my Net a Libra rary ACT Gas jhiilii” O64],, ee : 7 aaa? so wENS besos Ain : d : g rat y , “ . ca \Soest a ios ba} as Pie ee) rn ck a peiye it pe en ea SS Pe a Sia aL es irae Spaeth rea eee Sees eet qe ee irs es a ~ a3 ‘ oe Un oy, i ee” Bulletin of the University of Georgia Volume XXIV SEPTEMBER, 1923 Number 1 ADDRESSES Vol. I, No. 10 fon, ak The Constitution of the United States By Walter McElreath of The Atlanta Bar itered as second-class matter December 21, 1912, at the post office at Athens, under Act of Congress of July 16th, 1904. Issued Monthly by the University. Serial Number 357 PRICE 15 CENTSUNIVERSITY CHARLoriGene LIBRARY ADDRESSES Bulletins in this series are issued at no fixed interval. The price affixed is charged to non-residents of the State of Georgia; to others the bulletins are free. The following bulletins, without special num- bering, should be included in this series: D. C. Barrow, The University, its Past, Present and Future. Serial number 199. Free. C. K. Nelson, Fundamental Requirements of an Linduring Democracy. Serial number 212. Free. D. C. Barrow, County Spirit. Serial number 246. Free. Addresses before the School of Commerce. Serial number 260. Ex- hausted. D. C. Barrow, The Day's Work. Serial number 283. Free. C. M. Andrews, Present Day Thoughts on the American Revolution. Serial number 305. Price 15c. H. C. White, The Evolution of the University as Interpreted by the — Memories of Age. Serial number 327. Free. D. C. Barrow, Co-Education at the University. Serial number 336. Free. % * * VOLUME IT. No. 9. §S. H. Sibley, The Insecurity oj Private Property. Price 15c.ah} ‘% .-% i iN ea Astros i as —— rs sb. ».*s.* =— é S X% Be Po = — _ ar < 2s KF The Constitution of the United States’. By Walter McElreath of the Atlanta Bar Mr. Chancellor, Members of the Faculty, Ladies and Gentlemen: We live today in the atmosphere of the Constitution almost unconscious of the mighty force with which it binds the people of this great country into a powerful nation and confers upon them the blessings of freedom, peace, and prosperity. This is a tribute ta the Constitution, for it indicates that its prin- ciples coincide so nearly with natural right that it does not conflict with our natural liberties. But the fact that the Con- stitution, like some great piece of machinery running silently and smoothly, affords no excuse for ignorance of the principles according to which it is impelled and the care necessary to preserve it. An eminent constitutional scholar has recently said: “‘The English people in a thousand years’ experience, have found that their liberties were never so really in danger as when they knew it least; never so nearly lost as under the kings they liked best.’’ Hence the wisdom of the first section of the Constitution of Georgia of 1861, which admonished that ‘“The fundamental principles of free government cannot be too well understood, nor too often recurred to.’’: The setting apart of a week for the study of the Constitu- tion is significant of the awakening of the American people to a greater appreciation of their status as citizens of the Republic and to a new consciousness that, in peace as in war, in learning as in industry, service to country is a paramount duty, and, it may be also indicative of an apprehension of menaces to the basic principles of the great charter of our national liberties, and it is singularly appropriate that the time fixed for this study falls at a time when the young hfe of the country is assembling in the colleges and universities of the nation. The purpose of the young men and women who come here today, in undertaking the work of a new scholastic year is, primarily, to profit by fitting themselves to realize their sev- eral ambitions in life. Some will strive to fit themselves for ecommerce, some for journalism, some for law, and others, for the various vocations or professions in which each several student conceives that he can do the most agreeable and profitable work. In this institution whose foundations are laid in the Constitution of the Commonwealth, and which is main-_. tained by its largess, the State has a right to expect.Ahat it, >. i S 1 An address delivered during Constitution Week, at the Univer- : sity of Georgia, September 19, 19238. st aH SL ce Ree ee a OE ee Fete ale ee OMY POC IE I IS NY PEO EP NN eect UR Pa Nos WIS Soe NT SU BE ca I ML TTS ONO Fok UNIS IC TORRY PORN IC IMTS TD SRO ee PM EL OLS EO RPE PTN ns SO ECO Seo RSE mee AT Se Pe ee ne a , . ee . ; ; : nal Rp rebkcaene SLM tea) eT ee wiciabio n> ey Bee tes:will receive a return for its provision of opportunity in that every student shall also fit himself for the highest citizenship which the aid of the University gives him an opportunity to € attain. : It is, therefore, fortunate. for the young men and women assembled here today, and for the State, and for the Nation, of which this State is a member, that the first subject which is called to their attention is the great document upon which the government of the United States is founded. Aside from patriotic reasons, young men and women pursuing a univer- sity education should study the American Constitution _be- cause it is the most important document in the world to an American citizen, and is a great classic—the greatest legal, political and social document in the world. This is said with the consciousness that extravagance of language and exagger- ation of statement find no appropriate place in the critical atmosphere of academic halls, but it is said upon competent authority. That preeminent and sagacious statesman and scholar, Gladstone, in his well known and often quoted dictum says: “‘As the British Constitution is the most subtle orean- ism which has proceeded from progressive history, so the American Constitution is. the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man.’’ The American Constitution is all that the British Constitution is— and more. It incorporates all of those great principles which the people of England had evolved from centuries of experl- ence and struggle and adds new principles never before dis- covered. Mr. Madison says, in the Federalist, that the Con- stitution was not modeled after any other which had ever existed—that ‘‘had no important step been taken by the lead- ers of the Revolution for which a precedent could not be dis- eovered, no government been established of which an exact model did not present itself, the people of the United States would, at this moment, have been numbered among the mel- ancholy victims of misguided counsels; must at best have been laboring under the weight of some of those forms which have crushed the rest of mankind. Happily for America, happily, we trust for the rest of mankind they pursued a new and more noble course. They accomplished a revolution which has no parallel in the annals of human society. They reared the fab- rics of government which have no model on the face. of the globe.’’ Let us, then, turn this hour to useful account by discovering and fixing our attention upon a few of the great principles in which the majesty of the American Constitution consists, and we can properly consider only a few of its cardinal principles. Others more profound in research, skilled in definition and 2exposition and comprehensive in understanding are to prose- cute this study and give the history of the origin and develop- ment of the Constitution, an exposition of the principles of its Bill of Rights and a statement of the menaces to its prineiples, hence courtesy and discretion require the improvement of this hour, if indeed the speaker can, by dealing with the subject in a general way, to the end that you may the more eagerly give attention to the lectures on particular phases of the sub- ject which are to follow. A Constitution, in its broadest sense, 1s that body of prin. ciples by which any race, tribe or body of people are bound into a social organization, and the means by which these prin- ciples are made effective. Anterior to the American Revolu- tion, none of these constitutions were written but were, usually, but a body of customs, more or less, definitely understood, resting upon tradition and subject to change by any portion of the body politic strong enough to usurp power. Such was the British Constitution, with the excepiion that a tew ob the underlying customs forming that Constitution had been con- firmed in fixed charters—Magna Charta, the Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights—but these charters did not comprehend the full exercise of sovereignty to which the people were subject. The great innovation of American statesmanship and her greatest contribution to the science of government was the creation of written constitutions defining the rights of the citizen, distributing the powers of government, appointing the bodies and the officers to exercise the several powers of vovern- ment and limiting the power of government itself. The primacy in this great accomplishment rests with the State of Virginia, which on the 20th day of January 1776, adopted her first constitution, concerning which Thomas Jefferson said: ‘“This constitution was the first that was formed in the whole United States. Virginia was not only the firts of the States, but the first of the nations of the earth to form a fundamental constitution and to commit it to writing, and to place it among their archives where every one should be free to appeal to its text.’’ Quickly following the example of Virginia all of the other States adopted written constitutions, Georgia being the ninth, which adopted her first constitution in February, 1777. If the American States had done nothing but commit their constitutions to writing, file them in their archives, and print and distribute them so that every citizen could acquaint him- self exactly with his relations to his fellow citizen, his duties to the State and the nature and measure of the State’s power over him, this would have been a wonderful improvement over the formless and traditional constitutions by which the people 2 voof the world had before been governed. To guarantee to the people of America the constitutional rights of Englishmen, as they were understood in that day ,would have been a great thing, for it was on account of the violation of these rights, that the colonies revolted. But if the colonies had had no other | purpose in setting up new governments, but to secure the con- stitutional rights of Englishmen, it would not have been nec- essary for them to adopt written constitutions which did more than divide their respective territories into boroughs or coun- ties for the purpose of local administration, and to serve as election districts from which to choose representatives to an assembly or parliament, and to make provision for the selec- tion of an executive magistrate to exercise the governmental functions then exercised by the crown, and then to declare the common law of England in effect. But the American peo- ple did more than this. They created new States founded upon a new principle, involving a complete and absolute re- versal of the theory of sovereignty held by the mother country. Under the English conception, the sovereignty, that is, the right to govern, rested solely in the crown. Under the English theory, every right of the citizen was something granted to him out of the unlimited reservoir of sovereignty vested in the monarch. » Thus, when the habit of the King to imprison the citizens according to no law but his own will; to turn him out of his home, to deprive him of his free customs and liberties, to outlaw him, or exile him; to condemn him to imprisonment or death, without a trial, became unbearable, the people of Hngland met the King at Runnymede in 1215 and foreed him to grant them a charter which provided that the King should not thus arbitrarily condemn the citizen but should condemn him only by lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land. It is evident that Magna Charta established no new prin- eiple of sovereignty but merely limited the crown in certain particulars as to the manner of its exercise, and left the com- plete and absolute right to govern fixed in the crown, leaving the people for the enlargement of their lberties to petition, from time to time, for further grants of liberty, as personal vovernment created corruption and oppression. But, while as to sovereignty, the great charter, went no farther than this, it was the beginning of a movement gathering force with the enlightenment of the centuries which culminated finally in the foundation of government upon law, and not upon per- sonal prerogative. This movement made the English people the freest people in the world but it did not reach its culmination in England or in any other country of the world prior to the American Rev- 4olution, for real true and absolute freedom can never exist where any vestige of human sovereignty is conceived to exist anywhere, save only in the people themselves. However, much sovereignty may be limited, no people are free indeed until they are free in body, free in estate, free in mind) free in spirit and soul. And this freedom is not a thing to be granted to men. It is a thing inherent in them. This prin- ciple was first seized by men for the purpose of making it the practical basis of their political government when the Ameri- can Colonies on the 4th of July, 1776, declared that ‘‘All men are born equal’’ and that the colonies were and ought to be independent. Thus, finally, the often hindered but age per- sisting instinct of Englishmen, inherited from their Saxon forefathers, threw off the yoke of Roman law introduced in the Norman Conquest which conceived. sovereignty and law to be a thing imposed by a superior, and substituted, for the Roman conception, the principle first expressed by Jefferson that “‘all governments derive their just powers from the con- sent of the governed.”’ Power abhors division. Where little is held the holder con- tinually grasps for more. Where all is held any portion is un- willingly given up, and is retaken on the first opportunity. The people of England found this to be true after they ob- tained the grant of Magna Carta. After the crown had agreed that 1t would condemn no freeman except according to the law of the land, and after a trial by jury, it resorted to in- numerable subterfuges to render the agreement in effect null. The provision of Magna Carta that no man could be disseized of his freehold but by the law of the land prevented the King from seizing the property of the citizen on some unlawful pre- text, but to avoid this provision, the Crown resorted to subter- fuge of issuing royal edicts, pretending them to be laws, by which he levied talliages or aids upon the people without their consent; being unable to finally condemn the citizen, the Crown resorted to arrests without warrants and confining the accused in prison where he languished awaiting a trial which never came; to support his armies when parliament refused to levy taxes for that purpose, he quartered his soldiers in their houses without their consent; to condemn without a jury trial, he established martial law and proceeded to the trial and condemnation of offenders and caused them to be executed and put to death according to the law martial; to give im- munity to his favorites, he caused the officers of the realm to forbear to proceed against such offenders according to the ordinary laws of the realm, and to proceed against them only by martial law in courts favorable to the accused so that they escaped the punishment due them by the laws and statutes of 5 ht ee a ah cr ial a Sia es re he pO 8 pip eal Sl ae cameo ig ia ld Ske en ta oa xthe realm. To obtain redress from these infringements of their liberties, the people in 1627 presented in parliament the Peti- tion of Right, by which the Crown was forced to agree that 7 (1) No man should thereafter ‘‘be compelled to make or yield any loan , tax or such like charge, without common consent ot parliament; (2) and that none be called to make answer or take such oath, or to give attendance, or be confined or other- wise molested or disquieted concerning the same for retusa! thereof; (38) that no freeman in any such manner as before mentioned, be imprisoned or detained; (4) that the soldiers quartered on the people be removed and that the people be not so burdened in the future; (5) that the commission for proceeding by martial law be revoked and annulled and no such law be ever again issued. After the Petition of Right no man could be arrested for a crime or a supposed crime and committed to prison without a warrant, and when committed the accused person had a right to a writ directed to his jailer requiring him to show the cause of the arrest and on failure to show a legal warrant to set the prisoner at liberty, but to avoid an answer to the writ, the King’s jailers resorted to shifts and evasions to avoic answering the writ and the prisoner continued to languish in confinement, often ignorant of the cause of his arrest and often on a void warrant. To secure redress for this wrong, parliament in 1680 passed the great Habeas Corpus Act, where- by any citizen could sue out a writ requiring the person de- taining any person of his liberty to be brought before a com- mon judge immediately, where the legality of his confinement should be inquired into. But Magna Carta, nor the Petition of Right, nor the Habeas Corpus Act, nor all of them together, were sufficient to secure the citizen from the unlawful aggres- sions of the Crown. To evade the provisions of these great charters, the Crown assumed the right, in his discretion, to dispense with and suspend the execution of the laws, without the consent of parliament; to create an ecclesiastical court in which trials were had contrary to Magna Carta and the Peti- tion of Right; to levy money without the consent of parlia- ment; to keep up a standing army in time of peace without the consent of parliament, and to quarter soldiers on the people contrary to law; to prohibit the people from having arms; to interfere with the election of members of parliament to the end that the favorites of the King should be returned; to secure corrupt juries before which the enemies of the Crown would be condemned and its favorites acquitted; to require excessive bail and to impose excessive fines and cruel and illegal punishments. These wrongs having resulted in the execution of Charles I., the deposition of James II, and 6the final fall of the Stuart dynasty, upon the accession of William and Mary in 1689, parliament passed an Act declaring the rights and liberties of the subjects known as the Bill of Rights, which was the completion of the British Constitution as it existed at the time of the American Revolution. The Bill of Rights established the following fundamental principles of English law: (1) That the laws could not be suspended without the con- sent of parhament; (2) that courts wherein judgments were had contrary to the processes of the law of the land were illegal; (3) that the people had the right to petition for re- dress of grievances without fear of punishment; (4) that the people should have the right to bear arms; (5) that elections to parliament should be free; (6) that there should be freedom of speech in parliament; (7) that excessive bail should not be required, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted; (8) that jurors should be duly empanelled. Having learned from the experience of a thousand years of English history that rights resting on custom are uncertain and difficult to maintain; that power vested in a superior contrary to natural law is tyran- nical and that partial grants of liberty are ineffectual to estab- lish real freedom, the people of the American Colonies put their constitutions in writing so that they might be certain, permanent and unchangeable, except by the powers that cre- ated them, incorporating in them every principle of right and liberty which had been established by the centuries of English effort, and, with reference to sovereignty did three things: they restored to the people themselves where of natural right, it always belonged; they limited the powers of government by defininig certain areas of natural personal right into which vovernment itself could not enter; and they separated the pow- ers of government into three departments, no one of which might exercise any of the powers of the other. The separation of the powers of government first suggested by the French writer, Montesquieu, first found practical application in the Constitution of Virginia and was thereafter made part of the constitutions of the other colonies, and of the Constitution of the United States. This principle is regarded as the most re- markable contribution of America to the constitutional history of the world. This principle was expressed in the closing words of the Bill of Rights of the Constitution of Massachus- etts adopted in 1780, in these words: ‘‘In the government of this commonwealth, the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and judicial powers, or either of them; the executive shall) never exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them; the judicial shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of them; to the end 7it may be a government of laws and not of men.’’ These last words “‘a government of laws and not of men,’’ Daniel Web- ster said were the greatest words contained in any written constitutional amendment. | This is American freedom—a government of laws and not of men, Having established governments in the several States under written constitutions, the States associated themselves to- gether in a confederation under the name of the Articles of Confederation, under which the States undertook to act in harmony and deal with the other countries of the world as a political unity. Soon, however, the States found that the plan provided by the Articles of Confederation were inadequate. The Confed- eration could not make laws binding on the people of the sev- eral States; could not levy taxes to support its own existence without the consent of the individual States and the States were unwilling to grant the power. Mr. Woodrow Wilson, in his History of the American People, says of the States during this period of American history: ‘‘The States indulged to the top of their bent a petty hostility towards each other. New York was by no means the only State that laid duties on mer- chandise brought in from the farms and shops of her neigh- bors. There was the same jealous spirit, the same striving for every petty advantage, the same alert and aggressive selfish- ness; and the more the States deemed their interest antagonis- tic, the more like a rope of sand did the Confederation be- come.’’ The result, therefore, was that the genius of the states- men immediately following the Revolution had ereated thirteen Separate States upon a constitutional plan superior to any the world had ever known, but they had failed in creating a nation, and the danger was imminent that the jealousies of the Separate States would destroy each other, and all that they had been able to accomplish in the Revolution would fall into ruins. In the providence of God, however, the Statesmanship of Amer- ica was equal to the emergency, and a convention was called, which after long and earnest labors produced the Constitution of the United States which was signed on September 17, 1787, and which since its adoption in 1788, has been the basis of the national life, power and greatness of the American people. As certain new and great principles of government were discovered and incorporated into the constitutions of the States, at least two great and remarkable additional principles were discovered and incorporated into the Constitution of the United States. The first was a division of governmental fune- tions and political sovereignty between the States on the one hand and the nation on the other by subjects so that the na- 8tional law and the State laws operate directly upon the indi- ‘vidual, and so that the subject can give full, complete and absolute allegiance to the government of the State in which he lives, and full, complete and absolute allegiance to the national government at the same time without disloyalty to either. Leiber in his work on Inberty and Self Government affirms that this is the first instance in history of a government so balanced. The other new feature of government created by the American Constitution, and one which became the cone of the world, was the creation of a means of keeping the exer- cise of power by the several departments of government within the limits of the Constitution without resort to force. The weakness of the great charters of English lberty was in the fact that there was no means of enforcing them, except the power of the people exerted through civil war. To guar- antee the observance of Magna Carta, King John was forced to grant, in effect, to the people of the realm a qualified right of rebellion. The whole baronage were to elect twenty-five barons charged to take care with all their might, that the provisions of the charter should be earried into effect, and ii the King should violate them, they were to complain to the King, and if he failed to grant redress they were authorized to call upon all of the people to seize his lands, his castles and possessions, and in any other manner, short of personal vio- lence to the King, or his queen or children, to compel him to redress their grievance. Taswell-Langmeade says that this was ‘‘a rude and impractical device.” The people os ine United States, however, with unprecedented wisdom, in order to guarantee that the legislative nor the executive depart- ments, nor even the judicial department itself, should trespass upon the province of each other, or violate the rights of the people guaranteed by the Constitution, created the Supreme Court of the United States, which has the right to set aside the judgment of any other Court which renders a judgment beyond the jurisdiction of the court rendering such judgment, or in a manner infringing upon the right of the citizen, and to set aside a law passed by Congress itself whenever, in its in- dependent judgment, the Sapneme Court finds that the law passed was beyond the limits of the power of Congress under the Constitution, and to declare null any order of the President of the United States found to be beyond the power de!ezated to him by the Constitution. With the creation of this great Court, for the first time in the history of the world, tic sov- ereignty of the law was first establiished—an effectual. zovern- ment of laws and not men was created. It is impossible within the limit of time at the speaker's disposal and of your patience, to enter into a Darel aE dis- 9cussion of the powers of the Federal Government under the Constitution. Let it suffice for the purposes of this hour to merely enumerate the distinct features of american constitu- tional government. They may be stated as follows: (1) A written constitution ; (2) Sovereignty vested in the people: (3) The declaration of equality before the law of persons subject to it; (4) The prohibition of the exercise of any power as of a personal right ; (5) A limitation set on all powers; (6) The creation of a jurisdiction (the Supreme Court of the United States) to declare void and of no effect any act of any department of government exceeding its constitutional powers ; (7) The division of governmental functions and political sovereignty by subjects so that the national law and the State laws operate directly upon the individual. In these respects the people of the United States ventured beyond the limit of all precedent and founded, as Mr. Madison said, a government without model or precedent. Under the American system every man is a sovereign, and being a soy- ereign, he is under the law, equal to every other man. Surely this is a glorious privilege and it is in the atmosphere of this great system of equality that not only the bodies of men have been made free from physical servitude, but the intellect and soul of Americans have been made free. The highest testimony to the virtue of the Constitution is the achievement of the American people under it, which has made this country, in one hundred and thirty-six years, the greatest, the richest and most powerful country in the world. The fact that only nine changes in the original document have been made (excepting, of course, the first ten amendments which were made in pro- cess of its adoption and which are really parts of the original document) in the long period from 1788 to the present time. It is a glorious thing to be an American citizen. As such he is guaranteed, by his constitution, every right and every lib- erty which the people of England had gained for themselves in all of their history prior to the Revolution—the moh OF trial by jury; freedom of speech and of the press; the benefit of the habeas corpus act; the right to assemble; the right to appeal to the courts against every person in the Manion ree ligious freedom and is invested with an equal share of the sovereignty with every other person in the nation. You are, therefore, admonished, young men, from patriotic motives and as a means of pure culture ‘to study that docu- 10= ment more important to you than any other document in the world, save the Scriptures only. Sir James MeIntosh said of Magna Carta: ‘“To have produced it, to have preserved it, to have matured it, constitute the immortal claim of England upon the esteem of mankind. Her Bacons and Shake- speares, her Miltons and Newtons, with all the truth which they have revealed, and all the generous virtue which they have inspired, are of inferior value when compared with the subjection of men and their rulers to the principles of justice, if indeed it be not more true that these mighty spirits could not have been formed except under equal laws, nor roused to full activity without the influence of that spirit which the Great Charter breathed over their forefathers.”’ By so much, therefore, as the American Constitution is sreater than Magna Carta; by so much as the freedom of equality of America is greater than the small and uncertain grant of power made to English subjects by Magna Carta, by so much the more are the words of the great English historian applicable to a study of the American Conan by the eit- izens of America. To preserve the Constitution of our fore- fathers, wrought out of their great intellects and made possible by their sufferime and blood, to defend it against aggression from without and from menaces within is the supreme duty of citizenship. From its enemies without, there is little to fear. The resources and power of this nation are now such that she can defend herself against foreign aggression, but the dangers of the Constitution are from within. Remember—‘‘The Eng- lish people in a thousand years’ experience, have found that their liberties were never so really in danger as when they knew it least.’’ A text writer on American law says: ‘‘Among a free people there is always a tendency to violate in some manner the equilibrium which our primary axiom has declared to be essen- tial to liberty,’’ and that, if our government fails, it will fail through a blunted morality, and it is true that there the danger to our free institution lies. A government by the people rests upon the intelligence, the virtue, the courage and the incorruptible patriotism of the peo- ple. The same causes will lead to the downfall of free govern- ment in America, if that downfall shall ever come, that ruined Greece. When that glorious country had lost her pris- tine virtue, Demosthenes cried out to his countrymen in the third Phillippic: ‘‘But what is the cause of the mischief? There must be some cause, some good reason, why Greeks were so 11eager for liberty then, and now eager for ServillGe.. =. There was something, men of Athens, something in the hearts of the multitude then, which there is not now, which overcame the wealth of Persia, and main- tained the freedom of Greece and quailed not under any battle by land or sea, the loss whereof has ruined all and has thrown the affairs of Greece into con- fusion. What is this? Nothing subtle or clever; sim- ply that whoever took money from aspirants for power, or the corruptors of Greece, were universally detested; it was dreadful to be convicted of bribery. . . . But now all such principles have been sold in open market, and those imported in exchange, by which Greece is ruined and diseased, what are they? Envy when a man gets a bribe, laughter if he confesses it; mercy to the convicted; hatred to those that de- nounce the crime,—all usual attendants upon corrup- TOT,” May the words of the Greek patriot sink deep into every American heart.BOOKS ARE LENT FOR TWO WEEKS Fine of 10c for Each Day after the Date | | DUE DUE | Usually books are lent for two weeks, but | there are exceptions, and all loans expire on the date stamped in the book. If not returned then the borrower is fined ten cents a volume for each day overdue. 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