 340, 351, 356, 357, 365, 378, 379, 381, 523, 543. Ac- count of him, and of his family, 325. Wilson, John, Rev., of Medfield, 512. Wilson, Lambert, to instruct in Surgery, 165. Winnissimet, plantation at, described, 404. See Chelsea. Winslow, Edward, 4. His Good News from New-K.ngland, 5. The first cattle brought to Plymouth by him, 9, 216. Sent on a mission to England, 511. See Bradford. Winlhrop, Henry, 319. Winthrop, John, Gov., 14, 29, 85, 90, 94, 97. 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 107, 103, 109, 110, 113, 116, 120, 125, 126, 127, 137, 185, 282, 239, 298, 304, 307, 313, 316, 339, 356, 375, 387. On Pratt, the surgeon, 52. Account of, and of his family, 104. Governor of the Massachusetts Company, 105. His plant- ation at Tenhills, 105, 404. Conant's Island granted to him, 105. On Humphrey, 106. Sails from England, 127, 310. On Hugh Peters ; Burleigh ; 135. The Humble Re- quest of, and his Company, 293-299. On Phillips, 299. His fleet, 311. On Vassall, 316; Johnson, 318. Letter to, from his ■wife, cited, 326. Arrives at Charlestown, 350, 378. On Boston Castle, 359. Re- moves to Boston, 3S1. On Hooker, 512; Harlakenden,517 ; Laud, 518; Rogers, 523. Winlhrop, John, Jr., 97, 135, 264, 307. Ja- cie's letter to, cited, 522. Cited, 277. Wise, John, 55. Wollaston, Captain, his colony, 21, 309. WoUridge, William, master of the Pilgrim, BVonohaquaham, or Sagamore John, 306. 'Wood, Anthony, error of, 97. Wood, William, his description of Massa- chusetts, 389-415. Error of, 397. Notice of him, 415. Cited, 137, 244, 248, 254, 305, 312. Woodburj-, John, 26, 144, 264. Sent to Eng- land, to procure necessaries, 28. Notice of, and of his family, 28. His return from England, 31. Woodgale, , 82, 90, 101, 109. Woodward, James, 338. Works, public. See Churches. Wright, Nathaniel, 47, 50, 51, 53, 64, 71, 72, 81, 82, S3, 84, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 99, 101, 102, 106, 107, 109, 113, 116, 119, 120, 123, 126. Wright, Robert, apprehended, 332 ; and sent prisoner to England, 333. Wynche, , 90. Y. Yorkshire men, in New England, 523. Young, James, 94, 97, 116. Young, Richard, 174. Young, Sir John, 29. THE END. LITTLE AND BROWN HAVE FOR SALE, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of New Plymouth, in New-England, from 1602 to 1625. Now first col- lected from Original Records and Contemporaneous Printed Docu- ments, and illustrated with Notes. By Alexander Young. Second Edition. 1