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A TRUE PICTURE OF ABOLITION
by
Rev. President Lord

THE LIBRARY
UNIVERSITY
OF THE
REGENTS
OMNIBUS
ARTIBUS
33
OF
MINNESOTA
CLASS
326.7
BOOK
L884+
N
A
TRUE PICTURE OF ABOLITION.
BY
REV. PRESIDENT LORD, D. D.,
OF DARTMOUTH COLLEGE.
Tract.
Slavery
Z
BOSTON:
PRESS OF THE DAILY COURIER.
1863.
tion.568
326.7
48847
&
NOTE. The following pages were originally printed in
the Boston Courier of November 22, 1862, under the signa-
ture of "L." Previous to the late election in Connecticut,
the article was circulated in pamphlet form in that State,
without the knowledge of the writer. Certain inaccuracies
and an important omission having occurred in that pam-
phlet, the proprietors of the Courier have thought best to
reproduce the article; the more especially as it has attracted
wide attention, and has been the subject of much discussion.
1059391
A TRUE PICTURE OF ABOLITION.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE BOSTON COURIER :
WHEN an abolitionist justifies the now proclaimed policy of
the Administration, he takes the ground that slavery is the
cause of the war, and that either the government or slavery
must be destroyed. But the government must not be destroyed.
Therefore slavery must be abolished. His first fallacy consists
in a begging of the question, and his second in a deceptive sub-
stitution of terms the government for its administration.
His adversary denies the assumption that slavery is the cause
of the war any more than that law is the cause of transgression,
or the money of the way-laid traveller the cause of his robbery or
murder. An antecedent is not necessarily and morally a cause.
He affirms, on the contrary, that abolitionism is the causative
antecedent of the war, and will be fatal to the government if its
destructive policy be carried on. But government must be sus-
tained, and therefore all good citizens must think, and speak,
and vote, in the exercise of their constitutional freedom, so as to
secure, if that be possible, a better administration of it.
This is a very considerable issue. As things now are, it is of
great consequence that the people to whom the government be-
longs should look well into the dispute. Otherwise, they may
lose their inheritance without knowing it, and reparation may
be impossible. A government, like a house, is more easily
demolished than rebuilt
Some of us, Mr. Editor, who hold no office, and publish no
6
paper, and have no intention of doing either, have, so far, a fair
claim to be heard in respect to the controversy which is now
going on. Besides, we have somewhat carefully studied the
abolitionists, whose doctrine the present recognized agents of the
people are about to carry out in their administration of affairs.
We can speak advisedly.
Our method is historical, which is best adapted to the occa-
sion. Men may speculate about slavery and its relations in-
definitely, and be no wiser. The doctors of that fashion
everywhere disagree as to its origin, its nature, its design, its
genius and spirit, its politics, ethics and theology, its science' and
literature and manners. Since this war began we have read
many ingenious discussions of the subject from learned jurists,
statesmen, divines, but only to perceive how they have multi-
plied confusions. The writers have looked out from their re-
spective different standpoints, and reasoned in evident subser-
viency to their different idols more numerous than Bacon has
described, till they have bewildered themselves and which is
worse the innocent but unconscious public. An epidemic
mental disease is consequently settled upon, us. We wait for
some highly raised and concentrated solvent to digest all their
respective varieties of wisdom before a panacea can be found.
Then, however, the poor, afflicted patient may be beyond re-
covery.
Doubtless the only sufficient solvent of all our intellectual
crudities is revelation. But we fear the patient is too far gone,
already to bear a spirit raised so much above the natural. We
must content ourselves with what is next best-history. That
gives us the wisdom of God in his moral providence, and to
know that may be of great consequence in default of more
spiritual enlightenment.
We find that, before the era of abolition, this whole country
enjoyed remarkable union, peace, and prosperity for half a cen-
tury. Its general officers were chosen with reference to no sec-
tional peculiarities, but as representatives of parties indiscrimi-
7
nately scattered over all the States. No considerable sectional
disputes arose in the Congress, but such as grew out of natural-
diversities of physical condition. Tariffs, internal improvements,
bounties, and the like, suggested and exhausted, controversy.
The heat produced was hardly more than enough to produce a
healthy intellectual activity, and check the bad tendencies of
appropriating majorities. So far there was but little difference
between Northern and Southern politicians, in the spirit with
which they contended, or the cxpedients which they adopted.
It would have been difficult, and of little consequence, in a
moral point of view, to strike a balance between them. Neither
the logic of statesmen, nor the craft of politicians, could have
awakened dangerous personal or sectional animosities, or dis-
turbed constitutional relations, so long as they overstepped not
the limits of expediency, and affected no moral control of the
public mind. Calhoun and Webster at the head, or such men
as Brooks and Sumner at the tail, could never have contended
greatly to the public detriment, till the Congress let in subjects
of discussion that concerned more immediately the moral govern-
ment of God. That was our original mistake, which some of
the fathers had foreseen with fears and warnings the common
mistake of all countries, as virtue declines of essaying,
wittingly or unwittingly, to bring together what God requires us
to keep asunder the Church and the State. Till we made
that blunder the country was united, prosperous, and happy.
There had been no such instance in the history of the world.
-
If there were, before that time, any dangerous plotters against
the Government, North or South, we had no evidence of it in
history. That there may have been men, on both sides, ready
to take advantage of occasions to exalt themselves on the ruins
of the Republic, it is not improbable, for Americans are not
exceptions to the common law of selfishness and ambition. But
such men could have made no figure. The Union, the Consti-
tution and the Laws were sacred, and the country would have
rejected any conspiracy against them as a healthy stomach
8
*
rejects poison. Such madness could have reached no higher
than to a whiskey insurrection. We were safe and honorable till
the moral balance was deranged, and the Church and State fell
out of their true relations to each other and to moral govern-
ment.
We were tempted, almost unconsciously, into that snare by
introducing a moral element- slavery-into the reckoning of
politics, and thereby brought Church and State together down
to that lower level. From that time our glory has departed.
Our Christianity has become secular, and our secular glory has
been dimmed in having lost the reflection of a more spiritual
light. We have substituted speculation for faith, and our specu-
lative discussions have been degraded into angry wranglings.
We have made God and man to exchange places. His institutes
and his constitutions we have interpreted by the "higher law"
of our own conceits. We have converted the sovereign law-
giver into a politician. We have discussed by our own stand-
ards, and determined by vote, how it is best for him to carry on
his government of the world. We have inquired not what he
has willed, and said, and done, but what it is expedient for him
to will, and say, and do, according to a master, a party, or a
school. We have popularized our creeds, measured principles
by their utilities, men by their clothes, and God himself by his
supposed subserviency to our ideas.
:
Let us observe the process - The South is slaveholding.
It is so constitutionally and legally. Slavery enters into the
structure of its society; not a thing of accident, possibly not
everywhere of preference, but an inheritance according to the
common law of earth, — a providential order, — without which,
in view of necessarily, that is, of naturally and statedly existing
diversities of race, culture, and condition, the social state could
not have been constituted at all, and life, liberty, and happi-
ness would have been insecure to a civilized and Christian
people who had just bought them at so great a price. Slavery
was not, indeed, the corner-stone, but the practical condition of
""
“
9
the Union, the Constitution, and the Laws. Whatever disad-
vantages were admitted to attend it, like all other institutions.
administered by men, it was held to be legitimate. It had ex-
isted in the usages of nations, for the ends of social conser-
vatism and of moral government, since Cain was stigmatized and
made a fugitive and vagabond on the earth, and Ham was con-
signed, in one line of his descendants, to the rule of Shem and
Japheth. It was common law. It was incorporated into the
civil institutes of Moses. It was recognized accordingly by
Christ and his Apostles. They regulated it by the just and
benevolent precepts of the New Testament. They condemned
all intermeddlers with it, such as they predicted of the last
days of the Christian dispensation, -as "Proud, knowing noth-
ing, but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof
cometh envy, strife, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings
of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth," from whom
all Christians, and especially the pastors of the flocks, should
turn away. The fathers were not remarkably considerate of
these things, but they were not ignorant of them. They ac-
cordingly held slavery to be exceptionable only in its abuses,
and that, notwithstanding abuses, it should be left to the regu-
lations of the States whose climate, soil, or other physical hab-
itudes or conditions should lead them to retain it. It actually
obtained, at the adoption of the Constitution, in all but a single
State which had early favored the introduction of the new phi-
losophy, and whose experience had found it to be unprofitable.
Wherever it was subsequently abolished, its want of physical
adaptation and its consequent inconveniences, not its essential
wrongfulness, were mainly the reasons of its abolition. Against
that, in an earlier period, Jonathan Edwards had protested, in
vindication of moral government; and, to assert his Christian
liberty, had bought a slave. Thoughtful men were not troubled
by the thing itself, but only by its accidents. The philosophy
of sentiment and romance had not then extensively infected the
descendents of the Puritans. If excitable individuals among
2
10
them had begun to feel the aura of the dawning illuminism and
cosmopolitism of that period, and consequently condemned sla-
very by that criterion, even they were not regardless of their
plighted faith. They saw no justifiable remedy for the supposed
evil but in such amendments of the Constitution as are provided
for in that instrument itself, or in friendly constitutional legis-
lation, or the insensible influence of providential and moral
causes, that could not be reckoned or compelled beforehand. So
it stood, an integral part of the best social edifice that had
ever been reared by man, and contributing, in its own consti-
tuted order, to an unexampled prosperity. So it stood,
occasion, indeed, of many wrongs and sufferings such as are
incident to earth, but also of invaluable and otherwise impossible
benefits to a degraded people, thereby brought nearer to the
usages of civilized life, and, in as great proportion as our own
citizens, into fellowship with the church of God.
an
So it stood, till a generation arose that comprehended none
of these living realities, that honored not the God of the fathers,
and for his everlasting word of natural and revealed religion
substituted a "higher law." Among them were born the abo-
litionists, who are now, officially supreme over the land. They
were, at first, a small class of speculative enthusiasts, intoxi-
cated by the airy pantheism of France and Germany, which had
covertly breathed its spirit into the "glittering generalities" of
the Declaration of Independence, and, by that instrument, in-
sensibly infected the public mind. They were men of no mark
or figure, inflated visionaries, mistaking their own fancies for
another Gospel, which is not another, destitute of all practical
concern for Church or State, and affecting only supposable or
possible, undefined and indefinable, interests of humanity in
general. But they were ambitious, insinuating, resolved, and
reckless. Intent upon an imaginary universal restitution, be-
fore God's appointed time, by sweeping processes of what they
called reform, without discrimination of time, place, age, sex,
race, capacity, or condition, and passionately heated at evils
11
attending the ordained relations of social life, evils growing not
out of the relations themselves, but the bad passions of our
common nature the very passions by which they were uncon-
sciously inflamed-they affected to restore society by first de-
stroying it, and, thenceforward, not by the renewal of individual
minds according to Christianity, but by political reformations
and reconstructions, according to their own speculative conceits.
They aspired to a millennium not of grace, but nature; not
spiritual by the power of the Holy Ghost, but Platonic, accord-
ing to the impulses and sentiments of the natural mind. They
put feeling in the place of conscience. They substituted a
man-God for the God-man; imaginary human rights for re-
vealed human duties; and the happiness of the creature for the
glory of the Creator- a happiness consisting not in a spiritual
likeness to God, as the Scripture has described, but in the
multiplying of agreeable sensations, according to the baptized
paganism of sophisticated schoolmen. They referred the irreg-
ularities of society to restraints unnaturally laid by the family,
the state, the church, for which they substituted a more refined
free love, a self-determining will, and a liberty to enjoy what-
ever God and nature had put into their hands. Such, at least,
was the spirit and genius of the idolatry which at length em-
bodied itself in the abolitionism of the North, developing itself
however, variously, according to the different temperaments,
tastes, mental and moral habits, or the associations and
other accidental peculiarities of the individvals who fell into its
snare.
Great errors do not obtain currency and become effect, but
as they are permitted to have reference to respectable authority.
Unhappily for the country, abolitionism acquired that advan-
tage. For it was an illusion that glared, at the same time,
upon the benevolent seekers and the infatuated dreamers of a
common salvation, and captivated for a time, some whom it
could not absolutely seduce or hopelessly destroy. It was so
as when, under a similar temptation in the mother country,
12
some such men as Edmund Burke and Robert Hall were borne
on the deceitful current of false opinions till the roar of the
tumbling cataract awoke them, and they were hardly saved by
springing into the eddies, or clinging to the rocks. Forgetful
of the lessons of history and revelation, they were slow to be-
lieve that a wisdom which boasted such great things of a supe-
rior light and a heavenly charity, could be, after all, shallow
and delusive. They sympathized, generously, or benevolently,
with afflicted humanity, and the painted dream of universal
emancipation which played before their excited fancies seemed
a realization of what belongs only to an age in the dark, unre-
vealed futurity of providence, to which we have yet to pass
amidst scenes more terrible than any of the antecedent revolu-
tions through which Jesus Christ has been advancing to his
throne of judgment and of glory. So here; a few like Adams
and Channing, to say nothing of distinguished living men, by
we know not what secret political or philosophic bias, what vein
of morbid sentiment, what blurred ethical or theological vision,
by words whose meaning they did not measure, by reasonings
inconsistent with some of their acknowledged principles, and
unworthy of their intellect and their fame, gave encouragement
if not patronage to the dangerous idolatry.
Abolitionism became an institution organic and vital - body
and soul—a working power, representative of a new type of
moral and social wisdom, improved, comprehensive, philosophi-
cal, and destined to prevail. As its gaudy sophistry took its
natural, popular effect, it assumed to be arrogant, insulting, and
encroaching. It was envious at God's appointed orders — the
family, the state, the church and scrupled not to assail their
blood-cemented foundations. It labelled the Constitution as a
"league with death and a covenant with hell." It set up its
propaganda, assembled its conventions, and sent abroad its
agents. It became a subtle disputant, a cunning innovator, a
daring reformer, a fiery agitator, a virulent declaimer, a malig-
nant denouncer, an implacable persecutor. Gaining confidence as
1
13
it acquired ascendency over the simple, the curious, the fearful,
the imaginative, the sentimental, the undisciplined, the passion-
ate, it aspired to popular control and revolutionary distinction.
But to that end it must become religious. It was ready for the
occasion. It appealed accordingly to the moral sense now
jostled from its polarity. It appealed to Scripture, now twisted
by improved versions, arbitrary criticisms, and fantastic com-
mentaries from its literal, direct, and scientific meanings, till it
was made as subservient and obscure as a Delphic oracle- the
very Scripture which it had before denounced as hostile to its
ideas, or had disparaged as unworthy of competition with its
higher law. It even clothed itself in the robes of sanctity and
kept its Sabbaths. It assumed control, extensively, of the
religious press. It ascended the platform and the pulpit. It
figured at anniversaries. It dispensed, ex cathedra, the oracles
of the new divinity, and imprecated the wrath of heaven upon
all who refused fealty and homage. To the same end, also, it
must be political. It affected the well-being of the State. It
studied intrigue and finesse. It became an expert. It mas-
tered all the chicane of wires, caucuses, and conventions. It
calculated its forces. It disciplined its ranks. It found the
balance of power, and then sold itself to the progressive party.
The price was the government of the country. The object was the
dissolution of the Union, and then the introduction of its New
Jerusalem a returning Messiah - a church and state Mel-
chisedecking and priest-impersonated in an "Independ-
ent" or a "Tribune." We have seen with what a Shylock
savageness it has insisted on the bond. We have seen how
tamely the constituted keeper of our liberties has consented to
the sacrifice.
Such is the moral record of abolitionism, brought down to
the date of the President's prcclamations. It has not been
sufficiently considered. It has been imperfectly understood.
Hence our confusions. Wise and learned civilians have left it
too much out of their reckoning of our public difficulties and
14
dangers, because it is moral, and therefore not on the line of
their professional pursuits. But that is to be false to fact, dis-
honorable to history, and dangerous to the church and state.
It is to heal the hurt of the daughter of the people slightly, and
perpetuate controversy and war. The moral question which
divides us is supreme. There can be now no sound philosophy,
no comprehensive judgment where it is not so installed, and all
judgment will be unjust without it. Abolitionism stands out,
historically, the active, practical cause of all our troubles. With-
out it, other existing causes would have been of no effect. It
was manifestly so when it began to figure in the halls of Con-
gress. It has been so in all our subsequent discussions, which
have filled the land with strife. It was more manifestly so in
its alliance with miscalculating politicians in the Fremont cam-
paign, and more decisively in their demonstrations at Chicago.
It was so not less remarkably in its appropriation of religious
men, and the conventions of equally miscalculating representa-
tives of the churches. Many of these good and patriotic
citizens, lay and clerical, meant not what they did. Their eyes
were holden. We blame them not for bad intentions, but a
bad mistake. On the stormy sea of politics, and in the clouds
of speculation and romance, they had lost their reckoning.
They were blinded by old prejudices of sect and party. They
heeded not those great men who died uttering the voices of
remonstrance and of warning. They perceived not that true
conservatism had been obliged by the new idolatry to change its
residence ; that party names were no longer significant of things ;
and that our issues must be changed. They understood not
that American liberty had lost its balance; that they who should
thenceforth follow its mimic watch-cry, would, without a mira-
cle, fall into confusions, and probably open the way for a bloody
despotism that would lord it over the heritage of God. They
had not studied that subtle power
a power of the air
which, by its apparent subserviency, actually ruled them, and
still claims to be their master. It has, indeed, its hold upon
15
them. It insists ruthlessly upon the bond. It will have it,
for its pressure bears along the rulers of the people, and, with
it, the life-blood of the Church and State, if another Daniel
come not to judgment, or if Faneuil Hall introduce not an era
of deliverance, and reverse the judgment of Altoona and the
capital.
So we speak, for so we make good our case. Abolitionism is
at fault. It is false and wrong. It destroys the ancient land-
marks. It obliterates the old paths. It puts its heel on consti-
tutional relations. It sunders what God has united, and unites
what God has sundered. It would subvert the government of
the country, which is of God, and "whoso resisteth the power
resisteth the ordinance of God"-all the worse for affecting so
to keep it. And it is madness, though there is a method in it.
What for should we commit this wrong? What for should we
violate our plighted faith? What for should we reject the dictates
of religion, the usages of civilized and Christian life, the claimst
of humanity, the providential enlargement of superior races, and
doom, as we necessarily must, an inferior, imbecile, and depend-
ent race, which God has committed to our trust, to a condition
worse than slavery-to a lingering, miserable, and hopeless
death? What for should we affect to change the spots of the
leopard, or the skin of the Ethiopian? What for to equalize
quantities that God has made judicially unequal, for the better
conservation of the sinful world, and the safer distribution of
its selfish forces till its probation shall naturally end? To
undertake what is impossible is absurd. To force an absurdity
where such great interests are at stake, is to violate the constitu-
tion of the universe, the happiness of man, and the honor of the
Creator. To do it at a cost of blood which fills the land with
mourning, and of untold millions, if not of gold, yet of promises
to pay it, which could be redeemed only by the bloody sweat of
an abused and suffering people, is an evil passing all the powers
of computation. We are bound to look at these things, not
technically, not politically, not speculatively, but morally and
16
practically as they are. We are bound to protest against them,
and against the administration of the government, if need be,
for the sake of the government itself; not forcibly, but by free
speech and free votes, and an appeal to Him who deals not with
images but realities, and "will render to every man according
to his work."
But what of the secessionists? They belong to another
category. Their question is referable to a different test. One
thing at a time. Yet, though abolition be wrong, secession is
not therefore right. One extreme may not be held to justify
another. In some morbid states of the body politic, even a
natural remedy may be worse than the disease. But that is not
here the question. That question take us to a different reck-
oning- of technical definitions, of legal subtleties, of special
pleadings, of speculative theories, of political expedients, of
financial calculations- a labyrinth where we are soon lost with-
out a moral clew. We leave that to those whom it more espe-
cially concerns. We simply commend to them, not to leave
out of their reckoning the moral government of God, for now
the issue between the contending parties is taken up to the
court of heaven. The God of battles must decide between
them. Or, if there be an earthly arbiter, it is alone the people.
But they are better casuists than civilians, and their judgment,
after all, will be mainly determined by the moral sense. God
will ultimately decide, not after the forms of law, but through
the conscience of the people. Our main concern, therefore, is
to keep our own hands clean, and our conscience clear. When
we put ourselves right, our adversaries will be likely to correct
their wrong Then the healing, restoring influence will de-
scend, and union, peace, and happiness again be the portion of
the people, and the inheritance of their children. To persist in
any wrong is vain.
L.

43
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326.7
L884t

UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA
3 1951 D00 847 726 2
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​155自​杂
​14 E2 S
1323S
12E25
11ES2
10523
5836
835E
7832
0723
SBE 9
OEZE
1328
2 E32
3 235
4 538
5 EBS
6 EB
15853
TYWES
16 ELE
14532
13823
12ES2
11285
1053B
SBE6
8235
7523
◄ 2350
5 SER
10 EBS
8532
9538
7863
ROCHESTER INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, ONE LOMB
PRODUCED BY GRAPHIC ARTS RESEARCH CENTER