rhe srt Ai ai pede Deak Par ceil tet es Sab fo ae University of Virginia Library GN;2;.A22:NO.33;1927 AL The social and ceremonial orc | Ue — Basi | , i uM I | | NPE: pb aah Crue mnie ze A ae wie err ne UPL UF ase Ae pi tbk ala on Ro: fie Netialion. ao ite cia ts re ete Vy wep ier vs pas foo ee o ees Pea p ian panes aes * SE res ee : Bl ese ea Saye Pula eit re Fal ar'¥s oe aes Pra ie gene Pape i atcha Pee Mae a ass WBS os oe ae aay oes aii r H H H cs H i 3 a rEeee i tf i rE bi JNUMBER 33 MEMOIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION 1927 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL a OF COCHITI BY ESTHER SCHIFF GOLDFRANK PUBLISHED FO THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION { MENASHA, WIS., U. S. A. j ee SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL ORGANIZAT ION j } | LAREN rae ep eee ee TET SAR 2 NAPE aTeste Eee PE er et he MEMOIRS OF THE AMti ICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION A ora Pee eee ; ™ = ‘ $3: Sais Perse Soo 5} VOLUME I Part 1.—Materials for the Physical Anthropology of the Eastern European Jews. By Mauricr FisHBerc. (Pages 1-146.) Price $1.20. Part 2.—Tribes of the Columbia Valley and the Coast of Washington and Oregon. By ALBERT BUELL Lewis. (Pages 147-209.) Price 50 cents. PaRT 3.—Historical Jottings on Amber in Asia. By BERTHOLD LAuFER. (Pages 211-244.) Price 30 cents. | Part 4.—The Numerical Proportions of the Sexes at Birth. By | JoHN Benjamin Nicos. (Pages 245-300.) Price 45 cents. | Part 5.—Ethnographic and Linguistic Notes on the Paez I ndians of . Lierra Adentro, Cauca, Colombia. By HENRY | PITTIER DE FABREGA. (Pages 301-356. Plates | I-Ix.) Price 50 cents. Part 6.—The Cheyenne Indians. By James Mooney. Sketch of the Cheyenne Grammar. By RopotpHE PETTER. (Pages 357-478. Plates x-xu.) Index to Volume I. Price $1.20. VOLUME II Part 1.—Weather Words of Polynesia. By Wittzam CHURCHILL. (Pages 1-98.) Price 80 cents. Part 2.—The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town. By FRANK G. SPECK. (Pages 99-164, Plates I-v.) Price 55 cents. ART 3.—Dhe Nez Percé Indians. By HERBERT J. SPINDEN. (Pages 165-274. Plates VI-x.) Price 95 cents. PaRT 4.—An Hidatsa Shrine and the Beliefs Respecting It. By Grorce H. PEpper and GILBERT L. WILSON. | (Pages 275-328. Plates xi-xui1,) Price 50 cents. PART 5.—The Ethno-botany of the Gositis Indians of Utah. By Ratpy V. C HAMBERLIN, (Pages 329-405.) Price 60 cents, otlery of the Pajarito Plateau: and of some Adjacent Regions in New Mexico By A. V. Kipper. (Pages 407-462. Plates XIV-XXvur.) Price 85 cents. ‘0 eke ete P Suet eee ses PART 6.—PTHE SOCIAL AND CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI BY ESTHER SCHIFF GOLDFRANK 4 1 BY i] De Ey eI i jnteif Patne vince dt ie sabe CR Perey ae we eps teeny Ot bene regena The Collegiate Press GrEorGE BANTA PUBLISHING CoMPANY MENASHA, WISCONSINCONTENTS rele coco ger ai sci ceicie Gare vo signs cles SRI wr iciete © oc sspears cows wieveroin sem iore SocialiOrpanization’ «<0. 5c cece cates sce cleo es sc ine oleh era ete oe Geen Relation of Clans to Cochiti Culture! =... asc osc neciece aite ei GlanvEXOPAM Ys = ce cist cle losis ole sie icieietne aycrnsicyare eee rate eer ere Piston Clans;and Clan Adopuiontcs sac. ecco se oie ae meee = Winship wLermimology. sc) aeisis wisiere otis cists cole oe ere tees ier e Secular: Government. <4 oc cece sec cic co nars nim cre cl eeieereicresieterte pie eta IPTOPEKEY 2 6/55 cca oi ci 4ic bie eins cio cinserarelee «el ole eee ei cie soe (etomsa atele oO 8 vo oO o 3 = Oo Palo lol o|a| a | o]a| ale |] i) S O % VY 5 2 o S a c “ ) o “N — — o “Q o a ol 6 5 © ' oe a | Ge SS ° eS ° nN ° N N N ° N N _ Oo n ~~ — to — a "og ‘J ° o [ Olg 2 3 a 3 wn ” | a = vo o = SP ES Th ee Ter ey Gy 1 SSG ey te dai te \ om la ; b 3 s e | wm | K ~ ‘5 be s & | | 2 z ca alts E ge 5 Bie a -— | Deo = | a |O q — oO He ° co | we O oO } E = N _ N Oo ‘S | a 3 o o N o — oO w= ° | + |S ° | A = i La rQ o | a =| 5 "3 = i) — wm N >) So N >) A : . | 010 2 © os | ae | ao | eh ‘a Oo a> s oO - N “4 oO aS 5 N oS o a <= oO 2a n Ber 5 5 ; ; ; ; : - - dl OS | : : : : : . : : ; : 8 AQ : : : : . : : ; al ale Se8 Peels alee ele oles | a eal eh ee . : 5 : : : . . ; : : 5.2 . ‘ 5 uv é ‘ : : . . . 2 oO 5 ; ° : : : . ‘ : a cn) a : . £ z ie ‘ ® : . = a es : Saati: Ae 3 S| 8 ats | ss 2 4 Ss 3S K § q > Ss 2 A aS Alo! le le 9 3 3 5 Seles a ee ea sco Neteg) et e || cs)GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 15 probability occurs more often, but no moiety division or special grouping of clans makes itself felt. The scheme of inter- marriage of clans from Starr’s data appears on the preceding page. As this is a census of the village it is a more complete picture than can be drawn from my geneological material, which does not list all the members of the village, duplicates in part and includes marriages, parties to which have since died. Besides the exogamy of clan, marriage is still further limited by the influence of the Church, which prohibits the union of blood cousins and their children. List oF CLANS AND CLAN ADOPTION The clans existing at Cochiti today are Oak, Cottonwood, Corn, Coyote, Turquoise, Ivy, Squash, Czpewe, Sage, Water. The Sun clan, mentioned by Starr in his census, has since become extinct, the last surviving male having died in August, 1921. The Corn clan, however, in which there was only one surviving woman some twenty years ago has by the adoption of Florence Perez, 101, born of a Mexican woman, strengthened its position in the village. This case is interesting from various angles, so I shall cite it in full. When Florence sought adoption, the Sun clan also made a bid for her, but the Corn clan had expressed its desire to the war captain first. This failure to secure her has brought about the extinction of the Sun clan. The Corn clan is not much better off with its addition, as both of Florence’s children are boys. The death of a clan is not viewed as a dire calamity, but still every effort is made by its members to insure its survival. Clans that are strong in numbers do not as a rule seek new adherents. If, however, a woman belonging to the Oak clan at another town comes to live in the village she automatically becomes a member of the Oak clan at Cochiti, but undergoes a ceremonial re-adoption. Sometimes much difficulty is experienced in fitting outsiders into the Cochiti scheme. Individuals 116a, 117a, 118a,* came 24 See genealogies.16 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 from San Ildefonso and were taken into the Oak clan at Cochiti after a lengthy discussion. There is no such clan at San Ilde- fonso according to Dr. Parsons’ list? and as my informant said “they are always changing their clan,’’ probably in the effort to make a proper adjustment. Finally, they became associated with the Oak people after almost having joined the Cotton- woods. They would not tell me what had been their San Ildefonso clan. The father of 193, Filipito Herrara, was a member of the Corn clan of Sia. He married a Cochiti woman of the Sage clan, and later another brother and two sisters came from Sia and lived with them. They married, one sister returning to Sia. The other sister is the mother of Alcario Montoya, sometime governor of the village and prominent as a Koshari. At the time of Starr’s study there were very few members of the Corn clan and this family which had already arrived in the village was no doubt gladly welcomed. However, the clan is still very small and at the time of Florence Perez’s request for adoption had no female members. She was taken into their clan. (See pp. 15.) The mother of Caroline Trujillo, 1, came from Santo Do- mingo. Caroline said she belonged to the Fox clan there and joined the same clan at Cochiti. Men as well as women may be adopted into clans, although in practice it is usually the women, her male descendants then automatically becoming members of the same clan. Reverting to Florence Perez: she told me of her affiliation with the Corn clan and then complicated matters by assuring me that her maternal grandmother was the cacique’s mother, who I had learned had been adopted into the Cipewe clan to which her son now also belonged. The question then arose, why had Florence until recently been without a clan and how now could she belong to the Corn clan when her maternal ancestor was a member of Cipewe. The results of an investiga- ® AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST N.S., Vol. 26, pp. 336.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 17 tion showed that Florence’s mother had already died when her grandmother made application to join a clan. Florence was still the daughter of a woman who during her life time had never been anything but a Mexican. She then had no clan, not being in direct line, although her uncle and aunts descended from the same maternal ancestor all belonged to Czpewe. The surprising thing is that the Cipewe people did not seek her, considering her close relationship to its clan members. At the time of Starr’s census, Juanita Padia, Florence’s grandmother, had been adopted into the Cipewe clan, her children by her second husband were grown, one even having children of her own. ‘There is mention of a granddaughter Florence, 116, according to Starr’s outline, who, I believe, is Florence Perez. At that time her mother was already dead and she is put down as belonging to the Cipewe clan. This is what would be expected, but apparently, as she grew older, the fact that her mother, who had died before the adoption of her grandmother, did not during her lifetime belong to a clan, but had died a Mexican, caused Florence to be regarded as the daughter of a Mexican, rather than the granddaughter of a woman of the Cipewe clan. She then had to seek adoption anew. The Cipewe clan, which before the adoption of Florence’s grandmother must have been quite small, has since grown considerably and probably on account of its present strength made no effort to have Florence join its ranks. So we have the unusual situation of direct descent in two clans from a single female ancestor. The adoption ceremony may be considered in the way of a rebirth, and, as such, is similar in many respects to the original naming ritual for a newly-born infant. The clan curing adop- tion, mentioned before, is practically identical with the ordinary adoption scheme, a common Pueblo pattern. These will be discussed later in the section on ritual. Cochiti, as an intermediate point between the southern Pueblos with their strong clanship and the northern Pueblos with their important ceremonial moieties, may never have18 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 had either developed to any great strength. However, there are evidences, most particularly in the kinship system (dis- cussed more fully in the following pages) and in house owner- ship (see pp. 119,ff.) that the clan had formerly played a more important réle in Cochiti culture. It will also become more apparent that the curing and managing societies of the village in their relation to each other and the secular organiza- tion are the mainspring of the life of the village. KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY List of Terms yaya (m. or w. sp.) mother, mother’s sister, father’s sister. (sa)nact“e (w. sp.) father, mother’s brother, father’s brother. umu (m. sp.) father, mother’s brother, father’s brother. (sa@)wuce (m. or w. sp.) son, daughter, brother or sister’s son or daughter (reciprocal of mother-father terms). (s’)amak (m. or w. sp.) daughter, old term, practically extinct. t’oa, (s)ooce, da’ona (w.sp.) sister, also between female cousins of the same generation (reciprocal term). (sa)dyumice tcutcume (m. sp.) brother, male cousins of the same generation (reciprocal term). meme (m. or w. sp. in addressing opposite sex; reciprocal term) sister and brother, cousins of different sex, but the same generation. wd, wawd, anawa, anawace (m. sp. reciprocal term) used originally for mother’s brother; now sometimes applied to father’s brother and between male cross cousins one generation apart. nyenye (m. or w. sp. to one of opposite sex; reciprocal term) used originally for mother’s brother, w. sp.; now applied by some informants to father’s brother; sometimes used between cousins one generation removed, usually cross cousins; one case used between cousins of same generation, baba (m. or w. sp., addressing opposite sex) reciprocal term19 GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI between grandmother and grandson; grandfather and granddaughter; the term is extended to include the entire grandparent generation. da’o’ (w. sp., reciprocal term) grandmother-granddaughter. mumu (m. sp. reciprocal term) grandfather-grandson. (s)ok’o wife. (sa)truce husband. bi’hia (m. or w. sp.) female relatives by marriage. This may also be extended to their female relations. wat (m. or w. sp.) male relatives by marriage. This may also be extended to their male relatives. Genealogies I, II, and III shall form the basis for the discussion of kinship terms. In the Appendix, pp. 121,ff. will be found examples of usage. It is advisable to separate these families, as, in part, different concepts characterize them, and these will be more apparent if treated individually. The degeneration of the ancient social system has been indicated and the variations in kinship terminology serve to emphasize it again. A certain looseness of terms is characteristic of all the Pueblos, but here we feel we are in a transitional period. However, certain typical Keres Pueblo features are found: the difference in terms used, depending upon the sex of the speaker (a boy would use one term for his grandmother, a girl another); the principle of reciprocity (a boy calls his grandmother by a certain term and she addresses him in like manner), which exists between the brother-sister terms, cousin terms, grandparent-grandchild terms, and what we may call the uncle-nephew, uncle-niece terms. On the other hand, categories differing from the expected usage are being formed. In Genealogy I, we find the determin- ing principle to be the extension of the father-mother terms to include all the aunts and uncles, whether maternal or paternal and, as would naturally follow, the application of sister-brother terms to all cousins. A similar concept is found at Domingo, San Felipe, Isleta and Zuni. This, in turn, has affected the use| | | | | | | 20 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 of the words wawa and nyenye, terms originally used by male and female respectively to indicate maternal uncle.* However, these terms still survive in this family, but they are used between cross-cousins separated by one generation. For example, 197 would call 233 his mother’s brother’s son’s son, wawa. The loss in importance of the mother’s brother in the general social organization naturally accompanied the deterioration of the clans and is mirrored in the extreme variability in the use of the term for him. In Genealogy III, a family active in the religious life of the pueblo and well versed in native custom, 6, adhered pretty closely to the original usage, but numerous exceptions are noted, 29 and 48, 24 and 30, 25 and 48, 7 and 48, 40 and 48, 48 and 29, etc., all using the terms wawa and nyenye in cousin relationships, which in almost every case seem to be cross-cousin relationships. These are the only terms which show any tendency to differentiate between cross- and parallel- cousins, and this may be due to the fact that the terms origin- ally had a strong clan flavor. At Taos, the most northerly of the Pueblos and the closest to the culture of the Plains, and among the Tewa seniority is a most important principle, and it is customary to differentiate between younger and older brother and sister, younger and older cousin, the latter being designated by the uncle term. Some of the examples quoted above might be accounted for in this way as there is a considerable difference in the ages of most of those cited. Certain others are, however, only a very few years apart. They may have merely imitated the terminology used by their older brother. A similar habit of calling cousins by the nyenye term is also exhibited in Genealogy II, where the termis employed by 51 to both 4 and 75, the age differences being negligible. Here neither of the above reasons seems to apply. The term ‘This has been determined through the use of data from Lagun Domingo, and San Felipe, as well as from exam where a separate term is still used. a, Acoma, ples from Genealogy III, CochitiGOLDFRANK |] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 21 is, however, also used by this family to mean uncle, so that the Taos principle of calling the older cousin by the uncle term may have been exercised here. In Genealogy II still another Taos concept is applied. 1, although the daughter of a Flint shaman, had after the early death of her mother, spent many years on a Navajo Reserva- tion. There she had worked in the household of the government doctor, had acquired an American attitude and bearing. Her grandfather had married twice, and 66, 67, and 68—ofispring of the second union—were not very much her seniors. Had she followed ancient custom, she would have called them, “father.” However, she used myenye, the maternal uncle term for them. Could her residence among the whites have influenced her to class all uncles under one term or did the Taos principle of uncleship (the use of a separate term as well as “father” for all uncles) find its way into the Cochiti system? Another example where age has affected the use of terms is in the case of 201, Genealogy I. She is the daughter of a rather elderly woman and a man many years her junior. Her mother had been married twice before and her children by these marriages as well as the children of her brothers and sisters were considerably older than 201. Instead of applying the sister-brother terms to the latter, she calls them by the father- mother term. This is commonly found throughout the Pueblos. There appears then in Cochiti a conflict between the older relationship terms bound up with clanship and what I think are the more recent borrowings from the north.° Following is a list of relationships which have been affected either by concepts of seniority or uncleship and cousinship, derived in all probability from the north or from American contacts: and Caddo terms given by 5 Principles of seniority also appear in Wichita atter, he also Leslie Spier in the AM. ANTHRO., Vol. 26, No. 2, pp. 258-263. In the | indicates one term for uncle and older cousin.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 7 calls 70, child (sawuce), when brother would be expected. 201 calls 244, 15, 16, child (sawuce), when grandchild would be ex- pected. 16 calls 220, brother (sadyumice), when father would be expected. 206 calls 209, and 70 calls 4, father (wmu) when brother would be expected. 10 calls 77 and 70 calls 1, mother (yaya), when sister would be expected. 48 calls 24, 25, 26, 30 calls 24, and 197 calls 209, uncle (wawa), when brother would be expected in a cousin relationship. 240 calls 16, brother (meme), when child would be expected. 51 calls 4, 75, uncle (nyenye), when brother would be expected. 201 calls 237, 229, sister (ta’0), when child would be expected. 16 calls 201, mother (yaya), when grandmother would be expected. 55 calls 1, mother (yaya), in a cousin relationship. 201 calls 187, grandfather (baba), instead of maternal uncle. 7 calls 65, father (sanactc“), ina cousin relationship, one generation, removed. 201 calls 14, brother (meme), in a cousin relationship, one generation removed. 240 calls 201, sister (ta’o), in a cousin relationship, one generation removed. 248 calls 239, uncle (wawa), when grandfather would be expected. Step Relations: The terms for step relations are identical with those for relations in the ordinary sense. From the examples, it will be noted that sister and stepsister are the same; mother and stepmother; father and stepfather. Godparents: Godfather and godmother, may or may not be related, although often they are husband and wife. The godchild assumes towards them the duties and responsibilities of a child to its own parents and they, in turn, treat him as if he were their own child. They appear at the baptism of the child, and make him gifts from time to time thereafter, as is customary in Christian society. Teknonymy: Indian given names are never used in address- ing people, although for the purposes of genealogies the natives in this village seemed willing to use them. How will speak of his wife as “mother of ” (the Indian name of his eldest child). The wife will address her husband similarly. Teknonymy is used in all the aspects of relationship. ever, a manGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 23 Relationship Terms Applied Outside the Family: Persons | not in the direct family line will be addressed as ‘“‘mother,”’ “sister,” and so forth as their age might indicate, not by thei Indianname. Kinship termsare applied to friends and sean eee There is also a word for friend, which is often used in greeting} Shamans are addressed usually as “mother,” but in some of Dr. Boas’s texts ‘‘father’’ is also given. Changes in Terminology: Upon the death of parents, a child may live with his nearest relatives, or with his godfather or godmother. Sometimes these assume the relationship of father and child, sometimes merely a closer one than previously existed, such as uncle. Pablo Trujillo, 64, after the death of his father, went to live with his half-sister, Caroline, 1. Her husband, 6, happened to be the godfather of Pablo. He was then adopted by his god- father as a son and now calls his half-sister, mother. The two daughters of his adopted father, 6, (by a previous marriage) now call him brother, but as they are not blood or clan rela- tions, they would be allowed to marry. Borrowing of Terms: ‘““Meme” is a Tanoan word and, at Isleta, is used for uncle-nephew, whereas at Cochiti, it is a reciprocal term between brother and sister. It is also found at Domingo and San Felipe, other Keres villages, but has not penetrated as far south as Laguna. “Umu” is the Laguna word for brother. Here it means father. The stem is retained in dyumur, used at Cochiti as brother. Phonetic Change: The term da’o’ used for grandmother, w. sp., is very similar in sound to the word ta’o, sister, W. SP. In fact certain informants failed to differentiate at all in the pronunciation of these two words. Should this become a commonplace, it would give a very different aspect to the system. The words for father-in-law, son-in-law, mother-in-law, daughter-in-law, show according to Dr. Boas a peculiar use of the possessive. The words are as follows: sawat'“—my son-in-law (m. sp.)24 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 ck'oe’wat—father-in-law (m. sp.) means “he whose son-in-law Tam.” sabi’ iva—my daughter-in-law (w. sp.) ck'oe’ bv’hia—my mother-in-law (w. sp.) means “she whose daughter-in-law I am.” SECULAR GOVERNMENT The secular government of the Pueblo is very similar to that of the neighboring and more southerly Pueblos. It shows the same Spanish influence that differentiates the south- west from other Indian areas. We have here the hierarchy of officials borrowed from European sources and so foreign to the cultures of other North American Indians. First among the officials is the governor. He has his assistant, the lieutenant governor, the fiscale and his lieutenant fiscale and a group of six helpers (the little fiscales) to aid him. They see to it that the governor’s com- mands are obeyed and certain communal work, such as ditch digging for irrigation, plastering, building and cleaning the church, manning the boat that conveys the villagers to their farms on the opposite bank of the Rio Grande, is duly per- formed. Announcements of a secular nature are made by the governor, the fiscales, and their respective lieutenants, and they may also be called upon to make speeches upon public occa- sions. The war captain, his lieutenant, and six helpers (goaicini) form an intermediate group. They are closely allied with the cacique or religious head of the village, carrying out his orders and consulting him in regard to such a tions, arrangements for dances, acting treats and cures. They announce events such as the cacique’s h hunts and dances. ctivities as clan adop- as guards during re- of a religious nature, arvesting and planting, the communal In spite of this close affiliation with the religious head, the shamans, the kachina or masked dances, and the fact that they bear the names of the twin war chiefs, Masewi and Oyoyewi, the war captain and his lieutenant mustGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 25 also be considered part of the secular group, as they are in- fluenced by the same rulings regarding time of election, eligi- bility for office, length of office-holding, as are the other secular officers, and the mode of nomination of the former is analogous to that of the latter group. I will just touch on the method of nomination of secular officers here and in a later chapter discuss its fuller significance. As I remarked earlier in this paper, the religious societies are at present the most important factor in Cochiti culture, and it is not surprising to find that the nomination of secular officers is in their hands. More narrowly stated, it is the curing societies who make the nominations. The close connection between the cacique and the war captain makes it logical that the former, a member of the Flint Curing Society, should nominate the latter and his lieutenant. Paralleling this we have the nomina- tion of the governor and his lieutenant in the hands of the Giant Curing Society and that of the fiscale and his lieutenant by the Cikame Curing Society. No secular officer may belong to a curing society, but they may have membership in any of the managing group (see diagram pp. Si). The nominations are then presented by the headmen of the societies to the principales, a group of ex-officers and presiding officers of the pueblo. These latter include only the six men whose nominations I have just discussed. The fact, that the cacique and assistant cacique hold no membership in this group while the war captain and his assistant do, is an added reason for considering the latter as secular officers. The power of the principales is purely nominal as they always accept the names offered them by the nominating groups. As these are composed of the most conservative members of the village, the officers elected would naturally tend to belong to this group, also. However, the laws of expediency influence Indian govern- ment as well as our own, and the general rule is to find a candi- date of sufficient conservatism to conform to the ideas of the older while not antagonizing the more radical ones.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 The governor and his lieutenant belong to different estufas. The same is true of the fiscale and his assistant, the war captain and the assistant war captain. Besides this, at any one time, the governor and war captain must also be members of different estufas. The clan is of no importance, members of any clan being eligible for office. For instance the officers elected for 1922-23 will show this point clearly: Governor: Marciale Quintana, Turquoise estufa, Lieutenant Governor: Lorenzo Herrara, Squash estufa Fiscale: Adelaido Montoya, Squash estufa, Lieutenant Fiscale: Diego Arquero, Turquoise estufa, War Captain: Jose Domingo Chalon, Squash estufa, War Captain (pro tem): Juan Stevens Chalon, Squash estufa, and Assistant War Captain: Santiago Melchior, Turquoise estufa. The two groups of helpers, the little fiscales and the goatcint are elected by the principales without previous nominations. However, three of each group must be members of the Squash estufa, three of the Turquoise. Elections are supposed to take place annually. However, in Tare cases, when the governor has been particularly good he may be held over for another year, or he may be retained if no other candidate can be found who would be acceptable to both radical and conservative groups, even though he may not have had the best of records either for honesty or morality. When the governor is retained in office, all the other secular officers are held over for another year, except the little fiscales, who are always elected annually. Nominations are made in December, and on January 1st the padre of the church presents the canes of office and makes the installations. The outgoing officers place their canes on the altar. As the padre raises each one, the man whose office it symbolizes comes forward and receives it. After all have been presented, the padre makes a speech. The new governor then addresses the people of the pueblo in front of the church and he is followed by the lieutenant governor, the fiscale, the assistant fiscale, the war captain, and assistant war captain. In the afternoon a dance is held. ,GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 27 It is difficult to state just how much power rests with the principales. Although their action with regard to nominations is merely one of ratification, still they, no doubt, influence the nominating committees and keep them from presenting candi- dates who would be rejected. Their influence in other directions seems similar to this. They are essentially a body of consultants, the governor bringing various civil matters before them such as land renting and at times punishments and fines. They are informed by the war captain when a person seeks adoption by one of the clans or when a witch is to be tried. However, their sanction is of great importance, since they are honored members of the community, and it is doubtful whether the governor or war captain would act in direct opposition to their expressed will. There is no connection between society membership and membership in the principales, a member of any society being eligible for any office, although, for the most part, only members of non-curing societies are represented. Nevertheless, a person belonging to no society may also be elected to office. The fact that the nominating powers rest with the curing societies might influence their choice of candidates, so that preference might be given to members of their affiliated groups. However, this is only conjecture and is not borne out by a review of society affiliations of 1922 officers given on Pp. 26. Of these only the war captain pro tem is a society member belonging to the Kurena. The war captain, during an illness, pledged himself to join Koshari, Flint, Snake, and Fire. PROPERTY Notions regarding property are undergoing gradual changes. My informant claimed that formerly house ownership was eX- clusively the right of women but we find paternal ownership persistently forcing its way into the older system. While one informant would insist on the rights of mother and sister, before those of the wife, in case there were no children, another would claim the property for the widow of the deceased. Prece-28 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 dence of a man’s sister’s children over his own does not appear here now and perhaps never did, for although clans were more important formerly than at present they probably never func- tioned as much as further to the Southwest. Both influences from the north, where descent is bilateral and patrilineal moieties are strong, as well as contact with American and Spanish customs, have broken down the older system of matrilineal ownership. Until recently when a man married, he lived at the house of his wife’s mother, or if all available space was occupied, she would secure a house near-by for her daughter and her husband. This house would still belong to the mother and should her children displease her, she could without hesi- tancy ask them to leave it. Upon the death of the wife’s mother, the children of the couple would inherit the house, if their parents had remained there during their life. Today, however, many a man has become enterprising enough to get unoccupied land and build his own home. The preference for this mode of ownership is growing. A case was even found where the wife sold a house she had inherited and moved into a new one built by her husband. The husband may will the house he has built as he pleases. Children as a rule have first claim and the property is divided equally between them. The fields usually go to the boys, the house to the girls according to the common division of labor, my informant stated, but this is not borne out by the classification below. An only child may inherit the whole prop- erty, as in the case of Florence Trujillo, No. 77, who had been married to Sia, and it may be subsequently sold. Personal property is divided equally between the children without reference to sex. I found the following types of ownership and inheritance regarding the houses, which are listed in the appendix pp. 119- 121. Some fall into more than one class. 1. From mother to son: ASS 212042 78 30! 2. From mother to daughter: 4, 19, 21, 26, 30.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI . From father to son: 8, 11, 14, 25, 31. . From father to daughter: 10, 27. Husband to wife: 6, 14. . Wife to husband: 49. . Sister to sister: 16 (later exchanged). . Brother to sister: 34. . Friend: 7. Houses bought: 2, 3, 5, 9, 10, 13, 19. Houses built: 1, 3, 12, 23, 24, 29; 4 (Pt.); 8, 15, 22 (by father of present owner). From this it will be readily seen that the older system of house-owning has been greatly modified. Property is held in trust for minors and is not shared with the children of a second marriage of the parent not owning the house, although the families might continue to live in the house together during their minority. If both husband and wife die without children, the house would revert to the nearest relatives of the owner. The kinds of property that may be owned individually are 1) personal, 2) land, 3) houses, 4) animals, 5) trees. This latter division refers to fruit trees originally introduced by the Spaniards and now sent to the pueblo by the United States Government and planted there. They are allotted by pueblo officials and may be retained by their owner if he sells the land, or sold while retaining the land. They are the only trees con- sidered in this way and are reminiscent of family ownership of acorn trees in California, although at Cochiti the custom is without doubt very recent. Houses and land, as I have indicated, may be bought and sold. They are also often exchanged. If land remains unused for a long time it may be reallotted upon application to the governor. New fields for cultivation or a building site may be had upon application to the governor. At times rentals are charged for certain public lands owned by the pueblo, and this money is expended for communal projects such as ditch-digging, buying of agricultural machinery, official trips, and so forth.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 On leaving the village for a long time, or in case of marriage outside the village, it is customary for a man to sell or give away his property. Besides the private property, there also exists a kind of communal property. The plaza, where dances and games take place, is considered the property of the entire village and every- one is privileged to use it. The estufas, of which there are two, are difficult to classify, the feeling being that they are the property of their members on the one hand, while they may also be considered the property of the respective societies responsible for their upkeep. There are in the village four society houses and these are the property of the societies. In a number of cases they adjoin the house of a member of the society. However, they are considered as belonging to the societies, and any repairs would be undertaken by the members. The dance house of the Squash people furnishes a similar instance of group ownership. Dance practice had heretofore taken place in two private houses near the respective estufas of the members. The one where the Squash people practice, however, was considered inadequate and the members of that estufa are now building a house which will belong exclusively to them. If for some reason, sale of the house should be desired, the unanimous consent of the men of the estufa would have to be secured. LAw AND PUNISHMENT Linked with the ownership of property, there has grown upa code of law regarding trespass, theft, and so forth. The governor is the chief punishing agent. However, there has been an interesting development in this connection. There are two distinct factions in the village—the conservative one adhering to the cacique, interested in maintaining ancient tradition and Indian lore; the other led by John Dixon, 85, who has renounced Indian custom and is a staunch supporter of the Church and Government. He is a man of judgment, respected, though highly disapproved of by the older group. He has been designated “Judge” by the Washington authorities.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 31 In the winter of 1922, Alcario Montoya, who has been governor of the pueblo several times, along with some other Indians from Domingo and Isleta over whom John Dixon also has jurisdiction, made a journey to Washington to have him removed. The trip cost the pueblo some hundreds of dollars of public funds and was entirely unsuccessful as the Department on Indian Affairs had no intention of removing anyone so imbued with their point of view, even though it made for constant friction and divided authority in the pueblo. The judge has to do with only secular matters as has also the governor. In all probability the governor is the more im- portant judiciary, as the greater part of the pueblo is con- servative and a number with radical leanings are still willing to abide by the decisions of the head pueblo officials. Many cases are, however, taken to the judge over the head of the governor and the sentencing of persons to jail, that being a United States Government institution, is entirely in the hands of the judge. Religious cases are in the hands of the cacique and war captains. Land cases are settled by the governor after a hearing. A person has the right to shoot down an animal trespassing on his property and is not held for damages even if the animal should be a valuable one, such as a pig or a cow. A person must appear when he is called upon for certain communal work, otherwise, he is punishable. This includes ditch-digging, plastering and building the church, sweeping the pueblo, manning the river boat. Members of estufas plaster them each year before the Feast on July 14. Society houses are kept in condition by their respective members. Cases of domestic disagreement are heard either by the governor or judge, and persons may be sent to jail for adultery, rape, or wife-beating. One case of the latter kind was cited. The man with the assistance of his mother, locked the door on his wife after beating her. She complained to the Indian agent and her husband was penned.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 When a husband and wife cannot agree, the case is heard by the judge, and either party, or both, may be sentenced to jail. If a couple are living together outside of matrimony, the governor places a cane between them showing they are not united by legal ties. If possible he forces them to marry. If they refuse or marriage is not possible, they have to plaster a part of the church, as an announcement of their misconduct. These latter regulations are, no doubt, the effect of the church and of the United States Government. Both of these institutions have tried to make the Indian morality conform to ours. Today adultery, desertion, and the bearing of children before actual church marriage are high crimes, while in former times the ties were rather loose—brittle marriage, as Dr. Parsons has called it—and no stigma attached to divorce or illegal relations. At one time the governor and his lieutenant went through the village at night and inspected the houses, forcing all the unmarried ones he found together to go through the legal forms the following day. However, one governor failed to continue this practice as his own infidelity was common knowledge, and the fear of bringing his own laxness to public notice by con- tinuing his official function, induced him to allow the entire supervision to lapse. Thus is law made and unmade. That it is the Church rather than the Indian tradition that is most concerned in the assumption of this code of ethics is again brought out by the case of another governor. Before his marriage, the woman who is now his wife, and a widow in the community, had each borne him a child. A long discussion ensued as to which one should marry him. Finally the padre decided he should marry the one who had not been married before. However, he was still under obligation to the child of the widow and has handed over a part of his land to it at the behest of the then governor of the pueblo. There is another case in town touching the relation of the father to his illegitimate child. In this inst ance the girl refused to marry the man, a widower, be cause he had mistreated hisGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 33 first wife. However, the governor has commanded that he supply the child with clothes. The mother has since married and her husband takes care of the child as if it were his own, an attitude typical of native custom where step-children and illegitimate children are treated in the same way as are the legitimate offspring of the union. Upon the death of parents, a child will live with his nearest relatives, his grandmother if she is still alive, or failing blood relations, with his godfather or godmother, who are considered close, gifts being exchanged and service rendered to them throughout a lifetime. Sometimes, after the parents’ death, the godfather may assume the position of actual father. This occurred in the case of 64, Genealogy II. His father upon his deathbed gave him into the care of 6, Genealogy I, who was his godfather and who has since become his brother-in-law. How- ever, when he was intrusted to 6, he was given him as a son, duly adopted, and now considers his brother-in-law in the light of a father. Cases are punishable by jailing, fining, forced labor, or whipping. The governor is supplied with a whip. If two people have a quarrel, they report it to the governor. After taking oath, witnesses are called and evidence is given. Either or both, according to their guilt, may be whipped. Backs are bared and victims forced to their knees. The procedure except for the whipping is analogous to our own methods of deter- mining guilt and, as Dr. Parsons has pointed out, the whippings may be an imitation of those inflicted in early times by the Church, and, even now, by the Penitentes upon themselves. Punishment for the breaking of religious regulations is in the hands of the war captain and he also ascertains the guilt of a person suspected of witchcraft. A great deal of what we might consider the law of the pueblo must then be of quite recent origin, having developed through the pressure exerted by both Church and State, particularly in regard to those rules concerned with the more intimate social relations and certain of the property rights.RELIGIOUS CONCEPTS Before discussing the ceremonial organization of the pueblo it will be useful to present certain of the religious concepts underlying their ritual and affecting the religious and social organization of the village. As Haeberlin has pointed out® the desire for the fertility of crops, with its concomitant assurance of a long healthy life, is one of the chief concerns of the Pueblo people. To this end, their retreats, their dances, their songs and prayers are in large part directed. In Cochiti their deities include the sun, moon, clouds, and rain, elements helpful to growth. There is besides a large pantheon of supernaturals. The kachina embody the spirit of the dead, but are rarely thought of as special indi- viduals. However, resemblances to recent dead have been pointed out at the time of a kachina dance, though this is so rare that any theory of ancestor worship has to be discarded. The kachina in this village are also called “thunderclouds” (shtwanna), and so are closely linked with the rainmaking powers.’ There are also a number of animal helpers, including the mountain lion, eagle, bear, deer, rohona, (a small uniden- tified animal, perhaps a weasel), and the wolf. These, along with the sun and moon, are called kopictaya. The divisions are not clearly defined in the minds of the natives and there is a good deal of overlapping, many animals as well as the sun appearing as kachina in the dances. Animals and elements are personified and we hear of the Sun-Man, the Deer-Man, the Salt-Woman, and the Old-Fire-Woman. These are addressed in prayer, and cornmeal is offered to them when their help is asked. Never is a plant picked for food, clay taken for pottery * Haeberlin, Memo of the A nthropological Assoc., Vol. III, No. 1. 7 At Laguna, the kachina and thunderclouds are in different categories. N ever- theless, the former also help along the general welfare.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 35 making, or salt obtained from the Salt Lake before this rite is performed. Only in this way will a continuance of the supply be insured. Cochiti notions of life after death have been somewhat in- fluenced by the concepts and preachings of Christianity. The dead are identified with the kachina and after death the soul (ts’a ts, breath) will join them at a place in the west (wenimatse). One informant modified this. He claimed that the cacique, the head religious officer, does not become a kachina but returns to the place underground.’ The Koshari and Kurena, he thought, became kachina, but at another time he intimated that shamans and society members returned to the places from which their originals sprang, the Koshari going to the east, the Kurena to the north, the Cikame to the northeast, where their kachina father also lives. The Curdzi belong to the west, for they are true kachina.? According to some Isleta material, these directions refer to the location of the underground rooms from which the originals emerged."® The important réle played by the vision in Plains ceremonial is not at all paralleled in Pueblo culture. However, certain faint traces of the vision complex are discernible, but they are found in a different psychological setting. Here they are not the much desired end, the ever conscious aim of the individual in his search for supernatural power. Shamanistic potency is obtained through an initiation ritual, an entirely objective 8 Shipap or yuydedec from whence the race emerged, and where the original sacred beings still reside, the “mother” of the people, the twin heroes Masewi and Oyoyewi, the keeper and protector of the animals (caiaik.). These people are rep- resented in the village by the Cacique, the war captain and his assistant, and the head of the Cikame and Hunting society. ® Text on which this is based will be found in an unpublished collection of tales and texts collected by Dr. Boas. 10 Similar material was recently obtained by me in a study Isleta, also on the Rio Grande. Professor Boas’s material also contains a tale of a man who visited the place of the dead during an illness. There he found the good people divided from the bad, who were suffering great hardships from hunger, cold, and hell fire, while the former lived in a very happy place where the people were dancing kachina and had plenty of food. of the village of36 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 performance, not through a special fast or torture, during which a tutelary may appear and from whom thereafter the visonary will receive direct aid. The connection here is much vaguer. Should a person have a special desire, he might think about it constantly, or even pray to one of the animal helpers. Should his wish materialize, he might believe that the animal had given him direct help. He might sprinkle cornmeal for him in the hills or at an altar. An animal appearing in a dream may also be interpreted as a special helper for a certain occasion, but he would not become, as do the guardian spirits of the Plains, the donor of super- natural powers to the visonary. Hunters, too, appeal to animals for success in hunting and pottery makers may ask the aid of the Old-Clay-Woman. Warriors’ quest of the vision in former times is discussed on p.58. In Cochiti it would seem that aid is secured in a more general way from animal helpers, and that specific powers are not delegated to an individual through the vision quest.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI OCHEME OF CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION AT COCHITI Warrior Society (Nahia-head) Cacique War CaPTAINS MANAGING SOCIETIES KosHAR\ CuorpDz! KuRENA KACHINA THUNDERCLOUD ~ Women’s Society Curing SOCIETIES Flint GIANT CiKAME Canting) SNIAKE 2 Fi |jrRe g Z 3 ne 3 : B, = oe y Secutar G] ovERNMENT WAR CAPTAIN GoveERNOR FIscALe AND AND AND AssisTANT AssisTant AssistantCEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OFFICERS In deep contrast to the instability and lack of rigid scheme in the social organization is the development of the religious societies, their close interrelation to each other and to the high functionaries of the village, whether they be ceremonial or secular. Something of this organization (see scheme pp. 00) was indicated in Father Dumarest’s notes, especially concerning officers, but no actual plan was presented. Regarding data from other villages, we may say that in Zuni we also find a complex scheme, containing many factors similar to those at Cochiti, but combined in an entirely different manner, and often intro- ducing new concepts. For instance the Koshari, one of the so-called clown societies, exists in both pueblos. In Cochiti it may be termed essentially a managing society, while at Zuni it functions largely as a curing society. More instances of the kind might be cited. Why and how this change came about in groups so closely related cannot be determined. Much inter- mediate material would have to be gathered. At Laguna, where a thorough investigation has been made by Dr. Parsons, the material available on ceremonial organization is so frag- mentary that only slight and, for the most part, disconnected resemblances can be perceived. Here, too, there have been various very recent makeshifts resulting from a migration from the village by a goodly part of the population and forcing the acceptance of numerous offices upon a few individuals. Certain others have been allowed to lapse and memory, at times, is short. Pueblo cultural ingredients might be char- acterized as persistent yet flexible. The ceremonial organiza- tion of Cochiti is a highly schematized one, containing familiar constituents combined in an individual manner.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 39 To fill out data of present times, it was necessary to rely upon the memory of an informant, whose word has proved trustworthy. Today there no longer exists the office of nahia, a life position and formerly the highest official in the tribe. Dumarest has made some notes on this office," which was still flourishing in his time. However, there is one vital discrepancy between his data and mine. According to him the cacique is the head religious officer of the village, the nahia under him. According to my informant the nahia, a member of the omp1° (warriors or those who have scalped a Navajo) was designated by his predecessor and installed by the cacique, but thereafter was the superior officer of the village although the one was pri- marily war chief, the other religious head of the village. The same procedure is followed in the case of the war captain and the cacique today. Designated by the former cacique upon his deathbed, he is installed by the war captain, who thereupon becomes his chief assistant. At the installation the war captain must authorize the cacique to function. The whole is analogous, except for the matter of designation, to the investiture of the Pope by the College of Cardinals. One informant gave the following description of the installa- tion: When the nahia is invested, they go into the rear room of the cacique’s house and the war captain, usually considered lower in rank than the cacique, orders the cacique to dress the nahia, after he has removed his clothing. After he is naked the war captain says to him, “Now stand up- right, before the altar.” “Now dress him,” says the war captain to the cacique. They then dress him in his war vestments, singing all the while. He is dressed from the feet upward. First they put on his shoes and leggings; then a buckskin belt and bandolier with rattling stones and jingles; then an armlet and amole threads. His face is painted red with ochre and hematite; white paint is brushed over the front part of his hair and eagle down placed on top of it. They give him a bow, arrow, and quiver filled with arrows. A tomahawk is placed in his right hand. Then he is ready to go. The war captain and his assistant stand on either side of him. The cacique says to the war captain and his assistant, “Father Masewi and Oyoyewi, here is Father ompi* nahia. Everything is ready, 1 Dumarest, Notes on Cochiti, N. M. p. 198.oclnctns tetenesaibe etateenral tc ier net ie oer aaherae tate aetna tenets 40 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memors, 33 Now let us go, Father Masewi and Oyoyewi. You would be the ones to start nahia ompi°. If you give him permission he will start, but if you do not give him permission he will not start.” Then when the war captain tells him to start, he has taken office. The nahia, according to my informant, had to belong to the “warriors” and was the leader in war. He is the adviser of the war captains and is assisted by them. He is the holder of the traditions of the village. Today no more scalps are sought. There are no more warriors, nor does the society exist any longer. Consequently, the office of nahia has also lapsed. Some of its functions, however, have been assumed by the cacique, formerly his assistant. He is now the guardian of the traditions, the supervisor of the religious life of the people. His chief function, that of a worker for rain, was never shared by the nahia. The office of cacique is filled by the oldest Flint shaman, but only if he is also a member of the Koshari Society. When I first visited Cochiti, the present incumbent was the only member of both societies and no one knew what would have happened had his death occurred. Would the office have lapsed, or would there have been a makeshift? However, in the last year, another man has sought admission to the Koshari and Flint Society and also membership in the Fire and Snake societies, which is usually gained at the same time as the Flint. The cacique at present belongs to all of these. Data concerning society affiliation of former caciques bears out the necessity for membership in Koshari and Flint. That in Snake and Fire is in doubt.” The Keres Indian name for cacique is cteamurni hotcheni, leader-chief. He spends much of his time in prayer, fasting, and retreats. He does not enter into any of the economic activities of the pueblo. The people plant for him in the spring, reap for him in the fall. He is supposed to supply the pueblo “TI was told the cacique was also Tubahi, a cur ing society that functioned formerly, but I failed to get any corroboration of this.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 41 from his stock in times of famine. As Flint shaman he may officiate at cures. He is the keeper of traditions, as I mentioned before, and these have remained esoteric in Cochiti to an amazing degree, the common people knowing practically nothing of the most widespread tales, such as fragments of the Emergence myth, Twin Hero Cycle, and so forth, tales that are commonplaces in towns not very far off. Only the shamans know them here. The cacique is always addressed as “mother,” the way in which the sacred corn fetich is referred to, and he is greatly revered. His approval is sought on a multitude of matters, sometimes merely as a formality, such as clan adoptions, dance schedules. His functions as society member and his affiliations with the other societies will be considered a little later. The war captains, called after the twin heroes, Masewt and Oyoyewi, are the lieutenants of the cacique. They may be considered ceremonial police and for reasons given on pp. 24, 25 are included by me also under the secular government although in their relation to the societies they also belong here. There are two assistant caciques, headmen respectively of the Giant and Cikame curing societies, the cacique himself representing the Flint.SOCIETIES: THEIR RELATION TO EAcH OTHER, GOVERNMENT AND ESTUFAS We can now turn to the discussion of the societies found in the village today. There exist two types which may be crudely divided into curing and noncuring societies. The curing societies are the Flint, Snake, Fire, Giant and Cikame.* The first three may be grouped together, membership in the Flint Society being a prerequisite for membership in the other two. In practice, however, initiation usually takes place simul- taneously. The members of any of these societies may cure disease. A person may be a member in only one of these societies, except in the Flint Society group. Membership is for life and the oldest member in the society is the headman. The cacique is not the headman of the Flint Society, but acts as an ex-officio member. The informant called the head of the Giant Society the first assistant cacique; the head of the Cikame Society the second assistant cacique.'4 The subject of initiation, personnel and the more specific activities of these societies will be discussed later. There has developed in Cochiti an interesting relation between these curing societies and what we may term the managing societies of the noncuring group." Here appear the * According to Dumarest, certain Koshari members are said to cure. This probably refers to those men who also belong to the Flint Society. As far as I could learn, it was their membership in the later group that made them eligible as curing shamans. The Indian names of the societies are as follows: Flint= Hystiant; Snake= Crui; Fire=Hakani; Giant= Ckoyo; Thundercloud= Shiwanna. ‘4 These are the names used by the informant although in practice neither headman functioned actively in these capacities. © These managing Societies cannot be considered lower orders of the curing Societies, a pattern found at Zuni, because a man may belong to the curing society without having had previous membership in the managing societies. Weather control, the function of the lower order at Zuni is shared here by both managing and curing societies.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 43 Koshari and Kurena, the clown societies found all along the Rio Grande, and the Curdzi. At present only Koshari may become members of the Flint Society; only Kurena, members of the Cikame. However, two cases of persons becoming Flint shamans before Koshari came to my notice. No. 3 had been a Flint shaman many years and only upon his deathbed did he seek admission to the Koshari. No. 242 also asked to join the Koshari after he had been a Flint shaman. Although this procedure was tolerated, it was not considered orthodox. I also learned of one case where a Kurena, the sister society of the Koshari, had become a Flint shaman. However, only a member of the Koshari could become headman (another than the cacique) of the Flint Society. Only a Kurena was eligible to be headman of the Cikame. This has been the rule for as long back as I could learn, and this combination, necessary for eligibility as headman, has so colored the organization of these societies that at present the feeling is that all members of the Flint Society must be Koshari; all members of the Cikame must be Kurena." These affiliations are strengthened by the fact that the Flint Society meets in the Koshari house. Flint members make prayer sticks for the Koshari. The Koshari headman today goes into retreat with the cacique, at present the only member of the Flint Society. He is also assisted by two Koshari women. It is significant that the cacique is assisted by Koshari members, rather than by the first or second caciques. Similarly the Cikame meet in the Kurena house and make prayer sticks for the Kurena. Two Kurena women assist them in retreat.” 16 I was told that Florentino Vigil,a shaman and catak from San Ildefonso, had joined the Giant society at Cochiti, had then become head of the Cikame (caiak, a hunting term) and later a Koshari. He went to the meetings of all three. He still remained a caiak and acted together with the one at Cochiti. This is entirely con- trary to the custom of the village. Having been a shaman in his own pueblo he may have been allowed to visit the different societies in the hope that he would ultimately join the one closest to his society in his old village. 17 In Laguna there is a combination Kurena-Cikame shaman.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 The relation between the Curdzi and the Giant society is less apparent but no less real. Some Curdzi do join the Giant society, but upon doing so, they must relinquish their member- ship in the Curdzi society, as a Curdzi may not join any other organization. The Curdzi and Giant societies have their respective houses. However, it is the Giant society that fashions prayer sticks for the Curdzi, as these may only be made by members of the curing societies. The Curdzi go into retreat on the first night of the retreats of the Giant society and both groups visit the chief Curdzi shrine “the house of Ganadyani.” It is also in the relation of both societies to the Kachina society that their affiliation comes out clearly. The Kachina society is the male dancing society, the kachina representing supernaturals, clouds, and the spirits of the dead. The Curdzi society is in charge of the kachina dances. They decide,through their headman, in consultation with the war captain, which ones should be given. They keep the dance paraphernalia in condition and most especially take care of the masks, which are fed and treated with the same respect as, the sacred beings themselves. These masks are usually kept by the headman of the Curdzi. However, his house being too small, he has handed them over to the headman of the Giant society, who now cares for them. Because of the close connection between Curdzi and kachina, membership in the former is also limited to males, while the other managing societies admit both sexes. To a certain degree each of the managing societies is connected with the Kachina. Members of all dance and each of the managing groups have a kachina father and his helper. How- ever, the functions of the Curdzi are centered in the Kachina. The Giant society linked with it has a special kachina macawi, turkey buzzard by name, who may appear when they are curing and assist them. He is greatly revered and when he appears in a kachina dance is only present for a few moments. No other curing society has a kachina that helps at their cures.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 45 Every morning the Curdzi headman sprinkles cornmeal to the Kachina. This is similar to the daily throwing of cornmeal, but is a special function of the head of the Curdzi. There appears, then, this triple division of each group of the societies, one of the managing linked with one of the curing. I have called the one group the managing group because they are in charge of certain tribal functions. The Curdzi take care of the kachina masks, organize the dances, and, with the help of the war captain, decide which ones are to be given; the Kurena and Koshari alternate each year as managers of the cacique’s planting, harvesting, and rabbit hunts, all of which are announced by them as they make the circuit of the village. They also alternate in leading in a group of kachina at the dances. When a Koshari is at the head of the line, a Kurena is at the foot. The change in management is made after the cacique’s harvesting. There are also two other societies, the Thundercloud (shiwanna) and the Women’s society. At present both of these have only women members, although the latter alone excludes males. The two Thundercloud women assist the Giant society in their retreat much as the Flint society is aided by the Koshari women, the Cikame by the Kurena women. The main function of the former society is rainmaking. During the retreat of the Giant society the members of the Thundercloud society make foam to symbolize the thunderclouds. The Women’s society after their annual retreat at which they are assisted by a Cikame society shaman,” plant small vessels filled with seed or water on the hillside. This is also done to augment the crop. The Women’s society is also in charge of the grinding of the cacique’s corn. It is ground at their house and women who are not members are invited to attend. The Boas that this society was assisted by the ks for them. During my first out the Cikame wrapped in a 18 Another informant told Dr. cacique who during the summer made prayer stic visit, this retreat took place and a friend pointed blanket on his way to the house of the Women’s society.46 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 society members sing songs during the grinding and shake their strings of snail shells. The kotona or perfect ears of corn, are picked from this crop and are given by members of the society to any of the villagers asking for them. They are used as protection against witches and are placed in the grinding basket or stored with the flour so that it will last longer. Members may join the Koshari, Kurena, or Thundercloud societies. Lastly, there is the Hunting society whose membership in Cochiti is identical with that of the Cikame society. The officers of the Cikame society are called by the same name as the supernaturals in charge of the hunt (caiak, djaikatse, dretkatse). As officers of the hunt they have in their possession the headdresses of certain game animals, particularly the deer, buffalo, and antelope, which are used in the dances on January 6, when the songs of the hunt are sung by these shamans and the hunters are instructed by them in the methods of hunting. These animal heads are treated as sacred objects by the Cikame just as are the kachina masks and especially the mask of the turkey-buzzard kachina by the Giant society. The Flint society to restore the equilibrium has adopted a horse, surely a recent innovation. The stuffed horse’s head is carefully fed by the cacique, as a member of the Flint Society, and is ridden by him or a Koshari on St. James’s Day, July 25. Three Koshari helpers of the cacique attend the “Horse Saint” (gawaya santiak). One of the attendants plays a drum and the populace is encouraged to throw coins. This dance is followed by a rooster pull. The rider of the horse is the first to carry the rooster. The whole get-up of the horse and rider who wears a high hat and long black coat give the ceremony strong Mexican tang. In olden times a tree and squirrel were brought down from the mountains and placed in the plaza, but this is no longer done and my informant added, “They don’t know how to do their sacred things any more.” Just how the Hunting society bec ame identical with the Cikame I did not learn. I believe th at, as in the other villages,GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 47 the Hunting society was originally independent. Today practically no one hunts, although my informant was able to give me many details of former days, and with the lessening of interest and the falling off of membership, perhaps the functions and ritual were assumed by the Cikame. Other societies might already have formed their affiliations; the Flint, with Snake and Fire; the Giant with Thundercloud. However, this is pure conjecture, but it emphasizes the lines of division in the society groups. The triple division of the curing societies is also allied to the triple division in the secular government, as I pointed out before. This linking of the ceremonial and social organization is not unique with Cochiti. The nominating power at Zuni, for instance, resides with the Rain Priests. The interesting fact, however, is the manner in which the triple division of the ceremonial organization has joined itself to a similar division of the secular government. The two estufas at Cochiti are connected in a very limited way with the societies. Membership is primarily a family affair, a man belonging to the estufa to which his father be- longed and a woman going to the estufa of her husband after marriage. Society members may then join either estufa. However, the Squash or East estufa is in charge of a Kurena, appointed by their headman; the Turquoise or West estufa is in charge of a Koshari, and is appointed by their headman. It is their duty to see that the estufas are kept clean and in order, ready for the dances.'? The lack of connection between clan and society I have already touched on. These facts clearly point to a definite ceremonial organiza- tion, and what might be considered a triple division of society 19 At Isleta, membership in moieties is also a family affair. However, the rules of assignment differ, the oldest child going to the father’s moiety, the next to the mother’s, unless both parents belong to the same moiety. There the estufas are in the charge of the moieties, the Red Eyes and Black Eyes, who bear certain similarities to the Koshari and Kurena of the Keres people.48 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 | groups and secular government. My feeling is that conscious- | ness of this is growing and elaborations in any of the societies tend to emphasize it. Moreover, it is also apparent, that any single group (using my chart perpendicularly) may be con- sidered the general pattern for the entire organization. ace ngaPT Koshari Society house adjoining that of the Cacique.RITUAL AND CEREMONIAL PATTERNS NAMING Just as there was found to be a specific style of social organization, so many of the ritualistic practices are found to conform to definite patterns. Such ceremonies, as naming at birth, clan adoption, adoption for cures, initiation into societies, seem at first glance to differ radically. Upon examination, however, we may claim that all are very closely related to infant naming, the simplest form, and the birth ceremonial plays a part in all the rituals mentioned, with, however, distinct variations and modifications. The naming ceremony at Cochiti has certain features in common with that found in other pueblos. Four days after the birth of an infant, the mother is bathed and her head is washed by some female relative. A shaman is called, usually one of the Giants, as these seem most closely associated with pregnancy and birth ceremonial at Cochiti. He takes the baby out to the east or “to the sun,” accompanied by various mem- bers of the family, except the mother, who remains in the doorway. The shaman then scatters cornmeal in the four directions, says a prayer, and names the baby, giving it any number of Indian names he pleases, although only the first one is commonly used. CLAN ADOPTION In clan adoption, we find certain variations. A person desiring admission to some clan makes known her wish to the war captain, who in turn tells the cacique. The announce- ment is then made to the village. Whatever clans desire her membership notify the war captain. She becomes a member of the clan that asks for her first. Initiation takes place in the fall.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 The hair of the person adopted is washed by some of the women of the clan she is joining. Sometimes, as in the case of 101, there were no women in the clan. Then the hair may be washed by the wife of the war captain, or even by the wives of the men into whose clan she is being adopted, although they, of course, were of different clans. Thereafter, any woman who has participated in the adoption, is treated by her as her mother and is called so. Usually, the head washing takes place at the house of one of the clanswomen, her ceremonial mother. In 101’s case, there being no clanswoman, the ceremony was held at the house of the Giant shamans and several of them were present. However, this is most unusual. After the woman’s hair has been washed she is taken out to the sun and cornmeal is sprinkled towards it, benefits are asked for the new member and a new name is given her, her clan also being mentioned. She continues, however, to use the name that was given her at birth, this other being more in the way of a ceremonial name. On the night of her adoption there is a big feast and the members of her new clan and those of her husband’s clan are invited. The food is supplied by the adopted woman and she is assisted by her new clan mates and the women of her hus- band’s clan. Although men may be adopted as well as women, it is usually the woman who seeks adoption, the descent being matrilineal and the men automatically becoming members of the same clan. Among those in the village who have been adopted into clans are a number of Mexicans by birth who have married Indians, and other Indians who have come from another village. If a clan identical with their own exists in Cochiti, they must still submit to the adoption ceremony. If no clan, identical with the stranger’s former clan, is found in the village she seeks adoption in a clan considered closest to her own. This does not mean that certain clans are regularly thought of as related, but that certain names are more closely associated, as for instance, wolf and coyote.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI CURING ADOPTION In the curing adoption, already referred to, which takes place also in the fall as do the ordinary clan adoptions and all initiations, the clan of both the ceremonial father and mother is notified. It is usual for the husband of the ceremonial mother to become the ceremonial father of the sick one, but two entirely unrelated persons may be chosen. A case in point is that of 294,a member of the Turquoise clan who had suffered for some time with a swollen face. She chose her ceremonial mother a member of the Oak clan, one of the most powerful, and the husband of this woman acted as ceremonial father. He belonged to the Ivy people. All the members of both clans were notified by the father and mother. They assembled at her house and she told them they were to have a new clan mate. They all received cornmeal from the ceremonial mother which they sprinkled the next morning to the sun with a special prayer for the recovery of the sick one. The head of the sick person was washed by her ceremonial mother and she received at that time a new pair of mocassins from her ceremonial father. Another member of his clan wove her a belt. Her ceremonial mother gave her a back handkerchief, while others of her clanswomen gave her mixing bowls, water jars, and so forth. The woman who is adopted will in time make return gifts of bread, cake and stew. If a man is taken into a clan he receives white trousers, blue shirt, head band, mocassins, and a woman’s belt.?? His wife has to cook the food to be given to his new clan relatives.” The ceremony, as in the case of the ordinary clan adoption, is very similar to the naming ceremony at birth. The sick woman retains her original clan, Turquoise in the case cited, and her children would still be Turquoise, not participating in her adoption into these other clans. However, she continues 20 In this connection, it is interesting to note, that men are given a woman’s belt at death at Isleta. 1 For list of clan cures and adopted clans see Appendix, page 118.52 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrrs, 33 to treat her ceremonial mother and father as if they were her own, bringing them gifts and doing them services, while they in turn continue to think of her as their child. INITIATIONS This pattern underlies the initiation ceremonies into all societies. Although each society may differ in certain ritualistic observances, we find that certain ones adhere to a definite style and may be treated together. For instance Koshari and Kurena show many similarities, shared in great part by the Curdzi. The latter society has, however, certain special features, due to its affiliation with the Kachina. The curing societies also closely resemble each other in membership requirements and initiation practices. Admittance to the first three societies named, or those classed as managing societies, is secured upon the application of the individual, often tendered during an illness and effective upon recovery. The society is, in no sense, a curing agent, but the sick man may feel that strength adheres to the group just as in the “clan cure.” Other methods for securing member- ship are the gift of a child at birth, or during infancy, by its parents, often resorted to when the child is a weakling, and finally by trespass. At the time of initiation a large circle is marked off in front of the houses belonging to the clown societies. All initiations take place in the fall, although not necessarily on the same day. If any time during the day of the initiation a child or adult crosses the circumference of either the Koshari or Kurena circle he is immediately claimed by the women of the respective societies who have been watching from a near-by house, where they prepare food for the men of their societies while they are in retreat. The circle may, of course, be crossed either by accident or intent. (The same method is reported by A. L. Kroeber in Kin and Clan.) There is a case in the village where the father, a member of the Kurena society, crossed the Koshari circle, while bearing his infant son in his arms. The child was immediatelyGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 53 claimed by that society. The father pleaded that his son be not forced to join, but he became a member in due course and is treated with great kindliness by his Koshari mates. No one is admitted to societies because he has undergone certain experiences prominent in other pueblos. For instance at Laguna, a man struck by lightning becomes zpso facto a member of the Thundercloud society. At Cochiti there is nothing of this sort. Nor does the vision, so important a feature of Plains culture, play any part here either in becoming a shaman or in joining a society. A person desiring of his own initiative to join either of the managing societies speaks to the headman of the society. He purges for four days prior to initiation, fasts, and remains continent. All persons, desiring admission, are invited to the house of the society on the night of the initiation. They are accompanied by their ceremonial fathers or mothers. Members of the society are present and several impersonate Kachina, for the Koshari, h’eya, their Kachina father, and his helper aik’a, who imitates his every movement, for the Kurena wekore and keelsame. These are accompanied byc ertain of the cuiyana kachina ushered in by a leader (he’uta) as in the ka- china dances.” The kachina perform the ceremonial whipping administered with yucca leaves. Both the initiate and his ceremonial father are beaten, except in the case of an infant, when only the father suffers. During the initiation all society members are under the orders of the kachina. Koshari members except the ones impersonating supernaturals, appear in Koshari costume, bodies painted white with black spots, corn husks binding their hair, and they carry rattles of turtle shells and a crooked wand (omakaya). Kurena appear in their official costume. 2 There was some discrepancy between the different informants regarding the actual kachina who were the ceremonial fathers. Some said Hetc* (turtle), others Edjak* and Ganadjani; were the fathers of the Koshari, n¥en¥ega as claimed as Curdzi father. However, they all agreed that each society has its kachina father and helper.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memors, 33 Four days after the initiation there is a dance, which is held sometimes in the plaza, sometimes in the house of the society, but not in the estufa. This is followed by a feast. Bread is thrown by the whole pueblo. Neither of these societies has had an initiation for more than four years. Memberships are not limited by clan or estufa, although the Turquoise estufa is in charge of a Koshari, while a Kurena takes care of the Squash estufa. Membership in either of these societies is for life and both men and women are admitted. (For membership list, see Appendix pp. 115 et seq.) The Koshari and Kurena are mutually exclusive societies but members of either may join a curing order. However, for reasons given on p. 43, the Koshari tend to become Flint shamans, while the Kurena become Cikame, and no case of either joining the Giant society came to my notice. The reduction of members in the Flint society to a single person, namely the Cacique, has encouraged the acceptance of certain of the most influential and oldest members of the Koshari society as his helpers, during his retreats. This preference for Koshari, rather than the first and second assistant caciques, representa- tives of the other two curing societies, is no doubt due to the possibility of a Koshari becoming cacique at some later time. In fact the assistant caciques, as far as I could learn, seem to function as such in name only and are another evidence of the effort to establish a triple equilibrium. Each member of these two societies possesses a crooked wand, the omakaya. The lower end has sections painted in black, red, green, and yellow with a bunch of turkey feathers attached. Two feathers are attached to the end of the crook. My informant believed they were hawk for the Kurena, but was not clear on this point. These are kept in the homes of their owners, but are brought out on special occasions, such as retreats and initiations. At death they are returned to the society. The crook is probably symbolic of the rainfall. All of the societies concern themselves with this and a great partGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI of their ritual centers about the flourishing of the crops, the continued fertility of the land, and the concomitant welfare of the people. Besides this these two societies, as well as the Curdzi, function as managers. Each society has its special costume, worn at their dances, retreats, initiations, and at such times when the society would be in charge of the cacique’s planting, harvesting, rabbit hunts, or as leaders of the kachina line in the dances. The Koshari group paint their bodies black and white, appear in rags, corn husks in their hair and turtle shells on their legs, while the Kurena men wear very handsome shirts, loose trousers, hawk feathers in their hair; the women, beautifully woven and embroidered white mantas secured from Hopis— their best dress and belt. The Koshari at their initiation still drink urine and eat faeces. This used to be a public rite, but along with various other phallic manifestations has fallen into disuse due to pressure from the outside. Although in many respects the Curdzi initiation is similar to those of the Koshari and Kurena, there are a few differentia- tions. The association of the Curdzi with the exclusively male Kachina society has, no doubt, been effective in limiting their membership to men only. They possess their own society building, which, in spite of their affiliation with the Giant society, is not shared by it. Admission is secured on application of the individual or on presentation during childhood by the family. No circle is drawn outside their house. The actual initiation is similar to those already described. Their katchina father Edjak", appears in a deerskin, his body painted red. He wears a black mask covered with mica and from which a long tongue hangs. He carries a rabbit stick. The name of his helper was not obtained.” The headship of all these societies is determined by seniority of initiation, and each head is assisted by one of the other members, who would succeed him in case of his death. 23 Ganadjani, planter of the deer, was also mentioned as a Curdzi father.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [Memotrrs, 33 The initiation patterns of the managing societies is varied very little when applied by the curing societies and the Kachina society. There is a novitiate of four years before membership may be secured in a curing society. During this time the man desiring to become a shaman must endure fasts and remain continent. He must be kind and gentle to all living things and may harm neither animals nor insects. Thus he is excluded from all hunts. If he conforms to these rules he will be eligible for membership. For four days prior to the ceremony he purges himself and fasts. This he continues to do during the four days of the retreat of the society which he wishes to join. He, however, remains at his own home until the night of the fourth day when the actual initiation takes place. The initiate’s face is painted black and mica or hematite is stuck on. Down is put on his head and his hair is loosed. He wears yucca around his waist. The initiate is called for by some of the members of the society he is about to enter. He is placed in an inner chamber before the altar. Certain special powers are given him privately. The shamans sprinkle “medicine” on the new member and he in turn throws cornmeal, shell, turquoise, and pollen towards the altar and the corn fetiches. The altar (see diagram p. 57) used at these rites is entirely similar to those erected during shamanistic retreats. There is dancing and singing all night. The initiate is given a new name and he and his ceremonial father are whipped as in other initiation ceremonies. The initiate enters the dance and later takes his place at the end of the line of shamans seated behind the altar. The Giant society is the only one of the curing group to have the help of a Kachina. The Turkey Buzzard Kachina (macawi) who belongs to the Giant society, assists them at cures and never appears for more than a moment at a Kachina dance. At the initiation of the Giants he rubs the initiate with his wings in six places, the soles of his feet, palms, chest, and forehead to keep off sickness.24 After the ceremony *4 Crosses with flint are similarly made upon the body of the sick.57 GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI the headman gives the initiate his corn fetich. The people who have been waiting in the outer room are then admitted and all feast, dance, and sing. The Cikame are the only ones who have a food taboo. They are not allowed to eat jack rab- bit, a green called waku® and a kind of licorice tcirdjuize®. SHAMANS Corn FericHes Mepicine Bown OTHER. FETICHES CoRNMEAL PRAYER Sticks Initiate CoRNMEAL PaTH AnD ALTAR War Captain HELPERS All the male members of the pueblo join the Kachina society. Theoretically none of the women of the village know that it is their men and boys who represent the supernaturals at the masked dances, but in reality very few are ignorant. The kachina here are connected not only with the dead, but also with the thunderclouds or shiwanna. The two Indian words, Kachina and Shiwanna, are used interchangeably in Cochiti. This is not the case in pueblos further to the west and south. However, throughout the southern pueblos the kachina are propitiated, their help being sought in furthering crops and general welfare. Boys vary in age at the time of their initiation. On the third night of the retreat, the war captain asks for all the boys willing to join the Kachina. Consent of the fathers is sought. Young children and infants may also be presented to the society. On the fourth night the initiation takes place. Each boy has a ceremonial father, a man already in the society. A 25 See Dumarest p. 189.58 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 heluta or kachina leader and a certain number of the cuiyana kachina, associated with the thunderclouds, are present. There may be two or four of them. These kachina are distinguished by the colors of the different directions and at least one black and one red are always present. The initiate and his ceremonial father are whipped first by the heluta and then by the other kachina. At this time the boys are not told the society secrets, but only when they are eighteen or nineteen and ready to participate in the dance does the war captain ask their fathers to inform them privately. The day after the initiation there is an unmasked dance in the plaza in which the initiates partici- pate. The initiations of boys in Dumarest (p. 146) refers, I believe, to warrior initiations. This society is no longer in existence. However, Dr. Boas in his texts has a short account of the former initiation ceremony. The initiate must go alone at midnight to a place called Muskrat House on the Rio Grande. Here he disrobes, prays, sprinkles cornmeal, and enters the water. As he does so, the text states, he will feel someone pulling him. After remaining there some time he dresses and goes home. He may not look back or run. While returning he will again feel someone pulling him. If he is frightened and looks back he will die. If he is not afraid, he will become a great warrior. A canyon called ga’ ectaya is also frequented by men in their quest for courage. However, besides this experience a man must have killed and scalped a Navajo before he is eligible to join the society. These men are called ompi’, and the nahia is the head war priest. The cacique, however, formerly cared for the scalps. The visit of the initiate to the canyon and what he ex- periences there are reminiscent of the vision quest for power found on the Plains. However, there is no identification here of the initiate with a special supernatural who appeared to him during his retreat and who, thereafter, will be his guardian spirit from whom he will receive power.GOLDFRANK| THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 59 I did not learn anything regarding the initiation rites of the Women’s society or the Thundercloud society. Contrary to the custom at Laguna and elsewhere, a man struck by lightning does not become ipso facto a member of the latter society. There is no separate initiation into the Hunting society as this is identical with the Cikame. RETREATS Retreats are held by the various societies from time to time. There are more especially the solstice and summer retreats of the curing societies, the Curdzi retreat during drought and before the masked kachina dances, retreats before cures and a number of retreats for rain-bringing and the welfare of the crops, some of whose exact dates I was unable to ascertain. I do not believe that all retreats are on fixed dates. I also believe there is a retreat of the shamanistic society chosen to function at death. The material included at the end of this section is suggestive but vague. Another is held on the night of All Souls’ Day. (See p. 75) Immediately after the solstice ceremony sometime around June 15, it is customary for the three curing societies to go into successive retreats, each set retreating about three times. The first to go in are the Flint shamans, represented now at Cochiti only by the cacique. In former times, when there were several Flint shamans they met alone and the cacique found his helper within his own society. The Snake and Fire which seem to be still higher orders, but are, as a rule, entered at the same time as the initiate joins the Flint, met together formerly. Some informants claimed that the cacique was also a member of these societies, others said the societies were extinct. He fasts and purges for four days, having prepared himself during the four preceding days. He is now assisted by the headman of the Koshari society who is very close to him in ceremonial knowledge. During this retreat an altar is erected. The cacique, it is said, “turns back the sun at the summer and winter solstices.” Observations are made from a mountain about nine miles off (Gasickurtc—Nipple Mountain). When60 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 the sun arrives at the right of this mountain summer is coming; when to the left, winter is coming. They say, “They pull the sun north.” “They pull the sun south.” Two Koshari women also remain in the house. The other curing societies are also assisted by two women of their affiliated ceremonial orders— the Giants by the two Thundercloud women, who dance at this time with jars of water on their heads and then, in still another jar, they make a foam to represent clouds in the hope that this magic will bring the stormclouds to the village. The Cikame are helped by the two Kurena women. The women, too, must fast. This seems to mean having only one meal in the day. The war captain guards the house of the society that is in retreat. During the four days when the Flint shamans are “in” the Giants have been fasting and purging “outside.” When the Flint retreat is over, the Giants enter their own society house for four days, and erect an altar, praying and singing. The Cikame fast and purge during the Giant retreat and when the four days are over, they enter their own house, erect an altar and remain there for four more days. During these first retreats no one is allowed to enter, but later in the season, those who belong to no society (sirct®°) may go into retreat with the Giants. They fast the four days with them. Usually only a few do this.” During this retreat medicine water is sprinkled on the uninitiated, a common rite of purification.” The girls of the uninitiated sweep the room and care for the things belonging to the Giant society. Their altar at this time is similar to that of the other societies, roads of cornmeal leading from the altar to the door, a cornmeal circle within which are stone animal fetiches and bowls of water for purifying. However, they do not use the back arch at this time. The Giant society seems to be most closely *s The fact that only those who belong to no society may go in with the Giants would lead one to believe that the other non-curing societies have their own retreats during the summer also, although I could get no specific information on this point. *7 There is also a day in winter when the entire pueblo is purified by the heads of the curing societies.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 61 associated with the uninitiated. Their retreats are held in the back room of a house belonging to a non-society member. Only during their retreats are the “raw ones” permitted to be present, In May or early June the Women’s society also goes into retreat. At noon they are joined by one of the Cikame, while others remain in their own house, praying and singing. During their retreat the women, led by the Cikame, fast, sing songs for rain and fill the miniature pots which they have made with grain, seed, and water. Unaccompanied by the shaman, they go out to some neighboring hillside, sprinkle cornmeal, and deposit the pots, praying that the ground will bring forth in kind. The Cikame sprinkle meal in their own house and notify the Women’s society when they have completed their cere- monial.”* It is interesting to note that the two societies of women, the Thundercloud and Women’s society, are respectively affiliated with two curing societies, the Giants and the Cikame. The Curdzi may be called upon in time of drought to go into special retreat. Although the efforts of the other two managing societies are also directed toward the welfare of the crops, and do have retreats, I did not learn of any time when they were asked by the war captain to go into their house. The Curdzi, as I have said before, are the guardians of the kachina. identical here with the thunderclouds. This may be the reason for their being called upon to go into special retreat. Four days prior to the retreat as in those of the curing societies, the Curdzi purge and fast. A special kachina dance is given, any two of the cuiyana and a helula appearing. It is called saatad’ua, from the tablet worn on the head. These retreats last for four days. During this time no one is allowed to enter his house, but his meals may be brought 28 Another informant claimed that the society was aided by the cacique. I, however, saw the Cikame leave his house and join the women in theirs. It may be possible that the cacique co-operates with the Cikame during this ceremonial, just as, at Isleta, nothing is done until the cacique has been notified and has per- formed his ritual first.62 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [MEMoIRs, 33 to him by his wife. The men wear masks and are called the “runners” (gaatomas). On each day of the retreat two mem- bers go out to the mountains. On the first day they run to the House of Ganadjani, who one informant claimed was the “Father of the Curdzi” and the “Planter of the Deer”. He is supposed to live under the mountain in a large cave. The Curdzi crawl in until they reach a spring and carry water from it back to the village to be used in their ritual. The second day they go to a spring across the river (ts’o yona). The third day they visit one near the bridge on the village side, k’oacga’r. On the fourth day they visit po’mop’omoganic, on the village side of the river. The first three seem to belong to the Curdzi but the last spring may be visited by any of the shamans, and it is customary for them to bring water to the pueblos from various springs during their summer retreats. The Curdzi are the only ones of the managing societies who visit the springs. They carry the water over their shoulder in a small, narrow-necked vessel (cphuna). When they arrive at the door of the Curdzi house they make a speech telling of their experiences.”° They tell of the rabbit, deer, or snake that they may have met on their way and these are accounted signs of good luck. A crow would bring bad luck. The headman of the Curdzi then takes the jars of water, and gives each man a drink. The headman then goes outside the house, sprinkles the water, and declares that the rain will come. The Curdzi, as guardians of the kachina, also go into retreat four days before a masked dance. At present the masks and dance paraphernalia are kept at the house of the headman of the Giant society, because the head Curdzi seems to have limited quarters. The Curdzi carry them to their own house, mend, and paint them. In former times the Curdzi also made wooden dolls resembling kachina, which they gave to the children and *? This reporting is found also at Isleta. When a shaman’s soul leaves his body and returns, he reports to those present what he has seen. At death the helpers of the presiding shaman report what they have done and seen at the grave of the dead man after he has been buried.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 63 which were presented to pregnant women. They are mentioned in Dumarest. I never saw one on my visits to the pueblo and I was told they are no longer made, “The Curdzi are too lazy,” — a common rationalization of any custom that has fallen into disuse. The Curdzi also decide at this time which men in the village will take the part of the kachinas chosen to appear. Apparently parts are regularly changed and not all kachinas appear in every dance. CURES A sick man may choose his medicine men. The head of the curing society is notified at night. He alone visits the sick man on the first day. The society is told and they prepare for four days. On the first day they remain in their house, making prayer sticks and feather bunches. The headman addresses the sacred corn fetich, asking its aid, and giving it cornmeal. On the fourth night the shamans call for the sick man. He is carried by relatives to the house of the curing shamans, one of whom acts as his ceremonial father. Page 64 shows a plan of the altar and seating during a cure. On entering the curing chamber the relatives and friends of the sick man remove their clothing and walk over yucca leaves, when approaching the altar. The people follow the cornmeal path until they reach the animal fetiches (wacdic). They take cornmeal from the basket and sprinkle it on the fetiches. The sick man is always placed on the right side of the room. The shamans seated behind the altar, sing and pray all night. During the cure no one may leave the room. The war captain and his assistant stand guard in the entrance room. During the singing the relatives also remain here, but when the cure begins they may go into the inner room. The shamans take out stones, cactus, old rags, and even snakes from the body of the sick man. These have been making him ill. They have been put there by witches who have also removed his heart. The medicine men look into the bowl of water and see the evil spirit who has caused the illness. They locate him with their64 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrrs, 33 crystal. Then the ceremonial father of the sick man leaves the house. After a difficult chase and struggle he overcomes the bad spirit and brings him to the house. The witch wears a mask and may appear in any shape, this being a special privilege of evil spirits. The witch is shown to the sick man. Sometimes he is frightened.*° They finally allow the witch to go, but the shaman has retrieved the heart (yan, life spirit) of the sick man which the witch had stolen. It is usually found inside of a rag doll that represents the witch. Before removing the kernel Mepiciwe MeN Corn Fericues —j~—?! O\sen Bow’ of WATER oar i STONE ANIMALS _AND THEJR TRACKS | Ncornmean PAtns Sick MAN CEREMONIAL FATHER (One of the medicine men) Basket of MEAL — Reratives —pllilt = Yucca - WaR Cartain AND HIS ASSISTANT © OO OO ee ae en OG Original position of War Captain, his Assistant and Relatives they make the doll dance on a string. Sometimes they pretend they cannot find the kernel and have to go out again to struggle with the witch. They then return with another doll. The shaman gives the kernel to the headman who makes a long speech and tells the ceremonial father of the sick man to place the corn in the sick man’s mouth so that he can swallow it and regain his heart. He will then be well again. They say the witch always leaves at midnight, otherwise he would be caught. The ceremonial father of the sick man takes him home.*! 8° At Isleta they also bel cited of a man who h ieve a sudden fright may effect a cure. One case was ad to visit the estufa in the dead of night and feed cornmeal to the scalps that were concealed there. He assured me that he was so frightened that the pain immediately left him. *! They do not believe that the soul back. It only leaves at death. different villages. (tsats) is taken away in illness and brought Sometimes people are cured by medicine-men ofGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 65 Flint shamans are usually called in cases of burns, snake shamans for snake bites. However, distinctions today are not very strong, due, no doubt, to the limited number of medicine- men, and most shamans may be called for any kind of cure. The Giants seem to function at births, although I was told this is not absolutely necessary. The cacique is often called in, for in the opinion of the native the man standing highest in the community would have the greatest powers. DEATH When a person dies the family notifies one of the curing societies and asks its members to perform the funeral nites. If the dead man was a Koshari, a Flint shaman is called in; if a Kurena, a Cikame is called, and if he was either a Curdzi or one of the uninitiated. a Giant shaman is called. The hair of the dead person is washed and some pollen is placed in his mouth. If he was a shaman he is painted with red ochre. My informant denied that there were different face paintings for different clans, although this custom occurs in other pueblos. The shaman removes the soul from the body of the dead man. The soul remains in the house for four days, but it is customary to bury the dead within twenty- four hours. A small bundle containing clothing, beads, and food is placed beside the body, to make things comfortable for the dead man on his journey to wemimatse, the place of the dead in the west. Some member of the family remains in the room of the dead person for four days. During this time, whenever the family eat, they place a little of everything in a cloth in the corner for the dead man. On the fourth day, the members of the family gather. The entire society of shamans that have been chosen, come to the house, erect an altar, sing and pray for the dead person. Four prayer sticks are placed in the corners of the room. The66 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 medicine-men also sweep the walls with their eagle feathers to rid the place of evil spirits. The shaman then ties some food, miniature garments, made by the women of the family (see Dumarest, pp. 168-169) in a cloth. The shirt, trousers, and mocassins must be slightly ripped to show that they are for a dead person.* The food placed in the corner during the four days since the man’s death is also gathered up and both bundles are taken out by the shaman and buried in the north, although the west is the direction to which the dead go.* FETICHES Tareku: Each of the curing shamans owns a sacred corn fetich. They stand about a foot high and are made from a perfect ear of corn (kofona) wrapped in buckskin. Twine is twisted about the lower end. The top is decorated with parrot feathers to which a bunch of small eagle feathers is attached. Beads, turquoise, and abalone shell also decorate the tip. These corn fetiches are received by the shaman of the Flint, Giant, and Cikame societies at the time of their initiation. Dumarest mentions the fact that the Thundercloud society owned an zareku and one informant claimed that the Women’s society owned one, also, and considered it “the mother of their society.” This is the only mention of joint ownership, nor was I able to corroborate it. In all other cases, the fetiches are indi- vidually owned. They are fed daily by the shamans or their Wives, who must wash before approaching them, and only the Owners may touch them. When a shaman dies his corn is dismantled by the cacique. The feathers, beads, and yarn are taken to the dead man’s 8 To differentiate between the dead and the living, it is customary to place the feather on the prayer stick for the dead facing backwards. At Laguna a broken feather may symbolize death. At Isleta using the left hand in gathering crumbs, picking up prayer sticks, and so forth, signifies that the ritual is for a dead person. %4 For comparison see Dumarest, pp. 166-170.67 THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI GOLDFRANK] field by the cacique and a helper, and buried there. Cornmeal is offered. The ear itself is shelled by the cacique and a kernel is given to the people present at the burial, to be planted by them later on. Kotona: The perfect ear of corn is also used by pregnant women to keep off evil spirits and is later placed beside the baby. When used in this way it is not decorated. These ears are especially potent when obtained from the Women’s society and are part of the cacique’s crop. A kotona from one’s own harvest may be placed in the basket while grinding to augment the supply, or stored with the corn to keep it from being quickly used up. Perfect ears from the cacique’s crop, which is always blue corn, are similarly used at the grinding of his corn, done under the auspices of the Women’s society.* A perfect ear is never ground until a new one is obtained or some of the kernels have fallen out. Cornmeal: My informant did not differentiate between the use of cornmeal and pollen. However, from accounts I received, I judged the cornmeal was more frequently used. The sprinkling of cornmeal is a common rite in the pueblos. It is offered to the sun in the morning with the following prayer: ianyi d’ai’ao ocatc payad’amur life take it Sun Youth nvitoonyi si’n¥i got ‘imi grow that I may and all clothes goisadvanYe ocowet’aa™! gawaat’a® and beads is what I ask food, fruits iiwas natonvig'oo’sid’e ocowet’aar? children that they may grow is what I ask 6 gotcininako slidjan 1 tesiatsa waacpa hanutc I, Yellow-Woman myself tseiatsa, sage clan, irck’a cik‘ana iani ocowed’aa®y! one only life is what I ask. Sun Youth take it (cornmeal) that I and my children may flourish and have clothes, beads, food, fruits, that I, tseiatsa, a woman of the Sage clan, may have life, that is what I ask. 35 See p: 45.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 Cornmeal is also offered in all directions to the many supernatural helpers, accompanied by a prayer for aid and protection. It is sprinkled on the animals on the altars, to the deer helper at large in the mountains, and later to the deer that has been slain. He is considered a good spirit who has assumed the form of the deer, and as such, must also be pro- pitiated and thanked. It is offered to plants, to the clay, the fire, and the salt, before the native gathers them. With it he asks their permission to take of their supply, and in this way, insures their assistance at a future time. It is placed under the grinding-stones in the house so that the cornmeal may be rapid- ly ground. It also accompanies an invitation to a medicine-man to perform a cure, to a clan when a person seeks adoption, either real or for curing purposes or when he needs assistance at a harvest. Whenever a person sprinkles cornmeal he clasps his hands and breathes in from them. This “breathing in” is also a common Pueblo rite and is believed to be a way of getting power. For instance, a shaman may breathe in from some of his powerful paraphernalia, or a sick man may breathe in from the clasped hands of the shaman. Cornmeal is also used in making the ground painting for the altars and all ceremonial paths during retreats, cures and birth ceremonies. Pollen, sometimes used instead of corn meal, is kept by the shaman in a small clay bowl called “pollen basket.” Prayer Sticks: Small pieces of wood variously painted and decorated with feathers of the turkey and a yellow bird (ésetse- ku) are a form of prayer offering common throughout the pueblos, varying in form and differing in detail from village to village. They are only made by the Flint, Giant, and Cikame shamans at times of retreat and on special occasions, such as death or cures. They are usually deposited under a cedar bush, a rock, or in the circular shrines of stones. Professor Boas found a number under a cedar bush. These are now in theGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 69 American Museum of Natural History. We were unable to have them identified, our informants pleading ignorance. However, we did learn that special prayer sticks belong to special persons and, on certain occasions, a definite stick is used. A set of four, used at the opening of the ditch, are now also at the museum. These are painted, one blue, one black, one red, and one green. When a new house is built, the owner will receive four sticks from a shaman to ward off evil spirits. They will be placed in the four corners of the room either by the owner or the medicine man. Bunches of feathers are also made by the shamans and deposited by them at ceremonial times. We found sucha bunch in a stone circle shrine. However, we were told that the people may offer these themselves on All Souls’ Day. Witches, like other people, are believed to make prayer sticks. Whenever a person finds an unfamiliar stick, it is immediately claimed as a witch’s, although it may in fact have been left by a stranger from another village, or it may be- long to a special officer in the village. Luck Stone: A shiny black stone (sawafc) is used as a charm. It is strung around the baby’s neck soon after birth. The natives procure it from the Mexicans, no doubt paying a fancy price, although the stone itself is valueless. In Laguna a black stone is used by the hunter as a luck piece. Amimal Fetiches: The shamans are the keepers of the animal fetiches which are considered actual representatives of the animals dwelling at shipap or the Place of Emergence. It is from these they get their power and help, their courage and protection. Each medicine man’s paraphernalia includes the skin of a bear’s paw and foreleg (magon), two long eagle feathers, and eagle claws. These are used especially at times of cure and death, the feathers being used to brush away the evil spirits. The paws bring strength. When altars are used during retreats and cures, birds and animal idols (wacdic) are placed upon them. When not in use they are carefully concealed in a buckskin bag and are visited daily by their owners and fed.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 Sometimes during a patient’s illness or convalescence a shaman may lend one of these stones to a sick man. He wears it under his clothes and it is hoped that he will derive special strength from his contact with it. A hunter may also be given a lion fetich to insure success when he goes on the hunt. The cacique has a stone called “mother.” It has a human form and is about as large as two fists. Stars: There seems to be some common knowledge about the stars, but they are not prominent in the ceremonial. They are not included in the prayers as are the sun and moon, nor are they given cornmeal. Following are the names of some of the stars: Morning Star, dziowasiro. There is another bright star which is called Liar (g’eba) because “he makes believe he is the Morning Star.” Milky Way, wakanacd ¥ iani, Dipper, medvena citiet', seven stars. SHRINES AND ALTARS Altars are used by the medicine men at cures and at death and during retreats for rain. They are drawn on the ground with cornmeal as indicated on p. 57 (See Dumarest pp. 155, 167). At certain times, particularly during retreats, the painted back boards symbolizing the rainbow and lightning, and so forth, are used. Birds of clay or drawn with meal are placed on the altar, along with the animal fetiches of stone. A basket of cornmeal and a bowl of water, used to purify and cure are always present. Before each shaman stands his iareku corn fetich. These altars are used indoors. Outside there is a tendency at Cochiti, noted by Dumarest, to use circles of stones as shrines. These shrines are called by the general term ts‘a’paacuma (place where you pray for something). They open to the east with a path leading to the west. The man using the shrine would then be facing the west or the home of the kachina to whom he is probably appeal- On p. 118 maitva is a personal name translated as “dipper.”GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 71 ing for help. Some have a stone fetich in the enclosure, under which the prayer sticks are placed. Opposite is a photograph of one found a short distance up an arroyo, just outside the village to the north. This shrine was called kaz’*ya ck’ou'ck’ ga’*ma. (Room of the kachina ck’ou'ck’go.) At one ring we found a few sherds, at another some feathers. It is customary for the oldest person of the group visiting the shrine to sweep it out before entering. Besides these general shrines, mention has been made of places sacred to warriors, p. (58) and also shrines used by the Curdzi, p. (62). The mountain used in the solstice observations is also visited by the natives, in much the same way as Mount Taylor is used by the Acoma and Laguna people. There is also a place near Seely, Ci’natc or K’o'tc’ inak'o ga’*™*, House of Yellow Woman, where a man may scatter grain when he asks for the favor of a particular girl. Circle of Stones used as Shrine.MISCELLANEOUS NOTES CALENDAR January: On January 1, the officers who are nominated in December are installed. On King’s Day, January 6, Buffalo, Deer, or Eagle Dances are given. This is the day sacred to the hunters. The night preceding, the Cikame society or hunting society are in retreat, dancing and singing hunting songs all night, advising the hunters how to act when they go out for game. They have in their charge the animal heads worn in these dances and mentioned on p. 46. Winter kachina dances are called for by the war captain at his pleasure. These are held at night in the Squash estufa; and there is a maskless dance aiahenatsa given,in the Turquoise estufa. (See Dumarest p. 184, footnote 6.) February: The purification of the village takes place in this month. People may go to the Giant, Flint, or Cikame houses. The ritual is similar. The shamans approach each person, touch him, and draw out an object, usually a stone, which he is told is a sickness. An altar is erected with corn- meal paths and fetiches, but the rainbow arch is not used. After the sickness has been removed, each person is given water, “medicine,” as it is called, from the bowl. This is sprinkled all over their bodies and they are allowed to drink some. This same formula is used in times of actual sickness. The shamans sing and pray all night while the people pray and walk around the altar, sprinkling cornmeal to the animal helpers and their protectors. One informant said the Flint and Giant shamans combine at this time. Easter: Just before Ash Wednesday the war captain will order a dance, owe’e in the two estufas, with visiting from one to the other. Owe’e is a circle dance, with men towards the walls, and women in front. There is a feast. The ceremony is a Prayer for plentiful crops and is repeated after four days.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 73 During the Eastertide there is a kachina dance in the Squash estufa. On Easter Sunday and the three following days, there is also a green corn dance (ayacd’ukurtsa) in which the women wear tablets. In the morning, after church service, the men run kick-stick races, grouping by estufa. The kick-sticks are made by the shamans, each estufa having its own. On the first day they race from the road near the Squash estufa to the hills north of the village and back again, around the church, and into the Tur- quoise estufa, then again into the Squash. The second toward the west, the third, south, and the fourth, east. The races are for rain. Those who have been runners go to the house of the Giant shamans after the race and are given “medicine” to drink. There is a kachina dance the night of the first race. The ditches are usually cleaned after this dance, but there have been times when the ground was ready for early planting. and the water has been allowed to flow before these rites have been observed. Before planting there is a rabbit hunt for the cacique, similar to those held before and after the harvest, and in connection with All Soul’s Day, since “the grandfathers bring lots of rabbits.” Rabbit meat is taken down to the fields and fed to the corn at planting. May: The planting of the cacique’s corn is usually done in this month. This is the first time that the Koshari and Kurena function as managers outside of estufa activities. (See p. 93.) The change in leadership is effective November 1, and the society in power has one of its members lead in the masked dancers when Kachina are given. June: In June the people celebrate the different Saints’ days. The dates given me were June 13, St. Anthony’s Day; June 24, St. John’s Day; June 29, Peter’s and Paul’s day. These days are celebrated as they are in the other pueblos. They are marked by foot races and the throwing of food from the house- tops, the villagers going from house to house. After the summer solstice (ocatc dyidisanaY punotsa, to pull the sun north; or merely hanidytyu east-north) there is ai | | i i 74 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrrs, 33 series of fasts and retreats by the Flint, Giant, and Cikame societies (see p. 59.). If the war captain desires he may call for a dance the night of the last retreat, or if it is to be given by day, he waits until four days later. July: More Saints’ days are celebrated in July. That of St. Beneventura, on the fourtheenth, is the most important as he is the patron saint of the village. It is celebrated by mass and followed by feasting and dancing.* On St. James’ Day, July 25, the horse of the Koshari (see p. 46.) is brought out and dances before the people, who throw coins and food to him. There are foot and rooster races. July 26 is St. Ann’s day, celebrated in the same way as St. John’s. October: In October the crop is harvested and there is a special ceremony when the cacique’s corn is brought in. (See p. 93.) Before the harvesting there are a series of rabbit hunts, (see p. 88.). Small pieces of the cooked rabbit are taken down to the fields to “feed the corn.” There is also a rabbit hunt for the cacique. A masked dance (tse’han«™*) is sometimes danced in the fall. November: All Souls’ Day is called Dead Feast or “Their Grandfathers arrive from the West.” The belief is that long ago when their grandfathers came back, they came back alive, but so many people cried when they saw them that they no longer wanted to return to the dead. Therefore, now they do not return alive. The women also tried to go back with them. The grandfathers go from house to house on this day. A basket of food is placed for them in one particular place. At night a candle is lit and some Mexican tobacco, the only kind the dead smoke, is set in a corn husk and placed outside the door. No one is allowed to ride horseback on this day, because once there was a boy who wanted to see where the grandfathers *° For notes on Laguna Feast days, see Goldfrank, Am. Anthropologist, Vol. 25, No. 2, p. 188.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 75 came from. He mounted a horse, but when he reached the church the horse bucked and the boy was killed. Turkey feathers, loose or tied in bunches, are put out for the dead on this day. On the night of All Souls’ Day all the shamans retreat to their society houses, Flint, Giant, Cikame, Curdzi. Those not affiliated with a society (sirtc‘) meet in two separate houses, according to estufa membership. Each of the shaman societies visits the houses of the other societies. Non-society members of one estufa visit the members of the other. Only the men take part. A rabbit hunt is held a few days later. December: Before the December dancing, as also at Easter- tide and before the feast in July, all the houses are whitewashed. There is dancing during Christmastide for about two weeks. Comanche, Apache, and Motsi, (Hopi) are danced, none of these being kachina. On the last day of the dancing, the officers of the village are nominated (see p. 47).PREGNANCY, BIRTH, AND NAMING When a woman is pregnant she keeps a perfect ear of blue corn in her house. She may use one from her own harvest, borrow it from a friend, or from the Women’s society. After the baby is born, she keeps a stirring stick (bayagan’i), the ear of corn and a light beside the baby until it is named, to ward off the evil spirits. Sometimes these are kept beside the baby until it is baptized. During pregnancy the mother may wear a key at her waist so the child will not be eaten by the moon. Sometimes a bunch of turkey feathers is worn at her belt so that the child’s hair may be fluffy. My informants, some exceedingly frank, denied having seen the wooden dolls, painted like the kachina, and received from them during the dances. These are mentioned at some length by Dumarest. However, one woman recalled one that had been brought from Jemez. I was also told that these dolls were formerly made by the Curdzi, but that, in recent years, the members were very lazy and none had been made during their retreats, so that they were no longer given way at the dances. The father may be present at the birth of the child and some female, either the woman’s mother or aunt, will also be near at hand. The Giant shaman is usually called when the child is about to be born. He sees whether the baby is in the right position, and if not, tries to turn it by manipulation. He also massages the woman to assist and hasten delivery. When the woman feels her first labor pains, she takes off her shoes, stockings, belt, and jewelry. She unfastens her hair, so that the child will descend more rapidly. If the afterbirth does not follow quickly, the shaman will take a shoe and slap the woman on the back. A medicine, immortale, may be taken to hasten the appearance of the afterbirth.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 77 The afterbirth is taken down to the river. If the birth was natural the cord of a girl baby is buried behind the grinding- stones,—of a boy in the father’s field. A premature baby is buried under the floor of the house, just inside the threshhold. An unbaptized baby is also buried in the house, while one that has been baptized is buried in the graveyard. The baby is bathed in warm water, his head is washed and he is rubbed all over with oil. The lying-in period is four days. During this time a perfect ear of corn is kept beside the child and a small fire made from twigs (kalshrana) is kept burning. This may be used at any time to keep off the evil spirits. The giving of the Indian name is discussed on pp. 49. Besides this, if a child is born at the time of the kachina dances, he may receive an Indian name from the kachina. Generally, they decide on the name during their practice period and during the dance the mayhore, or leader of the singers, approaches the leader of the kachina, (a Koshari or Kurena, depending on whose year it is) and pretends to speak to him. The leader then will say, “The Kachina want the baby called (mentioning a name).” If the dance occurs during the lying-in period the baby is not brought to the dance. No two people alive at the same time may bear the same name, but there is a tendency to revive names that belonged to some member of the family who has died. However, they do not feel that the spirit of the dead person is embodied in the new born child, nor that if a baby died it would return again to earth in the form of some other child. After a child has received its Indian name, the father and mother choose a godfather and godmother. They appear at the baptism of the child, which may occur at any time but is sometimes hastened if the child is not well. While I was in the village a baby was baptized when it was only one day old, before it had received an Indian name. After giving birth to a child the mother should not eat things “green or cold,” such as green chili, milk, green corn or‘ 78 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [Memorrs, 33 fruits. They believe that the baby’s navel will run if the mother eats beans, peas or garlic while it is still sore. Her diet consists mainly of corn mush, eggs, cedar tea. For a month after her confinement her heavy work is done for her by her female relatives. Intercourse is prohibited for a month after confinement. Children are nursed for considerably over a year, except in cases of pregnancy when a child is immediately weaned. Sometimes a new-born child, especially of a prolific family, may be taken by a sterile woman into her home, in the hope that she herself may in time become the mother of a child. The baby is kept by her for four days, treated as if it were her own and wet-nursed by some friend, not the mother of the child. None of the child’s immediate family would see it during this period. The foster-mother chooses the godfather and godmother. The child always calls the woman “mother.” BELIEFS AND CUSTOMS A pregnant woman may not chew gum, otherwise her baby will cry. If a pregnant woman peeps out of a door or window, labor will be prolonged as the baby will only peep through. If a pregnant woman stretches her arms, the child will do likewise and labor will be difficult. If a pregnant woman puts her shoes on the mattress, the afterbirth will not follow quickly. If a pregnant woman eats pifions, the baby will not able to break through the membrane surrounding it. If a pregnant woman is invited to eat, she must do so immediately so that the afterbirth will follow quickly. A pregnant woman should not sew, because the baby’s cord would wind itself around the neck of the child, just as the stitches run over the cloth. A pregnant woman must be kind to all children. She must give them a little bread when they come to her house.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 79 If a pregnant woman leaves her lunch before she has entirely finished it, she may not touch it again. If she did, her labor pains would be prolonged. A pregnant woman should grind corn to help “shake” the baby down. If a woman wants a girl baby, she would take her metate or dish of food, conceal them under her clothes and go to the house of some very industrious woman or one with many daughters. At the time she does not reveal what she is carrying, but I was told, “If later on she gets a girl then she can tell.” If a woman wants a boy she carries a hammer or some imple- ment belonging to a man and visits the house of an industrious man or a family with many sons. If a woman wishes to overcome her sterility, she will take some cornmeal or bread and throw it into the estufa to which she belongs as a gift to the kachina. When children visit a pregnant woman they must sit down immediately so that her labor will not be prolonged. Should they refuse she tells them they must bow their heads until the baby arrives. A pregnant woman may not look at picture books. If she saw anything ugly her child would be ugly. When a woman is pregnant her husband must be kind to all things. A pregnant woman should never be idle nor sleep much. If she does her delivery will be retarded. A pregnant woman should never eat candy or drink coffee with sugar. If a woman opens her eyes wide, “looks scared,” she will have a boy. If a woman does not go out and look at the moon when it is red and half full, her child will be born without an upper lip. There is a soft stone (yopatc) used in building ovens that may be ground very fine and put in water. This is drunk as a contraceptive.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrs, 33 The baby should not be carried about much as this would prevent the mother from working. When the child is learning to walk it is reined with a rag and held up. His knees are rubbed in ashes to make them stronger. A broom is placed near the baby when the mother leaves it, to keep the witches away. Coral beads are tied on babies’ wrists and worn all the time. They are believed to be protective for then, “no one can make a sickness come on them.” Beads are also tied on children’s fingers for rings. Some beads are made of oyster or snail shells. Children’s ears are pierced while they are young. Small turquoise earrings are worn by baby girls and abalone shells by boys. Sometimes plain blue beads are substi- tuted for turquoise. Yucca root, not soap, is used in bathing babies. Children are scolded if they blow on a blade of grass or whistle, because in this way they cause the wind to blow. Children are not allowed to eat sheep’s brains, because if they do they will snore when grown-up. Children are not allowed to eat onions, because it makes their eyes watery. Children are not allowed to wear hats because it will make them bald. Little girls are not allowed to sit on small stools while they eat, because when they grow older they will not be able to do the eagle dance step, a difficult one from a bending to a rising position. Little girls are not allowed to straddle a horse. As a rule only the boys learn to ride. If a child brings water or a light to an adult, he must fold his arms, as a sign of respect, while waiting for his elder to return the cup or match. If a child carries a horse’s bridle, he may not put the bit in his mouth, because if he did his teeth would become as large as the horse’s. When a child enters a house and is asked to eat, the person adds, “If you don’t eat right away, you won’t get married soon.”GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 81 In former times children were placed on cedar branches strung together and thus pulled about. The child was bound with a piece of cloth falling below the waist. A cradle is made of a wooden frame and either wire or skin strips are strung across. This may be suspended and the baby rocked in it. When the child is old enough it is placed in a sitting position in the cradle, a shawl being tied around it and fastened to the cradle to prevent him from falling backward. If a child asks for a drink, the person who gives it to him sips it first, while the child stands by with folded arms. A child is not allowed to pass in front of an older person. Young people should not be idle; the boys should be in the field, the girls grinding and cooking. When children visit they are told not to touch anything in the house and they must greet everyone on entering. When girls are young they are given small baskets to fill with ground meal and they use an especially light grinding- stone. The size of the basket and the weight of the stone are increased as the child gets older. Girls are taught to cook, bake, make water bread, and pottery. Boys are taught to weave, but now they only make belts and bands to tie up their hair. My informant knew of no basket-making in the village. Boys are given bows and arrows to play with, and also a sort of shinny stick. When they get older they are given a hoe and a spade. They must get up early in the morning. They are told they must learn to work hard so that they may assist their fathers in the field and help take care of the family. Boys catch fish either in their hands or with a hook. If by hand, they stand quietly in the water, bend down, grab the fish as it passes by and fling it into a stone ring on the bank. Some bread is wrapped up in a cloth and placed in the river near the bank to attract the fish. Before menstruation commences, young girls are notAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [meEmotrs, 33 allowed to drink water behind grinding-stones. Otherwise it would be painful. If a woman drops the metate while grinding, it is believed the Yellow-Woman, gochininako, is pulling her into the grinding- box because she is a lazy grinder. Boots are made from squirrel skin, the fur side inside. The whole family eat together and there is no order of eating or seating. No one is allowed to drink water at meals or early in the morning. Thus, one could run better in case of attack. No one is allowed to eat at night, otherwise the dead will spit on him. When two people pass each other, they should greet each other. If one passes a house where people are sitting, the passerby should greet first. Older people should always be addressed as mother, father, and so forth, if they are not related. The Indian name should never be used. Shirts worn formerly by boys had a hole for the head and were tightened with a drawstring. Boys about to learn to ride are spanked with a plant called twictcuan’t. The leaves are prickly and stick to the trousers. So the boys are expected to stick fast. Cornmeal is thrown from the doorway every morning and a prayer said. If a person’s hair becomes untied, he or she has committed adultery. If a hunter does not catch game while on the hunt, his wife has cohabited with another man. If a man puts his hand in a cooking pot while he is on the hunt, he will become lost, always walking about in a circle. There is a trailing plant that is put in the water when washing hair, so that it will grow long. Yucca root is not placed near wheat or corn. The grain would disappear as rapidly as does the foam made from the root.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 83 A person may not point at melons when they are young and small, for then they would shrivel up and fall off. Corn husks should not be removed while the kernels are small, for then they would cease to grow. A great deal of trading is done at feast time. Blankets, silver, and jewelry are bought from the Navajo, baskets from the Apache, and the Pueblo Indians give bread, meal, and other food in exchange. Beads make the best medium of exchange and a few strands of shell beads have bought many a blanket. The beads may be made very cheaply and when money is used instead, the buying of the blanket becomes a much more expensive thing. OMENS If a star shoots across the sky, a man will see his girl. When the frogs croak, it is going to rain. When the wind blows, a Navajo woman is having a mis- carriage. ADOLESCENCE There is no-ceremony when the girl arrives at adolescence. She is told about menstruation before it occurs and boys are also informed of this function in women. After the arrival of menstruation, the girl does not play as freely with the boys as formerly. During the menstrual period girls do not bathe, get their feet wet or wash their hair. These precautions insure against taking cold, and by analogy girls at this time also must not touch mud, which is considered cold. Due to the influence of Church and State, sex relations before marriage are now decried by the Indians themselves. It is also customary for men to observe strict continence for four days prior to the kachina dances and on the days of the dances. During retreats, shamans remain continent, nor are they allowed intercourse with women during their four-year initiation into their curing societies.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 MARRIAGE As in other pueblos, monogamy is the rule. A boy will tell his father when he wants to marry. He informs his relatives. The father visits the girl’s father who in turn notifies his relatives. A few nights later all the boy’s relatives meet at his house. That same night the girl’s relatives, clan mates of her parents, meet at her house. Each group is asked for their consent. The girl’s father then goes over to the boy’s house and telis him he can have the girl. The relatives of the boy and girl prepare for the wedding feast, the girl’s people baking at her house, the boy’s at his. First the girl and her relatives go over to the boy’s house and feast there. Later they all return to the girl’s home and feast there. Today this is considered as a preliminary ceremony to the church wedding, but formerly these exchanges sanctioned the marriage. The boy gives the girl all her wedding clothes. Formerly, after the wedding, the boy and girl would live at the home of the girl’s mother. Today they usually stay there for a short time, but it is becoming more and more customary for the boy to build his own home and take his wife there. As has been pointed out on p. 27, this is giving a different face to the ownership of property in the pueblo. After the boy and girl have been married for some time, the girl will take food to her husband’s family in return for what they brought to her wedding feast. In cases of women marrying men of different villages, I found some went to live with their husband’s people; others remained in their own village and the man made his home there, too. HUNTING As in other pueblos, the mountain lion is the chief animal of the hunter, who may receive lion charms from a shaman as a luck piece. The Cikame shamans, keepers of the hunting ritual, admonish the people to believe in the lion if they really want his help. The buffalo, deer, antelope, and bear are alsoGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 85 considered friendly. The rahona, a small animal mentioned also in Laguna, assists the hunter by getting in the ear of the animal and thus killing it. Now very few people hunt at all, but formerly the animals were a much desired food, and there was an elaborate ritual. The night before the hunter’s departure was spent in singing songs about the deer and other animals of the hunt.*” A hunter may dream of success and the following day he will kill as many animals as he did in his dream. Game may be killed just with bow and arrow or stalked. Sometimes even traps were dug and loosely covered with branches. On the way from the village to the hunt, cornmeal and bunched feathers (the latter instead of the prayer stick found elsewhere) were deposited. Hunters were not allowed to carry beads or wear rings, for they believed that if they did so the animals would run away. Hunters were also forbidden to carry whole grain, corn or wheat, as this would surely bring ill luck. A hunter was not allowed to put his hand into the pot of cooking ing food, for just so he might walk in a circle and become lost.32 Hunters remain continent during the period of the hunt and may not return to their wives until the whole party comes back to the village. If the hunter is unsuccessful, it is believed that his wife has been unfaithful during his absence. Hunters, here, as at Laguna, must concentrate all their thoughts upon the game and not allow them to wander to home and other affairs. 37 My informant, one of the younger men of the village, knew of no prayer stick deposited before the hunt, no building of a large fire, no use of cornmeal circle around the corral, nor the offering of beads before the hunt. All these are important features in the Laguna hunting ritual. 38 In Laguna we find different taboos. The wife of a hunter may not move about much, for if she does the game will wander far and be difficult to get. The door of the house is not left open at Cochiti as it is at Laguna, nor is the house whitewashed for the reception of the animals. I did learn, however, that in olden times this had been customary. Pointing while hunting is allowed here but not at Laguna. A hunter may blow upon his food, but at Laguna it is believed he will thus blow the game away. It will be noticed that although the taboos may differ in particulars they grow out of a similar psychological background.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 A hunter may ask a Cikame shaman for a lion fetich which he places in a bag filled with cornmeal. As in Laguna, when he kills a deer, he dips the lion into the blood and covers it with some soft portion, that it may be the first to eat of every part of the deer. It is then replaced in the bag and worn about the hunter’s neck. One informant said this fetich represented the supernatural leader of the hunt (caiak). The intestines and ventrals are left on the ground. When the animal falls, the hunter touches it, puts his hand to his mouth and breathes in (a common Pueblo rite). Some hunters rush up to the deer and suck blood from the place where the bullet entered. This gives them courage. As at Laguna, the head is not skinned. The fore and hind quarters are cut off. Some of the meat is eaten at the hunting camp. The meat is packed on animals and brought back to the village.*® The hunter may rub the root of a plant, whose name I could not learn, on his body to strengthen him. This is called “lion medicine.” At Laguna a mixture of flowers is used in a similar way. Upon the hunter’s return the animal is placed on a sheepskin. The elaborate reception accorded the deer at Laguna is not found here. It is not placed on a fine manta, sprinkled with meal or decorated with beads. However, some man will make a corn husk cigarette and puff the smoke up the deer’s nostrils. The meat is divided amongst all the hunters, whether they caught any game them- selves or not. Four days after their return a large feast is given. The whole pueblo is invited. The women of the village bake great quantities of bread at the homes of the hunters. The paternal aunt was not favored with the first morsel here as at Laguna. The bones of the deer are taken down to the river, where all sacred things, such as the cedar used in the kachina dances, are disposed of. Following is an account given by one of the old men in the village of the hunt in former days. For four days prior to the 89 At Laguna, the head is always placed on top of the pile and decorated with cedar. There is no such rite here.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 87 hunt the war captain made the announcement telling the men to prepare. The night before the hunt, the hunters prayed and sang. The hunters, men and boys, left early in the morning and toward nightfall they set up their camp in the mountains. The war captain and his lieutenant accompanied the hunters and were in charge.*° A corral was made of cedar, a big fire was built and cornmeal sprinkled upon it.t In the morning each man prayed to Old-Fire-Woman asking her help and making an offering of meal. Hawi hakan’i tseeutsa hi’wa tsacd’ia Here’ Fire oldest today fe awiyaan’i @ an 7 g'oyiate let us have deer all animals. The war captain then leaves the group, prays by himself and after his return, stands in the middle of the camp. He calls the men together. Two boys are chosen as leaders and these starting in opposite directions followed by the rest of the camp encircle the mountain while the war captain and his assistant bring up the rear remaining nearest the camp. This formation is similar to that used in the rabbit hunts.” When the animal is caught, it is divided among the hunters. The division is made according to the order of the arrival of the men. The man who killed the deer received the head, skin, and breast bone still attached. The last man to arrive received the intestines, which had been cleaned out and filled with blood. Before skinning an animal they laid down boughs of evergreen. The animals were hung on trees, the hunters return- ing at nightfall to collect their kills and take them back to 40 At Laguna, the hunters elected a temporary war captain and assistant. 4 Tt will be noted that in numerous details this account varies from the former one. Hunting is now a rare thing and much of the ceremonial attached to it has fallen into disuse. The account of the old man bears a closer resemblance to my Laguna material which I obtained from a young man but a very religious one, well versed in ceremonialism. # At Laguna, the hunters act individually or in pairs and the hunt is less communal in aspect.| | | | | | | 88 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 the camp. Sometimes cornmeal was sprinkled on the head of the animal. The following day the hunt is carried on in the same way, but ina new canyon. The following diagram repre- sents the formation for the hunt. O O-LEADERS x x x x* * x x ©. wan CAPTAIN AND At night the hunters sat about the fire, sang songs, and rehearsed the events of the day. During the hunt no one might quarrel. All thoughts were concerned with the deer. The hunters were told how to behave by the war captain, and no one might withdraw before the hunt was over. In Cochiti, the hunters do not take out prayer sticks, which are made and deposited on all occasions by the shamans. In a site, close to the pueblo, we found many sticks representing bows and arrows tied together. These may have been put out before a hunt, by the Hunting society. The following are short hunting songs: way’o hoona way’o hoona way’o hoona wishing wishing wishing dvanyi g’oyat’e tse’yatsaYamsé deer all animals lost k’idviamyi p‘ot‘aa k‘oami cYa nia north or south saying The deer are lost, either in the north or south, and they want to be found. hou pay’adyamur_ d’a’ dyowak’a’ cu’ma who youth is it? He has a fireplace ck‘orlena diba’yst’é ca’e’ al‘s meal he throws it Then there (into fire)GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 89 d¥i‘nami tc‘uk’oyitsa ck’orlena above smoke goes up meal Cauyiere 27" dyanvi gel’ya‘winacg then with this deer their hearts dvu’ats’ick‘orlets‘tca wa’yo h’oona wishing cyut’e mo’de omurna ecYut’e cyut’€ (name) boy come out cyut’e mo’de s‘o’seica yano tc’o’guya boy all around sit down c‘ano’ma acyut’é mo’de s‘o’s lca all around? cyut’e boy all around cuiyana* tcatsa a’nom“ acyut’em”de around (he was walking around?) cut boy cyut’e Celtel Cutie tsa ted cut cut cut mo’de ih’ma ikima a) yuwa boy come come then dvity re’dya k‘onvitc‘advia north rabbits south hillside dvan’i mo’de p‘oTema”’aha deer boy bring it Rabbit Hunt Announcement of the hunt was made by the war captain. Rabbit hunts occur during the early spring in connection with the planting and in the fall at harvest time. It is customary to offer some of the meat in the fields after it has been cooked. The Kurena in charge in 1922 made a counter-sunwise circle of the village, singing their songs. They had met in their own house on the plaza and had made the rounds of the village summoning the men and women to the hunt. Alternate years, the Koshari are in charge. The men and women who for the most part wore overalls and mother hubbards, appeared in the 43 Dr. Boas who translated these texts gives the meaning “around.” Cuiyana are also the names of certain prominent kachina and are correlated with the different directions. peas my Se ean90 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memors, 33 old pueblo costume, the men with white cotton trousers and embroidered shirt (some even had on a velvet jacket with a silver Navajo belt) and the women wore the old-fashioned mantas, their handsomest belts, aprons, and jewels. At the meeting place, the Kurena stood apart and sang, holding their leafy wands which are sometimes called kurena urcayan”z (Kurena whip) in their right hands and moving them up and down. During the song the gatherings were informal, men and women talking among themselves. The boys played with their horses. After the singing, the Kurena remained where they were, but the other men dismounted and made a circle around the officers and the shamans. Here were the war captain, the assistant war captain, holding the bow and arrow badge of office for his superior. A Koshari, an old and honored member of the community, made a speech. This was followed by instruc- tions from the war captain. The circle then became very small. One of the Kurena, who had brought up a fresh wand, brushed all the men and women with it. Then the two appointed leaders set out in opposite directions and made a formation of circles similar to those used in the deer hunt at Cochiti. (See p. 88.) Following the leaders came the horsemen, then the men on foot, and finally, the women. — The rabbits are enclosed in this human circle. As soon as a rabbit is spied, the men throw their sticks at it or shoot at it with their guns. Should it run into a hole, they dig it out with their shovels. The women then run up to the man who has the rabbit and tap it on the head with the miniature throw- ing stick which each one carries. The woman who first reaches the man receives the rabbit from him. It is customary for her to bring him a gift of food at some future date. On returning at sundown, the hunters make the same forma- tion, the women sitting apart and the Kurena off at a distance. A big fire is then built. When all the people are in, the Kurena commence to sing and move toward the village. The warGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 91 captain then makes another speech, followed by several others and an announcement by the governor. The people dispersed and the fire was put out. The hunters met at different places in the village before and after the hunt. The Kurena again returned to their house on the plaza. Early in the morning before the hunt, the Caiak, head of the Cikame and Hunting societies built a fire. The smoke is believed to blind the rabbits so they will be easy to hunt. Similar beliefs are found in other pueblos. Rabbit Hunt for the Cacique Announcement of the hunt is made four times by the war captain. In 1922, the Kurena were in charge, and the hunt was given in connection with the cacique’s harvesting. The Kurena, some eight in number, walked around the village, in counter-sunwise circle, singing. They wore the customary hawk feathers (tcirika) in their hair and carried a wooden staff (ciaga) with bells attached. The war captain made the announcement of the hunt from different parts of the town. Children followed, singing, and the drum was beaten. Similarly, the night before the hunt, there was singing and drum beating as the war captain and the Kurena passed through the village. The morning of the hunt all the men assembled at the appointed place, some on foot, some on horseback. Several speeches were made. The routine of the hunt is entirely similar to that described for the men and women p. 89. No women are present and the rabbits are given to the cacique. At the homecoming, the men gathered at a different end of town. Seven of the men of the Kurena society entered the village in advance, carrying their wands and singing as they had done in the morning. They then disappeared into the house of the society on the north side of the plaza. PLANTING AND HARVESTING Before the filling of the ditches, sometime in February or March, the Flint shamans place a bunch of feathers on each92 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 side at the head of the ditch, sprinkling cornmeal four times, and praying for successful crops. The Giant shamans place their bunches in the middle part of the ditch; the Cikame at the further end. These are washed away when the waters enter. A set of four prayer sticks is also placed in the middle of the ditch. Their use is similar to that of the kick-sticks at Laguna, which are also thought to propitiate the clouds and hasten the rain. In former times the planting was done at the foot of the mountains so that the crops might get as much moisture as possible. Digging sticks made out of oak and a wood called dvap“ were used. Corn, melons, pumpkins, and beans were grown. The field was dug up in small mounds and seeds planted in these. Planting was begun from the outside of the field, and the planter wound his way around and in, finishing in the center. My informant denied that the field was consecrated with meal as it is in Laguna or by placing a prayer stick in the middle as the Isletans do. Before planting, the seeds are taken by the women to the house of the cacique and are sprinkled with medicine water by him. Later, the women scatter cornmeal on them. The men plow the fields and work them, planting, culti- vating, harvesting. However, the women and children have been known to help in the fields. Drying and storing is women’s work, while both sexes help in the husking. In the more distant fields lean-tos were built, and the Owner might spend the night there. Harvesting is done by the men. The ears of corn are removed in the field but the husking is usually done at the house. The husks are left on four ears of corn. These are placed in the four corners of the stack and are called “the mothers.” The rest of the corn is then piled on top. In Laguna, an entire corn stalk is placed in each corner. Yucca root is not placed near wheat or corn because the people believe the grain would disappear as rapidly as theGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 93 foam of the yucca. Formerly, shoes were removed on entering the place where corn was stored. Planting for the Cacique Before the planting of the cacique’s corn, the headmen of the Giants and Cikame meet with the cacique in the latter’s house. Here they probably make prayer sticks, pray, and sprinkle the seeds with medicine. They are carried from house to house either by two Koshari or Kurena depending upon whose year it is. At each door a pail of water is thrown over their heads. At the planting the seeds are dropped by the Curdzi. Only blue corn is planted for the cacique. Only men attend the planting. Harvesting for the Cacique This ceremony was observed in the fall of 1922 when the Kurena were the managing society of the village. As explained under Social Organization, the Koshari would preside the following year. Announcement of the harvesting for the cacique was made by the war captain as in the hunts. The Kurena went through the village singing. Two of them were masked and wore Hopi blankets. Two were naked and masked and carried the Kurena whip. The two with blankets carried a comb (owakaya). The other two carried black paint (ocbik’an"z) and were called icbik. Those with paint streaked the cheeks of all the people who were going to gather the corn. The women were also brushed with wands. This is designated by the same word as “brushing off sickness.” (djupedza.) The people returned from the field about three o'clock, led by the war captain, his assistant, and the governor, and the wagons drove up to the Koshari house. The Kurena stood on one side of the house, singing. The war captain, who happened to be a Kurena, appeared in full costume on the roof of the Koshari house. Some of his young helpers were with him. The officers made speeches.AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 A black manta belonging to the cacique was spread on the roof. All the perfect ears of corn were placed on this. They are later given to the cacique to bless. Then they are handed over the Women’s society, which will lend them to women who are pregnant or sick or desirous of special protection. While the corn was being placed on the roof, the cacique was inside the house with three Koshari women who were helping him. A ceremonial fire had, no doubt, been built within and we saw smoke issuing from the chimney. After all the corn was on the roof, the women and the Kurena approached and received several ears for seed corn. In case of a shortage anyone may ask the cacique to help him out from his own stock. When the Koshari are in control they use white paint (murcp‘ac) and carry their hoof rattle. The men who do the painting are called sickerk. They are painted black, are naked, and wear a mask. The others appear in the regulation Koshari make-up. WITCHES The dread of evil spirits or witches (ganadier) is an ever present one in the mind of the native. They may be visible or invisible and often parade in the very guise of the good spirits, assuming the shape of the bear or wolf, and so forth, at will. However, most often the coyote and crow are the shapes they prefer. Anyone in the community—a member of your imme- diate family, or your neighbor—may be a witch, either by birth as the son of a witch, or by contact with one of their number. Everyone, therefore, is under suspicion and Pueblo courtesy may have its mainspring in this ever present dread. As mentioned above, evil spirits not only cause illness, but also are responsible for many petty unpleasant occurrences. If the bread does not bake, it is because some evil spirit has walked past the oven. While I was in the village, the large flat-bottomed boat that was used to ferry the Indians across the river to their farms on the other side was overturned on aGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 95 stump in midstream. The next morning a red snake was seen coming out of the stump. The people told me this was probably the witch who had caused the disaster to the boat. The individual through the use of certain charms may ward off the evil effects of bad spirits. He may wear a key at his belt; a broom or ear of corn is often placed beside the babe; and a root, kal:hrana, traded from the Sia is burned during illness and confinements and placed around and inside the grave. A solution of another plant, ¢.rdjutse, ground and placed in water, is sprinkled on a sick person to wash away the evil. The general sprinkling of what we call “medicine water” by the shamans is a similar rite. (For further activities of witches see Cures, p. 63.) The witch headquarters are believed to be in Mexico and regular meetings are held there on Friday night. In the follow- ing tales are found many themes and details of European origin, most of which have found their way into the mythology through the invasion of the Spanish in this district. It is very difficult to determine just what were the original native concepts. However, the organization of witches into societies whose form is similar to that of the ceremonial groups of the village, and whose initiation ritual is closely patterned on the native type, is Indian, without doubt. The ease with which a pattern rooted in society is readily transferable from one phase of culture to another is again apparent here. The witches are believed to live in the arroyos, also. Some- time ago, during a storm, the lightning ripped open the bank of an arroyo just outside the town. It exposed a small house built into the hill, of native design. It was whitewashed, and in it was found Pueblo pottery. The Indians refused to touch anything in the house, believing it had been the home of a witch, but a Mexican woman took out all the pottery. If a person is suspected of being a witch he is taken before the war captain, who is told what the accuser has seen. Sus- picion may be aroused by seeing a man on a housetop peeping into chimneys or looking in through the windows, or ifa man96 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrs, 33 throws dirt or cornmeal into the river, where the witches are supposed to live. However, the river is also the burial place for anything to which a feeling of reverence attaches, such as deer bones and spruce. The accused is taken to one of the society houses where he is closely guarded by the war captain, his lieutenant, and the principales until he confesses. No force is used, but the victim is put through the third degree. He is not given anything to eai and finally from sheer weariness he will confess that he was forced to do evil by the leader of the witches. He is then placed in the middle of a cornmeal ring, forbidden to move, and not given anything to eat for four or eight days. During this confinement, however, he is not guarded and there is some doubt as to his remaining motionless for this length of time. There have been cases resulting in death, due to fatigue and exhaustion. There has been no case of a person accused of witchcraft in recent times. The following stories bear out much of the material con- tained in this section. WitcH TALES I A group of Indians went to California for the Exposition when Santiago was a young man. The Indians who came from Cochiti fell ill. There were four of them who were sick in the same house. Santiago was the first to recover. For some time the sick men had been disturbed by the sounds of what seemed to be stones on the tin roof. One day they found some big stones. At last Santiago thought he would see who was throwing the stones at the house. He went to a house near-by to watch. He sat down at the window upstairs. He saw three black crows. They were carrying a stone and each took a turn at hauling it. Finally, they came near the house where the sick men were staying. Two to the crows flew back of the hill and the third one threw the stone at the house. Then the third crow flew back to the hill.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 97 In a little while they brought another stone, and again, they took it to the house where the sick men were. These birds were not really crows; they were witches. After they had thrown two stones Santiago came back to the house where the sick men were. He asked another Indian who was not sick to go with him to the house near-by and see what the crows were doing. They both went upstairs and sat at the window again. As soon as they sat down, the crows came again and threw the stones at the house. They came often. Then Santiago asked his friend, “Do real crows act like this?’ His friend said, “No.” Then they returned to the sick men and told them not to be afraid when they heard the noise. It was made by the crows. Three of the sick men got well, two died. The last time the crows came Santiago said to them, “I see you. You are not crows.” The Indian who died first had told Santiago that some of those who would go to California would not return. After the men died, the crows did not return. II Gomosena went out hunting deer for the whole day but he did not kill anything. Then, when evening came, he started for home. When he was passing by the rocky hills near Jose Ribera’s (a Mexican’s) place, he heard a noise back of him. He turned around to see what it was and saw a deer following him. He jumped down a ways onto a rock and sat down there. ‘Then the buck deer tried to grab Gomosena, who was under the overhanging rock, but he could not reach him. Gomosena looked up and saw strings of beads around the deer’s neck and he knew that it wasn’t a real deer but someone with a deer’s head on and he could see the face of a man. This time the deer did nothing to the hunter. Gomosena recognized the man disguised as a deer. Then the deer went back into the mountains, and Gomosena watched him until he disappeared. Then he started home. When he was close to the pueblo he heard a noise in back of him. He turned and saw the man who had been disguised as a98 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 deer. The man asked Gomosena not to tell anyone what had happened. Then he offered his coral beads to Gomosena and said, “I was trying to harm you but I couldn’t.” Gomosena refused the beads and the man who was a witch died first. Had he accepted the gift, he would have been bewitched. III There was a man named Pali in the pueblo who went about at night carrying a bunch of parrot feathers for his torch.“ A number of men in the village trailed him. He went down to the arroyo and buried something in the ground. They caught him and took him to the war captain. Then Pali confessed and was taken before the principales. He told them he had been putting dead people’s bones in the corners of the pueblo. These then marked the limits of the rain so it would not fall on the fields. The vapor that rises as the rain hits the hot ground would be nothing but disease for the people of the pueblo. The principales forced the prisoner to dig up all the bones he had buried. The whole pueblo watched. Then he was taken back to the meeting-house and placed in the middle of a cornmeal circle. However, he did not die, but retained his power, for after a short time, all the men who had been in the house during his confession had died. Pali was allowed to remain in the pueblo until his death.“ IV A man in Cochiti was a very good friend to a boy. During the day, and also at night, the boy would tell him about the leader of the witches and urge him to join the society. However, the man was not eager to be initiated. The boy and the man went down to the river every morning for four mornings and after drinking some of the water into which the boy had placed “* Usually owl feathers belong to witches. ** It is believed that if a person tells he has seen a witch he will die before the witch. This may be the reason that all stories that were told me were attributed to persons other than the story tellers.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 99 some (medicine) he would vomit.“ Each day they went in a different direction. The boy told him that he would be able to get anything he wanted if he became a witch: he could then go into any house, even if the door was locked, and without waking anyone he could lie down with any woman, who would never know that anyone had been with her during the night. The boy also told him that he would be a very successful hunter, that the deer would never run from him. He would be able to talk and understand all languages, even those of birds and animals and he could turn himself into a coyote, crow, owl, or any other animal, even a deer. Then the boy took him south on the way to Seely, a Mexican settlement near-by. Here he whispered something to the man and the man decided he did not want to be taken into the society. V A boy’s father wanted him to join the society of witches.‘ The boy went through the preliminaries as described in IV. When the boy had been prepared to enter the society, his father took him to the north, [usually south]. They went quite a way until they reached a grassy spot with trees. The father took hold of some of the grass and pulledit up. The boy saw a ladder leading underground, and all below was brightly lighted. The father admonished him to be brave but not to enter the cave. While the boy was lying on the ground above, he heard the cries of owls and coyotes, and suddenly, there was a hissing from the north and a skull filled with fire rolled towards him. The skull rolled right in front of the boy, but he did not get frightened. Then three more skulls came from the other three directions, but still he was not afraid. The man was testing his son. Then there came a snake from the west. The father called his son into the cave. As he entered he saw animal skins hanging on the walls. From one of the rooms came a man who, ‘6 A rite at all initiations. ; ‘7 The general belief is that if the father is a witch, the son automatically becomes one.100 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 spoke a different language at each step. Then a goat entered. He bucked everyone in the room. Then came a big snake who put out his tongue at everyone, but no one turned away. The witch then set before him the carrion flesh of dead people. This he could not stand. He ran from the house. He did not want to become a witch. His father scolded him when he returned home and told him he was ashamed at the way his son had treated him. VI There was a Mexican woman, living in Cochiti, who did the people of the village a great deal of harm, although she did not intend to. When she did evil things, she got a very bad head- ache. If she looked at a baby, it would vomit. If she saw any- thing pretty and liked it, she would do it harm. A picture would tear or the glass would break at her glance. If she passed an oven where bread was baking, even though it was well risen and almost done, it would be doughy when it was taken out. She brought only sickness to babies. VII There was a man who was very rich. He had had relations with all the women in the town where he lived, excepting one. He could not persuade her to lie with him. He would go to her house and offer her money, from five to twenty dollars, but she would have nothing to do with him. Finally, he offered her one hundred dollars, then two hundred. She still refused him. He often went to her house. He went about the village trying to find out whether this woman would allow anyone else to lie with her. He knew that a witch could do anything he wanted. Some- one told him that Alexander, one of the men in the village, would teach him to be a witch and then he could have the woman. The man went to Alexander and asked him for medi- cine and his help in getting the woman. At first Alexander would not help him, but when he offered him one hundredGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 101 dollars for the advice and medicine, the old man said, “All right, but you must do whatever I tell you.” The rich man agreed to obey him and paid him the money immediately. Alexander said, “The day after tomorrow, Friday, you must come to my house when it is starting to grow dark.” In the evening when the man arrived at Alexander’s house, Alexander told him to take hold of his shoulders, for they were to go all the way to Mexico, where all the witches meet. Alex- ander also warned him not to be frightened nor to speak of God, the Holy Virgin, or any of the saints while they were on the way. “You must not be frightened when the light comes from a hole in the earth,” he said. When they came to the cave, a light shone forth. They entered the underground room and found it filled with people. The rich man recognized many different tribes, Navajo, Apache, Americans, French, and some from every other tribe and village, even his own. All these people were witches and they had servants who waited upon them at a long table. The food was already on the table. When the rich man reached his seat, he found a boy’s hand in his dish. He said to Alexander, “I am not going to eat this.” Then Alexander replied, “You said you were going to do everything you were told. Eat it.” Then the rich man ate it. After the meal was over, the servants took the dishes from the table. Then a very handsome man came out of another room. He talked to the people and told them how they should treat the people in the different villages. He said they should be mean to them and kill them. These people would then be their food. That is what the witches do. They make people sick and then eat them. Then the handsome man, who was the leader of the witches, said, “There is a new member present.” He told him what the witches ate at their regular Friday night meetings. From an adjoining room came a billy goat. He went from person to person and spat in their faces. Then came a great big snake who uncoiled himself and stuck out his tongue at each person. As he approached the rich man, Alexander told him not to be102 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [mMemorrs, 33 afraid. Then the snake returned to the other room. When the time was up (probably before midnight), the witches donned the animals skins they had arrived in. Then Alexander said, “Let us go. It is all over. We shall start for home. After you get out take some of that dirt by the door. When you take this dirt up in your hand, you must not drop any of it. Hold it tight and it will become moist with your perspiration.”48 Then they went home. [Some people say when they see a ball of fire crossing the sky, it is not a shooting-star, but witches returning from their meetings]. When they reached home Alexander said, “Tomorrow when you have had your dinner, do not wash the dirt off your hands. Go over to the house of the woman you desire and say, “Hello, aren’t you going to shake hands with me?” The next day the rich man went over to the woman’s house and she shook hands with him. He told her that she had been very mean to him. Then the dirt from his hands rubbed off onto hers. “I have offered you lots of money, but you do not care for me,” he said. Then she answered, “I am willing now.” It was only because he was a witch that he had been able to force her to come to him. VIII There was an Indian woman in California who was a witch. A man from Seely was visiting in San Luis Obispo and she told him that she would bring him back to Seely so that he could see what his wife was doing. “There will be a dance tonight in your town of Seely (a Mexican settlement near Cochi:i).” Then he said to himself, “I wonder if she will take me home.” That night she told him to put his arms on her shoulders and they flew to Seely. During the dance, the Indian woman made him sit right next to his wife. The witch said to him, “When your wife gets up she will leave her handkerchief. You take it.” The witch took him back to California, but he started “8 At Laguna, a ball of mud wet with urine could bewitch a person when rolled toward them.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 103 for home the next day. He said to his wife, “I wonder if you can recognize anything that you have lost.” “Yes,” said she, ‘Gf it is mine, I shall recognize it.” Then he said to her, “Bring me my valise.” He opened it and drew out the handkerchief. “Does this belong to you?” She said, “Yes.” “Where did you lose it?” he asked. Then she called her uncle. She told her husband that there had been a dance at his house and she had lost her handkerchief there, but she did not know that he had taken it from her. Then she said to him, “I did not know you were a witch. Why didn’t you speak to me?” Then he answered that he had not been allowed to speak. “I am not a witch. The only reason I came was because the Indian woman in California wanted me to see how you were acting.” DANCES Following is a list of masked and unmasked dances and the names of some of the kachina with short descriptions. The kachina dances may be witnessed only by Indians and are held just outside the village on the hillside or in the Squash estufa. The unmasked dances are performed either in the plaza or, on occasion, in the estufas, Mexicans being allowed to enter the Turquoise estufa. At times they are given in the plaza, unmasked, probably a burlesque. The villagers are divided into two dancing groups for the unmasked dances, corresponding to the two estufas, Turquoise, east, and Squash, west. They alternate in dancing and, at times, visit and perform in the estufa to which they do not belong. Certain dances given in the winter time, most particu- larly those on January 6 (the day dedicated to the hunt) are given only by the Turquoise people. The dancers are also classed as “dry” or “harsh” (tsepan¥i) and are the ones who appear naked in the dances, while the “mild” or “damp” (gashp‘it™)ones are those who wear shirts. The estufas take turns in appearing clothed or naked in the various dances. Turquoise is also considered “dry” and squash “damp;” but this classification has nothing to do with the estufas. The words PRES et eet ttle104 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memotrs, 33 are also used as descriptive of winter and summer, but the dances so described may be danced at any time. The kachina dances are given by the members of the Kachina society, which, as has been explained before, is com- posed of the male members of the community who have been initiated into it. According to my informant, different kachina are asked to appear at different times and the same part may be played at successive times by different individuals. The kachina belong to the Curdzi and their headman in conjunction with the war captain decides what dances are to be given and who should participate. For four days before the dance the dancers purge every morning and remain continent but may live with their family. Then for four days they live at the dance house, practice every evening, and assist in repairing the masks. Food is deposited outside the door by their wives. If the dance is given in summer they gather at their place in the hills which is called wenimatse or west, the direction from which the kachina are supposed to come. They dance four times before lunch. On the day of the dance, food for dancers is brought by the women, placed before the war captain, and later carried by some of the men to the dancers. They dance four times after lunch. They then take their masks off at the house of the leader of the Giants, where they are kept at the present time and after dark they wash their paint off in the river. Should any paint fall from their mask during the dance, it would indicate an infringement of the rules and the offender would be summarily punished. In the masked dances there are usually about six or seven of the cuiyana present. These seem to be the same as are listed in Dumarest as shiwanna or thunderclouds. However, they were not called that, but were given the name cited above. All kachina are referred to at Cochiti as thunderclouds. Dr. Parsons in a note has equated these with cuiyana. The dance usually takes its name from some of the other kachina who are present.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 105 The Koshari are the first to appear They jest with the audience. Then the heluta or leader of kachina asks them if the people would like to see the dancers. He does not speak, but merely gestures. The Koshari consult with the people and the answer is yes. The heluta then calls in the dancers. These are led in in single file either by a Koshari or Kurena, depending upon which society is the manager of the year. In the center LEADER or SINGING TAULMAN BELONGING To X ° * LEADER (Kosnar) on Kurena) ETY OPPOSITE Ti Ceiteee en ee Line oe KAcHINA™— REMAINS STATIONARY Nawic or Yettow Woman —— $ KAcHina CUIYANA- THESE KACHINA Move ABOVT - T BUT o HELUTA- WALKS Anou Govenor & a Seae ea annee War Cart X Assti= =) x PrinciPacs, erc.X x a Seated Here SQ 2 KosHari wHo AMUSE AUDIENCE Food For DANCERS of the line is the dance leader or mayurli. At the end appear either one or two kachina called Yellow Woman, rubbing a notched stick over a hollow pumpkin. Sometimes the NVawic takes their place. Bringing up the end is a Kurena if a Koshari is the leader or a Koshari if the Kurena is the leader. Then follow the cuiyana who move about while the other kachina move their feet rythmically and sing. There is no other chorus. Above is the formation generally used in the kachina dances. If the heluta wishes to punish some one or give them a gift he signals the Koshari who asks the clan to which the person belongs to arise. The heluta then picks out the person. He EEE106 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 or any of the cuiyana may whip the wrongdoer. Children may be whipped for disobeying parents, adults for failure to follow the custom of the village. One of my informants no longer participated in the dancing, but would have enjoyed looking on. However, she refrained as she feared a whipping would be administered. The kachina are told in advance which person they are to whip or present with a gift. In summer, green corn, melons, and so forth, may be given by them to the industrious; in winter dried corn or meat, arrows to the men and a large stirring-stick, wiactik’umt, to the women. The wooden dolls, so often given to the children in other pueblos, are no longer made here. When the dance is over, the kachina give the people some of the spruce they wear. The unmasked dances seem to fall within the following patterns. The groups are arranged in the following manner: 1. Two men followed by two women. . Aman and woman as partners followed by a similar pair. . A man and woman following each other in single file. . A line of men followed by a line of women. A line of women in front of a Ine of men. Men only in single file. Sometimes two or more of these patterns are combined. First, the drummer appears, then, the chorus of men singers, then, the dancers, the men usually preceding the women. Dun PF wh Unmasked Dances mocatc—Bufialo Dance: The dancers wear bufialo heads, which are kept by the Cikame. Before sunrise the dancers, two men and a woman from each estufa, are brought from the further side of the river by the war captain and his assistant. They have a leader, called caiak, the same word being applied to the leader of the hunt. This dance is one of those that may be given on January 6, the day that belongs to the hunters. This dance may be given either naked or clothed.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 107 In the latter case, the skirts are decorated with tin discs through which cloth is drawn. The skirt is painted with a sun, flanked by a snake on either side. If a dancer is naked the painting is made on his chest. gomatc’—Comanche Dance: There are several varieties. Last year a new one was borrowed from Santa Domingo. The women appear in mantas with bare arms. The men have a headdress of eagle feathers. The costumes may vary from time to time. The women dancers advance in a straight line, the men zigzagging behind them. owée—Dr. Parsons believes this dance was borrowed from Jemez, where it is called su’we'e (suigo, together; we’e, pass through water). My informant said it had been danced as long as he could remember. It is given generally when the ditch is opened and planting begun. It is danced by both estufas, each visiting the other as well as performing the dance in their own. The men enter the estufa first, wearing ordinary trousers and shirt, a circular headdress covered with corn husks and four eagle feathers extending from it, one toward each direction. The women wear ordin- ary Pueblo costume. The owe’e is a circle dance, the men towards the wall, the women in front, moving their hands back and forth like water. Then there is a feast and the dance is repeated after four days. At Isleta, there is also a circular dance given when the ditch is opened. dyami—Eagle: Danced only by Turquoise estufa. Two men and two women. Chorus of singers. The two men, repre- senting eagles, dance in front of the women. They have large feathers attached to their arms to simulate eagle wings. They also have a tail of eagle feathers. They wear a tight-fitting headdress of white cotton, with the beak of an eagle attached. They carry eagle claws. The women wear white mantas and a fluffy bunch of eagle feathers on the top of their heads. They carry two eagle feathers in each hand. i ‘ i | i108 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 hi’kal;iya—Jicarilla Apache: Borrowed from the Jicarilla. Something like the Comanche. Women wear long wide dresses like the Navajo and wide silver belts. Their hair is in two braids; their faces painted red. An eagle feather is worn on each side of the head. The men wear their ordin- ary dark trousers but paint their faces red. The chorus of men singers wear eagle feathers either in small bunches or large headdress. Navajo Dance: Dress like Navajo. Men and women. Chorus of male singers. Borrowed from Santo Domingo. Mots:—Hopi Dance: Chakwena Dance: Borrowed from Laguna where it is a kachina dance. Here no masks are worn. It is danced by both estufas in the plaza. owect¥ak’a—Bow Dance: Danced in winter by both estufas, one man and one woman from each. Men carry bows in the left hand and arrows in the right. The men wear the short dance skirt and fox tail. Two stiff parrot feathers and a bunch of fluffy ones are worn in the hair. The women dress in the manta, to which a fan of eagle feathers is sewn. They carry two eagle feathers in each hand. ayacd’ukuts—Danced on July 14, the chief feast day. This is the well-known tablet dance (ekiceback). It is danced by men and women. The hair of the women is loosed, they wear the painted board, and carry spruce. They wear mantas with arms bare. The men wear the short dance skirt and fox tail. Their arms are painted either red or green. Their hair is loose and fluffy feathers are worn on one side. Bands of spruce are around their arms. As in other dances, colored yarn is wound below the knee, rattles of turtle shells and cows’ hoofs are carried and mocassins are tied with skunk skin. A chorus sings. ca’wat*—Parrot Dance: Danced usually in winter. A board on which a parrot has been painted is borne by one of the men in a basket. A man and woman then advance together, the man holding onto the shoulders of the woman. TheGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF OCCHITI 109 woman takes the basket, faces the incoming dancers with it and then returns it to the man who had held it originally. She then goes to one side, the man following her to the other. This movement is repeated by the other dancers. Regulation dance costume of manta for the women and short skirt for the men is worn. The hair is loosed. ayahe’enatse—This dance is given at night in the estufa. Two men, one from each estufa, called cpen?en’i, dance at a time. They burlesque the shamans. They wear a piece of sheep- skin with claws, like the necklace of bear’s claws worn by the priests. This dance has not been given for a long time, but is mentioned in Dumarest, p. 184. However, here it is referred to as a winter dance and is given in order that it may not freeze. d¥an“ti— Deer. kurts—Antelope: These are also danced on January 6 and the headdresses are kept by the Cikame society. Masked Impersonations tseadad’uiv.—The regulation costume for all Kachina dances is the short dance skirt, naked bodies, armlets of spruce, mocassins. Special masks, body paints, and headdresses vary with the kachina represented. In this dance, tablets are worn by the men. su’'nvi—Zuni: This may be danced with masks as a Kachina dance or given in the plaza without masks. It is given only by men, but not necessarily, as stated in Dumarest, p. 184, by the bachelors. ise’adYuwitsa—Spruce worn around neck. tse’ awacdadvuva—(Name of headdress of turkey feathers worn in the dance). Corn husks worn around neck. ge awusdja'*—“spotted” : Small apron of cornhusks worn in front. Fox tail behind. Dancers are painted in spots of red and black. a’ha’ ehi—(word used in song). tse’ han«™=—“in a line together.”the twin war heroes. AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 ha’nadzad¥ame—Wear fox skin across shoulder. kwirckece—“Blue”: Strips of yucca fall from waist to knees; bodies are painted blue, and dancers carry whips. blop’—Dancers wear a mask flattened on both sides. ocatc—Sun: This is the name of a dance as well as one of the kachina. This seems to be danced by the cuiyana. There are eight dancers, two blue, the color of the west, (these wear a blue mask, painted white in the back); two yellow, the color of the north, (these wear a yellow mask painted blue in back); two red, the color of the south, (these wear a red mask painted blue in back); two white, the color of the east (these wear a white mask painted blue in back). Each mask has the face of the sun painted onit. The colors of the cuiyana were differently given, also (see p. 111). mo°kaitc—Lion: Dancer wears lion skin over his shoulder, carries bow and arrow in right hand, and whip of large variety of yucca (haac) in left hand. watyuc—Duck: Masks have beaks like a duck’s. Words of songs sound like quacks of duck. Society Dances Koshari—Danced usually only at initiation. Initiates partici- pate, wearing Koshari costume. Kurena—Danced the night of initiations. Initiates participate. Mean wear loose trousers and embroidered shirt; women white embroidered shirt, tablet headdress with two up- standing parrot feathers at each end, and a string of little ones depending from them. Scalp Dance When the warriors come in, they kneel in opposing rows. First one half from the Turquoise estufa come in with their malinche, a woman who is called ¢s’e-’mat’at’ n%i or gotchinin- ako.*® She dances, turning her face right and left, one arm *° Here she is not believed to be k’ook'o, the sister of Masewi and Oyoyewi,GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 111 stretched out. She is a good dancer because the steps are very difficult. She is selected by the war captain. Then the dancers return to the estufa and the other half make their entrance with their malinche. The relatives of the warriors give presents to the malinche. Friends throw blankets and other valuable things to them. Whoever catches them, keeps them. The father of one of the informants was a warrior and when he danced a Mexican from Pena Blanca threw handfuls of money to the people and gave a handful to the malinche. The scalp dance was given whenever scalps were brought to the village. It has not been given here for many years. At Zuni, however, it was revived a few years ago, and a war dance is still given at Isleta. List OF KACHINA 1. cuiyana—The Whippers: Eight in number, correlated with colors and directions. Two black, two red, two yellow, two blue. (In the sun Kachina two black are given as two white. However, the above are the colors given by Dumarest, p. 182.) 2. na’wic—Spots painted on body, wrists and ankles decorated with spruce; carries nothing in his hands but makes gestures. heluta—Leader of the dancers. 4. helvalika—Carries scissors, cuts the bangs of all the people who do not take part in the dance. 5. hio’’sapats—Carries a little bag of seeds. This he throws at the audience. They empty it and return it to him. 6. tsina katsena—Turkey kachina, drops pifions from a little bag on his back; wears a bonnet made of turkey feathers. 7, ocatc katsena—Sun kachina. 8. ckoucgo katsena—Goat kachina: Wears a bonnet with horns of goat attached. 9. dvanvi katsena —Deer kachina: Wears antlers. 10. kurts katsena—Antelope kachina: Very like deer kachina. 11. cpvla—Fawn: Spotted, makes quick movements. W14. Uo: 16. a: 18. 19. 20. | Ze De 23. | 24. AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memoirs, 33 . macawi katsena—Turkey Buzzard kachina: He belongs to the Giant society and used by them sometimes at a cure. He is brought from the Giants’ house. He rarely appears at the dances and then only for a very few minutes. . hetc’’—Turtle: Said by some to be Kachina father of the Koshari. He wears a turtle shell on his back and a deerskin over his shoulder. He always holds his hands over his face. edjak“—Kachina father of the Curdzi. He wears a deerskin trimmed with fur, a black mask with mica, and a very long tongue. His body is painted red. He wears no dance skirt. He carries a rabbit stick. nyenyeka: He wears earrings of abalone shell. He has a very ugly mask. He sways his shoulders back and forth in a measured way and stamps his feet. he’ya: Some claim he is Koshari father. He wears a whole buckskin like a manta; has a headdress of eagle feathers. aik’a: Always accompanies heya; dresses similarly. mokaitc katsena—Lion kachina: Naked except for lion skin over back. This same skin used to be worn in former times, probably by the war captain when the village went to war.*° gotchint nako—Yellow Woman: Wears ordinary pueblo woman’s dress. Has a fluffy bunch of eagle feathers in her hair. tseamacdat“: Wears a crest of turkey feathers on his head. His name means “he wears crest.” Carries a leafy whip. ts’ead’uwitsa: Appears in dance of similar name. wekore—Father of the Kurena: He wears a black em- broidered manta. He carries a deer’s antler. keetsame: Always accompanies wekore. Also wears manta as a skirt. Carries a whip. gowai katsena—Bear kachina: Wears bear’s paws on hands and feet. A bearskin on his back. °° In Isleta at certain ceremonials, the war captain appears in a buckskin,Dan’ (deer) N’en”ekaGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 113 Sa SR EES 25. watyuc katsena—Duck kachina: Wears duck bill attached to white cotton cap. Eagle feathers in hair. 26. kwirckece—Blue: He is not a kachina, but paints the masks of the men participating in the dance. 27. mocatc katsena—Buffalo kachena. There are no cumatzkoli kachina here as at Laguna. Kay 4 aa 4 HN AG mn STA Uh RS nx x + ~ Mocatc-Buffalo mocatc BuffaloNo. 51. 53. We 18. ahs 19. 2 28. 111a. 113a. 114a. 295. 294. 96. 97. 171. 172. 95. 94, 280. 279. 290. 289. Dds 278. 95a. 190. 247. 239. ZA 122; APPENDIX MEMBERSHIP IN ESTUFAS NAME Caroline Trujillo Pablo Quintana Trinidad Quintana Ascenscion Chavez Jose Bernardo Santiago Quintana Seraphina Quintana Antonio Kallabassa Stephana Quintana Rais Quintana Vicente Romero Joe Trujillo Juanita Cudero Victoria Ortez Luis Urina Venturo Ortez Marcial Quintana Crepina Ortez Vittoriano Cudero Cedro Cudero Diego Romero Tersita Chavez Pedro Suina Lucina Cudero Santiago Melchior Madelina Suina Natividad Quintana Lucia Romero Lupe Cudero Vittorio Suina Juanita Arquero Fernando Cudero Santiago Quintana Criscensia Arquero Juan Narangho I. Turquoise CLAN Fox Squash Fox Sage Turquoise Squash Oak Cipewe Oak Oak Cottonwood Fox Oak Turquoise Turquoise Turquoise Water Turquoise Cipewe Cipewe Sage Cipewe Squash Cipewe Cottonwood Squash Turquoise Sage Squash ? Cottonwood Oak Fox Oak ?GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI i ' { 117a. Frances Rubal Oak II. Squash No. NAME CLAN 64. Pablo Trujillo Turquoise i 20. Victoria Quintana Oak 28. Adelaido Montoya Cottonwood 45. Cliofi Arquero Sage 22. Criscensia Quintana Oak 65. Ben Trujillo Ivy 66. Rosando Trujillo Sage 67. Stanley Trujillo Sage 101. Florence Perez Corn 102. Cruz Perez Cottonwood 85. John Dixon Cottonwood 35. Santiago Pecos Ivy ae Petra Cudero Oak 243. Prefanio Pecos Ivy 200. Juan Jose Suina Ivy 183. Seraphina Arquero Cottonwood 212. Crimensia Arquero Oak 119. Venturo Herrara p 116a. Pursliana Rubal Oak Jose Domingo Chalon Water 155. Lorenzo Herrara Water 162. Francisco Chavez Water Sons belong to the estufa of their fathers; wives to that of their husbands. However, membership may be changed due to a quarrel. The clans represented in my list for Turquoise estufa are Fox, Squash, Sage, Turquoise, Oak, Cipewe, Water, and Cottonwood. In the Squash estufa are found Sage, Tur- quoise, Oak, Water, Cottonwood, Ivy, and Corn. These lists made no attempt at completeness and are merely an indication of the type of membership found and the lack of correlation between clan and estufa membership. MEMBERSHIPS IN SOCIETIES KOSHARI (a) Men — Alcario Montoya, Corn; given by parents when a baby. 17. Santiago Quintana, Squash.315. 174. 96. 115. 97. 248. 167. 68. 212. 36. 210. 256a. 18. 112. 287. 105. 134. 216. 114a. 115a. 171. SS AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memors, 33 Salvator Pecos, Turquoise; headman. Salvator Romero, Sage; small son of Diego Romero, Kurena, who carried him into circle. Victoriano Cudero, Cipewe; cacique. Lorenzo Cudero, Sage, entered circle. Cedro Cudero, Cipewe. Antoni Montoya, Fox; entered circle. Marcello Quintana, Cipewe; entered circle. Sebastian Urina, (brother of 314), has not been in the village for ten years; now about twenty-eight. Torivio Herrara, Water; entered circle. Juanito Trujillo, Sage; now in Tesuque. Jose Domingo Chalon, Water; asked to join during long sickness. (b) Women Juanita Chavez, Cottonwood. Crimensia Arquero, Oak. Laurencita Arquero, Oak. Rais Pancho, Oak. Merced Arquero, Sage. Sepharina Garcia, Oak. Domingita Pecos, Fox. Rufucia Pancho, Cottonwood. Victoria Pecos, Ivy. Stefanita Arquero, Fox. Stefanita Montoya, Cottonwood; daughter of Alcario Montoya, Koshari. She is still at school; she entered the ring when she was very young. KURENA (a) Men Juan Stevens Chalon, Corn. Venturo Ortez, Turquoise. Luis Ortez, Turquoise. Diego Romero, Sage. Vicente Romero, Sage; headman. Manuel Ortez, Miguel Ortez, Luis Archubeki, Ramon Quintana, admitted when a young boy. Pablo Trujillo, admitted when about sixteen. Antonio Kallebassa, Cipewe. Jose Maria Narangho, father of 122. °GOLDFRANK] 183. 289. 94. Dike lila. 116a. 278. 95a. 280. 53: 310. 28. 231. 94. 96. 290. Sot (b) Women Sepherina Arquero, Cottonwood. Lucia Romero, Sage. Lucinda Cudero, Cipewe. Sepherina Gerina, Sage; wife of Miguel Ortez. Lupeta Cudero, Squash. Vittoria Ortez, Lupeta Chavez, Water. THUNDERCLOUD SOCIETY Pursiliana Rubal, Oak, from San Ildefonso. Trinidad Melchior, Cottonwood. CuRDZzI Victor Suina, Sage, headman. Santiago Melchior, Cottonwood. Jose Bernardo, Turquoise. Adelaido Montoya, Cottonwood. Ben Trujillo, 65, and Pedro Melchior, no longer attend. WOMEN’S SOCIETY Juanita Chaves, also Koshari. Lucina Cudero, also Kurena. Rais Suina, wife of Juan Stevens Chalon, Kurena. FLINT® Victoriana Cudero, Cipewe. Jose Domingo Chalon, Water, about to be initiated. GIANTS Natividad Quintana, Turquoise, headman.* Had belonged to Curdzi before joining Giants. Vicente Arquero, Ivy, also the man who divided the dancers of the Squash estufa while 290 acts similarly for the Turquoise estufa. They are called mayu’l’t. Cipriano Quintana, Water, brother of 295. Pedro Suina, Squash. CIKAME®S Jose Mario Narangho, father of 122, headman. Manuel Ortez. Antonio Kallebassa. 5! Also members of Koshari Society. 2 82 The former headman was Francisco Quintana but he had not been a Curdzi first. 53 Also members of Kurena Society. THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 117 i } q |AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 CLAN ADOPTIONS FOR CURING Crepina Ortez, Turquoise clan; adopted for curing into Oak clan of her ceremonial mother. The Ivy clan of her ceremonial father was also mentioned. As a rule, it is customary to ask the husband of the ceremonial mother to act as ceremonial father. Thus the power of both clans is secured. Bidassio Arquero, Sage. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Cipewe; ceremonial father’s clan, Squash. Miguela Quintana, Cipewe. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Turquoise; ceremonial father’s clan, Sun. Candelaria Montoya, Cottonwood; Ceremonial mother’s clan, Water. Santiago Arquero Sage. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Oak. Venturo Herrara, Water. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Oak; ceremonial father’s clan, Squash. Pablo Quintana, Oak. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Sage. Aurelio Montoya, Oak. Ceremonial mother’s clan, Cipewe; ceremonial father’s, Water. SoME INDIAN NAMES AND THEIR MEANINGS 194. hadvaya, yellow bird 197. kurt’an’, a dance they had long ago 198. maita, dipper 217. ctc’a'ma, a plant 220. cua kaya, a black bird with white breast and spotted wings found in the mountains (woodpecker?) 225. mocatc, buffalo 125. cteéamoni’, they come out; same word as that for Cacique 201. kawaditsa, snowing 205. dvaa nitsa, pinons 206. maic’’, small yellow animal, not a chipmunk 244. {ts’ada’witsa, similar to pollen 230. heluta, leader of the kachina 209. dvami, eagle 239. wakanv, Milky Way, “white cloud like a road at night” 35. cahueli, parrot 238, 31,9. Holei, a kind of bird 4. asvna, “in the middle” 240. cpaikayatsa, the long feathers of the turkey’s tail 242. mokaitc, lion 122. ko’“*, beaver 292. henaditsa, cloud 307. hadjutsa, man 111. cawaditsa, bird 286. gaana, small bird 136. na’wic, a kachina 137. tsik’aya, spreading out 282. curte, small bird 6. waperni, abalone shellGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 119 HovusE OWNERSHIP AND INHABITANTS House 1 156.7, 8; 04, 71 1 sold her house inherited from her father to her cousin, 51. Her husband, 6, built the house they now live in. House 2 a9. 10511) 12 Bought from 4’s uncle and 68 who moved away. House 3 Is}, Sy Bh, SHE aly als House built by 35 and owned by him. House 4 36-210, 14, 37, 31, 32, brother of 37 One part from mother of 36. Her husband added other part. House 5 Li 18513 17 bought the house. House 6 20, 28, 29, 30 House belonged to first husband of 20. House 7 21, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44 House belongs to 31, who received it from a relation, whom he had supported when her husband died. She had no children. House 8 22, 45, 46 Belongs to 45 who got it from his father, who had built it. House 9 23, 47, 48, 49, 50 Belongs to 23 who bought it from 28, her brother-in-law, who in- herited it from his first wife. House 10 SiO Ss 0457055, 00 House belongs to 51, who got part of it from her father and bought part of it from 1. House 11 52, 57, 58, 59, 60, brother, half-sister and uncle of 57 Belongs equally to 57, 62, and 63, who inherited it from their father. House 12 65, 74 Built by 74, and owned by him. 4 4 h j eeAMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 House 13 66, 69, 70, 67 Belongs to 66, bought by him from Santiago Arquero. House 14 101, 102, 103, 104 102 inherited it from his father. His mother still owns one room but lives with 140. House 15 105, 140, 142, 143, 144 Belongs to 140; built for him by his father. House 16 | 94, 95, 93, 89, 90, 91, 92 Belongs to 94, who exchanged a room in her old house for this one, which had belonged to Isabelle Chavez, 172a. Her husband was Filipi Martinez from Laguna, and at her death, he moved back | there. Her sister, 172, inherited it as there were no living children, | | | ted eater eee eee SSR cake an aarti and she exchanged with 94. House 17 96, 116, 115, 117, 97, 130, 131, 132, 133 House belongs to 115, who inherited it from his mother. His father, stepmother, and half-sisters and brothers live with him. House 18 P12 id 1135 107 House belongs to 111, who inherited it from his mother, 110, first wife. of 107; stepmother and stepsister now live there, also. House 19 116a, 119, 120, 121 116a bought it from Nesarita Bernadito, who had got it from her mother. 116a is from San Ildefonso. House 20 117a, 122, 123, father and uncle of 122 House belongs to father. | House 21 118a, 124, 125, 126 House belongs to 124, who got it from his mother when he was | married. She had inherited it from her mother. House 22 146, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161 House belongs to 155, whose father built it for him. House 23 147, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 House belongs to 162, who built it.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI House 24 183, 201, 200, 246 House built by 200 and belongs to him. House 25 194, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220 House belongs to 194. It was given him by his mother when he married. She had received it from her first husband, 193, who had inherited it from his father. This house was probably the mother’s only while the son was unmarried. House 26 197, 224 The house belongs to 197, who received it from his mother, 183, who had inherited it from her mother, 184. House 27 208, 212, 247, 229, 243, 244, 245 The house belongs to 208, who received it from her father, 188, who had inherited it from his mother, 184. House 28 211, 239, 240, 248 House belongs to 239, who received it from his sister. House 29 231, 234, 233, 249 House belongs to 234, who built it. House 30 111a, 114a, 115a, 113a, 301, 302, 303 One room belongs to 111a, one to 114a, one to 115a, who inherited them from their father. House 31 294, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300 This house belongs to 113a, who inherited it from his father. He is a minor and lives with his mother in House 31. His half-sister is living in the house now but will have to move out upon his marriage. EXAMPLES FROM GENEALOGIES IN USE OF KINSHIP TERMS GENEALOGY I. yaya 183>184 mother, w. sp. 206>183 father’s sister, m. sp. 125>201 father’s sister, m. sp. 217>201 father’s sister, w. sp. *16>201 mother’s mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. ™ #155201 mother’s mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. ™ o the ordinary und on p. 19. 64 Those examples marked with an asterisk are exceptions t nomenclature and discussion of the principles involved will be fo Soho a ogee122 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [MEMorRs, 33 *244>201 mother’s mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. 237>208 mother’s sister, w. sp. 208>183 father’s sister, w. sp. 210>183 father’s sister, w. sp. 16>237 mother m. sp. GENEALOGY II 1>2 mother, w. sp. id mother, w. sp. (hia father’s brother’s daughter, m. sp. 4>84 father’s sister, m. sp. 1>108 stepmother, w. sp. 4>108 stepmother, m. sp. So>1 mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. 10>77 father’s brother’s daughter, w. sp. umu GENEALOGY I 197>177 mother’s brother, m. sp. 220>194 father, m. sp. 220>197 father’s brother, m. sp. 206>209 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. 206>188 father’s brother, m. sp. GENEALOGY II 4>3 father, m. sp. *70>4 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. 4>255 mother’s brother, m. sp. (sa)nact™ Voc. dada GENEALOGY I 217>197 father’s brother, w. sp. 201>200 father, w. sp. 229>209 mother’s brother, w. sp. 217>197 father’s brother, w. sp. 15>14 mother’s brother, w. sp. GENEALOGY III is father, w. sp. 1>110a father’s brother, w. sp. *7>65 mother’s father’s brother’s son, w. sp. 1>255 mother’s brother, w. sp. (sa) wuce GENEALOGY I 183>194 son, w. sp. 183>198 son, w. sp. 183>201 daughter, w. sp. 197>125 brother’s son, m. sp.GOLDFRANK] 197 >220 188 >197 183 > 206 201 >125 201 >217 197 >217 *201 >244 *201>15 *201 >16 208 >229 208 > 237 14>15 240 >15 THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 123 brother’s son, m. sp. sister’s son, m. sp. brother’s son, w. sp. brother’s son, w. sp. brother’s daughter, w. sp. brother’s daughter, m. sp. mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s son, w. sp. daughter, w. sp. sister’s daughter, w. sp. sister’s daughter, m. sp. mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. GENEALOGY II Ze 3>1 3>4 -1>70 *4>70 108 >1 108 >4 = ti >10 daughter, w. sp. daughter, m. sp. son, m. sp. father’s brother’s son, w. sp. father’s brother’s son, m. sp. stepdaughter, w. sp. stepson, W. sp. father’s brother’s daughter, w. sp. GENEALOGY III 22>7 brother’s daughter, w. sp. ta’o, (s)ooce, da’ona (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 208 > 201 =201>237 *201 >229 208 > 210 244>15 240 >217 *240 >201 240 > 237 father’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. sister, W. Sp. sister, W. sp. mother’s father’s sister’s son’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. mother’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. GENEALOGY II 1>109a sister, w. sp. 7>10, 11,12 mother’s brother’s daughter, w. sp. il Sie stepsister, Ww. sp. father’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. GENEALOGY III 7>40 father’s sister’s daughter, w. sp. (sa)dyumice, tcutcumt (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 197>209 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp.124 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 206>197 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. 194>206 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. 197>206 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. 220>125 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. 125>220 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. 247>14 mother’s sister’s son, m. sp. 14>247 mother’s sister’s son, m. sp. 247>220 mother’s father’s sister’s son’s son, m. sp 220>247 father’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, m. sp. *220>16 father’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s son, m. sp. *i6>220 mother’s mother’s father’s sister’s son’s son, m. sp. 209>197 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. 14>233 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. 194>206 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. GENEALOGY II 4>65 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. 65>4 father’s brother’s son, m. sp. GENEALOGY ITI 30>48 mother’s brother’s son, m -sp. 48>30 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. 48>26 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. 26>48 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. 50>26 father’s sister’s.son, m. sp. 26>50 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. 6>23 brothers, m. sp. 23 >6 brothers, m. sp. meme (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 188>183 sister, m. sp. 183>188 brother, w. sp. 197>201 sister, m. sp. 201>197 brother, w. sp. 197>208 mother’s brother’s daughter, m. sp. 208>197 father’s sister’s son, w. sp. 197>210 mother’s brother’s daughter, m. sp. 210>197 father’s sister’s son, W. sp. 210>206 mother’s brother’s son, W. sp. 206>210 father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. 244>16 mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s son, w. sp. 16>244 mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 229>14 mother’s sister’s son, W. sp. 14>229 mother’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. 206>208 father’s brother’s daughter, m. sp. 208>206 father’s brother’s son, W. sp. 14>217 mother’s father’s sister’s son’s daughter, m. sp.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 217>14 father’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, w. sp. *14>201 mother’s father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. *201>14 mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, w. sp. 220>229 father’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 229>220 mother’s father’s sister’s son’s son, W. sp. *240>16 mother’s sister’s daughter’s son, w. sp. *16>240 mother’s mother’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. GENEALOGY II 1>65 father’s brother’s son, w. sp. 65>1 father’s brother’s daughter, m. sp. 64>1 half sister, m. sp. 1>64 half brother, w. sp. 7>55 mother’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, w. sp. 55>7 mother’s father’s sister’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. GENEALOGY III 6>22 _ sister, m. sp. 22>6 brother, w. sp. awa’wawa’ (s)anawa, (s)anawace. (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 197 >233 mother’s brother’s son’s son, m. sp. 197>247 mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, m. sp. 197>14 mother’s brother’s daughter’s son, m. sp. 247>197 mother’s father’s sister’s son, m. sp. *248>239 mother’s mother’s brother, m. sp. *209>197 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. 14>209 mother’s brother m. sp. 194>46 mother’s brother’s son’s son, m. sp. GENEALOGY II 4>66 father’s brother, m. sp. 66 >4 brother’s son, m. sp. 4>67 father’s brother, m. sp. 4>68 father’s brother, m. sp. GENEALOGY III 6>24 _ sister’s son, m. sp. 24>6 mother’s brother, m. sp. 6>48 sister’s son, m. sp. 48 >6 mother’s brother, m. sp. 24>30 mother’s sister’s son,m. Sp.. *48>26 father’s sister’s son, Mm. Sp. *26>48 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. *24>48 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp. *48>24 father’s sister’s son, Mm. Sp. 23>24 sister’s son, m. sp. 125 } i |126 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION (MEMOIRS, 33 24>23 mother’s brother, m. sp. *25>48 mother’s brother’s son, m. sp *48>25 father’s sister’s son, m. sp. nyenye (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 197>229 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 197>237 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 201>233 mother’s brother’s son’s son, W. sp. 197>238 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp 240>197 mother’s father’s sister’s son, w. sp. 194>240 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 194>237 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 229>209 mother’s brother, w. sp. 201 >206, mother’s brother’s son, w. sp. GENEALOGY II 1>66 father’s brother, w. sp. 7>70 mother’s father’s brother’s son, W. sp. *51>4 father’s sister’s son, w. sp. S1>75 father’s sister’s son, w. sp. GENEALOGY III 6>29 sister’s daughter, m. sp. 40>6 mother’s brother, w. sp. 29>23 mother’s brother, w. sp. 48>29 father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. 48>40 father’s sister’s daughter, m. sp. 48>20 father’s sister, m. sp. 7>23 father’s brother, w. sp. 7>48 father’s brother’s son, W. sp. 7>46 father’s sister’s son, w. sp. baba (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 183 >220 son’s son, w. sp. 183>14 brother’s daughter’s son, W. sp. 183>125 son’s son, w. sp. 197>15 mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter, m. sp. 208>16 sister’s daughter’s son, w. sp. 16>210 mother’s mother, m. sp. 16>183 mother’s mother’s father’s sister, m. sp. 183>46 brother’s son’s son, W. sp. *201>187 mother’s brother, w. sp. GENEALOGY II is mother’s father, w. sp. 7>83 mother’s father’s father, w. sp.GOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 4>86 father’s stepmother, m. sp. 7>255 mother’s mother’s brother, w. sp. 4>87 father’s mother, m. sp. GENEALOGY III 17>71 son’s daughter, m. sp. da’o’ (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 183>217 son’s daughter, w. sp. 183>126 son’s daughter, w. sp. 183>244 brother’s daughter’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 183>237 brother’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 183>32 brother’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 208>244 daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 208>15 sister’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 15>210 mother’s mother, w. sp. 229>183 mother’s father’s sister, w. sp. GENEALOGY IT 1>86 father’s stepmother, w. sp. 86>7 stepson’s daughter’s daughter, w. sp. 7>2 mother’s mother, w. sp. mumu (reciprocal) GENEALOGY I 220>200 father’s stepfather, m. sp. 14>188 father’s father, m. sp. 14>187 father’s father’s brother, m. sp. 220>187 father’s mother’s brother, m. sp. GENEALOGY III 17>24 daughter’s son, m. sp. bi’hia GENEALOGY I 194>224 brother’s wife, m. sp. 183>224 son’s wife, w. sp. 200 >224 son’s wife, m. sp. 201>224 brother’s wife, w. sp. 217>224 father’s brother’s wife, w. sp. 187>224 sister’s son’s wife, m. sp. 208>224 father’s sister’s son’s wife, W. sp. GENEALOGY II 40>1 mother’s brother’s wife. wat* GENEALOGY I 210>4 daughter’s husband, m. sp.128 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION [memorrs, 33 235 >4 stepdaughter’s husband, m. sp. 237 >4 sister’s husband, w. sp. 208 >4 sister’s daughter’s husband, w. sp. 211>4 sister’s daughter’s husband, w. sp. 209 >4 sister’s daughter’s husband, m. sp. GENEALOGY I 197>224 wife, m. sp. GENEALOGY II 6>1 wife, m. sp. GENEALOGY I 224>197 husband. GENEALOGY II 1>6 husband. For widow and widower the Spanish terms biuda and biudo are used. (s)ok’o (sa) truceGOLDFRANK] THE ORGANIZATION OF COCHITI 129 ADDENDA Note. The following names were secured in addition to those listed on p. 118. 120. 149. iMIGY 67. 220. 199. 200. 25. 65. 48. 49, 30; 43, INDIAN NAMES kurtsiatsa, antelope kurt-diwa, antelope mirtc**, humming bird sad¥a, out in the open cuak’aya, speckled bird koan¥, went hunting goiacduro, hilly place cpula, fawn Kachina payad¥ama, youth d¥an¥i, deer wictowi, arrow yuuckuma, corn cob d¥ tsi, pretty ‘ ; t j j | | |185*m. +184* F, Bastola Felis (haae watsa) Cottonwood ) 183.F. Sepherina Arquero (tsisteatsa) Cottonwood arquero (ts’esiwe) Sun +193* m Juan de Jesus Herrara (tsa‘cuwe) Sage ———}—— 194 m. Juan Herrara (had¥a¥a) Cottonwood +216 F. Stefanita Arquero (haneatsa) Fox ——195* m. Ohenio Herrara (crei mayatewa) Cottonwood ——196* m. Santiago Herrara (caela) Cottonwood ——197 m. Nastor Herrara (kurlan¥i) Cottonwood et \ ae m. Frank Herrara (mait¥a) Cottonwood +118a F. Josephita Rubal (—) Oak +224 F. Domingita Cortez (ca’akwlitsa) Cottonwood ————— ——225* m. Juan Jose Herrara ( ——226* m. Juanito Herrara (tsacuwe) Cottonwood —217 F. Filipa Herrara (cte’ama) Fox ——218 F. Tonita Herrara (da’mi) Fox —219 F. Verena Herrara (nal’uditsa) Fox ——220 m. Santiago Herrara (cua lk’aya) Fox ——221* m. Illesio Herrara (adjatiwa) Fox ——222* F. Candelaria Herrara ( ——1223* m. Alberto Herrara ( ) Fox ) Fox ) Cottonwood 227* m. Lorenzo Herrara ( ) Cottonwood 125 m. Justino Herrara (cteamon¥i) Oak (See A.) +199* m. Lorenzo Herrara (koan’i) Sage? | +200 m. Juan Jose Suina (goiacduro) Ivy i——187* m. Juan Arquero (w'e ti¥a) Cottonwood +202* F. Inez Trujillo (K’aetitsa) Sage —————201 F. Santana Suina (kowaditsa) Cottonwood 203* F. Tersita Arquero (ciwimitsa) Sage ——204* m. Kleto Arquero (owe mak’u) Sage ——1205* F. Sepherina Arquero (d¥aanitsa) Sage eS 206f Cliofi Arquero (maic”) Sage ——126 F. Miguela Herrara ( ——188* m. Salvator Arquero (crid%adiwa) Cottonwood +207* F. Lucia Naraugho (—) Oak —— —,—— 208 F. Juanita Arquero (sircaya) Oak 229 F. Juanita Istrea (tsa’clatsa) Oak +228* m. Istrea (tsa itiayatewa) Fox | | | | +22 F. Crescencia Quintana (tseiatsa) Oak | | | Illegitimate Union +230* m. Manuel Cudero (heluta) Squash | ——209* m. Natividad Arquero (d¥ami) Oak +231 F. Juanita Chavez (kuteminYa) Cottonwood (231 now married to 234 m. Santiago Romero (d¥iecote) Cipewe fase ) Oak 46 m. Evelino Arquero (ko’yo) Oak +243 m. Prefanio Pecos (ga’nala) Ivy 247 m. Fernando Cudero (nia’murn’i) Oak Arquero (—) Cottonwood |__933* m. Salvator Arquero (—) Cottonwood | | = F, Laurencita Arquero (hercumitsa) Oak 78 oa. Juan Jose Panoca (wakuno)? +236 37\ m. Santiago Cudero (way ae) Sage +235f | | | | ——32 F. Ramona Cudero (wah’ayatsa) Oak ——14m. Lutherio Cudero (ct¥id’uma) Oak *211 F. Crisencia Arquero (kooli) Oak +239 M. Santiago Quintana (d¥ek’aya) Fox (Not 17—also called Cyrus Dixon) ——212 F. Crimensia Arquero (k’oamutsa) Oak +241* m. Jose Domingo Arquero (dolen¥i) Cottonwood +242* m. Luis Romero (mokaitc) Cipewe i_—-189* m. Jose Arquero (tsiu’siadiwa). Cottonwood +13* F. Cecile Kallebassa (giltimitsa) Cipewe | +15* F. ———————Sage ——190* F. Juanita Arquero (waladitsa) Cottonwood ——i9i* F. Santana Arquero (—) Cottonwood ——192* m. Santiago Arquero (creimayadiwa) Cottonwood 214* F. Rosarita Arquero (cewiatsa) Cipewe 13) * ——1244 F. Genevieve Pecos (tsadawitsa) Oak ——245 F. Laurencita Pecos (—) Oak 237 f F. Petra Panoca (cudero) (nawacala) Oak +35 m. Santiago Pecos (cahueli) Ivy __ 238) F. Juanita Cudero (holei) Oak 9 31| +4m. Joe Trujillo (see Gen. ITI) ——15 F, Martha Pecos (—) Oak —33 F. Dominga Pecos (—) Oak ——16m. Aluicius Pecos (dihue ya) Oak —34 m. Jose Dolores Pecos (gaeli) Oak 240 F. Madelina (Quintana (cpaikayatsa) Oak 10 F. —11 F. —12 F. A 116a F. Puriliana Rubal (—) Oak +119 m. Venturo Herra (tsitl’*) 117a F. Frances Rubal, Oak ——120 F. Victoria Herrara (kurtsiatsa) Oak ——121 m. Itefan Herrara (—) Oak +122 m. Juan Naranglio (ko“)? 118a F. Josephita Rubal, Oak +(124) m. Frank Herrara (mait’a) Cottonwood (198) (See Gen. I) 123 m. Antonio Naraugho (utelanyi) —Oak 125 m. 126 m, ——239 m. Santiago (Quintana) (See Gen. I) 291 EF. Fox 252 F. d¥itacyatsa, Fox—253 F. (eatitsa) Fox 249a F. Married to Jemez 248 Antonio Montoya, Fox83* m. Jose Antonio Trujillo (c’oduwe)—— +87* F. Lucia Chavez (—) Sun_—______—_—-3* m. Antonio Trujillo (tsi’ weadiwa) Sun +2* F. Dolores Chavez (ocala) Fox---___——-(1) F. Caroline Trujillo (ayo witsa) Fox--—_——7 F.. Trinidad Quintana (ocala) Fox | +6m. Pablo Quintana (wapurn’i) Oak \—_§ F, Helen Quintana (d¥aiyrowitsa) Fox |\———75* m. Florenzo Trujillo (kuitewa) Fox | +76* F. Petra Herrara (gatsia) Water———__— 77 F. Florencia Trujillo (cte‘monitsa) Water | +Sebastian Shehay of Sia ———4 m. Joe Trujillo (asona) Fox +9 F. Juanita Cudero (holei) SS F. Anna Trujillo (w4hu tiatsa) Oak \——11 F. Frances Trujillo (ato’ watsa) Oak ‘——12 F. Genevieve Trujillo (ad’utsa) Oak +107*a F. —— Arquero (d¥aelatsa) Turquoise +82* F. Marquerite Pancho (d¥eteatsa) Turquoise +108* F. Stephana Cortez (élie) Turquoise———;——64 m. Pablo Trujillo (cra’y"‘diwa) Turquoise |_109a F. Lenore Trujillo (hiyakome) Turquoise ——110*a m. Juan Cedro Trujillo (—) Sun +84* F. Laurencita Suina (—) Ivy ——————65 m. Benissio Trujillo (payadYamur) Ivy +86* F. Manuelita Mokina (ateme) Sage-—-— }——-66 m. Rosando Trujillo (co’t* ‘) Sage +69 F. Heronima Suina (murtl’*) Cipewe (?)—-——70* m. Juan Cruz Trujillo (tsenon) Cipewe (?) act m. Stanley Trujillo (sad¥a) Sage | '——68 m. Juanito Trujillo (dyalana) Sage II B. |-———2 F, Dolores Chavez (See Gen, 5) —-— ag, oe + 3m. | + 6m. | 8 F. aS nr | 4-76" F. \——4 m, +9 F, —___—_—___—___— 10 F. Lael £, |__49 F. ——255 m. Jose Domingo Chavez (—) Fox +256* F. Juanita Semilla (hiarstutse) Sage-——-—_-51 F. Ascenscion Chavez (yatsili) Sage : ate ‘ i 88m, Joe Ge Jom {Quinta ar Turquote—| SE tn Beaded) Soe '__56 F. Alcavita Bernado (cayaditsa) Sage i_—52 F. Anita Chavez (haweliwatsa) Sage——-——_--_—-_58 F. Dolorita Arquero (creidYaya) Sage +57 m. Diego Arquero (Cu’rowa) Sage |——59 F. Mensia Arquero (—) Sage +256a F. Mereed Arquero ——60 F. Menialita Arquero (wid¥a) Sage a. 159) eae ___ aof F. Michaela Quintana—Sage +81*m. Torivio Arquero (djami) Cottonwood — ~ ———57 m. See II B. +52 F. ——58 F. ——59 F. ——60 F. | Panoca | +80 m. Manuel i a Turquoise |__62 m. Ramone Quintana (—) Sage ———61. Menialita Cudero (ye’siatsa) Sage17 m. Santiato Quintana (bawete) Squash +18 F. Sepherina Garcia (crateme) Oak — ae 6m. Pablo Quintana (wapurnyi) Oak +76* F. Petra Herrara (gatsia )Water — ———-—-— 71 F. Carmelita Quintana (curdjuminako) Water \___73 F, Lupeta Quintana (ma’wenatsa) Water +1 F. Caroline Trujillo (ayo witsa) Fox——— i=, 7 F.. Trinidad Quintana (0 cala) Fox i——8 F. Helen Quintana (d¥aiyrowitsa) Fox 19 F. Stephana Quintana (creitiatsa) Oak—--——---------------- ——-24 m. Damacio Quintana (koole) Oak +38* m. Francisco Quintana (hawelina) Turquoise— -—-—___-_—_|——25 m. Iskibula Quintana (cpula) Oak —26 m. Jerome Quintana (kaega’) Oak +27 m. Antonio kallebassa (tsinaut’) Cipewe 20 F. Victoria Quintana (ts’a’m*) Oak—_————-_----------— 29 F.. Aurelio Montoya (dza‘ditsa) Oak 28 m. Adelaido toya (tsi watela) C rood. , +28 m. Adelaido Monotoya (tsi watela) Cottonwooc L306 m Celie Montasa a aa —21 F. Rais Quintana (ke wi) Oak —_—--—___——_-—-—-— — ——40 F, Juanita Romero (naweditsa) Oak +39 m. Vicente Romero (ayolis) Sage |_—41 F. Laurencita Romero (tsaca¥latsa) Oak |——42 F. Katherine Romero (a¥ateatsa) Oak |——— 43 F. Profilia Romero (d¥etsi) Oak \_—_44 F, Lucia Romero (waamotsa) Oak —22 F. Criscencia Quintana (tseiatsa) Oak—_—-_—-—__--------46 m._ Evelino Arquero (k’oyo) Oak +45 m. Cliofi Arquero (maic’*’) Sage -23 m. Jose Dominto Quintana (cakak) Oak +47 F. Domingita Quintana (crityaya) Cottonwood—————_——_—|— —48 m. Sylviana Quintana (d¥an¥i) Cottonwood |——49 m. Delphine Quintana (wi ctowi) Cottonwood |—_50 m. Benito Quintana (loquimur) Cottonwood254* Juanita Padia—Mexican—adopted into Cipewe— ——100* F. Rosarita Cudero (Mexican) no clan————--_-------101 F.. Florence Perez (hatawitsa) Corn by adoption; 108 m. John Perez (g’itewa) Corn +? +99 m. Juan de Jesus Cudero De Vargas (Yema)? +102 m. Cruz Perez (wer’a) Cottonwood i——104 m. Alphonso Perez (d¥eauYid.wa) Corn +127* m. Teodosio Cudero (yaciwidiwa) Sun _—_————-97 m. Cedro Cudero (wakurni) Cipewe i——96 m. Vi Aoriano Cudero (icg’an¥a) Cipewe +114* F. Dolorita Herrara (tsiadyaya) Fox——-——--—115 m. _ Lorenzo Cudero (ciwa’na) Fox +110 F. Maria Ortez (Mexican) —————____-_ 117 F.. Verminia Cudero (kurs) | ——130 F. Holianita Cudero (otseteatsa) ——131m. Petrissio Cudero (nagoyadiwa) | |——132 F. Heronima Cudero (a‘donitsa) | ——133 F. Domingita Cudero (tsecurmitsa) -—177* F, Inez Cudero—Cipewe—-—_—_—_-_-__ 172 F. Teeresita Chavez (wa‘heatsa) Cipewe————-—————_ ——173 F. Tonita Romero (cakweatsa) Cipewe | +178* m. Juan Chavez (mi'irt’') +171 m. Diego Romero (ts elit¥a) Sage ——174 m. Salvator Romero (k‘aela) Cipewe | ——175 m. Pasquale Romero (m‘irt') Cipewe ——172*a F. Isabelle Chavez (—) Cipewe ——176 F. Cipriana Romero (awauitsa) Cipewe +172 bm. Felipe Martinez of Laquna \_94 F, Lucinda Cudero (tsek’aitsa) Cipewe———----_, 93 m._ Rais Suina (kuena) Cipewe “1-95 m.: Pedro: Suina (nabio) Squash «se 69 F. Heronima Suina (See Gen. Il) Cipewe———_————70* m. +66 m. ——s9 F. Domesia Suina (kuir **°) Cipewe ——90 m. Jose Maria Suina (hed¥ui) Cipewe ——91 m. Jose Solomon Suina (ma‘herutc) Cipewe ——92 m. Vicente Suina.105 F. Refucia Pancho (cema) Cottonwood ; —102 m. (See Gen. IV) ——103 m. +168* m. Vivian Perez +101 F. ——104 m. |——140 m. Jose Maria Perez (cate witlura) Cottonwood | +141* F. Robita Quintana (tsa djaya) Sage oe —142 m. Juan Perez (—) Sage | +109* F. Rosaria Suina (hayd¥uwitsa) Squash i\——143 m. Vicente Perez (tsero) Squash ——145 m. Salvator Perez (tc’ewiga) Cottonwood |__144 F, Maria Evelina Perez (t’sid’uwitsa) +148 F. Leonore Ribera (From Nambe) ————149 m. Antonio Perez ——151m. Madisiano Perez ——150 m. Claudio Perez ——152 m. Bernabel Perez ——153 m. ——————— ——154 F. Alice Clara Perez i_—-146 F. Alvinita Perez (ocatitsa) Cottonwood ——156 m. Ramone Herrara (tsiina) Cottonwood +155 m. Lorenzo Herrara (tsaydYate') Water ——157 m. Propheto Herrara (o kiwa) Cottonwood ——158 F. Juanita Herrara (k’awinatsa) Cottonwood ——159 m. Adolpho Herrara (—) Cottonwood ——160 m. Jose Domingo Herrara (—) Cottonwood | '—_—161 F. Marstina Herrara (mi’liatsa) Cottonwood \——147 F. Regrita Perez (kam'*) Cottonwood ——163 m. Vivian Chavez (ik’oma) Cottonwood +162 m. Francisco Chavez (—)Water —164m. Lorenzo Chavez (k’osewa) Cottonwood ——165 m. Jose Vidal Chavez (yo’ka) Cottonwood ——166 m. Amaranto Chavez (tsetia) CottonwoodSquash Clan 7 m. Victor Suina 95a +277 F. Lupe Cudero (kircaya) Squash————_——_—95 m. Pedro Suina. (See Gen. IV) +94 F. ——107 m. Illterio Suina (wewena) Squash +110 F. Magerita Chalon (tjudjaratsa) Water 112 +287 F. Dominga Pecos (tsecwadjatsa) Fox 108 m. Lorenzo Suina (craan¥a) Squash +134 F. Victoria Pecos (crantelan’i) Ivy ——109* F. Rosaria Suina (See Gen. V) +140 m. ——279 F. Madelina Suina (iihalitsa) Squash +280 m. Santiago Melchior (gaotiwa) Cottonwood 291*a, F. —————— Squash +291* m. Jose Jesus Cudero (—)?-—-_—____——277 F.._ (See above)—Squash +278 m. i. ——288* m. Juan (tcYawiden’i) Squash Arquero | +289 F. Lucia Romero (ciwaetsa)? Sage See Gen. III, IV, IV for other members of Squash Clan 113} 286f m. 111 F. Mari Evangeline Suina (—) Water Ephraim Suina (gaana) Fox ——134a.m. Teodore Suina (kuperan’i) Ivy ——135 m. —136 m. ——137 m. ——138 F. ——139 F. ——143 m. aa F. ——281 F. Octavio Suina (—) Ivy Jose Rais Suina (nawic’) Ivy Crisensiana Suina (tsik’aya) Ivy Rosaria Suina (—) Ivy Maria Evelina Suina, Ivy Tonita Suina (batia) Squash ——282* m. Santiago Suina (kurle) Squash ——283 m. ——284 m. ——285 m. (marciawa) Squash (tsi’dawe) Squash (—) Squash.Turquoise Clan 304* F. Juanita—— (lauikvo) Turquoise————__—____—_108* F. Stephana Ortez (—) Turquoise (See Gen. IT) -———-——-——_—_ i_—64 m. +305 m. (kowatiwa)? +3 m.— Fox —_—109a F. ——Illa F. Victoria Ortez (tsut’eau¥%i) Turquoise——-----—----_294 F.. Crepina Ortez (Illegitimate) (coseditsa) Turquoise—— |——296 F. Pabluia Quintana (tsiutcinitsa) Turquoise +314 m. —— Urina (ckat¥e*) Water +295 m. Marcial Quintana (kurtsa) Water or m. Celestino Quintana (kaet¥ala) Turquoise as F. (meteatsa) Turquoise j—-299 F. Cresita Quintana (curwayatsa) Turquoise L ——1l4a Venturo Ortez (kabeya) Turquoise +292* F. Candelaria Trujillo (henaditoa) Fox '——115a Luis Ortez (tsui¥urka) Turquoise . Adolfo Quintana (dj’aits) Turquoise. ;——301 F. Rais Ortez (tsi unia) +293* F. Pursliana Chavez (héaka) Water? 1302 F. Pablita Cortez (ow4yo) 303 F. —— (kinate) 315a F. Martha —— (—) Turquoise——-—_—-_——_,—315* m. Salvator Pecos (—) Turquoise +315 b. m. ————— (deowe¥a)? | --ei6® FP, ————_——. Iyy ——_—___— ——35 m. Santiago Pecos (See Gen. I) Ivy— —__——,——15 13 +237* F. = ——16 ——134 F. (See Gen. VI.) -—— 34 +108 m. ——243 m. (See Gen. I.) ——317 m. Crisencio Pecos ——318* m. ————_— Pecos (datowe) Turquoise 112 F. Domingita Pecos (See Gen. VI.) -+292* F. ——-————- (henaditsa) Fox—(See above) . os geo : ee a |——290 m. Natividad =— (ere‘eali) Turquoise +312* m. —-—— (tsiuwdcu) Sun +289 F. Lucia Romero (ciwaetsa) Sage ——107a* F. ——— Arquero (d¥aelatsa) Turquoise (See Gen. II.) +3* m. ——306* F. —-—— Arquero (kiowaditsa) Turquoise 310 m. Jose Bernado (d¥atela) Turquoise —_ 4 F. +309* m, ——————-. Fox +51 F. Ascencion Chavez (See Gen. 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