litre Flared Anta Ph apot Ne eee University of Virginia Library GF31 .S5 1923 ALD Influences of geographic envir TNT O00 44her ee ss a tr meeraeeetc Batten een eet namie ae arene sehen eee ewes —se ines Mey Pa St mr ng - an pee pe . way . - - ows - at - — poew el ae 9 rte ee ve — we * ~~ oe ~- oe . a a i yr Om hao ces uk ee Hi ; a rdINFLUENCES OF GEOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENT ON THE BASIS OF RATZEL’S SYSTEM OF ANTHROPO-GEOGRAPHY BY ELLEN CHURCHILL SEMPLE AUTHOB OF “AMERICAN HISTORY AND ITS GEOGRAPHIC CONDITIONS” NEW YORK HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY LONDON: CONSTABLE & COMPANY LTD.“ SS ee ed Ree at ewe ee eS Se ee = - we opue= Pere eee eee re eee ee tee ee 5 agra wa Sm Ua PS a etd =_ ee er ee CN en ee te ied clean en emit nate arias Seine ea ay j D j - — eet eee ee ee ee it Sere TIS 7 Satins = eo - eee ee SS TP vill PREFACE after wider research; but also with the hope that this effort may make the way easier for the scholar who shall some day write the ideal treatise on anthropo-geography. In my work on this book I have only one person to thank, the great master who was my teacher and friend dur- ing his life, and after his death my inspiration. ELLen CHURCHILL SEMPLE. LOUISVILLE, KENTUCKY. January, 1911.CONTENTS RESERVA GSE 64 chuw.e co wdielv.e umreys pe an oA eisid bo meine ete p asnaiah wha v CHAPTER I. OPERATION OF GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY Man a product of the earth’s surface— Persistent effect of geo- graphie barriers2 es ee ee ee ee ase MOI Meret oe ae otate t= er ef CONTENTS CHAPTER IV. MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES IN THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL SIGNIFICANCE Universality of such movements—The name Historical Movement— Its evolution—Its importance in history—Geographical in- terpretation of historical movement—Mobility of primitive peoples—Civilization and mobility—Migration and ethnic mingling—Cultural modification during migration—The transit land—War as form of historical movement—Slavery —Military colonies—Withdrawal and flight—Natural re- gions of asylum—Emigration and colonization—Commerce as a form of historical movement—Movements due to reli- gion—Historical movement and race distribution—Zonal distribution—Movements to like or better geographic con- ditions—Their direction—Return movements—Regions of attraction and repulsion—Psychical influences in certain movements—Two results of historical movement—Differen- tiation and area—Differentiation and isolation—Geographic conditions of heterogeneity and homogeneity—Assimi- lation—Elimination of unfit variants through historical movement—Geographical OFigiNS ....++eesseeeeerececes CHAPTER V. GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION The importance of geographical location—Content of the term location—Intercontinental location—Natural versus vicinal location—Naturally defined location—Vicinal location— Vicinal groups of similar or diverse race and culture— Thalassic vicinal location—Complementary locations—Con- tinuous and scattered location—Central versus peripheral location—Mutual relations between center and periphery —Inland and coastward expansion—Reaction between center and periphery—Periphery in colonization—Dominant historical side—Change of historical front—Contrasted historical sides—One-sided historical location—Scattered location—Due to adverse geographic conditions—Island way stations on maritime routes—Sceattered location of primitive peoples—Ethnic islands of expansion and decline —Discontinuous distribution—Contrasted . location—Geo- graphical polarity—Geographical marks of growth and de- cline—Interpretation of scattered and marginal location— Contrast between ethnic islands of growth and decline.... CHAPTER VI. GEOGRAPHICAL AREA The size of the earth—Relation of area to life—Area and differ- entiation—The struggle for space—National area an in- dex of social and political development—The Oikoumene— The unity of the human species in relation to the earth— Isolation and differentiation—Monotonous race type of small area—Wide race distribution and inner diversities— 129CONTENTS Large area a guarantee of racial or national permanence —Weakness of small states—Protection of large area to primitive peoples—Contrast of large and small areas in bio-geography—Political domination of large areas—Area and literature—Small geographic base of primitive so- cieties—Influence of small, confined areas—The process of territorial growth—Historical advance from small to large areas—Gradations in area and in development—Prelim- inaries to ethnic and political expansion—Significance of sphere of influence or activity—Nature of expansion in new and old countries—Relation of ethnic to political ex- pansion—Relation of people and state to political bound- ary—Expansion of civilization—Cultural advantages of large political area—Politico-economic advantag s—Polit- ical area and the national horizon—National estimates of area—Limitations of small tribal conceptions—LEvolution of territorial policies—Colonial expansion—The mind of SUOMI heh ig RE wl aide 0 a | sy disiee «ees > hsb CHAPTER VII. GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES The boundary zone in Nature—Oscillating boundaries of the habitable area of the earth—Wallace’s Line a typical boundary zone—Boundaries as limits of ex pansion—Bound- ary zone as index of erowth or decline—Breadth of boundary zone—Broad frontier zones of active expansion —Value of barrier boundaries—The sea as the absolute boundary—Natural boundaries as bases of ethnic and po- litical boundaries—Primitive waste boundaries—Alien in- trusions into border wastes—Politico-economic significance of the waste boundary—Common boundary districts— Tariff free zones—Boundary zones of mingled race ele- ments—Assimilation of civilization in boundary zones— Relation of ethnic and cultural assimilation—The border zone of assimilation in political expansion—Tendency to- ward defection along political frontiers—The spirit of eolonial frontiers—Free border states as political survivals —Guardians of the marches—Lawless citizens deported to political frontiers—Drift of lawless elements to the fron- tiers—Asylums beyond the border.....+++++sesrererere: CHAPTER VIII. COA ST PE( YPLES The coast a zone of transition—The inner edge—Shifting of the inner edge—Outer edge in original settlement—In early navigation—In eolonization—Inland advance of colonies —Interpenetration of land and sea—Ratio of shore-line to area—Criticism of the formula—Accessibility of coasts from hinterland—Accessibility of coasts from the sea— Embayed coasts—Contrasted coastal belts—Evolution of ports—Influence of offshore islands—Previous habitat of 168 a) mw eee phe he eh me soapy eens cbhet po yee SL aoe es oh - ees 3% 4, —<\heRe - a ee are taal eee ook eee aea ~a CC¥ mapa loa sgeesswessug ee ee ee —— i eS a 2 wo Se aoe bs Hen Ln ah i areas ne ee) ee Pet puntents bas polesetomnatrted naieech barebapsiae te ot meroeeeacineeimnnaae eee inl apne ae Neen ene ee eee ee eee ene nn en nn en eed cea einen ened “eee Se aoe Sy ee ee ee ote ee pet ee ete tote ee i ie ae te et tr pre es ar ed The protection of a water frontier CONTENTS coast-dwellers—Habitability of coasts as a factor in mari- time development—Geographie conditions for brilliant maritime development—Scope and importance of seaward expansion—Ethnic contrast between coast and interior peoples—Ethnic amalgamations of coastlands—Lingua franca a product of coasts—Coast-dwellers as middlemen —Differentiation of coast from inland people—Early civi- lization of coasts—Progress from thalassic to oceanic coasts—Importance of geographic location of coasts—His- torical decline of certain coasts—Complex interplay of geographic factors in coastlands.......--.+sseesseeeees CHAPTER IX. OCEANS AND ENCLOSED SEAS The water a factor in man’s mobility—Oceans and seas the fac- tor of union in universal history—Origin of navigation— Primitive forms—Relation of river to marine navigation —Retarded and advanced navigation—Geographie condi- tions in Polynesia—Mediterranean versus Atlantic seaman- ship—Three geographie stages of maritime development— Enclosed seas as areas of ethnic and cultural assimilation —Assimilation facilitated by ethnic kinship—Importance of zonal and continental location of enclosed seas—Thalas- sic character of the Indian Ocean—Limitations of small area in enclosed seas—Successive maritime periods in his- tory—Contrasted historical rdles of northern and southern hemispheres—Size of the ocean—Neutrality of the seas— Mare clausum and Mare Wberum.....seccccesececes ave (diais CHAPTER X. MAN’S RELATION TO THE WATER Pile villages of ancient times —Modern pile dwellings—Their geographic distribution— River-dwellers in old and popular lands—Man’s encroach- ment upon the sea by reclamation of land—The struggle with the water—Mound villages in river flood-plains—Social and political gain by control of the water—A factor in early civilization of arid lands—The economy of the water —Fisheries—Factors in maritime expansion—Fisheries as nurseries of seamen—Anthropo-geographiec importance of MAVISAMON iyi coe ccc waletinls pe ve own «me WiaMiaie eee R ter CHAPTER XI. THE ANTHROPO-GEOGRAPHY OF RIVERS as intermediaries between land and sea—Sea navigation merges into river navigation—Historical importance of seas and oceans influenced by their debouching streams—Lack of coast articulations supplied by rivers—River highways as basis of commercial preéminence—Importance of rivers in large countries—Rivers as highways of expansion—De- terminants of routes in arid or semi-arid lands—Increasing 242 292 318CONTENTS historical importance of rivers from source to mouth—Value of location at hydrographic centers—Effect of current upon trade and expansion—Importance of mouth to up- stream people—Prevention of monopoly of river mouths— Motive for canals in lower course—Watershed canals for extension of inland waterways—Rivers and railroads— Natural unity of every river system—In arid lands as com- mon source of water supply—Tendency towards ethnic and cultural unity in a river valley—Identity of country with river valley—Rivers as boundaries of races and peoples—Rivers as political boundaries—Fluvial settle- ments and peoples—Boatman tribes or castes—River is- lands as protected sites—River and lake islands as robber strongholds—River peninsulas—River islands as sites of trading posts and eolonies—Swamps as_ barriers and boundaries—Swamps as regions of survivals—Swamps as places of refuge—The spirit of the marshes—Economie and political importance of lakes—Lakes as nuclei of states— Takes as fresh-water SeaS.....-+--sereeesecercrcererers CHAPTER XII. CONTINENTS AND THEIR PENINSULAS Insularity of the land-masses—Classification of land-masses ac- cording to size and location—Bffect of the size of land- masses—Independence due to location versus independence due to size—Continental convergence and ethnic kinship —Africa’s location—The Atlantic abyss—Geographical character of the Pacific—Pacific affinities of North Amer- ica—The Atlantic face of America as the infant Orient of the world—The Atlantic abyss in the movements of peoples —Races and continents—Contrast of the northern and southern continents—Effects of continental structure upon historical development—Structure of North and South America—Cultural superiority of Pacific slope Indians— Coast articulations of continents—Importance of size in continental articulations—Peninsular conditions most favor- able to historical development—The continental base of peninsulas—Continental hase a zone of transition—Contt- nental base the scene of invasion and war—Peninsular ex- tremities as areas of isolation—Ethnie unity of penin- sulas—Peninsulas as intermediarieS....++++++ersrressre® CHAPTER XIII. ISLAND PEOPLES Physical relationship between islands and peninsulas—Character of insular flora and fauna—Paradoxical influences of island habitat on man—Conservative and radical tendencies born of isolation and accessibility—Islands as nurseries and dis- seminators of distinctive civilizations—Limitation of small area in insular history—Sources of ethnic stock of islands on nearest mainland. Ethnic divergence with increased 336 380. aaa ed ee PS hl ie a eae’ a) PASE asks Seba RO ee te ee oo a — ~ d eee ee ee es hs ert so Sara eT es ae aes om ee ee aE ae ees “ wears ee ue ure teaheemaiietemrrene’s tie s 2 poet HM pining OF y ee Be er ee re he ptete a ee ee Seyret - . rly oF wt « « - . ote . = - APA we Relief Man as part of the mobile envelope of the earth—Inaccessibility CONTENTS isolation—Differentiation of peoples and civilizations in islands—Differentiation of language—Unification of race in islands—Remoter sources of island populations—Double sources—Mixed population of small thalassic isles—Signifi- eant location of island way stations—Thalassie islands as goals of maritime expansion—Political detachability of islands—Insular weakness based upon small area—Island fragments of broken empires—Area and location as factors in political autonomy of islands—Historical effects of island isolation in primitive retardation—Later stimulation of development—Excessive isolation—Protection of an is- land environment—Islands as places of refuge—Isiands as places of survival—Effects of small area in islands— Economic limitations of their small area—Dense popula- tion of islands—Geographie causes of this density— Oceanic climate as factor—Relation of density to size— Density affected by a focal location for trade—Overflow of island population and colonies to the mainland—Preco- cious development of island agriculture—Intensive tillage Emigration and colonization from islands—Recent emi- gration from islands—Maritime enterprise as outlet—Arti- ficial checks to population—Polyandry—Infanticide—Low Valuntion vot -hUMan slFe cog. osc cin wiaeyecn nce <3) 0,40) 0 eg eee CHAPTER XIV. PLAINS, STEPPES AND DESERTS of the sea floor—Mean elevations of the continents— Distribution of relief—Homologous reliefs and homologous histories—Anthropo-geography of lowlands—Extensive plains unfavorable to early development—Conditions for fusion in plains—Retardation due to monotonous environ- ment—Influence of slight geographic features in plains— Plains and political expansion—Arid plains—Nomadism— Pastoral life—Pastoral nomads of Arctic plains—dHuistor- ical importance of steppe nomads—Mobility of pastoral nomads—Seasonal migrations—Marauding expeditions— Forms of defense against nomad depredations—Pastoral life as a training for soldiers—Capacity for political or- ganization and consolidation—Centralization versus decen- tralization in nomadism—Spirit of independence among nomads—Resistance to conquest—Curtailment of nomadism —Supplementary agriculture of pastoral nomadism—Irtri- gation and horticulture—Scant diet of nomads—Effects of a diminishing water supply—Checks to population—Trade of nomads—Pastoral nomads as middlemen—Desert mar- kets—Nomad industries—Arid lands as areas of arrested development—Mental and moral qualities of nomads— ReEvion jr PAStora) NOMAUS 5... cc. es wes © le Oe CHAPTER XV. MOUNTAIN BARRIERS AND THEIR PASSES 409 473ones CONTENTS of mountains—Mountains as transit regions—Transition forms of relief between highlands and lowlands—Pied- mont belts as boundary zones—Density of population in piedmont belts—Piedmont towns and cities—Piedmonts as eolonial or backwoods frontiers—Mountain carriers—Power of mountain barriers to block or deflect historical move- ment—Significance of mountain valleys—Longitudinal val- leys—Passes in mountain barriers—Breadth of mountain barriers—Dominant transmontane routes—Height and form of mountain barriers—Contrasted accessibility of opposite slopes—Political and ethnic effects—Persistence of barrier nature—Importance of mountain passes—Geographic con- ditions affecting the historical importance of passes— Passes determine the transmontane routes—Navigable river approaches to passes—Types of settlement in the valley approaches—Pass cities and their markets—Pass peoples —Their political importance......--- Ae erie CHAPTER XVI. INFLUENCES OF A MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENT of altitude—Politico-economie value of a varied relief—Re- lief and climate—Altitude zones of economic and cultural development—Altitude and density belts in tropical high- lands—Increasing density where altitude confers safety— Geographic conditions affecting density of mountain popu- lation—Terrace agriculture—lIts geographical distribution —Terrace agriculture in mountainous islands—Among sav- Fertilizing terrace lands—Economy of level age peoples land—Mountain pastures and stock-raisinge—Life and in- dustry of the summer herdsmen—Communal ownership of mountain pastures—Hay making in high mountains— Winter industries of mountain peoples—Overpopulation and emigration—Preventive checks to increase of popula- tion—Religious celibacy —Polyandry—Marauding tenden- cies in mountaineers—Historical consequences 0} mountain raiding—Conquest of mountain regions—Political dismem- berment of mountain peoples—Types of mountain states— Significance of their small size—Mountain isolation and differentiation—Survival of primitive races in mountains— Diversity of peoples and dialects—Constriction of moun- tain areas of ethnic survival—lIsolation and retardation of mountain regions—Mental and moral qualities of mountain people.......-+. Oe coe Pry ee, stake a bees CHAPTER XVII. THE INFLUENCES OF CLIMATE UPON MAN Importance of climatic influences—Climate in the interplay of geographic factors—Its direct and indirect effects—Cli- mate determines the habitable area of the earth—Effect of climate upon relief and hence upon man—Man’s adapta- bility to climatic extremes Temperature as modified by Or to ~ | | ~l ae Chara ae 0s 4 a ee en a ; CN ee errr ert te eee eee2 ea a a) Ps ee) eee ee en a are +e CONTENTS ee eee oceans and winds—Rainfall—Temperature and zonal loca- tion—Mutual reactions of contrasted zones—Isothermal lines in anthropo-geography—Historical effects of com- pressed isotherms—Historical effects of slight climatic dif- ferences—Their influence upon distribution of immigration —Temperature and race temperament—Complexity of this problem—Monotonous climatie conditions—Effects of Arctic cold—Effect of monotonous heat—The tropies as goals of migration—The problem of acclimatization—Historical importance of the temperate zone—Contrast of the seasons —Duration of the seasons—Effect of long winters and long summers—Zones of culture—Temperate zone as cradle | of civilization ce bin'w wo Ube e slaleselove wien) dain rareiehe ss mmnoeRE 639 aes dicen Pemecemh sha hegemenieth aanemeiadi eciebete eee Tees tonat ne ee ee ae - geben tatiana del entish nd earls wr pat prank earner a oe EP OY at ee arg ne oy Sing 45 Duy <= sae eee tee fig? PG ta ny en ae ead ee en hae reo erg Sa as ee R | i. i ze Bi . 1 i - by. if i t Y 4 : a hl J ‘ ~ seb pan ate te eee Le el ee hee EE eee Oe ee ed See eee er eT = eeLIST OF MAPS. DENSITY OF POPULATION IN THE EASTERN HEMISPHERE..... S avateas 8 DENSITY OF POPULATION IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE...... nutes a 9 DOWELL’S MAP OF INDIAN LINGUISTIC STOCKS.......-s-eeeeeees 54 PRIMITIVE INDIAN STOCKS OF SOUTH AMERICA.......eeeeeeeeees 101 MmHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF INDIA.....e ce eeeceeccccecsenwccsrees 102 MTHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF ASIA....cccevecccccssceccvecescesees 103 MTHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF AFRICA.......eereccer erect eercreenes 105 DISTRIBUTION OF WILD AND CIVILIZED TRIBES IN THE PHILIPPINES.. 147 DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION IN THE PROVINCE OF FINMARKEN... 153 DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1800. gc ao Toe SLAV-GERMAN BOUNDARY IN BUROPE,.......--eeeeeeeeeeces 223 MTHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF RUSSIA......- ee eeeeereeeeenerrececee 225 Mare GERMAN NORTH SEA COAST........-eeeeceecrrecerereecce® 243 ANCIENT PHOENICIAN AND GREEK COLONIES. ....-++s++eeeeeee? 25] RIPARIAN VILLAGES OF THE LOWER St, LAWRENCE.....+-+.+++++e005 365 LAKE OF THE Four FOREST CANTONS.....-eeeee rere re terrestres 374 Tre ANNUAL RAINFALL OF THE WORLD,.....---+-eseeerrrcrcreces 484 THE CULTURAL REGIONS OF AFRICA AND AD RYA +. cx Ma aot meee 487 DISTRIBUTION OF HNELIGIONS IN THE Orn WORLD. «vs cas cue ee Ae 513 DENSITY OF POPULATION IN ITALY.....---eereeerrretcee: 559 612 MEAN ANNUAY ISOTHERMS AND HEAT BEDTE: ; wc ke ee - - he Spi on oe cit hiebte it eerTHE INFLUENCES OF GEOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENT CHAPTER I THE OPERATION OF GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY Man is a product of the earth’s surface. This means not Man a merely that he is a child of the earth, dust of her dust; but that the earth has mothered him, fed him, set him tasks, ei eeaeel directed his thoughts, confronted him with difficulties that have strengthened his body and sharpened his wits, given him his problems of navigation or irrigation, and at the same time whispered hints for their solution. She has entered into his bone and tissue, into his mind and soul. On the mountains she has given him leg muscles of iron to climb the slope; along the coast she has left these weak and flabby, but given him instead vigorous development of chest and arm to handle his paddle or oar. In the river valley she attaches him to the fertile soil, circumscribes his ideas and ambitions by a dull round of calm, exacting duties, narrows his outlook to the cramped horizon of his farm. Up on the wind-swept plateaus, in the boundless stretch of the grasslands and the waterless tracts of the desert, where he roams with his flocks from pas- ture to pasture and oasis to oasis, where life knows much hard- ship but escapes the grind of drudgery, where the watching of grazing herd gives him leisure for contemplation, and the wide- ranging life a big horizon, his ideas take on a certain gigantic simplicity; religion becomes monotheism, God becomes one, unrivalled like the sand of the desert and the grass of the steppe, stretching on and on without break or change. Chew- ing over and over the cud of his simple belief as the one food of his unfed mind, his faith becomes fanaticism ; his big spacialap aterm Sache. toa inen uae heere etn ch oe Deron se wots mS Sata Say yee oe et ey tae ae Pre ed os ie iat n Betws =a eee orm Sreot Oot emwhwen ge Gi ab neh hede este epuh ac: ~ a —— poke Bes ne ones } oe : nls Cae ng a Se es =™ -- a ae baa raha hh ale ae Bh eeeatae ahattine parte cnemerar mamas vareeenahae acme ee ET P, ne ee eee he Pe {ep ee ee le eet rt. need “ a o* vite ws i . ofole = - ee hm Stability of geographic factors in history. Persistent effect of remoteness. 2 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY ideas, born of that ceaseless regular wandering, outgrow the land that bred them and bear their legitimate fruit in wide imperial conquests. Man can no more be scientifically studied apart from the ground which he tills, or the lands over which he travels, or the seas over which he trades, than polar bear or desert cactus can be understood apart from its habitat. Man’s relations to his environment are infinitely more numerous and complex than those of the most highly organized plant or animal. So complex are they that they constitute a legitimate and neces- sary object of special study. The investigation which they receive in anthropology, ethnology, sociology and history is piecemeal and partial, limited as to the race, cultural develop- ment, epoch, country or variety of geographic conditions taken into account. Hence all these sciences, together with history so far as history undertakes to explain the causes of events, fail to reach a satisfactory solution of their problems largely because the geographic factor which enters into them all has not been thoroughly analyzed. / Man has been so noisy about the way he has “‘conquered Nature,” and Nature has been so silent in her persistent influence over man, that the geographic factor in the equation of human development has been over- looked. In’ every problem of history there are two main factors, variously stated as heredity and environment, man and his geographic conditions, the internal forces of race and the ex- ternal forces of habitat. Now the geographic element in the long history of human development has been operating strongly and operating persistently. Herein lies its importance. It is a stable force. It never sleeps. This natural environment, this physical basis of history, is for all intents and purposes immutable in comparison with the other factor in the problem —shifting, plastic, progressive, retrogressive man. History tends to repeat itself largely owing to this steady, unchanging geographic element. If the ancient Roman consul in far-away Britain often assumed an independence of action and initiative unknown in the provincial governors of Gaul, and if, centuries later, Roman Catholicism in England main- tained a similar independence towards the Holy See, both facts.GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN: HISTORY 3 have their cause in the remoteness of Britain from the center of political or ecclesiastical power in Rome. If the inde- pendence of the Roman consul in Britain was duplicated later by the attitude of the Thirteen Colonies toward England, and again within the young Republic by the headstrong self- reliance, impatient of government authority, which charac- terized the early Trans-Allegheny commonwealths in their ag- gressive Indian policy, and led them to make war and conclude treaties for the cession of land like sovereign states; and if this attitude of independence in the over-mountain men reap- peared in a spirit of political defection looking toward seces- sion from the Union and a new combination with their British neighbor on the Great Lakes or the Spanish beyond the Missis- sippi, these are all the identical effects of geographical remote- ness made yet more remote by barriers of mountain and sea. This is the long reach which weakens the arm of authority, no matter what the race or country or epoch. As with geographical remoteness, so it is with geographical proximity. » The-history of the Greek peninsula and the Greek people, because of their location at the threshold of the Orient, has contained a constantly recurring Asiatic element. This comes out most often as a note of warning; like the motif of Ortrud in the opera of “Lohengrin,” it mingles ominously in every chorus of Hellenic enterprise or pxan of Hellenic vic- tory, and finally swells into a national dirge at the Turkish conquest of the peninsula. It comes out in the legendary his- tory of the Argonautic Expedition and the Trojan War; in the arrival of Phoenician Cadmus and Phrygian Pelops in Grecian lands; in the appearance of Tyrian ships on the coast of the Peloponnesus, where they gather the purple-yielding murex and kidnap Greek women. It appears more conspicu- ously in the Asiatic sources of Greek culture; more dramatic- ally in the Persian Wars, in the retreat of Xenophon’s ‘Ten Thousand, in Alexander’s conquest of Asia, and Hellenic domi- nation of Asiatic trade through Syria to the Mediterranean. Again in the thirteenth century the lure of the Levantine trade “Jed Venice and Genoa to appropriate certain islands and promontories of Greece as commercial bases nearer to Asia. In 1396 begins the absorption of Greece into the Asiatic em- Effect of proximity.seen: ball eadittadrendrtedeeeinaatt etteainentetd i ee on ae td ee" pee Lad as eae , Et 2) rot ie Ot) Ps eens ee er ich sacs ech ds atin apr rine bk athe shrine er bain lero Pha neem eememaatineteene mbeeeemeeete ore ae eee ee ee EN Fe TS NS Re TR Pe et De ht NT ee _ ; - ‘ ee re pare a ete eo tes Persistent effect of natural barriers. EXTQALTIAEVLAT.A 4 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY pire of the Turks, the long dark eclipse of sunny Hellas, till it issues from the shadow in 1832 with the achievement of Greek independence. If the factor is not one of geographical location, but a natural barrier, such as a mountain system or a desert, its effect is just as persistent. ‘The upheaved mass of the Car- pathians served to divide the westward moving tide of the Slavs into two streams, diverting one into the maritime plain of northern Germany and Poland, the other into the channel of the Danube Valley which guided them to the Adriatic and the foot of the Alps. This same range checked the westward ad- vance of the mounted Tartar hordes. The Alps long retarded Roman expansion into central Europe, just as they delayed and obstructed the southward advance of the northern bar- barians. Only through the partial breaches in the wall known as passes did the Alps admit small, divided bodies of the invaders, like the Cimbri and Teutons, who arrived, therefore, with weakened power and at intervals, so that the Roman forces had time to gather their strength between successive attacks, and thus prolonged the life of the declining empire. So in the Middle Ages, the Alpine barrier facilitated the resis- tance of Italy to the German emperors, trying to enforce their claim upon this ancient seat of the Holy Roman Empire. It was by river-worn valleys leading to passes in the ridge that Etruscan trader, Roman legion, barbarian horde, and German army crossed the Alpine ranges. To-day well-made highways and railroads converge upon these valley paths and summit portals, and going is easier; but the Alps still collect their toll, now in added tons of coal consumed by engines and in higher freight rates, instead of the ancient imposts of physical exhaustion paid by pack animal and heavily ac- coutred soldier. Formerly these mountains barred the weak and timid; to-day they bar the poor, and forbid transit to all merchandise of large bulk and small value which can not pay the heavy transportation charges. Similarly, the wide barrier of the Rockies, prior to the opening of the first overland rail- road, excluded all but strong-limbed and _ strong-hearted pioneers from the fertile valleys of California and Oregon, just as it excludes coal and iron even from the Colorado mines,GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 5 and checks the free movement of laborers to the fields and factories of California, thereby tightening the grip of the labor unions upon Pacific coast industries. As the surface of the earth presents obstacles, so it offers channels for the easy movement of humanity, grooves whose direction determines the destination of aimless, unplanned migrations, and whose termini become, therefore, regions of historical importance. Along these nature-made highways his- tory repeats itself. The maritime plain of Palestine has been an established route of commerce and war from the time of Sennacherib to Napoleon.’ he Danube Valley has admitted to central Europe a long list of barbarian invaders, covering the period from Attila the Hun to the Turkish besiegers of Vienna in 1683. The history of the Danube Valley has been one of warring throngs, of shifting political frontiers, and unassimilated races; but as the river is a great natural high- way, every neighboring state wants to front upon it and strives to secure it as a boundary. The movements of peoples constantly recur to these old grooves. The unmarked path of the voyageur’s canoe, bring- ing out pelts from Lake Superior to the fur market at Mont- real, is followed to-day by whaleback steamers with their car- goes of Manitoba wheat. To-day the Mohawk depression through the northern Appalachians diverts some of Canada’s trade from the Great Lakes to the Hudson, just as in the seventeenth century it enabled the Dutch at New Amsterdam and later the English at Albany to tap the fur trade of Canada’s frozen forests. Formerly a line of stream and por- tage, it carries now the Erie Canal and New York Central Railroad.” Similarly the narrow level belt of land extending from the mouth of the Hudson to the eastern elbow of the lower Delaware, defining the outer margin of the rough hill country of northern New Jersey and the inner margin of the smooth coastal plain, has been from savage days such a natural thoroughfare. dians: a little later, the old Dutch road between New Amster- dam and the Delaware trading-posts; yet later the King’s Highway from New York to Philadelphia. In 1838 it be- came the route of the Delaware and Raritan Canal, and more Here ran the trail of the Lenni-Lenapi In- Persistent effect of nature- made high- ways.Sud euhehadtiner tae natonaren -roesctenenhedeene tear erterdiee dair-hametepemeineie reir re ne ean ae eee eee ee = * nee eee - ee Ey " es aioe Pe ES ans = RE eer ae a ee — I i ieee es = ’ a aleteat tetehth atndelantiietA uh co arash eaeheraenes te, eee te ee es a ? “ _ —_—— ee we tera a S-tealeteia > aot bested their deneedeeair Srsie neeiecae del eee ee ny ‘ a) et A ee ED et ares Se ee De Regions of histori- cal similar- ity. ERP ICILS CST 2’ GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 6 recently of the Pennsylvania Railroad between New York and Philadelphia.® The early Aryans, in their gradual dispersion over north- western India, reached the Arabian Sea chiefly by a route running southward from the Indus-Ganges divide, between the eastern border of the Rajputana Desert and the western foot of the Aravalli Hills. The streams flowing down from this range across the thirsty plains unite to form the Luni River, which draws a dead-line to the advance of the desert. Here a smooth and well-watered path brought the early Aryans of India to a fertile coast along the Gulf of Cambay.* In the palmy days of the Mongol Empire during the seven- teenth century, and doubtless much earlier, it became an estab- lished trade route between the sea and the rich cities of the upper Ganges.” Recently it determined the line of the Raj- putana Railroad from the Gulf of Cambay to Delhi.® Bary- gaza, the ancient seaboard terminus of this route, appears in Pliny’s time as the most famous emporium of western India, the resort of Greek and Arab merchants.’ It reappears later in history with its name metamorphosed to Baroche or Broach, where in 1616 the British established a factory for trade,® but is finally superseded, under Portuguese and English rule, by nearby Surat. Thus natural conditions fix the channels in which the stream of humanity most easily moves, determine within certain limits the direction of its flow, the velocity and volume of its current. Every new flood tends to fit itself ap- proximately into the old banks, seeks first these lines of least resistance, and only when it finds them blocked or pre-empted does it turn to more difficult paths. Geographical environment, through the persistence of its influence, acquires peculiar significance. Its effect is not re- stricted to a given historical event or epoch, but, except when temporarily met by some strong counteracting force, tends to make itself felt under varying guise in all succeeding history. It is the permanent element in the shifting fate of races. Islands show certain fundamental points of agreement which can be distinguished in the economic, ethnic and historical development of England, Japan, Melanesian Fiji, Polynesian New Zealand, and pre-historic Crete. The great belt ofGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 1 deserts and steppes extending across the Old World gives us a vast territory of rare historical uniformity. From time imme- morial they have borne and bred tribes of wandering herds- men; they have sent out the invading hordes who, in suc- cessive waves of conquest, have overwhelmed the neighboring river lowlands of Eurasia and Africa. They have given birth in turn to Scythians, Indo-Aryans, Avars, Huns, Saracens, Tartars and Turks, as to the Tuareg tribes of the Sahara, the Sudanese and Bantu folk of the African grasslands. But whether these various peoples have been Negroes, Hamites, Semites, Indo-Europeans or Mongolians, they have always been pastoral nomads. ‘The description given by Herodotus of the ancient Scythians is applicable in its main features to the Kirghis and Kalmuck who inhabit the Caspian plains to-day. The environment of this dry grassland operates now to produce the same mode of life and social organization as it did 2,400 years ago; stamps the cavalry tribes of Cossacks as it did the mounted Huns, energizes its sons by its dry bracing air, toughens them by its harsh conditions of life, or- ganizes them into a mobilized army, always moving with its pastoral commissariat. ‘Then when population presses too hard upon the meager sources of subsistence, when a summer drought burns the pastures and dries up the water-holes, it sends them forth on a mission of conquest, to seek abundance ‘n the better watered lands of their agricultural neighbors. Again and again the productive valleys of the Hoangho, Indus, Ganges, Tigris and Euphrates, Nile, Volga, Dnieper and Danube have been brought into subjection by the imperi- ous nomads of arid Asia, just as the “‘hoe-people” of the Niger and upper Nile have so often been conquered by the herdsmen of the African grasslands. ‘Thus, regardless of race or epoch —Hyksos or Kaffir—history tends to repeat itself in these rainless tracts, and involves the better watered districts along their borders when the vast tribal movements extend into these peripheral lands. Climatic influences are persistent, often obdurate in their control. Arid regions permit agriculture and sedentary life only through irrigation. ‘The economic prosperity of Egypt to-day depends as completely upon the distribution of the Nile Climatic influences.ENN Ty a ey At A A ah A hs a ee ea. ri vee Ceili eed ~ OF ee ee ee ee wa cy - “ae Ce tpt hp pd. ' Y Na cs ve AE ee ee ee re pe y ee i ee Capt et. iid . x” <5. tigen - A un GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY ee Se nF ‘Tokio LT DENSITY OF POPULATION IN EASTERN HEMISPHERE ES.Z ate i bees bal ball acbrmnce betel tet hatrbarnahe teh: or one neteeetinettianeh celemeeenn ones net Rnet ddd tien bil in tne ee ee eee ee LP __~ NN INR \ RA eS “8 ¥ -, © 0 * WSS ‘Ch SA RS te Sa 4S A) +3°" ° es e ° . . ale bs o#. oe . * ° , te °- |S: he . = _ °es or. j eet * ef ° ee Siv's 0-500 or more 5 a5, G ‘ B00 04 2S Fran c f f D f fi gs 6 s > fi [i fol. : GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY ntiaga a a . adit T 2 inhabitants per sq. m. ) art Under -25 9_9OF _ Ly DENSITY OF POPULATION IN WESTERN HEMISPHERE ! 125-250 or more 25-125The re- lation of geography to history. 10 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY waters as in the days of the Pharaohs. The mantle of the ancient Egyptian priest has fallen upon the modern British engineer. Arctic explorers have succeeded only by imitating the life of the Eskimos, adopting their clothes, food, fuel, dwellings, and mode of travel. Intense cold has checked both native and Russian development over that major portion of Siberia lying north of the mean annual isothern of 0 degree C. (32 degrees F.) ; and it has had a like effect in the correspond- ing part of Canada. (Compare maps pages 8 and 9). Alt allows these sub-arctic lands scant resources and a population of less than two to the square mile. Even with the intrusion of white colonial peoples, it perpetuates the savage economy of the native hunting tribes, and makes the fur trader their mod- ern exploiter, whether he be the Cossack tribute-gatherer of the lower Lena River, or the factor of the Hudson Bay Company. The assimilation tends to be ethnic as well as economic, because the severity of the climate excludes the white woman. In the same way the Tropics are a vast melting-pot. The debili- tating effects of heat and humidity, aided by tropical diseases, soon reduce intruding peoples to the dead level of economic inefficiency characteristic of the native races. These, as the fittest, survive and tend to absorb the new-comers, pointing to hybridization as the simplest solution of the problem of tropical colonization. The more the comparative method is applied to the study of history—and this includes a comparison not only of different countries, but also of successive epochs in the same country— the more apparent becomes the influence of the soil in which humanity is rooted, the more permanent and necessary is that influence seen to be. Geography’s claim to make scien- tific investigation of the physical conditions of historical events is then vindicated. “Which was there first, geography or history?” asks Kant. And then comes his answer: “Geog- raphy lies at the basis of history.” The two are inseparable. History takes for its field of investigation human events in various periods of time: anthropo-geography studies exist- ence in various regions of terrestrial space. But all historical development takes place on the earth’s surface, and therefore is more or less molded by its geographic setting. Geography,GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 11 to reach accurate conclusions, must compare the operation of its factors in different historical periods and at different stages of cultural development. It therefore regards history in no small part as a succession of geographical factors embodied in events. Back of Massachusetts’ passionate abolition move- ment, it sees the granite soil and boulder-strewn fields of New England; back of the South’s long fight for the maintenance of slavery, it sees the rich plantations of tidewater Virginia and the teeming fertility of the Mississippi bottom lands. This is the significance of Herder’s saying that “history 1s geography set into motion.” What is to-day a fact of geog- raphy becomes to-morrow a factor of history. The two scl- ences cannot be held apart without doing violence to both, without dismembering what is a natural, vital whole. All his- torical problems ought to be studied geographically and all geographic problems must be studied historically. Every map has its date. Those in the Statistical Atlas of the United States showing the distribution of population from 1790 to 1890 embody a mass of history as well as of geography. A map of France or the Russian Empire has a long historical perspective; and on the other hand, without that map no change of ethnic or political boundary, no modification in routes of communication, no system of frontier defences or of colonization, no scheme of territorial aggrandizement can be understood. The study of physical environment as a factor in history was unfortunately brought into disrepute by extravagant and ill-founded generalization, before it became the object of investigation according to modern scientific methods. And even to-day principles advanced in the name of anthropo- geography are often superficial, inaccurate, based upon a body of data too limited as to space and time, or couched in terms of unqualified statement which exposes them to criticism or refutation. Investigators in this field, moreover, are prone to get a squint in their eye that makes them see one geographic factor to the exclusion of the rest; whereas it belongs to the very nature of physical environment to combine a whole group of influences, working all at the same time under the law of the resolution of forces. In this plexus of influences, some Multi- plicity of geographic factors.aay eee mt Sok eareeiaee teeatinnenthathiaad anaiaetad ~ Saadeh haben lamar betes hechaneete lend 7 PSS pt date at hy ewe ne Oat SR as tte are ear tar ted we thd ee a ll ie ee “= Son Do de Dd bash eepshdreehc hehrinesinel eaueriensioo- ice am iseeemetanendsatinate ead nebemenerermimment emeaeeemeeemiaeecee eee ee - - PS Dt ee Del aw Fo ee A ee rhe Ty ee eet. ie “ oly aRa? ot : ‘ eee . ors rte Evolution of geograph- ic re- lations. 12 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY operate in one direction and some in another; now one loses its beneficent effect like a medicine long used or a garment outgrown; another waxes in power, reinforced by a new geo- graphic factor which has been released from dormancy by the expansion of the known world, or the progress of invention and of human development. These complex geographic influences cannot be analyzed and their strength estimated except from the standpoint of evolution. ‘That is one reason these half-baked geographic principles rest heavy on our mental digestion. They have been formulated without reference to the all-important fact that the geographical relations of man, like his social and political organization, are subject to the law of development. Just as the embryo state found in the primitive Saxon tribe has passed through many phases in attaining the political character of the present British Empire, so every stage in this maturing growth has been accompanied or even preceded by a steady evolution of the geographic relations of the English people. Owing to the evolution of geographic relations, the physi- cal environment favorable to one stage of development may be adverse to another, and vice versa. For instance, a small, isolated and protected habitat, like that of Egypt, Pheenicia, Crete and Greece, encourages the birth and precocious growth of civilization; but later it may cramp progress, and lend the stamp of arrested development to a people who were once the model for all their little world. Open and wind-swept Russia, lacking these small, warm nurseries where Nature could cuddle her children, has bred upon its boundless plains a mas- sive, untutored, homogeneous folk, fed upon the crumbs of culture that have fallen from the richer tables of Europe. But that item of area is a variable quantity in the equation. It changes its character at a higher stage of cultural develop- ment. Consequently, when the Muscovite people, instructed by the example of western Europe, shall have grown up intel- lectually, economically and politically to their big territory, its area will become a great national asset. Russia will come into its own, heir to a long-withheld inheritance. Many of its previous geographic disadvantages will vanish, like theGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 13 diseases of childhood, while its massive size will dwarf many previous advantages of its European neighbors. This evolution of geographic relations applies not only to Evolution the local environment, but also to the wider world relations of of world a people. Greeks and Syrians, English and Japanese, take relations. a different rank among the nations of the earth to-day from that held by their ancestors 2,000 years ago, simply because the world relations of civilized peoples have been steadily ex- panding since those far-back days of Tyrian and Athenian su- premacy. The period of maritime discoveries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries shifted the foci of the world relations of European states from enclosed seas to the rim of the Atlan- tic. Venice and Genoa gave way to Cadiz and Lagos, just as sixteen centuries before Corinth and Athens had yielded their ascendency to Rome and Ostia. The keen but circumscribed trade of the Baltic, which gave wealth and historical pre- eminence to Liibeck and the other Hanse Towns of northern Germany from the twelfth to the seventeenth century, lost its relative importance when the Atlantic became the maritime field of history. Maritime leadership passed westward from Liibeck and Stralsund to Amsterdam and Bristol, as the his- torical horizon widened. England, prior to this sudden dis- location, lay on the outskirts of civilized Europe, a terminal land, not a focus. The peripheral location which retarded her early development became a source of power when she accumulated sufficient density of population for colonizing enterprises, and when maritime discovery opened a way to trans-oceanic lands.” Meanwhile, local geographic advantages in the old basins remain the same, although they are dwarfed by the develop- ment of relatively greater advantages elsewhere. The broken coastline, limited area and favorable position of Greece make its people to-day a nation of seamen, and enable them to ab- sorb by their considerable merchant fleet a great part of the trade of the eastern Mediterranean,” Just as they did in the days of Pericles; but that youthful Aegean world which once constituted so large a part of the otkowmene, has shrunken to a modest province, and its highways to local paths. The coast cities of northern Germany still maintain a large com-ete Steen inte iaietedeetnaedn td ceietetpieneebaedatatoned ill tel, il a te el of ie) oes Oe ee ee eT eae tat rena a Ae Ae ee - Sen . " S OE Tet Ss re ee ene ae ma he S ee tet td ear teenie tee ee ie heen ee ae Utes grin teen ne ae a ee “meget | he ie ee, . et Ned ne ig 4 - - a P " ee 5 ee Ne ee eee a es Oi ee eek Ot ES Sie a ae i ee Te DS ar ie oP eftptabetatolel, : . » a aye Interplay of geographic factors. 14 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY merce in the Baltic, but no longer hold the pre-eminence of the old Hanse Towns. The glory of the Venetian Adriatic is gone; but that the sea has still a local significance is proven by the vast sums spent by Austria and Hungary on their hand-made harbors of Trieste and Fiume.“ The analytical geographer, therefore, while studying a given combination of geographic forces, must be prepared for a momentous read- justment and a new interplay after any marked turning point in the economic, cultural, or world relations of a people. Skepticism as to the effect of geographic conditions upon human development is apparently justifiable, owing to the multiplicity of the underlying causes and the difficulty of distinguishing between stronger and weaker factors on the one hand, as between permanent and temporary effects on the other. We see the result, but find it difficult to state the equation producing this result. But the important thing is to avoid seizing upon one or two conspicuous geographic ele- ments in the problem and ignoring the rest. The physical environment of a people consists of all the natural conditions to which they have been subjected, not merely a part. Geog- raphy admits no single blanket theory. The slow historical development of the Russian folk has been due to many geo- graphic causes—to excess of cold and deficiency of rain, an outskirt location on the Asiatic border of Europe exposed to the attacks of nomadic hordes, a meager and, for the most part, ice-bound coast which was slowly acquired, an undiversi- fied surface, a lack of segregated regions where an infant civil- ization might be cradled, and a vast area of unfenced plains Wherein the national energies spread out thin and dissipated themselves. The better Baltic and Black Sea coasts, the fer- tility of its Ukraine soil, and location next to wide-awake Ger- many along the western frontier have helped to accelerate progress, but the slow-moving body carried too heavy a drag. The law of the resolutions of forces applies in geography as in the movement of planets. Failure to recognize this fact often enables superficial critics of anthropo-geography to make a brave show of argument. The analysis of these inter- acting forces and of their various combinations requires care- ful investigation. Let us consider the interplay of the forcesGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 15 of land and sea apparent in every country with a maritime location. In some cases a small, infertile, niggardly country conspires with a beckoning sea to drive its sons out upon the deep ; in others a wide territory with a generous soil keeps its well-fed children at home and silences the call of the sea. In ancient Pheenicia and Greece, in Norway, Finland, New Eng- land, in savage Chile and Tierra del Fuego, and the Indian soast district of British Columbia and southern Alaska, a long, broken shoreline, numerous harbors, outlying islands, ibundant timber for the construction of ships, difficult com- munication by land, all tempted the inhabitants to a seafaring life. While the sea drew, the land drove in the same direction. There a hilly or mountainous interior putting obstacles in the way of landward expansion, sterile slopes, a paucity of level, irable land, an excessive or deficient rainfall withholding from some or all of these factors agriculture the reward of tillage combined to compel the inhabitants to seek on the sea the live- lihood denied by the land. Here both forces worked in the same direction. In England conditions were much the same, and from the sixteenth century produced there a predominant maritime de- velopment which was due not solely to a long indented coast- line and an exceptional location for participating in European and American trade. Its limited island area, its large extent of rugged hills and chalky soil fit only for pasturage, and the lack of a really generous natural endowment,” made it slow to answer the demands of a growing population, till the industrial development of the nineteenth century exploited its mineral wealth. So the English turned to the sea—to fish, to trade, to colonize. Holland’s conditions made for the same development. She united advantages of coastline and position with a small infertile territory, consisting chiefly of water-soaked grazing lands. When at the zenith of her mari- time development, a native authority estimated that the soil of Holland could not support more than one-eighth of her inhabitants. The meager products of the land had to be eked out by the harvest of the sea. Fish assumed an important place in the diet of the Dutch, and when a process of curing it was discovered, laid the foundation of Holland’s export Land and sea in co- operation.wer re Py Ce oe a) ea eet PP) wy Sar Cn ee ee ee re ee . ie dite tel ha a ~ mee ae er » a pret ~ nd See o ee pes hensharhanehdhct nibentee tetas oh nena tain earch aoe Oe eee ee eT et ten = rT a) —- _— i - Ss ee | iota ahentnaetiniensinne mariah and Seeehrier ar pie charted ee eS era = Saudeenin belt ieleaetemn tet ieeh aetna t el Cl Mee il eee ti hi ee de Rad SR Nad haa Land and sea opposed. ERED PSL StATAESITSL3 C+ tS) 16 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY trade. A geographical location central to the Baltic and North Sea countries, and accessible to France and Portugal, combined with a position at the mouth of the great German rivers made it absorb the carrying trade of northern Europe.” Land and sea codperated in its maritime development. Often the forces of land and sea are directly opposed. Ifa country’s geographic conditions are favorable to agriculture and offer room for growth of population, the land forces pre- vail, because man is primarily a terrestrial animal. Such a country illustrates what Chisholm, with Attic nicety of speech, calls “the influence of bread-power on history,’”’* as opposed to Mahan’s sea-power. France, like England, had a long coastline, abundant harbors, and an excellent location for maritime supremacy and colonial expansion; but her larger area and greater amount of fertile soil put off the hour of-a redundant population such as England suffered from even in Henry VIII’s time. Moreover, in consequence of steady con- tinental expansion from the twelfth to the eighteenth century and a political unification which made its area more effective for the support of the people, the French of Richelieu’s time, except those from certain districts, took to the sea, not by national impulse as did the English and Dutch, but rather under the spur of government initiative. They therefore achieved far less in maritime trade and colonization.” In ancient Palestine, a long stretch of coast, poorly equipped with harbors but accessible to the rich Mediterranean, trade, failed to offset the attraction of the gardens and orchards of the Jezreel Valley and the pastures of the Judean hills, or to overcome the land-born predilections and aptitudes of the desert-bred Jews. Similarly, the river-fringed peninsulas of Virginia and Maryland, opening wide their doors to the in- coming sea, were powerless, nevertheless, to draw the settlers away from the riotous productiveness of the wide tidewater plains. Here again the geographic force of the land out- weighed that of the sea and became the dominant factor in directing the activities of the inhabitants. The two antagonistic geographic forces may be both of the land, one born of a country’s topography, the other of its location. Switzerland’s history has for centuries shown theGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 17 conflict of two political policies, one a policy of cantonal and communal independence, which has sprung from the di- vision of that mountainous country into segregated districts, and the other one of political centralization, dictated by the necessity for codperation to meet the dangers of Switzerland’s central location mid a circle of larger and stronger neighbors. Local geographic conditions within the Swiss territory fixed the national ideal as a league of “‘sovereign cantons,” to use the term of their constitution, enjoying a maximum of indi- vidual rights and privileges, and tolerating a minimum of interference from the central authority. Here was physical dismemberment coupled with mutual political repulsion. But a location at the meeting place of French, German, Austrian arid Italian frontiers laid upon them the distasteful necessity of union within to withstand aggressions crowding upon them from without. Hence the growth of the Swiss constitution since 1798 has meant a fight of the Confederation against the canton in behalf of general rights, expanding the functions of the central government, contracting those of canton and commune.*” Every country forms an independent whole, and as such finds its national history influenced by its local climate, soil, relief, its location whether inland or maritime, its river high- ways, and its boundaries of mountain, sea, or desert. But it is also a link in a great chain of lands, and therefore may feel a shock or vibration imparted at the remotest end. The grad- ual desiccation of western Asia which took a fresh start about 2,000 years ago caused that great exodus and displacement of peoples known as the Vélkerwanderung, and thus con- tributed to the downfall of Rome; it was one factor in the Saxon conquest of Britain and the final peopling of central Europe. The impact of the Turkish hordes hurling them- selves against the defenses of Constantinople in 1453 was felt only forty years afterward by the far-off shores of savage America. Earlier still it reached England as the revival of learning, and it gave Portugal a shock which started its navi- gators towards the Cape of Good Hope in their search for a sea route to India. The history of South Africa is intimately connected with the Isthmus of Suez. It owes its Portuguese, Local and remote geographic factors.= Bee Ce fa er Tee rt ete al ey Sinton oe Scene ote ene nee eee ee ee es = = te ee er Sh eet ae oes os on a ¥ = adiieeead sie dearer Sede men hear iia teenth ee bahar ahah abana meemnaan bem neeneaa aie Eee ee nad ed ciate ae Pe ee ee “ 5 tad “a oj” wl erekceek died oe a ‘ ° a = a er pe A es ryt yt fat L ote ow vite « a" * se Pee i » as ae selene Sab ial tstesntertetaha oe hatemietehrtel tor eecteeroe tail tetneeaeate a ee See ee ee Wl rataaeee a me SR hts ee Direct and indirect effects of environ- ment. 18 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY Dutch, and English populations to that barrier on the Medi- terranean pathway to the Orient; its importance as a way station on the outside route to India fluctuates with every crisis in the history of Suez. The geographic factors in history appear now as conspicu- ous direct effects of environment, such as the forest warfare of the American Indian or the irrigation works of the Pueblo tribes, now as a group of indirect effects, operating through. the economic, social and political activities of a people. ‘These remoter secondary results are often of supreme importance; they are the ones which give the final stamp to the national temperament and character, and yet in them the causal con- nection between environment and development is far from ob- vious. They have, therefore, presented pitfalls to the precipi- tate theorizer. He has either interpreted them as the direct effect of some geographic cause from which they were wholly divorced and thus arrived at conclusions which further investi- gation failed to sustain; or seeing no direct and obvious con- nection, he has denied the possibility of a generalization. Montesquieu ascribes the immutability of religion, manners, custom and laws in India and other Oriental countries to their warm climate.*’ Buckle attributes a highly wrought imagina- tion and gross superstition to all people, like those of India, living in the presence of great mountains and vast plains, knowing Nature only in its overpowering aspects, which excite the fancy and paralyze reason. He finds, on the other hand, an early predominance of reason in the inhabitants of a coun- try like ancient Greece, where natural features are on a small scale, more comprehensible, nearer the measure of man him- self.1* The scientific geographer, grown suspicious of the om- nipotence of climate and cautious of predicating immediate psychological effects which are easy to assert but difficult to prove, approaches the problem more indirectly and reaches a different solution. He finds that geographic conditions have condemned India to isolation. On the land side, a great sweep of high mountains has restricted intercourse with the interior ; on the sea side, the deltaic swamps of the Indus and Ganges Rivers and an unbroken shoreline, backed by mountains on the west of the peninsula and by coastal marshes and lagoons onGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 19 the east, have combined to reduce its accessibility from the ocean. ‘The effect of such isolation is ignorance, superstition, and the early crystallization of thought and custom. Ig- norance involves the lack of material for comparison, hence a restriction of the higher reasoning processes, and an unscien- tific attitude of mind which gives imagination free play. In contrast, the accessibilty of Greece and its focal location in the imeient world made it an intellectual clearing-house for the eastern Mediterranean. The general information gathered there afforded material for wide comparison. It fed the bril- liant reason of the Athenian philosopher and the trained magination which produced the masterpieces of Greek art and literature. Heinrich von Treitschke, in his recent ‘‘Politik,’’ imitates the direct inference of Buckle when he ascribes the absence of artistic and poetic development in Switzerland and the Al- pine lands to the overwhelming aspect of nature there, its majestic sublimity which paralyzes the mind.” He reinforces his position by the fact that, by contrast, the lower mountains ind hill country of Swabia, Franconia and Thuringia, where nature is gentler, stimulating, appealing, and not overpower- ing, have produced many poets and artists. ‘The facts are mcontestable. They reappear in France in the geographical distribution of the awards made by the Paris Salon of 1896. Judged by these awards, the rough highlands of Savoy, Al- pine Provence, the massive eastern Pyrenees, and the Auvergne Plateau, together with the barren peninsula of Brittany, are singularly lacking in artistic instinct, while art flourishes in all the river lowlands. of France. Moreover, French men of letters, by the distribution of their birthplaces, are essentially products of fluvial valleys and plains, rarely of upland and mountain.*” This contrast has been ascribed to a fundamental ethnic distinction between the Teutonic population of the lowlands and the Alpine or Celtic stock which survives in the isolation of highland and peninsula, thus making talent an attribute of race. But the Po Valley of northern Italy, whose popula- tion contains a strong infusion of this supposedly stultifying Alpine blood, and the neighboring lowlands and hill country Indirect mental effects.hist be * him tt) St eee ee eG ~ ne ee tee ee ee nt ae ee en ba es 32 ae Mya << . ot ee a . Se dernelenmet acheter teatime atiee sche eel eae a tameaeneemmenamemt hae mmeemieaael 7 » a ba nated ee aah TN a ee a <_< “te tots otal -¥ = - rat ad EN bt ass wed ” ees tee a ee pleeadhetee tel alread reaped Re te ee ee ee ET eT te ee ee ee ¢ > a al ke} ere Indirect effects in differentia- tion of colonial peoples. E_z_ReLO Lata) ‘ \ \ 20 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY ee ee et ed =a i ienlilies of Tuscany show an enormous preponderance of intellectual | and artistic power over the highlands of the peninsula.” Hence the same contrast appears among different races under | like geographic conditions. Moreover, in France other social ; phenomena, such as suicide, divorce, decreasing birth-rate, | and radicalism in politics, show this same startling parallelism of geographic distribution,” and these cannot be attributed to the stimulating or depressing effect of natural scenery upon the human mind. Mountain regions discourage the budding of genius because they are areas of isolation, confinement, remote from the great currents of men and ideas that move along the river valleys. They are regions of much labor and little leisure, of poverty to-day and anxiety for the morrow, of toil-cramped hands and toil-dulled brains. In the fertile alluvial plains are wealth, leisure, contact with many minds, large urban centers where commodities and ideas are exchanged. The two contrasted en- vironments produce directly certain economic and social re- sults, which, in turn, become the causes of secondary intel- lectual and artistic effects. The low mountains of central Germany which von Treitschke cites as homes of poets and artists, owing to abundant and varied mineral wealth, are the seats of active industries and dense populations,~ while their low reliefs present no serious obstacle to the numerous high- ways across them. They, therefore, afford all conditions for culture. Let us take a different example. The rapid modification in physical and mental constitution of the English transplanted to North America, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand has been the result of several geographic causes working through the economic and social media; but it has been ascribed by Darwin and others to the effect of climate. The prevailing energy and initiative of colonists have been explained by the stimulating atmosphere of their new homes. Even Natal has not escaped this soft impeachment. But the enterprise of colonials has cropped out under almost every condition of heat and cold, aridity and humidity, of a This blanket theory Careful analysis habitat at sea-level and on high plateau. of climate cannot, therefore, cover the case.GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY Di upersedes it by a whole group of geographic factors working lirectly and indirectly. The first of these was the dividing eean which, prior to the introduction of cheap ocean trans- portation and bustling steerage agents, made a basis of artifi- ‘jal selection. ‘Then it was the man of abundant energy who, ramped by the narrow environment of a Norwegian farm or Irish bog, came over to America to take up a quarter-section »f prairie land or rise to the eminence of Boston police ser- geant. The Scotch immigrants in America who fought in the Civil War were nearly two inches taller than the average in the home country.** But the ocean barrier culled superior jualities of mind and character also—independence of political and religious conviction, and the courage of those convictions, whether found in royalist or Puritan, Huguenot or English Catholic. Such colonists in a remote country were necessarily few and could not be readily reinforced from home. ‘Their new and isolated geographical environment favored variation. Hered- ‘ty passed on the characteristics of a small, highly selected group. The race was kept pure from intermixture with the aborigines of the country, owing to the social and cultural abyss which separated them, and to the steady withdrawal of the natives before the advance of the whites. The homogeneity of island peoples seems to indicate that individual variations are in time communicated by heredity to a whole population under conditions of isolation; and in this way modifications due to artificial selection and a changed environment become widely spread. Nor is this all. The modified type soon becomes established, because the abundance of land at the disposal of the colonists and the consequent better conditions of living encourage a rapid increase of population. A second geographic factor of mere area here begins to operate. Ease in gaining subsistence, the greater independence of the individual and the family, emancipation from carking care, the hopeful attitude of mind engendered by the consciousness of an almost unlimited oppor- tunity and capacity for expansion, the expectation of large returns upon labor, and, finally, the profound influence of this hopefulness upon the national character, all combined, Indirect effect through isolation.te >¥ mt r D Poe eee PAS ere ret ete ed en ee a aa aear meester Sabre unthreaded DearadieeeT paper sae na aaa elle ts a eae “ meee eet per a ta o~ ; v pase as ae “fee er ee 7 ees oe es ee _ — - Sa Pees a " Copnaszesoyss= 2° ee eet eee beer a te >) ey + ees Cems ca we ware Ges nb ai rhs See ee ee ei ae eee Po General importance of indirect effects. GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 2S eS produce a social rejuvenation of the race. present new problems which call for prompt and original solu- tion, make a demand upon the ingenuity and resourcefulness of the individual, and therefore work to the same end as his previous removal from the paralyzing effect of custom in the old home country. Activity is youth and sluggishness or par- alysis is age. Hence the energy, initiative, adaptability, and receptivity to new ideas—all youthful qualities—which char- acterize the Anglo-Saxon American as well as the English Afri- cander, can be traced back to the stimulating influences, not of a bracing or variable climate, but of the abundant opportunt- ties offered by a great, rich, unexploited country. Variation under new natural conditions, when safe-guarded by isolation, tends to produce modification of the colonial type; this is the direct effect of a changed environment. But the new econ- omic and social activities of a transplanted people become the vehicle of a mass of indirect geographic influences which con- tribute to the differentiation of the national character. The tendency to overlook such links between conspicuous effects and their remote, less evident geographic causes has been common in geographic investigation. This direct rather than indirect approach to the heart of the problem has led to false inferences or to the assumption that reliable conclusions were impossible. Environment influences the higher, mental life of a people chiefly through the medium of their economic and social life; hence its ultimate effects should be traced But rarely Even so astute a geographer as Strabo, through the latter back to the underlying cause. has this been done. though he recognizes the influence of geographic isolation in differentiating dialects and customs in Greece,’ ascribes some national characteristics to the nature of the country, especially to its climate, and the others to education and institutions. He thinks that the nature of their respective lands had nothing to do with making the Athenians cultured, the Spartans and Thebans ignorant; that the predilection for natural science in Babylonia and Egypt was not a result of environment but of the institutions and education of those countries.”* But here arise the questions, how far custom and education in their turn depend upon environment; to what degree natural condi- Sed i : | ee ee New conditions |GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 23 tions, molding economic and political development, may through them fundamentally affect social customs, education, culture, and the dominant intellectual aptitudes of a people. It is not difficult to see, back of the astronomy and mathe- matics and hydraulics of Egypt, the far off sweep of the rain- laden monsoons against the mountains of Abyssinia and the creeping of the tawny Nile flood over that river-born oasis. Plutarch states in his “Solon” that after the rebellion of Kylon in 612 B.C. the Athenian people were divided into as many political factions as there were physical types of country in Attica. The mountaineers, who were the poorest party, wanted something like a democracy; the people of the plains, comprising the greatest number of rich families, were clamor- ous for an oligarchy; the coast population of the south, inter- mediate both in social position and wealth, wanted something between the two. The same three-fold division appeared again in 564 B.C. on the usurpation of Peisistratus.*’ Here the connection between geographic condition and political opinion is clear enough, though the links are agriculture and com- merce. New England’s opposition to the War of 1812, cul- minating in the threat of secession of the Hartford Conven- tion, can be traced back through the active maritime trade to the broken coastline and unproductive soil of that glaciated country. In all democratic or representative forms of government permitting free expression of popular opinion, history shows that division into political parties tends to follow geographical lines of cleavage. In our own Civil War the dividing line Indirect political and moral effects. between North and South did not always run east and west. | The mountain area of the Southern Appalachians supported the Union and drove a wedge of disaffectiou into the heart of the South. Mountainous West Virginia was politically op- posed to the tidewater plains of old Virginia, because slave labor did not pay on the barren “upright” farms of the Cum- berland Plateau: whereas, it was remunerative on the wide fertile plantations of the coastal lowland. The ethics of the question were obscured where conditions of soil and topog- raphy made the institution profitable. In the mountains, as also in New England, a law of diminishing financial returnsate ea) ew T ee i! > a 7 a eee eee eee ean te . ee ee ee ee ee pane ee ee ae ee = ting tee a yy ve a - Seer neees o's + eee eee ~ ae: yor epee Fe rea a Oe th ett ce ae ws ee ee fee ee tw yp psialis t= ee re . ~— | ate 24 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY had for its corollary a law of increasing moral insight. In this ease, geographic conditions worked through the medium of direct economic effects to more important political and ethical results. The roots of geographic influence often run far under- ground before coming to the surface, to sprout into some flow- ering growth; and to trace this back to its parent stem is the necessary but not easy task of the geographer. Cfime The complexity of this problem does not end here. The element. modification of human development by environment is a nat- ural process; like all other natural processes, it involves the cumulative effects of causes operating imperceptibly but per- sistently through vast periods of time. Slowly and deliber- ately does geography engrave the sub-titles to a people’s his- tory. Neglect of this time element in the consideration of geographic influences accounts equally for many an exagger- ated assertion and denial of their power. A critic undertakes to disprove modification through physical environment by showing that it has not produced tangible results in the last fifty or five hundred years. This attitude recalls the early ge- ologists, whose imaginations could not conceive the vast ages necessary in a scientific explanation of geologic phenomena. The theory of evolution has taught us in science to think in larger terms of time, so that we no longer raise the ques- tion whether European colonists in Africa can turn into ne- groes, though we do find the recent amazing statement that the Yankee, in his tall, gaunt figure, “the colour of his skin, and the formation of his hair, has begun to differentiate him- self from his European kinsman and approach the type of the 2° Evolution tells the story of modifica- tion by a succession of infinitesimal changes, and emphasizes aboriginal Indians. the permanence of a modification once produced long after the causes for it cease to act. The mesas of Arizona, the earth sculpture of the Grand Canyon remain as monuments to the erosive forces which produced them. So a habitat leaves upon man no ephemeral impress ; it affects him in one way at a low stage of his development, and differently at a later or higher stage, because the man himself and his relation to his environment have been modified in the earlier period; butGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 25 traces of that earlier adaptation survive in his maturer life. Hence man’s relation to his environment must be looked at through the perspective of historical development. It would be impossible to explain the history and national character of the contemporary English solely by their twentieth century response to their environment, because with insular conserva- tism they carry and cherish vestiges of times when their islands represented different geographic relations from those of to- day. Witness the wool-sack of the lord chancellor. We can- not understand the location of modern Athens, Rome or Berlin from the present day relations of urban populations to their environment, because the original choice of these sites was dic- tated by far different considerations from those ruling to-day. In the history of these cities a whole succession of geographic factors have in turn been active, each leaving its impress of which the cities become, as it were, repositories. The importance of this time element for a solution of an- thropo-geographic problems becomes plainer, where a certain locality has received an entirely new population, or where a given people by migration change their habitat. The result in either case is the same, a new combination, new modifications superimposed on old modifications. And it is with this sort of case that anthropo-geography most often has to deal. So restless has mankind been, that the testimony of history and ethnology is all against the assumption that a social group has ever been subjected to but one type of environment during its long period of development from a primitive to a civilized society. Therefore, if we assert that a people is the product of the country which it inhabits at a given time, we forget that many different countries which its forbears occupied have left their mark on the present race in the form of inherited aptitudes and traditional customs acquired in those remote ancestral habitats: The Moors of Granada had passed through a wide range of ancestral experiences ; they bore the impress of Asia, Africa and Europe, and on their expulsion from Spain carried back with them to Morocco traces of their peninsula life. A race or tribe develops certain characteristics in a certain region, then moves on, leaving the old abode but not all the Effect of a previous habitat.err qe enter tt ester ewer et nese meee, Mg me see hn oe oe DaZSpaasyl7Oe3=-> ee te tt ~ mites Se ae ~—a ee ee 7 ae ae are ae: ses SS ee eee ie here ree pry 7 ee PT eee 4 ee ere ee ee ee ae Oe pe Aa t-te - ay LE EE ig” my rot 4 eS : - - ee . a as ae Trans- planted religions. 26 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY accretions of custom, social organization and economic method there acquired. These travel on with the migrant people; some are dropped, others are preserved because of utility, sentiment or mere habit. For centuries after the settlement of the Jews in Palestine, traces of their pastoral life in the grasslands of Mesopotamia could be discerned in their social and political organization, in their ritual and literature. Sur- vivals of their nomadic life in Asiatic steppes still persist among the Turks of Europe, after six centuries of sedentary life in the best agricultural land of the Balkan Peninsula. One of these appears in their choice of meat. They eat chiefly sheep and goats, beef very rarely, and swine not at all.” The first two thrive on poor pastures and travel well, so that they are admirably adapted to nomadic life in arid lands; the last two, far less so, but on the other hand are the regular con- comitant of agricultural life. The Turk’s taste to-day, there- fore, is determined by the flocks and herds which he once pas- tured on the Trans-Caspian plains. The finished terrace agriculture and methods of irrigation, which the Saracens had learned on the mountain sides of Yemen through a school- ing of a thousand years or more, facilitated their economic conquest of Spain. Their intelligent exploitation of the coun- try’s resources for the support of their growing numbers in the favorable climatic conditions which Spain offered was a light-hearted task, because of the severe training which they had had in their Arabian home. The origin of Roman political institutions is intimately connected with conditions of the naturally small territory where arose the greatness of Rome. But now, after two thou- sand years we see the political impress of this narrow origin spreading to the governments of an area of Europe immeasur- ably larger than the region that gave it birth. In the United States, little New England has been the source of the strong- est influences modifying the political, religious and cultural life of half a continent; and as far as Texas and California these influences bear the stamp of that narrow, unproductive environment which gave to its sons energy of character and ideals. Ideas especially are light baggage, and travel with migrantGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 27 peoples over many a long and rough road. They are wafted like winged seed by the wind, and strike root in regions where they could never have originated. Few classes of ideas bear so plainly the geographic stamp of their origin as religious ones, yet none have spread more widely. The abstract monotheism sprung from the bare grasslands of western Asia made slow but final headway against the exuberant forest gods of the early Germans. Religious ideas travel far from their seed- beds along established lines of communication. We have the almost amusing episode of the brawny Burgundians of the fifth century, who received the Arian form of Christianity by way of the Danube highway from the schools of Athens and Alexandria, valiantly supporting the niceties of Greek reli- gious thought against the Roman version of the faith which came up the Rhone Valley. If the sacred literature of Judaism and Christianity take weak hold upon the western mind, this is largely because it 1s written in the symbolism of the pastoral nomad. Its figures of speech reflect life in deserts and grasslands. For these figures the western mind has few or vague corresponding ideas. It loses, therefore, half the import, for instance, of the Twenty-third Psalm, that picture of the nomad shepherd guiding his flock across parched and trackless plains, to bring them at evening, weary, hungry, thirsty, to the fresh pas- tures and waving palms of some oasis, whose green tints stand out in vivid contrast to the tawny wastes of the encompassing sands. ‘He leadeth me beside the still waters,” not the noisy rushing stream of the rainy lands, but the quiet desert pool that reflects the stars. What real significance has the tropical radiance of the lotus flower, the sacred symbol of Bud- dhism, for the Mongolian lama in the cold and arid borders of Gobi or the wind-swept highlands of sterile Tibet? And yet these exotic ideas live on, even if they no longer bloom in the uncongenial soil. But to explain them in terms of their pres- ent environment would be indeed impossible. A people may present at any given time only a partial re- sponse to their environment also for other reasons. This may be either because their arrival has been too recent for the new habitat to make its influence felt; or because, even after long Partial response to environ- ent.Be’ Seat teeta leh tatetet lt ain aeheaneeial es meee enema ee ee ee ~ - cr pane penaaipatibaaioenei: ederim eahcietrnar at mentoe dik tea aaa arama andi ream eat aT = Sak lleetetnietaiaadel deter oy eh at a a a ea Pa Yet TR rae SPR ae et = a “1 = SSP ae ee oe id pated <= “ e 7 aw sie : . LR id as ty SEPT et rd ~~ @ 5 ie Gn dan Ponds ere eee eel eee reek PS Sy wk ee are) Ne were 2) eee ee » tts on The case of Spain 28 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY residence, one overpowering geographic factor has operated to the temporary exclusion of all others. Under these circum- stances, suddenly acquired geographic advantages of a high order or such advantages, long possessed but tardily made available by the release of national powers from more pressing tasks, may institute a new trend of historical development, resulting more from stimulating geographic conditions than from the natural capacities or aptitudes of the people them- selves. Such developments, though often brilliant, are likely to be short-lived and to end suddenly or disastrously, because not sustained by a deep-seated national impulse animating the whole mass of the people. They cease when the first enthusi- asm spends itself, or when outside competition is intensified, or the material rewards decrease. An illustration is found in the medieval history of Spain. The intercontinental location of the Iberian Peninsula ex- posed it to the Saracen conquest and to the constant reinforce- ments to Islam power furnished by the Mohammedanized Ber- bers of North Africa. For seven centuries this location was the dominant geographic factor in Spain’s history. It made the expulsion of the Moors the sole object of all the Iberian states, converted the country into an armed camp, made the gentle- man adventurer and Christian knight the national ideal. It placed the center of political control high up on the barren plateau of Castile, far from the centers of population and culture in the river lowlands or along the coast. It excluded the industrial and commercial development which was giving bone and sinew to the other European states. The release of the national energies by the fall of Granada in 1492 and the now ingrained spirit of adventure enabled Spain and Portugal to utilize the unparalleled advantage of their geographical position at the junction of the Mediterranean and Atlantic highways, and by their great maritime explorations in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, to become foremost among European colonial powers. But the development was sporadic, not supported by any widespread national movement. In a few decades the maritime preéminence of the Iberian Peninsula began to yield to the competition of the Dutch and English, who were, so to speak, saturated with their ownGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY Q9 maritime environment. Then followed the rapid decay of the sea power of Spain, followed by that of Portugal, til by 1648 even her coasting trade was in the hands of the Dutch, and Dutch vessels were employed to maintain com- munication with the West Indies.” We have a later instance of sporadic development under the stimulus of new and favorable geographic conditions, with a similar anti-climax. The expansion of the Russians across the lowlands of Siberia was quite in harmony with the genius of that land-bred people; but when they reached Bering Sea, the enclosed basin, the proximity of the American continent, the island stepping-stones between, and the lure of rich seal- skins to the fur-hunting Cossacks determined a sudden mari- time expansion, for which the Russian people were unfitted. Beginning in 1747, it swept the coast of Alaska, located its American administrative center first on Kadiak, then on Bara- nof Island, and by 1812 placed its southern outposts on the California coast near San Francisco Bay and on the Farralone Islands.* Russian convicts were employed to man the crazy boats built of green lumber on the shores of Bering Sea, and Aleutian hunters with their bidarkas were impressed to catch the seal.22. The movement was productive only of countless shipwrecks, many seal skins, and an opportunity to satisfy an old grudge against England. The territory gained was sold to the United States in 1867. This is the one instance in Russian history of any attempt at maritime expansion, and also of any withdrawal from territory to which the Muscovite power had once established its claim. This fact alone would indicate that only excessively tempting geographic condi- tions led the Russians into an economic and political venture which neither the previously developed aptitudes of the people nor the conditions of population and historical development on the Siberian seaboard were able to sustain. The history and culture of a people embody the effects of previous habitats and of their final environment; but this environment means something more than local geographic conditions. It involves influences emanating from far beyonce the borders. No country, no continent, no sea, mountain or river is restricted to itself in the influence which it either exer- Sporadic response to a new environ- ment. The larger con- ception of environ- ment.) err — a etcetera mac at naenantadshueunn prianrierteaedir Bikaner amenenenea shana teneneentaaamnanaenane anne naas ener hetet t P sh ie 7 ov: , mr ~ te fe ar ee pe” a oe ee EP Bh ee ae ae els Sh ete) a te Mel at + Ps t he a ee ee rs = ola nae “ ee my eke i ed PR me ee Ee ee) i I ee " a oe ee eS. a ee ee SNe eee eee nen nn ne eed Unity of the earth. 30 GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY cises or receives. The history of Austria cannot be understood merely from Austrian ground. Austrian territory is part of the Mediterranean hinterland, and therefore has been linked historically with Rome, Italy, and the Adriatic. It is a part of the upper Danube Valley and therefore shares much of its history with Bavaria and Germany, while the lower Danube has linked it with the Black Sea, Greece, the Russian steppes, and Asia. The Asiatic Hungarians have pushed forward their ethnic boundary nearly to Vienna. The Austrian capital has seen the warring Turks beneath its walls, and shapes its for- eign policy with a view to the relative strength of the Sultan and the Czar. The earth is an inseparable whole. Each country or sea is physically and historically intelligible only as a portion of that whole. Currents and wind-systems of the oceans modify the climate of the nearby continents, and direct the first daring navigations of their peoples. The alternating monsoons of the Indian Ocean guided Arab merchantmen from ancient times back and forth between the Red Sea and the Malabar coast of India.** The Equatorial Current and the northeast trade-wind carried the timid ships of Columbus across the Atlantic to America. The Gulf Stream and the prevailing westerlies later gave English vessels the advantage on the re- turn voyage. Europe is a part of the Atlantic coast. This is a fact so significant that the North Atlantic has become a European sea. The United States also is a part of the Atlan- tic coast: this is the dominant fact of American history. China forms a section of the Pacific rim. This is the fact back of the geographic distribution of Chinese emigration to Annam, Tonkin, Siam, Malacca, the Philippines, East Indies, Borneo, Australia, Hawaiian Islands, the Pacific Coast States, British Columbia, the Alaskan coast southward from Bristol Bay in Bering Sea, Ecuador and Peru. As the earth is one, so is humanity. Its unity of species points to some degree of communication through a long pre- historic past. Universal history is not entitled to the name unless it embraces all parts of the earth and all peoples, whether savage or civilized. To fill the gaps in the written record it must turn to ethnology and geography, which byGEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 31 tracing the distribution and movements of primitive peoples can often reconstruct the most important features of their history. Anthropo-geographic problems are never simple. They must all be viewed in the long perspective of evolution and the historical past. They require allowance for the dominance of different geographic factors at different periods, and for a possible range of geographic influences wide as the earth itself. In the investigator they call for pains-taking analysis and, above all, an open mind. NOTES TO CHAPTER I 1. George Adam Smith, Historical Geography of the Holy Land, pp. 149-157. New York, 1897. 2. A. P. Brigham, Geographic Influences in American History, Chap. I. Boston, 1903. 3. R. H. Whitbeck, Geographic Influences in the Development of New Jersey, Journal of Geography, Vol. V, No. 6. January, 1908. 4. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. II, p. 372. London and New York, 1902-1906. 5. Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, 1641-1667. Vol. I, chap. VY and map. London, 1889. 6. Sir Thomas Holdich, India, p. 305. London, 1905. 7. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, Vol. II, pp. 464-465, 469. London, 1883. 8. Imperial Gazetteer for India, Vol. III, p. 109. London, 1885. 9. G. G. Chisholm, The Relativity of Geographic Advantages, Scottish Geog. Mag., Vol. XIII, No. 9, Sept. 1897. 10. Hugh Robert Mill, International Geography, p. 347. New York, 1902. 11. Joseph Partsch, Central Europe, pp. 228-230. London, 1903. 12. H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas, pp. 317-323, Lon- don, 1904. 13. Captain A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History, pp. 36-38. Boston, 1902. 14. G. G. Chisholm, Economie Geography, Scottish Geog. Mag., March, 1908. 15. Captain A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History, pp. 37- 38. Boston, 1902. 16. Boyd Winchester, The Swiss Republic, pp. 123, 124, 145-147. Philadelphia, 1891. 17. Montesquieu, Spirit of the Laws, Book XIV, chap. IV. 18. Henry Buckle, History of Civilization in England, Vol. I, pp. 86-106.tat as _ ytd, Sip ' we 4 ee a errr : , . — oe Loh Me Bk ae eS A a PIE a el DC DAL A DD TP Raat epee mer eer ae PT Mt ee ee ah Pe El ee Pe oe ee is he Deere vt tote » GEOGRAPHIC FACTORS IN HISTORY 19. Heinrich von Treitschke, Politik, Vol. I, p. 225. Leipzig, 1897. This whole chapter on Land und Leute is suggestive. 20. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 524-525. New York, 1899. 21. Ibid., 526. 22. Ibid., 517-520, 533-536. 23. Joseph Partsch, Central Europe, pp. 256-257, 268-271. London, 1903. 24, W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, p. 89. New York, 1899, 25. Strabo, Book VII, chap. I, 2. 26. Strabo, Book II, chap. III, 7. 27. Plutarch, Solon, pp. 13, 29, 154. 28. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. II, pp. 244-245. New York, 1902-1906. 29. Roscher, National-oekonomik des Ackerbaues, p. 33, note 3. Stutt- gart, 1888. 30. Captain A. T. Mahan, Influence of Sea Power upon History, pp. 41- 42, 50-53. Boston, 1902. 31. H. Bancroft, History of California, Vol. I, pp. 298, 628-635. San Francisco. 32, Agnes Laut, Vikings of the Pacific, pp. 64-82. New York, 1905. 33. Bunbury, History of Ancient Geography, Vol. II, pp. 351, 470- 471. London, 1883.CHAPTER II CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES Into almost every anthropo-geographical problem the ele- ment of environment enters in different phases, with different modes of operation and varying degrees of importance. Since the causal conception of geography demands a detailed anal- ysis of all the relations between environment and human devel- opment, it is advisable to distinguish the various classes of geographic influences. Four fundamental classes of effects can be distinguished. 1. The first class includes direct physical effects of environ- ment, similar to those exerted on plants:and animals by their habitat. Certain geographic conditions, more conspicuously those of climate, apply certain stimuli to which man, like the lower animals, responds by an adaption of his organ- ism to his environment. Many physiological peculiarities of man are due to physical effects of environment, which doubt- less operated very strongly in the earliest stages of human development, and in those shadowy ages contributed to the differentiation of races. The unity of the human species is as clearly established as the diversity of races and peoples, whose divergences must be interpreted chiefly as modifications in ‘response to various habitats in long periods of time. Such modifications have probably been numerous in the persistent and unending movements, shiftings, and migrations which have made up the long prehistoric history of man. If the ‘origin of species is found in variability and inheritance, vari- ation is undoubtedly influenced by a change of natural condi- ‘tions. T’o quote Darwin, “In cne sense the conditions of life ‘may be said, not only to cause variability, either directly or ‘indirectly, but likewise to ‘nclude natural selection, for the ‘conditions determine whether this or that variety shall sur- vive.* The variability of man does not mean that every ex- Physical effects. \ Variation and natural conditions.“ as Pere were Dy ee ee ee ‘ ~" ete han Seat at nner taeda Slr tea beaeer atacand aed eneneine ieee eee tee alt ele nl ee aed ST ee ee i “Cae De pe ee « ns a a ~ eubcbenahiannarcharssiabie tek pepe ain ethmanaane tate’ en eid ~e EY et ne ee eT ee tes SF es 1 bmn ld Pe ee Ce Pe ate eed i) Se ee ode Sip eee ee ee en et ere ey eT Sealine See ee ee ped a es Stature and a ent. 34 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES ternal influence leaves its mark upon him, but that man as an organism, by the preservation of beneficent variations and the elimination of deleterious ones, is gradually adapted to his environment, so that he can utilize most completely that which it contributes to his needs. This self-maintenance under out- ward influences is an essential part of the conception of life which Herbert Spencer defines as the correspondence between internal conditions and external circumstances, or August Comte as the harmony between the living being and the sur- rounding medium or milveu. According to Virchow, the distinction of races rests upon hereditary variations, but heredity itself cannot become active till the characteristic or Zustand is produced which is to be handed down.? But environment determines what variation shall become stable enough to be passed on by heredity. For instance, we can hardly err in attributing the great lung capacity, massive chests, and abnormally large torsos of the Quichua and Aymara Indians inhabiting the high Andean plateaus to the rarified air found at an altitude of 10,000 or 15,000 feet above sea level. Whether these have been acquired by centuries of extreme lung expansion, or represent the survival of a chance variation of undoubted advantage, they are a product of the environment. They are a serlous handicap when the Aymara Indian descends to the plains, where he either dies off or leaves descendants with diminishing chests.*> [See map page 101. | Darwin holds that many slight changes in animals and plants, such as size, color, thickness of skin and hair, have been produced through food supply and climate from the external conditions under which the forms lived.* Paul Ehrenreich, while regarding the chief race distinctions as permanent forms, not to be explained by external conditions, nevertheless con- cedes the slight and slow variation of the sub-race under changing conditions of food and climate as beyond doubt.” Stature is partly a matter of feeding and hence of geographic condition. In mountain regions, where the food resources are scant, the varieties of wild animals are characterized by smaller size in general than are corresponding species in the lowlands. It is a noticeable fact that dwarfed horses or ponies have origi-CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 35 nated in islands, in Iceland, the Shetlands, Corsica and Sar- dinia. This is due either to scanty and unvaried food or to axcessive inbreeding, or probably to both. The horses intro- duced into the Falkland Islands in 1764 have deteriorated so in size and strength in a few generations that they are in a fair way to develop a Falkland variety of pony.® On the other hand, Mr. Homer Davenport states that the pure-bred Ara- bian horses raised on his New Jersey stock farm are in the third generation a hand higher than their grandsires imported from Arabia, and of more angular build. The result is due to more abundant and nutritious food and the elimination of long desert journeys. The low stature of the natives prevailing in certain “misery spots” of Europe, as in the Auvergne Plateau of southern France, is due in part to race, in part to a disastrous artificial selection by the emigration of the taller and more robust in- dividuals, but in considerable part to the harsh climate and starvation food-yield of that sterile soil; for the children of the region, if removed to the more fertile valleys of the Loire and Garonne, grow to average stature.’ The effect of a scant and uncertain food supply is especially clear in savages, who have erected fewer buffers between themselves and the pressure of environment. The Bushmen of the Kalahari Desert are shorter than their Hottentot kindred who pasture their flocks and herds in the neighboring grasslands.* Samoyedes, Lapps, and other hyperborean races of Eurasia are shorter than their more southern neighbors, the physical record of an immemorial struggle against cold and hunger. The stunted forms and wretched aspect of the Snake Indians inhabiting the Rocky Mountain deserts distinguished these clans from the tall buf- falo-hunting tribes of the plains.® Any feature of geographic environment tending to affect directly the physical vigor and strength of a people cannot fail to prove a potent factor in their history. Oftentimes environment modifies the physique of a people Physical indirectly by imposing upon them certain predominant activi- ties, which may develop one part of the body almost to the tivities, point of deformity. This 1s the effect of increased use or dis- use which Darwin discusses. He attributes the thin legs and— ieee ‘ Se ek To et oe Teen) | owt, ie ee 7 - - Ce anni or eeie tana een daha oth teh eee ene eines ~ ate ee 8 ee ee ~ “Cee pe ote fhe le ie ee et ra ae Sha ll-tabrentee teehee ba baaeiistietet, peace ae einer in eh tae a al an ail ee hi Leet ae ee Te ee - Sts = aa as Cte Cee eae ee tale ee es ~— ~ Ces =— Saas ee ee ee — Effects of climate. 386 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES thick arms of the Payaguas Indians living along the Paraguay River to generations of lives spent in canoes, with the lower extremities motionless and the arm and chest muscles in con- stant exercise.’° Livingstone found these same characteristics of broad chests and shoulders with ill-developed legs among the Barotse of the upper Zambesi;"* and they have been ob- served in pronounced form, coupled with distinctly impaired powers of locomotion, among the Tlingit, T’simshean, and Haida Indians of the southern Alaskan and British Columbia coast, where the geographic conditions of a mountainous and almost strandless shore interdicted agriculture and necessi- tated sea-faring activities..* An identical environment has produced a like physical effect upon the canoemen of Tierra del Fuego*® and the Aleutian Islanders, who often sit in their boats twenty hours at a time.** ‘These special adaptations are temporary in their nature and tend to disappear with change of occupation, as, for instance, among the Tlingit In- dians, who develop improved leg muscles when employed as laborers in the salmon canneries of British Columbia. Both the direct and indirect physical effects of environ- ment thus far instanced are obvious in themselves and easily explained. Far different is it with the majority of physical effects, especially those of climate, whose mode of operation is much more obscure than was once supposed. ‘The modern geographer does not indulge in the naive hypothesis of the last century, which assumed a prompt and direct effect of environment upon the form and features of man. Carl Ritter regarded the small, slit eyes and swollen lids of the Turkoman as “fan obvious effect of the desert upon the organism.” Stan- hope Smith ascribed the high shoulders and short neck of the Tartars of Mongolia to their habit of raising their shoulders to protect the neck against the cold; their small, squinting eyes, overhanging brows, broad faces and high cheek bones, to the effect of the bitter, driving winds and the glare of the snow, till, he says, “every feature by the action of the cold is harsh and distorted.”*® These profound influences of a severe climate upon physiognomy he finds also among the Lapps, northern Mongolians, Samoyedes and Eskimo. Most of these problems are only secondarily grist for theCLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 37 geographer’s mill. For instance, when the Aryans descended to the enervating lowlands of tropical India, and in that de- bilitating climate lost the qualities which first gave them su- premacy, the change which they underwent was primarily a physiological one. It can be scientifically described and ex- plained therefore only by physiologists and physico-chemists ; and upon their investigations the geographer must wait before he approaches the problem from the standpoint of geographi- eal distribution. Into this sub-class of physical effects come all questions of acclimatization.’® ‘These are important to the anthropo-geographer, just as they are to colonial governments like England or France, because they affect the power of na- tional or racial expansion, and fix the historical fate of tropical lands. The present populations of the earth represent physi- cal adaptation to their environments. The intense heat and humidity of most tropical lands prevent any permanent occu- pation by a native-born population of pure whites. The ca- tarrhal zone north of the fortieth parallel in America soon exterminates the negroes.*' The Indians of South America, though all fundamentally of the same ethnic stock, are variously acclimated to the warm, damp, forested plains of the Amazon; to the hot, dry, treeless coasts of Peru; and to the cold, arid heights of the Andes. The habitat that bred them tends to hold them, by restricting the range of climate which they can endure. In the zone of the Andean slope lying between 4,000 and 6,000 feet of alti- tude, which produces the best flavored coffee and which must be cultivated, the imported Indians from the high plateaus and from the low Amazon plains alike sicken and div after a short time; so that they take employment on these coffee plan- tations for only three or five months, and then return to their own homes. Labor becomes nomadic on these slopes, and in the intervals these farm lands of intensive agriculture show the anomaly of a sparse population only of resident managers.’” Similarly in the high, dry Himalayan valley of the upper Indus, over 10,000 feet above sea. level, the natives of Ladak are restricted to a habitat that yields them little margin of food for natural growth of population but forbids them to emigrate in search of more,—applies at the same time the Acclimat- ization.ade eaetde ea eed aa P, Tote Sen ar nen nro no ar hemeesneneecedenetinasie ee anaisaee a epee pERaReinaee eeeieneneienaDaa - y Pfs ted anata la ly) ate gh y's is ee tae ae ager aed se ae or “ os " ’ y es ‘ . “ Sates bab: latetetec aerate Patcbarreaieiie teh =: renee eaten ine aaah ; : ° ro ~ ee ee ee ot Sats er ee, ae at ep et Phe dey iota =e" ee ee ee ee ee Sere rie ape a , : oes ee enn a t Pigmen- tation and cli- mate, 388 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES lash to drive and the leash to hold, for these highlanders soon die when they reach the plains.” geographic influences at work from the same environment, one Here are two antagonistic physical and the other social-economic. The Ladaki have reached an interesting resolution of these two forces by the institution of polyandry, which keeps population practically stationary. The relation of pigmentation to climate has long interested geographers as a question of environment; but their specula- tions on the subject have been barren, because the preliminary investigations of the physiologist, physicist and chemist are still incomplete. ‘The general fact of increasing nigrescence from temperate towards equatorial regions is conspicuous enough, despite some irregularity of the shading.”® This fact. points strongly to some direct relation between climate and pigmentation, but gives no hint how the pigmental processes are affected. The physiologist finds that in the case of the negro, the dark skin is associated with a dense cuticle, diminished perspiration, smaller chests and less respiratory power, a lower temperature and more rapid pulse,” all which variations may enter into the problem of the negro’s coloring. The question is therefore by no means simple. Yet it is generally conceded by scientists that pigment is a protective device of nature. The negro’s skin is comparatively insensitive to a sun heat that blisters a white man. Living- stone found the bodies of albino negroes in Bechuana Land always blistered on exposure to the sun,” and a like effect has been observed among albino Polynesians, and Melanesians of Fiji. Paul Ehrenreich finds that the degree of coloration de- pends less upon annual temperature than upon the direct effect of the sun’s rays; and that therefore a people dwelling in a cool, dry climate, but exposed to the sun may be darker than another in a hot, moist climate but living in a dense forest. The forest-dwelling Botokudos of the upper San Francisco River in Brazil are fairer than the kindred Kayapo tribe, who inhabit the open campos; and the Arawak of the Purus River forests are lighter than their fellows in the central Matto Grosso.** Sea-faring coast folk, who are constantly exposed to the sun, especially in the Tropics, show a deeper pigmenta-CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 39 tion than their kindred of the wooded interior.** The coast Moros of western Mindanao are darker than the Subanos, their Malay brethren of the back country, the lightness of whose color can be explained by their forest life.*° So the Duallas of the Kamerun coast of Africa are darker than the Bakwiri inhabiting the forested mountains just behind them, though both tribes belong to the Bantu group of people.*‘ Here light, in contradistinction to heat, appears the dominant factor in pigmentation. A recent theory, advanced by von Schmae- del in 1895, rests upon the chemical power of light. It holds that the black pigment renders the negro skin insensitive to the luminous or actinic effects of solar radiation, which are far more destructive to living protoplasm than the merely calorific effects.” Coloration responds to other more obscure influences of en- vironment. ot y on ——— mapas tesa nenata teresting a OE eset OP AGE ena ere ee ery ° nar gai - - . rn —_— ne oe ne ed a m Me ee a - - = wa ee ee one > Be . ’ 3 Sipduiateh dabhedeietetndemhtendaiantanbannteiaeed . ~ dik in de od chee ela) Ld Lael Olay? ee ee ee ee ee River routes. 44 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES structing or deflecting the course of migrating people and in giving direction to national expansion; it considers the tendency of river valleys and treeless plains to facilitate such movements, the power of rivers, lakes, bays and oceans either to block the path or open a highway, according as navigation Is In a primitive or advanced stage; and finally the influence of all these natural features in determining the territory which a people is likely to occupy, and the boundaries which shall separate from their neighbors. The lines of expansion followed by the French and English in the settlement of America and also the extent of territory covered by each were powerfully influenced by geographic con- ditions. The early French explorers entered the great east- west waterway of the St. Lawrence River and the Great Lakes, which carried them around the northern end of the Appalachian barrier into the heart of the continent, planted them on the low, swampy, often navigable watershed of the Mississippi, and started them on another river voyage of nearly two thousand miles to the Gulf of Mexico. Here were the conditions and temptation for almost unlimited expansion ; hence French Canada reached to the head of Lake Superior, and French Louisiana to the sources of the Mis- sourl. To the lot of the English fell a series of short rivers with fertile valleys, nearly barred at their not distant sources by a wall of forested mountains, but separated from one another by low watersheds which facilitated lateral expansion over a narrow belt between mountains and sea. Here a region of mild climate and fertile soil suited to agriculture, enclosed by strong natural boundaries, made for compact settlement, in contrast to the wide diffusion of the French. Later, when a growing population pressed against the western barrier, mountain gates opened at Cumberland Gap and the Mohawk Valley; the Ohio River and the Great Lakes became interior thoroughfares, and the northwestern prairies lines of least resistance to the western settler. Rivers played the same part in directing and expediting this forward movement, as did the Lena and the Amoor in the Russian ad- vance into Siberia, the Humber and the Trent in the progress of the Angles into the heart of Britain, the Rhone andCLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 465 Danube in the march of the Romans into central Europe. The geographical environment of a people may be such as to segregate them from others, and thereby to preserve or even intensify their natural characteristics; or it may expose them to extraneous influences, to an infusion of new blood and new ideas, till their peculiarities are toned down, their distinct- ive features of dialect or national dress or provincial customs eliminated, and the people as a whole approach to the com- posite type of civilized humanity. A land shut off by moun- tains or sea from the rest of the world tends to develop a homogeneous people, since it limits or prevents the itrusion of foreign elements; or when once these are introduced, it encourages their rapid assimilation by the strongly interactive life of a confined locality. ‘Therefore large or remote islands are, as a rule, distinguished by the unity of their inhabitants in point of civilization and race characteristics. Witness Great Britain, Ireland, Japan, Iceland, as also Australia and New Zealand at the time of their discovery. ‘The high- lands of the Southern Appalachians, which form the “mount- ain backyards” of Kentucky, Tennessee and North Carolina, are peopled by the purest English stock in the United States, descendants of the backwoodsmen of the late eighteenth century. Difficulty of access and lack of arable land have combined to discourage immigration. In consequence, foreign elements, including the elsewhere ubiquitous negro, are want- ing, except along the few railroads which in recent years have penetrated this country. Here survive an eighteenth century English, Christmas celebrated on Twelfth Night, the spinning wheel, and a belief in Joshua’s power to arrest the course of the sun.” An easily accessible land is geographically hospitable to all new-comers, facilitates the mingling of peoples, the exchange of commodities and ideas. The amalgamation of races in such regions depends upon the similarity or diversity of the ethnic elements and the duration of the common occupation. ‘The broad, open valley of the Danube from the Black Sea to Vienna contains a bizarre mixture of several stocks—Turks, Bulgarians, various families of pure Slavs, Roumanians, Hun- garians, and Germans. These elements are ‘too diverse and Segrega- tion and accessibilityng a pe gt rt Spel Pde mae percerpe nena arash otc y-ceatnsatiienet uh rene er > oer een one le Saeed ok ae at een eee Se ee ee erie heart a Sl dite til en ae - ee ao ebm Fe pags ae 2 Bare Bd . Pitsteotctio¥s ts = ce ~~ pe me ye wee f gehen Change of habitat. 46 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES their occupation of the valley too recent for amalgamation to have advanced very far as yet. The maritime plain and open river valleys of northern Franc show a complete fusion of the native Celts with the Saxons, Franks, and Normans who have successively drifted into the region, just as the Teutonic and scanter Slav elements have blended in the Baltic plains from the Elbe to the Vistula. Here are four different classes of geographic influences, all which may become active in modifying a people when it changes its habitat. Many of the characteristics acquired in the old home still live on, or at best yield slowly to the new environment. This is especially true of the direct physical and psychical effects. But a country may work a prompt and radical change in the social organization of an immigrant people by the totally new conditions of economic hfe which it presents. These may be either greater wealth or poverty of natural resources than the race has previously known, new stimulants or deterrents to commerce and intercourse, and new conditions of climate which affect the efficiency of the work- man and the general character of production. From these a whole complex mass of secondary effects may follow. The Aryans and Mongols, leaving their homes in the cool barren highlands of Central Asia where nature dispensed her gifts with a miserly hand, and coming down to the hot, low, fertile plains of the Indian rivers, underwent several funda- mental changes in the process of adaptation to their new en- vironment. An enervating climate did its work in slaking their energies; but more radical still was the change wrought by the contrast of poverty and abundance, enforced asceticism and luxury, presented by the old and new home. ‘The rest- less, tireless shepherds became a sedentary, agricultural peo- ple; the abstemious nomads,—spare, sinewy, strangers to in- dulgence—became a race of rulers, revelling in luxury, lord- ing it over countless subjects; finally, their numbers increased rapidly, no longer kept down by the scant subsistence of arid grasslands and scattered oases. In a similar way, the Arab of the desert became transformed into the sedentary lord of Spain. In the luxuriance of field and orchard which his skilful methods of irrigation and til-CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 47 lage produced, in the growing predominance of the intellectual over the nomadic military life, of the complex affairs of city and mart over the simple tasks of herdsman or cultivator, he lost the benefit of the early harsh training and therewith his hold upon his Iberian empire. Biblical history gives us the picture of the Sheik Abraham, accompanied by his nephew Lot, moving up from the rainless plains of Mesopotamia with his flocks and herds into the better watered Palestine. There his descendants in the garden land of Canaan became an agri- cultural people; and the problem of Moses and the Judges was to prevent their assimilation in religion and custom to the settled Semitic tribes about them, and to make them preserve the ideals born in the starry solitudes of the desert. The change from the nomadic to the sedentary life repre- Retro- sents an economic advance. Sometimes removal to strongly “2 reOgT: ic conditions necessitates a reversion to a ; contrasted geographic conc habitat. lower economic type of existence. The French colonists who came to Lower Canada in the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- turies found themselves located in a region of intense cold, where arable soil was inferior in quality and limited in amount, producing no staple like the tobacco of Virginia or the wheat of Maryland or the cotton of South Carolina or the sugar of the West Indies, by which a young colony might secure a place in European trade. But the snow-wrapped forests of Canada yielded an abundance of fur-bearing ‘animals, the fineness and thickness of whose pelts were born of this frozen north. Into their remotest haunts at the head of Lake Supe- rior or of Hudson Bay, long lines of rivers and lakes opened level water roads a thousand miles or more from the crude little colonial capital at Quebec. And over in Europe beaver hats and fur-trimmed garments were all the style! So the plodding farmer from Normandy and the fisherman from Poitou, transferred to Canadian soil, were irresistibly drawn into the adventurous life of the trapper and fur-trader. The fur trade became the accepted basis of colonial life; the voyageur and courier de bois, clad in skins, paddling up ice- rimmed streams in their birch-bark canoes, fraternizing with Indians who were their only companions in that bleak interior, and married often to dusky squaws, became assimilated to theIE Kipp Bybee ps ae nay = Pk Sn teed bp J o%e Te Va ss Fircrest bat teteeteaeiet- tech naetcieareahctade ted oneness nara et puerto metered er ta eden reenter hae een te es el eine ee ea ee ae ate ee ¥ . a te a ES et ed ee ae pe Be Peer ee es PT a ee ~ erp ae er a eer ag ey Es Esgaaszesagies ss = Pe re eer fe ee ee ee Ten ee “_ en eee Se ee = The Boers of South “frica. 48 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES savage life about them and reverted to the lower hunter stage of civilization.** Another pronounced instance of rapid retrogression under new unfavorable geographic conditions is afforded by the South African Boer. The transfer from the busy commercial cities of the Rhine mouths to the far-away periphery of the world’s trade, from the intensive agriculture of small deltaic gardens and the scientific dairy farming of the moist Nether- lands to the semi-arid pastures of the high, treeless veldt, where they were barred from contact with the vivifying sea and its ship-borne commerce, has changed the enterprising seventeenth century Hollander into the conservative pastoral Boer. Dutch cleanliness has necessarily become a tradition to a people who can scarcely find water for their cattle. The comfort and solid bourgeois elegance of the Dutch home lost its material equipment in the Great Trek, when the long wagon journey reduced household furniture to its lowest terms. House-wifely habits and order vanished in the semi- nomadic life which followed.** ‘The gregarious instinct, bred by the closely-packed population of little Holland, was trans- formed to a love of solitude, which in all lands character- izes the people of a remote and sparsely inhabited frontier. It is a common saying that the Boer cannot bear to see another man’s smoke from his stoep, just as the early Trans-Allegheny pioneer was always on the move westward, because he could not bear to hear his neighbor’s watch-dog bark. Even the Boer language has deteriorated under the effects of isolation and a lower status of civilization. The native T'aal differs widely from the polished speech of Holland; it preserves some fea- tures of the High Dutch of two centuries ago, but has lost inflexions and borrowed words for new phenomena from the English, Kaffirs and Hottentots; can express no ab- stract ideas, only the concrete ideas of a dull, work-a-day world.*° The new habitat may eliminate many previously acquired characteristics and hence transform a people, as in the case of the Boers; or it may intensify tribal or national traits, as in the seafaring propensities of the Angles and Saxons when transferred to Britain, and of the seventeenth century Eng-CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 49 lish when transplanted to the indented coasts of New England; or it may tolerate mere survival or the slow dissuetude of qualities which escape any particular pressure in the new environment, and which neither benefit nor handicap in the modified struggle for existence. NOTES TO CHAPTER Il 1. Darwin, Origin of Species, Chap. V, p. 166. New York, 1895. 2. R. Virchow, Rassenbildung und Erblichkeit, Bastian Festschrift, pp. 14, 48, 44. Berlin, 1896. 3. Darwin, Descent of Man, pp. 34-35. New York, 1899. 4. Darwin, Origin of Species, Chap. I, pp. 8-9. New York, 1895. 5. P. Ehrenreich, Die Urbewohner Brasiliens, p. 30. Braunschweig, 1897. 6. Ratzel, Die Erde und das Leben, Vol. I, pp. 364, 365. Leipzig and Vienna, 1901. 7. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 79-86, 96, 100. New York, 1899. 8. T. Waitz, Anthropology, pp. 57-58. Edited by J. F. Collingwood. London, 1863. 9. Schooleraft, Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. I, pp. 198-200, 219. Philadelphia, 1853. 10. Darwin, Descent of Man, p. 33. New York, 1899. 11. D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 266. New York, 1858. 12. Alaska, Eleventh Census Report, pp. 54, 56. Washington, 1893, and Albert P. Niblack, The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and Northern British Columbia, p. 237. Washington, 1888. 13. Fitz-Roy, Voyage of the Beagle, Vol. Il, pp. 130-132, 137, 138. London, 1839. 14. H. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. I, pp. 88-89. San Francisco, 1886. 15. S. Stanhope Smith, Essay on the Causes of the Variety of Com- plexion and Figure in the Human Species, pp. 103-110. New Brunswiek and New York, 1810. 16. For full discussion see A. R. Wallace’s article on acclimatization in Encyclopedia Britanica, and W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe. Chap. XXI, New York, 1899. 17. D. G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 39-41. Philadelphia, 1901. 18. Darwin, Descent of Man, pp. 34-35. New York, 1899. 19. E. F. Knight, Where Three Empires Meet, pp. 137-138. London, 1897. 20. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 58-71, Map. New York, 1899. 21. Ibid., p. 566. D. G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 29-30. Phila- delphia, 1901. 22. D. Livingstone, Missionary Travels, p. 607. New York, 1858. 23. Williams and Calvert, Fiji and the Fijians, p. 83, New York, 1859.a ar —_~—. Neen ne nnn ne nn nn al ale een ene ane eee ea 7 - - r re = e ty te Be = gg’ oo ~ ng a pee mp nad pee Pe Pe or es Pe / ™ a “ee - Ps . - ao ee —— _~— ee eres rhe Pe eee Pee ee et. ce SS ante ee ee ee eae SS tek ak 50 CLASSES OF GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES 24. P. Ehrenreich, Die Urbewohner Brasiliens, p. 32. Braunschweig, 1897. 25. T. Waitz, Anthropology, pp. 46-49. Edited by Collingwood, Lon- don, 1863. 26. Philippine Census, Vol. I, p. 552. Washington, 1903. 27. . Katzel, History of Mankind, Vol. III, p. 106. London, 1908. 28. Major Charles E. Woodruff, The Effect of Tropical Light on the White Man, New York, 1905, is a suggestive but not convincing discus- sion of the theory. 29. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 74-77. New York, 1899. 30. Quoted in G. Sergi, The Mediterranean Race, p. 73. London and New York, 1901. 31. I[bid., pp. 63-69, 74-75, 32. T. Waitz, Anthropology, pp. 44-45. Edited by J. F. Collingwood, London, 1863. 33. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, p. 76. New York, 1899. 1, Anthropology, pp. 385-392. Tr. 34. For able discussion, see Topina1 from French, London, 1894. 35. J. Johnson, Jurisprudence of the Isle of Man, pp. 44, 71. Edin- burgh, 1811. 36. Charles F. Hall, Arctic Researches and Life among the Eskimo, p. 571. New York, 1866. Franz Boas, The Central Eskimo, Stxth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 588-590. Washington, 1888. 37. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 35. London, 1896-1898. 38. Roscher, National-O¢ konomik des Ackerbatues. p- o4, note 3. Stutt- gart, 1888. 39. Elisee Reclus, The Earth and Its Inhabitants, Asia, Vol. I, p. 171. New York, 1895. 40. Alfred Hettner, Die Geographie des Menschen, pp. 409-410 in Geographische Zeitschrift, Vol. XIII, No. 8. Leipzig, 1907. 41. S. B. Boulton, The Russian Empire, pp. 60-64. London, 1882. 2. E. C. Semple, The Anglo-Saxons of the Kentucky Mountains, The Geographical Journal, Vol. XVII, No. 6, pp. 588-623. London, 1901. 43. E. C. Semple, American History and its Geographic Conditions, pp. 25-31. Boston, 1903. The Influence of Geographic Environment on the Lower St. Lawrence, Bull. Amer. Geog. Society, Vol. XXXVI, p. 449- 466. -New York, 1904. 44. A. R. Colquhoun, Africander Land, pp. 200-201. New York, 1906. 45. Ibid., pp. 140-145. James Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, p. 398. New York, 1897.CHAPTER III SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO THE LAND Every clan. tribe, state or nation includes two ideas, a People people and its land, the first unthinkable without the other. 2nd land. History, sociology, ethnology touch only the inhabited areas of the earth. These areas gain their final significance because of the people who occupy them; their local conditions of climate, soil, natural resources, physical features and geo- graphic situation are important primarily as factors in the development of actual or possible inhabitants. A land is fully comprehended only when studied in the light of its influence upon its people, and a people cannot be understood apart from the field of its activities. More than this, human activities are fully intelligible only in relation to the various geographic conditions which have stimulated them in different parts of the world. ‘The principles of the evolution of navi- gation, of agriculture, of trade, as also the theory of popula- tion, can never reach their correct and final statement, unless the data for the conclusions are drawn from every part of the world, and each fact interpreted in the light of the local conditions whence it sprang. ‘Therefore anthropology, soci- ology and history should be permeated by geography. by which is meant In history, the question of territory, mere area in contrast to specific geographic conditions— has constantly come to the front. because a state obviously ‘nvolved land and boundaries, and assumed as its chief func- tion the defence and extension of these.. Therefore political ecography developed early as an offshoot of history. Politi- cal science has often formulated its principles without regard to the geographic conditions of states, but as a matter of fact, the most fruitful political policies of nations have almost 1n- variably had a geographic core. Witness the colonial policy of Holland, England, France and Portugal, the free-trade Political geography and history.A eee nl — = sam | ton peepee sient ceapencendt easel pam penal ttieaininnr tie seinenenceaeente —ooe ee ——t ee ee eee . = a ~ ee 5 i mt er ee ee m me ae = “ - = Sate ae a 5 « a Ps —- ws a os os es ee ere a ese ae — wr eee ee sar ina e re ere ee es Political versus social geography. 52 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND policy of England, the militantism of Germany, the whole complex question of European balance of power and the Bosporus, and the Monroe Doctrine of the United States. Dividing lines between political parties tend to follow ap- proximately geographic lines of cleavage; and these make themselves apparent at recurring intervals of national up- heaval, perhaps with centuries between, like a submarine vol- canic rift. In England the southeastern plain and the north- western uplands have been repeatedly arrayed against each other, from the Roman conquest which embraced the lowlands up to about the 500-foot contour line,’ through the War of the Roses and the Civil War,’ to the struggle for the repeal of the Corn Laws and the great Reform Bill of 1832.3 Though the boundary lines have been only roughly the same and each district has contained opponents of the dominant local party, nevertheless the geographic core has been plain enough. The land is a more conspicuous factor in the history of states than in the history of society, but not more necessary and potent. Wars, which constitute so large a part of political history, have usually aimed more or less directly at acquisition or retention of territory; they have made every petty quar- rel the pretext for mulcting the weaker nation ‘of part of its land. Political maps are therefore subject to sudden and radical alterations, as when France’s name was wiped off the North American continent in 1763, or when recently Spain’s sovereignty in the Western Hemisphere was obliterated. But the race stocks, languages, customs, and institutions of both France and Spain remained after the flags had departed. The reason is that society is far more deeply rooted in the land than is a state, does not expand or contract its area so readily. Society is always, in a sense, adscripta glebae; an expanding state which incorporates a new piece of territory inevitably incorporates its inhabitants, unless it exterminates or expels them. Yet because racial and social geography change slowly, quietly and imperceptibly, like all those Pn processes which we call growth, it is not so easy and obvious a task to formulate a natural law for the territorial relations of the various hunter, pastoral nomadic, agricultural, andSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 53 industrial types of society as for those of the growing state. Most systems of sociology treat man as if he were in some Land way detached from the earth’s surface; they ignore the land basis of society. The anthropo-geographer recognizes the various social forces, economic and psychologic, which soci- ologists regard as the cement of societies; but he has some- thing to add. (He sees in the land occupied by a primitive uribe or a highly organized state the underlying material bond holding society together, the ultimate basis of their fundamental social activities, which are therefore derivatives from the land. He sees the common territory exercising an weak in primitive communities where the integrating force, group has established only a few slight and temporary rela- tions with its soil, so that this low social complex breaks up readily like its organic counterpart, the low animal organism found in an amoeba; he sees it growing stronger with every advance in civilization involving more complex relations to the land,—with settled habitations, with increased density of population, with a discriminating and highly differentiated use of the soil, with the exploitation of mineral resources, and finally with that far-reaching exchange of commodities and ideas which means the establishment of varied extra- * hee Ca ee — —— ee nnn eee ere ne aie eee . P -* es ar “a Se a a <*> - . a eit eh ee ke ~ - . w - - ™ ee Morgan’s Societas. 54 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND Man in his larger activities, as opposed to his mere physi- ological or psychological processes, cannot be studied apart from the land which he inhabits. Whether we consider him singly or in a group—family, clan, tribe or state—we must al- ways consider him or his group in relation to a piece of land. The ancient Irish sept, Highland clan, Russian mir, Cherokee hill-town. Bedouin tribe, and the ancient Helvetian canton, like the political state of history, have meant always a group of people and a bit of land. The first presupposes the second. In all cases the form and size of the social group, the nature of its activities,the trend and limit of its development will bestrongly influenced by the size and nature of its habitat. The land basis is always present, in spite of Morgan’s artificial distinction between a theoretically landless societas, held together only by the bond of common blood, and the political civitas based upon land.* Though primitive society found its conscious bond in common blood, nevertheless the land bond was always there, and it gradually asserted its fundamental character with the evolution of society. The savage and barbarous groups which in Morgan’s classi- fication would fall under the head of societas have nevertheless a clear conception of their ownership of the tribal lands which they use in common. This idea is probably of very primitive origin, arising from the association of a group with its habi- tat, whose food supply they regard as a monopoly.® ‘This is true even of migratory hunting tribes. They claim a cer- tain area whose boundaries, however, are often ill-defined and subject to fluctuations, because the lands are not held by per- manent occupancy and cultivation. An exceptional case is that of the Shoshone Indians, inhabiting the barren Utah basin and the upper valleys of the Snake and Salmon Rivers, who are accredited with no sense of ownership of the soil. In their natural state they roved about in small, totally unor- ganized bands or single families, and changed their locations so widely, that they seemed to lay no claim to any particular portion. ‘The hopeless sterility of the region and its poverty of game kept its destitute inhabitants constantly on the move to gather in the meager food supply, and often restricted the social group to the family.” Here the bond between landa ee! —o | wre CT nee nee erate re ne ee ie a a a ae el “ oe oes 4 } 1 { : 1 ath ie de kal SERIE Tay oe = S SS ed = re) ‘ ee ee ee ee ee eee a en CT SHOSHON Fs |) V{ 2uNTAR* . AX x ~~ Se ~<_ALGORg tian |?AMON T Jer » "I AWEI Sea. ATO ‘ POAe a n* 44 er E ys Q vol AN i i fd Lo a i$ \/ ; as x ; ¢ i ; 4 wo Ra Nok Y Ce J 5 gs Aly LARD ALGC 24 ‘ UdHEAN “€*ar cond ie L A ‘ 4 Na >» \ S/ ‘ G e A GG “Ny ~O \G A M fe Xx IG Gr 1 , } ey Xa LINGUISTIC eSTOCKS OF AMERICAN! INDIANS NORTH o-r MEXICO BY J.W. POWELL. | } j i orem kei meerseissecccotice ee eee i : H 7 iH 4 ‘ . ’ i 7 4 1 +5 iwi i - - : ! be ‘ 14 a ee : * . ' =SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 55 and tribe, and hence between the members of the tribe, was the weakest possible. The usual type of tribal ownership was presented by the Comanches, nomadic horse Indians who occupied the grassy plains of northern Texas. They held their territory and the game upon it as the common property of the tribe, and jeal- ously guarded the integrity of their domain.” The chief Algonquin tribes, who occupied the territory between the Ohio River and the Great Lakes, had each its separate domain, within which it shifted its villages every few years; but its size depended upon the power of the tribe to repel en- croachment upon its hunting grounds. Relying mainly on the chase and fishing, little on agriculture, for their subsis- tence, their relations to their soil were superficial and transi- tory, their tribal organization in a high degree unstable.” Students of American ethnology generally agree that most of the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi were occupying definite areas at the time of the discovery, and were to a con- siderable extent sedentary and agricultural. Though nomadic within the tribal territory, as they moved with the season in pursuit of game, they returned to their villages, which were shifted only at relatively long intervals.” The political organization of the native Australians, low as they were in the social scale, seems to have been based chiefly on the claim of each wretched wandering tribe to a definite territory..° In north central Australia, where even a very sparse population has sufficed to saturate the sterile soil, tribal boundaries have become fixed and inviolable, so that even war brings no transfer of territory. Land and people are identified. [he bond is cemented by their primitive re- ligion, for the tribe’s spirit ancestors occupied this special territory." In a like manner a very definite conception of tribal ownership of land prevails among the Bushmen and Bechuanas of South Africa; and to the pastoral Hereros the alienation of their land is inconceivable.” [See map page 105. | A tribe of hunters can never be more than a small horde. because the simple, monotonous savage economy permits no concentration of population, no division of labor except that between the sexes, and hence no evolution of classes. The Land bond in hunter tribes.Deen eee en nn a eee eee eeee =" . — = - ee ae ~ — ore - =~ ee 4 a tye a a ewe e- eee vers = ae +4 ——- _s Se ees es Land bond in fisher tribes. 596 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND common economic level of all is reflected in the simple social organization, which necessarily has little cohesion, because the group must be prepared to break up and scatter in smaller divisions, when its members increase or its savage supplies decrease even a little. Such primitive groups cannot grow into larger units, because these would demand more roots sent down into the sustaining soil; but they multiply by fission, like the infusorial monads, and thereafter lead independent exist- ences remote from each other. This is the explanation of mul- tiplication of dialects among savage tribes. Fishing tribes have their chief occupation determined by their habitats, which are found along well stocked rivers, lakes, or coastal fishing grounds. Conditions here encourage an early adoption of sedentary life, discourage wandering except for short periods, and facilitate the introduction of agriculture wherever conditions of climate and soil permit. Hence these fisher folk develop relatively large and permanent social groups, as testified by the ancient lake-villages of Switz- erland, based upon a concentrated food-supply resulting from a systematic and often varied exploitation of the local re- sources. ‘The codperation and submission to a leader necessary in pelagic fishing often gives the preliminary training for higher political organization.’* All the primitive stocks of the Brazilian Indians, except the mountain Ges, are fishermen and agriculturists; hence their annual migrations are kept within narrow limits. Each linguistic group occupies a fixed and relatively well defined district.‘* Stanley found along the Congo large permanent villages of the natives, who were en- gaged in fishing and tilling the fruitful soil, but knew little about the country ten miles back from the river. These two generous means of subsistence are everywhere combined in Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia; there they are asso- ciated with dense populations and often with advanced po- litical organization, as we find it in the feudal monarchy of Tonga and the savage Fiji Islands.’ Fisher tribes, therefore, get an early impulse forward in civilization ;17 and even where conditions do not permit the upward step to agriculture, these tribes have permanent relations with their land, form stable social groups, and often utilize their location on a naturalSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 57 highway to develop systematic trade. For instance, on the northwest coast of British Columbia and Southern Alaska, the Haida, Tlingit and Tsimshean Indians have portioned out all the land about their seaboard villages among the separate families or households as hunting, fishing, and berrying grounds. ‘These are regarded as private property and are handed down from generation to generation. If they are used by anyone other than the owner, the privilege must be paid for. Every salmon stream has its proprietor, whose summer camp can be seen set up at the point where the run of the fish is greatest. Combined with this private property in land there is a brisk trade up and down the coast, and a tendency toward feudalism in the village communities, owing to the association of power and social distinction with wealth and property in land.” Among pastoral nomads, among whom a systematic use of Land their territory begins to appear, and therefore a more definite bond in relation between land and people, we find a more distinct notion than among wandering hunters of territorial ownership, the right of communal use, and the distinct obligation of common defense. Hence the social bond is drawn closer. The nomad identifies himself with>a certain district, which be- longs to his tribe by tradition or conquest, and has its clearly defined boundaries. Here he roams between its summer and winter pastures, possibly one hundred and fifty miles apart, visits its small arable patches in the spring for his limited agricultural ventures, and returns to them in the fall to reap their meager harvest. Its springs, streams, or wells assume enhanced value, are things to be fought for, owing to the prevailing aridity of summer; while ownership of a certain tract of desert or grassland carries with it a certain right in the bordering settled district as an area of plunder.” The Kara-Kirghis stock, who have been located since the sixteenth century on Lake Issik-Kul, long ago portioned out the land among the separate families, and determined their limits by natural features of the landscape.”” Sven Hedin found on the Tarim River poles set up to mark the boundary between the Shah-yar and Kuchar tribal pastures.” John de Plano Carpini, traveling over southern Russia in 1246, im- pastoral societies.Pn Se ee eee a ear eee ee sah h~5 ee ts aes - Geograph- ical mark of low- type so- cieties. 58 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND mediately after the Tartar conquest, found that the Dnieper, Don, Volga and Ural rivers were all boundaries between do- mains of the various millionaries or thousands, into which the Tartar horde was organized.*~ ‘The population of this vast country was distributed according to the different degrees of fertility and the size of the pastoral groups.** Volney observed the same distinction in the distribution of the Bedouins of Syria. He found the barren cantons held by small, widely scat- tered tribes, as in the Desert of Suez; but the cultivable can- tons, like the Hauran and the Pachalic of Aleppo, closely dotted by the encampments of the pastoral owners.” The large range of territory held by a nomadic tribe is all successively occupied in the course of a year, but each part only for a short period of time. A pastoral use of even a good district necessitates a move of five or ten miles every few weeks. The whole, large as it may be, is absolutely neces- sary for the annual support of the tribe. Hence any outside encroachment upon their territory calls for the united resist- ance of the tribe. This joint or social action is dictated by their common interest in pastures and herds. The social ad- ministration embodied in the apportionment of pastures among the families or clans grows out of the systematic use of their territory, which represents a closer relation between land and people than is found among purely hunting tribes. Overcrowd- ing by men or livestock, on the other hand, puts a strain upon the social bond. When Abraham and Lot. typical nomads, returned from Egypt to Canaan with their large flocks and herds, rivalry for the pastures occasioned conflicts among their shepherds, so the two sheiks decided to separate. Abra- ham took the hill pastures of Judea, and Lot the plains of Jordan near the settled district of Sodom.” The larger the amount of territory necessary for the sup- port of a given number of people, whether the proportion be due to permanent poverty of natural resources as in the Eskimo country, or to retarded economic development as among the Indians of primitive America or the present Su- danese, the looser is the connection between land and people, and the lower the type of social organization. For such groups the organic theory of society finds an apt description.SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 59 fo quote Spencer, ‘““The original clusters, animal and social, re not only small, but they lack density. Creatures of low ype occupy large spaces considering the small quantity of nimal substance they contain; and low-type societies spread ver areas that are wide relatively to the. number of their component individuals.”*° In common language this means mall tribes or even detached families sparsely scattered over vide areas, living in temporary huts or encampments of tepees nd tents shifted from place to place, making no effort to nodify the surface of the land beyond scratching the soil to aise a niggardly crop of grain or tubers, and no investment yf labor that might attach to one spot the sparse and migrant yopulation. [See density maps pages 8 and 9. | The superiority over this social type of the civilized state ies in the highly organized utilization of its whole geographic yasis by the mature community, and in the development of rovernment that has followed the increasing density of popu- ation and multiplication of activities growing out of this nanifold use of the land. Sedentary agriculture, which forms ts initial economic basis, is followed by industrialism and com- merce. The migratory life presents only limited accumulation of capital, and restricts narrowly its forms. Permanent settle- ment encourages accumulation in every form, and under grow- ing pressure of population slowly réveals the possibilities of every foot of ground, of every geographic advantage. These are the fibers of the land which become woven into the whole fabric of the nation’s life. These are the geographic elements constituting the soil in which empires are rooted ; they rise in the sap of the’ nation. The geographic basis of a state embodies a whole complex of physical conditions which may influence its historical de~ velopment. The most potent of these are its size and zonal location: its situation, whether continental or insular, inland or maritime, on the open ocean or an enclosed sea; its bounda- ries, whether drawn by sea, mountain, desert or the faint de- marking line of a river; its forested mountains, grassy plains, and arable lowlands; its climate and drainage system; finally its equipment with plant and animal life, whether indigenous or imported, and its mineral resources. When a state has Land and state. Strength of the land bond in the state.en rs “— — a a naa gee Neen ee ne a a a et eee ee a ed n , b= oad ae - tn - , ae : < “~ <= tm As va ° — ae os S Weak land tenure of hunt- ing and pastoral tribes. Land and food supply. 60 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND taken advantage of all its natural conditions, the land becomes a constituent part of the state,*‘ modifying the people which inhabit it, modified by them in turn, till the connection be- tween the two becomes so strong by reciprocal interaction, that the people cannot be understood apart from their land. Any attempt to divide them theoretically reduces the social or political body to a cadaver, valuable for the study of structural anatomy after the method of Herbert Spencer, but throwing little hght upon the vital processes. A people who makes only a transitory or superficial use of its land has upon it no permanent or secure hold. The power to hold is measured by the power to use; hence the weak tenure of hunting and pastoral tribes. Between their scattered encampments at any given time are wide interstices, inviting occupation by any settlers who know how to make better use of the soil. This explains the easy intrusion of the English colonists into the sparsely tenanted territory of the Indians, of the agricultural Chinese into the pasture lands of the Mongols beyond the Great Wall, of the American pioneers into the hunting grounds of the Hudson Bay Company in the disputed Oregon country.** The frail bonds which unite these lower societies to their soil are easily ruptured and the people themselves dislodged, while their land is appropriated by the intruder. But who could ever conceive of dislodging the Chinese or the close-packed millions of India? A modern state with a given population on a wide area is more vulnerable than another of like population more closely distributed; but the former has the advantage of a reserve territory for future growth.*” This was the case of Kursach- sen and Brandenburg in the sixteenth century, and of the United States throughout its history. But beside the danger of inherent weakness before attack, a condition of relative underpopulation always threatens a retardation of develop- ment. Easy-going man needs the prod of a pressing popula- tion. [Compare maps pages 8 and 103 for examples. | Food is the urgent and recurrent need of individuals and of society. It dictates their activities in relation to their land at every stage of economic development, fixes the locality of the encampment or village, and determines the size ofSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 61 the territory from which sustenance is drawn. The length of residence in one place depends upon whether the springs of its food supply are perennial or intermittent, while the abundance of their flow determines how large a population a given piece of land can support. Hunter and fisher folk, relying almost exclusively upon Advance what their land produces of itself, need a large area and from natural to Tyre ee ; ae artificial diminishes to the verge of famine. The transition to the 5S basis of derive from it only an irregular food supply, which in winter pastoral stage has meant the substitution of an artificial sibsistence. for a natural basis of subsistence, and therewith a change which more than any other one thing has inaugurated the From the standpoint J advance from savagery to civilization.” of economics, the forward stride has consisted in the applica- tion of capital in the form of flocks and herds to the task of feeding the wandering horde ;** from the standpoint of alimen- tation, in the guarantee of a more reliable and generally more nutritious food supply, which enables population to grow more steadily and rapidly; from the standpoint of geography, in the marked reduction in the per capita amount of land necessary to yield an adequate and stable food supply. Pastoral nomadism can support in a given district of average quality from ten to twenty times as many souls as can the chase; but in this respect is surpassed from twenty to thirty- fold by the more productive agriculture. While the subsis- tence of a nomad requires 100 to 200 acres of land, for that of a skillful farmer from 1 to 2 acres suffice.” In contrast, the land of the Indians living in the Hudson Bay Territory in 185% averaged 10 square miles per capita; that of the Indians in the United States in 1820, subsidized moreover by the government, 11/4 square miles.°° With transition to the sedentary life of agriculture, society Land in integra- relation to makes a further gain over nomadism in the closer agriculture. tion of its social units, due to permanent residence in larger and more complex groups; in the continuous release of labor from the task of mere food-getting for higher activities, re- sulting especially in the rapid evolution of the home; and finally in the more elaborate organization in the use of the Jand, leading to economic differentiation of different locali-~ TS ee EE ee Rr LT cena ie wu 4s er. ee ee Migratory agriculture. Geographic checks to progress. 62 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND ties and to a rapid increase in the population supported by a given area, so that the land becomes the dominant cohesive force in society. [See maps pages 8 and 9. | Agriculture is adopted at first on a small scale as an ad- junct to the chase or herding. It tends therefore to partake of the same extensive and nomadic character** as these other methods of gaining subsistence, and only gradually becomes sedentary and intensive. Such was the superficial, migratory tillage of most American Indians, shifting with the village in the wake of the retreating game or in search of fresh un- exhausted soil. Such is the agriculture of the primitive Korkus in the Mahadeo Hills in Central India. They clear a forested slope by burning, rake over the ashes in which they sow their grain, and reap a fairly good crop in the fertilized soil. ‘The second year the clearing yields a reduced product and the third year is abandoned. When the hamlet of five or six families has exhausted all the land about it, it moves to a new spot to repeat the process.*° The same superficial, extensive tillage, with abandonment of fields every few years, prevails in the Tartar districts of the Russian steppes, as it did among the cattle-raising Ger- mans at the beginning of their history. Tacitus says of them, Arva per annos mutant et superest ager,*® commenting at the same time upon their abundance of land and their reluctance to till. Where nomadism is made imperative by aridity, the agriculture which accompanies it tends to be- come fixed, owing to the few localities blessed with an irrigating stream to moisten the soil. These spots, generally selected for the winter residence, have their soil enriched, moreover, by the long stay of the herd and thus avoid exhaustion.** Often, how- ever, in enclosed basins the salinity of the irrigating streams in their lower course ruins the fields after one or two crops, and necessitates a constant shifting of the cultivated patches; hence agriculture remains subsidiary to the yield of the pas: tures. ‘This condition and effect is conspicuous along the termini of the streams draining the northern slope of the Kuen Lun into the Tarim basin.*® The desultory, intermittent, extensive use of the land prac- tised by hunters and nomads tends, under the growing pres-SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 635 sure of population, to pass into the systematic, continuous, intensive use practised by the farmer, except where nature presents positive checks to the transition. The most obvious check consists in adverse conditions of climate and soil. Where agriculture meets insurmountable obstacles, like the intense cold of Arctic Siberia and Lapland, or the alkaline soils of Nevada and the Caspian Depression, or the inadequate rain- fall of Mongolia and Central Arabia, the land can produce no higher economic and social groups than pastoral hordes. Hence shepherd folk are found in their purest types in deserts and steppes, where conditions early crystallized the social e form and checked development. [Rainfall map chap. XIV. | Adverse conditions of climate and soil are not the only Native factors in this retardation. ‘The very unequal native equip- ment of the several continents with plant and animal forms likely to accelerate the advance to nomadism and agriculture also enters into the equation. In Australia, the lack of a single indigenous mammal fit for domestication and of all cereals blocked from the start the pastoral and agricultural development of the natives. Hence at the arrival of the Europeans, Australia presented the unique spectacle of a whole continent with its population still held in the vise of nature. The Americas had a limited variety of animals susceptible of domestication, but were more meagerly equipped than the Old World. Yet the Eskimo failed to tame and herd the reindeer, though their precarious food-supply furnished a motive for the transition. Moreover, an abundance of grass and reindeer moss (Cladonia rangiferina), and congenial climatic conditions favored it especially for the Alaskan Eskimo, who had, besides, the nearby example of the Siberian Chukches as reindeer herders.*® ‘The buffalo, whose domesti- eability has been proved, was never utilized in this way by ithe Indians, though the Spaniard Gomara writes of one tribe, living in the sixteenth century in the southwestern part of what is now United States territory, whose chief wealth consisted in herds of tame buffalo.*® North America, at the time of the discovery, saw only the dog hanging about the lodges of the Indians; but in South America the llama and alpaca, confined to the higher levels of the Andes (10,000 to animal and plant life as factors.w __ er od ™ es ak ett rene mS aap eeeeteaad eee sete, p-acocirena atime pr aated eee or >? PT Maa Dee Reh oak aah oe Pe pel So es Po a hee See eer ae lr ee eat ea ese oe Soe thot aaa eens i a a a <= “= aa mae wiley i one nt re . , - a pare Be “er * a) eee ee ee eee ps = 7 - . TS Land per capita under various cul- tural and geographic conditions. 64 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 15,000 feet elevation) were used in domestic herds only in the mountain-rimmed valleys of ancient Peru, where, owing to the restricted areas of these intermontane basins, stock-raising early became stationary,” as we find it in the Alps. More- over, the high ridges of the Andes supported a species of grass called ichu, growing up to the snowline from the equator to the southern extremity of Patagonia. Its geographical distri- bution coincided with that of the llama and alpaca, whose chief pasturage it furnished.** In contrast, the absence of any wild fodder plants in Japan, and the exclusion of all for- eign forms by the successful competition of the native bamboo grass have together eliminated pastoral life from the economic history of the island. The Old World, on the other hand, furnished an abundant supply of indigenous animals susceptible of domestication, and especially those fitted for nomadic life, such as the camel, horse, ass, sheep and goat. Hence it produced in the wide- spread grasslands and deserts of Europe, Asia, and Africa the most perfect types of pastoral development in its natural or nomadic form. Moreover, the early history of the civilized agricultural peoples of these three continents reveals their previous pastoral mode of life. North and South America offered over most of their area conditions of climate and soil highly favorable to agriculture, and a fair list of indigenous cereals, tubers, and pulses yield- ing goodly crops even to superficial tillage. Maize espe- cially was admirably suited for a race of semi-migratory hun- ters. It could be sown without plowing, ripened in a warm season even in ninety days, could be harvested without a sickle and at the pleasure of the cultivator, and needed no prepara- tion beyond roasting before it was ready for food. The beans and pumpkins which the Indians raised also needed only a short season. Hence many Indian tribes, while showing no trace of pastoral development, combined with the chase a semi-nomadic agriculture; and in a few districts where geographic conditions had applied peculiar pressure, they had accomplished the transition to sedentary agriculture. Every advance to a higher state of civilization has meant a progressive decrease in the amount of land necessary for theSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 65 support of the individual, and a progressive increase in the relations between man and his habitat. The stage of social development remaining the same, the per capita amount of land decreases also from poorer to better endowed geographical districts, and with every invention which brings into use some natural resource. The following classification® illustrates the relation of density of population to various geographic and socio-economic conditions. Hunter tribes on the outskirts of the habitable area, as in Arctic America and Siberia, require from 70 to 200 square miles per capita; in arid lands, like the Kalahari Desert and Patagonia, 40 to 200 square miles per capita; in choice dis- tricts and combining with the chase some primitive agriculture, as did the Cherokee, Shawnee and Iroquois Indians, the Dyaks of Borneo and the Papuans of New Guinea, 4% to 2 square miles per capita. Pastoral nomads show a density of from 2 to 5 to the square mile; practicing some agriculture, as in Kordofan and Sennar districts of eastern Sudan, 10 to 15 to the square mile. Agri- culture, undeveloped but combined with some trade and in- dustry as in Equatorial Africa, Borneo and most of the Cen- tral American states, supports 5 to 15 to the square mile; practised with European methods in young or colonial lands, as in Arkansas, Texas, Minnesota, Hawaii, Canada and Argentine, or in European lands with unfavorable climate, up to 25 to the square mile. Pure agricultural lands of central Kurope support 100 to the square mile, and those of southern Europe, 200; when combining some industry, from 250 to 300. But these figures rise to 500 or more in lowland India and China. Industrial districts of modern Europe, such as England, Belgium, Saxony, Departments Nord and Rhone in France, show a density of 500 to 800 to the square mile. [See maps pages 8 and 9. | With every increase of the population inhabiting a given area, and with the consequent multiplication and constriction of the bonds uniting society with its land, comes a growing necessity for a more highly organized government, both to re- duce friction within and to secure to the people the land on Density of population and govern- ment.A aL i yt a el ty yt a CI lg i I a i i ce ae Ny a ; ees ss ~ hil an ail aie keane Race IQIAS owrbren Cs ony ee ee Territorial expansion of the State. Checks to population. 66 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND which and by which they live. ‘Therefore protection becomes a prime function of the state. It wards off outside at- tack which may aim at acquisition of its territory, or an invasion of its rights, or curtailment of its geographic sphere of activity. The modern industrial state, furthermore, with the purpose of strengthening the nation, assists or itself undertakes the construction of highways, canals, and rail- roads, and the maintenance of steamship lines. ‘These encourage the development of natural resources and of commerce, and hence lay the foundation for an increased population, by multiplying the relations between land and people. A like object is attained by territorial expansion, which often follows in the wake of commercial expansion. ‘This strengthens the nation positively by enlarging its geographic base, and negatively by forcing back the boundaries of its neighbors. The expansion of the Thirteen Colomes from the Atlantic slope to the Mississippi River and the Great Lakes by the treaty concluding the Revolution was a_ strong guarantee of the survival of the young Republic against future aggressions either of England or Spain, though it exchanged the scientific or protecting boundary of the Ap- palachian Mountains for the unscientific and exposed boundary of a river. The expansion to the Rocky Mountains by the Louisiana purchase not only gave wider play to na- tional energies, stimulated natural increase of population, and attracted immigration, but it eliminated a dangerous neighbor in the French, and placed a wide buffer of unten- anted land between the United States and the petty aggres- sions of the Spanish in Mexico. Rome’s expansion into the valley of the Po, as later into Trans-Alpine Gaul and Ger- many, had for its purpose the protection of the peninsula against barbarian inroads. Japan’s recent aggression against the Russians in the Far East was actuated by the realization that she had to expand into Korea at the cost of Muscovite ascendency, or contract later at the cost of her own independ- ence. If a state lacks the energy and national purpose, like Italy, or the possibility, like Switzerland, for territorialSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 67 expansion, and accepts its boundaries as final, the natural in- crease of population upon a fixed area produces an increased density, unless certain social forces counteract it. Without these forces, the relation of men to the land would have tended to modify everywhere in the same way. Increase in numbers would have been attended by a corresponding decrease in the amount of land at the disposal of each individual. Those states which, like Norway and Switzerland, cannot expand and which have exploited their natural resources to the utmost, must resign themselves to the emigration of their redundant population. But those which have remained within their own boundaries and have adopted a policy of isolation, like China, feudal Japan during its two and a half centuries of seclusion, and numerous Polynesian islands, have been forced to war with nature itself by checking the operation of the law of natural increase. All the repulsive devices contributing to this end, whether infanticide, abortion, cannibalism, the sanc- tioned murder of the aged and infirm, honorable suicide, poly- andry or persistent war, are the social deformities consequent upon suppressed growth. Such artificial checks upon popula- tion are more conspicuous in natural regions with sharply de- fined boundaries, like islands and oases, as Malthus observed ;°” but they are visible also among savage tribes whose boundaries are fixed not by natural features but by the mutual repulsion and rivalry characterizing the stage of development, and whose limit of population is reduced by their low economic status. There is a great difference between those states whose inhabi- tants subsist exclusively from the products of their own coun- try and those which rely more or less upon other lands, Great industrial states, like England and Germany, which derive only a portion of their food and raw material from their own territory, supply their dense populations through inter- national trade. Interruption of such foreign commerce is disastrous to the population at home; hence the state by a navy protects the lines of communication with those far- away lands of wheat fields and cattle ranch. 'This is no purely modern development. Athens in the time of Pericles used her navy not only to secure her political domination in the Extra-terri- torial relations.aeiripauunesne ter dik: na eeeeenmemnaenedting ienetenineme rane annette anit ue aut wk 7 ae . " - ae . “es oh pte tet. fl - Pre alsin bel eden tedeeuhentt haptoueresttiade toh = eeenensientiineaDtaaihind het aaa Per pane aia teed: eon ° — —— —— ae, tal - . rs eos a Se ne ial Pe Beet es Geography in the philosophy of history. Theory of progress from the standpoint of geo- graphy. 68 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND Aegean, but also her connections with the colonial wheat lands about the Euxine. The modern state strives to render this circle of trade both large and permanent by means of commercial treaties, customs-unions, trading-posts and colonies. Thus while soci- ety at home is multiplying its relations with its own land, the state is enabling it to multiply also its relations with the whole producing world. While at home the nation is be- coming more closely knit together through the common bond of the fatherland, in the world at large humanity is evolving a brotherhood of man by the union of each with all through the common growing bond of the earth. Hence we cannot avoid the question: Are we in process of evolving a social idea vaster than that underlying nationality? Do the Socialists hint to us the geographic basis of this new development, when they describe themselves as an international political party? It is natural that the old philosophy of history should have fixed its attention upon the geographic basis of historical events. Searching for the permanent and common in the out- wardly mutable, it found always at the bottom of changing events the same solid earth. Biology has had the same ex- perience. The history of the life forms of the world leads al- ways back to the land on which that life arose, spread, and struggled for existence. The philosophy of history was supe- rior to early sociology, in that its method was one of historical comparison, which inevitably guided it back to the land as the material for the first generalization. Thus it happens that the importance of the land factor in history was approached first from the philosophical side. Montesquieu and Herder had no intention of solving sociological and geographical problems, when they considered the relation of peoples and states to their soil; they wished to understand the purpose and destiny of man as an inhabitant of the earth. The study of history is always, from one standpoint, a study of progress. Yet after all the century-long investigation of the history of every people working out its destiny in its given environment, struggling against the difficulties of its habitat, progressing when it overcame them and retrogradingSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 69 when it failed, advancing when it made the most of its op- portunities and declining when it made less or succumbed to an invader armed with better economic or political methods to exploit the land, it is amazing how little the land, in which all activities finally root, has been taken into account in the discussion of progress. Nevertheless, for a theory of progress it offers a solid basis. From the standpoint of the land social and political organizations, in successive stages of development, embrace ever increasing areas, and make them support ever denser populations; and in this concentration of population and intensification of economic development they assume ever higher forms. It does not suffice that a peo- ple, in order to progress, should extend and multiply only its local relations to its land. This would eventuate in arrested de- velopment, such as Japan showed at the time of Perry’s visit. The ideal basis of progress is the expansion of the world re- lations of a people, the extension of its field of activity and sphere of influence far beyond the limits of its own territory, by which it exchanges commodities and ideas with various countries of the world. Universal history shows us that, as the geographical horizon of the known world has widened from gray antiquity to the present, societies and states have ex- panded their territorial and economic scope; that they have grown not only in the number of their square miles and in the geographical range of their international intercourse, but in national efficiency, power, and permanence, and especially ‘n that intellectual force which féeds upon the nutritious food of wide comparisons. Every great movement which has widened the geographical outlook of a people, such as the Crusades in the Middle Ages, or the colonization of the Americas, has applied an intellectual and economic stimulus. The ex- panding field of advancing history has therefore been an essen- tial concomitant and at the same time a driving force in the progress of every people and of the world. Since progress in civilization involves an increasing ex- ploitation of natural advantages and the development of closer relations between a land and its people, it is an erroneous ‘dea that man tends to emancipate himself more and more from the control of the natural conditions forming at once Man’s increasing dependence upon nature.suite puapaeemeseemethanpeeetnde earn eee eee etree teamed pareeetneetienaee tatiana teatime nearer eaten enn ot oP we a - Fey? oh whe Ps ee so ne os pe ° - ~ = meer cecil bal ieee tleaterettiair aeninietsh, os preunteeetendiitne aan ina a in els ee See PES et EP et, es A ee eye aes eres — : . ia oo a 5 Rin Sen bee i ee ee ae ee eee Increase in kind and amount. 70 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND the foundation and environment of his activities. On the con- trary, he multiplies his dependencies upon nature;** but while increasing their sum total, he diminishes the force of each. There lies the gist of the matter. As his bonds become more numerous, they becom: also more elastic. Civilization has lengthened his leash and padded his collar, so that it does not gall; but the leash is never slipped. The Delaware Indians depended upon the forests alone for fuel. A citizen of Penn- sylvania, occupying the former Delaware tract, has the choice of wood, hard or soft coal, coke, petroleum, natural gas, or manufactured gas. Does this mean emancipation? By no means. For while fuel was a necessity to the Indian only for warmth and cooking, and incidentally for the pleasureable ex- citement of burning an enemy at the stake, it enters into the manufacture of almost every article that the Pennsylvanian uses in his daily life. His dependence upon nature has be- come more far-reaching, though less conspicuous and es- pecially less arbitrary. These dependencies increase enormously both in variety and amount. Great Britain, with its twenty thousand mer- chant ships aggregating over ten million tons, and its im- mense import and export trade, finds its harbors vastly more important to-day for the national welfare than in Cromwell’s time, when they were used by a scanty mercantile fleet. Since the generation of electricity by water-power and its applica- tion to industry, the plunging falls of the Scandinavian Moun- tains, of the Alps of Switzerland, France, and Italy, of the Southern Appalachians and the Cascade Range, are geograph- ical features representing new and unsuspected forms of na- tional capital, and therefore new bonds between land and peo- ple in these localities. Russia since 1844 has built 35.572 miles (57,374 kilometers) of railroad in her European terri- tory, and thereby derived a new benefit from her level plains, which so facilitate the construction and cheap operation of railroads, that they have become in this aspect alone a new feature in her national economy. On the other hand, the galling restrictions of Russia’s meager and strategically con- fined coasts, which tie her hand in any wide maritime policy, work a greater hardship to-day than they did a hundred yearsSOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 71 ago, since her growing population creates a more insistent demand for international trade. In contrast to Russia, Nor- way, with its paucity of arable soil and of other natural re- sources, finds its long indented coastline and the coast-bred seamanship of its people a progressively important national asset. Hence as ocean-carriers the Norwegians have devel- oped a merchant marine nearly half as large again as that of Russia and Finland combined—1,569,646 tons*’ as against 1,084,165 tons. This growing dependence of a civilized people upon its land is characterized by intelligence and self-help. (Man forms a partnership with nature, contributing brains and labor, while she provides the capital or raw material in ever more abundant and varied forms) As a result of this codperation, held by the terms of the contract, he secures a better living than the savage who, like a mendicant, accepts what nature is pleased to dole out, and lives under the tyranny of her caprices. NOTES TO CHAPTER II 1. H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas, p. 196. London, 1904. 2.Gardner, Atlas of English History, Map 29. New York, 1905. 3. Hereford George, Historical Geography of Great Britain, pp. 58-60. London, 1904. 4. Lewis Morgan, Ancient Society, p. 62. New York, 1878. 5. Franklin H. Giddings, Elements of Sociology, p. 247. New York, 1902. 6. Schooleraft, The Indian Tribes of the United States, Vol. I, pp. 198-200, 224. Philadelphia, 1853. 7. Ibid., Vol.\ 1, pp. 231-232, 241. 8. Roosevelt, The Winning of the West, Vol. I, pp. 70-73, 88. New York, 1895. 9. McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, pp. 392-393, 408, Vol. XIX, of History of North America, edited by Francis W. Thorpe, Philadelphia, 1905. Eleventh Census Report on the Indians, p. 51. Washington, 1894. 10. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. II, pp. 249-250. New York, 1902-1906. 11. Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 13- 15. London, 1904. 12. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 126. London, 1896-1898. 13. Roscher, National-Ockonomik des Ackerbaues, p. 24. Stuttgart, 1888.=A ee a’ m a tae eee eee aaa At, = neta ee . - Ps ie PEERS SE ay 1 An wen et ee eet ee ey ee ee ee eee hours et et fee ee ee ee ee ee 72 SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 14. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 131. London, 1896-1898, 15. Paul Ehrenreich, Die Einteilung und Verbreitung der Volker- stamme Brasiliens, Peterman’s Geographische Mitthetlungen, Vol. AXXVIT, p. 85. Gotha, 1891. 16. Roscher, National-Oekonomtk des Ackerbaues, p. 26, Note 5. Stuttgart, 1888. vi Tbid.., p.- al. 18. Albert Niblack, The Coast Indians of Southern Alaska and 19. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. III, p. 173. London, 1896-1898. 20. Ibid., Vol. III, pp. 173-174. 21. Sven Hedin, Central Asia and Tibet, Vol. I, p. 184. New York and London, 1903. 22. John de Plano Carpini, Journey in 1246, p. 130. Hakluyt Society, London, 1904. 23. Journey of William de Rubruquis in 1253, p. 188. Hakluyt So- ciety, London, 1903. 24. Volney, quoted in Malthus, Principles of Population, Chap. VII, p. 60. London, 1878. 25. Genesis, Chap. XIII, 1-12. 26. Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology, Vol. I, p. 457. New York. 27. Heinrich von Treitschke, Politik, Vol. I, pp. 202-204. Leipzig, 1897. 28. E. C. Semple, American History and Its Geographic Conditions, pp. 206-207. Boston, 1903. 29. Roscher, Grundlaae i des National Oe konomte, Book VI. Bevolker- ung, p. 694, Note 5. Stuttgart, 1886. 30. Edward John Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol. I, p. 303-313. Oxford and New York, 1892. 31. Roscher, Natitonal-Oekonomik des Ackerbaues, pp. 31, 52. Stutt- part, 1888. 32. Ibid., p. 56, Note 5. 33. For these and other averages, Sir John Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, pp. 593-595. New York, 1872. 34. Roscher, National-Oekonomik des Ackerbaues, pp. 79-80, p. 81, Note 7. Stuttgart, 1888. William I. Thomas, Source Book for Social Origins, pp. 96-112. Chicago, 1909. 39. Capt. J. Forsyth, The Highlands of Central India, pp. 101-107, 168. London, 1889. 36. Tacitus, Germania, IIT. 37. Roscher, National-Oekonomik des Ackerbaues, p. 32, Note 15 on p. 36. Stuttgart, 1888. 38. E. Huntington, The Pulse of Asia, pp. 202, 203, 212, 213, 236-237. Boston, 1907. 39. Sheldon Jackson, Introduction of Domesticated Reindeer into Alaska, pp. 20, 25-29, 127-129. Washington, 1894. 40. Quoted in Alexander von Humboldt, Aspects of Nature in Different Lands, pp. 62, 139. Philadelphia, 1849. 41. Edward John Payne, History of the New World Called America, Vol. I, pp. 311-321, 333-354, 364-366. New York, 1892. 42. Prescott, Conquest of Peru, Vol. I, p. 47. New York, 1848.SOCIETY AND STATE IN RELATION TO LAND 3 43. McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, Vol. XIX, pp. 151- 61, of The History of North America, edited by Francis W. Thorpe, -hiladelphia, 1905. 44. Ratzel, Anthropo-geographie, Vol. II, pp. 264-265. 45. Malthus, Principles of Population, Chapters V and VIJ. London, 878. 46. Nathaniel Shaler, Nature and Man in America, pp. 147-151. W. ;, Ripley, Races of Europe, Chap. I, New York, 1899. 47. Justus Perthes, Taschen-Atlas, pp. 44, 47. Gotha, 1910.en nnn ee ee a eEnanaNEEnEeneebeenameaese ert “cer om = eee “> ee ers os wae pe Seon tne ee te ewemner es mes “ a entails eee Universal- ity of these move- ments, Stratifi- cation of races. CHAPTER IV THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES IN THEIR GEO- GRAPHICAL SIGNIFICANCE Tue ethnic and political boundaries of Europe to-day are the residuum of countless racial, national, tribal and individual movements reaching back into an unrecorded past. The very names of Turkey, Bulgaria, England, Scotland and France are borrowed from intruding peoples. New England, New I’rance, New Scotland or Nova Scotia and many more on the American continents register the Trans-Atlantic nativity of their first white settlers. The provinces of Galicia in Spain, Lombardy in Italy, Brittany in France, Essex and Sussex in England record in their names streams of humanity diverted from the great currents of the Vélkerwanderung. The Ro- mance group of languages, from Portugal to Roumania, tes- tify to the sweep of expanding Rome, just as the wide dis- tribution of the Aryan linguistic family points to many roads and long migrations from some unplaced birthplace. Names like Cis-Alpine and Trans-Alpine Gaul in the Roman Empire, Trans-Caucasia, Trans-Caspia and Trans-Baikalia in the Rus- sian Empire, the Transvaal and Transkei in South Africa, indicate the direction whence the advancing people have come. Ethnology reveals an east and west stratification of lin- guistic groups in Europe, a north and south stratification of races, and another stratification by altitude, which reappears in all parts of the world, and shows certain invading dominant races occupying the lowlands and other displaced ones the highlands. This definite arrangement points to successive arrivals, a crowding forward, an intrusion of the strong into fertile, accessible valleys and plains, and a dislodgment of the weak into the rough but safe keeping of mountain range or barren peninsula, where they are brought to bay. Ethnic fragments, linguistic survivals, or merely place names, droppedTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 75 like discarded baggage along the march of a retreating army, bear witness everywhere to tragic recessionals. ivery country whose history we examine proves the re- cipient of successive streams of humanity. I4ven sea-girt England has received various intruding peoples from the Roman occupation to the recent influx of Russian Jews. In prehistoric times it combined several elements in its population, as the discovery of the “long barrow” men and “round bar- row” men by archeologists, and the identification of a surviv- ing Iberian or Mediterranean strain by ethnologists go to prove.’ Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India tell the same story, whether in their recorded or unrecorded history. Tropical Africa lacks a history; but all that has been pieced together by ethnologists and anthropologists, in an effort to reconstruct its past, shows incessant movement,—growth, expansion and short-lived conquest, followed by shrinkage, expulsion or ab- sorption by another invader.” ‘To this constant shifting of races and peoples the name of historical movement has been given, because it underlies most of written history, and consti- tutes the major part of unwritten history, especially that of savage and nomadic tribes. Two things are vital in the history of every people, its ethnic composition and the wars it wages in defense or extension of its boundaries) Both rest upon his- torical movements,—intrusions, whether peaceful or hostile, into its own land, and encroachments upon neighboring terri- tory necessitated by growth. Back of all such movements is natural increase of population beyond local means of subsist- ence, and the development of the war spirit in the effort to secure more abundant subsistence either by raid or conquest of territory. Among primitive peoples this movement is simple and monotonous. It involves all members of the tribe, either in pursuit of game, or following the herd over the tribal territory, or in migrations seeking more and better land. Among civilized peoples it assumes various forms, and especially is differentiated for different members of the social group. The civilized state develops specialized frontiersmen, armies, eX- plorers, maritime traders, colonists, and missionaries, who keep a part of the people constantly moving and directing The name Historical Movement. Evolution of the Historical Movement,| at aceasta heed ia pe eeeieeD teh to tee ten eh ae ene . Cw othe yy, SPE = ts Ea ee ey pit = Ty SS eee eS = = ee ee ee ee Tee ee Oe tee wa Ge Can By ins php linea P —< 3 Saati oe oe ke A eS See < as ion ee ee nnn ene nn ee < ~ - ea tri ee ee oe whe f-) ats %e pa aks @ertata Nature of primitive movements, 76 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES external expansion, while the mass of the population converts the force once expended in the migrant food-quest into in- ternal activity. Here we come upon a paradox. The nation as a whole, with the development of sedentary life, increases its population and therewith its need for external movements; it widens its national area and its circle of contact with other lands, enlarges its geographical horizon, and improves its internal communication over a growing territory; it evolves a greater mobility within and without, which attaches, how- ever, to certain classes of society, not to the entire social group. ‘This mobility becomes the outward expression of a whole complex of economic wants, intellectual needs, and political ambitions. It is embodied in the conquests which build up empires, in the colonization which develops new lands, in the world-wide exchange of commodities and ideas which lifts the level of civilization, till this movement of peo- ples becomes a fundamental fact of history. This movement is and has been universal and varied. When most unobtrusive in its operation, ft has produced its greatest effects. ‘To seize upon a few conspicuous migrations, like the V olkerwanderung and the irruption of the Turks into Europe, made dramatic by their relation to the declining empires of Rome and Constantinople, and to ignore the vast sum of lesser but more normal movements which by slow increments produce greater and more lasting results, leads to wrong con- clusions both in ethnology and history. Here, as in geology, great effects do not necessarily presuppose vast forces, but rather the steady operation of small ones. It is often assumed that the world was peopled by a series of migrations; whereas everything indicates that humanity spread over the earth little by little, much as the imported gypsy moth is gradu- ally occupying New England or the water hyacinth the rivers of Florida. Louis Agassiz observed in 1853 that “the bounda- ries within which the different natural combinations of animals are known to be circumscribed upon the surface of the earth, coincide with the natural range of distinct types of man.’ The close parallelism between Australian race and flora, Es- kimo race and Arctic fauna, points to a similar manner of dispersion. Wallace, in describing how the Russian frontierTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES AH of settlement slowly creeps forward along the Volga, encroach- ing upon the Finnish and Tartar areas, and permeating them with Slav blood and civilization, adds that this is probably the normal method of expansion.* Thucydides describes the same process of encroachment, displacement, and migration in ancient Hellas.© Strabo quotes Posidonius as saying that the emigration of the Cimbrians and other kindred tribes from their native seats was gradual and by no means sudden.” The traditions of the Delaware Indians show their advance from their early home in central Canada southward to the Delaware River and Chesapeake Bay to have been a slow zig- zag movement, interrupted by frequent long halts, leaving behind one laggard group here and sending out an offshoot there, who formed new tribes and thereby diversified the stock.’ It was an aimless wandering, without destination and purpose other than to find a pleasanter habitat. The Vandals appear first as “‘a loose aggregation of restless tribes who must not be too definitely assigned to any precise district on the map,” somewhere in central or eastern Prussia.® Far-reaching migrations aiming at a distant goal, like the Gothic and Hunnish conquests of Italy, demand both a geographical knowledge and an organization too high for primitive peoples, and therefore belong to a later period of development.* The long list of recorded migrations has been supple- mented by the researches of ethnologists, which have revealed a multitude of prehistoric movements. ‘These are disclosed in greater number and range with successive investigation. The prehistoric wanderings of the Polynesians assume far more significance to-day than a hundred years ago, when their scope was supposed to have its western limit at Fiji and the Ellice group. They have now been traced to almost every island of Melanesia; vestiges of their influence have been detected in the languages of Australia, and the culture of the distant coasts of Alaska and British Columbia. The west- ern pioneers of America knew the Shoshone Indians as small bands of savages, constantly moving about in search of food in the barren region west of the Rocky Mountains, and occa- sionally venturing eastward to hunt buffalo on the plains. Re- cent investigation has identified as offshoots of this retarded Number and range.ree — ee ~ tO PE EE 4 DP PRE ne oer ne IS Pe em ae pete ED Se nein taeeceianeeinaaiaetenananiianeemenapadeneneeienmertianasendmmete at a te ne ees er ee Pers - . tanto aA a Dene a a eS ra Pee Be pete . ’ Me J Y ‘ A, eg J a Settee bal leteeetenaiet ecineceaienaneateeieted 3 : saat oy SS os ee eee Ps * —sy ae Importance of such movements in history. 78 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES Shoshonean stock the sedentary agriculturalists of the Mogqui Pueblo, and the advanced populations of ancient Mexico and Central America."” Here was a great human current which through the centuries slowly drifted from the present frontier of Canada to the shores of Lake Nicaragua. Powell’s map of the distribution of the linguistic stocks of American Indians is intelligible only in the light of constant mobility. Haebler’s map of the South American stocks reveals the same restless past. ‘This cartographical presentation of the facts, giving only the final results, suggests tribal excursions of the nature of migrations; but ethnologists see them as the sum total of countless small movements which are more or less part of the normal activity of an unrooted savage people. | Map page 101. ] Otis Mason finds that the life of a social group involves a variety of movements characterized by different ranges or scopes. I. The daily round from bed to bed. II. The annual round from year to year, like that of the Tunguse Orochon of Siberia who in pursuit of various fish and game change their residence within their territory from month to month, or the pastoral nomads who move with the seasons from pasture to pasture. III. Less systematic outside movements covering the tribal sphere of influence, such as journeys or voyages to remote hunting or fishing grounds, forays or piratical descents upon neighboring lands eventuating usually in conquest, expansion into border regions for occasional oc- cupation or colonization. IV. Participation in streams of barter or commerce. YV. And at a higher stage in the great currents of human intercourse, experience, and ideas, which finally compass the world.’ In all this series the narrower movement prepares for the broader, of which it constitutes’ at once an impulse and a part. The real character and importance of these movements have been appreciated by broad-minded historians. Thucydides elucidates the conditions leading up to the Peloponnesian War by a description of the semi-migratory population of Hellas, the exposure of the more fertile districts to incursions, and the influence of these movements in differentiating Dorian from Ionian Greece.’? Johannes von Muller, in the introduction to his history of Switzerland, assigns to federations and migra-THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 19 tions a conspicuous role in historical development. Edward A. Ross sees in such movements a thorough-going selective process which weeds out the unfit, or rather spares only the highly fit. He lays down the principle that repeated migra- tions tend to the creation of energetic races of men. He adds, “This principle may account for the fact that those branches of a race achieve the most brilliant success which have wan- dered the farthest from their ancestral home. . . . The Arabs and Moors that skirted Africa and won a home in far-away Spain, developed the most brilliant of the Saracen civilizations. Hebrews, Dorians, Quirites, Rajputs, Hovas were far invaders No communities in classic times flourished like the cities of Asia created by the overflow from Greece. Nowhere under the Czar are there such vigorous, progressive communities as in Siberia.7? Brinton distinguishes the associative and disper- sive elements in ethnography. ‘The latter is favored by the physical adaptability of the human race to all climates and external conditions; it is stimulated by the food-quest, the pressure of foes, and the resultant restlessness of an unstable primitive society.** The earth’s surface is at once factor and basis in these movements. In an active way it directs them; but they in turn clothe the passive earth with a mantle of humanity. This mantle is of varied weave and thickness, showing here the simple pattern of a primitive society, there the intricate design uf advanced civilization; here a closely woven or a gauzy texture, there disclosing a great rent where a rocky peak or the ice-wrapped poles protrude through the warm human covering. This is the magic web whereof man is at once woof and weaver, and the flying shuttle that never rests. Given a region, what is its living envelope, asks anthropo-geography. Whence and. how did it get there? What is the material of warp and woof? Will new threads enter to vary the color and design? ~ If so, from what source? Or will the local pattern repeat itself over and over with dull uniformity? It was the great intellectual service of Copernicus that he conceived of a world in motion instead of a world at rest. So anthropo-geography must see its world in motion, whether 1t is considering English colonization, or the westward expansion Geographi- cal inter- pretation of histori- cal move- ment.oY eer to oe ae _ — — = ee eee MS PRT pee aE Soy a eh Pelee at A Da ag PT Ra RT lt PI I TP ae ae A eee ee ae pe pare aa = vate 5 Se ee ee ee a Ne Be ae ee eee a Pe - —- ‘ pm hte etd ee ee Peet ee! Se eee ee ee feet ea Oe [Fir - a? - 6) — n eee) _ >< erat) Mobility of primitive peoples. 80 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES of the Southern slave power in search of unexhausted land, or the counter expansion of the free-soil movement, or the early advance of the trappers westward to the Rockies after the retreating game, or the withdrawal thither of the declining Indian tribes before the protruding line of white settlement, and their ultimate confinement to ever shrinking reservations. In studying increase of population, it sees in Switzerland chalet and farm creeping higher up the Alp, as the lapping of a rising tide of humanity below; it sees movement in the projection of a new dike in Holland to reclaim from the sea the land for another thousand inhabitants, movement in Japan’s doubling of its territory by conquest, in order to house and feed its redundant millions. The whole complex relation of unresting man to the earth is the subject matter of anthropo-geography. ‘The science traces his movements on the earth’s surface, measures their velocity, range, and recurrence, determines their nature by the way they utilize the land, notes their transformation at different stages of economic development and under dif- ferent environments. Just as an understanding of animal and plant geography requires a previous knowledge of the various means of dispersal, active and passive, possessed by these lower forms. of life, so anthropo-geography must start with a study of the movements of mankind. First of all is to be noted an evolution in the mobility of peoples. In the lower stages of culture mobility is great. It is favored by the persistent food-quest over wide areas incident toaetarded.economic methods, and by the loose attach- ment of society to the soil. The small social groups peculiar to these stages and their innate tendency to fission help the movements to ramify. The consequent scattered distribution of the population offers wide interstices between encampments or villages, and into these vacant spaces other wandering tribes easily penetrate. The rapid decline of the Indian race in America before the advancing whites was due chiefly to the division of the savages into small groups, scattered sparsely over a wide territory. Hunter and pastoral peoples need far more land than they can occupy at any one time. Hence the temporarily vacant spots invite incursion. Moreover, theTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 81 light impedimenta carried by primitive folk minimize the :atural physical obstacles which they meet when on the march. Che lightly equipped war parties of the Shawnee Indians used rorges and gaps for the passage of the Allegheny Mountains vhich were prohibitive to all white pioneers except the lonely rapper. Finally, this mobility gets into the primitive mind. Che Wanderlust is strong. Long residence in one territory 1s rksome, attachment is weak. Therefore a small cause suflices -o start the whole or part of the social body moving. A tem- sorary failure of the food supply, cruelty or excessive exac- ion of tribute on the part of the chief, occasions an exodus. The history of every negro tribe in Africa gives instances of such secessions, which often. leave whole districts empty and sxposed to the next wandering occupant. Methods of pre- venting such withdrawals, and therewith the diminution of his treasury receipts and his fighting force, belong to the policy of every negro chieftain. The cheeks to this native mobility of primitive peoples are Natural wo: physical and mental. In addition to the usual barriers barriers te of mountains, deserts, and seas before the invention of boats, primeval forests have always offered serious obstacles to man armed only with stone or bronze axe, and they rebuffed even man of the iron age. War and hunting parties had to move along the natural clearings of the rivers, the tracks of animals, or the few trails beaten out in time by the natives themselves. Primitive agriculture has never battled successfully against the phalanx of the trees. Forests balked the expansion of the Inca civilization on the rainy slope of the Andes, and in Cen- tral Africa the negro invaded only their edges for his yam felds and plantain groves. The earliest settlements in ancient Britain were confined to the natural clearings of the chalk downs and oolitic uplands; and here population was chiefly concentrated even at the close of the Roman occupation. Only gradually, as the valley woodlands were cleared, did the richer soil of the alluvial basins attract men from the high, poor ground where tillage required no preliminary work. But after four centuries of Roman rule and Roman roads, the clearings along the river valleys were still mere strips of culture mid an encompassing wilderness of woods. When the Germanic in-pean ee er Aye oe Pee NN ee ne ee et eel ete ene eer - rs a er a te f ee eS ee ° eters whe ws pe ae do be ee ne . ea Teyaassesouice ss POE ee ee het ge le ah a , aeeote SS ee ee ee. Re et eee eee ee aI Effect of geographi- cal horizon. Civiliza- tion and mobility. 82 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES vaders came, they too appropriated the treeless downs and were blocked by the forests.*° On the other hand, grasslands and savannahs have developed the most mobile people whom we know, steppe hunters like the Sioux Indians and Patagonians. Thus while the forest dweller, confined to the highway of the stream, devised only canoe and dugout boat in various forms for purposes of transportation, steppe peoples of the Old World introduced the use of draft and pack animals, and in- vented the sledge and cart. Primitive peoples carry a drag upon their migrations in their restricted geographical outlook; ignorance robs them of definite goals. The evolution of the historical movement is accelerated by every expansion of the geographical horizon. It progresses most rapidly where the knowledge of outlying or remote lands travels fastest, as along rivers and thalassic coasts. Rome’s location as toll-gate keeper of the Tiber gave her knowledge of the upstream country and directed her con- quest of its valley; and the movement thus started gathered momentum as it advanced. Cesar’s occupation of Gaul meant to his generation simply the command of the roads leading from the Mediterranean to the northern sources of tin and amber, and the establishment of frontier outposts to protect the land boundaries of Italy; this represented a bold policy of inland expansion for that day. The modern historian sees in that step the momentous advance of history beyond the narrow limits of the Mediterranean basin, and its gradual inclusion of all the Atlantic countries of Europe, through whose maritime enterprise the historical horizon was stretched to include America. In the same way, medieval trade with the Orient, which had familiarized Europe with distant India and Cathay, developed its full historico-geographical importance when it started the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth century. The expansion of the geographical horizon in 1512 to embrace the earth inaugurated a widespread his- torical movement, which has resulted in the Europeanization of the world. Civilized man is at once more and less mobile than his primi- tive brother. Every advance in civilization multiplies and tightens the bonds uniting him with his soil; makes him a i 4 1 H ij ! i } ITHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 83 sedentary instead of a migratory being. On the other hand every advance in civilization is attended by the rapid clear- ing of the forests, by the construction of bridges and inter- lacing roads, the invention of more effective vehicles for trans- portation whereby intercourse increases, and the improvement of navigation to the same end. Civilized man progressively modifies the land which he occupies, removes or reduces ob- stacles to intercourse, and thereby approximates it to the open plain. Thus far he facilitates movements. But while doing this he also places upon the land a dense population, closely attached to the soil, strong to resist incursion, and for economic reasons inhospitable to any marked accession of population from without. Herein lies the great difference between migration in empty or sparsely inhabited regions, such as predominated when the world was young, and in the densely populated countries of our era. As the earth grew old and humanity multiplied, peoples themselves became the greatest barriers to any massive migrations, fill in certain countries of Europe and Asia the historical movement has been reduced to a continual pressure, resulting in compression of population here, repression there. Hence, though political boundaries may shift, ethnic boundaries scarcely budge. ‘The greatest wars of modern Europe have hardly left a trace upon the distribution of its peoples. Only in the Balkan Peninsula, as the frontiers of the Turkish Empire have been forced back from the Danube, the alien Turks have withdrawn to the shrinking territory of the Sultan and especially to Asia Minor. Where a population too great to be dislodged occupies the land, conquest results in the eventual absorption of the victors and their civilization by the native folk, as happened to the Lombards in Italy, the Vandals in Africa and the Normans in England. Where the invaders are markedly superior in culture though numerically weak, conquest results in the gradual per- meation of the conquered with the religion, economic methods, language, and customs of the new-comers.’’ ‘The latter pro- cess, too, is always attended by some intermixture of blood, where no race repulsion exists, but this 1s small in comparison to the diffusion of civilization. This was the method by which Diffusion of culture.RATT? a o" «ety are Se nn ne ete eee tear eee eee = mee we ti er het ee ee eee ane ey aT = - a ieee a ety foley eee ne ee eres . ms eS etme arg ee ae ft a Sasa hl arte =— ea Cee ee et * seer i att a ~ tao t-S, ee ee nO ee eee eee Pee abe Ethnic intermix- ture. 84 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES Greek traders and colonists Hellenized the countries about the eastern Mediterranean, and spread their culture far back from the shores which their settlements had appropriated. In this | way Saracen armies soon after the death of Mohammed Arabized the whole eastern and southern sides of the Mediter- ranean from Syria to Spain, and Arab merchants set the stamp of their language and religion on the coasts of East Africa a4 far as Mocambique. The handful of Spanish adventurers who came upon the relatively dense populations of Mexico and Peru left among them a civilization essentially European, but only a thin strain of Castilian blood. Thus the immigra- tion of small bands of people sufficed to influence the culture of that big territory known as Latin America. That vast sum of migrations, great and small, which we group under the general term of historical movement has in- volved an endless mingling of races and cultures. | As Professor Petrie has remarked, the prevalent notion that in prehistoric times races were pure and unmixed is without foundation) An examination of the various forms of the historical movement reveals the extent and complexity of this mingling process. In the first place, no migration is ever simple; it involves a number of secondary movements, each of which in turn occasions a new combination of tribal or racial elements. The transference of a whole people from its native or adopted seat to a new habitat, as in the Vélkerwanderungen, empties the original district, which then becomes a catchment basin for various streams of people about its rim; and in the new territory it dislodges a few or all of the occupants, and thereby starts up a fresh movement as the original one comes to rest. Nor is this all. A torrent that issues from its source in the mountains is not the river which reaches the sea. On its long journey from highland to lowland it receives now the milky waters of a glacier-fed stream, now a muddy tributary from agricultural lands, now the clear waters from a limestone plateau, while all the time its racing current bears a burden of soil torn from its own banks. Now it rests in a lake, where it lays down its weight of silt, then goes on, perhaps across an arid stretch where its water is sucked up by the thirsty air tt : H | ! ,THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 85 or diverted to irrigate fields of grain. So with those rivers of men which we call migrations. The ethnic stream may start comparatively pure, but it becomes mixed on the way. From time to time it leaves behind laggard elements which in turn make a new racial blend where they stop. Such were the six thousand Aduatici whom Cesar found in Belgian Gaul. ‘These were a detachment of the migrating Cimbri, left there in charge of surplus cattle and baggage while the main body went on to Italy." A migration rarely involves a single people even at the start. It becomes contagious either by example or by the subjection of several neighboring tribes to the same impelling force, by reason of which all start at or near the same time. We find the Cimbri and Teutons combined with Celts from the island of Batavia‘® in the first Germanic invasion of the Roman Empire. Jutes, Saxons and Angles started in close succession for Britain, and the Saxon group included Frisians.” An unavoidable concomitant of great migrations, especially those of nomads, is their tendency to sweep into the vortex of their movement any people whom they brush on the way. Both individuals and tribes are thus caught up by the current The general convergence of the central German tribes towards the Danube frontier of the Roman Empire during the Mar- comannic War drew in its train the Lombards from the lower Elbe down to the middle Danube and Theiss.*” The force of the Lombards invading Italy in 568 included twenty thousand Saxons from Swabia, Gepidae from the middle Danube, Bul- garians, Slavs from the Russian Ukraine, together with vari- ous tribes from the Alpine district of Noricum and the fluvial plains of Pannonia. Two centuries later the names of these non-Lombard tribes still survived in certain villages of Italy which had formed their centers." The army which Attila the Hun brought into Gaul was a motley crowd, comprising ‘peoples of probable Slav origin from the Russian steppes, ‘Teutonic Ostrogoths and Gepidae, and numerous German ‘tribes, besides the Huns themselves. When this horde with- drew after the death of Attila, Gepidae and Ostrogoths settled along the middle Danube, and the Slavonic contingent along ‘the Alpine courses of the Drave and Save Rivers.” ‘The Complex currents of mi- gration.ar we Se seemnh al bale wer ie-nahanad barber sei dahchel. on, peeneenesttatiinintsh aa detathand aaa en a als Bitety , eg Pes he eee ate ee cOb ty vibe ao CU posah dea 55g ewes: pe Liat gy De a ane Sg =f ya ee ee eee eee Ps < a a oan ee et we ee Be. Cae enn nee ne ene eel ieee ne eee ee ee er m . ‘i nt ~ an + a ees - ee whip 2 ihy pee er Pe, ee ote ee ~ - - ee er - : o 7 . ” . - . nr WPA) - Pr Cultural modification during migration. 86 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES Vandal migration which in 409 invaded Spain included the Turanian Alans and the German Suevi. The Alans found a temporary home in Portugal, which they later abandoned to join the Vandal invasion of North Africa, while the Suevi set- tled permanently in the northwestern mountains of Spain. The Vandals occupied in Spain two widely separated districts, one in the mountain region of Galicia next to the Suevi, and the other in the fertile valley of Andalusia in the south, while the northeastern part of the peninsula was occupied by in- truding Visigoths.** Add to these the original Iberian and Celtic stocks of the peninsula and the Roman strain previously introduced, and the various elements which have entered into the Spanish people become apparent.** The absorption of foreign elements is not confined to large groups whose names come down in history, nor is the ensuing modification one of blood alone. Every land migra- tion or expansion of a people passes by or through the territories of other peoples; by these it is inevitably influenced in point of civilization, and from them individuals are absorbed into the wandering throng by marriage or adop- tion, or a score of ways. This assimilation of blood and local culture is facilitated by the fact that the vast majority of historical movements are slow, a leisurely drift. Even the great Volkerwanderung, which history has shown us generally in the moment of swift, final descent upon the imperial city, in reality consisted of a succession of advances with long halts between. ‘The Vandals, whose original seats were prob- ably in central or eastern Prussia, drifted southward with the general movement of the German barbarians toward the borders of the Empire late in the second century, and, after the Marcomannic War (175 A. D.), settled in Dacia north of the lower Danube under the Roman sway. In 271 they were located on the middle Danube, and sixty years afterwards in Moravia. Later they settled for seventy years in Pannonia within the Empire, where they assimilated Roman civilization and adopted the Arian form of Christianity from their Gothic neighbors.*” In Spain, as we have seen, they occupied Galicia and Andalusia for a time before passing over into Africa in 429. Here was a migration lasting two centuries and a half, ( : i ] 1 1 1 Ly! iuTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 87 reaching from the Baltic to the southern shores of the Mediter- ranean, starting on the bleak sterile plains of the north amid barbarous neighbors, ending in the sunny grain fields and rich cities of Roman Africa. The picture which we get of the victorious Vandals parceling out the estates of Roman nobles, and, from the standpoint of their more liberal faith, profiting by the dissensions of the two Catholic sects of Africa, shows us a people greatly modified by their long sweep through the civilized outskirts of the Empire. So ft was with the Lombards and Goths who invaded Italy. Among primitive tribes, who move in smaller groups and must conform closely to the dictates of their environment, the modifying effects of people and land through which they pass are conspicuous. Ratzel describes the gradual with- drawal of a Hottentot people from western Cape Colony far ‘nto the arid interior before the advance of Kaffn's and Europeans by saying: “The stock and name of the Namaquas wandered northward, acquiring new elements, and in course of time filling the old mold with new contents.””* ‘This is the typical result of such primitive movements. The migration of the Delaware Indians from an early home somewhere northwest of the Great Lakes to their his- torical habitat between the Hudson and Potomac Rivers was a slow progress, which somewhere brought them into contact with maize-growing tribes, and gave them their start in agri- culture.2”7 The transit lands through which these great race journeys pass exercise a modifying effect chiefly through their culture and their peoples, less through their physical features and climate. For that the stay of the visitants is generally too brief. Even early maritime migrants did not keep their strains pure. The untried navigator sailing from island to headland, hugging the coast and putting ashore for water, came into contact with the natives. Cross currents of migration can be traced in Polynesian waters, where certain islands are nodal points which have given and received of races and culture through centuries of movement. The original white popula- tion of Uruguay differed widely from that of the other Span- ish republics of South America. Its nucleus was a large Effect of early maritime migration.A See ove ou i ts) ay ee cores) Sole epcadheieed metaiimaentie ecient miechaneinn orice anietienetiice ttinrtneneieieenen eaieeaieeted anatien rtaneeheh cneheeeeieaeen ammenities tanner , whe iP eee ve ee ee tek pa ar 3 ee eet - er ers a Pita hk con di tie i Lae nd CF», = Lym a eee eet aE eee ee et en ee ee te eee eer Pi nea MEN Ne F her . eo — et The transit land. War asa form of the his- torical movement. 88 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES immigration of Canary Islanders. These were descendants of Spaniards and the native Guanches of the Canaries, mingled also with Norman, Flemish and Moorish blood.28 The Norse on their way to Iceland may have picked up a Celtic element in the islands north of Scotland; but from the Faroe group onward they found only empty Iceland and Greenland. This was an exceptional experience. Early navigation, owing to its limitations, purposely restricted itself to the known. Men voyaged where men had voyaged before and were to be found. Journeys into the untenanted parts of the world were rare. Flowever, the probable eastward expansion of the Eskimo along the Arctic rim of North America belongs in this class, so that this northern folk has suffered no modification from contact with others, except where Alaska approaches Asia. The land traversed by a migrating horde is not to be pic- tured as a dead road beneath their feet, but rather as a wide region of transit and transition, potent to influence them by its geography and people, and to modify them in the course of their passage. The route which they follow is a succession of habitats, in which they linger and domicile themselves for a while, though not long enough to lose wholly the habits of lffe and thought acquired in their previous dwelling place. Although nature in many places, by means of valleys, low plains, mountain passes or oasis lines, points out the way of these race movements, it is safer to think and speak of this way as a transit land, not as a path or road. Even where the district of migration has been the sea, as among the Caribs of the Antilles Islands, the Moros of the Philippines, and the Polynesians of the Pacific, man sends his roots like a water plant down into the restless element beneath, and reflects its influence in all his thought and activities. Every aggressive historical movement, whether bold migra- tion or forcible extension of the home territory, involves displacement or passive movement of other peoples (except in those rare occupations of vacant lands), who in turn are forced to encroach upon the lands of others. These conditions involve war, which is an important form of the historical movement, contributing to new social contacts and fusion of racial stocks.THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 89 Raids and piratical descents are often the preliminary of great historical movements. They first expand the geograph- ical horizon, and end in permanent settlements, which involve finally considerable transfers of population, summoned to strengthen the position of the interloper. Such was the history of the Germanic invasions of Britain, the Scandi- navian settlements on the shores of Iceland, Britain, and France, and the incursions of Saharan tribes into the Sudanese states. Among pastoral nomads war is the rule; the tribe, a mobilized nation, is always on a war footing with its neigh- bors. The scant supply of wells and pasturage, inadequate in the dry season, involves rivalry and conflict for their possession as agricultural lands do not. Failure of water or grass 1S followed by the decline of the herds, and then by marauding expeditions into the river valleys to supply the temporary want of food. When population increases beyond the limits of subsistence in the needy steppes, such raids become the rule and end in the conquest of the more favored lands, with resulting amalgamation of race and culture.” The wars of savage and pastoral peoples affect the whole tribe. All the able-bodied men are combatants, and all the women and children constitute the spoils of war in case of defeat. This fact is important, since the purpose of primitive conflicts is to enslave and pillage, rather than to acquire land. The result is that a whole district may be laid waste, but when the devastators withdraw, it is gradually repopulated by bordering tribes, who make new ethnic combinations. After the destruction of the Eries by the Iroquois in 1655, Ohio was left practically uninhabited for a hundred and fifty years. Then the Iroquoian Wyandots extended their settlements into northwestern Ohio from their base in southern Michigan, while the Miami Confederacy along the southern shore of Lake Michigan pushed their borders into the western part. The Muskingum Valley in the eastern portion was occupied about 1750 by Delawares from eastern Pennsylvania, the Scioto by Shawnees, and the northeast corner of the territory by detach- ments of Iroquois, chiefly Senecas.°? The long wars between the Algonquin Indians of the north and the Appalachian tribes of the south kept the district of Kentucky a No Man’s Land, y Primitive war.ee 7 oe a ee ee ee eee Se ete chmneneiianaied 7 om Pai i a t= oe 0 SIN ah a a ma a mp fo i eta Dt fateh. *s%e nt ae * ee eae ate. eee Tn Pe ot nee ee Soy ete Ts Aap eh bad 7 gap igeeosus: —itiedart oo |) hh et : a éoe ee —-— <— Pn Pe ee eee ee ee ee Pp r er a oT et eee sq. iter be dm be. o-ete ara Slavery as form of historical movement. 90 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES in convenient vacancy for occupation by the white settlers, when they began the westward movement.** [Map page 156. ] This desolation is produced partly by killing, but chiefly by enslavement of prisoners and the flight of the conquered. Both constitute compulsory migrations of far-reaching effect in the fusion of races and the blending of civilizations. The thousands of Greek slaves who were brought to ancient Rome contributed to its refinement and polish. All the nations of the known world, from Briton to Syrian and Jew, were repre- sented in the slave markets of the imperial capital, and con- tributed their elements to the final composition of the Roman people. When we read of ninety-seven thousand Hebrews whom Titus sold into bondage after the fall of Jerusalem, of forty thousand Greeks sold by Lucullus after one victory, and the auction sub corona of whole tribes in Gaul by Cesar, the scale of this forcible transfer becomes apparent, and its power as an agent of race amalgamation. Senator Sam Houston of Texas, speaking of the Comanche Indians, in the United States Senate, December 31, 1854, said: “There are not less than two thousand prisoners (whites) in the hands of the Comanches, four hundred in one band in my own state... They take no prisoners but women and boys.” It was cus- tomary among the Indians to use captured women as concu- bines and to adopt into the tribe such boys as survived the cruel treatment to which they were subjected. Since the Comanches*in 1847 were variously estimated to number from nine to twelve thousand,** so large a proportion of captives would modify the native stock. In Africa slavery has been intimately associated with agri- culture as a source of wealth, and therefore has lent motive to intertribal wars. Captives were enslaved and then gradu- ally absorbed into the tribe of their masters. Thus war and slavery contributed greatly to that widespread blending of races which characterizes negro Africa. Slaves became a medium of exchange and an article of commerce with other continents. The negro slave trade had its chief importance in the eyes of ethnologists and historians because, in dis- tributing the black races in white continents, it has given a “negro question” to the United States, superseded the nativeTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 91 Indian stock of the Antilles by negroes, and left a broad negro strain in the blood of Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil. This particular historical movement, which during the two cen- turies of its greatest activity involved larger numbers than the Tartar invasion of Russia or the Turkish invasion of Europe, for a long period gave to black Africa the only historical importance which it possessed for the rest of the world.** In higher stages of political development, war aiming Fusion by at the subjugation of large territories finds another means to fuse the subject peoples and assimilate them to a common ,, es r a Sas} . m1. { = 4) . ‘ z standard of civilization. The purpose is unification and the cojonies. obliteration of local differences. These are also the uncon- scious ends of evolution by historical movement. With this object, conquerors the world over have used a system of tribal and racial exchanges. It was the policy of the Incas of an- cient Peru to remove conquered tribes to distant parts of the realm, and supply their places with colonists from other districts who had long been subjected and were more or less assimilated.** In 722 B.C. the Assyrian king, Sargon, over- ran Samaria, carried away the Ten Tribes of Israel beyond the Tigris and scattered them among the cities of Media, where they probably merged with the local population. To the country left vacant by their wholesale deportation he trans- planted people from Babylon and other Mesopotamian cities.*° The descendants of these, mingled with the poorer class of Jews still left there, formed the despised Samaritans of the time of Christ. The Kingdom of Judah later was despoiled by Nebuchadnezzar of much of its population, which was carried off to Babylon. This plan of partial deportation and colonization charac- terized the Roman method of Romanization. Removal of the conquered from their native environment facilitated the pro- cess, while it weakened the spirit and power of revolt. The Romans met bitter opposition from the mountain tribes when trying to open up the northern passes of the Apennines. Con- sequently they removed the Ligurian tribe of the Apuanians, forty-seven thousand in number, far south to Samnium. When in 15 B. C. the region of the Rhaetian Alps was joinedpag: CA a ~ — ~ ee 7 ee ne mere aa oe Del ney oa -*e . et Bs - a ote here - - ba een, oe er a dik tal Senne dale ae, aoe Letieiid a is en ar yore eS = — er ee eee ee ee re Ce ert eT 0 . hw ee ; ee 2 ee med eee pes eeee See ee eine tee aes 2 ee et et ee ee vote ne Withdrawal and flight. 92 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES to the Empire, forty thousand of the inhabitants were trans- planted from the mountains to the plain. The same method was used with the Scordisci and Dacians of the Danube. More often the mortality of war so thinned the population, that the settlement of Roman military colonies among them sufficed to keep down revolt and to Romanize the surviving fragment. The large area of Romance speech found in Roumania and eastern Hungary, despite the controversy about its origin,*’ seems to have had its chief source in the extensive Roman colonies planted by the Emperor Trajan in conquered Dacia.™* In Iberian Spain, which bitterly resisted Romanization, the process was facilitated by the presence of large garrisons of soldiers. Between 196 and 169 B. C. the troops amounted to one hundred and fifty thousand, and many of them remained Compare the settlement of Scotch troops in French Canada by land grants after 1763, = a 89 in the country as colonists. resulting in the survival to-day of sandy hair, blue eyes, and highland names among the French-speaking habitants of Mur- ray Bay and other districts. The Turks in the fifteenth een- tury brought large bodies of Moslem converts from Asia Minor to garrison Macedonia and Thessaly, thereby robbing the Anatolian Plateau of half its original population. Into the vacuum thus formed a current of nomads from inner Asia has poured ever since.*° Every active historical movement which enters an already populated country gives rise there to passive movements, either compression of the native folk followed by amalgama- tion, or displacement and withdrawal. The latter in some degree attends every territorial encroachment. Only where there is an abundance of free land can a people retire as a whole before the onslaught, and maintain their national or racial solidarity. Thus the Slavs seem largely to have withdrawn be- fore the Germans in the Baltic plains of Europe. The Indians of North and South America retired westward before the ad- vance of the whites from the Atlantic coast. The Cherokee nation, who once had a broad belt of country extending from the Tennessee Valley through South Carolina to the ocean, first retracted their frontier to the Appalachian Mountains; in 1816 they were confined to an ever shrinking territory onTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 93 the middle Tennessee and the southern end of the highlands; in 1818 they began to retire beyond the Mississippi, and in 1828 beyond the western boundary of Arkansas.** The story of the Shawnees and Delawares is a replica of this.** In the same way Hottentots and Kaffirs in South Africa are’ with- drawing northward and westward into the desert before the protruding frontier of white settlement, as the Boers before the English treked farther into the veldt. [See map page 105. | Where the people attacked or displaced is small or a broken remnant, it often takes refuge among a neighboring or kindred tribe. The small Siouan tribes of the Carolinas, reduced to fragments by repeated Iroquois raids, combined with their Siouan kinsmen the Catawbas, who consequently in 1743 in- cluded twenty dialects among their little band. The Iro- quoian Tuscaroras of North Carolina, defeated and weakened by the whites in 1711, fled north to the Iroquois of New York, where they formed the Sixth Nation of the Confederation. The Yamese Indians, who shifted back and forth between the borders of Florida and South Carolina, defeated first by the whites and then by the Creeks, found a refuge for the rem- nant of their tribe among the Seminoles, in whom they merged and disappeared as a distinct tribe*°—the fate of most of these fragmentary peoples. [See map page 54. | When the fugitive body is large, it is forced to split up in order to escape. Hence every fugitive movement tends to assume the character of a dispersal, all the more as organiza- tion and leadership vanish in the catastrophe. ‘The fis- sile character of primitive societies especially contributes to this end, so that almost every story of Indian and native African warfare tells of shattered remnants fleeing in sev- eral directions. Among civilized peoples, the dispersal is that of individuals and has far-reaching historical effects. After the destruction of Jerusalem, the Jews were scattered over the earth, the debris of a nation. The religious wars of France during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries caused Huguenots to flee to Switzerland, Germany, Holland, Eng- land, and South Carolina; they even tried to establish a colony on the coast of Brazil. Everywhere they contributed a val- uable element to the economic and social life of the community Dispersal in flight.eee EL a pe: Be petnw She oe we ee ae aye a eS as - ‘ " ~ : even M - 7s un ~ i “eee ~ F quleen beh ledbeiconitrtpiecainaah faiebpreteair a, os, poenneeen enetiensianeananath nds eieuieie ae areal Sama aniner ti natin oem “ " ey St et an as ee eee Pe ae ets Pattee iat Renn od eas he CeCe ee ett om aw f-—Ty == - Se eee ae ee ee ee ee eee eee eer eee — Pe Natural regions of retreat. 94 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES which they joined. The great schism in the Russian Church became an agent of emigration and colonization. It helped to spread the Russian nationality over remote frontier regions of the empire which previously had been almost exclusively Asiatic; and distributed groups of dissenters in the neighbor- ing provinces of Turkey, Roumania, Austria, Poland and Prussia.*° The hope of safety from pursuit drives fugitive peoples into isolated and barren places that are scarcely accessible or habitable, and thereby extends the inhabited area of the earth long before mere pressure of population would have stretched it to such limits. We find these refugee folk living in pile villages built over the water, in deserts, in swamps, mangrove thickets, very high mountains, marshy deltas, and remote or barren islands, all which can be classified as regions of re- treat. Fugitives try to place between themselves and their pursuers a barrier of sea or desert or mountains, and in doing this have themselves surmounted some of the greatest obstacles to the spread of the human race. Districts of refuge located centrally to several natural re- gions of migration receive immigrants from many sides, and are therefore often characterized by a bizarre grouping of populations. The cluster of marshy islands at the head of the Adriatic received fugitives from a long semi-circle of north Italian cities during the barbarian invasions. Each refugee colony occupied a separate island, and finally all coalesced to form the city of Venice. Central mountain districts like the Alps and Caucasus contain “the sweepings of the plains.” The Caucasus particularly, on the border between Europe and Asia, contains every physical type and repre- sentative of every linguistic family of Eurasia, except pure Aryan. Nowhere else in the world probably is there such a heterogeneous lot of peoples, languages and religions. Ripley calls the Caucasus “a grave of peoples, of languages, of customs and physical types.’*’ Its base, north and south, and the longitudinal groove through its center from east to west have been swept by various racial currents, which have cast up their flotsam into its valleys. The pueblos of our arid Southwest, essentially an area of asylum, are inhabitedTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 95 by Indians of four distinct stocks, and only one of them, the Moquis, show clearly kinship to another tribe outside this ter- ritory, so that they are survivals. The twenty-eight dif- ‘erent Indian stocks huddled together in small and diverse lin- guistic groups between the Pacific Ocean and the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada and Cascade Range* leave the impression that these protected valleys, similar to the Caucasus in their ethnic diversity, were an asylum for remnants of de- pleted stocks who had fled to the western highlands before the great Indian migrations of the interior.*” Making their way painfully and at great cost of life through a region of mountain and desert, they came out in diminished bands to survive in the protection of the great barrier. Of the twenty- one Indian linguistic stocks which have become extinct since the arrival of the white man, fifteen belong to this trans- montane strip of the Pacific slope’’—evidence of the frag- mentary character of these stocks and their consequently small power of resistance. [See map page 54. | Advance to a completely sedentary life, as we see it among peoples, or even of large groups when maintaining their politi- eal organization. On the other hand, however, sedentary life and advanced civilization bring rapid increase of population, improved methods of communication, and an enlarged geo- graphical horizon. These conditions encourage and facilitate emigration and colonization, forms of historical movement which have characterized the great commercial peoples of an- tiquity and the overcrowded nations of modern times. These forms do not involve a whole people, but only individuals and small groups, though in time the total result may represent a considerable proportion of the original population. The ‘United States in 1890 contained 980,938 immigrants from Canada and Newfoundland,” or just one-fifth the total popu- lation of the Dominion in that same year. Germany since 1820 has contributed at least five million citizens to non- ‘European lands. Ireland since 1841 has seen nearly four mil- ‘lions of its inhabitants drawn off to other countries,”* an ‘amount only little less than its present population. It is ‘estimated that since 1851 emigration has carried off from Emigra- modern civilized nations, prohibits the migration of /whole 4° and coloniza- tion.watyes ~ Sleep ocheetaeihaienenresendhienen fenceneieiatieaenelaamaneted o— senteaaeiinenstte mannan as en ee res i tlie ik ae dane teed =O a) oe went Ce Ghat te hes “St omens tel eow~u ee ee eee ne ee et Tee tear | eka ate ee ee eee peer ’ af ape ee Ek Pr Se aa . -%e Puy 96 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES County Clare and Kerry seventy-two per cent. of the average population ; and yet those counties are still crowded.** Among those who abandon their homes in search of easier conditions of living, certain ages and certain social and industrial classes predominate. A typical emigrant group to America repre- sents largely the lower walks of life, includes an abnormal proportion of men and adults, and about three-fourths of it are unskilled laborers and agriculturists.”° Colonization, the most potent instrument of organized ex- pansion, has in recent centuries changed the relative signifi- cance of the great colonial nations of Europe. It raised Eng- land from a small insular country to the center of a world power. It gave sudden though temporary preémimence to Spain and Portugal, a new lease of life to little Holland, and ominous importance to Russia. Germany, who entered the he colonial field only in 1880, found little desirable land left ; Commerce. And yet it was especially Germany who needed an outlet for\her redundant population. With all these states, as with ancient Phoenicia, Greece and Yemen, the initial purpose was commerce or in some form the exploitation of the new territory. Colonies were originally trading stations estab- lished as safe termini for trade routes. Ke v6 Colonial government, as administered by the mother country, originally had an eye single for the profits of trade: witness the experience of the Thirteen Colonies with Great Britain. Colonial wars have largely meant the rivalry of competing nations seeking the same markets, as the history of the Portuguese and Dutch in the East Indies, and the English and French in America prove. The first Punic War had a like commercial origin—rivalry for the trade of Magna Grecia between Rome and Carthage, the dominant colonial powers of the western Mediterranean. Such wars result in expansion for the victor. Commerce, which so largely underlies colonization, is itself a form of historical movement. It both causes and stimulates great movements of peoples, yet it differs from these funda- mentally in its relation to the land. Commerce traverses the land to reach its destination, but takes account of natural: features only as these affect transportation and travel. It has to do with systems of routes and goals, which it aims to on i ; 4 fTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 97 reach as quickly as possible. It reduces its cortege to essen- tials; eliminates women and children. Therefore it surmounts natural barriers which block the advance of other forms of the historical movement. Merchant caravans are constantly crossing the desert, but not so peoples. Traders with loaded yaks or ponies push across the Karakorum Mountains by passes where a migrating horde would starve and freeze. The northern limit of the Mediterranean race in Spain lies sharply defined along the crest of the Pyrenees, whose long unbroken ~all forms one of the most pronounced boundaries in Europe ;”' yet traders and smugglers have pushed their way through from time immemorial. Long after Etruscan merchants had crossed northward over the Alps, Roman expansion and colonization made a detour around the mountains westward into Gaul, with the result that the Germans received Roman civilization not straight from the south, but secondhand through their Gallic neighbors west of the Rhine. Commerce, though differing from other historical move- ments, may give to these direction and destination. The trader is frequently the herald of soldier and settler. He becomes their guide, takes them along the trail which he has blazed, and gives them his own definiteness of aim. The earliest Roman conquest of the Alpine tribes was made for the purpose of opening the passes for traders and abolishing the heavy transit duties imposed by the mountaineers.*” Fur- traders inaugurated French expansion to the far west of Can- ada, and the Russian advance into Siberia. The ancient amber route across Russia from the Baltic to the Euxine probably guided the Goths in their migration from their northern seats to the fertile lands in southern Russia, where they first appear in history as the Ostrogoths.’” The caravan trade across the Sahara from the Niger to the Mediterranean coast has itself embodied an historical movement, by bring- ing out enough negro slaves appreciably to modify the ethnic composition of the population in many parts of North Africa.©° It was this trade which also suggested to Prince Henry of Portugal in 1415, when campaigning in Morocco, the plan of reaching the Guinea Coast by sea and diverting its gold dust and slaves to the port of Lisbon, a movement Commerce a guide to various movements.pe a ee ee eT aaniamthenieensaanaatenieiemanonn aie ) tae ied a nal Be pe ee ne ar ee eA tt pe eet pe yng 5 pag poe et Ie Dad grt pot. Sip . . - - Re a m =" o%e on | lot open anette nen aed eae ha Py eh ee ae tet tee ey PS bt ee ey ee SBP Bees Oh Movements due to religion. 98 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES which resulted in the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa.” Every staple place and trading station is a center of geo- graphical information; it therefore gives an impulse to ex- pansion by widening the geographical horizon. The Lewis and Clark Expedition found the Mandan villages at the northern bend of the Missouri River the center of a trade which ex- tended west to the Pacific, through the agency of the Crow and Paunch Indians of the upper Yellowstone, and far north to the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Rivers. Here in conversa- tion with British and French fur-traders of the Noythwest Company’s posts, they secured information about the western country they were to explore.*’ Similarly the trade of the early Jesuit missions at La Pointe near the west end of Lake Superior annually drew the Indians from a wide circle sweep- ing from Green Bay and the Fox River in the south, across the Mississippi around to the Lake of the Woods and far north of Lake Superior.** Here Marquette first heard of the great river destined to carry French dominion to the Gulf of Mexico. Trade often finds in religion an associate and coadjutor in directing and stimulating the historical movement. China regards modern Christian missions as effective Euro- pean agencies for the spread of commercial and _ political power. Jesuit and fur-trader plunged together into the wilds of colonial Canada; Spanish priest and gold-seeker, into Mex- ico and Peru. American missionary pressed close upon the heels of fur-trader into the Oregon country. Jason Lee, having established a Methodist mission on the Willamette in 1834, himself experienced sudden conversion from religionist to colonizer. He undertook a temporary mission back to the settled States, where he preached a stirring propaganda for the settlement and appropriation of the disputed Oregon country, before the British should fasten their grip upon it. The United States owes Hawaii to the expansionist spirit of American missionaries. Thirty years after their arrival in the islands, they held all the important offices under the native government, and had secured valuable tracts of lands, laying the foundation of the landed aristocracy of planters estab- ee ee ee ee as ete ata ge — eesTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 99 lished there to-day. Their sons and grandsons took the lead in the Revolution of 1893, and in the movement for annex- ation to the United States. Thus sometimes do the meek inherit the earth. The famous pilgrimages of the world, in which the commer- cial element has been more or less conspicuous,” have con- tributed greatly to the circulation of peoples and ideas, es- pecially as they involve multitudes and draw from a large circle of lands. Their economic, intellectual and_ political effects rank them as one phase of the historical movement. Herodotus tells of seven hundred thousand Egyptians flock- ing to the city of Bubastis from all parts of Egypt for the festival of Diana.®° The worship of Ashtoreth in Bambyce in Syria drew votaries from all the Semitic peoples except the Jews. As early as 386 A. D. Christian pilgrims flocked to Jerusalem from Armenia, Persia, India, Ethiopia, and even from Gaul and Britain. Jerusalem gave rise to those armed pilgrimiages, the Crusades, with all their far-reaching results. The pilgrimages to Rome, which in the Jubilee of 1500 brought two hundred thousand worshipers to the sacred city, did much to consolidate papal supremacy over Latin Christen- dom.°® As the roads to Rome took the pious wayfarers through Milan, Venice, Genoa, Florence, Bologna, and other great cities of Italy, they were so many channels for the dis- tribution of Italian art and culture over the more untutored lands of western Europe. Though Mecca is visited arinually by only seventy or eighty thousand pilgrims, it puts into motion a far greater number over the whole Mohammedan world, from westernmost Africa to ‘Chinese Turkestan. Yearly a great pilgrimage, numbering in 1905 eighty thousand souls, moves across Africa eastward ‘through the Sudan on its way to the Red Sea and Mecca. ‘Many traders join the caravans of the devout both for pro- ‘tection and profit, and the devout themselves travel with herds of cattle to trade in on the way. The merchants are prone to Religious pilgrim- ages. 'drop out and settle in any attractive country, and few get | 'beyond the populous markets of Wadai. The British and’ French governments in the Sudan aid and protect these pil- grimages; they recognize them as a political force, becauseeT ZN Apt Abd ~ me Ol « ~ me bee 6 A ee en ew cern erent ee eee et oy ‘= BRE St owas Seah eee OPT ee Le) et | Sra aere ees =e ee a ee ee ee eee ae ee ee pene eae ee ee eh eine ete teeetnnaaatiaamalentaion en ety ea ee rt a Safty Fed win tela tp" Ha gh yl p< be pew Se ar ore ee Historical movement and race distribu- tion. Migrations in relation to zones and heat belts. v 100 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES they spread the story of the security and order of Euro- pean rule.°* The markets of western Tibet, recently opened to Indian merchants by the British expedition to Lhassa, pro- mote intercourse between the two countries especially be- cause of the sacred lakes and mountains in their vicinity, which are goals of pilgrimage alike to Hindu and Tibetan Buddhist. They offer an opportunity to acquire merit anc profit at the same time, an irresistible combination to the needy, pious Hindu. Therefore across the rugged passes of the Himalayas he drives his yaks laden with English merchan- dise, an unconscious instrument for the spread of English influence, English civilization and the extension of the Eng- lish market, as the Colonial Office well understands.” The forms which have been assumed by the historical move- ment are varied, but all have contributed to the spread of man over the habitable globe. The yellow, white and red races have become adapted to every zone; the black race, whether in Africa, Australia or Melanesia, is confined chiefly to the Tropics. A like conservatism as to habitat tends to characterize all sub-races, peoples, and tribes of the human family. The fact which strikes one in studying the migrations of these smaller groups is their adhérence each to a certain zone or heat belt defined by certain isothermal lines (see map chap. XVII.), their reluctance to protrude beyond its limits, and the restricted range and small numerical strength of such protrusions as occur. This seems to be the conservatism of the mature race type, which has lost some of its plasticity and shuns or succumbs to the ordeal of adaptation to contrasted climatic conditions, except when civilization enables it par- tially to neutralize their effects. In South America, Caribs and Arawaks showed a strictly tropical distribution from Hayti to the southern watershed of the Amazon. The Tupis, moving down the Parana-La Plata system, made a short excursion beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, though not beyond the hot belt, then turned equator-ward again along the coast.’° In North America we find some exceptions to the rule. For instance, though the main area of the Athapascan stock is found in the frigid belt of Canada and Alaska, north of the annual isotherm of 0° C.TH EK MOVEMENTS wae A pea PT, ey ee OF PEOPLES rE \ —— aaa * t Gian 7 = NSIT. “> x . \ J ” wN\ SY e (/ 7 pity “yy Af ff ‘" / Sf WY i jp 1/4 fs LL LLL 4 e (fs Wj I a Kiss Af fr n x“ hh A LY Yy yy Vy V4 Z MMU) Y VY co Vy nay AAS) “T/ f J A, ere tt A / Af ee EE, Vf | NO MP lh Aa sf f f ora — Lt § 4 / / 74 VN ff 4 AY A, Nhe ge ares t Gi Y ——— Arrows show direction of race movements Chacos Pat. Ss Tupis.....-. Bs Caribs | Y Civilized... SAPEYEI PRIM (From Helmolt’s History of the World. Arawak.... [ i an i Tapujos... —— ES bo e oat oh ee Y ii cs eo 60 i ae wee TEE ALE RI OI IN a a ELT ITIVE INDIAN STOCKS OF SOUTH AMERICA By permission of Dodd, "SE a Meee Mead & Co.)Shy Feber 7% wah if) —— nl a ena | \} I, UY jj LY X f / G OL Af Z con S Mii, x y , / A Ap Vy / 20 Vp YY 15 ~ Heo Resa ie ee ongoloid tH]) ZZ) Dravidian ‘fh a R24 Turco-Dravidian Mongolo-Dravidian Turco-Iranian = ETHNOGRAPHICAL MAP oF INDIA FROM THE INDIAN CENSUS OF 1901. a me tet iTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 103 If we turn to the eastern hemisphere, we find the Malays Range of and Malayo-Polynesians, differentiated offshoots of the Mon- ™ovements golian stock, restricted to the Tropics, except where Poly- in Asia. IPHNOGRAPHICAL MAP OF ASIA. Vertical Shading in the North is Slav. nesians have spread to outlying New Zealand. The Chinese draw their political boundary nearly along the Tropic of Can-a nret car teaeesneermm ete mieten nthe mentee a ee eal etal a aaa lot Ae yaa 2 -* : ee ~ » at ~ . ae ots . - . ~ ie ee ee vee sey”. te ye = S a - ili tn ~Neito oe oe tebe o Nas ne a Re eed nn _ rs ee ee ees os Ne ae . _ ——— Te ed a amare = Se ee ee ee ee eee = ot aites too mar = ee es Movement to better geographic conditions. 108 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES of Sumatra and Guiana,” where they cultivate lands reclaimed from the sea; or as colonists in the Vistula lowlands, whither Prussia imported them to do their ancestral task, just as the English employed their Dutch prisoners after the wars with Holland in the seventeenth century to dike and drain the fens of Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire. Moreover, the com- mercial talent of the Dutch, trained by their advantageous situation on the North Sea about the Rhine mouths, guided their early traders to similar locations elsewhere, like the Hud- son and Delaware Rivers, or planted them on islands either furnishing or commanding extensive trade, such as Ceylon, Mauritius, the East Indies, or the Dutch holdings in the An- tilles. Much farther down in the cultural scale we find the fisher tribes of Central Africa extending their villages from point to point along the equatorial streams, and the river Indians of South America gradually spreading from headwaters to estuary, and thence to the related environment of the coast. The Tupis, essentially a water race, have left traces of their occupation only where river or coast enabled them to live by n their inherited aptitudes.*° The distribution of the ancient mounds in North America shows their builders to have sought with few exceptions protected sites near alluvial lowlands, commanding rich soil for cultivation and the fish supply from the nearby river. Mountaineer folk often move from one up- land district to another, as did the Lombards of Alpine Pan- nonia in their conquest of Lombardy and Apennine Italy, where all their four duchies were restricted to the highlands of the peninsula.** The conquests of the ancient Incas and the spread of their race covered one Andean valley after another for a stretch of one thousand five hundred miles, wherever cli- matic and physical conditions were favorable to their irrigated tillage and highland herds of llamas. They found it easier to climb pass after pass and mount to ever higher altitudes, rather than descend to the suffocating coasts where neither man nor beast could long survive, though they pushed the po- litical boundary finally to the seaboard. [Map page 101.] The search for better land, milder climate, and easier con- ditions of living starts many a movement of peoples which, h i t i | t td ei i PateraTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 109 in view of their purpose, necessarily leads them into an en- vironment sharply contrasted to their original habitat. Such has been the radial outflow of the Mongoloid tribes down from the rugged highlands of central Asia to the fertile river lowlands of the peripheral lands; the descent of the Iran pas- tors upon the agricultural folk of the Indus, Ganges and Mesopotamian valleys, and the swoop of desert-born conquer- ors upon the unresisting tillers of well-watered fields in all times, from the ancient Hyksos of the Nile to the modern Fulbe of the Niger Valley. The attraction of a milder climate has caused in the north- ern hemisphere a constantly recurring migration from north to south. In primitive North America, along the whole broad Atlantic slope, the predominant direction of Indian migra- tions was from north to south, accompanied by a drift from west to east.°? On the Pacific side of the continent also the trend was southward. This is generally conceded regard- less of theory as to whether the Indians first found entrance to the continent at its northeast or northwest corner. It was a movement toward milder climates.“* Study of the Vilkerwanderungen in Europe reveals two currents or drifts in varied combination, one from north to south and the other from east to west, but both of them aimed at regions of better climate; for the milder temperature and more abundant rainfall of western Europe made a country as alluring to the Goths, Huns, Alans, Slavs, Bulgars and ‘Tartars of Asiatic deserts and Russian steppes, as were the sunny Medi- terranean peninsulas to the dwellers of the bleak Baltic coasts. This is one geographic fact back of the conspicuous westward movement formulated into an historical principle: “Westward the star of empire takes its course.” The establishment of European colonies on the western side of the Atlantic, their extension thence to the Pacific and ever westward, till Euro- pean culture was transplanted to the Philippines by Spain and more recently by the United States, constitute the most remarkable sustained movement made by any one race. But westward movements are not the only ones. On the Pacific slope of Asia the star has moved eastward. highland Mongolia issued the throng which originally popu- Southward and west- ward drifts in the northero hemi- sphere- Eastward From Movements.bt , Nee ee ee nen ee ee tel al eid potter nations ot” maint Shere oe uo ee eee aes ae ae — ~ SL 2gaeTeyie: ek ee ee) RAD Return movements. Regions of at- traction and repulsion. 110 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES lated the lowlands of China; and ever since, one nomad con- queror after the other has descended thence to rule the fruit- ful plains of Chili and the teeming populations of the Yangtze Valley.** Russia, blocked in its hoped for expansion to the west by the strong powers of central Europe, stretched its dominion eastward to the Pacific and for a short time over to Alaska. The chief expansion of the German people and the German Empire in historical times has also been from west to east; but this eastward advance is probably only retracing the steps taken by many primitive Teutonic tribes as they drifted Rhineward from an earlier habitat along the Vistula. Since the world is small, it frequently happens that a peo- ple after an interval of generations, armed with a higher civilization, will reénter a region which it once left when too crude and untutored to develop the possibilities of the land, but which its better equipment later enables it to exploit. Thus we find a backward expansion of the Chinese westward to the foot of the Pamir, and an internal colonization of the empire to the Ili feeder of Lake Balkash. The expansion of the Japanese into Korea and Saghalin is undoubtedly such a return current, after an interval long enough to work a com- plete transformation in the primitive Mongolians who found their way to that island home. Sometimes the return repre- sents the ebbing of the tide, rather than the back water of a stream in flood. Such was the retreat of the Moors from Spain to the Berber districts of North Africa, whither they carried echoes of the brilliant Saracen civilization in the Iberian Peninsula. Such has been the gradual withdrawal of the Turks from Europe back to their native Asia, and slow expulsion of the Tartar tribes from Russia to the barren Asiatic limits of their former territory. [See map page 225. | Voluntary historical movements, seeking congenial or choice regions of the earth, have left its less favored spots undis- turbed. Paucity of resources and isolation have generally msured to a region a peaceful history; natural wealth has always brought the conqueror. In ancient Greece the fruit- ful plains of Thessaly, Boeotia, Elis and Laconia had a fatal attraction for every migrating horde; Attica’s rugged surface, poor soil, and side-tracked location off the main lineTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 111 of travel between Hellas and the Peloponnesus saved it from many a rough visitant,°® and hence left the Athenians, ac- cording to Thucydides, an indigenous race. The fertility of the Rhine Valley has always attracted invasion, the barren Black Forest range has repelled and obstructed it. The security of such unproductive highlands lies more in their failure to attract than in their power to resist con- quest. When to abundant natural resources, a single spot adds a reputation for wealth, magnificence, an exceptional position for the control of territory or commerce, it becomes a geographical magnet. Such was Delphi for the Gauls of the Balkan Peninsula in the third century, Rome for the Germanic and Hunnish tribes of the Vélkerwanderung, Constantinople for the Normans, Turks and Russians, Venice for land-locked Austria, the Mississippi highway and the outlet at New Or- leans for our Trans-Allegheny pioneers. Sometimes the goal is fabulous or mythical, but potent to lure, like the land of El Dorado, abounding in gold and jewels, which for two centuries spurred on Spanish explora- tion in America. Other than purely material motives may initiate or maintain such a movement, an ideal or a dream of good, like the fountain of eternal youth which brought Ponce de Leon to Florida, the search for the Islands of the Blessed, or the spirit of religious propaganda which stimulated the . spread of the Spanish in Mexico and the French in Canada, or the hope of religious toleration which has drawn Quaker, Puri- tan, Huguenot, and Jew to America. It was an idea of purely | spiritual import which directed the century-long movement of ithe Crusades toward Jerusalem, half Latinized the Levant, and widened the intellectual horizon of Europe. A national or ‘racial sentimentswhich enhaloes a certain spot may be preg- ‘nant with historical results, because at any moment it may : start some band of enthusiasts on a path of migration or con- } quest. The Zionist agitation for the return of oppressed Jews to Palestine, and the establishment of the Liberian Republic for the negroes in Africa rest upon such a sentiment. The ! reverence of the Christian world for Rome as a goal of pil- | grimages materially enhanced the influence of Italy as a school | of culture during the Middle Ages. ‘The spiritual and ethnic Psychical influences in certain movements.nr . Pe se~~>. = Pao _ {oe at a ees earspn pds apeiron Papel enen ate eae eesti eae eee eee nee ae ane eae aioe ene NaaaRE AE Cartes fee oe a ° a eed ee eo a a ef Septet ata Mele lst Oty " ag ee —- area ae ee ee Bag ony 4 i - ' . , : = . Mr ee Results of historical movement. Differen- tiation and area. 112 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES association of the Mohammedan world with Mecca is always fraught with possible political results. The dominant tribes of the Sudan, followers of Islam, who proudly trace back » fictitious line of ancestry to the Arabs of Yemen, are readil} incited to support a new prophet sprung from the race of Mecca.®° The pilgrimages which the Buddhists of the Asiatic highlands make to the sacred city of Lhassa ensure China’s control over the restless nomads through the instrumentality of the Grand Lama of Tibet. Historical movements are varied as to motive, direction, numerical strength, and character, but their final results are two, differentiation and assimilation. Both are important phases of the process of evolution, but the latter gains force with the progress of history and the increase of the world’s population. A people or race which, in its process of numerical growth, spreads over a large territory subjects itself to a widening range of geographic conditions, and therefore of differ- entiation. The broad expansion of the Teutonic race in Eu- rope, America, Australia and South Africa has brought it into every variety of habitat. If the territory has a monotonous relief like Russia, nevertheless, its mere extent involves diver- sity of climate and location. The diversity of climate incident to large area involves in turn different animal and plant life, different crops, different economic activities. Even in low- lands the relief, geologic structure, and soil are prone to vary over wide districts. 'The monotonous surface of Holland shows such contrasts. So do the North German lowlands; here the sandy barren flats of the “geest” alternate with stretches of fertile silt deposited by the rivers or the sea,’ and support different types of communities, which have been admirably de- scribed by Gustav Frenssen in his great novel of Jén Uhl. The flat surface of southern Illinois shows in small compass the teeming fertility of the famous “American bottom,” the poor clay soil of “Egypt” with its backward population, and the rich prairie land just to the north with its prosperous and progressive farmer class. When the relief includes mountains, the character not only of the land but of the climate changes, and therewith the typeTHE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 113 of community. Hence neighboring districts may produce strongly contrasted types of society. Madison County of Kentucky, lying on the eastern margin of the Bluegrass re- gion, contains the rich landed estates, negro laboring class and aristocratic society characteristic of the “planter” communi- ties of the old South; and only twenty miles southeast of Rich- mond, the center of this wealth and refinement, it includes also the rough barren hill country of the Cumberland Plateau, where are found one-room cabins, moonshine stills, feuds, and a backward population sprung from the same pure English stock as the Bluegrass people. Here is differentiation due to the immediate influences of environment. ‘The phenomenon reappears in every part of the world, in every race and every age. The contrast between the ancient Greeks of the mountains, coasts and alluvial val- leys shows the power of environment to direct economic actiy- ities and to modify culture and social organization. So does the differences between the coast, steppe, and forest Indians of Guiana,® the Kirghis of the Pamir pastures and the Irtysh River valley, the agricultural Berbers of the Atlas Mountains and the Berber nomads of the Sahara, the Swiss of the high, lonely Engadine and those of the crowded Aar valley. Contrasted environments effect a natural selection in an- other way and thereby greatly stimulate differentiation, when- ever an intruding people contest the ownership of the territory with the inhabitants. The struggle for land means a struggle also for the best land, which therefore falls to the share of the strongest peoples. Weaklings must content themselves with poor soils, inaccessible regions of mountain, swamp or desert. There they deteriorate, or at best strike a slower pace of in- crease or progress. The difference between the people of the highlands and plains of Great Britain or of France is there- fore in part a distinction of race due to this geographical se- lection,®® in part a distinction of economic development and culture due to geographic influences. Therefore the piedmont belts of the world, except in arid lands, are cultural, ethnic and often political lines of cleavage, showing marked differen- tiation on either side. Isotherms are other such cleavage lines, marking the limits beyond which an aggressive people did not Contrasted environ- ments.al CS ee hata ial Ss ape aa RP og aad Pee PR renames >. ay OT Ae ee ene ee etme a a ee t~nzecewys:*: > a * Ne een ee ed oat ree al ee ee een ae p Pe re ¥ oe — aS Y ee tek ee ee. - . F . ° x — = Ps. Two-type populations. 114 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES desire to expand because of an uncongenial climate. The dis- tinction between Anglo-Saxon and Latin America is one of zone as well as race. Everywhere in North America the Eng- lish stock has dominated or displaced French and Spanish competitors down to the Mexican frontier. As the great process of European colonization has perme- ated the earth and multiplied its population, not only the best land but the amount of this has commenced to differentiate the history of various European nations, and that in a way whose end cannot yet be definitely predicted. The best lands have fallen to the first-comers strong enough to hold them. People who early develop powers of expansion, like the English, or who, like the French and Russians, formulate and execute vast territorial policies, secure for their future growth a wide base which will for all time distinguish them from late-comers into the colonial field, ike Germany and Italy. These countries see the fecundity of their people re- dounding to the benefit of alien colonial lands, which have been acquired by enterprising rivals in the choice sections of the temperate zone. German and Italian colonies in torrid, unhealthy, or barren tropical lands, fail to attract emigrants from the mother country, and therefore to enhance national growth. When colonizers or conquerors appropriate the land of a lower race, we find a territory occupied at least for a time by two types of population, constituting an ethnic, social and often economic differentiation. The separation may be made geographical also. The Indians in the United States have been confined to reservations, like the Hottentots to the twenty or more “locations” in Cape Colony. This is the simplest arrangement. Whether the second or lower type survives depends upon their economic and social utility, into which again geographic conditions enter. The Indians of Canada are a distinct economic factor in that country as trappers for the Hudson Bay Company, and they will so remain till the hunting grounds of the far north are exhausted. The native agriculturists in the Tropics are indispensable to the unac- climated whites. The negroes of the South, introduced for an economic purpose, find their natural habitat in the Black Belt.THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 115 Here we have an ethnic division of labor for geographical reasons. Castes or social classes, often distinguished by shades of color as in Brahman India, survive as differentiations in- dicating old lines of race cleavage. There is abundant evi- dence that the upper classes in Germany, France, Austria, and the British Isles are distinctly lighter of hair and eyes than the peasantry.°° The high-class Japanese are taller and fairer than the masses. Nearly all the African tribes of the Sudan and bordering Sahara include two distinct classes, one of lighter and one of darker shade. Many Fulbe tribes distinguish these classes by the names of “Blacks” and “Whites.°°: The two-type people are the result of historical movements. Differentiation results not only from contrasted geographic ae conditions, but also from segregation. A moving or expand- arg ing throng in search of more and better lands drops off one isolation. group to occupy a fertile valley or plain, while the main body goes on its way, till it reaches a satisfactory destination or destinations. ‘The tendency to split and divide, characteristic of primitive peoples, is thus stimulated by migration and ex- pansion. Each offshoot, detached from the main body, tends to diverge from the stock type. If it reaches a naturally isolated region, where its contact without is practically cut off, it grows from its own loins, emphasizes its group characteristic by close in-breeding, and tends to show a development related to biological divergence under conditions of isolation. Since man is essentially a gregarious animal, the size of every such migrating band will always prevent the evolution of any sharply defined variety, according to the standard of biology. Nevertheless, the divergent types of men and societies devel- oped in segregated regions are an echo of the formation of new species under conditions of isolation which is now generally ac- knowledged by biological science. Isolation was recognized by Darwin as an occasional factor in the origin of species and especially of divergence; in combination with migration it was made the basis of a theory of evolution by Moritz Wagner in 1873;°? and in recent years has come to be regarded as an essential in the explanation of divergence of types, as op- posed to differentiation.”°A ra ee 7 ee ee ee eee — 7 - -ocieennussienptanel ine seacinds asreaeas op phe ner Sh neha eee eae Pe Se : _ ~ ~ ~ « ™ or “1 4 en ie baend Pretat ae wl “ belt hie ae Sateen bal nnletrente hence atone’ ete sa oe ee Od ae ee ert = pega yee ee Pe eee eee ee ee ee AGA NS om * es 5 — 2 = - ere) cr ee ~~ ke Differen- tiation and di- gression. 116 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES The traditions of the Delaware Indians and Sioux in the north of the United States territory, and of the Creeks in the south, commence with each stock group as a united body, which, as it migrates, splits into tribes and sends out off- Shoots developing different dialects. Here was tribal dif- ferentiation after entry into the general stock area, the pro- cess going on during migration as well as after the tribes had become established in their respective habitats. Culture, how- ever, made little progress till after they became sedentary and took up agriculture to supplement the chase.°* Tribes some- times wander far beyond the limits of their stock, like the Troquoian Cherokees of East Tennessee and North Carolina or the Athapascan Navajos and Apaches of arid New Mexico and Arizona, who had placed twenty or thirty degrees of lati- tude between themselves and their brethren in the basins of the Yukon and Mackenzie rivers. Such inevitably come into contrasted climatic conditions, which further modify the im- migrants. [See map page 54.] Wide digressions differentiate them still further from the parent stock by landing them amid different ethnic and social groups, by contact with whom they are inevitably modified. The Namaqua Hottentots, living on the southern margin of the Hottentot country near the frontier of the European set- tlements in Cape Colony, acquired some elements of civiliza- tion, together with a strain of Boer and English blood, and in some cases even the Dutch vernacular. They were therefore differentiated from their nomadic and warlike kinsmen in the grasslands north of the Orange River, which formed the cen- ter of the Hottentot area.” A view of the ancient Germans during the first five or six centuries after Christ reveals dif- ferentiation by various contacts in process along all the ragged borders of the Germanic area. The offshoots who pushed westward across the Rhine into Belgian Gaul were rapidly Celticized, abandoning their semi-nomadic life for sedentary agriculture, assimilating the superior civilization which they found there, and steadily merging with the native population. They became Belgae, though still conscious of their Teutonic origin.*° The Batavians, an offshoot of the ancient Chatti living near the Thuringian Forest, appropri-THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 117 ated the river island between the Rhine and the Waal. There in the seclusion of their swamps, they became a distinct na- tional unit, retaining their backward German culture and primitive type of German speech, which the Chatti themselves lost by contact with the High Germans.’ Far away on the southeastern margin of the Teutonic area the same process of assimilation to a foreign civilization went on a little later when the Visigoths, after a century of residence on the lower Danube in contact with the Eastern Empire, adopted the Arian form of Christianity which had arisen in the Greek peninsula.®® The border regions of the world show the typical results of the historical movement—differentiation from the core or central group through assimilation to a new group which meets and blends with it along the frontier. Entrance into a naturally isolated district, from which subsequent incursions are debarred, gives conditions for divergence and the creation of a new type. On the other hand, where few physical barriers are present to form these natural pockets, the process of assimilation goes on over a wide field. Europe is peculiar among the family of continents for its “much divided” geography, commented upon by Strabo. Hence its islands, peninsulas and mountain-rimmed basins have produced a variegated assemblage of peoples, languages and culture. Only where it runs off into the monotonous immensity of Russia do we find a people who in their physical traits, language, and civilization reflect the uniformity of their environment.” Africa’s smooth outline, its plateau surface rimmed with mountains which enclose but fail to divide, and its monoto- nous configuration have produced a racial and cultural uni- formity as striking as Europe’s heterogeneity. Constant movements and commixture, migration and conquest, have been the history of the black races, varied by victorious in- cursions of the Hamitic and Semitic whites from the north, which, however, have resulted in the amalgamation of the two races after conquest. 7° Constant fusion has leveled also the social and political relations of the people to one type; it has eliminated primordial groups, except where the dwarf hunters have taken refuge in the equatorial forests and the Geograph- ic con- ditions of hetero- geneity and homo- geneity.inet _ Nee ed aa eed = ee ee ee ord : SS am ~* SS ak ee eee age a Siena ek ts 5 a ae ee ee ee ee eee ee —— . - tna Ni " * “ - « ae . ° Pore te Te ae ae ay " Hip “ aes i" “ Satleade betiedeteietdirienereenettemnenntitaaa ta “— ee vee iat hee . a“ Differen- tiation versus assimila- tion. Elimina- tion by historical movement. 118 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES Bushmen in the southwestern deserts, Just as it has thwarted the development of higher social groups by failure to segre- gate and protect. It has sown the Bantu speech broadcast over the immense area of Central Africa, and is disseminat- ing the Hausa language through the agency of a highly mixed commercial folk over a wide tract of the western Sudan. The long east-and-west stretch of the Sudan grasslands pre- sents an unobstructed zone between the thousand-mile belt of desert to the north and the dense equatorial forests.to the south, between hunger and thirst on one side, heat and fever and impenetrable forests on the other. Hence the Sudan in all history has been the crowded Broadway of Africa. Here pass commercial caravans, hybrid merchant tribes like the Hausa, throngs of pilgrims, streams of peoples, herds of cattle moving to busy markets, rude incursive shoppers or looters from the desert, coming to buy or rob or rule in this highway belt. [See map page 105. ] Historical development advances by means of differentia- tion and assimilation. A change of environment stimulates variation. Primitive culture is loath to change; its inertia is deep-seated. Only a sharp prod will start it moving or accelerate its speed; such a prod is found in new geographic conditions or new social contacts. Divergence in a segre- gated spot may be overdone. Progress crawls among a people too long isolated, though incipient civilization thrives for a time in seclusion. But in general, accessibility, ex- posure to some measure of ethnic amalgamation and social ‘°* As the world has become more closely populated and means of communica- contact is essential to sustained procress. I 5 tion have improved, geographical segregation is increasingly rare. The earth has lost its “corners.” All parts are being drawn into the circle of intercourse. Therefore differentia- tion, the first effect of the historical movement, abates; the second effect, assimilation, takes the lead. The ceaseless human movements making for new combina- tions have stimulated development. They have lifted the level of culture, and worked towards homogeneity of race and civilization on a higher plane. Since the period of the great discoveries inaugurated by Columbus enabled the his-THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 119 -orical movement to compass the world, whole continents, like North America and Australia, have been reclaimed to civiliza- tion by colonization. ‘The process of assimilation is often ruthless in its method. Hence it has been attended by a marked reduction in the number of different ethnic stocks, tribes, languages, dialects, social and cultural types through wide-spread elimination of the weak, backward or unfit. 1° These have been wiped out, either by extermination or the slower process of absorption. The Indian linguistic stocks in the United States have been reduced from fifty-three to thirty-two; and of those thirty-two, many survive as a single tribe or the shrinking remnant of one. *** In Africa the slave trade has caused the annihilation of many small tribes.” The history of the Hottentots, who have been passive before the active advance of the English, Dutch and Kaffirs about them, shows a race undergoing a widespread process of hybridiza- tion?” and extermination.’”” Strong peoples, like the English, French, Russians and Chinese, occupy ever larger areas. Where an adverse climate precludes genuine colonization, as it did for the Spanish in Central and South America, and for the English and Dutch in the Indies, they make their civilization, if not their race, permeate the acquired territory, and gradually impose on it their language and economic methods. The Poles, who once boasted a large and distinguished nationality, are being Germanized and Russified to their final national extinction. The Finns, whose Scandinavian offshoot has been almost absorbed in Sweden,’” are being forcibly dissolved in the Muscovite dominion by powerful retigents, by Russian school- masters, a Russian priesthood, Russian military service. No new types of races have been developed either by No new amalgamation or by transfer to new climatic and economic conditions in historic times. Contrasted geographic condi- tions long ago lost their power to work radical physical changes in the race type, because man even with the begin- nings of civilization learned to protect himself against ex- tremes of climate. He therefore preserved his race type, which consequently in the course of ages lost much of its plas- - >. a > » oe . 108 ticity and therewith its capacity to evolve new varieties. ethnic type.A eT eon ‘ eer oo ret i ‘ia “se ~ " os tee 4 " I — ee a eeintieetl attend fatal \, repens eatieest ee ee ad bare Dna nk eee ee ut tata hes - 2 a yo 4 oe ae ers seh bone” > * me oe pet ee Te - - : aa - . a a te as a oy 4 eed 7 =~. -"e . Shea a PS od tas Ot Checks to differentia- tion. 120 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES Where ethnic amalgamations on a large scale have occurred as a result of the historical movement, as in Mexico, the Sudan and Central Africa, the local race, being nymerically stronger than the intruders and better adapted to the environment, has succeeded in maintaining its type, though slightly modi- fied, side by side with the intruders. The great historical movements of modern times, however, have been the expan- sion of European peoples over the retarded regions of the world. ‘These peoples, coming into contact with inferior races, and armed generally with a race pride which was an- tagonistic to hybrid marriages, preserved their blood from extensive intermixture. Hybridism, where it existed, was an ephemeral feature restricted to pioneer days, when white women were scarce, or to regions of extreme heat or cold, where white women and children could with difficulty survive. Even in Spanish America, where ethnic blendings were most extensive, something of the old Spanish pride of race has reasserted itself. Improved communication maintains or increases the ranks of the intruders from the home supply. The negroes in North America, imported as they were en masse, then steadily recruited by two centuries of the slave trade, while their race integrity was somewhat protected by social ostracism, have not been seriously modified physically by several genera- tions of residence in a temperate land. Their changes have been chiefly cultural. The Englishman has altered only superficially in the various British colonial lands. Constant intercourse and the progress of inventions have enabled him to maintain in diverse regions approximate uniformity of physical well-being, similar social and political ideals. The changed environment modifies him in details of thought, man- ner, and speech, but not in fundamentals. Moreover, civilized man spreading everywhere and turning all parts of the earth’s surface to his uses, has succeeded to some extent in reducing its physical differences. The earth as modified by human action is a conspicuous fact of historical development. ‘°° Irrigation, drainage, fertilization of soils, terrace agriculture, denudation of forests and forestration of prairies have all combined to diminish the contrasts be-THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 121 ween diverse environments, while the acclimatization of Jants, animals and men works even more plainly to the same nd of uniformity. The unity of the human race, varied mly by superficial differences, reflects the unity of the pherical earth, whose diversities of geographical feature owhere depart greatly from the mean except in point of limate. Differentiation due to geography, therefore, early ached its limits. For assimilation no limit can be forseen. In view of this constant differentiation on the one hand, Geogra- nd assimilation on the other, the historical movement has Phical nade it difficult to trace race types to their origin; and ye this is a task in which geography must have a hand. Bor- rowed civilizations and purloined languages are often so many disguises which conceal the truth of ethnic relation- ships. A long migration to a radically different habitat, ‘nto an outskirt or detached location protected from the swamping effects of cross-breeding, results eventually in a divergence great enough to obliterate almost every cue to the ancient kinship. ‘The long-headed Teutonic race of northern Europe is regarded now by ethnologists as an offshoot of the long-headed brunette Mediterranean race of African origin, which became bleached out under the pale suns of Scandina- yian skies. ‘The present distribution of the various ‘Teu- tonic stocks is a geographical fact; their supposed cradle in the Mediterranean basin is a geographical hypothesis. The connecting links must also be geographical. They must prove the former presence of the migrating folk in the in- tervening territory. A dolichocephalic substratum of popu- lation, with a negroid type of skull, has in fact been traced by archaeologists all over Europe through the early and late ‘Stone Ages. The remains of these aboriginal inhabitants are marked in France, even in sparsely tenanted districts like the Auvergne Plateau, which is now occupied by the 'broad-headed Alpine race; and they are found to underlie, ‘in point of time, other brachycephalic areas, like the Po Val- ley, Bavaria and Russia. i. The origin of a people can be investigated and stated only in terms of geography. The problem of origin can be solved only by tracing a people from its present habitat, through , origins.eed as ate” . Tos whe RAY puGehbnd gig iguana, a ee eee ee ro le eee ee es a eee ea ee ee ee ee eee ee , et a ee ee ee : - eee ~~ = ee yer | ee ee Ne - ~™ ar ep i” > . om oe Per se te ene ied teed al > ae ii td 5 - Ne af, Large centers of dispersion. 122 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES the country over which it has migrated, back to its origina] seat. Here are three geographical entities which can be laid down upon a map, though seldom with sharply defined boundaries. They represent three successive geographic lo- cations, all embodying geographic conditions potent to in- fluence the people and their movement. Hence the geograph- ical element emerges in every investigation as to origins, whether in ethnology, history, philology, mythology or re- ligion. The transit land, the course between start and finish, is of supreme importance. Especially is this true for rehgion, which is transformed by travel. Christianity did not cpn- quer the world in the form in which it issued from the cramped and isolated environment of Palestine, but only after it had been remodelled in Asia Minor, Egypt, Greece and Rome, and cosmopolized in the wide contact of the Mediterranean basin. The Roman speech and civilization, which spread through the Romance speaking peoples of Europe, were variously diluted and alloyed before being transplanted by French, Spaniard and Portuguese to American shores, there to be further transformed. In view of the countless springs and tributaries that com- bine to swell the current of every historical movement, anthropo-geography looks for the origin of a people not in a narrowly defined area, but in a broad, ill-defined center of dispersion, from which many streams simultaneously and successively flow out as from a low-rimmed basin, and which has been filled from many remoter sources. Autochthones, aborigines are therefore merely scientific tropes, indicating the limit beyond which the movement of people cannot be traced in the gray light of an uncertain dawn. The vaguer and more complex these movements on account of their his- torical remoteness, the wider their probable range. The ques- tion as to the geographical origin of the Aryan linguistic family of peoples brings us to speculative sources, more or less scientifically based, reaching from Scandinavia and Lithuania to the Hindu Kush Mountains and northern Africa. “* The sum total of all these conjectural cradles, amounting to a large geographical area, would more nearly approximate the truth as to Aryan origins. For the study| | } ‘in point of number and dura small area whence it issues. THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 123 of the historical movement makes it clear that a large, highly differentiated ethnic or linguistic family presupposes a big center and a long period of dispersion, protracted wander- ings, and a diversified area both for their migrations and successive settlements. The slighter the inner differences in an ethnic stock, whether in culture, language or physical traits, the smaller was their center of distribution and the more rapid their dispersal. The small initial habitat restricts the chances of variation through isolation and contrasted seographic conditions, as does also the short duration of their subse- quent separation. ‘The amazing uniformity of the Eskimo type from Bering Strait to eastern Greenland can only thus be explained, even aiter makin g allowance for the monotony of their geographic conditions and remoteness from outside ‘nfluences. he distribution of the Bantu dialects over so wide a region in Central Africa and with such slight divergences presupposes narrow limits both of space and time for their origin, and a short period since their dis- persal.*”” Small centers of dispersion are generally natural dis- tricts with fixed boundaries, favored by their geographical for the development location or natural resources or by both beyond of a relatively dense population. When this increases the local limits of subsistence, there follows an emigration tion out of all proportion to the Ancient Phoenicia, Crete, Samos, mediaeval Norway, Venice, Yemen, modern Malta, Gilbert Islands, England and Japan furnish examples. Such smal] favored areas, when they embody also strong political power, start in the occupation of colonial lands. This may get the if their colonies are gives them a permanent advantage, chosen with a view to settlement in congenial climates, as were those of the English, rather than the more ephemeral advan- tage of trade, as were those of ‘the Dutch and Portuguese It seems also essential to these centers of in the Tropics. they must command the wide dispersion, that, to be effective, choice of outlet and destination afforded by the mighty com- mon of the sea. Only the Inca Empire in South America gives Small centers.2 ee ra ON ee ery ote re / — ~ o- ——— ee anne en a et sae ah a ene cena aE : eee = ae — ee ee aed -, oe ee Pe “ " “ep ee ms = Tests of origin. 124 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES us an example of the extensive political expansion of a small mountain state. The question arises whether any single rule can as yet be formulated for identifying the original seats of existing peoples. By some ethnologists and historians such homes have been sought where the people are distributed in the largest area, as the Athapascan and Algonquin Indians are assigned to a northern source, because their territories at~ tained their greatest continuous extent in Canada, but were intermittent or attenuated farther south. The fact that colonial peoples often multiply inordinately in new lands, and there occupy a territory vastly greater than that of the mother country, points to the danger in such a generaliza- tion. Of the ten millions of Jews in the world, only a handful remain in the ancient center of dispersion in Pal- estine, while about eight millions are found in Poland and the contiguous territories of western Russia, Roumania, Austria-Hungary and eastern Germany. Moreover, history and the German element in the “Yiddish” speech of the Rus- sian Jews point to a secondary center of dispersion in the Rhine cities and Franconia, whither the Jews were drawn by the trade route up the Rhone Valley in the third cen- try A more scientific procedure is to look for the early home of a race in the locality around which its people or family of peoples centers in modern times. Therefore we place the cradle of the negro race in Africa, rather than Melanesia. Density often supplies a test, because colonial lands are generally more sparsely inhabited than the mother country. But even this conclusion fails always to apply, as in the case of Samos, which has a population vastly more dense than any section of the Grecian mainland. The largest compact area including at once the greatest density of popu- lation and the greatest purity of race would more nearly indicate the center of dispersion; because purity of race is incompatible with long migrations, as we have seen, though in the native seat it may be affected by intrusive elements. When this purity of race is combined with archaic forms of language and culture, as among the Lithuanians of Aryan b if H : " | A ; 4THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 125 speech among the Baltic swamps, it may indicate that the locality formed a segregated corner of the early center of dispersion. It seems essential to such an original seat that, whether large or small, it should be marked by some degree of isolation, as the condition for the development of specific racial characteristics. The complexity of this question of ethnic origins is typical of anthropo-geographic problems, typical also in the warn- ing which it gives against any rigidly systematic method of solution. The whole science of anthropo-geography is as yet too young for hard-and-fast rules, and its subject matter too complex for formulas. NOTES TO CHAPTER IV 1. H. J. Mackinder, Britain and the British Seas, pp. 1?y-187. Lon- don, 1904. W. Z. Ripley, The Races of Europe, pp. 306-310, 319-326. New York, 1899. 2. Compare observations of Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, Vol. I, pp. 312-313. London, 1873. 3. Nott and Gliddon, Types of Mankind, p. lvii. Philadelphia, 1868. 4, D. M. Wallace, Russia, pp. 151-155. New York, 1904. 5. Thucydides, Book I, chap. II. 6. Strabo, Book II, chap. III, 7. 7. McGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, pp. 408-414, Vol. XIX of History of North America, edited by T. N. Thorpe. Phila- » delphia, 1905. 8. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. II, p. 214. Oxford, 1892. 9. Sir John Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, p. 587. New York, 1872. 10. D. G. Brinton, The American Race, pp. 116-119. Philadelphia, 1901. 11. O. T. Mason, Primitive Travel and Transportation, pp. 249-250. Smithsonian Report, Washington, 1896. 12. Thucydides, Book I, chap. II. 13. Edward A. Ross, Foundations of Sociology, pp. 359-363, 386-389. _ New York, 1905. 14, D. G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 73-79. Philadelphia, 1901. 15. John Richard Green, The Making of England, Vol. I, pp. 9-fI, 45-46, 52-54, 57, 62. London, 1904. 16. James Bryce, The Migration of the Races of Men Considered Historically, Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. VIII, pp. 400-421, and Smithsonian Report for 1893, pp. 567-588. 17. Cwsar, De Bello Gallico, Book LI, chap. 29. 18. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. I, p. 5. New York, 1883. 19. John Richard Green, The Making of England, Vol. I, p. 46. London, 1904.2) File ee et pe ee Ce ene ee ne a a eee 4 “ o - eee a es 8 89 ee owe tere ee tee were Sid ek i ai RT les | be eae pe ee ey ee ee ne ” _— — ~ a ee Te Nae | 126 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 20. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. V, pp. 99-101. Oxford, 1895, Wi. Low. VOL V. pp. 156-157. 22. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. II, pp. 107, 195. Oxford, 1892, 23. Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 219-223, 230. 24. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 276-277. New York, 1899. 25. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. II, pp. 214-219. Oxford, 1892, 26. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, p. 296. London, 1896-1898 27. MeGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, pp. 408-412, Vol. XIX of History of North America. Philadelphia, 1905. 28. Hugh R. Mill, International Geography, p. 858. New York, 1902. 29. Roscher, National-Oekonomik des Ackerbaues, pp. 44-48. Stutt- gart, 1588, ~ 30. Cyrus Thomas, The Indians of North America in Historical Times, p. 261. Vol. Il of History of North America, Philadelphia, 1903. 31. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. I, pp. 134-135, 250. New York, 1895. Justin Winsor, The Westward Movement, p. 16. Boston, 1899. 32, Eleventh Census, Report on the Indians, p. 54. Washington, 1894. } I bid., p. aL. 4. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. III, p. 411. New York, 1902-1906. 35. Edward John Payne, History of the New World Called America, ¥ol, Mi. pp. 57-58. Oxford, 1899. 36. If Kings, Chap. XVII, 6-24. 37. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 432-434. New York, 1899. 38. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. V, pp. 353-354. New York, 1902-1906, 39, Ibid., Vol. VI, p. 15. 40. D. G. Hogarth, The Nearer East, p. 247. London, 1902. 41. Roosevelt, Winning of the West, Vol. I, p. 248. New York, 1895. 42. C. C. Royce, The Cherokee Nation of Indians, pp. 130-131. Maps VIII and IX. Fifth Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, Washing- ton, 1887. 43. Albert Gallatin, Report on the Indians in 1836, reprinted in Eleventh Census, Report on the Indians, p. 33. Washington, 1894, 44. Cyrus Thomas, Indians of North America in Historical Times, pp. 94, 96. Vol. II of History of North America, Philadelphia, 1903. 45. Ibid.. Vol. Al pp. 100-101. 46. Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu, The Empire of the Tsars, Vol. ITI, pp. 333-334. New York, 1902. 47. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 437-438. New York, 1899. 48. D. G. Brinton, The American Race, pp. 115-116. Philadelphia, 1901. 49. H. Bancroft, The Native Races, Vol. III, pp. 559, 635-638. San Francisco, 1886, 00. Cyrus Thomas, Indians of North America in Historical Times, pp. 381-382, Vol. II of History of North America. Philadelphia, 1903. ol. Eleventh Census, Report on the Indians, p. 35. Washington, 1894. o2, Eleventh Census, Report on Population, Vol. I, p. ¢CXxXxvili. Washington, 1894, o3. Justus Perthes, Taschen Atlas, p. 38. Gotha, 1905.THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 127 _ 54. Richmond Mayo-Smith, Emigration and Immigration, p. 24. New York. 55. Ibid., pP- 79-80, 113-115. 56. Capt. A. T. Me wh: wn, Influence of Sea Power upon History, pp. 27 28. Boston, 1902. 57. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 247, 272-274, New York, 1899. 58. Casar, Bello Gallico, Book III, chap. I. 59. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 34-43, Ox- ford, 1892. 60. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. III, pp. 242, 245, 250, 257. Lon- don, 1896-1898. 61. John Fiske, Discovery of America, Vol. I, pp. 316-317. Boston, 1893. oe Ethott Coues, History of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, Vol. I. pp. 193-198, 203-212, 240. New York, 1893 a Rudiicis Pavietan. La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, pp. 39-40, Note 2. Boston, 1904. 64. George G. Chisholm, Commercial Geography, pp. 56-57. London, 1904, 65. Herodotus, Book II, 60. 66. Encyclopadia Britanica, Article Pilgrimages. 67. E. Huntington, The Pulse of Asia, p. 88. Boston, 1907. 68. Boyd Alexander, From the Niger to the Nile, Vol. II, pp. 3-7. London, 1907 69. GC. A. Sherring, Western Tibet and the British 3orderland, pp. 3-4, 144-145. 280-284. London, 1906. 70. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. I, pp. 189-191. Map p. 190. New York and London, 1902-1906. 71. J. W. Powell, Map of Linguistic Stocks of American Indians, Annual Report of Bureau of Ethnology, Vol. VI. 72. Archibald Little, The Far East, Ethnological Map, p. 8. Ox- iford, 1905. 73. Census of India, 1901, General Report by H. H. Risley and E. A. Gait, Vol. I, Part I, , PP- 500-504: and Ethnographic Appendices by H. H. | Risley, Vol. I, map, p. 60. Caleutta, 1 903. P. Vidal de la Blache, Le | Peuple de l’Inde, i’ ape 3 la série des recensements, pp. 431-434, Annales de Géographie, Vol. XV. Paris, 1906. 74. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. III, pp. 422, 4 424, 434- 2 436. New York, 1902-1906. 19.2. Livingstone, Missionary Travels, pp. 97-102. New York, 1858. 76. James Bryce, Migrations of the Races of Men Considered Histor- jieally, Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. VIII, pp. 400-421, May, 1892. 77. Justus Perthes, Taschen Atlas, p. 78. Gotha, 1905. 78. Ibid., p. 380. 79. Hugh R. Mill, International Geography, p. 878. New York, 1902. 80. Hans Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. I, pp. 189-191. New York, 1902-1906. $1. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vel. VI, pp. 23-27, 38-42, 63-68, | 83-87. Oxford, 1896. 89 McGee and Thomas, Prekistorie North America, Chap. XXI, Vol. XIX of History North America, Philadelpiia, 1905. 83. Ibid., pp. 83, 87, Map oF ae AbLONS; Pp. ov 84. Archibald Little, The Far bh: ast, pp. 34-38. Oxford, 1905.™ x 4 4 Ee ee ee aT a a a rete ed — " fag sr panne ee. Pa ee eee ee Nt aes vty aa - 7 y —y ee _— ee ee ae ee SRI bes eat ee erm SPN a - w 128 THE MOVEMENTS OF PEOPLES 85. Strabo, Book VIII, chap. I, 2. 86. Heinrich Barth, Travels in North and Central Africa, Vol. IT, p. 548. New York, 1857. 87. Joseph Partsch, Central Europe, pp. 104-105. London, 1903. 88. E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, pp. 167-171, 202- 207. London, 1883. 89. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, p. 237. New York, 1899. 90. Ibid., p. 469. 91. H. Barth, Human Society in Northern Central Africa, Journal of the Royal Geog. Society, Vol. XXX, p. 116. London, 1860. 92. Moritz Wagner, Die Entstehung der Arten durch rawmliche Sonder ung. Basel, 1889. 93. H. W. Conn, The Method of Evolution, pp. 282-295. New York, 1900. 94, MeGee and Thomas, Prehistoric North America, pp. 418, 424, Vol. XIX of History of North America. Philadelphia, 1905. Yo. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, pp. 280-283. London, 1896- 1898. 96. Cesar, Bello Gallico, Book II, chap. IV. 97. H. Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. VI, pp. 32-33. New York, 1902-1906. 98. Hodgkin, Italy and Her Invaders, Vol. I, Part I, pp. 75, 81, 82. Oxford, 1895. 99. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 34, 341-342. New York, 1899. 100. H. Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. III, pp. 400, 417. New York, 1902-1906. 101. A. C, Haddon, The Study of Man, p. xix. New York and Lon- don, 1898. 102. James Bryce, Migrations of the Races of Men Considered Histor- ically, Scottish Geographical Magazine, Vol. VIII, pp. 400-421. May, 1892. 103. Eleventh Census, Report on the Indians, pp. 34-35. Washington, 1894. 104. H. Helmolt, History of the World, Vol. III, p. 42. New York, 1902-1906. 105. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, pp. 279-283. London, 1896-98. 106. Jerome Dowd, The Negro Races, Vol. I, pp. 47-48, 61-62. Nev York, 1907. 107. Sweden, Its People and Its Industries, p. 93. Edited by G. Suna- barg, Stockholm, 1904. 108. Sir John Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, pp. 589-593. New Yark, 1872. 109. G. P. Marsh, The Earth as Modified by Human Action, New York, 1877. 110. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 261-267. New York, 1899. 111. Ibid., pp. 475-485. 112. Ratzel, History of Mankind, Vol. II, pp. 402-405. London, 1890- 1898. 113. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, pp. 371-372. Map, p. 374. New York, 1899 ere tee Re ee Be eee ee ND oe eeeCHAPTER V GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Tur location of a country or people is always the supreme geographical fact in its history. It outweighs every other single geographic force. All that has been said of Russia’s vast area, of her steppes and tundra wastes, of her impotent seaboard on land-locked basins or ice-bound coasts, of her poverty of mountains and wealth of rivers, fades into the background before her location on the border of Asia. From her defeat by the Tartar hordes in 1224 to her attack upon the Mongolian rulers of the Bosporus in 1877, and her recent struggle with Japan, most of her wars have been waged against Asiatics. Location made her the bulwark of Cen- tral Europe against Asiatic invasion and the apostle of West- ern civilization to the heart of Asia. If this position on the outskirts of Europe, remote from its great centers of develop- ment, has made Russia only partially accessible to European ‘culture and, furthermore, has subjected her to the retarding -ethnic and social influences emanating from her Asiatic neigh- 'bors,! and if the rough tasks imposed by her frontier situa- ‘tion have hampered her progress, these are all the limitations of her geographical location, limitations which not even the _ advantage of her vast area has been able to outweigh. Area itself, important as it is, must yield to location. Lo- cation may mean only a single spot, and yet from this spot | powerful influences may radiate. No one thinks of size when / mention is made of Rome or Athens, of Jerusalem or Mecca, of Gibraltar or Port Arthur. Iceland and Greenland guided early Norse ships to the continent of America, as the Cana- -ries and Antilles did those of Spain; but the location of the smaller islands in sub-tropical latitudes and in the course of / the northeast trade-winds made them determine the first » permanent path across the western seas. The historical significance of many small peoples, and the Importance of geograph- ical lo- cation.Pe eee eee Te ee eee re 2 a ee ee Cee! - M or . rs > ‘ _ Tape aA Siete beaendeenetrtedeneiaaeer teenie teh es searcienesetmeanetr area iain arene reentrant ieee emer ana naman een tee ae saan tenaamienatinananetentmenr ne anenannane: narenienl et eee ey rk. ip ein de. , oe a Seta ee ae “> 5 ae ee Pe oy me Ae . a ten pe a " . ote? a — - - ed _ ee Ore af Tila keel Pl eyiee? Content of the term loca- tion. 130 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION historical insignificance of many big ones even to the nil point, is merely the expression of the preponderant impor- tance of location over area. ‘The Phoenicians, from their nar- row strip of coast at the foot of Mount Lebanon, were dis- seminators of culture over the whole Mediterranean. Hol- land owed her commercial and maritime supremacy, from the thirteenth to the middle of the seventeenth century, to her exceptional position at the mouth of the great Rhine highway and at the southern angle of the North Sea near the entrance to the unexploited regions of the Baltic. The Iroquois tribes, located where the Mohawk Valley opened a way through the Appalachian barrier between the Hudson River and Lake Ontario, occupied both in the French wars and in the Reyo- lution a strategic position which gave them a power and im- portance out of all proportion to their numbers. Location often assumes a fictitious political value, due to a combination of political interests. The Turkish power owes its survival on the soil of Europe to-day wholly to its position on the Bosporus. Holland owes the integrity of her king- dom, and Roumania that of hers, to their respective locations at the mouths of the Rhine and the Danube, because the in- terest of western Europe demands that these two important arteries of commerce should be held by powers too weak ever to tie them up. The same principle has guaranteed the neu- trality of Switzerland, whose position puts it in control of the passes of the Central Alps from Savoy to the Tyrol; and, more recently, that of the young state of Panama, through which the Isthmian Canal is to pass. Geographical location necessarily includes the idea of the size and form of a country. Even the most general state- ment of the zonal and interoceanic situation of Canada, the United States, Mexico, and the Russian Empire, indicates the area and contour of their territories. This is still more conspicuously the case with naturally defined regions, such as island and peninsula countries. But location includes a com- plex of yet larger and more potent relations which go with mere attachment to this or that continent, or to one or another side of a continent. Every part of the world gives to its lands and its people some of its own qualities; and so v K j t : | iv 7 } !GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 131 again every part of this part. Arabia, India and Farther India, spurs of the Asiatic land-mass, have had and will always have a radically different ethnic and political history from Greece, Italy and Spain, the corresponding peninsulas of Europe, because the histories of these two groups are bound up in their respective continents. The idea of a Eu- ropean state has a different content from that of an Asiatic, or North American or African state; it includes a different race or combination of races, different social and economic development, different political ‘deals. Location, therefore, means climate and plant life at one end of the scale, civiliza- tion and political status at the other. This larger conception of location brings a correspond- ingly larger conception of environment, which affords the solution of many otherwise hopeless problems of anthropo- geography. It is embodied in the law that the influences of a land upon its people spring not only from the physical features of the land itself, but also from a wide circle of lands ‘nto which it has been grouped by virtue of its location. Almost every geographical interpretation of the ancient and modern history of Greece has been inadequate, because it has failed sufficiently to emphasize the most essential factor in this history, namely, Greece’s location at the threshold of the Qrient. This location has given to Greek history a strong Asiatic color. It comes out in the accessibility of Greece to ancient Oriental civilization and commerce, and is from the Argonautic Expedition conspicuous in every period in 1832 and the recent to the achievement of independence efforts for the liberation of Crete. This outpost location before the Mediterranean portals of the vast and arid plains of southwestern Asia, exposed to every tide of migration or hungry lands, had in it always an conquest sent out by those ‘ , comparison with the shadow o! element of weakness. In Asia, which constantly overhung the Greek people and from 1401 to 1832 enveloped them, only secondary importance ean be attributed to advantageous local conditions as factors in Greek history. It is a similar ‘ntercontinental location in the isthmian region between the Mediterranean on the west and the ancient Intercon: tinental location.| gaaseceyise tot eget fee A 7 -y bf ee ey ae ote ae cal ieieea tence an nariichonemncieicnad. ore rah zontal tat dr teen parece saenaener ani nc ean ree te aterm enema ee erence ieee rete ae ane et as Sh eky, ee 5 ae PS eae ee a a Aan = tele re — * feta — ons! a ee ee Natural versus vicinal lo- cation. 132 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION maritime routes of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf on the east, which gave to Pheenicia the office of middleman between the Orient and Occident,? and predestined its conquest, now by the various Asiatic powers of Mesopotamia, now by the Pharaohs of Egypt, now by European Greeks and Romans, now by a succession of Asiatic peoples, till to-day we find it incorporated in the Asiatic-European Empire of Turkey. Proximity to Africa has closely allied Spain to the southern continent in flora, fauna, and ethnic stock. ‘The long-headed, brunette Mediterranean race occupies the Iberian Peninsula and the Berber territory of northwest Africa.* This community of race is also reflected in the political union of the two districts for long periods, first under the Carthaginians, then the Romans, who secured Hispania by a victory on African soil, and finally by the Saracens. This same African note in Spanish history recurs to-day in Spain’s interest in Morocco and the influence in Moroccan affairs yielded her by France and Germany at the Algeciras convention in 1905, and in her ownership of Ceuta and five smaller presidios on the Moroccan coast. Compare Portugal’s former ownership of Tangier. In contradistinction to continental and intercontinental location, anthropo-geography recognizes two other narrower meanings of the term. The innate mobility of the human race, due primarily to the eternal food-quest and increase of num- bers, leads a people to spread out over a territory till they reach the barriers which nature has set up, or meet the frontiers of other tribes and nations. Their habitat or their specific geographic location is thus defined by natural fea- tures of mountain, desert and sea, or by the neighbors whom they are unable to displace, or more often by both. A people has, therefore, a twofold location, an immediate one, based upon their actual territory, and a mediate or vicinal one, growing out of its relations to the countries nearest them. The first is a question of the land under their feet; the other, of the neighbors about them. The first or natural location embodies the complex of local geographic conditions which furnish the basis for their tribal or national existence. This basis may be a peninsula, island, archipelago, an oasis, ee eeGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 133 an arid steppe, a mountain system, or a fertile lowland. The stronger the vicinal location, the more dependent is the peo- ple upon the neighboring states, but the more potent the in- fluence which it can, under certain circumstances, exert upon them. Witness Germany in relation to Holland, France, Austria and Poland. The stronger the natural location, on the other hand, the more independent is the people and the more strongly marked is the national character. This is exemplified in the people of mountain lands like Switzerland, Abyssinia and Nepal; of peninsulas like Korea, Spain and Scandinavia; and of islands like England and Japan. To- day we stand amazed at that strong primordial brand of the Japanese character which nothing can blur or erase. Clearly defined natural locations, in which barriers of Naturally mountains and sea draw the boundaries and guarantee some defined degree of isolation, tend to hold their people in a calm em- brace, to guard them against outside interference and infu- sion of foreign blood, and thus to make them develop the national genius in such direction as the local geographic conditions permit. In the unceasing movements which have made up most of the historic and prehistoric life of the human race, in their migrations and counter-migrations, their in- cursions, retreats, and expansions over the face of the earth, vast unfenced areas, like the open lowlands of Russia and the grasslands of Africa, present the picture of a great thorough- fare swept by pressing throngs. Other regions, more se- cluded, appear as quiet nooks, made for a temporary halt or a permanent rest. Here some part of the passing human flow is caught as in a vessel and held till it crystallizes into a nation. These are the conspicuous areas of race charac- terization. The development of the various ethnic and polit- ical offspring of the Roman Empire in the naturally defined areas of Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, and France illustrates the process of national differentiation which goes on in such secluded locations. A marked influence upon this development is generally ascribed to the protection afforded by such segregated dis- tricts. But protection alone is only a negative force in the life of a people; it leaves them free to develop in their ownrer ey Set Ad ie) shape ee ane P ik ee eee nnn nnn tame mee anh ant en anaanandaddamaneumterementieedisemmnetienenaieeiaemenetece tetera neetth coaieesieaneneaiadeeeattin aaa ad pee ke ie ae Toe | 7 et ee ey ol een etoen Vicinal location. 134 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION way, but does not say what that way shall be. On the other hand, the fact that such a district embraces a certain number of geographic features, and encompasses them by obstruc- tive boundaries, is of immense historical importance; because this restriction leads to the concentration of the national powers, to the more thorough utilization of natural advan- tages, both racial and geographical, and thereby to the growth of an historical individuality. Nothing robs the his- torical process of so much of its greatness or weakens so much its effects as its dispersion over a wide, boundless area. This was the disintegrating force which sapped the strength of the French colonies in America. The endless valleys of the St. Lawrence and the Mississippi and the alluring fur trade tempted them to an expansion that was their political and economic undoing. Russia’s history illustrates the curse of a distant horizon. On the other hand, out of a restricted geographical base, with its power to concentrate and inten- , grew Rome and Greece, England and sify the national forces Japan, ancient Peru and the Thirteen Colonies of America. If even the most detached and isolated of these natural lo- cations be examined, its people will, nevertheless, reveal a transitional character, intermediate between those of its neighbors, because from these it has borrowed both ethnic stock and culture. Great Britain is an island, but its vicinal location groups it with the North Sea family of people. Even in historic times it has derived ancient Belgian stock, Roman, Anglo-Saxon, Danish and Scandinavian from the long sem1- circle of nearby continental Jands, which have likewise con- tributed so much to the civilization of the island. Similarly, Japan traces the sources of its population to the north of Asia by way of the island of Sakhalin, to the west through Korea, and to the Malay district of the south, whence the Kuro Siwa has swept stragglers to the shores of Kiu-siu. Like England, Japan also has drawn its civilization from its neighbors, and then, under the isolating influence of its local environment, has individualized both race and culture. Here we have the interplay of the forces of natural and vicinal location. A people situated between two other peoples form anGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 135 ethnic and cultural link between the two. The transitional type is as familiar in anthropo-geography as in biology. The only exception is found in the young intrusion of a migrating or conquering people, like that of the Hungarians and Turks in southeastern Europe, and of the Berger Tua- regs and Fulbes among the negroes of western Sudan; or of a colonizing people, like that of the Russians in Mon- golian Siberia and of Kuropeans among the aborigines of South Africa. Even in these instances race amalgamation tends to take place along the frontiers, as was the case in Latin America and as occurs to-day in Alaska and northern Canada, where the “‘squaw man” is no rarity. The assimila- tion of culture, at least in a superficial sense, may be yet more rapid, especially where hard climatic conditions force the interloper to imitate the life of the native. The industrial and commercial Hollander, when transplanted to the dry grasslands of South Africa, became pastoral like the native Kaffirs. The French voyageur of Canada could scarcely be distinguished from the Indian trapper ; occupation, food, dress, and spouse were the same. Only a lighter tint of skin distinguished the half-breed children of the Frenchman. The settlers of the early Trans-Allegheny commonwealths, at least for a generation or two, showed little outward difference in mode of life from that of the savage community among which they dwelt. * The more alike the components of such a vicinal group of Vicinal people, the easier, freer and more effective will be the medi- ating function of the central one. Germany has demonstrated this in her long history as intermediary between the nations of southeastern and western Europe. ‘The people of Po- land, occupying a portion of the Baltic slope of northern Europe, fended by no natural barriers from their eastern and western neighbors, long constituted a transition form be- tween the two. Though affiliated with Russia in point of language, the Poles are Occidental in their religion; and their head-form resembles that of northern Germany rather than that of Russia.° The country belongs to western Europe in the density of its population (74 to the square kilometer or 190 to the square mile), which 1s quadruple that of re- eroups of similar or diverse race and culture.et ae ee ee ey nn a eel areata at nee heen ae eee See a et ls pe oe 7 SS " — eS at, “7 eet 7 “ 5 ~~ a - S * a ms nee te eres , 7 ow . ote ee AS Sd as etd ee ee ee eee a “te ~~ Thalassic vicinal location. 136 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION maining European Russia, and also in its industrial and social development. The partition of Poland among the three neighboring powers was the final expression of its in- termediate location and character.° One part was joined politically to the Slav-German western border of Russia, and another to the German-Slay border of Germany, while the portion that fell to the Austrian Empire simply extended the northern Slav area of that country found in Bohemia, Moravia, and the Slovak border of Hungary. [ Map page 223. | If the intermediate people greatly differs in race or civilization from both neighbors, it exercises and receives slight influence. The Mongols of Central Asia, between China on one side and Persia and India on the other, have been poor vehicles for the exchange of culture between these two great districts. ‘The Hungarians, located between the Roumanians and Germans on the east and west, Slovaks and Croatians on the north and south, have helped little to recon- cile race differences in the great empire of the Danube. The unifying effect of vicinal location is greatly enhanced if the neighboring people are grouped about an enclosed sea which affords an easy highway for communication. The in- tegrating force of such a basin will often overcome the disin- tegrating force of race antagonisms. The Roman Empire in the Mediterranean was able to evolve an effective centralized government and to spread one culture over the neighboring shores, despite great variety of nationality and language and every degree of cultural development. A certain similar- ity of natural conditions, climatic and otherwise, from the Iberian Peninsula to the borders of the Syrian desert, also aided in the process of amalgamation. Where similarity of race already forms a basis for con- geniality, such circumthalassic groups display the highest degree of interactive influence. These contribute to a further blending of population and unification of culture, by which the whole circle of the enclosing lands tends to approach one standard of civilization. This was the history of the Baltic coast from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries, when the German Hansa distributed the material products of Europe’s highest civilization from Russian Novgorod to Norway. The K 4 4 ; ! i. ; :GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 137 North Sea group, first under the leadership of Holland, later under England’s guidance, became a single community of advancing culture, which was a later reflection of the early community of race stretching from the Faroe and Shet- land Islands to the Rhine and the Elbe. This same process has been going on for ages about the marginal basins of eastern Asia, the Yellow and Japan Seas. Community of race and culture stamps China, Korea and Japan. A general advance in civilization under the leadership of Japan, the England of the East, now inaugurates the elevation of the whole group. An even closer ples who are united by ties of blood and are further made economically dependent upon one another, because of a con- trast in the physical conditions and, therefore, in the products of their respective territories. Numerous coast and inland tribes, pastoral and agricultural tribes are united because they are mutually necessary. In British Columbia and Alaska the fishing Indians of the seaboard long held a definite commercial rel ation to the hunting tribes of the interior, selling them the products and wares of the coast, while monopolizing their market for the inland furs. Such was the position of the Ugalentz tribe of Tlingits near the mouth of the Copper River in relation to the up-stre am Athapascans 5 of the Kinik tribe at the head of Cook’s Inlet ‘n relation to the inland Atnas,* of the Chilcats of Chilkoot Inlet to the mountain Tinnehs. in South Africa attach themselves to influential tr Similarly, the hunting folk of the Kalahari Desert ibesmen of the adjacent Bechuana grasslands, in order to exchange the skins of the desert animals for spears, knives, Fertile agricultural lands adjoining pastor deserts and steppes markets the their herds to exchange for grain; and in dance of their green fields has tempted tl to conquest, liminary to growing out of Great Russia supplement th have in all times drawn t mounted plainsmen, all t and tobacco. * al regions of o their border bringing the products of imes the abun- veir ul-fed neighbors so that the economic bond becomes a pre- a political bond and an ethnic of this strong vicinal location. TT e grain-bearing Black Lands amalgamation he forest lands connection exists between adjoining peo- Comple- mentary locations.- a ee eee — . ascseeenes bees oetrehermenrsnaeemiascerieseneeentienatath, toh oeclenentenetinanen teatime tinea a ean aetna ieee cree aaa = _ _- “ - 2 Pe eet ek. Silene - se ee a - ie ——_—. ree eiigewi—S r¢ ay) Ps na eae Types of location. Continuous and scattered location. 138 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION of Little Russia; the two are united through geographico- economic conditions, which would not permit an independent existence to the smaller, weaker section of the south, ever open to hostile invasion from Asia. ° Leaving now the ethnic and economic ties which may strengthen the cohesive power of such vicinal grouping, and considering only its purely geographic aspects, we distinguish the following types: I. Central location. Examples: The Magyars in the Danube Valley; the [roquois Indians on the Mohawk River Russia from the 10th to the 18th century; Poland from 1000 to its final partition in 1795; Bolivia, Switzerland, and Afghanistan. and the Finger Lakes: Ai. Peripheral location: Ancient Phoenicia; Greek colonies in Asia Minor and southern Italy; the Roman Empire at the accession of Augustus; the Thirteen Colonies in 1750; island and peninsula lands. III. Scattered location: English and French settlements in America prior to 1700; Indians in the United States and the Kaffirs in South Africa; Portuguese holdings in the Orient, and French in India. IV. Location in a related series: Oasis states grouped along desert routes; islands along great marine routes. All peoples in their geographical distribution tend to fol- low a social and political law of gravitation, in accordance with which members of the same tribe or race gather around a common center or occupy a continuous stretch of territory, as compactly as their own economic status, and the physical conditions of climate and soil will permit. This is characteris- tic of all mature and historically significant peoples who have risen to sedentary life, maintained their hold on a given ter- ritory, and, with increase of population, have widened their boundaries. The nucleus of such a people may be situated somewhere in the interior of a continent, and with growing strength it may expand in every direction; or it may originate on some advantageous inlet of the sea and spread thence up and down the coast, till the people have possessed themselves of a long-drawn hem of land and used this peripheral location to intercept the trade between their back country and the sea, ‘ i { d ! ’ | }. i ‘ i i { 4 1 1 | “~ ‘location means a narrow base | the sea; central location means op the territory, but it also means danger. / GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 139 These are the two types of continuous location. In contrast to them, a discontinuous or scattered location characterizes the sparse distribution of primitive hunting and pastoral tribes; or the shattered fragments of a conquered people, whose territory has been honeyecombed by the land appro- priation of the victors; or a declining, moribund peo- ple, who, owing to bad government, poor economie methods, and excessive competition in the struggle for existence, have shrunk to mere patches. As a favorable symptom, scat- tered location regularly marks the healthy erowth of an ex- panding people, who throw out here ttlement far beyond the compact frontier, and fix these as the goal for the advance of their boundary. It *s also a familiar feature of maritime commercial expan- centers of se sion, which is guided by no territorial aims to secure widely distributed trading stations at favor- able coast points, in order to make t ample and resourceful as possible. Bu scattered location is not permanently sound. Back of it lies the short-sighted policy of t] wholly inadequate estimate of the value tent with an ephemeral prosperity. A broad territorial base and security of possession are the guarantees of national survival. which favor one often operate against the other. Peripheral put a protected frontier along portunity for widening and:-there detached ambition but merely he circle of commerce as t this latter form of 1e middleman nation, which makes of land, and is con- The geographic conditions \ state embedded in the heart of a continent has, if strong, every prospect of radial expansion and the exercise fluence; but if weak, its v it is exposed to encroachments on every side. tion minus the bulwark of natural boundaries enabled the of wide-spread in- ery existence 1s imperilled, because A central loca- kingdom of Poland to be devoured piecemeal by its voracious kingdom of Burgundy, always a state of neighbors. The fluctuating boundaries and shifting alle victim to its central location, and saw from the map. Hungary, which, in t a restricted inland location on the mi giances, fell at last a its name obliterated he year 1000, occupied ddle Danube, by the Central versus peri- pheral lo- cation.Wietehe Raa a Tal el a area aaa eta ad en —- ee wert Sars ee ee ee ee ey . Oak tee tik oe Til te i ate wr Raster ee ee Se ys ews a ee eS = Ps: ee ee ee ie ~* FA ee ed teeta elie eee ad rene , at foe ay we aE att: Hg F< Ge otote es pre tte . ae cro - ¢ . ” F = a ~*~ en Danger of central location. 140 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 14th century broke through the barriers of its close-hug- ging neighbors, and stretched its boundaries from the Adria- tic to the Euxine; two hundred years later its territory con- tracted to a fragment before the encroachments of the Turks, but afterwards recovered in part its old dimensions. Ger- many has, in common with the little Sudanese state of Wadai. an influential and dangerous position. A central location in the Sudan has made Wadai accessible to the rich caravan trade from Tripoli and Barca on the north, from the great market town of Kano in Sokoto on the west, and from the Nile Valley and. Red Sea on the east. But the little state has had to fight for its life against the aggressions of its western rival Bornu and its eastern neighbor Darfur. And now more formidable enemies menace it in the French, who have occupied the territory between it and Bornu, and the English, who have already caught Darfur in the dragnet of the Egyptian Sudan. *° Germany, crowded in among three powerful neighbors like France, Russia, and Austria, has had no choice about maintaining a strong standing army and impregnable fron- tier defenses. The location of the Central European states between the Baltic and the Balkans has exposed them to all the limitations and dangers arising from a narrow circle of land neighbors. Moreover, the diversified character of the area, its complex mountain systems, and diverging. river courses have acted as disintegrating forces which have pre- vented the political concentration necessary to repel inter- ference from without. The Muscovite power, which had its beginning in a modest central location about the sources of the Dwina, Dnieper and Volga, was aided by the physical unity of its unobstructed plains, which facilitated political combination. Hence, on every side it burst through its en- compassing neighbors and stretched its boundaries to the un- tenanted frontier of the sea. Central location was the un- doing of the Transvaal Republic. Its efforts to expand to the Indian Ocean were blocked by its powerful British rival at every point—at Delagoa Bay in 1875 by treaty with Por- tugal, at Santa Lucia Bay in 1884, and through Swaziland in 1894. The Orange Free State was maimed in the sameGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 141 way when, in 1868, she tried to stretch out an arm through Basutoland to the sea.’? Here even weak neighbors were ef- fective to curtail the seaward growth of these inland states, because they were made the tools of one strong, rapacious neighbor. A central position teaches always the lesson of vigilance and preparedness for hostilities, as the Boer equip- ment in 1899, the military organization of Germany, and the bristling fortresses on the Swiss Alpine passes prove. How intimate and necessary are the relations between cen- Mutual re- tral and peripheral location is shown by the fact that all: tattons be 4 ee states strive to combine the two. In countries like Norway, center and France, Spain, Japan, Korea and Chile, peripheral loca- periphery. tion predominates, and therefore confers upon them at once the security and commercial accessibility which result from contact with the sea. Other countries, like Russia, Germany and Austro-Hungary, chiefly central in location, have the strategic and even the commercial value of their coasts re- duced by the long, tortuous course which connects them with the open ocean. Therefore, we find Russia planning to make a great port at Ekaterina Harbor on the northernmost point of her Lapland coast, where an out-runner from the Gulf Stream ensures an ice-free port on the open sea.** An ad- mirable combination of central and peripheral location is seen in the United States. Here the value of periphery 1s greatly enhanced by the interoceanic location of the country ; and the danger of entanglements arising from a marked cen- tral location is reduced by the simplicity of the political neighborhood. But our country has paid for this security by an historical aloofness and poverty of influence. Civilized countries which are wholly central in their location are very few, only nine in all. Six of these are mountain or plateau states, like Switzerland and Abyssinia, which have used the fortress character of their land to resist conquest, and have preferred independence to the commercial advantages to be gained only by affiliation with their peripheral neighbors. Central and peripheral location presuppose and supple- ment one another. One people inhabits the interior of an island or continent whose rim is occupied by another. The first suffers from exclusion from the sea and therefore strives Inland and coastward expansion.ete? p pri Pnnde re a er - ee eee ne ee ee ee sabi isbn es. >-eceeieenteaetimenena th ine ae on Pn pS eae ee ere aca aorerhaiee _ nm per oe » ae ay at Ey el oe ere me . ae eee > _ S ~ tere - a eee ah ee ed ee ats its Ee ee eo geet an} mer ys eS — ee nee ee ae a) Te : Russian expansion in Asia. 142 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION to get a strip of coast. The coast people feel the drawback of their narrow foothold upon the land, want a broader base in order to exploit fully the advantages of their maritime loca- tion, fear the pressure of their hinterland when the great forces there imprisoned shall begin to move; so they tend to expand inland to strengthen themselves and weaken the neighbor in their rear. The English colonies of America, prior to 1763, held a long cordon of coast, hemmed in between the Appalachian Mountains and the sea. Despite threats of French encroachments from the interior, they expanded from this narrow peripheral base into the heart of the con- tinent, and after the Revolution reached the Mississippi River and the northern boundary of the Spanish Floridas. They now held a central location in relation to the long Spanish periphery of the Gulf of Mexico. True to the instincts of that location, they began to throw the weight of their vast hinterland against the weak coastal barrier. This gave way, either to forcible appropriation of territory or diplomacy or war, till the United States had incorporated in her own ter- ritory the peripheral lands of the Gulf from Florida Strait to the Rio Grande. [See map page 156. ] In Asia this same process has been perennial and on a far greater scale. The big arid core of that continent, contain- ing many million square miles, has been charged with an expansive force. From the appearance of the Aryans in the Indus Valley and the Scythians on the borders of Macedonia, it has sent out hordes to overwhelm the peripheral lands from the Yellow Sea to the Black, and from the Indian Ocean to the White Sea. ** To-day Russia is making history there on the pattern set by geographic conditions. From her most southerly province in Trans-Caspia, conquered a short twenty-five years ago, she is heading towards the Indian Ocean. The Anglo-Russian convention of August 31st, 1907, yielding to Russia all northern Persia as her sphere of in- fluence, enables her to advance half way to the Persian Gulf, though British statesmen regard it as a check upon her am- bition, because England has secured right to the littoral. But Russia by this great stride toward her goal is working with causes, satisfied to let the effects follow at their leisure.GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 143 She has gained the best portion of Persia, comprising the six largest cities and the most important lines of communication radiating from the capital. ** This country will make a solid base for her further advante to the Persian Gulf; and, when developed by Russian enterprise in railroad building and oO commerce, it will make a heavy weight bearing down upon the coast. The Muscovite area which is pressing upon Eng- land’s Persian littoral reaches from Ispahan and Yezd to the far-away shores of the Arctic Ocean. In the essentially complementary character of interior and periphery are rooted all these coastward and landward move- ments of expansion. Where an equilibrium seems to have been reached, the peoples who have accepted either the one or the other one-sided location have generally for the time being ceased to grow. Such a location has therefore a passive char- acter. But the surprising elasticity of many nations may start up an unexpected activity which will upset this equili- brium. Where the central location is that of small mountain states, which are handicapped by limited resources and popu- lation, like Nepal and Afghanistan, or overshadowed by far more powerful neighbors, like Switzerland, the passive char- acter is plain enough. Im the case of larger states, like Servia, Abyssinia, and Bolivia, which offer the material and geographical base for larger populations than they now sup- port, it is often difficult to say whether progression or re- trogression is to be their fate. As a rule, however, the expul- sion of a people from a peripheral point of advantage and their confinement in the interior gives the sign of national decay, as did Poland’s loss of her Baltic seaboard. Russia’s loss of her Manchurian port and the resignation of her am- bition on the Chinese coasts is at least a serious check. On the other hand, if an inland country enclosed by neighbors suc- ceeds in somewhere getting a maritime outlet, the sign is hopeful. The century-old political slogan of Hungary, ‘“T’o the sea, Magyars!” has borne fruit in the Adriatic harbor of Fiume, which is to-day the pride of the nation and in no small degree a basis for its hope of autonomy. The history of Montenegro took on a new phase when from its mountain seclusion it recently secured the short strip of seaboard which Periphery as goal of expansion.rare edhe etait sbelcbenrsiac cide peepee perapetee sainademer tule ene eae pmeieeinlear sper eer ineeetier eco tanec seater eaten eee ane a eee aeeae m r al ah ae = oe ee ep am J ae iy re ke a ene Sd | ™ . - tate y A a San fv <7 ne ee a pe - meen OE ee ig eget fk filed — ~ — "= . P > 7 . =~ ne nok tik teen babibeeeieerne cena aera aE, By tet See Sag nel aa Na ey ee —" = 5 ee te fees ee ee eet eet conta eed ee = pa so Vg ee Reaction between center and periphery. 144 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION it had won and lost so often. Such peripheral holdings are the lungs through which states breathe. History and the study of race distribution reveal a mass of facts which represent the contrast and reaction between in- terior and periphery. The marginal lands of Asia, from northern Japan, where climatic conditions first make histori- cal development possible, around the whole fringe of islands, peninsulas and border lowlands to the Aegean coast of Asia Minor, present a picture of culture and progress as com- pared with the high, mountain-rimmed core of the continent, condemned by its remoteness and inaccessibility to eternal retardation. Europe shows the same contrast, though in less pronounced form. Its ragged periphery, all the way from the Balkan Gibraltar at Constantinople to the far northern projections of Scandinavia and Finland, shows the value of a seaward outlook both in culture and climate. Germany beyond the Elbe and Austria beyond the Danube begin to feel the shadow of the continental mass behind them; and from their eastern borders on through Russia the benumb- ing influence of a central location grows, till beyond the Volga the climatic, economic, social and political conditions of Asia prevail. Africa is all core: contour and relief have combined to reduce its periphery to a narrow coastal hem, offering at best a few vantage points for exploitation to the great maritime merchant peoples of the world. Egypt, embedded in an endless stretch of desert like a jewel in its matrix, was powerless to shake off the influence of its continental environ- ment. Its location was predominantly central; its culture bore the stamp of isolation and finally of arrested develop- ment. Australia, the classic ground of retardation, where only shades of savagery can be distinguished, offered the natives of its northern coast some faint stimuli in the visits of Malay seamen from the nearby Sunda Islands; but its central tribes, shielded by geographic segregation from ex- ternal influences, have retained the most primitive customs and beliefs.*° Expanding Europe has long been wrestling with Africa, but it can not get a grip, owing to the form of its antagonist; it finds no limb by which the giant can be tripped and thrown.GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 145 Asia presents a wide border of marginal lands, some of them like Arabia and India being almost continental in their pro- portions. Since Europe began her career of maritime and colonial expansion in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, she has seized upon these peripheral projections as if they were the handles on a pilot wheel, and by them she has steered the course of Asia ever since. These semi-detached outlyers of the continent have enabled her to stretch a girdle of Eu- ropean influences around the central core. Such influences, through the avenues of commerce, railway concessions, mis- sionary propaganda, or political dominion, have permeated the accessible periphery and are slowly spreading thence into the interior. China and Persia have felt these influences not less than India and Tongking; Japan, which has most effec- tually preserved its political autonomy, has profited by them most. This historical contrast between center and periphery of continents reappears in smaller land masses, such as penin- sulas and islands. The principle holds good regardless of size. The whole fringe of Arabia, from Antioch to Aden and from Mocha to Mascat, has been the scene of incoming and outgoing activities, has developed live bases of trade, maritime growth, and culture, while the inert, somnolent in- terior has drowsed away its long eventless existence. The rugged, inaccessible heart of little Sardinia repeats the story of central Arabia in its aloofness, its impregnability, back- wardness, and in the purity of its race. Its accessible coast, forming a convenient way-station on the maritime crossroads of the western Mediterranean, has received a succession of conquerors and an intermittent influx of every ethnic strain known in the great basin. The story of discovery and colonization, from the days of Periphery in ancient Greek enterprise in the Mediterranean to the recent colonization. German expansion along the Gulf of Guinea, shows the ap- propriation first of the rims of islands and continents, and later that of the interior. A difference of race and culture between inland and peripheral inhabitants meets us almost everywhere in retarded colonial lands. In the Philip- pines, the wild people of Luzon, Mindoro and the Visa-a ee ee ee ee So - RE ad ais ed ert Cae Tene vA rr eet eh Sa eo =— ee eee ee i. ghee tas Fa = Ke ve aeteatneeantinets see cones ovens sethanseer tps ee oe see ae or eee eee eee een eae ee eae Chae igen yrs t oY es , ~ , or ae eee ee ore te eee <— we te SE eB Dee Ey it. pd ’ — - : _—_ — ee - ert le | Os eee RN aN ot PT ON to ~e ae eee tne eee ee me al ° oe se ee ee eres at Rae a ae ea ae ase me toma hes erent eee te et ee ee ee, eee ees ee = ~% ae: Sag a ee ee) er! 150 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Italy by every tie of culture, commerce, and political ideal. This concentration of interest in its southern neighbor made it ignore a fact so important as the maritime development of the Hanse Towns, wherein lay the real promise of its future, the hope of its commercial and colonial expansion. The shifting of its historical center of gravity to the At- lantic seaboard therefore came late, further retarded by lack of national unity and national purposes. But the present wide circle of Germany’s transoceanic commerce incident upon its recent industrial development, the phenomenal increase of its merchant marine, the growth of Hamburg and Bremen, the construction of ship canals to that short North Sea coast, and the enormous utilization of Dutch ports for German commerce, all point to the attraction of distant economic interests, even when meagerly supported by colonial posses- sions. Location, therefore, while it is the most important sin- gle geographic factor, is at the same time the one most subject to the vicissitudes attending the anthropo-geograph- ical evolution of the earth. Its value changes with the trans- fer of the seats of the higher civilizations from sub-tropical, to temperate lands; from the margin of enclosed sea to the hem of the open ocean; from small, naturally defined terri- tories to large, elastic areas; from mere periphery to a com- bination of periphery and interior, commanding at once the freedom of the sea and the resources of a wide hinterland. Contrasted Even in Europe, however, where the Atlantic leaning of all historical the states is so marked as to suggest a certain dependence, sides. the strength of this one-sided attraction is weakened by the complexity and closeness of the vicinal grouping of the several nations. Germany’s reliance upon the neighboring grain fields of Russia and Hungary and the leather of the southern steppes counteracts somewhat the far-off magnet of America’s wheat and cattle. England experienced a radical change of geographic front with the sailing of the Cabots; but the enormous tonnage entering and passing from the North Sea and Channel ports for her European trade” show the attraction of the nearby Continent. Oftentimes we find two sides of a country each playing simultaneouslyGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 151 a different, yet an equally important historical part, and thus distributing the historical activities, while diversifying the historical development of the people. The young United States were profoundly influenced as to national ideals and their eventual territorial career by the free, eager life and the untrammeled enterprise of its wilderness frontier beyond the Alleghenies, while through the Atlantic seaboard it was kept in steadying contact with England and the inherited ideals of the race. Russia is subjected to different influences on its various fronts; it is progressive, industrial, socialistic on its European side in Poland; expansive and radical in a different way in colonial Siberia; aggressive in the south, bending its energies toward political expansion along the Mediterranean and Persian Gulf seaboards. In all such countries there 1s a constant shifting and readjustment of extra-territorial in- fluences. It is otherwise in states of very simple vicinal grouping, coupled with only a single country or at best two. Spain, from the time Hamilcar Barca made it a colony of ancient Carthage, down to the decline of its Saracen conquerors, was historically linked with Africa, Freeman calls at- tention to “the general law by which, in almost all periods of history, either the masters of Spain have borne rule in Africa or the masters of Africa have borne rule in Spain.” The history of such simply located countries tends to have a correspondingly one-sided character. Portu- gal’s development has been under the exclusive influence of Spain, except for the oversea stimul brought to it by the Atlantic. England’s long southern face close to the French coast had for centuries the effect of interweaving its history with that of its southern neighbor. The conspicuous fact in the foreign history of Japan has been its intimate connec- tion with Korea above all the other states." Egypt, which projects as an alluvial peninsula into an ocean of desert from southwestern Asia, has seen its history, from the time of the Shepherd Kings to that of Napoleon, repeatedly linked with Palestine and Syria. Every Asiatic or European con- quest of these two countries has eventually been extended to the valley of the Nile; and Egypt’s one great period of ex- One-sided historical relations.w — ay alae en ieee ee 5 . rw ety. P > tote — ~ - a ake Pet ~ Sen telesuieaal hatha sah: ht. par pehene eatin aisha aes : es om = pe ey a ae wie ° ws a ed ee ee a Capnesseseysees sort ee te et a Ld SA ee) so Xi See De ee ee ao - | “eter at A i ay a are) Scattered location due to geographic conditions. 152 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION pansion saw this eastern coast of the Mediterranean as far as the Euphrates united to the dominion of the Pharaohs. Here is a one-sided geographical location in an exaggerated form, emphasized by the physical and political barrenness of the adjacent regions of Africa and the strategic importance of the isthmian district between the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean. The forms of vicinal location thus far considered pre- suppose a compact or continuous distribution, such as char- acterizes the more fertile and populous areas of the earth. Desert regions, whether due to Arctic cold or extreme aridity, distribute their sparse population in small groups at a few favored points, and thus from physical causes give rise to the anthropo-geographical phenomenon of scattered location. Districts of intense cold, which sustain life only in contact with marine supplies of food, necessitate an intermittent dis- tribution along the seaboard, with long, unoccupied stretches between. This is the location we are familiar with among the Eskimo of Greenland and Alaska, among the Norse and Lapps in the rugged Norwegian province of Finmarken, where over two-thirds of the population live by fishing. In the interior districts of this province about Karasjok and Kantokeino, the reindeer Lapps show a corresponding scattered grouping here and there on the inhospitable slopes of the mountains.” In that one-half of Switzerland lying above the altitude where agriculture is possible, population is sprinkled at wide intervals over the sterile surface of the highlands. A somewhat similar scattered location is found in arid deserts, where population is restricted to the oases dropped here and there at wide intervals amid the waste of sand. But unlike those fragments of human life on the frozen outskirts of the habitable world, the oasis states usually constitute links in a chain of connection across the desert between the fertile lands on either side, and therefore form part of a series, in which the members maintain firm and _ necessary economic relations. Every caravan route across the Sahara is dotted by a series of larger or smaller tribal settlements. Tripoli, Sokna, Murzuk, Bilma and Bornu form one such chain; Algiers, El Golea, Twat, the salt mines of Taudeni,GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION rth C ape (AYA MSA MG . yf \n en Ln »)))\ Kh Vii k ) 4 4 WY ( / . lf, [Oy ez @ } & ‘ as pre . ) \) + + 2 . a Karasjokg®;, ° + e\ = hey K ky ary fe N é F estas, 5% Sf a t orwegian-Russian boundary , 444 x} Settlements........ wniele eleets DISTRIBUTION OF SETTLEMENT IN THE NORWEGIAN PROVINCE OF FINMARKEN. Arawan and Timbuctoo, another. Bagdad, Hayil, Boreyda and Mecca trace the road of pilgrim and merchant starting from the Moslem land of the Euphrates to the shrine of Mo- hammed.”* Not unlike this serial grouping of oasis states along cara- Island way van routes through the desert are the island way stations ee that rise out of the waste of the sea and are connected by the. steal! great maritime routes of trade. Such are the Portuguese Madeiras, Bissagos, and San Thomé on the line between Lis- bon and Portuguese Loanda in West Africa; and their other series of the Madeiras, Cape Verde, and Fernando, which facilitated communication with Pernambuco when Brazil was— if" ee eh er a! ee a ah? s teas a ee ee eee - ent so - eer es ere ay — — ee ee ee ee ee es Sie - cys - ag FN | dite ebalie let ineetteecatetaanbaleettnichdh et seed , ° ae ws . ~ es arr Fe .- “Srp id Pe ~ i — a “4 ‘ . ~ ee eu: Lt ee Set et tens bet on rete) 2 Lee ee es Scattered location of primi- tive tribes. 154 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION a Portuguese colony. The classic example of this serial grouping is found in the line of islands, physical or political, which trace England’s artery of communication with India Gibraltar, Malta, Cyprus, Perim, Aden, Sokotra, and Ceylon, besides her dominant position at Suez. Quite different from this scattered distribution, due to physical conditions, in an otherwise uninhabited waste is that wide dispersal of a people in small detached groups which is the rule in lower stages of culture, and which bespeaks the necessity of relatively large territorial reserves for the uneconomic method of land utilization characteristic of hunt- ing, fishing, pastoral nomadism, and primitive agriculture. A distribution which claims large areas, without, however, maintaining exclusive possession or complete occupation, in- dicates among advanced peoples an unfinished process, ** es- pecially unfinished expansion, such as marked the early French and English colonies in America and the recent Rus- sian occupation of Siberia. Among primitive peoples it is the normal condition, belongs to the stage of civilization, not to any one land or any one race, though it has been called the American form of distribution. Not only are villages and encampments widely dispersed, but also the tribal territories. The Tupis were found by the Portuguese explorers along the coast of eastern Brazil and in the interior from the mouth of the La Plata to the lower Amazon, while two distant tribes of the Tupis were dropped down amid a prevailing Arawak population far away among the foothills of the Andes in two separate localities on the western Amazon.” [See map page 101.]. The Athapascans, from their great compact northern area between Hudson Bay, the Saskatchewan River, and the Eskimo shores of the Arctic Ocean sent southward a detached offshoot comprising the Navajos, Apaches and Lipans, who were found along the Rio Grande from its source almost to its mouth; and several smaller fragments westward who were scattered along the Pacific seaboard from Puget Sound to northern California.?° The Cherokees of the southern Appalachians and the Tus- caroras of eastern North Carolina were detached groups of the Iroquois, who had their chief seat about the lower GreatGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 155 Lakes and the St. Lawrence. Virginia and North Carolina harbored also several tribes of Sioux,’ who were also repre- sented in southern Mississippi by the small Biloxi nation, though the chief Sioux area lay between the Arkansas and Saskatchewan rivers. Similarly the Caddoes of Louisiana and eastern Texas had one remote offshoot on the Platte River and another, the Arikaras, on the upper Missouri near its great bend. [See map page 54.] But the territory of the Caddoes, in turn, was sprinkled with Choctaws, who belonged properly east of the Mississippi, but who in 1803 were found scattered in fixed villages or wandering groups near the Bayou Teche, on the Red River, the Washita, and the Arkansas.2* Their villages were frequently interspersed with others of the Biloxi Sioux. This fragmentary distribution appears in Africa among people in parallel stages of civilization. Dr. Junker found it as a universal phenomenon in Central Africa along the watershed between the White Nile and the Welle-Congo. Here the territory of the dominant Zandeh harbored a motley collection of shattered tribes, remnants of peoples, and in- truding or refugee colonies from neighboring districts. *° The few weak bonds between people and soil characterizing retarded races are insufficient to secure permanent residence in the face of a diminished game supply, as in the case of the Choctaws above cited, or of political disturbance or op- pression, or merely the desire for greater independence, as in that of so many African tribes. A scattered location results in all stages of civilization when an expanding or intruding people begins to appropri- ate the territory of a different race. Any long continued in- filtration, whether peaceful or aggressive, results in race islands or archipelagoes distributed through a sea of abori- gines. Semitic immigration from southern Arabia has in this way striped and polka-dotted the surface of Hamitic Abyssinia. °° Groups of pure German stock are to-day scat- tered through the Baltic and Polish provinces of Russia.” [See map page 223.] In ancient times the advance guard of Teutonic migration crossed the Rhenish border of Gaul, selected choice sites here and there, after the manner of Ethnic islands of expansion.-"» ae hg On Oe ee eer ee et eee SN eee er rae Etta yet rs aS a ee eo See Pre ee ee ee a ee et OE Hee OO Et NGO Bae te wy “ E es | me nen eatin afk edge ma aah ae— et"SN S” N aie em ee ~i oie ee aaa a Sith ata MoF ets em » i Pee ne te ee ee ee tee ee eet ord GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION _— + —— reel - ( ¢ : AISSISSIR PD yee ws f ——- — 1 BH cen DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1800.GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 157 Ariovistus, and appeared as enclaves in the encompassing Gallic population. While the Anahuac plateau of Mexico formed the center of the Aztec or Nahuatl group of Indians, outlying colonies of this stock occurred among the Maya people of the Tehuantepec region, and in Guatemala and Nicaragua.*” Such detached fragments or rather spores of settle- ment characterize all young geographical boundaries, where ethnic and political frontiers are still in the making. The early French, English, Dutch, and Swedish settlements in America took the form of archipelagoes in a surrounding sea of Indian-owned forest land; and in 1800, beyond the frontier of continuous settlement in the United States long slender peninsulas and remote outlying islands of white oc- cupation indicated American advance at the cost of the native. Similarly the Portuguese, at the end of the sixteenth cen- tury, seized and fortified detached points along the coast of East Africa at Sofala, Malindi, Mombassa, Kilwa, Lamu, Zanzibar and Barava, which served as way stations for Portuguese ships bound for India, and were outposts of ex- pansion from their Mog¢gambique territory.” The snow- muffled forests of northern Siberia have their solitudes broken at wide intervals by Russian villages, located only along the streams for fishing, gold-washing and trading with the native. These lonely clearings are outposts of the broad band of Muscovite settlement which stretches across southern Siberia from the Ural Mountains to the Angara River.** [See map page 103. | The most exaggerated example of scattered political loca- tion existing to-day is found in the bizarre arrangement of European holdings on the west coast of Africa between the Senegal and Congo rivers. Here in each case a handful of governing whites is dropped down in the midst of a dark- skinned population in several districts along the coast. The six detached seaboard colonies of the French run back in the interior into a common French-owned hinterland formed by the Sahara and western Sudan, which since 1894 link the Guinea Coast colonies with French Algeria and Tunis; but the various British holdings have no territorial cohesion at Political islands of expansionSe eocieneseedtianeptaned mnepuenanarinetersee pind tatieen tiie ndictaenceneatentaaener Renna eee ene = a a eae BT OE - 6 ae ae . - - pea ae de . ey ae er ° Sf ee a . ° . = a ed np 6 20 ott a On ase equa see? awa ee! es aes af yD 9 Re eee ee te een treet at SSS - — Ce Ethnic islands of survival. 158 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION any point, nor have the Spanish or Portuguese or German. The scattered location of these different European posses- sions is for the most part the expression of a young coloniz- ing activity, developed in the past fifty years, and signal- ized by the vigorous intrusion of the French and Germans into the field. To the anthropo-geographer the map of west- ern Africa presents the picture of a political situation wholly immature, even embryonic. The history of similar scattered outposts of political expansion in America, India and South Africa teaches us to look for extensive consolidation. Race islands occur also when a land is so inundated by a tide of invasion or continuous colonization that the original inhabitants survive only as detached remnants, where pro- tecting natural conditions, such as forests, jungles, moun- tains or swamps, provide an asylum, or where a sterile soil or rugged plateau has failed to attract the cupidity of the conqueror. The dismembered race, especially one in a lower status of civilization, can be recognized as such islands of survival by their divided distribution in less favored localities, into which they have fled, and in which seldom can they increase and recombine to recover their lost heritage. In Central Africa, between the watersheds of the Nile, Congo and Zambesi, there is scarcely a large native state that does not shelter in its forests scattered groups of dwarf hunter folk variously known as Watwa, Batwa, and Akka.” They serve the agricultural tribes as auxiliaries in war, and trade with them in meat and ivory, but also rob their banana groves and manioc patches. The local dispersion of these pygmies in small isolated groups among stronger peoples points to them as survivals of a once wide-spread aboriginal race, another branch of which, as Schweinfurth suggested, 1s probably found in the dwarfed Bushmen and Hottentots of South Africa.*° [See map page 105. | Similar in distribution and in mode of life are the abori- eines of the Philippines, the dwarf Negritos, who are still found inhabiting the forests in various localities. They are dispersed through eight provinces of Luzon and in several other islands, generally in the interior, whither they have been ‘Malays.*' [See map page 147.] But driven by the invadingGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 159 the Negritos crop out again in the mountain interior of For- mosa and Borneo, in the eastern peninsula of Celebes, and in various islands of the Malay Archipelago as far east as Ceram and Flores, amid a prevailing Malay stock. Toward the west they come to the surface in the central highland of Malacca, in the Nicobar and Andaman Islands, and in several moun- tain and jungle districts of India. Here again is the typical geographic distribution of a moribund aboriginal race, whose shrivelled patches merely dot the surface of their once wide territory.°° The aboriginal Kolarian tribes of India are found under the names of Bhils, Kols and Santals scattered about in the fastnesses of the Central Indian jungles, the Vind- hyan Range, and in the Rajputana Desert, within the area covered by Indo-Aryan occupation.”” [See map page 103. | Such broad, intermittent dispersal 1s the anthropological prototype of the “discontinuous distribution” of biol- ogists. By this they mean that certain types of plants and animals occur in widely separated regions, without the pres- ence of any living representatives in the intermediate area. But they point to the rock records to show that the type once occupied the whole territory, till extensive elimination oc- curred, owing to changes in climatic or geologic conditions or to sharpened competition in the struggle for existence, with the result that the type survived only in detached lo- calities offering a favorable environment.*? Jn animal and plant life, the ice invasion of the Glacial Age explains most of these islands of survival; in human life, the invasion of stronger peoples. ‘The Finnish race, which in the ninth cen- tury covered nearly a third of European Russia, has been shattered by the blows of Slav expansion into numerous frag- ments which lie scattered about within the old ethnic bound- ary from the Arctic Ocean to the Don-Volga watershed.” The encroachments of the whites upon the red men of America early resulted in their geographical dispersion. The map showing the distribution of population in 1830 reveals large detached areas of Indian occupancy embedded in the prevailing white territory.” The rapid compression of the tribal lands and the introduction of the reservation sys- tem resulted in the present arrangement of yet smaller and Discontinu- ous dis- tribution.ey * BY eeeuen Tt ee » ee eh Ett eo eeuee Den a ta eel i ce el en ere eee eee | - pars babediben hsbeetie tah tad. ed ling) ¥ a ad ~ Pe om" me St og . : ee he PE eS setae yaar ts ~ en wn RT as Anita PS SPT ee cera , or a ee ee ee ee eee eens . Sr = 1 ‘a . Ts eee eee ae Contrasted location. Geograph- ical polarity. 160 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION more widely scattered groups. Such islands of survival tend constantly to contract and diminish in number with the growing progress, density, and land hunger of the surround- ing race. The Kaffir islands and the Hottentot “locations” in South Africa, large as they now are, will repeat the his- tory of the American Indian lands, a history of gradual shrinkage and disappearance as territorial entities. Every land contains in close juxtaposition areas of sharply contrasted cultural, economic and political devel- opment, due to the influence of diverse natural locations emphasizing lines of ethnic cleavage made perhaps by some great historical struggle. In mountainous countries the con- quered people withdraw to the less accessible heights and leave the fertile valleys to the victorious intruders. The two races are thus held apart, and the difference in their respective modes of life forced upon them by contrasted geographic con- ditions tends still farther for a time to accentuate their di- versity. The contrasted location of the dislodged Alpine race, surviving in all the mountains and highlands of western Eur- ope over against the Teutonic victors settled in the plains,“ has its parallel in many parts of Asia and Africa; it is almost always coupled with a corresponding contrast in mode of life, which is at least in part geographically determined. In AI- geria, the Arab conquerors, who form the larger part of the population, are found in the plains where they live the life of nomads in their tents; the Berbers, who were the original inhabitants, driven back into the fastnesses of the Atlas ranges, form now an industrious, sedentary farmer class, living in stone houses, raising stock, and tilling their fields as if they were market gardeners.** In the Andean states of South America, the eastern slopes of the Cordilleras, which are densely forested owing to their position in the course of the trade-winds, harbor wild, nomadic tribes of hunting and fish- ing Indians who differ in stock and culture from the Inca In- dians settled in the drier Andean basins.*® [See map page 101. ] Every geographical region of strongly marked character possesses a certain polarity, by reason of which it attracts certain racial or economic elements of population, andGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 161 repels others. The predatory tribes of the desert are con- stantly reinforced by refugee outlaws from the settled agricul- tural communities along its borders.** The mountains which offer a welcome asylum for the persecuted Waldenses have no lure for the money-making Jew, who is therefore rarely found there. The negroes of the United States are more and more congregating in the Gulf States, making the “Black Belt” blacker. The fertile tidewater plains of ante-bellum Vir- ginia and Maryland had a rich, aristocratic white population of slave-holding planters ; the mountain backwoods of the Ap- palachian ranges, whose conditions of soil and relief were ul adapted for slave cultivation, had attracted a poorer demo- cratic farmer class, who tilled their small holdings by their own labor and consequently entertained little sympathy for the social and economic system of the tidewater country. This ‘5 the contrast between mountain and plain which is as old as humanity. It presented problems to the legislation of Solon, and caused West Virginia to split off from the mother State during the Civil War.” Each contrasted district has its own polarity; but with this it attracts not one but many of the disruptive forces which are pent up in every people or state. Certain condi- tions of climate, soil, and tillable area in the Southern States of the Union made slave labor remunerative, while opposite conditions in the North combined eventually to exclude it thence. Slave labor in the South brought with it in turn a whole train of social and economic consequences, notably the repulsion of foreign white immigration and the development of shiftless or wasteful industrial methods, which further sharpened the contrast between the two sections. ‘The same contrast occurs in Italian territory between Sicily and Lom- bardy. Here location at the two extremities of the peninsula has involved a striking difference in ethnic infusions in the two districts, different historical careers owing to different vicinal grouping, and dissimilar geographic conditions. These effects operating together and attracting other minor elements of divergence, have conspired to emphasize the already strong contrast between northern and southern Italy. In geographical location can be read the signs of growth growth.reget lpn en bls fe | a“ ' sie ee res as sik ta De il. La - sn hae ——* eee Rk Da reer Rat SeeP Meh ae eg e Po Na A ae OR MS De A See ae kee ee ee ee eo Pe ee nd eer a ne aes Gieted ara taF at" tty re ne oe =? panes ae a= Marks of inland expansion. 162 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION or decay. There are racial and national areas whose form is indicative of development, expansion, while others show the symptoms of decline. The growing people seize all the geo- graphic advantages within their reach, whether lying inside their boundaries or beyond. In the latter case, they prompt- ly extend their frontiers to include the object of their desire, as the young United States did in the case of the Mississippi River and the Gulf coast. European peoples, like the Russians in Asia, all strive to reach the sea; and when they have got there, they proceed to embrace as big a strip of coast as possible. Therefore the whole colonization movement of western and central Europe was in the earlier periods re- stricted to coasts, although not to such an excessive degree as that of the Phenicians and Greeks. Their own maritime location had instructed them as to the value of seaboards, and at the same time made this form of expansion the simplest and easiest. On the other hand, that growing people which: finds its coastward advance blocked, and is therefore restricted to landward expansion, seizes upon every natural feature that will aid its purpose. It utilizes every valley highway and navigable river, as the Russians did in the case of the Dnieper, Don, Volga, Kama and Northern Dwina in their radial ex- pansion from the Muscovite center at Moscow, and as later they used the icy streams of Siberia in their progress toward the Pacific; or as the Americans in their trans-continental ad- vance used the Ohio, Tennessee, the Great Lakes, and the Missouri. ‘They reach out toward every mountain pass leading to some choice ultramontane highway. Bulges or projecting angles of their frontier indicate the path they plan to follow, and always include or aim at some natural feature which will facilitate their territorial growth. The acquisition of the province of Ticino in 1512 gave the Swiss Confederation a foothold upon Lake Maggiore, perhaps the most important waterway of northern Italy, and the possession of the Val Leventina, which now carries the St. Gotthard Rail- road down to the plains of the Po. Every bulge of Russia’s Asiatic frontier, whether in the Trans-Caucasus toward the Mesopotamian basin and the Persian Gulf, or up the MurghabGEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 163 and Tedjend rivers toward the gates of Herat, is directed at some mountain pass and an outlet seaward beyond. If this process of growth bring a people to the borders of a desert, there they halt perhaps for a time, but only, as it were, to take breath for a stride across the sand to the near- eee : : f est oasis. The ancient Egyptians advanced by a chain of oases —Siwa, Angila, Sella and Sokna, across the Libyan Desert to the Syrtis Minor. The Russians in the last twenty-five years have spread across the arid wastes of Turkestan by way of the fertile spots of Khiva, Bukhara and Merv to the irrigated slopes of the Hindu Kush and Tian Shan Mountains. ‘The French extended the boundaries of Algiers southward into the desert to include the caravan routes focusing at the great oases of Twat and Tidekelt, years before their recent appro- priation of the western Sahara. As territorial expansion is the mark of growth, so the sign of decline is the relinquishment of land that is valuable or necessary to a people’s well-being. The gradual retreat of the Tartars and in part also of the Kirghis tribes from their best pasture lands along the Volga into the desert or steppes indicates their decrease of power, just as the withdrawal of the Indians from their hunting grounds in forest and prairie was the beginning of their decay. Bolivia maimed herself for all time when in 1884 she relinquished to Chile her one hundred and eighty miles of coast between the Rio Lao and the twenty-fourth parallel. Her repeated efforts later to recover at least one seaport on the Pacific indicate her own estimate of the loss by which she was limited to an inland location, and deprived of her maritime periphery.” The habits of a people and the consequent demands which they make upon their environment must be taken into account in judging whether or not a restricted geographical location is indicative of a retrograde process. The narrow marginal distribution of the Haida, Tlingit, and Tsimshean Indians on the islands and coastal strips of northwestern America means simply the selection of sites most congenial to those inveterate fisher tribes. The fact that the English in the vicinity of the Newfoundland Banks settled on a narrow rim of coast 1n order to exploit the fisheries, while the French peasants pene- Marks of decline. Interpre- tation of scattered and mar- ginal loca- tion.np ~ h a inde haeeemiet uae eben aah toner armas Ta niet” te cha ea ee ean ae een kaa a os CSN eae . re oe tote ty % ial Be ea Die ee NS ere = pre pag oat fe Copasenayett sexe = ee ee Peet te a = a == * eet eer Tt ee ee SS eee ee oe ee ee en! een wane —— ee et ae Sant Prevalence of ethnic islands of decline. 164 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION trated into the interior forests and farmlands of Canada, was no sign of territorial decline. English and French were both on the forward march, each in their own way. The scattered peripheral location of the Pheenician trading stations and later of the Greek colonies on the shores of the Mediterranean was the expression of the trading and maritime activity of those two peoples. Centuries later a similar distribution of Arab posts along the coast of East Africa, Mada- gascar and the western islands of the Sunda Archipelago in- dicated the great commercial expansion of the Mohammedan traders of Oman and Yemen. The lack came when this distri- bution, normal as a preliminary form, bore no fruit in the oc- cupation of wide territorial bases. [See map page 251.] In general, however, any piecemeal or marginal location of a people justifies the question as to whether it results from encroachment, dismemberment, and consequently national or racial decline. This inference as a rule strikes the truth. The abundance of such ethnic islands and reefs— some scarcely distinguishable above the flood of the surround- ing population—is due to the fact that when the area of dis- tribution of any life form, whether racial or merely animal, is for any cause reduced, it does not merely contract but breaks up into detached fragments. These isolated groups often give the impression of being emigrants from the original home who, in some earlier period of expansion, had occupied this outlying territory. At the dawn of western European his- tory, Gaul was the largest and most compact area of Celtic speech. For this reason it has been regarded as the land whence sprang the Celts of Britain, the Iberian Peninsula, the Alps and northern Italy. Freeman thinks that the Gauls of the Danube and Po valleys were detachments which had been left behind in the great Celtic migration toward the west ;*° but does not consider the possibility of a once far more extensive Celtic area, which, as a matter of fact, once reached eastward to the Weser River and the Sudetes Mountains and was later dismembered.°® The islands of Celtic speech which now mark the western flank of Great Britain and Ireland are shrunken fragments of a Celtic linguistic area which, as place-names indicate, once comprised the whole coun-GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION 51 try. 165 Similarly, all over Russia Finnic place-names testify to the former occupation of the country by a people now sub- merged by the immigrant Slavs, except where they emerge in ethnic islands in the far north and about the elbow of the — Volga.°? [See map page 225.] Beyond the compact area of the Melanesian race occupying New Guinea and the islands eastward to the Fiji and Loyalty groups, are found scat- tered patches of negroid folk far to the westward, relegated to the interiors of islands and peninsulas. The dispersed and fragmentary distribution of this negroid stock has sug- gested that it formed the older and primitive race of a wide region extending from India to Fiji and possibly even beyond.”° Ethnic or political islands of decline can be distinguished from islands of expansion by various marks. When sur- Contrast between ethnic vivals of an inferior people, they are generally cha acter- islands oe ized by inaccessible or unfavorable geographic location. growth When remnants of former large colonial possessions of mod- and de- ern civilized nations, they are characterized by good or even © excellent location, but lack a big compact territory nearby to which they stand in the relation of outpost. Such are the Portuguese fragments on the west coast of India at Goa, Damaon, and Diu Island, and the Portuguese half of the island of Timor with the islet of Kambing in the Kast Indies. Such also are the remnants of the French empire in India, founded by the genius of Frangois Duplex, which are located on the seaboard at Chandarnagar, Carical, Pondi- cherry, Yanaon and Mahe. They tell the geographer a far different story from that of the small detached French hold- ing of Kwang-chan Bay and Nao-chan Island on the south- ern coast of China, which are outposts of the vigorous French colony of Tongking. The scattered islands of an intrusive people, bent upon conquest or colonization, are distinguished by a choice of sites favorable to growth and consolidation, rapid extension of their boundaries until that is achieved; while the people themselves give rapid differentiation incident to adaptation to a ment. and by the consolidation signs of the new environ- line.Caen ee ne Na nd een hee eee eee ed Mal ie : ee a ae’ aha ts? pt pt eg " ~~ 4 - a AE Se ag oy he a " 2% re a Ps aie ° at oF ta ry lag ata an, . are pen ee ee Nf eee nar er Sa eS Se. ee ~ - ee - y * <" xs ° - es Pras o Isolation and dif- ferentiation. 172 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA to the slighter variations of races. Even these are few in comparison with the area of the earth’s surface, and their list tends to decrease. The Guanches and Tasmanians have vanished, the Australians are on the road to extinction; and when they shall have disappeared, there will be one variety the less in humanity. So the process of assimilation ad- vances, here by the simple elimination of weaker divergent types of men, there by amalgamation and absorption into the stock of the stronger. This unity of the human species has been achieved in spite of the fact that, owing to the three-fold predominance of the water surface of the globe, the land surface appears as detached fragments which rise as islands from the surround- ing ocean. Among these fragments we have every gradation in size, from the continuous continental mass of Eurasia- Africa with its 31,000,000 square miles, the Americas with 15,000,000, Australia with nearly 3,000,000, Madagascar with 230,000, and New Zealand with 104,000, down to Guam with its 199 square miles, Ascension with 58, Tristan da Cunha with 45, and the rocky islet of Helgoland with its scant 150 acres. All these down to the smallest constitute separate vital districts. Small, naturally defined areas, whether their boundaries are drawn by mountains, sea, or by both, always harbor small but markedly individual peoples, as also peculiar or endemic animal forms, whose differentiation varies with the degree of isolation. Such peoples can be found over and over again in islands, peninsulas, confined mountain valleys, or desert-rimmed oases. The cause lies in the barriers to ex- pansion and to accessions of population from without which confront such peoples on every side. Broad, uniform con- tinental areas, on the other hand, where nature has erected no such obstacles are the habitats of wide-spread peoples, monotonous in type. The long stretch of coastal lowlands encircling the Arctic Ocean and running back into the wide plains of North America and Eurasia show a remarkable uniformity of animal and plant forms’ and a striking simi larity of race through the Lapps, the Samoyedes of northern Russia, the various Mongolian tribes of Arctic Siberia to Ber-GEOGRAPHICAL AREA 173 ing Strait, and the Eskimo, that curiously transitional race, formerly classified as Mongolian and more recently as a divergent Indian stock; for the Eskimos are similar to the Siberians in stature, features, coloring, mode of life, in every- thing but head-form, though even the cephalic indices ap- proach on the opposite shores of Bering Sea.*° Where geog- raphy draws no dividing line, ethnology finds it difficult to do so. Where the continental land-masses converge is found similarity or even identity of race, easy gradations from one type to another; where they diverge most widely in the penin- sular extremities of South America, South Africa and Aus- tralia, they show the greatest dissimilarity in their native races, and a corresponding diversity in their animal life.® Geographica! proximity combined with accessibility results in similarity of human and animal occupants, while a cor- responding dissimilarity is the attendant of remoteness or of segregation. ‘Therefore, despite the distribution of mankind over the total habitable area of the earth, his penetration in- to its detached regions and hidden corners has maintained such variations as still exist in the human family. If the distribution of the several races be examined in the light of this conclusion, it becomes apparent that the races who have succeeded in appropriating only limited portions of the earth’s surface, though each may be a marked variant of the human family, are characterized by few inner diversi- ties, either of physical features or culture. Their subdi- visions feel only in a slight degree the differentiating effects of geographic remoteness, which in a small area operates with weakened force; and they enjoy few of those diversities of environment which stimulate variation. They form close and distinct ethnic unities also because their scant numbers restrict the appearance of variations. The habitat of the negro race in Africa south of the Sahara, relatively small, limited in its zonal location almost wholly to the Tropics, poorly diversified both in relief and contour, has produced only a retarded and monotonous social development based upon tropical agriculture or a low type of pastoral life. The still smaller, still less varied habitat of the Aus- tralian race, again tropical or sub-tropical in location, has Monoto- nous race type of small area.2g he? nn ee ee en ta a eerie ae lr aterm reenter eee ae neat ee ee NT eR ae ere es em ae Be te oe ee eee — ae ee Ed es ees rn ae — en ee et ete eT aye | ae eee ee pe ee ee ee SS ee —_ u sn he Vs a ie | Messi ryteet, Sip Been SA. tas on Wide race distribution and inner diversities. Area and language. 174 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA produced over its whole extent only one grade of civilization and that the lowest, one physical, mental and moral type.” The Mongoloid area of distribution, on the other hand, is so large that it necessarily includes a great range of climates and variety of geographic conditions. [Maps pages 103 and 225.] Representatives of this race, reflecting their diversified habitats, show many ethnic differentiations. ‘They reveal also every stage and phase of cultural development from the industrialism of Japan, with its artistic and literary concomitants, to the savage economy and retarded intel- lectual life of the Chukches fisher tribes or the Giljak hunters of Sakhalin. The white race, identified primarily with Europe, that choice and diversified continent, comprised also a large area of southwestern Asia and the northern third of Africa. It thus extended from the Arctic Circle well within the Tropics. Its area included every variety of geo- graphic condition and originally every degree of cultural development; but the rapid expansion in recent centuries of the most advanced peoples of this race has made them the apostles of civilization to the whole world. It has also given them, through the occupation of Australia and the Americas, the widest distribution and the most varied habitats. As . subjected to all its assimilating effects, which tend to counter- agents of the modern historical movement, however, they are act the diversities born of geographic segregation, and to raise all branches of the white race to one superior cosmopolitan type. On the other hand, the vast interna- tional division of labor and specialization of production, geographically based and entailed by advancing economic development, besides the differences of traditions and ideals reaching far back into an historic past and rooted in the land, will serve to maintain many subtle inner differences between even the most progressive nations. Hence the wide area which Darwin found to be most favor- able to improved variation and rapid evolution in animals, operates to the same end in human development, and its in- fluence becomes a law of anthropo-geography. It permeates the higher aspects of life. The wide, varied area occupied by the Germanic tribes of Europe permitted the evolution of theGEOGRAPHICAL AREA 175 many dialects which finally made the richness of modern Ger- man speech. English has gained in vocabulary and idiom with every expansion of its area. New territories mean to a people new pursuits, new relations, new wants; and all these become reflected in their speech. Languages, like peoples, cease. to erow with national stagnation.” To such stagnation movement or expansion is the surest antidote. America will in time make its contribution to the English tongue. The rich crop of slang that springs up on the frontier is not wholly to be deplored. The crudeness and vigor of cowboy speech are marks of youth: they are also promises of growth. Language can not live by dictionary alone. It tends to form new variants with every change of habitat. The French ot the Canadian habitant has absorbed Indian and English words, and adapted old terms to new uses :’? but it is other- wise a survival of seventeenth century French. Boer speech in South Africa shows the same thing—absorption of new Kaffir and English words, coupled with marks of retardation due to isolation. Religion in the same way gains by wide dispersal. Christianity is one thing in St. Petersburg, an- other among the Copts of Cairo, another in Rome, an- other in London, and yet another in Boston. Buddhism takes on a different color in Ceylon, Tibet, China and Japan. In religion as in other phases of human devel- opment, differentiation must mean eventual enrichment, a larger content of the religious idea, to which each faith makes its contribution. The larger the area occupied by a race or people, other geographic conditions being equal, the surer the guarantee of their permanence, and the less the chance of their repres- sion or annihilation. A broad geographic base means generally abundant command of the resources of life and growth. Though for a growing people of wide possessions, like the Russians, the significance of the land may not be obvious, it becomes apparent enough in national decline and decay; for these even in their incipiency betray themselves in a loss of territory. A people which, voluntarily or other- wise, renounces its hold upon its land is on the downward path. Nothing else could show so plainly the national Large area a guaran- tee of racial or national perma- nence.ee ee er ie al tak te Sik on ae ee La seal Pe ahs etiam tS Pees} tee eT ee ere eee tt eee eet tt ae oe ed _* — Sa ro 0 eae are Re ee — - — a ea 9 ON el ae IO II See nn ne ERaenEnnemeneeeaaenaannanEear tae aataeaane - . peenediene teatime eek ted Sa ae ee ow es eben ed oy waa er oe) ee re) ee ee ee ee —s — —s raaey -_~ _ ” oo — =e ee ne ee ee ae aad ae ee Pe a r= . » =e arn esol Politico- economic advantages. 194 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA frontier. How rapidly the vivifying influences of this contact will penetrate into the bulk of the interior depends upon s1Zze, location as scattered or compact, and general geographic conditions like navigable rivers or mountains, which facilitate or bar intercourse with that interior. The Russian Empire has eleven different nations, speaking even more different languages, on its western and southern frontiers. Its long line of Asiatic contact will inevitably give to the European civilization transplanted hither in Russian colonies a new and perhaps not unfruitful development. The Siberian citi- zen of future centuries may compare favorably with his brother in Moscow. Japan, even while impressing its civiliza- tion upon the reluctant Koreans, will see itself modified by the contact and its culture differentiated by the transplant- ing; but the content of Japanese civilization will be increased by every new variant thus formed. The larger the area brought under one political control, the less the handicap of internal friction and the greater its economic independence. Vast territory has enabled the United States to maintain with advantage a protective tariff, chiefly because the free trade within its own borders was ex- tensive. 'The natural law of the territorial growth of states and peoples means an extension of the areas in which peace and codperation are preserved, a relative reduction of frontiers and of the military forces necessary to defend them,2° diminution in the sum total of conflicts, and a wider removal of the border battle fields. In place of the continu- al warfare between petty tribes which prevailed in North America four hundred years ago, we have to-day the peaceful competition of the three great nations which have divided the continent among them. ‘The political unification of the Mediterranean basin under the Roman Empire restricted wars to the remote land frontiers. The foreign wars of Russia, China, and the United States in the past century have been almost wholly confined to the outskirts of their big domains, merely scratching the rim and leaving the great interior sound and undisturbed. Russia’s immense area is the mili- tary ally on which she can most surely count. The long road to Moscow converted Napoleon’s victory into a defeat; 4 A) Hu i i Ly. j i ‘GEOGRAPHICAL AREA 195 and the resistless advance of the Japanese from Port Arthur to the Sungari River led only to a peace robbed of the chief fruits of victory. The numerous wars of the British Empire have been limited to this or that corner, and have scarcely affected the prosperity of the great remainder, so that their costs have been readily borne and their wounds rapidly healed. The territorial expansion of peoples and states is attended Political ideals, area and | the na- . eas onal tribal groups, bear all the marks of territorial contraction. , Jon orizon. Their geographical horizon is usually fixed by the radius of a few days’ march. Inter-tribal trade and intercourse reach by an evolution of their spacial conceptions and Primitive peoples, accustomed to dismemberment in smal only rudimentary development, under the prevailing condi- tions of mutual antagonism and isolation, and hence contri- bute little to the expansion of the horizon. Knowing only their little world, such primitive groups overestimate the size and importance of their own territory, and are incapable of controlling an extensive area. ‘This is the testimony of all travellers who have observed native African states. Though the race or stock distribution may be wide, like that of the Athapascan and Algonquin Indians, and their war paths long, like the campaigns of the Iroquois against the Cherokees of the Tennessee River, yet the unit of tribal ter- ritory permanently occupied is never large. Small naturally defined regions, which take the lead in National historical development because they counteract the primitive estimates tendency towards excessive dispersal, are in danger ofsbentbs °° ing too well their lesson of concentration. In course of time geographic enclosure begins to betray its limitations. The extent of a people’s territory influences their estimate of area per se, determines how far land shall be made the basis of their national purposes, fixes the territorial scale of their con- quests and their political expansion. This is a conspicuous psychological effect of a narrow local environment. A peo- ple embedded for centuries in a small district measure area with a short yardstick. The ancient Greeks devised a phil- osophic basis for the advantages of the small state, which is extolled in the writings of Plato and Aristotle.?* Aristotlevi ~ re rer maton sasee Fi Paddle 1 bt-teken bab hatrtarente neta iartenniniiree o 5 ae aa Sa ng sa he Set Supe syas eee yh reper) Spar aeaene ar ie eee eee ee a a a eater eet aati eed eee t—"~ = ie ee ee ae Pe ree ee ee ators par nee gal ak Estimates of area in small maritime states. 196 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA wanted it small enough “to be comprehended at one glance of the statesman’s eye.” Plato’s ideal democracy, by rigid laws limiting the procreative period of women and men and providing for the death of children born out of this period or out of wedlock, restricted its free citizens to 5,040 heads of families, *’ all living within reach of the agora, ana all able to judge from personal knowledge of a candidate’s fitness for office. This condition was possible only in dwarf commonwealths like the city-states of the Hellenic world. The failure of the Greeks to build up a political structure on a territorial scale commensurate with their cultural achieve- ments and with the wide sphere of their cultural influence can be ascribed chiefly to their inability to discard the con- tracted territorial ideas engendered by geographic and po- litical dismemberment. The little Judean plateau, which gave birth to a universal religion, clung with provincial bigotry to the narrow tribal creed and repudiated the larger faith of Christ, which found its appropriate field in Medi- terranean Europe. Maritime peoples of small geographic base have a charac- teristic method of expansion which reflects their low valuation of area. Their limited amount of arable soil necessitates reliance upon foreign sources of supply, which are secured by commerce. Hence they found trading stations or towns among alien peoples on distant coasts, selecting points like capes or inshore islets which can be easily defended and which at the same time command inland or maritime routes of trade. The prime geographic consideration is location, natural and vicinal. The area of the trading settlement is kept as small as possible to answer its immediate purpose, because it can be more easily defended. ** Such were the colonies of the ancient Pheenicians and Greeks in the Medi- terranean, of the Medieval Arabs and the Portuguese on the east coast of Africa and in India. This method reached its ultimate expression in point of small area, seclusion, and local autonomy, perhaps, in the Hanse factories in Norway and Russia.2®? But all these widespread nuclei of expansion re- mained barren of permanent national result, because they were designed for a commercial end, and ignored the largerGEOGRAPHICAL AREA 197 national mission and surer economic base found in acquisition of territory. Hence they were short-lived, succumbing to attack or abandoned on the failure of local resources, which were ruthlessly exploited. That precocious development cha racteristic of small nat- Limitations urally defined areas shows ‘ts inherent weakness in the tend- of small ency to accept the enclosed area as a nature-made standard ene conceptions of national territory. The earlier a state fixes its frontier without allowance for growth, the earlier comes the cessation of its development. Therefore the geographical nurseries of civilization were infected with germs of decay. Such was the history of Egypt, of Yemen, of Greece, Crete, and Phenicia. These are the regions which, as Carl Ritter says, have given the whole fruit of their existence to the world for its future use, have conferred upon the world the trust which they once held, afterward to recede, as it were, from view.” They were great in the past, and now they belong to those immortal dead whose greatness has_ been incor- “the choir invisible” of the porated in the world’s life nations. The advance from a small, self-dependent community to Evolution interdependent relations with other peoples, then to ethnic of terri- , ; oe torial expansion or union of groups to form a state or empire 1s a... policies. great turning point in any history. Thereby the clan or tribe discards the old paralyzing seclusion of the primitive society and the narrow habitat, and joins that march of ethnic, political and cultural progress which has covered larger and larger areas, and by increase of com- mon purpose has cemented together ever greater aggre- gates. Nothing is more significant in the history of the English in America than the rapid evolution of their spacial ideals, their abandonment of the small territorial conception brought with them from the mother country and embodied, for example, in that munificent land grant, fifty by a hun- dred miles in extent, of the first Virginia charter in 1606, and their progress to schemes of continental expansion. Every accession of territory to the Thirteen Colonies and to the Republic gave an impulse to growth. Expansion kepten ree enn nn ea et er le ia hearer ull eae naneeeereea nd Sapna - . + : ear 7 re Pe : Pe ee yi we = = a a SS ye) as Oe eee a is wits te eo _ ae et ee Wipes otal ely . pa ' : Ae tras eee ~~ ec2 oI ———T Pe fen Sp eae yay eens Ss ome ae — " ere ee Se Colonial expansion. 198 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA pace with opportunity. Only in small and isolated New Eng- land did the contracted provincial point of view persist. It manifested itself in a narrow policy of concentration and curtailment, which acquiesced in the occlusion of the Mis- sissippi River to the Trans-Allegheny settlements by Spain in 1787, and which later opposed the purchase of the Louisiana territory®’ and the acquisition of the Philip- pines. All peoples who have achieved wide expansion have de- veloped in the process vast territorial policies. This is true oftthe pastoral nomads who in different epochs have inun- dated Europe, northern Africa and the peripheral lands of Asia, and of the great colonial nations who in a few decades have brought continents under their dominion. In nomadic hordes it is based upon habitual mobility and the possession of herds, which are at once incentive and means for extend- ing the geographical horizon; but it suffers from the evanes- cent character of nomadic political organization, and the tendency toward dismemberment bred in all pastoral life by dispersal over scattered grazing grounds. Hence the empires set up by nomad conquerors like the Saracens and Tartars soon fall apart. Among highly civilized agricultural and industrial peoples, on the other hand, a vast territorial policy is at once cause and effect of national growth; it is at once an innate tend- ency and a conscious purpose tenaciously followed. It makes use of trade and diplomacy, of scientific invention and technical improvement, to achieve its aims. It becomes an accepted mark of political vigor and an ideal even among peoples who have failed to enlarge their narrow base. ‘The model of Russian expansion on the Pacific was quickly fol- lowed by awakened Japan, stirred out of her insular com- placence by the threat of Muscovite encroachment. Germany and Italy, each strengthened and enlarged as to national out- look by recent political unification, have elbowed their way into the crowded colonial field. The French, though not ex- pansionists as individuals, have an excellent capacity for collective action when directed by government. The officials whom Louis XIV sent to Canada in the seventeenth cen-GEOGRAPHICAL AREA 199 tury executed large schemes of empire reflecting the dilation of French frontiers in Europe. These ideals of expansion seem to have been communicated by the power of example, or the threat of danger in them, to the English colonists in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and later to Washington and Jefferson. The best type of colonial expansion is found among the The mind English-speaking people of America, Australia and South of colonials. Africa. Their spacial ideas are built on a big scale. Dis- ‘ances do not daunt them. The man who could conceive a Cape-to-Cairo railroad, with all the schemes of territorial aggrandizement therein implied, had a mind that took con- tinents for its units of measure; and he found a fitting mon- ument in a province of imperial proportions whereon was inscribed his name. Bryce tells us that in South Africa the social circle of “the best people” includes Pretoria, Johan- nesburg, Kimberley, Bloemfontein and Cape ‘lTown—a social circle with a diameter of a thousand miles! °° The spirit of our western frontier, so long as there was a frontier, was the spirit of movement, of the conquest of space. It found its expression in the history of the Wilder- ness Road and the Oregon Trail. When the center of popu- lation in the United States still lingered on the shore of Chesapeake Bay, and the frontier of continuous settlement had not advanced beyond the present western boundary of Virginia and Pennsylvania, the spacious mind of Thomas Jef- ferson foresaw the Mississippi Valley as the inevitable and necessary possession of the American people, and looked upon the trade of the far-off Columbia River as a natural feeder of the Mississippi commerce.” Emerson’s statement that the vast size of the United States is reflected in the big views of its people applies not only to political policy, which in the Monroe Doctrine for the first time in history has embraced a hemisphere; nor is it confined to the big scale of their economic processes. Emerson had in mind rather their whole conception of national mission and national life, especially their legislation,’* for which he antici- pated larger and more Catholic aims than obtain in Europe, hampered as it is by countless political and linguistic bound-ny teh ® a ote rte Nene eee enn nee nn ee tet eerie aie meted a ahalieear aaah eceieentiaar eee aetna ad ee teas wo ee ee ree . eee n-ne Mane St | Pe doses Jet es ee ce) a — eT ee ee ee ee a ee es 19 winvthehs Cate 5 Si . ak Oe ie Bein See ee Colonials as road builders. 200 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA aries, and barred thereby from any far-reaching unity of purpose and action. Canada, British South Africa, Australia and the United States, though widely separated, have in common a certain wide outlook upon life, a continental element in the national mind, bred in their people by their generous territories. The American recognizes his kinship of mind with these colonial Englishmen as something over and above mere kinship of race. It consists in their deep-seated common democracy, the democracy born in men who till fields and clear forests, not as plowmen and wood-cutters, but as makers of nations. It consists in identical interests and points of view in regard to identical problems growing out of the occupation and development of new and almost boundless territories. Race questions, paucity of labor, highways and railroads, immigra- tion, combinations of capital, excessive land holdings, and illegal appropriation of land on a large scale, are problems that meet them all. The monopolistic policy of the United States in regard to American soil as embodied in the Monroe Doctrine, and the expectation lurking in the mental back- ground of every American that his country may eventually embrace the northern continent, find their echo in Australia’s plans for wider empire in the Pacific. The Commonwealth of Australia has succeeded in getting into its own hands the administration of British New Guinea (90,500 square miles. ) It has also secured from the imperial government the unusual privilege of settling the relations between itself and the islands of the Pacific, because it regards the Pacific question as the one question of foreign policy in which its interests are profoundly involved. In the same way the British in South Africa, sparsely scattered though they are, feel an imperative need of further expansion, if their far-reaching schemes of commerce and empire are to be realized. The effort to annihilate space by improved means of com- munication has absorbed the best intellects and energies of expanding peoples. The ancient Roman, like the Incas of Peru, built highways over every part of the empire, undaunted by natural obstacles like the Alps and Andes. Modern ex- pansionists are railroad builders. Witness the long list ofGEOGRAPHICAL AREA 201 trategic lines, constructed or subsidized by various gov- smments during the past half century—the Union Pacific, Central Pacific, Canadian Pacific, Trans-Siberian, Cairo- Khartoum, Cape Town-Zambesi, and now the proposed ‘Trans- Saharan road, designed to unite the Mediterranean and Guinea colonies of French Africa. The equipment of the American roads, with their heavy rails, giant locomotives, and enormous freight cars, reveals adaptation to a commerce that covers long distances between strongly differentiated wreas of production, and that reflects the vast enterprises of this continental country. The same story comes out in the ocean vessels which serve the trade of the Great Lakes, and in the acres of coal barges in a single fleet which are towed down the Ohio and Mississippi by one mammoth steel tug. The abundant natural resources awaiting development in such big new countries give to the mind of the people an essentially practical bent. The rewards of labor are so great that the stimulus to effort is irresistible. Economic ques- tions take precedence of all others, divide political parties, and consume a large portion of national legislation; while purely political questions sink into the background. Civili- gation takes on a material stamp, becomes that “dollar civilization” which is the scorn of the placid, paralyzed Oriental or the old world European. The genius of colonials is essentially practical. Impatience of obstacles, short cuts aiming at quick returns, wastefulness of land, of forests, of fuel, of everything but labor, have long characterized Amer- ican activities. The problem of an inadequate labor supply at- tended the sudden accession of territory opened for Kuro- pean occupation by the discovery of America, and caused a sud- ‘den recrudescence of slavery, which as an industrial system ‘had long been outgrown by Europe. It has also given im- 'mense stimulus to invention, and to the formation of labor /unions, which in the newest colonial fields, like Australia and ‘New Zealand, have dominated the government and given @ Utopian stamp to legislation. ; Yet underlying and permeating this materialism 1s @ youthful idealism. Transplanted to conditions of greater Practical bent of colonials.nd eaeeneree ae ae te - . ° > : . aera oes a ee aereeneenineel uaremaanendaieetarnrtaerh tae P t- chemeeanner pan ee 3 Te rte tI Be rare a ee a Y PO — Pp - um of . ms ae a 202 GEOGRAPHICAL AREA opportunity, the race becomes rejuvenated, abandons out- grown customs and outworn standards, experiences an en- largement of vision and of hope, gathers courage and energy equal to its task, manages somehow to hitch its wagon to a star. . NOTES TO CHAPTER VI 1. Chamberlain and Salisbury, Geology, Vol. III, pp. 483-485. New York, 1906. 2. [bid., p. 137 and map p. 138. 3. Darwin, Origin of Species, Vol. I, chap. IV, pp. 124-132; Vol. I, chap. XII, p. 134. New York, 1895. H. W. Conn, The Method of Evo- lution, p. 54. London and New York, 1900. 4. Ibid., pp. 194-197, 226-227, 239-242, 342-350. 5. Ratzel, Der Lebensraum, eine bio-geographische Studie, p. 51. Tubingen, 1901. 6. D. G. Brinton, Races and Peoples, pp. 271, 293-295. Philadelphia, 1901. 7. A. Heilprin, Geographical Distribution of Animals, pp. 57-61. London, 1894. 8. W. Z. Ripley, Races of Europe, p. 39, maps pp. 43, 78. New York, 1899. 9. Darwin, Origin of Species, Vol. II, chap. XII, pp. 130-131. New York, 1895. 10. Richard Semon, In the Australian Bush, p. 211. London, 1899. 11. J. H. W. Stuckenburg, Sociology, Vol. I, p. 324. New York and London, 1903. 12. E. C. Semple, The Influences of Geographic Environment on the Lower St. Lawrence. Bulletin American Geographical Society, Vol. XXXVI, pp. 464-465. 1904. 13. E. Limedorfer, Finland’s Plight, Forum, Vol. XXXII, pp. 85-93. 14, Eleventh Census, Report on the Indians, p. 35. Washington, 1894. 15. A. R. Wallace, Australasia, Vol. I, p. 454. London, 1893. 16. W. S. Barclay, Life in Terra del Fuego, The Nineteenth Century, Vol. 55, p. 97. January, 1904. 17. A. R. Wallace, Australasia, Vol. I, pp. 454-455. London, 1893. 18. Darwin, Origin of Species, Vol. II, chap. XIII, p. 178. New York, 1895. 19. Ibid., Vol. II, chap. XII, p. 167-168. 20. Nesbit Bain, Finland and the Tsar, Fortnightly Review, Vol. 71, p. 735. E. Limedorfer, Finland’s Plight, Forwm, Vol. 32, pp. 85-93. 21. Archibald Geikie, The Scenery of Scotland, pp. 398-399. London, 1887. 22. Railways in Asia Minor, Littell’s Living Age, Vol. 225, p. 196. 23. J. Ellis Barker, Modern Germany, pp. 38-66. London, 1907. 24. The Polish Danger in Prussia, Westminster Review, Vol. 155, p. 375. 25. Heinrich von Treitschke, Politik, Vol. I, pp. 223-224. Leipzig, 1897.GEOGRAPHICAL AREA 203 96. Plato, Critias, 112. Aristotle, Politics, Book II, chap. VII; Book IV, chap. IV; Book VII, chap. IV. 27. Plato, De Legibus, Book V, chaps. 8, 9, 10, 11. 28. Roscher, National-Oekonomik des Handels und Gewerbefleisses, pp. 180-187. Stuttgart, 1899. 29. Blanqui, History of Political Economy, pp. 150-152. New York, 1880. 30. Carl Ritter, Comparative Geography, p. 63. New York, 1865. 31. E. C. Semple, American Histcry and its Geographic Conditions, pp. 42-43, 109, 110. Boston, 1903. 32. James Bryce, Impressions of South Africa, pp. 405-6. New York, 1897. ' 33. P. L. Ford, Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Vol. VIII. Letter to John Bacon, April 30, 1803; and Confidential Message to Congress on the Expedition to the Pacific, January 18, 1803. 34, Emerson, The Young American, in Nature Addresses and Lectures, pp. 369-371. Centenary Edition, Boston.The boundary zone in nature. CHAPTER VII GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES Nature abhors fixed boundary lines and sudden transi- tions; all her forces combine against them. Everywhere she keeps her borders melting, wavering, advancing, re- treating. If by some cataclysm sharp lines of demarcation are drawn, she straightway begins to blur them by creating intermediate forms, and thus establishes the boundary zone which characterizes the inanimate and animate world. A stratum of limestone or sandstone, when brought into contact with a glowing mass of igneous rock, undergoes various changes due to the penetrating heat of the volcanic outflow, so that its surface is metamorphosed as far as that heat reaches. The granite cliff slowly deposits at its base a rock- waste slope to soften the sudden transition from its perpen- dicular surface to the level plain at its feet. The line where a land-born river meets the sea tends to become a sandbar or a delta, created by the river-borne silt and the wash of the waves, a form intermediate between land and sea, bearing the stamp of each, fluid in its outlines, ever growing by the persistent accumulation of mud, though ever subject to inun- dation and destruction by the waters which made it. The alluvial coastal hems that edge all shallow seas are such border zones, reflecting in their flat, low surfaces the dead level of the ocean, in their composition the solid substance of the land: but in the miniature waves imprinted on the sands and the billows of heaped-up boulders, the master workman of the deep leaves his mark. [See map page 243. | Under examination, even our familiar term coastline proves to be only an abstraction with no corresponding reality in nature. Everywhere, whether on margin of lake or gulf, the actual phenomenon is a coast zone, alternately covered and abandoned by the waters, varying in width from a few ‘ i) ie Hy H 7 i .GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 205 inches to a few miles, according to the slope of the land, the range of the tide and the direction of the wind. It has one breadth at the minimum or neap tide, but increases often two or three fold at spring tide, when the distance between ebb and flood is at its maximum. At the mouth of Cook’s Inlet on the southern Alaskan coast, where the range of tides is only eight feet, the zone is comparatively narrow, but widens rapidly towards the head of the inlet, where the tide rises twenty-three feet above the ebb line, and even to sixty- five feet under the influence of a heavy southwest storm. On flat coasts we are familiar with the wide frontier of salt marshes. that witness the border warfare of land and sea, alternate invasion and retreat. In low-shored estuaries like those of northern Brittany and northwestern Alaska, this amphibian girdle of the land expands to a width of four miles, while on precipitous coasts of tideless sea basins it contracts to a few inches. Hence this boundary zone changes with every impulse of the mobile sea and with every varying configuration of the shore. Movement and external conditions are the factors in its creation. They make some- thing that is only partially akin to the two contiguous forms. Here on their outer margins land and ocean compromise their physical differences, and this by a law which runs through animate and inanimate nature. Wherever one body moves in constant contact with another, it is subjected to modi- fying influences which differentiate its periphery from its in- terior, lend it a transitional character, make of it a penumbra between light and shadow. The modifying process goes on persistently with varying force, and creates a shifting, chang- ing border zone which, from its nature, cannot be delimited. For convenience’ sake, we adopt the abstraction of a bound- ary line; but the reality behind this abstraction is the im- portant thing in anthropo-geography. All so-called boundary lines with which geography has to coastlines, river margins, ice do have this same character, or snow lines, limits of vegetation, boundaries of races or religions or civilizations, frontiers of states. They are all the same, stamped by the eternal flux of nature. Beyond the solid ice-pack which surrounds the North Pole is a wide Gradations in the boundary zone.easier saamn eater eae ar rene tie ea sere e e eeteeeee aae eena a erh wre) - : " set arr , A = vale ~ ba no ae mf i pe oe eta ae of “ee ng ee Pt Pr et en 7? te ad Pip tet ae eet, Satyky " > tots — wie te = ae eee: = a » = a ~~ 7 : 7 - 7 7 5 . ~ Teele ae Ae todas etiad Oscillating boundaries of the habitable area. 206 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES girdle of almost unbroken drift ice, and beyond this is an irregular concentric zone of scattered icebergs which varies in breadth with season, wind and local current; a persistent de- crease in continuity from solid pack to open sea. The line of perpetual snow on high mountains advances or retreats from season to season, from year to year; it drops low on chilly northern slopes and recedes to higher altitudes on a southern exposure; sends down long icy tongues in dark gorges, and leaves outlying patches of old snow in shaded spots or be- neath a covering of rock waste far below the margin of the snow fields. In the struggle for existence in the vegetable world, the tree line pushes as far up the mountain as conditions of climate and soil will permit. Then comes a season of fiercer storms, intenser cold and invading ice upon the peaks. Havoc is wrought, and the forest drops back across a zone of border for war belongs to borders—leaving behind warfare it here and there a dwarfed pine or gnarled and twisted juniper which has survived the onslaught of the enemy. Now these are stragglers in the retreat, but are destined later in milder years to serve as outposts in the advance of the forest to recover its lost ground. Here we have a border the belt of unbroken forest, scene which is typical in nature growing thinner and more stunted toward its upper edge, succeeded by a zone of scattered trees, which may form a cluster perhaps in some sheltered gulch where soil has col- lected and north winds are excluded, and higher still the whitened skeleton of a tree to show how far the forest once invaded the domain of the waste. The habitable area of the earth everywhere shows its bound- aries to be peripheral zones of varying width, now occupied and now deserted, protruding or receding according to ex- ternal conditions of climate and soil, and subject to seasonal change. The distribution of human life becomes sparser from the temperate regions toward the Arctic Circle, fore- shadowing the unpeopled wastes of the ice-fields beyond. The outward movement from the Tropics poleward halts where life conditions disappear, and there finds its boundary ; but as life conditions advance or retreat with the seasons, so does that ee ee ee y ee aresGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 207 boundary. On the west coast of Greenland the Eskimo vil- lage of Etah, at about the seventy-eighth parallel, marks the northern limit of permanent or winter settlement ; but in sum- mer the Eskimo, in his kayak, follows the musk-ox and seal much farther north and there leaves his igloo to testify to the wide range of his poleward migration. Numerous relics of the Eskimo and their summer encampments have been found along Lady Franklin Bay in northern Grinnell Land (81 50’ N. L.), but in the interior, on the outlet streams of Lake Hazen, explorers have discovered remains of habita- tions which had evidently, in previous ages, been perma- nently occupied. The Murman Coast of the Kola Peninsula has in summer a large population of Russian fishermen and forty or more fishing stations; but when the catch is over at the end of August, and the Arctic winter approaches, the stations are closed, and the three thousand fishermen return to their permanent homes on the shores of the White Sea. Farther east along this polar fringe of Russia, the little vil- ‘age of Charbarova, located on the Jugor Strait, is in- habited in summer by a number of Samoyedes, who pasture their reindeer over on Vaygats Island, and by some Rus- sians and Finns, who come from the White Sea towns to trade with the Samoyedes and incidentally to hunt and fish. But in the fall, when a new ice bridge across the Strait releases the reindeer from their enclosed pasture on the island, the Samo- vedes withdraw southward, and the merchants with their wares to Archangel and other points. This has gone on for venturies.2 On the Briochov Islands at the head of the Yenisei estuary Nordenskiold found a small group of houses which formed a summer fishing post in 1875, but which was leserted by the end of August.* An altitude of about five thousand feet marks the limit of village life in the Alps; but during the three warm months of the year, the summer pastures at eight thousand feet or more are alive with herds and their keepers. The boundary line of human life moves up the mountains in the wake of spring and later hurries down again before the advance of winter. The Himalayan and Karakorum ranges show whole villages of temporary occupation, like the summer trading Altitude boundary zones.baw — Ss — Se ee oe eee eee tae 2g hn ee eee ere eo OS Peet arte sateen eee meemawe: 7 bs eta : ye A dns ™ a er ne at Sr ciety nt et sage MA a ae -— sh eat aera ochre er iestndetier aur arn eiaeeeemeaalae ie eanaenensenenaepaneienenm etiam eietieeoerth ae anette aa ots ae ee ee PE Pe ~ a “Coe -t- pe “ -—" A eg =~ ’ 1 ° eee Si 5 e - zoe 7 - . ~*ete um Ph wes yet ON ee tet et ent ated eed ‘‘Wallace’s Line”’ a typical boundary zone. Boundaries as limits of move- ments or expansion. 208 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES town of Gartok at 15,000 feet on the caravan route from Leh to Lhassa, or Shahidula (3,285 meters or 10,925 feet) on the road between Leh and Yarkand;° but the boundary of permanent habitation lies several thousand feet below. Comparable to these are the big hotels that serve summer stage-coach travel over the Alps and Rockies, but which are deserted when the first snow closes the passes. Here a zone of altitude, as in the polar regions a zone of latitude, marks the limits of the habitable area. The distribution of animals and races shows the limit of their movements or expansion. Any boundary defining the limits of such movements can not from its nature be fixed, and hence can not be a line. It is always a zone. Yet “Wallace’s Line,” dividing the Oriental from the Australian zoological realm, and running through Macassar Strait southward between Bali and Lombok, is a generally accepted dictum. The details of Wallace’s investigation, however, reveal the fact that this boundary is not a line, but a zone of considerable and variable width, enclosing the line on either side with a marginal belt of mixed character. Though Celebes, lying to the east of Macassar Strait, is included im the Australian realm, it has lost so large a proportion of Australian types of animals, and contains so many Oriental types from the west, that Wallace finds it almost impossible to decide on which side of the line it belongs.* The Oriental admixture extends yet farther east over the Moluccas and Timor. Birds of Javan or Oriental origin, to the extent of thirty genera, have spread eastward well across Wallace’s Line; some of these stop short at Flores, and some reach even to Timor, while Australian cockatoos, in turn, have been seen on the west coast of Bali but not in Java. Heilprin avoids the unscientific term line, because he finds his zoological realms divided by “transition regions,” which are inter- mediate in animal types as they are in geographical location.® Wallace notes a similar “debatable land” in the Rajputana Desert east of the Indus, which is the border district between the Oriental and Ethiopian realms.* Such boundaries mark the limits of that movement which is common to all animate things. Every living form spreadsGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 209 until it meets natural conditions in which it can no longer survive, or until it is checked by the opposing expansion of some competing form. If there is a change either in the life conditions or in the strength of the competing forms, the boundary shifts. In the propitious climate of the Genial Period, plants and animals lived nearer to the North Pole than at present; then they fell back before the advance of the ice sheet. The restless surface of the ocean denies to man a dwelling place; every century, however, the Dutch are pushing forward their northern boundary by reclamation of land from the sea; but repeatedly they have had to drop back for a time when the water has again overwhelmed their hand-made territory. The boundaries of race and state which are subjected to Peoples greatest fluctuations are those determined by the resistance #8 of other peoples. The westward sweep of the Slavs prior to the eighth ¢entury carried them beyond the Elbe into contact with the Germans; but as these increased in numbers, outgrew their narrow territories and inaugurated a counter-movement eastward, the Slavs began falling back to the Oder, to the Vistula, and finally to the Niemen. Though the Mohawk Val- ley opened an easy avenue of expansion westward for the early colonists of New York, the advance of settlements up this valley for several decades went on at only a snail’s pace, because of the compact body of Iroquois tribes holding this territory. In the unoccupied land farther south between the Cumberland and Ohio rivers the frontier went forward with leaps and bounds, pushed on by the expanding power of the young Republic. [See map page 156. | Anything which increases the expanding force of a people -—the establishment of a more satisfactory government by which the national consciousness is developed, as in the Amer- ican and French revolutions, the prosecution of a successful war by which popular energies are released from an old restraint, mere increase of population, or an impulse com- municated by some hostile and irresistible force behind—all are registered in an advance of the boundary of the people in question and a corresponding retrusion of their neighbor’s frontier. barriers.rg er SNS See el eet Mae Ser tied be, A nase pm AERP eA a 2d Sap Soe ae ee ae ~< — oo - Soy oes ee eet eee nly aan ea ee ~ Serle egies habcaaebanaeestte-tet eiceeare hated the tanaee t-te oe ed PS ed ee) oat ~ ey —— ee eee nen ee ee een enn ee ae rn hoe . ee ee >t. —— - : net eh (lp te Di y . - ~ ee en ’ * a a . Seo mPa) wy Boundary zone as index of growth or decline. Breadth of the boundary zone. 210 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES The border district is the periphery of the growing or declining race or state. It runs the more irregularly, the greater are the variations in the external conditions as rep- resented by climate, soul, barriers, and natural openings, ac- cording as these facilitate or obstruct advance. When it is contiguous with the border of another state or race, the twe form a zone in which ascendency from one side or the other is being established. The boundary fluctuates, for equilibrium of the contending forces is established rarely and for only short periods. The more aggressive people throws out across this debatable zone, along the lines of least resis- tance or greatest attraction, long streamers of occupation 5 so that the frontier takes on the form of a fringe of settle- ment. whose interstices are occupied by a corresponding fringe of the displaced people. Such was its aspect in early colonial America, where population spread up every fertile river valley across a zone of Indian land; and such it is in northern Russia to-day, where long narrow Slav bands run out from the area of continuous Slav settlement across a wide belt of Mongoloid territory to the shores of the White Sea and Arctic Ocean.*° [See maps pages 103 and 225. | The border zone is further broadened by the formation of ethnic islands beyond the base line of continuous settlement, which then advances more or less rapidly, if expansion is un- checked, till it coalesces with these outposts, just as the forest line on the mountains may reach, under advantageous conditions, its farthest outlying tree. Such ethnic peninsulas and islands we see in the early western frontiers of the United States from 1790 to 1840, when that frontier was daily mov- ing westward. [See map page 156. | The breadth of the frontier zone is indicative of the activ- ity of growth on the one side and the corresponding decline on the other, because extensive encroachment in the same de- gree disintegrates the territory of the neighbor at whose cost such encroachment is made. A straight, narrow race bound- ary, especially if it is nearly coincident with a_ political boundary, points to an equilibrium of forces which means, for the time being at least, a cessation of erowth. Such bound- aries are found in old, thickly populated countries, while the a | 4 | , fi H fGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 211 wide, ragged border zone belongs to new, and especially to colonial peoples. In the oldest and most densely populated seats of the Germans, where they are found in the Rhine Valley, the boundaries of race and empire are straight and simple; but the younger, eastern border, which for centuries has been steadily advancing at the cost of the unequally matched Slavs, has the ragged outline and sparse population of a true colonial frontier. Between two peoples who have nad a long period of growth behind them, the oscillations of the boundary decrease in amplitude, as it were, and finally approach a state of rest. Each people tends to fill out its area evenly; every advance in civilization, every increase of population, increases the stability of their tenure, and hence the equilibrium of the pressure upon the boundary. ‘There- fore, in such countries, racial, linguistic and cultural bound- aries tend to become simpler and straighter. The growth is more apparent, or, in other words, the border zone is widest and most irregular, where a superior people intrudes upon the territory of an inferior race.. Such was the broad zone of thinly scattered farms and villages amid a prevailing wilderness and hostile Indian _ tribes which, in 1810 and 1820, surrounded our Trans-Allegheny area of continuous settlement in a one to two hundred mile wide girdle. Such has been the wide, mobile frontier of the Russian advance in Siberia and until recently in Manchuria, which aimed to include within a dotted line of widely sep- arated railway-guard stations, Cossack barracks, and penal colonies, the vast territory which later generations were fully to occupy. Similar, too, is the frontier of the Dutch and English settlements in South Africa, which has been pushed forward into the Kaffir country—a broad belt of scattered cattle ranches and isolated mining hives, dropped down amid Kaffir hunting and grazing lands. Broader still was that shadowy belt of American occupation which for four decades immediately succeeding the purchase of Louisi- ana stretched in the form of isolated fur-stations, lonely trappers’ camps, and shifting traders’ rendezvous from the Mississippi to the western slope of the Rockies and the northern watershed of the Missouri, where it met the corre- The broad frontier zone of active ex< pansion.Fp Pedant Vo me RG A a eo ne RP - Ss ee or ~ eel St ETP a al oat ae Cee nn en eee el ree eine eee Tene “0% P, a P ae a eee De ee Pe . otets a - - NT ead tae ee ~ 5 E : . . . ine . . "ote on Economic factors in expanding frontiers. 212 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES sponding nebulous outskirts of the far-away Canadian state on the St. Lawrence River. The same process with the same geographical character has been going on in the Sahara, as the French since 1890 have been expanding southward from the foot of the Atlas Moun- tains in Algeria toward Timbuctoo at the cost of the nomad Tuaregs. Territory is first subdued and administered by the military till it is fully pacified. Then it is handed over to the civil government. Hence the advancing frontier consists of a military zone of administration, with a civil zone behind it, and a weaker wavering zone of exploration and scout work before it.’* Lord Curzon in his Romanes lecture describes the northwest frontier of India as just such a three-ply border. The untouched resources of such new countries tempt to the widespread superficial exploitation, which finds its geo- graphical expression in a broad, dilating frontier. Here the man-dust which is to form the future political planet is thinly disseminated, swept outward by a centrifugal force. Furthermore, the absence of natural barriers which might block this movement, the presence of open plains and river highways to facilitate it, and the predominance of harsh con- ditions of climate or soil rendering necessary a savage, ex- tensive exploitation of the slender resources, often combine still further to widen the frontier zone. This was the case in French Canada and till recent decades in Siberia, wheré intense cold and abundant river highways stimulated the fur trade to the practical exclusion of all other activities, and substituted for the closely grouped, sedentary farmers with their growing families the wide-ranging trader with his Indian or Tunguse wife and his half-breed offspring. Under harsh climatic conditions, the fur trade alone afforded those large profits which every infant colony must command in order to survive; and the fur trade meant a wide frontier zone of scattered posts amid a prevailing wilderness. The French in particular, by the possession of the St. Lawrence and Mississippi rivers, the greatest systems in America, were lured into the danger of excessive expansion, attenuated their ethnic element, and failed to raise the economic status of their wide border district, which could therefore offer only H y i } iGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 213 slight resistance to the spread of solid English settlement.*® Yet more recently, the chief weakness of the Russians in Siberia and Manchuria—apart from the corruption of the national government—was the weakness of a too remote and too sparsely populated frontier, and of a people whose inner development had not kept pace with their rate of expansion. Wasteful exploitation of a big territory is easier than the economical development of _a small district. This is one line of least resistance which civilized man as well as savage instinctively follows, and which explains the tendency to- ward excessive expansion characteristic of all primitive and nascent peoples. For such peoples natural barriers which set bounds to this expansion are of vastly greater impor- tance than they are for mature or fully developed peoples. The reason is this: the boundary is only the expression of the outward movement or growth, which is nourished from the same stock of race energy as is the inner development. Either carried to an excess weakens or retards the other. If population begins to press upon the limits of subsistence, the acquisition of a new bit of territory obviates the necessity of applying more work and more intelligence to the old area, to make it yield subsistence for the growing number of mouths; the stimulus to adopt better economic methods is lost. Therefore, natural boundaries drawn by mountain, sea and desert, serving as barriers to the easy appropria- tion of new territory, have for such peoples a far deeper significance than the mere determination of their political frontiers by physical features, or the benefit of protection. The land with the most effective geographical boundaries is a naturally defined region like Korea, Japan, China, Egypt, Italy, Spain, France or Great Britain—a land char- acterized not only by exclusion from without through its encircling barriers, but also by the inclusion within itself of a certain compact group of geographic conditions, to whose combined influences the inhabitants are subjected and from which they cannot readily escape. This aspect is far more important than the mere protection which such boundaries afford. They are not absolutely necessary for the develop- ment of a people, but they give it an early start, accelerate Value of barrier boundaries.“ Sr orecpahencanedleeapinaels dears thar ipetar sureapceedetebabanine tiie adtineren esnee peaceadrnar thar pechartier diac eet eaeeeeemnatipamaadtenmamn ne amannlamnetnee mmnianetaee nana te tet ae i a mee - ms . oy a's whats oteta tals ts? tly " mi Ce ote Fo tee ee ee et - = io te - E 5 . <* - . . —_ Pra Sy eh a eee eee tee a ere ead a ee ae ee eas pete eee Pe at ters on ty 7 ee ee eet! eee eee = The sea as the absolute boundary 214 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES the process, and bring the people to an early maturity; they | stimulate the exploitation of all the local geographic advan- tages and resources, the formation of a vivid tribal or na- tional consciousness and purpose, and concentrate the national energies when the people is ready to overleap the old barriers. The early development of island and _ peninsula peoples and their attainment of a finished ethnic and political character are commonplaces of history. The stories of Egypt, Crete and Greece, of Great Britain and Japan, illus- trate the stimulus to maturity which emanates from such confining boundaries. The wall of the Appalachians nar- rowed the westward horizon of the early English colonies m America, guarded them against the excessive expansion which was undermining the French dominion in the interior of the continent, set a most wholesome limit to their aims, and thereby intensified their utilization of the narrow land between mountains and sea. France, with its limits of growth indi- cated by the Mediterranean, Pyrenees, Atlantic, Channel, Vosges, Jura and Western Alps, found its period of adoles- cence shortened and, like Great Britain, early reached its maturity. Nature itself set the goal of its territorial expan- sion, and by crystallizing the political ideal of the people, made that goal easier to reach, just as the dream of “United Italy” realized in 1870 had been prefigured in contours drawn by Alpine range and Mediterranean shore-line. The area which a race or people occupies is the resultant of the expansive force within and the obstacles without, either physical or human. Insurmountable physical obstacles are met where all life conditions disappear, as on the borders of the habitable world, where man is barred from the unpeopled wastes of polar ice-fields and unsustaining oceans. ‘The frozen rim of arctic lands, the coastline of the continents, the outermost arable strip on the confines of the desert, the bar- ren or ice-capped ridge of high mountain range, are all such natural boundaries which set more or less effective limits to the movement of peoples and the territorial growth of states. The sea is the only absolute boundary, because it alone blocks the continuous, unbroken expansion of a _ people. When the Saxons of the lower Elbe spread to the island of9 tw GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 15 Britain, a zone of unpeopled sea separated their new settle- Even the most pronounced land barriers, like the Himalayas and ments from their native villages on the mainland. Hindu Kush, have their passways and favored spots for short summer habitation, where the people from the opposite slopes meet and mingle for a season. Sandy wastes are hospitable at times. When the spring rains on the mountains of Abys- sinia start a wave of moisture lapping over the edges of the Nubian desert, it is immediately followed by a tide of Arabs with their camels and herds, who make a wide zone of tem- porary occupation spread over the newly created grassland, but who retire in a few weeks before the desiccating heat of summer.** Nevertheless, all natural features of the earth’s surface which serve to check, retard or weaken the expansion of peoples, and therefore hold them apart, tend~ to become racial or political boundaries ; and all present a zone-like character. [Che wide ice-field of the Scandinavian Alps was an unpeopled waste long before the political boundary was drawn along it. “It has not in reality been a definite natural line that has divided Norway from her neighbour on the east; ‘t has been a band of desert land, up to hundreds of miles in width. So utterly desolate and apart from the area of con- tinuous habitation has this been, that the greater part of it, the district north of Trondhjem, was looked upon even as recently as the last century as a common district. Only nomadic Lapps wandered about in it. sometimes taxed by all three countries. A parcelling out of this desert common dis- trict was not made toward Russia until 1826. ‘Toward Swe- den it was made in 1751.7" In former centuries the Bour- tanger Moor west of the River Ems used to be a natural desert borderland separating East and West Friesland, despite the similarity of race, speech and country on either side of it. It undoubtedly contributed to the division of Germany and the Netherlands along the present frontier line, which has been drawn the length of this moor for a hundred kilometers.*°® ature which, like this, presents a prac- not Any geographical fe tically uninhabitable area, forms a scientific boundary, Natural boundaries as bases of ethnic and political boundaries Primitive waste boundaries.ee ee ee ee ee eee eee Ly Rese yet tt tee cece etree gener ater steers ayaa nam aataepwen nmr gee many, NN Ry ih eter og Se me Ma NT BAT a NN arm e rae +" ~ ee ees Cr ek See eae d eet FO ew ee ey See ee en ee See 216 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES only because it holds apart the two neighboring peoples and thereby reduces the contact~and-ffiction which might be provocative of hostilities, but also because it lends protection against attack. ‘This motive, as also the zone character of all boundaries, comes out conspicuously in the artificial bor- der wastes surrounding primitive tribes and states in the lower status of civilization. The early German tribes de- populated their borders in a wide girdle, and in this wilder- ness permitted no neighbors to reside. The width of this zone indicated the valor and glory of the state, but was also valued as a means of protection against unexpected attack. Cesar learned that between the Suevi and Cherusci tribes dwell- " ing near the Rhine “‘silvam esse ibi, infinita magnitudine quae appelletur Bacenis; hanc longe wmtrorsus pertinere et pro natwwo muro objectam Cheruscos ab Suevis Suevosque ab 18 The same device appears among the Huns. When Attila was-pressing upon the frontier of the Eastern Empire in 448 A. D., his envoys sent to Constantinople demanded that the Romans Cheruscts njurtis incursionibusque prohibere. should not cultivate a belt of territory, a hundred miles wide and three hundred miles long, south of the Danube, but main- tain this as a March.*® When King Alfonso I. (751-764 A. D.) of mountain Asturias began the reconquest of Spain from the Saracens, he adopted the same method of holding the foe at arm’s length. He seized Old Castile as far as the River Duoro, but the rest of the province south of that stream he converted into a waste boundary by transporting the Christians thence to the north side, and driving the Mo- hammedans yet farther southward.”? Similarly Xenophon found that the Armenian side of the River Kentrites, which formed the boundary between the Armenian plains and the highlands of Karduchia, was unpeopled and destitute of vil- lages for a breadth of fifteen miles, from fear of the maraud- ing Kurds.” In the eastern Sudan, especially in that wide territory along the Nile-Congo watershed occupied by the Zandeh, Junker found the frontier wilderness a regular in- stitution owing to the exposure of the border districts in the perennial intertribal feuds.*? The same testimony comes from Barth,”? Boyd Alexander,”* Speke,” and other explorersGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 917 in the Sudan and the neighboring parts of equatorial Africa. The vast and fertile region defined by the Ohio and ‘Ten- nessee rivers, lay as a debatable border between the Algonquin Indians of the north and the Appalachians of the south. Both claimed it, both used it for hunting, but neither dared dwell therein.2® Similarly the Cherokees had no definite understanding with their savage neighbors as to the limits of their respective territories The effectiveness of their claim to any particular tract of country usually diminished with every increase of its distance from their villages. ‘The con- sequence was that a considerable strip of territory between the settlements of two tribes, Cherokees and Creeks for in- stance, though claimed by both, was practically considered neutral ground and the common hunting ground of both.” The Creeks, whose most western villages from 1771 to 1798 were located along the Coosa and upper Alabama rivers, were separated by 300 miles of wilderness from the Chicka- saws to the northwest, and by a 150-mile zone from the Choctaws. The most northern Choctaw towns, in turn, lay 160 miles to the south of the Chickasaw nation, whose com- the watershed between the pact settlements were located on 1m of the western sources of the Tombigby and the head stre: Yazoo.2® The wide intervening zone of forest and canebrake was hunted upon by both nations.” Sometimes the border is preserved as a wilderness by for- A classic example of this case is found mal agreement. and, fifty to ninety kilometers wide, in the belt of untenanted | which China and Korea once maintained as their boundary. No settler from either side was allowed to enter, and all travel across the border had to use a single passway, where three times annually a market was held.*?. On the Russo- Mongolian border south of Lake Baikal, the town of Kiakhta, din 1688 as an entrepot of trade between hern half by Russian lian-Chinese quar- voted to com- which was establishe the two countries, is occupied in its nort factories and in its southern by the Mongo ters, while between the two is a neutral space de merce.*” Border wastes of Indian lands. Alien in- trusions These border wastes do not always remain empty, however, into border even when their integrity is respected by the two neighbors wastes.“=, ae eee x te a aang A Tes Re Eas hed See ee ne ee er ee ee ° ee Ne «Bate pe ane ene Pe tale as Fuftg tet ate tial et» ed RS totes “« wtetig ag es a ag Politico- economic significance of the waste boundary. GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 218 whom they serve to divide; alien races often intrude in- to their unoccupied reaches. ‘The boundary wilderness between the Sudanese states of Wadai and Dar Fur harbors several semi-independent states whose insignificance is a guar- antee of their safety from conquest.** Similarly in the wide border district between the Creeks on the east and the Choc- taws on the west were found typical small, detached tribes— the Chatots and Thomez of forty huts each on the Mobile River, the Tensas tribe with a hundred huts on the Tensas River, and the Mobilians near the confluence of the Tom- bigby and Alabama.** Along the desolate highland sepa- rating Norway and Sweden the nomadic Lapps, with their reindeer herds, have penetrated southward to 62° North Latitude, reinforcing the natural barrier by another barrier of alien race. From this point southward, the coniferous forests begin and continue the border waste in the form of a zone some sixty miles wide; this was unoccupied till about 1600, when into it slowly filtered an immigration of Finns, whose descendants to-day constitute an important part of the still thin population along the frontier to the heights back of Christiania. Only thirty miles from the coast does the border zone between Norway and Sweden, peopled chiefly by intruding foreign stocks, Lapps and Finns, contract and finally merge into the denser Scandinavian settlements.” Where the border waste offers favorable conditions of life and the intruding race has reached a higher status of civili- zation, it multiplies in this unpeopled tract and soon spreads at the cost of its less advanced neighbors. The old No Man’s Land between the Ohio and Tennessee was a line of least resistance for the expanding Colonies, who here poured in a tide of settlement between the northern and southern Indians, just as later other pioneers filtered into the vague border territory of weak tenure between the Choctaws and Creeks, and there on the Tombigby, Mobile and Tensas rivers, formed the nucleus of the State of Alabama.*® This untenanted hem of territory surrounding so many savage and barbarous peoples reflects their superficial and unsystematic utilization of their soil, by reason of which the importance of the land itself and the proportion of popula- ey if i : |GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES 219 tion to area are greatly reduced. It is a part of that un- economic and extravagant use of the land, that appropria- tion of wide territories by small tribal groups, which charac- terizes the lower stages of civilization, as opposed to the exploitation of every square foot for the support of a teem- ing humanity, which marks the most advanced states. Each stage puts its own valuation upon the land according to the return from it which each expects to get. The low valuation is expressed in the border wilderness, by which a third or even a half of the whole area is wasted; and also in the readiness with which savages often sell their best territory for a song. For the same reason they leave their boundaries undefined ; a mile nearer or farther, what does it matter? Moreover, their fitful or nomadic occupation of the land leads to oscil- lations of the frontiers with every attack from without and every variation of the tribal strength within. Their unstable states rarely last long enough in a siven form or size to develop fixed boundaries; hence, the vagueness as to the extent of tribal domains among all savage peoples, and the conflicting land claims which are the abiding source of war. Owing to these overlapping boundaries-—border districts claimed but not occupied—the American colonists met with difficulties in their purchase of land from the Indians, often paying twice for the same strip. Even civilized peoples may adopt a waste boundary where the motive for protection is peculiarly strong, as in the half- mile neutral zone of lowland which ties the rock of Gibraltar to Spain. On a sparsely populated frontier, where the abundance of land reduces its value, they may throw the koundary into the form of a common district, as in the vast, disputed Oregon country, accepted provisionally as a dis- trict of joint occupancy between the United States and Canada from 1818 to 1846, or that wide highland border which Norway so long shared with Russia and Sweden. In South America, where land is abundant and population sparse, this common boundary belt is not rare. It suggests a device giving that leeway for expansion desired by all growing states. By the treaty of 1866, the frontier between Chile and Bolivia crossed the Atacama desert at Q4° Common boundary districts.es ~te%s —— wise me - ~ secaiigaesdciaipstanics Rene Ed ost ot tn iat meee ang eek Ae ent ig nad - - Pee ee Ce ae eer hd = “ Assimila- tion of culture in boundary zones. 224 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES peninsulas of predominant Germans and Austrians from the one side, Czechs and Poles from the other, the whole spattered over by a sprinkling of the two elements. Rarely, and then only for short stretches, do political and ethnic boundaries coincide. The northern frontier hem of East Prussia lying between the River Niemen and the political line of demarca- tion is quite as much Lithuanian as German, while Germar stock dots the whole surface of the Baltic provinces of Russia as far as St. Petersburg. The eastern rim of the Kaiser’s empire as far south as the Carpathians presents a broad band of the Polish race, averaging about fifty kilometers (30 miles) in width, sparsely sprinkled with German settle- ments; these are found farther east also as an ethmic archi- pelago dotting the wide Slav area of Poland. ‘he enclosed basin of Bohemia, protected on three sides by mountain walls and readily accessible to the Slav stock at the sources of the Vistula, enabled the Czechs to penetrate far westward and there maintain themselves; but in spite of encompassing mountains, the inner or Bohemian slopes of the Boehmer Wald, Erz, and Sudetes ranges constitute a broad girdle of almost solid German population.*’ In the Austrian provinces of Moravia and Silesia, which form the southeastward con- tinuation of this Slav-German boundary zone, 60 per cent. of the population are Czechs, 33 per cent. are German, and 1 per cent., found in the eastern part of Silesia, are Poles.” An ethnic map of the western Muscovite Empire in Europe shows a marked infiltration into White and Little Russia of West Slavs from Poland, and in the province of Bessarabia alternate areas of Russians and Roumanians. ‘The latter in places form an unbroken ethnic expansion from the home kingdom west of the Pruth, extending in solid bands as far as the Dniester, and throwing out ethnic islands between this stream and the Bug. In the northern provinces of Russia, in the broad zone shared by the aboriginal Finns and the later-coming Slavs, Wallace found villages in every stage of Russification. “In one everything seemed thoroughly Finnish; the inhabitants had a reddish-olive skin, very high cheek bones, obliquely set eyes, and a peculiar costume; none of the women and very few of the men could understand Russian and any RussianGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES YELL Poles SSSS Magyars Russian Mi Swedes easly ay German ETHNOGRAPHIGAL MAP OF RUSSIA. MONGOLOID: Kalmucks, Kirghis, Nogai, Tartars, Bashkirs, Voguls, Os- tiaks, Samoyedes. ZIRIAN: Mingled Mongoloid and Finnish.ew tape and a Stade halihettslegnetteaeaiaaet tantbaetnetiicheh: Ws, aneencenennediinnentel v--. eae ae ha Le ieee ee a wees = pereyys bs ee etl oS — Serer re ee eS ee ere Ce ee eee ren ty ee rt eet fe Oe en nnn nn al el eee ee hee eee 2 ae ‘ ee toa ee ee Ss net ee ee eet tee eee ot =" a . y . co. oo ol vi —7s og ee Boundary zones of assimilation in Asia 226 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES who visited the place was regarded as a foreigner. In the second, there were already some Russian inhabitants; the others had lost something of their purely Finnish type, many of the men had discarded the old costume and spoke Russian fluently, and a Russian visitor was no longer shunned. In a third, the Finnish type was still further weakened; all the men spoke Russian, and nearly all the women understood it ; the old male costume had entirely disappeared and the old female was rapidly following it; and intermarriage with the Russian population was no longer rare. In a fourth, inter- marriage had almost completely done its work, and the old Finnish element could be detected merely in certain peculiar- ities of physiognomy and accent.” This amalgamation ex- tends to their religions—prayers wholly pagan devoutly uttered under the shadow of a strange cross, next the Finn- ish god Yumak sharing honors equally with the Virgin, finally a Christianity pure in doctrine and outward forms except for the survival of old pagan ceremonies in connection with the dead.*” At the confluence of the Volga and Kama rivers, this boundary zone of Russians and Finns meets the borderland of the Asiatic Mongols; and here is found an intermingling of races, languages, religions, and customs scarcely to be equalled elsewhere. Finns are infused with Tartar as well as Russian blood, and Russians show Tartar as well as Finn- ish traits. ‘The Bashkirs, who constitute an ethnic peninsula running from the solid Mongolian mass of Asia, show every 50 . type of the mongrel [See map page 225. ] If we turn to Asia and examine the western race boundary of the expanding Chinese, we find that a wide belt of mingled ethnic elements, hybrid languages, and antagonistic civiliza- tions marks the transition from Chinese to Mongolian and Tibetan areas. The eastern and southern frontiers of Mon- golia, formerly marked by the Great Wall, are now difficult to define, owing to the steady encroachment of the agricul- tural Chinese on the fertile edges of the plateau, where they have converted the best-watered pastures of the Mongols into millet fields and vegetable gardens, leaving for the no- mad’s herds the more sterile patches between.°* Every line 4 4 iW ‘ i ey ee et eeeGEOGRAPHICAL BOUNDARIES Q27 wie fl of least resistance—climatic, industrial, commercial—sees the Chinese widening this transitional zone. He sprinkles his crops over the “Land of Grass,” invades the trade of the caravan towns, sets up his fishing station on the great north- ern bend of the Hoangho in the Ordos country, three hun- dred miles beyond the Wall, to exploit the fishing neglected by the Mongols.°* The well-watered regions of the Nan-Shan ranges has enabled him to drive a long, narrow ethnic wedge, represented by the westward projection of Kansu Province between Mongolia and Tibet, into the heart of the Central Plateau. [See map page 103.] Here the nomad Si Fan tribes dwell side by side with Chinese farmers,” who themselves show a strong infusion of the Mongolian and Tibetan blood to the north and south, and whose language is a medley of all three tongues.”* In easternmost Tibet, in the elevated province of Minjak (2,600 meters or 8,500 feet), M. Hue found in 1846 a great number of Chinese from the neighboring Sze-Chuan and Yun- nan districts keeping shops and following the primary trades and agriculture. The language of the Tibetan natives showed the effect of foreign intercourse; it was not the pure speech of Lhassa, but was closely assimilated to the idiom of the neighboring Si F'an speech of Sze-Chuan and contained many Chinese expressions. He found also a modification of man- ners, customs, and costumes in this peripheral Tibet; the natives showed more of the polish, cunning, and covetousness of the Chinese, less of the rudeness, frankness, and strong religious feeling characteristic of the western plateau man.” Just across the political boundary in Chinese territory, the border zone of assimilation shows predominance of the Chinese element with a strong Tibetan admixture both in race and civilization.’® Here Tibetan traders with'their yak caravans are met on the roads or encamped in their tents by the hundred about the frontier towns, whither they have brought the wool, sheep, horses, hides and medicinal roots of the rough highland across that “wild borderland which is neither Chinese nor Vibetan.” The Chinese population consists of hardy mountaineers, who eat millet and maize in- stead of rice. The prevailing architecture is Tibetan and Boundary zones of mountain Tibet.Ser tedraahat rey eee sidie feb, phar pera Detter nl eee Tne Siar a Dae es my oy eg wre Pt bute oy - pe, eo See a A “