ca f us Seo i iBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTSINDUSTRIAL RESOURCES OF ENGLAND — —— ( ‘ a | Pisani - r - 4 4 ‘ 4 a \ — : A f ’ ~ } 8 / / - — aw " s\ —=> v ‘ ; Jay oD a —— a o~. od “Ih a. WL , ay a / & a & SO@eay & CO. Au Ghee. f,BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS BY WILLIAM THOMAS LAPRADE PRoFressor oF History IN DuKE UNIVERSITY jem Dork THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1926 All rights reservedTo THE MEMORY OF MY FATHERS AND MOTHERPREFACE This book was prepared specifically for American undergradu- ates as the author has observed them during fifteen years of experience as a teacher. It is based on the assumption that the primary aim in the study of history ought to be to acquire understanding rather than mere information about uneonnected facts. Therefore the book is offered as a suggestive interpreta- tion to stimulate thought rather than as a comprehensive narra- tive of British history, though it is hoped that facts are included in sufficient volume to make the interpretation clear. The author has tried to incorporate in the story an account of the development in England of those imponderable and some- what intangible forces that play such a vital part in modern social life. Among these forces are a consciousness of national unity in its manifold aspects and a tendency toward a demo- eratie society.. The cultural and emotional factors so important in explaining the growth of these forces are integral parts of the story and are essential elements in any adequate synthesis of British history. They are, therefore, not relegated to supple- mentary chapters as a sort of disconnected appendix, but ac- counts of them are fitted into the narrative where they would seem to belong as resultants of what had preceded and explana- tory of what was to follow. These cultural phenomena are 3n- separable from the political and economic forces of which they were so largely both the expressions and the products. To give an adequate explanation of a society stretching so far in time and space is manifestly beyond the capacity of a single volume. Perhaps the best that can be hoped for is to identify for the student some of the more important component threads and to indicate roughly the manner in which they have been interwoven through the centuries to produce the complex fabric of peoples, imstitutions, and societies we are accus- tomed to associate with the term Great Britain. The essential thine is to suggest explanations of what took place or, at any rate, to suggest that there are things needing explanation. The author has not hesitated, when it seemed necessary, to omit ma- VilI The Source P) ah } White and Wallac: to direct the atten! to have room for these more intriguing questions ry 7 , y \ , : . ss —_ The antl ()] has no nreeones PC CqoecrTrines tO support : he hopes | rt dene | | | ot ¢) : —_ | LAT T1O On: mat Ce i cil . \ as (PPT) iT) as {i cl Ltite expense O] 4 } t |} sy” +h, a | j ; y \ T ‘ T t } 7 I y ,f2 7 ™ anotner, thoucn S pernapDs Vall Let a Manhy persons vil] ‘ yy ‘TV 17 y + |} nal 7 ivy) 7 } neg + h T 1A ] te ‘ Wil avi €t COT) roineo cit iJ ‘ biti py GaALlitt Us ISLOTI1Ca Lats Ty . Brith ' ry} Oy) 7 ' nol + 9 | . . . - ) + | wy if PEL Lissit WPCU PL ' ' a it if | } ore it} PT) Ion) : I ie?y - } f ] —— * | - | lave engaged in diversified econo! Ss; they have been “m4 - . om | . . Bait neg ike aet DrOrounday Th) Tit reit]e ‘ one eslastical INSTITUTIONS ! | ] + ; . + : ) TI i) a ‘4 iq] (FE } : \ { } a i’) ioe rin) nial (r= TNeY a ey | : } iayvyet CALI Css rit I .? ‘ cil Lines if) ali apundant | t ‘ + 1] ] _ - literature and in man rOorms of ¢ cts All of these activ- ; 7 | : ities ha contributed to make them they are A study of 7 +] * } T ] | 4. 7 } Story thi hegiectea on na ¢ | 1 anotner or these ac- 4. 7 7% i-l | ‘ a1 * ’ ¢ T 7 +} ¢ T 7 t 8 CS OUIG leave | aiSt ss 1 @ Stuay Loat Musi ' ] j ' ‘ +] + | 1 necessay iy j ~ I ( ‘ é at ry Pew } Le cLtil OT nopes L 4 4 1 ] 1 ‘ ,) 1 | y*T j ws rs as i) Tt} } The halances ey PT) . H 4 * | 1] : } + | + + ry? . nC Lit ‘ | t LU ‘ I ‘ 4 PLIOon. ‘ 1 } : 7 ® ine bibliograp] ical refere S 5 Ul Ss of the chapters ar : + + 1 + + + ih > + Nn 17 fy) |) 4 ) 7) and SUCCES!) } r | reT Ors () ASSIStTAaAN CE? + ] : j + ‘ | } ; + ] + | . oO ~ Gi€ntus al i Leathers | i S ' ; LLLOS! DUTSUINS | ' | . more jiivanced rid TY); Si PDn Ley) nT rnese reTereneces ty } list ; y } \ |} ; 1 | +h | t | 1 i. J hil Dols ‘J 4 i IT) I h ‘ i} ! a7 4 ~ Pipe r i ici it i y . A 7 ’ ° 4 7 Geographical Notes will se : Cll Students who ar : PN ee cad i. 4 tid of histor | st if si} iit _ ‘ Tr) rn 4 | > i' ’ i ~~ ()] and ) ~ f } reCCqdti if cl oY t, T 7" 1 ! 7 i a ;~ T T) 7 is nHDraci / bli Th) } 4 |. in de in extbook No source books are mentioned except a few references in foot- ; ] } * fn ¥ at TAG T f) | ri | | | nov 1) * J DD) f) / \ / / svi) CJ} rf ONS ; } Te et j ) » 4 ] \ 101 History of the late Professors G. B. Adams and Mors T ‘ 7 | S 4 1 } Stephens and pertinent citations of the introductions to othe) 4 7 ' le } 4h, ’ , | | T } ry i 7 t +} ‘ 7 ) thy I: con lations. achers who wish to suppleme! he textbook , . . 47 ] * ] Divs ° With sete Ions Trom ne So ues \ De ati nar Ww th } roTessol Ke Pr | 9" oe > ye . iD 7 ] j ‘| +} : : a | ucvVoHeV § LEGCaALILGS Ui 47 AY. bSté f/andad Witn ne more i . ! ’ a r I 7 | * a . i. 4 COMprelr I ~ | (- CUE a tocesl ONS {)] (1 Oy LITMmentrts j is ratiniig CONStLILU- aie 2. | : oe ,e a | t+ | ESS ty ,; YF ry | / : tional history edited respectively by Stubbs anne} rothero, @? 1) wr 7) R 4 \ Lo hs ny ] j mm orlant ra Pai nie ee alii vOveTTSON. IN Pri Le res ine SsCrics. ILLEPTVILCCLULGLL ¢E Ss e Rool F Diol hlicl 7 ) ) > t] IOUT Ce IOORS 0] ISL Ori pu ' ished nae) The AUSPICES Ol I ie | a ‘ 1t+x ne i = 4 hy | | » « tT Nal lly v< University of London, makes accessible much material illustrat- iot hitherto available in so convenient a form. ems in English History of Professors A. B. - Notestein is suggestive for teachers who wish ion of students to speelfie selected problems.PREFACE 1X The author acknowledges his indebtedness to many writers whose works he has not been able to mention. He is under more direct obligations to scholars who have helped him materially to improve this book. Professors Wallace Notestein and Arthur H. Basye read the manuscript and offered useful suggestions. Professor James F. Willard read eritically the earlier chapters and saved the author from many pitfalls. Finally, the author is immeasurably grateful to Professor Charles M. Andrews for a painstaking reading of the manuscript and for many frank criticisms, from which the book profited greatly. By permission of Professor E. P. Cheyney, Professor Carleton J. H. Hayes, Professor Parker T. Moon, Professor Roscoe L. Ashley, and the Honorable Stephyn Gwynn, maps are used which have appeared in their books. Messrs. G. P. Putnam’s Sons have permitted the use of a map from Professor L. M. Larson’s Canute the Great. Messrs. Dodd, Mead and Company consented to the use of Rupert Brooke’s sonnet to The Soldier. For all of these favors the author is grateful. WiuuiAM T.. LAPRADE. Duke University, September, 1926CONTENTS eA THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE THE PROBLEM A Preliminary @rnine agents ban it VW GuUeST (OTIS ny ! t | (one wv LO’ 2 { } 1 lactS 1n the ear! +] World. 1) Wha In America. and Concrete and Sat > 7% iy U ‘ + if gg sf pid 4 i} Tr } ‘ ‘ ry ) i ) my i i | {) al . \ '* L }- YT } i Lis * : | 4 ' Tere } {) if f. Lda Ke | (? l " ; os, iif r)} J? ~~ \} \ lt Se ) a isi ct i a’ ; I yy il } 1 ’ , . f°] ge / iJ ’ te ffi { ' j f 2) ntion that 1 nt should gain an imnres or ( . . nterest in the period o vr e beg the seventeenth century 0 0 ) L and political instity- | | \ n settlinoe 3 . : : D Lory 1S perhaps n . UiN®’ OT our own US vr" ite Tt! ‘ } Nor: tad Nn th, social nom” Cle Ol} debt LO | : ofitable exereis: thy ") 0 OlIS nst It1IoOnS and into « On this prineipl | 0 et ‘ Or UCOnNIS! loush b me the bases fo} o> or 0} reason or anothe? iT) ed A not eas be certain whether a . ) s an he} ve received 3 , | | or els PO) netner tf Was improvised i et NaitIONS whieh COD ronted CSTIONS O C Sort that might hi raised cone] ns ) some O] thi answers may not me with the advpproval oO] all Stu- l be hazardous pedagoo to forbear raisino IS general acreement cone rnine’ answers a beo nnino at the task O] Separating the StOry oT Kine; nd LniLoO catevories based OT) gree of their influence in shaping the char- stitutions 1s to examine the impedimenta of ho Cdlne Trom the ir old homes LO the New rt o§ people came from Eneland to reside what did they brine with them ? Fairly tory answers to these questions are con-THE PROBLEM 7 tained in books that are reasonably accessible, and these two questions would seem to be fundamental in an adequate inquiry concerning traceable indebtedness of America to England. But an unfortunate, though explicable, false pride in our ancestry has led us to weave an obscuring veil of legendary heroics about the immigrants of the earlier period, making it difficult some- times to visualize them in pragmatic terms. Perhaps a majority of American students, therefore, still come to a study of English history in college with a vague feeling that the earlier Enelish settlers were very worthy people—which doubtless most of them were—, but with little definite apprehension of that in which their worthiness consisted. Fortunately, some of the better of the more recent textbooks on American history, even for the grammar grades,’ contain material which may tend to stimulate in pupils insight which many of them have formerly lacked. However that may be, reasoning a priori, it is fairly certain that comparatively few of the colonists were people who were playing successfully normal parts in the social life at home. Considering the distance to be traveled and the inadequate means of transportation available, it is also clear that the expense of making the journey and of establishing a home in the new land was so great that only persons with a substantial accumulation of economic resources could engage in the enterprise on their own undertaking. The fact is, of course, the bulk of the settlers did change their abode because, for divers reasons, they were unable to fit themselves comfortably into the scheme of things in their native land. It is a further fact that a very large proportion of those who came to some of the colonies in the earlier period were so meagerly fur- nished with this world’s goods that they were under the necessity of selling themselves into one or another form of bondage for a term of years in order to procure their transportation to the new land. When we recall that the vast majority of people in Eneland—at the beginning of the nineteenth century it was estimated to be four-fifths—had little or no chance of acquiring an education, we begin to appreciate the limitations placed by circumstances on the ability of the settlers from England to bring with them to their new home the most advanced stage of civilization of the country from which they migrated. They did bring the manners and customs and habits of life of them- selves and their kind, not those of the more sophisticated deni- 1Notably Beard and Bagley’s The History of the American People. See particularly Chapter IY.BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS zens of the capital and of the country houses of the wealthy and influential. In short, for the most part, it was the ruled and not the rulers who migrated. the poor and not the rich. the unlettered rather than the learned, the unsuecessful and the unsatisfied rather than ersons who were livine normal] lives. Immigrants of this type were manifestly not able to lav social foundations in the new country at precisely the same s { of advancement that England had reached when they left. W here, then, did they begin to lav t] 1 fiese roundat lations? To what extent did they brine with the m the achievements ot those who had gone before them at home Adequat like these are not vet available. but here. too, we Gan make A e answers to questions lew plausible assumptions, Hor one thing, the early settlers brought the familiar methods of keeping the peace and doing } Stice that had come down to them Irom the middle aves a partiality ror trial by jury and tO} t | { othe I’ proc ecag ; - +] ; , 0 : descendants have clune more tenaciously than have the Enelish wio remained at home. This partiality explains in part the resentment displayed by the colonials when the mother country, . 7 *s 6 47 ; a ° 7 . In oraer To facilitate ue enrtorecement O] SOme of the revenwve : - ' | l : = ] _ ae : laws undertook LO estab] Ss otner courts. No doubt a large part ' + recantm .+ Arica rram + | . lik lah } tha . 1. : Ltt O] LOIS resentmen arost irOIn the IKHOEIIMOOG Thay LHeS¢ ney courts, by their efficiency. would impose burdens on the settlers which t} " hey were unwilling to bear. but in pn: the unfamiliar procedure of the statesmen in England, even before America berinnine tO see that the older Vyrovement, as witness tne experiment (Chamber and the other prerogatival COUTTS. lt that these experiments were abandoned and othe ror it] matters not r means soucht accomplishing the same purposes, when impolitie kines tried ‘ o tO make the new courts vehicles of America was not peopled by the { oppression. The point 1S, imaginative lawyers of the hewer day, but by persons who brought merely the stereotyped practices of the courts with which t] wrought ley were familiar and who into them their own experiences und er the conditions they found in their new homes. The question of land tenure illustrates another phase ot the unconscious herit age the settlers brought from the Old World and the treasures which they discovered in the New. They natu- rally left at home most of the burdensome and complicated arrangements which had come down from the middle ages butTHE PROBLEM 9 had outlived their usefulness, and which they resented more than they understood. They adapted for use in the new land chiefly those forms of tenure which at home had been most coveted and least often enjoyed by people of their kind. Their freeholds acknowledged even fewer obligations than the freest tenures in England. And when some of the proteges of the king, as proprietors, attempted to transplant to the New World forms of tenure that were survivals of the feudal age, it was not always easy to conciliate tenants into acquiescence. Land was too plenti- ful for one who had already ventured far from home to submit agvain to a bondage from which deliverance was comparatively easy. Nevertheless, the new tenures were lineal descendants of the old, and the state, by its rights of taxation and eminent domain, has inherited in a considerable degree the lordship for- merly vested in the king. For the people who remained at home, the settlement of America brought no such simplification of land tenures. They had, and still have, to graft any improvement of the system on the old tree that has roots reaching far back into the past centuries. Even the dire need of the products of the land experienced in the World War has not yet enabled them to cut the Gordian knot of an intricate arrangement that, in some of its aspects, is traceable beyond the Norman Conquest. Moreover, in the England of the earlier times, as Maitland has pointed out, land law was the basis of all public law. The Englishmen who came to America brought much of the resultant public law, as far as they had had experience with it, but a large part of the land law they left behind. Land was so much more plenti- ful than people in the early days in America, that people as human beings came to bulk larger in political thought and practice than did land. That which was true as regards the system of land tenure was no less true as regards other aspects of English lite. Those Englishmen who came to America were, as we have observed, usually from classes that had little enthusiasm for many aspects of the economic, political, and ecclesiastical organization they left behind. In the process of adapting what they had brought from the old social life, therefore, to make it serve their needs under the radically different conditions prevailing in the new land, these emigrants and their descendants, with little conscious de- sign, built a society that, in some respects, was radically different from, in others, similar to that with which their kinsmen who remained behind were still familiar.BRITISH + \ ] | iA oF ‘ i 7 ,« + ILS or L « . | ; d i Lied red : . 4 een + I} ‘yy : Ts) T > | j ' ‘ 5 o vy YT i ’ wo } ~ » Li ()T) ali } $1n all | ’ ' f) DCO] ! I * ; ‘fF , 7 4 : 4 S OT] ri ( ry snibdhe * ry i Ty) | LPOrT) ; *% : | c rey \ the An as a Ie@Dp! 1 + i + i. ana HISTORY 4 hy VPP] | F 4 “240 1 1 ’ cl ‘ | y + ’ a if Lit I i + | ~ | f ] } ! nm?YT | i { ' ri.cry ,) ;)T Lic I , ' \ | { wa ‘| ~ ' fig ’ : - ~, ’ 4 | | } aa 1 I r\? he t i | ' ‘ | ) # 1 , } ‘ 4 i)? { ; nd ¢o1 4 rid f)? a n tne 7 i | ss 'F / ” ‘ iT} 1 i at b < | , Fe, . ' ; 4 4 neal » 7 * ry | 1 an H? I \ C ri t ‘ ‘YT? + 1 \ " y\ Lit ris) ; t Tif ' t ) ' QO OTN fei OT tr it'( TT) ~ £2) fyi the apparently absurd MERICAN STT] MENTS NATION [ the New World and in British history that Bo Det LO have a clear under- , i lla} cd LO neres ve tne t I + ' | | . ‘ ~ iCCCCQCINO cdeeade . ’ T} Tie eCPonte OT t} co j i ne siower DOrocess ‘ ’ T > Way to modernit . Imost rate Wi le . enteenth century. it + ll esitancy, and seldom ‘ seemingly irresistible 47 : } + rif DLO1 ‘ 13) la a + Be 4 4] \ ae ue American 7 the least surprisin 7 | | wl a Ge {) aeq \\ t} Out a ' ! Ixy Cc. SCAT CeLY SPO f Y ; 1 > t Ss taxation on Dpot} ‘ ] | + ¢ ~, ~ tha ()T) One + + » 1 n the mous Revolu- , ry 7 17 ralw something entirely — 1 V4 al} \\ I tne PX (¢ - noers TO the House ot ritain by lone usacve.THE PROBLEM 11 and corrupt methods it involved in comparison with the simpler practices prevalent in the colonies. The truth is, of course, the people who claimed, and in practice exercised, a dominant voice in the government of the colonies, in England would seareely have been able to make their influence felt at all. Those of their own class who had remained at home were still as powerless in directing the affairs of the mother country as they had been when the settlers left. The government of England in the middle of the eighteenth century was still, as it had been in the seventeenth, in the hands of the landlords with the large: holdings and of the commercial magnates who traded on a large scale. There was a working agreement between these two groups, and parliament in both its houses was com, posed largely of themselves and their henchmen. ‘The voters who participated in parliamentary elections were in most con- stituencies their tenants, agents, or hangers-on. We need not assume that they were consciously corrupt; it was simply the prevailing mode of government. These landlords and commercial magnates had no exact counterparts in the colonies. Those who held large bodies of land lacked the local prestige of the British landlord, and the smaller freeholds much outnumbered the larger. Nature was so lavish with her resources that a majority of those who displayed average industry and intelligence were able to possess themselves of a stake, and the country was too young for wealth to have been accumulated in extraordinarily large amounts by single individuals. The result was that power was left in the hands of those who had the ability to understand and to minister to the interests of these average people, who had begun to accumulate a Stake in the community. It is thus manifest that men as men tended to have a larger voice in America than was the ease in England, while in the older country the right to participate in the government was for the most part derived from property or tenurial rights of one sort or another. But we ought not to assume that extreme democratic theories were much in vogue as determining prin- ciples in either country. In England, the later accessions to the ruling class had, by the use of wealth, managed to possess them- selves of some of the weapons of power and had adopted the practices of those who had preceded them on the scene, with whom they now shared control of the government. The machine, as it existed, was a going concern, and they were familiar with the rules for its operation. Probably nobody, faced with the12 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS task of constructine a povernment anew. would ] lave fashioned such an arrangement. but to tear down that wl lich was the pro- duct of centuries of growth in the hope of substituting some- thine better that eould be manipulated successfully by those on whom rested the responsibility of government was an under- taking involving a lot of bother, of which the Outcome was too doubtful for it to receive serlo ls consideration. Even in Amer- ica, however, because the type of property held by most of those who had a share in the government was so plentiful and its possession taken so much for cranted, the government appeared to bulk lareer than was actually the case. Power was really in the hands of those the human element in who, as near] the SoC 1TeTY ot the COUNnNTYrV perm tted. were ot the LyYpe ot the a i ruling class at home. But this class constituted a much larger proportion of the population in America than in England. and so 1t was less incongruous to sneak of ] . ‘rr — . +7 ) democracy and representa- tive government in the new land than in the old. 4 RELATIONS BETWEEN THE T'wo Nat TIONS su Thé ) ’ : : , : Iae 7 ‘ . , r Che American Revolution Incre UUUCCS a new aSpect to the : 1 er ae nt af anee nee aay history of Great Britain. rom the point of view of an American f+) . : ° ; : 1 " | . \ . yy + ve student. With the winnine of Independence and the inaucura- le new government began a tion of t] anamt ¢ . ~ ‘ | | ry Ncoathan 3 thar +h aft agvartl In some respects and closer tog ner in others that characterized the relat ions ot le two nations in the past cent | co A eins Pea tns and a half. In this period it is Great Britain ury ] aS a possible triendly or rival power that naturally interests the American student. He has an interest in the cenesis and character of those orces that are drawing the two nations into a closer cooperation on the one hand and in those that are makine cooperation dif- heult on the other. lt 1s scarcely feasible to estimate comparatively the ; achieve- ments of the two nations in the period of their separate exist- ence; on some points a plausible case can be made for the Superiority of either. ° The Americans were, no doubt, the first to devise a legislature approximately based on popular repre- sentation. Perhaps this achievement was possible because the colonists had left behind the Enelish parliamentary machinery, L¢ which had lost in the course of centuries most of any representa- tive character it may formerly have had. They had started anew with only the fundamental concept of representation toTHE PROBLEM 13 guide them and with conditions favorable to its realization. sut, curiously enough, it is arguable that the British have been more successful than the Americans in devising a workable arrangement for securing cooperation between the executive and the legislature. In this case, the British have built on experience they had only begun to have when the colonists came to Amer- ica, While the people of the new country had their fear of a strong executive enhanced in the course of their dealings with the royal governors in the colonial period. Moreover, Great Britain found no solution of this problem that promised to work until after the colonies gained their independence; then each people began to have a pride in its own achievements and a tendency to be skeptical of the merits of anything in the other that was different. No attempt is made in this last part of the book to enumerate formally the forces that tend to draw the two nations together or to keep them apart, such as a common language, literature, and fundamental institutional life on the one hand or Ireland, commercial rivalry, and a natural prejudice as between old and young on the other. The aim is rather to introduce some of the more obvious questions in the recent history of the two countries as they touch each other, in the hope that thereby students may be stimulated to reflect on the problem of the relations of two peoples that have so much in common. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE Most of the citations in these notes are from William R. Shepherd, Historical Atlas, second revised edition (cited in this book as Shepherd), and Ramsay Muir, Hammond’s New Historical Atlas for Students (cited as Muir). Other books and atlases are cited by author and title. There are other good atlases of English history besides those cited in these notes—S. R. Gardiner’s deserves to be mentioned—, but those by Shepherd and Muir seem, on the whole, best adapted to the needs of students using this book, For a map of Europe indicating places connected with American history, see Shepherd, p. 184; for one indicating places in England connected with American history, see Shepherd, p. 185.CHAPTER Ii THE COMING OF THE NORMANS THe NorMANS AT HOME That part of Englsh history in which Americans are most interested begins with the conquest of England by the Normans. ’ A majority of the more reputable recent authorities agree that a large part of what is distinctive about English institutional life took form under the Normans and Angevins. The Anglo- Saxons, it is true, supplied basic elements in the people and the language, but these were plastic materials in the hands of the conquerors. The vocabulary of the institutional life with which we are familiar is largely composed of borrowed terms. A recent English writer has emphasized the fact by pointing out that in the liberty of the subject,’’ the ** Anglo-Saxon tongue has only contributed the article and the preposition.’ The same author goes on to say: ‘*‘Court, council, and parlia- ment, judge and jury, inquest and verdict, alike comé from abroad; and the Englishman cannot perform a single civie or lezal duty, or exercise a single political function, from parish council to parliament, without using a word or expressing a thought unknown to his Anglo-Saxon forbears.’’ ? The reason why the bulk of the systematic, organized institu- tional life does not begin before the Conquest is obvious: the Norman conquerors constituted the first ruling class that Eneg- land as a whole ever had. They laid the foundations solidly, and their successors have built thereupon with remarkable success and with a continuity that is not yet terminated. The coming of the Normans thus marks the last revolutionary break in the development of English institutions.” On that account, the logical approach to English history is to begin the study of the subject where the Normans began their work. We have to . ro inquire first, therefore, with what equipment they were furnished for their task when they took it upon themselves. We are next 2A. F. Pollard, The Evolution of Parliament, p. 6. For a more extensive list of terms illustrating the same point see Pollock and Maitland, History OT Knalish Law (Second kKidition 2s ih S(t. 14THE COMING OF THE NORMANS 15 interested in what they found in England when they came. The establishment of this point involves an attempt to determine those elements in the Anglo-Saxon society of the eleventh cen- tury that were destined to persist in the life of the people under their new rulers and an effort to understand those forces in the past that had given rise to those persistent elements. In this approach, we shall pave the way for a study of the resultant that emerged from the clash of the conquerors and the conquered. Unfortunately for the successful pursuit of our inquiry, it is much easier to ask questions about the character of Norman institutions before the conquest of England than it is to answer them. The history of Normandy itself seems to begin with the career Of a Scandinavian pirate, Rollo by name; perhaps he was better known in his native land as Hrolf the Ganger, being, according to tradition, so huge that no horse could carry him, so that he must needs gang afoot. Of course, the district had been in northern France from time immemorial, called, in the period before the Northmen conquered it, by the name of Neustria; and there had been inhabitants, but there was no Normandy until people from the north, predecessors and fol- lowers of Rollo, came in numbers large enough to possess, to rule, and to give a name to the district. A. D. 911 is the date usually agreed on, when the Frankish King, Charles the Simple, received homage from Rollo and bestowed on him the eastern part of what was to become Normandy.. The remainder of the territory was accumulated in the course of the succeeding gen- erations. These invasions of the northern shore of France by the Scandinavians began about the middle of the ninth century, and their inroads lasted until about the middle of the tenth. It was, thus, about the middle of the period of invasion that Rollo obtained his fief from the King. Only a century and a quarter elapsed between the grant to Rollo and the accession of William, then a mere boy, to the dukedom. Not long enough time for very profound changes in the composition of society as we are accustomed to think of social movements in that period, yet that brief interval sufficed for the “‘aristocracy of Scandinavian conquerors,’’ to quote Maitland’s epigrammatic statement, to adopt the language and religion of the ‘‘Romance speaking Kelts’’ over whom they ruled. This very term, ‘‘Romance speaking Kelts,’’ reminds us that there had been other conquerors of Normandy before the Scandinavians. To say nothing of the largely unexplored years before Cesar came, we know that the influx of Romans taught16 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the natives, or rather helped them to create, their lancuage. The geographical region of which Normandy is a part was. aS hat bea rs witness pene ~— os — et ~ ~ — — pmo ~ even in RHollo’s time, @: of a filth century migration and conquest by the Germanic K'ranks. That the people were oO] mixed blood T obvious. Their religion and their language came in a large part from Rome. heir Customs and t | elr laws, who Cat tell. except as we see them in the process of chang by the activities of conquerors ? rry ; } ] . . v ' } | ’ y) 7 4 } ‘Ty | 1 ) 117 y* sa ' cs) tT } yur ~ ye ‘hese people rom the Nortn, who were destined LO VIiVe Nor- mandy itS TAN ¢é ri tie TO 18% r)rd) } f Aas FA point OT Vantac Irom which to conquer England re worthy of further study \n examination of e map r ls that the Seandinavian fol] had almost a monopoly ot whatever scapower there was in these centuries. They sailed in comparatively small boats—the largest would contain scarcely more than a hundred men—. but thev sailed far and found compensation for the hardships and dangers ot their vovage b king toll on any defenceless coasts on which they landed When ft] ou n expedition remunerative or a local Cy mor inviting than their own rugeced shores. they sometimes returned again and again, finally, in numbers, to remain permanently and to possess the land or choice parts of it. Normandy, in area, was one of the smaller of their conquests. mong wi! were Iceland, Greenland, parts of the coast of Ir land, northern Scotland. from time to time no smal] part of England itself, not to mention other places. Tradition has it that some of their adven ous spirits reached the coast of America. They were, we know, unwelcome visitors to almost ever Kurop in snore on 1 vest as Iar south as Spain, and ; ] ] ~ {° *",? ‘ . = they round thelr wav trom Sweden on the east even To At home these hardy folk were in the early stages of civiliza- tion. They had not yet acquired from the people of the south the religion that had come out of Asia to conquer the Roman Empire. Their institutions seem to have been in part tribal | and patriarchal and in part adaptations based on the necessities of existence in a northern clime and the requirements of military and sea-roving life. Not the sons of ‘‘Thrall,’’ to quote from their own traditional literature. were those who went in numbers > on these expeditions of conquest and adventure. ‘‘Thrall was of swarthy skin, his hands wrinkled, his knuckles bent, his fingers thick, his face ugly, his back broad, his heels lone. He began to put forth his strength, binding bast, making loads, and bear- ing home faggots the weary long day. His children busiedTHE COMING OF THE NORMANS 17 themselves with building fences, dunging plowland, tending swine, herding goats, and digging peat. Their names were Sooty and Cowherd, Clumsy and Lout and Laggard.’’ Nor were the ships filled with many of the sons of ‘‘Carl.’’ ‘‘Carl, or Churl, was red and ruddy, with rolling eyes, and took to breaking oxen, building plows, timbering houses, and making carts.’’ The conquerors were rather, in a large part, of noble blood. ‘*Harl, the noble, had yellow hair, his cheeks were rosy, his eyes were keen as a young serpent’s. His occupation was shaping the shield, bending the bow, hurling the javelin, shaking the lance, riding horses, throwing dice, fencing, and swimming. He began to make war, to redden the field, and to fell the doomed.’”’ Of such a sort was the aristocracy that had come to rule on the shore of France. Its members might learn to speak the language of the conquered; to do so would facilitate the accomplishment of the purposes of the conquest. They had left their own priests behind, and it was not strange that in time they adopted the religion of the people they ruled, a religion that had only one divinity and so facilitated a unity of organization and power. Indeed, they learned many things from their contact with this people, who had profited by centuries of association with the Classical civilization of the Mediterranean countries. The one thing they had little need to learn was how to conquer and rule. Having established themselves in Normandy, these men from the north could abide with no greater contentment in their new homes than in the old. With the conquest of England we shall presently concern ourselves, but that was merely one adventure among a series of conquests that included adjoining provinces in France, crusading expeditions to the Holy Land, and other expeditions into the territories between. Twenty years before Duke William invaded England, another Norman William, of the Iron Arm, died after leading some of his fellow-Normans in an invasion of Sicily and in the conquest of northern Apulia, being chosen count in consequence. In the year that he died, another Norman, Robert Guiscard, came to Italy, and, within five years after Duke William’s famous battle that made him king of England, all of southern Italy was under Robert’s rule with the Pope as overlord. This overlordship was accepted by Robert only after he had first defeated the armies of the Pope. The peculiar relations between Robert and the Pope have an additional interest in view of the favor with which William’s expedition to England was regarded by the Holy See. Later,18 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS a year before the death of Robert and two years before William made his famous survey of the realm he had captured, the Normans took and pillaged the Eternal City itself. At this time, according to the most competent American historian of the Normans,’ ‘“The monuments of ancient Rome suffered more trom the Normans than from the Vandals.’’ ryy ‘y 7 s ae The Chureh had everyw ments. accumulated throue iere fallen on evil aay ‘. tS endaow- centuries of donations oriven in one form or another ror the eo00d ot the souls ot the semi-barbarians who were conquering and reconquering Europe, made it by far the wealthiest and most powerl il organization of its time. Its higher official distinctions, therefore, carrying, as they did, control of the lands held locally by the Church or monastery, were much coveted, and any noble or prince who acquired secular power was tempted to claim a voice in the « lisposal ol ecclesiast ical preterments also. In the centuries Immediately ,* \ ~ ( } ~ . preceding the eleventh the papacy was 1n one Ol the least emelent , | » 4) ; aa : Stages 1n 1tS history. and it was the custom of the seculal princes to give the formal bestowal of the symbols of office to bishops and abbots along with the investiture of the lands. This custom had the effect of filline the ecclesiastical offices with men who were primarily concerned with their own or their lord’s personal interests and who gave only secondary consideration or none at all to the matters for which the Church was supposed to exist. Beginning probably at the Burgundian abbey of Cluny, founded in the early Years of the tenth century, a movement for the reform of the Church spread rapidly over Europe. The middle of the eleventh century found this movement under the active leadership of Cardinal Hildebrand, who, in 1073, himself became Pope as Gregory VII. Gregory believed that the head of the Church ought to fave the bestowal of the offices of its subordinate officials which, as he interpreted it, meant also the bestowal of the lands held by the ecclesiastical organizations. He was thus involved in a controversy with the German King, Henry IV, who claimed for himself the customary right of in- vestiture, a controversy that lasted longer than the lves of Henry and Gregory, after consuming the major portion of their * Professor Charles H. Haskins.THE COMING OF THE NORMANS 19 time and energy. This ‘‘investiture quarrel,’’ we observe, was in progress in the critical period when William was consolidating his conquests in England. The Norman Robert Guiscard sacked Rome as Gregory’s ally in this quarrel. Despite its nominal persistence and its more active revival from time to time by strong personalities among the German princes, the office of emperor, instituted in the last days of the eighth century by Charlemagne, proved in the end to be merely the ghost of the imperial office of the earlier Romans. With the exception of the larger political affairs, we can get a clearer understanding of what was really going on if we simply ignore it. ‘‘It had been,’’ says Edward Jenks, ‘‘a sham empire from beginning to end, making pretensions which it could not support, using forms which it did not understand, undertaking duties which it could not perform. Its real importance lies in the ideas which it contributed to the intellectual endowment of the Teuton race.’’1 In order to understand the stage of development to which the peoples of Western Europe had attained when, by the unique experience of the Norman Conquest, England began to take her place in the van of institutional growth, we have to con- sider actual, substantial conditions rather than the doings of the emperors, to which the narratives of the time devote so much space. It is scarcely more helpful to catalogue the successive popes and their chronicled activities. It was around much less pretentious political units that the European states of later times were taking shape, and they are subjects much more fruit- ful for our study. There was as yet no France, except in a very vague and nominal sense. Hugh Capet, it is true, achieved a throne in 987, thanks to the weakness of the descendants of Charlemagne, but the early Capetians were little more than one among a num- ber of nobles. The other nobles acknowledged a nominal alle- ciance to the king, but one of the vassals was not infrequently more powerful than his royal lord. Duke William of Normandy was himself a notable case in point. If there was no Franee, still less was there an Italy or a Germany. For years yet to come, disputes with and about the Church were destined to occupy the time of the strong princes who might have accomplished in those countries the things done in England by the Normans and Angevins and in France by the Capetians. Meantime, the organ- ization of society, in Normandy at any rate, had reached the stage commonly called feudalism. 1ZTaw and Politics in the Middle Ages, p. 81.20 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS THE Part PLAYED By FEUDALISM sk 7 a r 7 lo say just what and all we mean by feudalism is no easy T s - ~ - task. It was, for one thing, never a standardized society ; 1t was ’ ’ : | ct * * + 2 : ing + . : j never quite the same at differen mes and in different places. y ‘T + | nmn y ‘ hahlv } ttar — 4 ' dar oe 47 Pw |: MELE IS provadiy no Detter way to und in tne Tunda- i ‘A ital +hinaga aay lA la |) ; thas , Imanimna s 14 taxre menta nes 1n CPUdGallsm a} laine a PrINItlve People = < } = ] . . - 7 a | + - bal 1”) the hypot] ‘LICal Process OT undergoing’ the staces Ot transl- sila coe i} lawn ri iy ry t110n trom primordia! SOc1etTY TO ue Mmoaern elvilized State with- | : + E annie coaths mora-enphieti cated: nammnuctk Manifest] vy ) CULilLd' Wilill ITO SOPILIS ale©d COMMUNITIES. Nid NIITeStly. a ‘ y* + i \¢ nave no a 1a] recoras oOo} i] ‘ transition had suc] a ] ] : ; I> Det nie : ey f sted L! VOUL! } ch LG) 1) a) J Kee DIN! ] AT } y records of the? progress NO] Lhe peoples of Western ; | mener — We areaty ‘ ] . } +54 mlabal 4 ' y} iif at VU Sf 8 Ins ULL a . : . rrow WV NOU nterrere} | eC OUTSIC ‘lo? OVE] mos . . I ‘ - ] f) { records VW y ; ‘ O} ' i ) Cy + | + aid Take plac J J 7 7 ] vere either kept | n Se] $1 lien lane e or at any | nOoy Tié OT T} 1 i _ ' ~ cs nat ~ 1! TTiN¢ Ives , t ] + | rn iy] [ LV COl ws i] | ' ‘ I) allowed J tollow The ) { VT) d fan Despite this scantiness o C in knowledge, we may ¢ . ‘ . 4.7 ‘ + ] ° 14 — ] } i ; | i - Sil | ely rss] ry) ') s t wf ' i>; ya 3 ) i | | | ¢ \\ T } } cl ] | i) [’ 2, ct } | i/ a | | {) Tl . } gous SS tha ED for 1ts prots On was Pp! | period, rea no’ howevel! t ) t T } QT ete ) + ) ‘ yr « j ' a} T cy a nto ' ret I | aveU sul NSISLING On +] } : + ‘ 1 | i } T the bounties of nature n h as he em domestica- sy . \ T TION OT iim” 1 nrrodit , { ' r we may ro! COnVen- holding groups together and for changing the character of = ] 1} : < . groups already estab ad on other bases. The typical group } fe pr Dably eame to b led by n older man, who by one means | or another made good a claim to an heritage of noble blood. Not infrequently he traced his lineage to divinity itself, and, before the priesthood became professionalized. he was intercessor tor his household with his alleged ancestors as well as dispenser of any law and justice that existed. Usually his most immediate | pressing problems had to do with ruling the household and hnding pasturage for the herds. rhe increase in population meant the establishment of new households and, sooner or later. competition for pasturage, re- sulting in strife between the herdsmen of rival patriarchs. The easiest settlement was similar to that accepted by Abraham and Lot, an agreement that one go to the right and the other to theTHE COMING OF THE NORMANS 2 left, but not all groups were able to make such an agreement. The result was the strife between herdsmen that the Hebrew patriarchs avoided, a strife which became chronic in the course of time. In the course of this strife, the patriarch gradually shared his place of supremacy with younger men who had stronger arms and a capacity for leadership in physical con- tests. Perhaps these younger leaders were usually akin to the patriarchs and so of noble blood. In any ease, their blood would soon become noble, for those who abode in safety naturally came to acknowledge their indebtedness to and dependence on those who endangered their lives and spent their energy to make sure the safety of all. And so an aristocracy of the wielders of arms took its place in the van of society and shared the prestige of the priest and patriarch. When the scarcity of pasturage, the growth of population, or other pressing conditions led these gentile groups to settle in one place in order that the soil might be encouraged by labor to lend its increase, it was necessary that the fields devoted to tillage be protected. Thus military chieftains tended in one way or another to become arbiters in the apportionment of land and in the distribution of the harvested products. Those who bore arms were naturally favored at the expense of those who simply labored in the fields or tended the flocks and herds. Society tended to be organized into classes based in large part on the relation of its members to the land, to its defence and its usufruct. Time conventionalized the relations thus developed by experience. The chieftain to whom the group looked for leadership in keeping peace among its members and in warding off attack from without became lord of the land with habitual methods for performing these tasks. In some such way must have arisen the essential things in feudalism: the personal relations between a vassal and his lord; the custom of one person holding land or other possessions from another with the obligation of rendering some habitual return, and the right of the lord of the land to have jurisidiction over his tenants in a court of which they were also constituent mem- bers. We need not assume that all people would have passed through this stage of social evolution had there been no out- side interference to appreciate that it was a logical transition from pastoral and patriarchal to settled, agricultural life. The ancient Mediterranean cities appear to have achieved a measure of peace and organization by a different process, but a large part of the civilized world to-day is able to trace its institutions22 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS to something it is not wholly incorrect to eall feudalism, and many things surviving from that society still persist. While the fundamental essentials indicated were usually present, 1t would be a mistake to assume that the feudalizing process was identical in all communities. The human beings of earlier ages were as different in their individual idiosynerasies as are their descendants to-day, and they had much less effective paraphernalia than we for surmounting the topographical and other obstacles they met. Moreover, when a group that had made greater progress conquered or was conquered by another group, both conquerors and conquered reacted on each other. hus, when the feudal organization of society was completely at complished, aS Wwe Would 1] | rai anticipate, It reacnet ITS most GonsSiIstent and Systematic Torm 1n eases where It was imposed On conaqauered PDeopies ixreater varlations were likely S . : i * tO arise In Communities voroping toward lt without violent All of which simply illustrates the point that feudalism is a normal stage in the growth of organized society and, like all institutions and customs of earlier peoples, that 1t lacks the regularity and definiteness we are accustomed to expect 1n instl- tutions of a more recent origin. Had there been a power strong ' enol oh and politically WiSt eTit Fil LU entoree reguiarity and system. there would have been no need for feudalism at all. hereto he remark that the Normans, when they conquered KMnegland, had reached the stage of institutional development called feudalism is not as informing as may have been inferred. ement implies, we should need —— — _— — pone — — / —d — a wl —> + ot have to explain the character of the particular variety of feu- dalism that existed in Normandy in the eleventh century. for bvious redadSons, that cannot be done. The COnguUecrors ot Neus- tria. as we have seen. wanted primarily to eolleet the greatest possible amount of tribute from their Frankish subjects, and we are safe in assuming that any measures of practical organiza- tion they introduced were chiefly designed to accomplish that purpose. But the long and direct contact of the Franks with the heirs of Classical civilization enabled them in turn to serve as teachers of their conquerors in most things except in the single matter of using military power for organizing a conquered people. Nevertheless, we probably ought not to conclude that the Northmen had a preconceived plan of exploitation. They were simply marauding groups, who learned by experience that it —THE COMING OF THE NORMANS 23 was less profitable to destroy than it was to levy tribute. The problem they had to solve was the practical task of parceling among themselves shares in the spoils of their enterprise so that each would have a proportionate reward. In this way, they became severally lords of particular groups of the conquered peoples or portions of the land, and in time introduced a degree of system in their extortions; the obligations of the conquered to their conquerors came to be accepted as a part of the normal scheme of things. It was inevitably so, if there was to be peace for the conquered and profit for their conquerors. The grant to Rollo by the King was a part of the normalizing process. It made legal what was already an accomplished fact. The new governors consciously imposed no new laws on their subjects; we have record of no noteworthy Norman legislation before 1066. The Conqueror brought no Norman laws with him to England, for the simple reason that there were none to bring. Normandy had too recently attained to the status of a semi- independent duchy for its lords to feel the need of law-making, even in the limited sense in which medieval rulers ventured to make laws. As Professor Haskins has happily phrased it, in its early days the province was ‘‘at once a Frankish county and a Danish colony.’’ The conquered still lived according to their traditional Frankish customs, while the conquerors began to adapt their own habits to the new circumstances in which they found themselves. The explanation of any changes they made is to be found in the practical undertaking in which they were engaged. Without consciously altering their own customs, they appropriated any customs of their new subjects that seemed likely to serve their own purposes. The expedient of sending out trusted men (missi domimci) to make investigation and to keep the ruler informed about conditions in distant parts of the realm, representing him in his absence, was one definite thing the Normans learned from the neighboring Frankish lords. In the course of several generations, the intermingling of conquerors and conquered was so complete that the more numerous element, the conquered, was able to make prevail its language, its religion, and many of its customs for keeping the peace; in those respects, the Normans of the eleventh century were the heirs of the earlier Franks. But the strong grip of the conqueror’s hand was still felt at the helm; and the effectiveness with which the people were organized under their lords was a heritage from the sea- rovers who, little more than a century before, had settled down to exploit an agricultural people.24 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS DUKE WILLIAM AND THE CONQUEST OF ENGLAND Duke William, who in the eleventh century was about to lead his people on another expedition of conquest, was grandson of the fourth Norman Duke, Richard the Good. We have space here to mention only the names of William’s father, Robert the Magnificent, and of his mother, Arletta, daughter of a tanner. between whom the Church celebrated no marriage. Of William 7 |i meee . 4 Saas . ~ 4. ‘ —_ eg - Be himself, his works testify sufficiently. Perhaps we need seek ¥ no better explanation of his mot s for the expedition to Ene . \ land than 18S manitest tor the e nquest OL SO Man VPldCes by his conquest was by no means a Hew experience for England. In deed, William is the last of Tt» ° 7 ; , By a } : . — ; before him on the English tl! Prone, though not immediately, — a series of conquerors of the island. came Cnut the Dane, one of the greatest of the pre-Norman kings. ) in England in the time when William’s father was Zak . " . » y - (he reign of Cnut in a sense prepared the way for the coming » ~ * . = j i 7 ‘ : a . >* , } i of William to England. Emma. daughter of Richard the Fear less ot Normandy. William’s oreat crandtat! Cr. Was the S ( eond 2 > Ty | aw Cog] eye Lato wit Ta iene r ; wite ot Ethelred ‘‘the Redeless.’’ kine of England in the Wessex 7 C 2 ! r] = line from 978 to 1016. and bore him several sons. When Cnnut. . fe Sy Se — 1 ‘ alter conquering a part of the kingdom from Edmund, Ethel- ay } 2 Cc if ‘Pa } . red s son Dy his first wite and his successor on the throne. came / wel we . | ss . } j 1 1 : Wiss | . to rule over the entire kinedom on the death of his late roe, one [ these SONS, who achieved as king the C iestionable title ot ‘“Confessor,’’ was thus half Norman by birth and altogether Norman by training. When he came to the throne, he introduced many of his Norman relatives and friends into places ot power influence. As a natural consequence, Norman customs began to be familiar in England. Kdward was preceded on the English throne by Harthacnut, son of Emma and Cnut, to whom both Cnut and Emma had desired to leave the throne on the death of the father. The powerful men of the kingdom preferred instead Harold, known as the Harefoot, a son of Cnut born before his marriage to Emma, and so Emma’s son had to await the death of his half- brother. The real power in England at the time was in theOU oO} (CA Oo zh to tn Oo z= 10° 8° 4° i] ° 9° 4°. He SCANDINAVIAN SETTLEMENTS BRITAIN AND The Danelaw_._..3 Norse Settlements E23 NORMANDY SCALE OF MILES 0 25 60 100 BORMAY & CO., N.Y. THE FIVE Debby» Nottinghal a £3 OROUGHS 743" FOO eet = leester 3. . @Le EAST & Ely é ANGLIA 3 qo Go 10° 8° 6° Longitude West 4° from Greenwich 9° Longitude EastTHE COMING OF THE NORMANS 25 hands of the heads of the great earldoms of Wessex, Mercia, and Northumbria, of whom the most powerful was Godwine of Wessex, who had been raised to the position by the favor of Cnut. On the death of his patron, Godwine at first supported Harthacnut, but, later, while Emma’s son lingered in Denmark, he had to make terms with Harold Harefoot and is even supposed to have assisted Harold in the murder of Alfred, another son of EKmma and Cnut. Harthaenut, when he came to claim the throne on the death of Harold, brought with him his half-brother, Edward, who was thus on hand to claim the succession to the throne when, in 1042, the career of Harthacnut came to an unregretted end. Kdward immediately married the daughter of Godwine and made terms with the other powerful earls. Then, after the some- what unsaintly act of plundering his mother of most of the wealth she had accumulated by the favor of her second hus- band and their son, he settled down to earn for himself a sort of canonization, which affords a chance for clever remarks at his expense by later historians, most of whom have been unable to resist the temptation to make them. Although, as we have noted, Edward brought to England many of his Norman friends, he seems to have spent his years in Normandy with priests rather than with fighting men, and so he manifested little of the capacity for organization and government we shall discern in his cousins among whom he lived. He seems to have been interested pri- marily in playing a safe game and in leaving the actual exercise of power to those better fitted for and more interested in the task. His marriage was purely one of prudence, made to con- ciliate Godwine, since he had earlier pledged himself to celibacy. When he quarreled with Godwine, he sent his wife to.a nun- nery ; when the quarrel ended, he received her back again, appar- ently with the same equanimity with which he married her in the first place and then put her away. Little wonder that at the end of his reign of nearly a quarter of a century the king- dom was disorganized, and the succession to the crown was in dispute. At least three claimants afterward asserted that Edward had promised to leave the kingdom to them: Sweyn Hstrithson, King of Denmark, William of Normandy, and Harold son of Godwine. The promise was alleged to have been made to William on the oceasion of a visit he made to Edward in 1051. Still another claimant, who threatened to take the throne for himself and later attempted to do so in league with Har-BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS old’s brother, Tostig, was Harold Hadrada. King of Norway. finally, despite his sa ntliness, largely through the fault-of God — +4 : AX os 1 wine. Kdward | i] LO nis SLICCeESSOr e quarre! with Tne i nuyren. i I ! ‘ me 3 ravor oOo eaeleas rif 4 } 7 7 } onl 4 } (70011 at S SOT] POT) \ » ©] nAangne Vnen a(1" if (11eq at ' : T | OC 4 TY) ¢ niry HnDoSSeS ()) i rn? } ' ( riTePN I nee OF Try rr; iT riegti i} | rie rt) [] | nt OU] OUTS atte} 4] . I D a | ‘ 4 ag. { ()? CSS) I i, (ie c*t ~ yITy ; . | i N ' oe is T Tri¢ } y 4 ’ { } tlarold been driven | vind oast of v h one of t] \ ) | ; 1 SS = «fs \\ lie} . ~ ror , 7 [ ) } Tf) ? rSOTT} lat ? . 7 ' \ fal no nto LI ali ‘ ‘ 0 5 rT’ { | a ()7 (on TT “> : ‘ 17] | + | a4 | | Cette es i} ~ th {| | cl f ' i] ! ~ h fier ()T) COT ot + * ) } 4 ' y { : { | { )} i og ' 1 ] sf) | igi | ( | \ rif | 7 \\ ' T} ‘ rig ~ LAE cl t {) t 7 | ' + | 7 4 ) . < r) cy? i Cis 1] .. { | ,\y {) ravi i) ne] rif (DT) ’ , 4 “i 17 4 7 ¥ Kdward’s deat] AS a part of 1 bargain, W) m’s daughte “a j= * 4 y then a me} enild VaS promis 0 Hat C V lt was ‘ i] ) T } T yy | ' ' ] “ss Ce] Lig) : Ts A ATOLG rii OO { rT) PAC} t | Lf Fo i rT} 7 The Crow i \ ' 4.7 j ) 47 é . he legal or the rig 0 e clain none of the candi- , j } j ah j 3 : i 4 (] PS needs ONSIOe@TATION Ti i Vig Vas ] ae ‘ Lé le . ; i ee \\ ‘ ay ] one OT STT@?) (rT | and Si if \\ | Wi OF) ined Ti ~ pYNpor OT rine ] | ‘ } | | { | i ‘ry nao | } } 1] writ} I nev titdattl {)} ‘ cl cl — aa 5 no ii ate yy I il ¢ ‘ Yr? ss + . : }- . ; — ‘ Wx? Tt 4 E cy ‘ . © movement for reform in elections and by taking a part , j , , ' ; rainst Stivand tle alleged the promise ot Edward that he } | 1] } | } | should nave the crown. and he accused tlarold Dias oO] ting 5 . +] i | . } t | I ' DLrOTL INE both as he nad accep (] irone Or himselt ans as | , rT ) . +++ ' 7 : . he had taken a wife from the powerful familv in possession of " ! } . . ryiy . . the earldom of Mercia. fhe Norman Duke therefore, Pro } i \ 4 , , ceeded to gather an army to take England from Harold bv roree Ye rice the reSOUTCeS OT h a ce] and Oy] nis immediate Is v ; had therine th; to d VaSSalS were miter ne ad Nn Patni ne this army LO Gepena on the help of such of his neighbors as he could induce bv promises of booty to engage with him in the undertakine. It was no small task to collect between January and August. 1066. an army of trom ten to fifteen thousand men and to provide the nearly seven hundred boats necessary to transport them with their equipment across the Channel,J -_ THE COMING OF THE NORMANS 21 Meanwhile, Harold, too, had been making ready for the fight that he knew was inevitable. He summoned to help him those who owed military service to him and to his loyal earls and collected a fleet of boats to await the coming of William off the southern coast of England. Before William came, Harold of Norway and Tostig landed on the coast of Yorkshire, and Harold had by forced marches to meet this enemy, leaving his fleet to be scattered in his absence. He defeated the invaders at the battle of Stamford Bridge, where the Norwegian Harold and Tostig both fell along with a majority of their followers. Just three days after that battle (September 28, 1066), Wil- liam came ashore on the southern coast of the kingdom, having found a favorable wind after a long wait. Harold, gathering what support he could as he went, made haste to meet the in- vader. The decisive battle was fought near the present town of Hastings at a place later called Senlac. About this important battle much has been written, including many pages of con- troversy as to whether it should be designated by the name Senlac or Hastings. Here it is sufficient to say that Harold was killed and his army dissipated, leaving William in possession of the field and free to complete the task of subjugating the land. The forees engaged on the several sides seem to have been about equal numerically. The Normans were fresher and perhaps somewhat better organized and led, though Harold was by no means an incompetent commander. Both sides manifested courage, and but for the death of Harold and the subsequent lack of his leadership it is far from certain that Wulliam’s expedition would ultimately have achieved the signal success that was destined to make it bulk so large in the future of England. But that is hypothetical, for Harold fell leading his troops. Our next task, therefore, is to determine the influence of the conquest thus begun on the institutions and the character of the people of England. Perhaps the most direct approach in finding an answer to that question is to ask another: What did William himself really think that he was doing when he organized his forces and persisted in the undertaking until all of England was occupied? One indication of what he thought he was about —perhaps the best we have—is seen in his action a score of years after Hastings, when he took the most celebrated of all his measures to make his venture yield the utmost of profit. That measure was, of course, to send agents throughout the land to ascertain the obligations owed by all of his subjects and whether they could be increased. The results of that inquest, as every-28 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS body knows, were set down in that unique document called Domesday Book. Manifestly William thought he was passessing himself of a kingdom likely to enhance both his power and his wealth. To see how the measures he adopted to attain these ends affected the people he conquered, we need to know first something of the conditions prevailing in England when the Conqueror came. Cambridge Medieval History, II. ch. xx; III. ch. xviii: A. D. Innes, A History of E ) he Britis [, 87107; Edward Jenks 7) State and the Na CI IX-x1; JL [ : VU lle Ages, chs lL] ir I reder t ere \ MM nd fi ist / i s/ Lau Second Edition I. el pe ey p 0 es of Hi il Juris } ‘ [ U¢ 1 eh X } Lor \' T)] 1 | ADI] NW (5 { H Haskins. ] \ } / (‘} 7 q { in ba k y land Before the N ( | s Hodgkin, 7) Hist / y I De 17 (} rsié } i j ‘ ain, \ 7 f- UY CT i xxv1; F, M. Stenton, the ¢ hs v1; Gilbert Stone, Eng- la j 17 t thie Earl / / ; toe a 1% GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For a physi map of the B : S) p. 49; M f. 3) For the migrTat ns oO] the N r » p +) Kor | ri pe iT the time of the Norman Conquest, see Shepherd, pp. 59, 66-67. For the aon 17 Ions OT Gr ut. SP i She} }) . | r). 64. H r the conquest and dominions 1. 7 . ; _— , a . an liljam, SCL olepherd, p. U0; Mu le hea We of WCHAR THR Lit BEYOND DOMESDAY BEFORE THE ROMANS CAME Just how many different conquering peoples had mingled their blood in the veins of the inhabitants of the island of Britain before the Normans came we do not know. The earlest of these invaders left no written records, and we cannot appraise the permanency of any influence they had with a great degree of certainty. They are survived by certain relies like entrenched camps, fragments of weapons, and tombs, with sometimes skulls and skeletons. The earliest relics found as yet belong to what is called the Old Stone Age, but they reveal little of the people they survive. The first people that, with much evidence to support the claim, we can regard as the ancestors of the British to-day belong to the New Stone Age. Some scholars think that two races of invaders belong to this age. The first had elongated skulls, resembling the basic population of the Mediterranean lands, and so are called the Mediterranean race. They were followed by a taller people, with skulls more nearly round, who had learned the use of bronze implements. Perhaps they owed their supe- riority to this equipment. These peoples knew how to grow grain, to wear clothes, and to make pottery. The latter race 1s sup- posed to have erected the circles of standing stone of which Stonehenge is the most notable example. The heavy stones in this structure could not have been moved without some knowl- edge of engineering. The next conquerors were the Celts, who had learned, among other things, the use of iron. Perhaps the Celts constituted the first wave of the Indo-European stock, from which have de- scended the principal peoples of Europe and of Persia and India. All of the subsequent conquerors of Britain belong to the same racial group. The Celts seem to have come to Britain in two, some authorities think in three different waves. The Gaels were the first to come; their form of the Celtic language 2930 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS survives in Ireland and in the Highlands of Seotland. After perhaps two centuries, the Gaels were followed by the Britons, whose language is still spoken in parts of Wales and was until a short time ago in Cornwall. The Gaels subdued. enslaved, or drove to the northern and western parts of the island the people who preceded them, and the Britons treated the Gaels in much the same way. The language of the conquerors became : 4 : ° ; ; 1 ; ~ - + ) fea . * the language of the country, Just as the language of France in the centuries after Cesar became predominantly Roman. After the last (i Itic invasion. it] ot ti e island south of the Hirth ot orth was Britonic; Ireland and the country to the north re- mained Gaelic. The people was naturally a much mixed one in Until the next conquest, that by the Romans, Britain had few contacts with those Mediterranean countries in which the founda- tions of Western civilization were taking shape. Some Pheeni- clan traders came, probably to the Isle of Wight, to buy tin, and some ot the trreek merchants carried On a trade rrom Marseilles through the tribes of Gaul. introducing a few Greek coins. But the island was largely out of contact with the eivi- lized world. The people of Britain were then probably in about the same social stage as were those of North America when the irst Kuropeans came. Some of them were accustomed to tattoo ] or paint their bodies, and they worshipped gods representing -y oftered human sacrifices. Julius Cesar paid two visits to the southeastern coast of Kingland, one in 95 and the other in 54 B. C. On both occasions he levied tribute and took away hostages. Not until a century later did the Romans undertake the conquest of the island in earnest. Between 43 and 61 A. D. the greater part of what is now Kngland and Wales was conquered and organized under Roman dominion.) Ultimately a stone wall was built to defend the country to the south from its northern neighbors, eloquent evidence that the task of subjugating Seotland was not regarded as practicable. The Romans not only sent legions to guard the conquered territory, they built towns and connecting roads as well. But they remained to the end a ruling class of invaders who had superimposed themselves on the native population. In the latter years of the period of Roman occupation, theBEYOND DOMESDAY ol legions that guarded Britain were recruited on the island itself ; other soldiers from the Continent married native wives, and the ties that bound them to Rome grew shghter in consequence. When the Imperial City was no longer able to offer effective opposition, leaders ambitious to achieve place for themselves led the British legions into Gaul from time to time. The bar- barian invasions from which the Roman Empire was already suffering made it difficult to return, once these forces were across the Channel. By the early years of the fifth century this process had gone so far that the period of Roman occupation of Britain may be said to have come to an end. Two notable things survived in Britain from the period of Roman occupation. One was an admirable system of roads largely built to facilitate the defence of the country. Some of the larger railway systems on which the inhabitants of the kingdom travel to-day follow the routes of these ancient highways. The departing conquerors also left behind among the Celts a religion which they had themselves adopted in the period when Britain was a part of the empire. The missionaries of Christianity traversed the roads constructed by the conquering Romans and in places did work that was destined to outlast that of the legions who blazed their way. Many of the Celts adhered to the new religion after they forgot the Latin many of them, especially the townspeople, learned to speak in the period of imperial occupation. A third result of the period of Roman domination made easier the coming of the next phase of the history of Britain. The Celts, when the Romans left, were a more civilized people by far than they had been when these conquerors first came. But cen- turies of acquiescence in domination by a foreign power devel- oped in the natives a dependence on the legions for defence from enemies from without and for keeping the peace at home and lessened their own skill and effectiveness as warriors. THe CoMING OF THE GERMANS Searcely had the Roman power disintegrated, when the Picts and Scots began to cross the wall and to attack the more civ1- lized Britons the while the Germans came from across the sea. At first, the more formidable enemies were probably those from beyond the wall. To make the task of defence less easy, as the traditions of the Roman occupation were dimmed by time, the32 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS people of the island tended to recover somewhat their ancient Celtic characteristics and so lost their capacity for acting together. Nevertheless, there seems to have appeared about thi middle of the fifth century a chieftain, Vortigern by name, who had some sort of supremacy over a considerable number of fol- lowers, According to tradition, this Vortigern., when beset by enemies from the north, enlisted the services of a band of Teutonic mercenaries from beyond the sea who were led by one Hengist. soon atter the victory tor the forees ot V ortigvern which ensued, the followers of the redoubtable Hengist, reénforeced ] other Germanic tribesmen, turned on their former allies ae began the process of conquest and devastation which was destined to make the Celtic civilization in eastern and middle Kngland little more than a memory. Apparently, on the first inroad. the cities which the Romans had built were destroyed, ed much of their other constructive work was brought to nought. Driven to the western part of the island, the more unyielding Britons now made a stand against the invaders, organizing themselves under native chieftains and temporarily staying the progress of the conquest. To this period of the struggle belongs the legend- ary Arthur of the Table Round, concerning whose very existence: there is difference of opinion among historians. More invaders came, and the conquest went on, lasting through a period of several centuries. In the end, that part of the oe we eall England became predominantly Teutonic in population, though the thoroughness of the conquest varied in aaa areas. We need spend little time with the dim personalities whose deeds of prowess are recorded in some of the stories Pree by tradition. Neither the conquerors nor the conquered had achieved a sufficient degree of political organization for individ- ual leaders to count for much as constructive forces. We are more interested in the character of the social organization that was taking cee both among the Britons and among the invaders and particularly in the community life that resulted in the clash of the invasion. Unfortunately, it is easier to formulate ques- tions on these points than it is to find satisfactory answers to them. We have to remember that the Teutonic conquerors had not yet learned to read or write and so could leave no con- temporary records of what they did. The Britons, it is true. retained something of the veneer of civilization they had acquired in the course of the Roman occupation, but they were suffering defeat and destruction, and we are not surprised that the trag-BEYOND DOMESDAY 33 ments of records they left are more in the nature of lamentations and dirges than of authentic narrative. The best answers we ean find to questions concerning the character of the invaders and of the life they were accustomed to live in their Continental homes are seen in survivals of older elements in the institutions we discover among them when they learned how to keep records. ‘To supplement these survivals, which are not always easy to identify or to understand, we have the reports of a few Roman observers like Cesar and Tacitus. But neither Cesar nor Tacitus ever saw even the ancestors of the tribes that invaded England, and some four centuries passed between the time when Cesar wrote his commentaries and when the Saxons crossed the Channel. Furthermore, it was another century after the conquest was well under way before teachers from afar began to instruct the invaders in letters and in the religion they were soon to accept. We are thus obliged for the most part to depend on surmises and intelligent guesses for our knowledge of what life was like among the people who gave Knegland its name and who furnished the basie element in what was destined to become the prevailing language of the island and of a far flung population reaching to the ends of the earth. Of the Britons after the Romans left, we know little more than is indicated above. Their community organization seems to have remained rather tribal than political in type. Before the Roman conquest, the people had tended to disperse over the land in agnatie family groups,! sharing a common dwelling with its surrounding buildings for three generations. In the fourth generation a swarming usually took place resulting in the estab- lishment of other groups or hamlets. The soil was not worked intensively, the people being more interested in hunting and in pastoral pursuits. Land was still plentiful and could be oceupied and parceled out almost at will. Such houses as existed were hght structures, built of wood, and little care was spent in their erection. The Roman conquest led to an improvement in agriculture, to the introduction of new tools and new methods of culture, so that midland England became in time one of the granaries of the Roman Empire. Roman towns and villas were established as centers of administration and cultivation. But the Celtic population seems to have remained dispersed much as before, and there was no attempt to reshape the Celtie tribal community life according to a Roman model. The efforts of the imperial * That is, groups tracing kinship through males.34 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS governors were rather directed toward the task of making the province a profitable one for the empire. Consequently, as the imperial power was dissipated, the native population tended to return to its former habits of social organization, retaining only the relics of the Roman customs that had been absorbed as a part of Celtie life itself. l'hen came the Saxons, Angles, Jutes, and Frisians from what are now Denmark and northern Germany. That they came in considerable strength and made themse =i s the dominant people in the portions of the island they iS ionexad is undoubtedly true, else there had been a more éxtensive survival of Roman and Celtic elements in the language of the country. There is a tradition. ind: ed. that ti leaving their former homes on the Continent desolate. Thou ie Angles migrated almost in a body, oh this tradition is probably an exaggeration, it is evidence that th Invasions were more than mere military conquests: they had th character of tribal migrations, The men were 1n part a?CcoMnm- panied by families, though this does not preclude the assumption that many of the women or others of hence people were absorbed OP enslaved by the invaders, This ove rflow of the northern tribes in migratory swarms was not. as we know. an unfamiliar phenomenon in this period of European history The Angles, Saxons, Jutes, and ’risians merely took boat tor a neighboring island instead ot tollowing the paths ot their fellow tribesmen into the regions of the Continent to the south and west. igration on so large a scale throws some light on the state of development of the social organization at the time the migration took place. For one thing. it is mani- rest that a peels with ad Se tled ; ind well organized acT] ultur: al —" life, occupy) substantial homes olf a permanent hea would not ris have severed 1 hat had bound them for gen- erations to familiar places. Thi S i: ing true, it is safe to assume t} at the social Sroups were in a fice pal rt hel it toget] r by bonds of kinship, real or fictitious, rather than by political sah On the other hand. we MUST NOT torget that the very processes ot migra- tion and conflict .would tend to bring forward leaders who showed ability in solving the problems met in the way and would stimulate the crowth of a military and political at the expense of a purely tribal form of organization. According to the best authorities we have, the tribes that invaded England, previous to the invasion, were in themselves divided into three social groups based on birth, much like the|= el gS -* LEST S. citiicr Ban RS? oMeats nT wa S/ UWADI sev ly °, wf 10 Longitude aaa THE CONTINENTAL HOMES OF THE GERMANIC INVADERS OF ENGLANDBEYOND DOMESDAY 35 Seandinavians that had conquered Normandy in the ninth cen- tury ; the familiar eorls, ceorls, and churls. The war bands were probably assemblies of nobles and ceorls or freemen, though we need not assume that the invading hosts were not accompanied also by some in a measure unfree and by others of even a lower rank. In addition to the fighting freemen, the tribal chieftain had more intimately associated with him a group, usually of nobles, who had made a pledge of personal loyalty to him. This eroup, called by one name or another, is common to most of the Germanic peoples in the earlier stages of their institutional life; it is the comitatus of Tacitus. We are, then, to imagine these conquering peoples as composed of numerous war bands coming in waves, held together loosely, when at all, under their tribal eroupings as Jutes, Angles, Saxons, and Frisians, with a larger number of lesser chieftains, each chieftain, with his noble com- panions, at the head of a band of fighting freemen, all furnishing their several weapons and united chiefly in the expectation of finding compensation for the expedition in the land invaded. No doubt, in carrying forward the expedition, certain leaders emerged for the time, chosen by one process or another, for the purpose of meeting the difficulties that arose. Examples are Hengist and Horsa and their kind and others with whom we cannot associate even as much as their shadowy identity. After subduing the Celts, the victors naturally settled down tempo- rarily, some of them, it developed afterward, permanently, to enjoy the fruits of the expedition. There is good evidence that the town lite that had previously existed was for the most part destroyed by the conquest, though the last word has probably not been said on that subject. It is reasonable to assume that a people who, in their old homes, were still in the process of adjusting themselves to settled agricultural life would have had small need for towns. The more important question concerning the conquest is with regard to the type of rural community that followed in its wake. On this subject a voluminous discussion has persisted for sev- eral generations. Unfortunately for the merits of the question, the discussion has at times taken the form of an almost partizan debate between sympathizers with the French or the German nationality. It has been suggested on the one hand that the Teutonic groups that conquered England settled down in free, democratic communities, and that they were later bereft of their freedom by other conquerors from abroad who held them in sub- jection until the rise in the course of time of the more recentBRITISH HISTORY = became crowded. older sons ‘ ~ 47 i | rig (OTIS | + 4 ’ T i I ‘ Unde! 4.7 f {] { ' j r 7 } . ay ind 7 7 } 7 tila ali * : ; the ()1) Sct 9 } + Provide LQ] HOR i } . iouseholds each occupied a ) } "7 eTTN) Kurope b 1T we>©re | ; i 4 + + 4.7 | i y\ () Bat. oieié ~ t |} at have Hine history without knowl- { ' s ( Pv Tit nts bot , tT 7 4 T } paw J 17 fyrTis TT) {if if) the . time-nono!l i @contentions + } c 7 % t 1 + {} Ppicit'l as as Litt / ta 1 ¢ peop ‘+ vould f | { ) {) i] ‘sf )f i | Ore’anhl 7 ()T) f (] poy) { is OmMmed , . | no Cm aS a matter O] “ ] | T | JI Ti 1 | ' \ Were { ] + | ion and a conquest s : . | C] rit C man Chnanves 4] } . } i PeOQpie CONOGUeres ) - 4 ] ly 1. ++ : | j | i) {} i { i \ (il rerent r to the former inhabitants allotted on some general basis the at f ae OT households COTl- irrounding’ sheds. closes. stables. hamlet. When. in the course hree generations. these hamlets iembers of the SFTOUDP, usually swarmed into neighboring dis-BEYOND DOMESDAY of tricts and instituted similar settlements. On this household eroup as a unit rested the primary obligation of supporting such sovernment as existed. The chieftains—perhaps we may eall them kings—depended on these households to supply the mem- bers of the fighting band, to pay tribute, and to assume respon- sibility for the penalties owed by one of their members. For the purpose of fulfilling these obligations the households prob- ably soon came to be organized into rough groups of approxi- mately a hundred each. Into the court of this hundred (its origin, both as regards its date and its causes and character, is a matter still in question) the freemen of the constituting sroups gathered to take common action and to adjust their dis- putes. When the earliest laws we have preserved, those of Ethel- bert of Kent, were written down, more than a century after the conquest began, these groups of kin were still held responsible for the misbehavior of their members and likewise received a part of the penalty when an offence was committed against one of them. This system of punishing by wergelds or blood money is manifestly only a stage in advance of the time when groups of a like character took the law into their own hands and wrought vengeance on any who harmed one of their number. The actual work of these households was, of course, done on a cooperative basis; one man did not have enough cattle for a plow team. Probably the arable strips were allotted to the several members in order to facilitate a fair division of the harvest. The pasture and waste lands were kept together and used by the members in common. As long as land was plentiful, that which was put to the plow was probably planted constantly in the few grain crops that were grown; when it no longer repaid cultiva- tion it was abandoned for fresh fields. But we are in danger of assuming that the conquest was sim- pler and more uniform than it actually was. It is well to keep in mind, to quote the best informed living writer on the subject, that “‘the Teutonic invaders came over by sea, in small batches, had to fight their way across the island in a war which lasted two or three hundred years, and got mixed up among them- selves and with the conquered population in an endless, tangled strife, if one may use the expression. Such a history strength- ened their military organization but loosened and dissolved the ties of kindreds and households.’’ On that account, as the con- quest extended gradually westward, the resulting communities organized came to have a more or less typical form, adapted *Sir Paul Vinogradoff died after the above was written,BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS to serve the conditions under which they were established. The conquest itself was manifestly a military enterprise, but the need for military organization did not cease with the occupation of the land: it was essential that the new communities hold themselves in constant readiness to meet the attacks of hostile neighbors. Consequently, if the groups that fared forth together had had a mind to disperse themselves on isolated homesteads, it would not have been a feasible thing to do. Instead, they usually settled in small tums or villages, the inhabitants of which derived sustenance from the land round about. We may safely assume that pastoral pursuits bulked larger than any others in the « arly lite of these communities, and it 1S not 1m] robable that ties of kinship, real or fictitious, were the original bases for lation ot their members. in any event, the members were Of a similar social rank in that they were freemen who bore their own arms when they followed the nobles and their war ands on the expedition. They were the chief constituent mem- ers or the new communhitles as the yY wert estab! ished, l hough it as not lone betore lower social ranks appeared, usually per- aps [rom the captives of the con juert d peoples, though some- times trom the ris whi d accompanied the bands in their migrations. On these funs or villave communities. as on the hamlets or households in the portions of the island eonquered earlier, rested the obligations of supplying the fighting men and some of the revenues of the kings and of assuming a measure of responsibility for the behavior of the members of the group. Their economic organization also was on a cooperative rather than an individualistic basis. Since these villages became the typical form of comm inity organization over a large part of Kngland and so the foundation of later rural life, it is important that we know something of what they were like. Perhaps we can best understand their character OY TEV ine to imagine what probably took place in the process of the conquest. tor one thing, there was nobody with enough power to make erants of specific and accurately marked and described parcels ot land to the w ar bands as they ceased temporarily trom their hehting and settled down to enjoy the spoils of their conflicts. The bands that had been fighting together probably settled in substantially the same groups, building themselves houses not very tar apart. one for each housel old. Kaech ot these houses would normally have, surrounding it and belonging to it, a small parcel of ground or “‘close.’’ Some of the conquered land had recently been under cultivation by its former occupants;BEYOND DOMESDAY og some of it was suitable for haying; some was suitable for pasture; much was still woodland or waste. The first task of the group would not be to stake off a definite territorial boundary and lay claim to it. Rather would the members of the group be inter- ested in inaugurating the cultivation of the land already, suitable for the plow and in making hay where the grass was growing in a meadow. And so this arable land, which probably even in the beginning was contained in several fields, was allotted to the households in strips, every household, it may be, insisting on a strip in each field. Since the plowing seems to have been done with an eight-ox team, there were obvious advantages in having the strips of considerable length; hence the lineal unit, a fur- long (furrow long). There were no accurate, accepted units for measuring land, and so the “‘hide’’ which each household prob- ably received in the beginning represents no definite area; it was merely an allotment deemed sufficient to support a household and its obligations in the village—the land that it would require a full ox team to plow. Later, smaller units came into use. The ‘‘bovate’’ was the eighth part of a hide or the area assigned to one ox; the “‘virgate,’’ the fourth part of a hide. Finally, the ‘‘acre’’ merely meant roughly a day’s plowing. Hach household, in addition to its arable strips, one or more in each field, had also an allotment of meadow in haying season. Both the meadow, while hay was growing, and the arable strips, while in process of cultivation, were inclosed by temporary hedges or fences constructed by the codperative efforts of the members of the community. After the hay was stacked and the crops harvested, this land, like the pasture and waste, was thrown open to the cattle of all. The pasture and waste were open for this purpose all the year, though this part of the land of the community usually had no well-defined boundaries, and the conflicting claims of neighboring villages later caused confusion and friction. Wood and lumber were, of course, eut as needed. All of these arrangements of necessity involved habitual cooperation by members of the community; that is, by those members who had possessed themselves of the land and who held themselves in readiness to go armed to fight in its defence, The land was thus occupied and organized by the freeholders, but perhaps from the beginning there were those of a lower rank who herded cattle or swine and did other more or less menial work and to whom no strips were allotted. Obviously, in a community like this, there could be no private ownership or control of definite areas of land similar to that with which weBRITISH HISTORY FOR AME] TO-qay permanent claims To 7 and, under the custon ry reg lations of the village. some ot the woodland Was li red and the ated QI! arable increased. This arable all became by practice heritable, and in time the tenant held in it something in the nature of a property right. provided he compl h tl 1 ms oO} | 1 it was held. The early hides were later divided and subdivi But the custom of common pasturagy mad e tillao | n SSITY cooperative. Moreover. the villas S init was sponsible tor its obligations to the larger political grou nd S ured greater importance ; e Cel U nme Di SLOOnGe?., its lreemen went o the hundred nd later te re courts to settle disputes th neieni o ag tL sent a quota to the fyrd, 0) rmvyv of defe) paid tr the royal treasury, and assum r msibil or CO} t of 1ts members. Alol £ ie thes CO] | he} type QO estate soon bevan to e} O As we n leaders of the invading bands m wen ni ings, were accompanied n 1 expeditions b | sonal followers bound to the) inite pledge Ss most of this intimate. per- sonal were | ni ral Ul! | e ord nar hohtine free- man A mb | 3001 me to be known as a ( | n Anglo-Saxon rd which o} nally meant traveling ( no) har qd OT CON a T} iS elated with ad leader ——] | | iri in @] ‘ter on OUT] such as that under- It en rhe n der ni ma Ors Oo] sritain—was known as nd memb 0 In rn came to be ealled agesith Now 1 | us an way tor a leader to reward these personal foll rs was to allot to them. when the in ne hosts began embark on settled life. eonsiderable r of land. Naturall vesith would not personally engage u s cultivation. but ould rather ga r about him a settle- ment of slaves, churls, and other hangers-on. who would make the estate support the establishment. There would natural y be some freemen who would cheerfully cast in their lot with this tavored friend of the king, and it is entirely possible that entire villages, earlier settled, later mad: were iat tion to I’ Before we can understand the later it ] IS I community life, 2 4.7 ai ‘Td ICAN STUDENTS e lone the several house- ie arable strips assigned neements with him that ed them in definite rela- hereafter. organization of Enevlish that we notice two important factors that were takine form and having influence for the fiveBEYOND DOMESDAY 41 hundred years following the Anglo-Saxon invasion: (1) the introduction of Christianity and (2) the gradual emergence of strong rulers having dominion over considerable areas of terri- tory. The second process was helped materially by the first and by a series of invasions from the Scandinavin countries, but for the sake of clarity in presentation we shall consider them as two separate topics. THE INTRODUCTION OF CHRISTIANITY We have already noted that Christianity was introduced into England in the period of Roman occupation, and it probably never died out among the Celtic peoples. St. Patrick, who came from Gaul and helped to convert Ireland and later became the patron saint of the island, bears testimony to the existence of contemporary fellow religionists in northern Britain. Mission- aries went far and wide from Irish monasteries and established similar religious centers. One of the most famous was that founded in the sixth century by St. Columba on the island of Iona off the coast of Scotland, from which the influence of the Church was extended among the Picts and Scots and later into northern and western England. But the first Christian mis- sionaries sent specifically to the Anglo-Saxons came directly from Rome. As far as we know, the Teutonic conquerors of Britain brought to their new homes their accustomed forms of worship. They seem not to have developed a very definite professional priest- hood, but the names of some of their divinities survive in our names for the days of the week, and some of their festivities were adopted in somewhat modified form by the missionaries who introduced Christianity in order to make the transition from the old to the new religion less abrupt. The first mission, sent by Pope Gregory the Great, left Rome in 596 under the leadership of St. Augustine. It reached the shores of England the next year and was received with a tolerant hospitality by King Ethelbert of Kent, who had previously mar- ried a Christian wife, a native of Gaul. The King and many of his subjects soon adopted the religion of his wife. The result was that this mission marked the beginning of an enterprise which did not cease until, with the aid of Celtic missionaries from the north, by the end of the following century, the whole island had been nominally converted to the new faith. At the12 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS — synod held at Whitby in 664, the groups who had been converted by the Celtic missionaries were brought into conformity with the practices of those converted by the missionaries trom Rome, and thus the whole British Church became an integral part of the Roman organization. This union of all the people of the island under a single religion was destined to have far-reaching So ty ie Hirst place, its pries Ms elped LO ChHnirorece peace and to inculeate habits of morality and respect for common rights. Surviving codes used in prescribing penance testify of the man- i j 5 Doe = . » ner in which the early Church contributed to supply the lack of A . ] | -_ f | ! | . . . local Olcers Of the peace and so accustomed the people to orderly e ’ ’ i { wanda I’ Til pel } Ty {) eter?) | ! 1¥ ishy en Under the leadership of Theodore of Tarsus. who became arch- ins | \ + } : : .% ] : 8 “v7 - fA ey | (LA ZReé Bale sh am | ’ PF) f 4 ov mes Vf) Zee Aas the 4 Zissis in oe of. ae Orwe > 40 ‘\ 2 6C5 4 Y XM Des or AAI 4 LZ, ANGX “ SSP Polkstone AM KMASIENS I, | “Boshamte Wy ’ “Selse y Z\, OF WIGHT Ambleteuse Boulogne Quentavic A St.Josse)® from GreenwichBEYOND DOMESDAY 43 naturally done in Latin, but later the native language was used. It thus became possible to write down the laws and customs of the people, and in particular those were written down about which, since they were undergoing change, differences of opinion were likely to arise. We have preserved for us, for example, the earliest recorded laws in a Germanic language, a brief code attributed to the same Ethelbert of Kent to whose household St. Augustine came. We are not surprised, under the circum- stances, that the very first clause in this code imposes a penalty of twelvefold compensation for the theft of that which belonged to the Church, elevenfold for that belonging to a bishop, and correspondingly high penalties for the belongings of the lesser clergy, as compared with the penalties for similar offences when committed against laymen. Nor was this the only advantage that accrued to the Church from its possession of this vital implement of civilization. If the Church was to prosper and do its work, it had somehow to possess itself of means of support, a fact which Archbishop Theodore recognized. He exerted himself to procure endowments in land, the only source of regular income the time afforded. But all of the land that had been settled and brought under cul- tivation was held by customary tenure under rules that had partly been brought by the migrating groups from their former homes and partly developed to meet the conditions in the new surroundings. Any transfers of these tenures that were made were ceremonial in character, involving time-honored practices and much consideration for the rights of all the members of the groups concerned. These complications did not facilitate the accumulation of the lands wanted by the Church. The ecclesias- tial officials had need of a readier method of transfer and of more tangible evidence that it had taken place, once they had per- suaded the donor for the good of his soul to make a transfer of his rights. And so the clergy introduced the familiar practice of making written record of these transactions and of the condl- tions on which they took place. By this means most of the land eranted to the Church was held as book land (boc land) as dis- tineuished from that of which the terms of tenure were merely cherished in the common memories of the members of the commu- nity. As time went on, laymen ambitious to accumulate learned the value of having a written record made of the tenures which they acquired, and thus the use of documents as evidence of the transfer of land became increasingly frequent, and the amount of book land became correspondingly larger. In speaking of44 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tenure of which no written record had been made—we need to j ] 4 : ‘ T 7 T 4 7 ( hureh and iatel he amb oer Man Wanted WaS not so } ‘ T | ? T } T t } } lr \ 4 nil DOSSeCSS a J cht Lal ana cas re ,YECETIUCS cht i if KIN? | . | + or ornel SLLPPCT IOI person VaS al . med to re ‘ trom the ‘ + | } } } ' ITY t} 1 y commun or trom iose members e commun! Lnhat occecu- ) } 7 | | . ? nHwed Tie 1) (| t Is 7 | (] T | i] 1 | ~~ Tii¢ land WelS ld ry membp = T j cry iy) } | 17 (yc? rpieegi ll] as rolk land } } p j 4.7 . } . 7 arena t ‘ and Was transterred aS Dook land trom the kine to the nmuren O} ] 5 } Th SOVYY) & cys li r) Y) are ledo 0] ieTTers Ihe per ] ] + + ‘ ao + he tavored classes to ; n . material advantages Obviously other uses than 1 cal ones just noted were ; . 4 } 4 4 made ot the learning tl] came into England with the Church ‘ ; | | fhe growth of 1 ece] organization created a demand rr Al lTi¢*) ec] ] mil | ro ’ ) na pr SiOTIS WReTP AC- Ci ling! made ror trainin® 1 m odore and his associates ; j ' } 1 ‘ 4 | 4 ‘ \ t iy cs | 1} ~ | (] ‘ ~ | ‘ { I » CPECICSIdsS it il Capita! j 4 4 rom \ Cn? mal minent echurehmen or the j ' i . ;. *| time | names of two men who flourished in these earh } |} 4 + t ; 7 ' C | 7 ‘ eenturies l sin England | still worthy of men- | > \ . 13 + ro tion. One vy 5 | Ve] ed an historian and ] ,'/ ‘4 45 7 i ;y + | ‘ , ¥* + ‘Ty ss, | {)i » | {ij }i : j bel a i if .7 iié ere NG elie | {)i iitct- = : . ‘ adore hims lr, and HOS ' and write] IS evidenced hw : | ; \ | | } Tr} Y) T ' | iT | 1x7 | ] 1 ' \ a 11S 2, “ i ' A » ul A S (pol Tit i ’ i iCT) is 7 ry t ) } ryyy ~ / H \ | if. i ji Pi PEALE he ot} er = ' 7 , a self * nN) JF ' ) 7 ‘ ws hoo] 7 T } i] | | {*/ Subsequently he } | ] } Bicol ] } li ~ atl CC] LO Lh NOUSCHOLG ‘ (| iriemMmacne and achieved denced by the career of Aleuin, was one of the most important influences that the introduction of Christianity brought to Ene- land. Henceforth all of the Classica] eivilization and Ol the history of England. The institutional life of the Teutonic bands in their new homes could not but be influenced by the older and more sophisticated laws and forms of organization that — had already been assimiliated by the missionaries who broucht them their religion and taught them letters. This influenceBEYOND DOMESDAY 45 is as difficult to trace tangibly as it is real and effective; of its existence there can be no doubt. THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE KINGDOM AND THE SCANDINAVIAN INVASIONS One of the most marked ways in which the new religion and all that came with it tended to effect changes in English life was to hasten the unification of the kingdom. We have observed the development of a unified organization for the Church itself, but that was not all. The clergy tended to sympathize with and so to lend assistance to the stronger kings, who, in turn, were able to afford surer protection for the endowments the Church was accumulating. Moreover, the clergy had knowledge of territorial principalities and kingdoms on the Continent more extensive than any then existing in Eneland and of the still more powerful empire of Classical times, which Charlemagne and his sueeessors later attempted to revive. What actually took place in England was a gradual bringing into subjection of the lesser chieftains by the more powerful ones and then a struggle for supremacy among these latter, lasting through several centuries, in which now Kent, now Northumberland, now Mercia, and now Wessex had the advantage. But, even if there were space to do it, no good purpose would be served by tracing here in detail these rivalries. It is important to note that these struggles among English kings led to changes in the organized political and community life of the people. These changes were hastened, however, and the culmination of the rivalry among the island kingdoms was effected by a series of invasions which England still had to endure before the coming of the Normans described in the last chapter. The two topics are best considered together, since they cooperated to produce the conditions that the Normans faced when they took over the helm of government. The depredations of the Scandinavian vikings on the coasts of the countries to the south of their native abodes began, as we have seen, in the last years of the eighth and in the early years of the ninth century. These sea kings ventured from their northern homes in long open boats, with high prows and sterns earved with the likenesses of serpents and dragons, each manned by from thirty to sixty men. We have to remember that Chris- tianity was not introduced into the Scandinavian countries until46 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS after the beginning of the ninth century, and, consequently, the Churches and their priests suffered particularly from the first invaders. They plundered [ona in the early years of the ninth century and soon began to make intermittent visits to the eastern s recorded for the first time that he winter on English soil. Thirteen years later, coasts of Kinegland. In S04 it they spent th a larger body came to Yorkshire and established a little kingdom [rom which they were never afterward driven. Several years later still, another band conquered East Anglia, and the small Kingdoms in the north and east of England passed, seemingly with little opposition, in rapid succession under the control Only Wessex, the kingdom of the West Saxons. located in the 1] ° \ . - - nn southern and western parts oO© the island. was finally able to - ‘ | i~ + i i \T e rT 1 * i’, at es or ~ raw oO Stay the onslaug?! of the Northmen. here a family of Strong = ] ] : ; . , | — “AT Kings displayed a signal ability in organizing thei people TO! , , ; ‘ | | ] i — + , the ight and was thereby enabled in time to bring all England Into nominal sudjyection to its rule and to claim a vague dom} nion TOY te +1 , ry ‘% Th ry’ \ h T ‘Ory, OY } »y* ! + T » " cy OVer 98COoOlliandad aS Well. at eS rememoderead Or These ing S 1s ' ) c ’ } - . . ’ ) . 7 ° Altred the Great, Who was active in fhientinge the invaders in tianity. in the treaty which he made with their kine. the country was divided, the invaders holding as the ‘‘ Danelaw that to the south and west codiftying laws, and otherwise conserving what the lone period of strife had left of civilization. Among other things, he set monks to work compiling the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which is one ot the chief sources of information we have concerning the doings ot the Hinelish in his time and later. Kor LWO oenera- tions after his death, building on foundations he laid. his sue cessors went forward with the work he had begun. The kines of Alfred’s family became lords of all the ] already disappearing and were soon to disappear entirely, and the country began to have a eile of volitical unity. But this unity was based largely on iiecacoeass aRReeAGhe bt the kings who achieved it, and it was endangered the moment a weakling came to the throne, esser kinos. who wereie O° J ENGLAND CIRCA A. D. 700 Scale of miles 0 10 20 40 60 80 Mountatnous districts and Moors above 500 feet.___S be ,, . . Woodlands and Fenlands. SS ludesburb koads ee LINOISFARNE Bamborough SS RAS Seni \d Y R EXG WBZ SY n A : “WA Tao she W a/} ) Jarrow S NES H har “A Ts > SCOTS’ Oe RC CEU Ry Wearmouth WS Dacvre MQMQOQAA WN Hartlepool) XY. Se SN . > | ow ISA SQ. Ga Ped, $y Streanzshalch TA SS TOE a (Whitby) NN WA XY Gilling NY DAM Cattericks Ne - Lastingham) NAS SS } “ = 54 64- ~ EEN %, \SIBEKS: MeOSREE oe en Wi inwuedfield, 9 PS umber WESTERNAS % pECSRET EM! Su RX \SMOP SS ™\ 5 SSS > nacaestre S Qi 0 AK \, The p MKS eS .\ Lincoln > , SN 3 W Y. N E D D \Ches =e foe A Ww Aa SS \ ster FS 2 & = . > Sno; ow ado rn WS ‘ SS . WES NN on Ss NS Mauserfield od ep po Ye Re pton_ “ four} S Cader Idris S R: Se J rpicntela, I MERCIANS..© > W932; S Wrekin ~ »Tamworth > t mas eZ 5 SS Ss Ss Wenl ck \Leice ster \la vA \ BS ! NESTS SNS w DVI =. aren ™~ wi, Wey “Oundje NS SY ¥ ~~ & cy \ sgt WI EES, SUREPOS mingle (3B LY 2 a AGESAETE | Worcesterk / _) \ ANGUES ; JXe © Dunwich 50° 2% s Leon EA : Cs 9 A 0 Tt keds J “= Seok ‘ \ + E Y 2 = Biyehelnaae Weldon Rea est fCCe MW =~ S Bedford <== 2-4 C2 YS Mountain: as cate SS ROS }- ‘HENDRICA. Colchester, Menevia\ 0 y fed : rucester ss SE EENSE OR pean (St.David’ 2Y sBurford « bis Hortord EAST 2 2 r¢ Cin ocetor St. Al 5 “of : / Aust aT otek Dorchester 3 i [Saxons] . as REDO WUE Bensing pe \ E ere Z ne @= SE, eect eR eS at “ONG Bradforde ne Siete = We = Se =—=8 SE en Wenioor WEST SAXONS. AS Be aa x KENT? EAST (Rutupise) WY S wee Renn ( Winchester ————_— Dover ~ Tauntpn oe 9 g fo Bphrvy\ St Andrcdes Weald KE LEE RON SEED fhorboey ”\ eat ITH SAXONS x er orne = NE Sry = AS Wimbo 7 (ARA SOUT ¢ Aww 0 iN \ QA 50% 05 Pevensey orchester oe, &, %, SS oy Sop, “hy WIGHT & - 159° SS Fenwithateor 6 4 ; Longitude West 3° from GreenwichBEYOND DOMESDAY 47 Such an one was Ethelred, called the Redeless or Unready, who became king in 978. In his reign the attacks from the Seandinavian countries were renewed in foree, and, when HEthel- red organized a wholesale massacre of Danes in England, King Sweyn of Denmark gathered an army and set out deliberately to subjugate all of England. The expedition was successful, and Ethelred was driven from his kingdom. Sweyn himself died in the hour (1014) of his triumph, and Ethelred, who had taken refuge in Normandy, returned to curse his subjects with further evidences of his inefficiency. When Ethelred died two years later, Cnut, Sweyn’s younger son, was able to gain the support of the influential men of the kingdom and thus to be chosen as his successor, though not until after Ethelred’s son, Edmund Ironsides, had made an unsuccessful effort to retrieve the failure of his father, only to die prematurely with little accomplished. Cnut, we know from the last chapter, took for wife Ethelred’s widow and became one of the great personalities in the world in his time. He held England and a large part of the Scandina- vian region under his dominion, but his work, like that of Alfred and his successors in England, was personal rather than organic, and England waited the coming of still other conquerors with a greater genius for organization before she experienced a con- solidation of the unification which, in a superficial way, Cnut and the Wessex kings had achieved. WHEN THE NORMANS CAME The people in England had come a long way in the six centuries since the migrating bands of Germans essayed the arduous task of subjugating the Britons of the earlier time and of making the land their own. ‘There was now, as we have just noted, a common king for the entire realm. But no peace- ful method of succession had been evolved for supplying a new king on the death of an old one, and the power of the king was shared by a group of nobles, most powerful of whom were the families at the head of the large territorial earldoms. Moreover, the king did few things without the advice and acquiescence of a group called his Witan. This group was constituted pretty much as the king pleased, but, for obvious practical reasons, he usually summoned all the important men who would have a natural share in doing whatever might be meditated at the time. There were in48 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS his household certain influential persons or thegns who served him in divers capacities and who could not very well be omitted— his chamberlain, for example, who was in charge of his treasure. Nor could he omit his chaplains, who were destined to play im- portant roles. Being expert in letters, one of them developed into a treasurer and helped the chamberlain keep a record of his trust; another became a sort of secretary to the king and a keeper of his eonscience, the remote ancestor of the highest judicial officer in the kingdom, the lord high chancellor. From various parts of the kingdom came earldormen and others who by one means or another had thriven into positions of power and prestige. Always the higher officers in the Church would come, as would the members of the king’s immediate family with whom he chanced to be at peace On the occasion of the death of a king it was this group whose loyalty had to be won by the kinsman of the deceased ruler who aspired to succeed to the throne: in this crude sense the kingship was elective. There was no established formal procedure for the occasion, any more than there was in the ease of a consul- tation with the king for confirming his policies or acts. Unless the time was ripe for rebellion, whatever a king proposed in his lifetime was likely to prevail; after his death, the most powerful claimant usually possessed himself of the crown. The climax of the custom is seen in the incidents that led to the accession of William the Norman. I'he revenues of the king consisted of the income from his royal demesne lands scattered over the kingdom and of the share ‘laimed in the penalties imposed in an effort ) to keep the peace. He was already strong enough LO demand which the king « 9 unte above the hot which had to be paid to the —rOuUp acainst whom the offence was committed. The inroads of the Seandi- navians made it necessary to raise frequently and immediately large sums to appease or to oppose the invaders. These sums were obtained by levying on the householders occasional impo- sitions, a levy that was repeated after the kingdom had been redeemed from the invaders, though it was still called the ‘‘ Dane- geld.’’ This occasional levy more resembled a modern tax than any other revenue the king received. Hor his military force, the king still depended on the old ob- ligations of the householders to come on his summons equipped and ready to render service in the territorial army, called the fyrd in the Anglo-Saxon districts and the here in the Dan’sh. By the end of the Anglo-Saxon period, however, the obligationBEYOND DOMESDAY 49 to render this service had been, in many eases at least, segregated to the holders of definite land tenures; others claimed exemption from it. This popular army was supplemented by a more de- pendable force, partly mercenary and known by the Danish term, Hus Carles, and partly of a feudal character, that is recompensed by definite grants of land. The king maintained his relations with the shires, the largest subordinate territorial units in his kingdom, chiefly through the ageney of an official called a reeve or later the sheriff (shire reeve). It is not easy to describe the duties of the early sheriff beeause, like so many other early officials, he frequently had to adjust his duties to the immediate needs of the conditions existing in his time. In general, he attended to the collection of any revenues due the king from the shire, such as those arising from the demesne lands and from the administration of justice. He attended the shire court as one of its constituting officers and represented the king in summoning the fyrd or here. The shire court was a gathering of all the free men of the shire. All free men were eligible to attend, and a tun was under obligation to have freemen in attendance. This obliga- tion, like that to serve in the fyrd, had a tendency to become attached to a definite holding of land. The business of the court was for the most part conducted, as such business is hkely to be at all times, by the more important men of the shire. The ordinary freeman, who had not accumulated more than the average of his fellows, found a field for his activity rather in the court of the smaller unit, the hundred. It was a less troublesome and less expensive undertaking to attend the smaller assembly, which met more frequently, and he could usually get his troubles adjusted there. Once they were adjusted, there was no appeal. The hundred and shire courts and the Witan, when acting in a judicial capacity, all used the same procedure. The court assumed no responsibility for determining the facts of the case. It lstened to the accusations and the responses, observing that they were in the customary form, and adjudged that one party or the other should offer proof by the ordeal or compuregation. The ordeal was of several kinds, but all professed to leave the decision of the case with a power possessed of more than human wisdom. In one of the most frequently used procedures, the party doing proof was required, under regulations definitely prescribed, to carry a piece of iron heated to a specified hue a50 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS stipulated number of paces, after which his hand was bandaged. The character of the wound at the end of a given number ot days determined his guilt or innocence. The penalty was pre- scribed in the law. The whole procedure was secon Dee by very solemn religious ceremon les, and, aceordinge Lo the theory, the verdict Was from a div) ine Source, In many Cases it Was possible for the accused to detend himself by finding a given number of compurgators or oath-helpers. Probably this was th: more common form of trial. These compurgators did not testify to any knowledge of the case in dispute but merely that they believed the oath of the party offering D1 roof. ‘The theory Was that the fear of punishment for the sin of perjury would make it difficult for a guilty person to procure this assistance. In some cases it 1s probable that proof was made by the nrodtiction of witnesses who could make oath that the statements made by the principals were in accord with things they had seen and heard, but that was not the most common form of procedure. In case of conviction, the group of kinsmen was liable, with the offender, for the wergeld or other money payments The smallest community unit, the tun, still retained its early functions of ap portioning the arable strips and meadows within its ._boundarit and of entoreing the regulations concerni ne cooperative Pane and concerning the use of the waste and woodland. On it probably fell also the task of making the final apportionment oft the Danegeld amone its members according to their several obligations to pay. Forces were already at work which were destined to transform the character of these com- munities and to place them and their population in a responsible relation to some important person or overlord. No doubt the obligations of sending military and financial aid to the kine on the occasions of the wars of the rival English kingdoms and par- icularly in the cases of the Seandinavian invasions hastened this process. The members of the village community preferred to assume certain definite obligations to a monastery, an influ- ential thegn, or a thriving gesitheundman, who would in turn undertake to answer the ealls of the king, rather than to retain these heavy and uncertain responsibilities themselves. This transition to a feudal organization was obviously made easier by the introduction of written documents to evidence obligations assumed. ‘This use of documents also enabled the king to entrust to monasteries, churches, and trusted men large estates from his demesne lands with the obligation that they render the services and the revenues he needed, and he found this a more productiveBEYOND DOMESDAY ol arrangement than to retain these lands under the loose super- vision of reeves and other similar officials, who could not in the nature of things exercise an efficient oversight. Nevertheless, we should not assume that there was any uni- formity of law, custom, or methods of social organization and land cultivation over all England. The districts where the Danes had settled differed somewhat from the Saxon shires in the south. The very shires themselves were, some of them, old tribal kingdoms with their former boundaries, while others were the more artificial creations of later conquerors. In the east, the smaller land units were, as we have seen, different from those a little farther west, where the more typical village community organized on a cooperative basis prevailed, due probably to the fact that the organization of the conquerors was more military and less tribal as the conquest proceeded. In the east and southwest, again, where the conquest was less thorough, we have a type of community organization much like that prevailing in the extreme east, probably a more or less continuous develop- ment from the Celtic society of earlier times. Into these tribal and military groups, obliged by circumstances gradually to organize political institutions, came the Church to teach learning and religion and to hasten the organizing processes. Before these processes were complete; indeed, almost as soon as even nominal political unity was achieved in England, the Normans came and took the helm of government out of the hands of the older ruling class. We have now to consider how they took possession and organized the land. FOR FURTHER STUDY G. B. Adams, Constitutional History of England, ch. 1; Cambridge Medieval History, I. chs. xin, xix; II. ch. xvii, III. chs. xiii-xv; W. H. R. Curtler, The Enclosure and Redistribution of our Land, chs. i-iii; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, I. 1-87; Ramsay Muir, A Short History of the British Commonwealth, I. Bk. I. chs. i-iii. FOR WIDER READING F. L. Attenborough, The Laws of the Earliest English Kings; H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English Nation; R. G. Collingwood, Roman Britain; H. L. Gray, English Field Systems; F. Haverfield (Revised by George McDonald), The Romanization of Roman Britain; W. 8. Holds- worth, A History of English Law, II. 1-44; Wiliam Hunt, The English Church from its Foundation to the Norman Conquest; L. M. Larson, Canute02 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Ja the Great; The King’s Household in England before the Norman Conquest : B. A. Lees, Alfred the Great; D. A. Mackenzie. An nt Man KF, W. Maitlan omesday 07 ¥K . Enalana efor Nor che quer Karliest Time i nglai d D. . le MatCHAPTER LV THE LORDS OF THE LAND AS THE CONQUEST PROCEEDED In carrying out his plan of conquest William and those who were associated with him accomplished many things which they had not intended, of which they were not aware at the time, and the results of which they probably never foresaw in any large measure. William certainly did not leave things in Hng- land just as he found them, though he professed that it was not his purpose to make changes. It would be a mistake, on the other hand, to assume that the effect of his enterprise was to transfer to England the habits of government and social life to which the Normans were accustomed at home. The explana- tion of what took place is not thus simple. The truth is, the institutions destined afterward to become familiar as typically English are neither, in a large measure, Anglo-Saxon nor Norman in genesis, but are rather the resultant of grafting a Norman ruling class on a conquered people in England. ‘The very proc- esses of conquest and reorganization involved decided changes, which those responsible for them seldom intended or appreciated but which were none the less real. The Conqueror, for example, could not long delay his obliga- tion to remunerate those who had joined in his expedition and whose cooperation made possible its successful accomplishment. Thus the most important and immediately noticeable of the changes which the Conquest occasioned was the allotment, while it was in progress and in the years thereafter, of a large part of the land in England to Norman landlords. We remember that the army with which Duke William achieved his conquest was gathered at the price of definite promises of reward. Since the only assets accruing from the expedition with which to fulfil these promises were the conquered lands, as the conquest proceeded, the lands were distributed to those who had partici- pated in the enterprise, the King himself retaining the lion’s share. In most cases this distribution of the conquered terri- ~~ 5304 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tory involved no necessary disturbance of the actual occupiers and tillers of the soil. The fighting men who accompanied Wil- } } ] 1 ] ] : ; ; : : liam were barons and knights who had little inclination to under- a i 1 } 1 ] - + + } ] + take the act i Management and explo) On OF iandaded estates | ] ] ] : \\ nal thé (*7() eted WAS LOTaSHIp Ove] SePTTIed Wnits Wie T"¢ rom TO j 4 y 4 ryy obtain the revenues and prestig hat lordship implied he * i } relations Qt oo CS] ed het VPP] ’ f ’ ; rw nad 7 ; He OT)I {)] I ] ] ] Tr } , Tine ! i {] land i 17 ' 1] TeYTN: Th } ride rnie r*¢ Lions 7 Tt } 4 : i | t “ ’ \ ‘ tm i \¢ a { ~ ' ras anit peed S i9 OPT na Since 4] . } ; 4. | + | +h “ Was mis , + ne () Sf) ; i Ly 1 (>) 17 i 7” } 4 rif conqgu lr’. \ r | 7 orn Vi ’*¢ rig ST i ) 1] \\ ¥ C ‘ tT } HQ; OL} ri cy th ¢ . * } ! \ al ible STTIpS 1n So llag 5s 1n nY vpeTore the NOTINansS Came +] : Sys a arte were alread COM Menainge’ Thems 5s tO men O Niuence Le .)% } 4 | i ' ¥ ’ ’ " } } ) is +} + ca J Giens ¢ a ‘ i I { ' = ‘ ives init Lilt | } yl ‘ t ~ | ? y T Ty } y\y* . “ I on ' ’ nd il * : Col | | ! j + “ Tif i + YLUCTSS I} + ' + + | ’ ; ? j YT) | Yn i+ Tyr tee {)} s()] f { ‘ itCY¥ lis “1 ‘ i L' LALLA ULSLL YS Th) (*O)T) r | I 1} is 27 (] T} 4 ff { } } ; } 1 4 TI ’ ' VT) nrest (rp , \\ ) ~ 7 ] ( ry} Oy? ines \\ Ney Tne () ~ ] 1 | ney ) Is SOeC- TVYY nn! ! , ' | r) 7 \ } } } } ly r | y i ~ si] i} 1 aot ; } ' j ' Wicuct ™ ~ | j if ci |i ct : ’ } a 41 7 oro } (] ri¢ rié i rie qT} {)T ae ; ~ LTri¢ ()T (} ()] ~ as Lic | } + | + . + ao ] 4.7 1 a Set] \i ~ abl \ 1} i (-7") ~ \ K 1) and ri tics TO ere ] ' 7 } 1 i 1 } ) + } ( T) LIy) i CeG Ol oa ‘ | ' t} wat ‘ ~ | ' Ul i (il om ' I Prices ' i? ' { Thi | Weis | ' 7 ) Preys ~ i ] t re (yT the } } FP tte } i ) ' y } 7 ’ iat ns He VCCT) Tre iV. 17 7 are i {)] } I} ord SVC) Ts [PAalTy 5, ’ } 1 7 Tt) \\ alti nad reCeL (] ~ PNT - is T i rom the } | ] | hands « | th { ONnCidergoy?) ~ (oS VT Ss OW?) 1@) ints wentwt (| iit L Lildt C ST irbed T) cl 1 Are cs iF] Thy r ) cy Tire population Ot Hine- 4 } ! ‘ | + : * iand Sel fl iT) Thi ~ ce} (if “as see \ ~ Yor] SH ir’ It rati -y mposed on the people a comparative] ill body of conquering 4 T } ie business of tilling the soil and paying the customary obliga- tions and occasional impositions much like they had done betore the Normans came. The difterey . nce was, they now paid these tolls LO Norman lords OF LO a | ‘orma ] king. But William had other ditheulti r1eS besides paying tor the services of those who took part in the original expedition. He had also to maintain an active army throughout the period of the Conquest, which was not finally completed for nearly twenty years, though the actual fighting did not last more than six.THE LORDS OF THE LAND OO He had afterward to provide himself with a potential armed force on whose services he could depend in any time of need. The natural method of doing this was the one he had practiced in Normandy, which was based on an arrangement that seemed to be fair and comparatively easy to administer. The conquered territory distributed to his followers was alloted on the econdi- tion that they undertake to render military service in return for it. That is to say, the obligation to supply to the King’s army a given number of knights was the condition of specific grants of land made by the Conqueror. These grants were made largely on the basis of the relations of William with the grantees or the services they had rendered. Robert of Mortain, his brother, for example, got 793 manors; Odo of Bayeux, another brother, 439; Alan of Brittany, a kinsman, 442. These holdings were in most cases scattered in different places over the realm because of the piece-meal character of the Conquest, but William did not seem to be afraid to let some trusted lieutenants have contiguous areas of considerable size; Odo’s case is an example of a con- centrated grant. The survey preserved in Domesday Book, made toward the close of the period of conquest in 1086, bears eloquent testimony of what happened in the previous score of years. Some twenty thousand Englishmen, who had formerly occupied positions of power, were replaced by as many men from across the Channel. Into the hands of these newcomers fell not only the crown but also all the chief positions of power and office, most of which were now attached to or involved in lordship of landed estates. The people of England acquired new governors, and these goy- ernors became lords of the land, drawing support from its tillage and possessing jurisdiction over its tenants. Henceforth, for several centuries at any rate, the power of direction was in their hands. But, let us repeat, we should not conclude on this ac- count that English institutions were now shaped in moulds im- ported from Normandy. The conquerors soon became acclimated in their new homes and adapted themselves to their new sur- roundings. True, the Domesday survey reveals to us some four- teen hundred tenants-in-chief who were then the actual rulers of England. But they faced constantly the task of making their holdings tenable and profitable, which meant that they had to learn how to manage and to derive tribute from established communities of English people. The rulers and the people ruled, alike, learned from each other. The institutional life that resulted in time was neither Norman nor Anglo-Saxon; it was- Nb BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Enelish, a word we must understand as havine a different content from that it has V hen ised Q the period before the Normans came, if, indeed, it 1s wise to use it for that time at all. THe Norman MoNArRcHY One of the most important nges in the life of England that came with the Con ! \ Vp of monarchy This change was due more tt eter of the actual persons who oe Lp) ed t] thro} ! VI hn ti attained to their seepters, and the us made of their powers than to any different theory o nes they may ha held. It is doubttul whether thi had 0) - ry of kingship at all. That th rst Williar S man 7OTESS character and large abil S len ni the courage. and the ( HNacit' rO] t rs] | SG I Orval no his expedi- tion tor the conquest Kneland and in bringing the venture o a successtul conclusio} \\ ber, too, that those who engaged with him in ni ng and who shared the spoils of victory owed thelr 1 | ured honors and substance to him and held their estates lar of those on whom he bestowed ors most | s kin. Even so, he took @a) O STIp nat 0 | ustomal obligations for all the favors he granted William himself s ived 1 Ou p cd of the Conquest and was thus able to transmit to successor a unified kinedom with loyal vassals as subordi . nose every holding he had a record, with an estimate of what ought to accrue to the King in each ease. William’s second son, William Rufus. who suce- eeeded him in 1087, was strong enough to subdue those of his vassals who were inclined to ftavor the suecession of his elder brother, Robert, who now became Duke of Norma that lam Rufus and to the SOr) his tather. ~~ 1 Kneeland some t hrone idy. The fact n the reign of Wil- Kine maintain his right ended to enhance in the stics he had inherited from e qualities necessary to enable Wi is the SP Ve] Normandy } 5 alerts 7 4] necessiry T} ca Liit ‘ed trom avainst opposition 1 0 ld ractern lacked ti le aggressive ¢! Althon izh he him to win the loyalty of his subjects to himself personally, he had that forees that Ose. the ability to pit the to him against each other which served a similar pu hostile ry might have been In a way that resulted in the maintenance and even in the erowth of the power of the crown. He left the monarchyTHE LORDS OF THE LAND ay stronger than he found it, provided the scepter should descend into hands strong enough to wield it. The very qualities that made the second William feared by his subjects caused them to regret his passing the less when he fell while hunting, in 1100, pierced to death by an arrow that was probably shot by a fellow-huntsman. Before the King’s death, his elder brother, Robert, had pawned the duchy of Normandy to him in order to procure means to go on a crusade to the Holy Land. But his younger brother, Henry, was a member of the fatal hunting party and made haste to Winchester to lay claim to the royal treasury and to the crown. Perhaps we need give little credence to the story in the chronicles of the first William’s prophecy on his deathbed that his youngest son, to whom he left no lands, would in time be lord of the estates of both of his brothers and a mightier prince than either of them; it has the sound of being invented after the fact to conform to what had taken place—a specimen of the flattery that frequently accrues to a king. While William Rufus lay dead in the New Forest, and Duke Robert was delayed in Italy on his way home from Palestine, Henry was making good his claims to the English throne and was beginning to lay the foundation for the future acquisition of Normandy. After he possessed himself of the royal treasury, he began to make terms with the powerful magnates. Since they had suffered from the aggressive measures of William Rufus, they demanded that Henry agree to relieve them of the burdens imposed in the thirteen years of the reign of his brother. Henry made a pledge to do this in the form of a charter in which he promised to restore the good laws of Edward the Confessor as amended by his own father, William J, and to abolish all evil customs to the contrary introduced in the reign of his brother. To cement his possession of the throne, he married Matilda, daughter of Maleolm, King of Scotland, and a descendant of the old Anglo-Saxon house. When, in 1101, his brother Robert, now back in Normandy, challenged his claim to the throne, Henry bought him off without a battle at the cost of promises of a pension of three thousand marks and military assistance. Thereupon, he proceeded to weaken one after another of the more dangerous barons who sympathized with Robert, charging breaches of the law and enforcing penalizing deprivations. Four years later he took the war into Normandy; in 1106 he made Robert a prisoner and took possession of the duchy, having already made himself master in England. Even thus early was098 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS . made manifest the power of the centralized kingship in England, ’ nrotne} 1} Ss more tnan two wvenerations elapsed het een the beginning of the Con juest deat Or the Conqueror 's . ‘ ‘ | . » 4 1 . + + VOLTNOeRSI S(T) | iT) Tit rT) ro) ] OPCS QO @nLtren | | CTY) - hy t] | the land | t} ) selves in their possession of 1 land and foi eir heirs to | - ieeeed rnem SO TI roast 1 { (*( Cd rf rit) 1! cy i 4 (i 7°)" ne them + 14 i. | + Out Ge iS Cd Cy] LO Ll COT nees mig have } } < to dominate the nhel nt nh they came and so to . a ¥ 4 ° rive an air ot permanency to Norman rule in England \lani- i 1. tf x { r 4 . r)} / t } 1 ’ * iy Lt ‘ iS ] if ' J Dt —. Lif PpOWe! e 4] eatin. <4 result. A t there w: { e TTi¢ (*] 1tS@] AS eT’ was * j ,- I if 1) {| ! i ‘ = ess ( }) tif t Lot: f i rf min? | no. the secente} | nt ngest nds outstretched to } (LITO? de} na | Of) rit VJ | | nas Ol eacl ' , ecessive demise ot the crown No su hands were 1 I en Ilem | died His SOD ana Cir pel cl in ti “¢ Oj he V Nhin. on ¥ 1e| ne was irninge trom Normand o Kneeland in 1120 His daughte Matilda, by reason of the prestige of her father, was able ta marry Henry V, the German Emperor, in 1114, but her husband preceded her father to the gra the Space ol a decadi tex father thi ipon underts to pledge his more powerful vassals to recognize her as his successor. Whether her claim would havi been admitted peacefully had the Kine died with the arrans . * a i’ ; | A ls ] ; } : }* . ment in rorce, We GO NOt KNOW: a QOUI! was cast on the validity of these promises by the marriage of Matilda in 1129, without the | eonsen? OO] he} prospect Vi Knol J ssals LO (ze O01 rey OT Anjou, by whom she had a son destined to wear ecreditably thi 1135, Stephen, a son of Adela, eldest daughter of William [. tor the next eighteen years between the supporters of Matilda and Stephen tested the character of the institutions which the Normans and their English vassals were building and preparedTHE LORDS OF THE LAND og the way for the son of Matilda, who followed Stephen. Mean- while, it was manifest that large results had already accrued from the Conquest and that the monarchy was not the only institution that had experienced important changes in character. THE CouRT OF THE KING Wilham proclaimed his conquest of England as being in the nature of a suppression of rebellion and insisted that he was of right the lawful king. We need not attribute to him conscious deceit when we recognize that his coming was something differ- ent from what he alleged. It meant, as a matter of fact, a change in most of the important institutions in the country. Wiliam may very well have been unaware of the difference between the courts he summoned and the Witans of the Anglo- Saxon kings. The reasons for the summoning were in both cases much alike. Just as the kings of former times had sought the advice and cooperation of those of their subjects without whose assistance they could not act effectively, so William and his sons took counsel with the men of power and position who participated in the Conquest. To men of this kind the larger erants of territory were made while the Conquest was in prog- ress, and, in consequence, the court or council of the King was composed of these, his more important tenants. As time went on, and a new generation succeeded to these estates of their an- cestors, by the logie of circumstances these holders of the large fiefs came habitually and permanently to constitute the court of the King. Before the Conquest, the Duke had had a similar court in Normandy. This court in England became the group from whom the King usually sought counsel, not from any pre- conceived disposition to change the character of the Anglo- Saxon central government, but because it was so manifestly the only way for a sensible king to act. These powerful feudal magnates, with whom the reigning kings were wont to consult, in the same way and for similar reasons constituted the group to whom an aspirant to the crown applied on the death of a king. There was no regular, formal method of election. The question was usually determined on the basis of conditions rather than by rule or theory. For example, Henry in England with the royal treasure in his possession and with friends at hand more readily commanded support than did an absent elder brother, and the magnates60 BRITISH H wanted their Lo remen T eontined T¢ vassals in hoth barons held esta did not think oj he thoucht some attendants acquiesced in his a with them and ma coop: rat} vassals were mor ot hi amons the memb: ISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ssumption ot the gcrown. took counsel ; ; 1 ide promises in the form of a charter because he > 4 4} Y a a EN on and support. Both the King and his e interested in reaching a working agreement : } : , 4 . \ ‘Kr ‘ 4 4 | ] | . T) than in contorming O an metnoad or election le a 4 + « - =e + ? : advantages of primogenitu) : means of securing an undis- ¥ ; puted SLCCeSSILON Were nol 1 T eleart 1] 4 rstood ry’ . — : ay A) ° . The kine’s court unde e Normans, then, was in greate1 1 +) Am | | t +} ) .hald laraga fial iypoatl< proportion composed O eG) Oo) | (i ial? eTS airectly ‘ ' pecs : : 47 i7 ry Irom tne KITTY than vwas ‘ a. tte { ONG Ul QT lheo- inna llc ed | on | al w] held revtiCadalti\ SVC Clidlit-ili-t asSd VOoO net | i. + i ,? 4] . . . + | : \ Hh | , t | ; YT his fief directly from thi 0 member o Is court i] . | + ‘ — Apparently the Norman kn in the habit of having + : } y + ( ' 1 c 1] T | C ‘ vt 3 LOrinal ies nvs ‘ I ‘ cLil i S| asspais Were 7 1 ’ } expected to attend. W , sume however: thatthe } } | ] 1 nye CU AMA not Lit 3 , | i Ul Cl iit pleased LO } 7 4.7 + . + . + = + » niS GoOul \ } i LT) ! ()] ) ' Non IS LO] \ | ? f | } | ’ ah 1 | + 7 vs. (i i us ) ch ' i ' iis \ ‘ i Sil LU SUmMmMmmMmMon 4 } : 4" _ 9 ; pa ] : ] ——— 3 OUISILCerS {)T ~ 1] cil sf )TDS | | O ‘ ' (] Tri 1’ ¢ neaVvi \ j a 47 } : ’ on the holders o Li r S | counsel with them ] ' ’ } more tTrequenti n ; Cas smalley But there } | . I. | . was no hart nad au. 0 larger and smalie1 PTOUDS; UI wer Uf n 1 ond century , 7 , + : otter ean { QO? LPT o 0 j | JQ ' I Be ns Both ,y 1 4 + ' wert CQ potential mM UY s | but the . - 1 j ’ 1 y n ’ \ + | + | . . .L TY? (}i rid) | ~ f ‘ ~ i -] y) i} Lilie Tea tel Lnan WIt!l LI li SSC] ()} Yr TOU: ry nad no ditter- PTL DOWe! rrom Lilt ()] ! ] ~ rid) i (] rice | | 17 the | + cnaracter oO | bh isi! Pe [ 4 rent WV Tit tI er tne . + > | " BR meeTino \ ~ () £. or ns ~1T) iif rs LD ] Ln 4. ] ‘ 4 } A CONSICGeCTavie I io il Cf IMmOTt Mmipol LI HAaATONnNS accoMm- : | +] | y } 1 ; ' ) 7 ’ { ) ) “) ‘tively his Dahle iit Lie Ll wast ' ' as ' ct ry ft \ LIS —— | ‘ n , ] ; ion court as was the mui larger tormal assembly that met the © ' } ° 7 three times a year when he wore his crown. And we do well Norman kings were not nry I, at rate, ha nd many of th 1 TNA any that But s as united by his lordship. rs of the court when it met in England were whose official] duties related solely LO thatTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 61 country. First among these functionaries was the justiciar. Where the effective conduct of the government depended so largely on the directive participation of the king it was neces- sary to designate somebody with authority, in the king’s ab- sence, to act in his stead. The possession of territory on both sides of the Channel made it necessary that the king be absent from one or the other of his dominions all the time. In the king’s absence his justiciar took counsel with those barons who were not of the royal entourage and dealt with circumstances as they arose. Other officials more intimately associated with the king’s eovernment constituted what is called the household; most of its members usually accompanied him on his journeys. Officials in this group were also members of the king’s court. They would probably have been summoned in any ease, but, in fact, they usually held fiefs that would have entitled them to summons on that account. They were endowed in this way both because the king would naturally be inclined to reward trusted servants and because a baronial fief was the most practicable method of remunerating those on whom the king depended for responsible services. Exceptions to this rule were the chancellor and the treasurer, who received salaries; being clerics, they also had income from their ecclesiastical appointments. The more im- portant officials of the household were the chancellor, the cham- berlain, and the treasurer. At least as early as the time of Edward the Confessor, the English kings had adopted the custom of affixing a seal to witness the authenticity of documents. Edward, as we know, was trained in the Norman court, though we cannot be certain that he brought this custom from that souree. At any rate, when the Norman Duke conquered England he perpetuated the custom. 3ut, regardless of the seal, he was frequently in need of a man of learning to prepare his documents. For this task he usually sought the service of the chief of his chaplains, presumably the most competent and trustworthy man of letters of the court. This same official rather naturally came to be entrusted with the duty of affixing the seal in cases where it was necessary. In time, as lord high chancellor, this secretary was to become the highest judicial officer in the kingdom and was to preside over a court of his own; in the period of the Norman monarchs, he was merely an influential member of the court on whom the king depended for secretarial services and for counsel. The Great Seal itself was not yet entrusted entirely to the62 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS care ot the ehancellor: instead it Was kept, along with the other treasures ot the kine’. in the Lr aSury in the Calc ot the ehamber- lain. The title of this latter official harks back to a time when the kine, for sat Ly, Kept the things he treasured in his private ehamber and when few persons besides kings had the possibility ot privacy. Ere lone a robinge chamber was added. and thus we have the origin ot two officials in the royal household who are OL frst ra Im pt net ; lone as the king has a larg measure of personal responsibilit n the conduct of the vovern ment. the chamberlain and t! er of tl lrob Of th duties of thi ter « l we s more late But even b the end Ot tT! reion Hen most important branch of the central g rnme} nd h was organized and administered with great ear ; the treasury fhe treasu itself was then in « ve OC o chat rlains at Winchester in the vicinity of which place 1 d fiefs. But the king had long iro asco’ red f a l I QO] ib f ke }) OuUNntTS and aceord I or | if lf S Si , L] iS I LIS |] a member ot thi ZY At mi me between the Conquest and the death of Henry I 1 dof the abacus ; introduced to facilitate the makn tf ealeul nN he she} S Cam twice a year to n t nt St cheequered ble on which the counters re dd nt to this method ulti- mately gave the nal oO tl ithest financial ofhe: in the kinedon seem re) heen first used at some time 1n the early decades o he ntuy But. for the time being, the chancellor, the 1 hal. and others of the household sat with the treasure ind echamberlains under the presi- dency of the king or, in his absence, of the jJusticiar, 1n trans- acting the financial business. The only important routine business of an executive or ad ministrative character that came before the governing family of the king as a matter of course was the accounting of the sherifts on the semi-annual oecasions when they came to make payments and reports. The volume of this business had grown so large as to require an habitual method of dealing with it. Not so in most other matters. The king and his trusted advisers simply dealt with them as they arose, never knowing or asking whether the business in hand or the action taken was executive, legislative, or judicial in character. The king was simply lord of an extensive domain which he desired to enhance and to manage with as little trouble and as much profit as might be, and he adopted any methods that seemed likely to accomplish the endsTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 63 he sought. Most of the things he did conformed to customs that were approved by experience. When, on rare occasions, he tried a new expedient, it was usually a more or less novel con- dition that tempted him to make the experiment; the impelling motive was, of course, much the same as that which caused him in most cases to follow the beaten path. The curia regis or court of the king thus resembled the feudal courts of the barons in that the suitors in the court over which the king presided were his vassals and in that the method of pro- cedure was similar to that in all feudal courts. But the king’s court was, after all, unique, because the supremacy of the king over other lords of the land gave his court a superiority over all other courts and made it a suitable school in which the king and his trusted advisers might learn of the problems of goy- ernance, while it served also as a nucleus on which to build a government national in scope. THE CHURCH AND THE NorMAN KINGS Rivaling the power of even these aggressive Norman kings and their courts, was the Church. We have observed that Kne- land was united for ecclesiastical administration before the whole country acknowledged allegiance to a single king. But the efficiency of the Church as a propagator of morality and religion gradually weakened, until its power now depended mainly on its extensive possessions. On the Continent, as we know, Hilde- brand, afterward Pope Gregory VII, took the lead in a move- ment to retrieve for the ecclesiastical organization some of the qualities and powers it had lost and to gain for it some further powers it had not possessed. The fact that much of the wealth of the Church was held in the form of lands as fiefs from temporal rulers enabled these lords to have a determining voice in choosing ecclesiastical officials. Kings in Germany, France, and England adopted the policy of dictating the choice of bishops and abbots, with the result that these officials lost much of their religious influence and came to be little more than well endowed favorites of the secular princes. Frequently the kings disposed of the clerical appointments to those who would promise for them the largest returns in revenues, with little or no regard for the other qualifications of the candidates for the positions. Although the celibacy of the clergy was theo- retically a required rule, most clergymen at the time of the64 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Conquest were married. Two of the chief things Hildebrand soucht TO do was TO cli orive Kings OF the lunction of Investing’ bishops and abbots with their offices, and so of effectively choos- ine them, and to enforce among the elergy the rule of celibacy. Harold, we noted, acknowledged as archbishop of Canterbury Stigand O ni 1 | e reform party jn Ul Koman rei ndeed | L 1] stiture from a pope of the opposing faction ; deposed shortly thereafter. 0 lare | ns. an haps most ri 7 | i ) } ; ; | 4 4 , hen } f)] { () } , 3 Y } Ci { } } NO 1 } a ()} () Wilh It} ~ if ay AJ rig ~ { i ' loan rif Was I ,* OT) | iblest s r} LD VISGQOM Ol 1 ' in (*{ iT r)t \ mae ' } 5 {)] rif i ' POL TO iY * ou | rié OtTTii Ti . i} 1 | 4 ] TO en Oates I ; 4.1 } 41 im some meas! rne cel 0 na to el ince tne j - Ty ’ } { ! 1 ni ct i] o wer ¥ + 7 iT ' i hi { ' {)} | {} f ()rri¢ ried OT Chnafl- ' * . + irTaATrs icter 5 is Vi sicls { CeCe hee Were } } nstituted th tl Kine, 1 \ laws ()} 1 i { ! Very I r’{ ~ 1, Ore the ’ ‘ i oO} ~ | bh : hKdormnen in the \\ 14 . COMTTS O _ \ no} ICPOLULESC( in ‘ l ad : Tne () ~ 1 iris | vd ‘ > ‘ i aqaiiy LliS- When William. about to die, sent William Rufus to lay claim to the Enelish crown. the son bore a letter from his father to Lantrane. and if Was he ven: rabli Are! bishop who crowned him and guided him into safe possession of the throne. ‘The death of Lanfrane several vears afterward left a vacancy not easy to fill. For a while William Rufus took the revenues for him- self and did not fill it at all. But in 1OYs he fell ill, and, in + ith. he decided LO appoint LO succeed panic at the prospect of deat Lanfrane the pious Anselm, Abbot of Bee, who chanced at the time to be in England. Anselm stipulated as a conditionTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 65 of his acceptance of the office that he should remain in obedience to Pope Urban, who upheld the Gregorian view of the papacy, and likewise that he should be acknowledged as guide and counselor to the King. Unfortunately for the success of the arrangement, William Rufus recovered his health. The separation of England from the Continent and its distance from Rome made it easy for a strong king to dominate the Church as long as he remained on friendly terms with its resi: dent head, the archbishop. Such had been the condition before the election of Anselm. But the new Archbishop had scarcely received his insignia of office before he was involved in con- troversies with his royal master. Now it was the question of whether Anselm should journey to Rome to receive his pallium from Pope Urban, who had not been acknowledged by the King; again, several times, it was the question of the obligation of the Archbishop as a vassal of the King to contribute revenues for the royal military undertakings. Ultimately Anselm asked per- mission to visit Rome to confer with the Pope, only to have his request denied except at the cost of forfeiting the estates he held from the King. On these terms he finally departed the king- dom in 1097 and did not return until after the death of William - Rufus and the accession of Henry. Meanwhile, the King was left to use the revenues and offices of the Church as he pleased. One of the promises Henry made in the charfer he granted when he came to the throne was to free the Church from unjust exactions. Pursuant to this promise, the new King proceeded at once to fill several important abbacies that had been left vacant to the profit of the royal treasury and sent a letter to Anselm making excuses for accepting coronation from another hand than the Archbishop and requesting his immediate return to Kneland. When Anselm arrived, Henry demanded that he do homage for the estates of the see, which had been in the hands of the King since his departure. But Anselm, in his residence on the Continent, had adopted the point of view of the party that contended that the right of investiture belonged to the pope, and so he refused to accept it from the King, threatening to leave England again if Henry persisted in the view that investi- ture belonged to the king. Henry was obliged to make terms with the Church in order to avoid serious trouble. The settle- ment finally made was in the form of a compromise, which was accepted in 1107 after a prolonged quarrel. By the terms of the reconciliation, in which the Pope acquiesced, the higher ecclesiastical officials were to be elected in the court of the66 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS king and to do nace to him, receiving from him the temporal- ities of their offices. From the proper official of the Church, they were to receive investiture by the ring and the staff, the emblems of ecclesiastical power. The terms of this compromise were thus substantially the same as thos reached on the Continent in 1122 in the Concordat of Worms. So the English Chureh main- tained its relations with Rome, end the English kings con- tinued to tace the problems involved in its connection with that powertul \ ‘ontinenta! organizat ion. more rad call ren tnan in tne SOUuTCces — } \ } ciel ' +} } 1X7 | } ; rrom Wilt iit (| i on) ‘ cr iii ( manne in nich 11 ’ ‘ } \\ is eollect {] | J | (1 his i) 1) VAS Tile t ' , ? } CllITTeNET asSSUILYD Qj] aAlit Ot! rit ing’ S OW] qajemesni that much of his revenue « ‘hat is. those who held land \ } } ir ae Tite ney hy (>i | a | YT) h ()T 1] eC] MO! ionorabl : ' } c ' Ti niires r*¢ nad req 10) 1 | I i Lf I a L} idl Oo ‘ ils pa 4 - + 4. 7 ] oh rif 1} ~ ~ a | i} rics! 1} J t ied | rn ngzaom YY the | Te) nis hose | i) | riit) rid) orable renures } 1 involvine military or s : vel nder obligations t pe a in4 c } ; heir paid a relief before receiving investiture 0} the estate ¥ | 1 \ i 7 S \ } a ° When the heirs were under age, the king had wardship 01 the \ ; } ' . nets WwW | co ry) ( 7 + + 7 : . ry) | a } ' O | ths eSTates ancl | | | | | 7 } ] T | ' | } + aT ? 1) six, appropridatt i OF TlLiss Ust () I CS Lild orainallii\ 7 1 . ' aeerned to the lord, excepting the amount necessary ror tne ° ‘ 1 J ’ - ] i] hes : a . maintenance Ol the minor f i \\ nen in need, tne KID might : ; ; : : 1. , ; eall on IS VaSs LIS For assistance in tne rorm Of av ald. though lt “ 4 “oy ‘ j oui a iol Was COMING Tt) he Lf t? VPN |, i lished (lis (oT) B cL eLitis eould be ° . | i“ + . . ‘7 4] * > ,% . * J requested as qg matter of right only for the three purposes Ol ] ,% 1c ; i : ’ C ransoming the kine himself, of knighting his eldest son, and oli ; : onee marrylne his eldest daugntel Some or tT! kniehts owing . , ‘ 1 l+ i. im > 1, , » + 1 nie + 7 Is military Se] ce wer»re dalled dine 1t more convenien LO Make , hate ‘Ti y)*) } 7 } ag | Oy) | 1 4 rson na UL re kin: equiva epi] Ja men > Lt) il J » ut in J a . | LI _ : rviy i —— TO prerel and TO acaqulesc€t in thal arranvement. hese pay- ments ot first made chrefly D) ecclesiastical tenants, were 7 7 2 ; ’ and constituted a growlne souree ort revenue. tained the custom of levying onTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 67 arable lands the old Danegeld. Still anothe@® fruitful source of revenue were the profits of justice, fines, forfeitures, fees, and the like, accruing both in the feudal court of the kine and from the participation of his officials in the local courts. The extension of the area under the laws of the forest for the ostensible purpose of affording facilities for royal sport gave to the king’s officials more arbitrary powers in these regions than in other places. Penalties imposed for special regulations that prevailed in the forests afforded additional sources of income. The treasury was kept at Winchester from the Conquest throughout the period of the Norman kings, and thither twice a year came the sheriffs to account for the revenues it was their duty to collect. Some of the older royal dues and rents had come to be established at a fixed annual sum and constituted what was called the sheriff’s ferm; for others accounting was made according to actual collections. After the reckonings with the sheriffs, receipts were given in the form of tally sticks, which were split in two parts, one remaining with the sheriff and the other at the exchequer. Accounts were kept on parchments known as Pipe Rolls. The organization of this machinery of financial administration was much improved in the reign of Henry I by Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, who for a long time served that king efficiently as justiciar. THE ARMY OF THE NORMAN KINGS One of the primary objects for which a Norman king had to make expenditures was his military force, though a medieval army was by no means as costly proportionately as is one to-day. The nucleus of the military establishment in the Norman period was the feudal army. Most of the troops of William I, as we have noted, received definite grants of fiefs in the conquered territory on condition that they render a meed of military Service in return. Those who succeeded to these fiefs inherited also these obligations. The land was thus used to endow the fighters in its defence, for when a knight answered the eall of the king he came armed and equipped for battle. This obliga- tion might, we know, be commuted as scutage, if the king desired, but the feudal army was always one of the strongest arms of defence in the reigns of the Norman kings, As the Conquest proceeded, the conquerors built castles or for- tified places to serve as strongholds of their new possessions,Naturally borders of the kingdom thi | rye " i t ‘ wreatest. but most places of in 5 } { = ryt} |] ryy ; for detenct ‘he old Tower « ‘ : a 4 prudent policy « CO) > j . QO} ret rene! S TT] 7 rié 0 1 y*¢ } " ; bers of the feudal arn had +] | } . 4 | r | t? rf ’ OOTTS | ‘ LTidi Bare ; . + against the king | is as m as hy i a TT ry 7 ‘ } 4 1 rive | ie] he ,) at M + J TO _ ’ . | TMi i i7rad QT i rif | an rit’ { ! 4 } Cendl troops hada mel in €2 7" te I (*/ nit) ] limited in both amoun , j } qaemand ionger |] . j a 1} rort , } 4 he ‘ ~ i f HQ Ye : sa0 4 i ( j Dewi ,ic?d rig tance O e ] nal } ’ T/¢) ;f >“ ~ 7 | | C1 7 , ‘ 4 Tile itis ()T) ( 7 Lit 17 ) : \\ 1] rH ly LLS na H ‘ , : LO 1 » arms na ¢ OWT | fyrTis ()T° & 1 | rather al nals ined SLIT | le we Ons 10 . mpact 1) Silt | ae ~~ I iT) . y by | lone remain a depen Yr)7 17 | . t} +5 id fy) cy Ith (Lael LIU LT} ‘ Cl a . I wy 4 : . uSe@LU ONL" as Cli VO as a military arm on | : { ] across the hannel or, 1n ; ‘ \ ‘ | iItimate i \ The lx abs hi; C Be ; ] ] ; . as [O] the bulk o£ Doth his } Ll} Ss cd ry th 7 the ~ ippiv Vi om) e tg 7 their places No kinem could had nol the tion of the lord meiliate s in his court who held the land. AMERICAN STUDENTS built more numerously on the ey re. since there danger was rtanee had these preparations ndon is a monument to this - The weakness of this method n of the castle, like other mem- ndowed by grants 01 fiefs in : a ¢ ot | elected TO rebel more c | TO subdue ne as remained loyal. The ne to commute castle-guard | ord) obligations vas coming into ex- er it ne the mer- 0 le for continuous ny) Q n d Cs rvice rue king might ron lal | s than the | TO! LT n that Gase G 1 rons . i the o vine impor- , +] Norman kings C] reserved intact ~ : ‘ T r} OLCe hoth , BB ld nelish fyrd , - But this force was mM and, even with the f > Nowe! s more in the ] i) | 10 ~ () | eould not r it could not be erable period and was thus ns of defence and not at all no ni } re TO hoht hattles m0 n. al hom: | 1 on the lords of the land powell and his revenues, and. e Se} e required. 1t was neces- withal to procure others to take cCome powertul, therefore. who or otherwise to win the coopera-THE LORDS OF THE LAND Manors AND Towns It would be a mistake to think of any of the institutions heretofore described as occupying as large a place in the mind of the average subject of a Norman king as they are likely to have in the mind of a student of history to-day. Both after the Conquest and before it the interest of the bulk of the popula- tion in the course of normal lives centered on the things that went on in the local communities in which they lived. This community life itself was in some respects changed by the Con- quest. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that the Con- quest hastened the accomplishment of changes already under way which eventuated in the superimposition of a feudal organi- zation called the manor on the older agricultural tin or village community. The process of these changes is not easy to describe. It was not the substitution of one form of organized rural life for another ; the older organization was left largely undisturbed and in possession of most of its earlier functions. The village communities did not become manors, though in not a few eases the boundaries of a manor were identical with those of a village’ community. In some cases several villages were in a manor; in others the manor included parts of several villages, all without destroying the village. It helps to clarify the situation if we re- member that the functions of the village were largely agricultural, fiscal, and administrative; the manorial organization simply left these matters alone to be managed as formerly, taking under its own jurisdiction a different type of questions. When, before the Conquest, a village sought the protection of some powerful lord or of the king himself or when, after the Conquest, all of the land in the kingdom was brought under the lordship either of the king directly or of a mediate lord, there was the same need of an organization to manage the cultivation of the village lands as before. These changes meant no dis- turbance of the prevailing arrangement for the common control of the arable strips of the village. It was still necessary to allot at the customary intervals the meadow for haying and to supervise the participation of the villagers in the privileges of pasture and waste. The village was still called on to give evi- dence at inquests, to catch and watch thieves, to mend roads, to help keep up bridges and walls, to witness transactions, to help apportion taxes, and for other similar tasks. The bulk of the efforts of the villagers were directed to their own local affairs. Individuals had the produce of their several holdings less the7) BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS payments they were obligated to make, and their rights in that respect were not communal: but the management oI pasturage and of the details of haying and cultivation were of necessity cooperative, since the open field system still prevailed. While this form of rural society was typical and widespread in Eng- land. we recall again that it existed alongside of private estates, some small and some large, and the free members of the village were always at liberty to dispose of their labor as they liked. Many of them embarked on individual enterprises, and this tendency increased with the growth of urban life. The introduction of the manor simply meant the acquisition by the lords, usually Normans aiter the Conquest, of the right to levy dues on the villagers and ot jurisdiction over them. The ‘ntroduction of this institutional change which, as we have said. had begun before the Normans came and was completed in the process of the Conquest had (1) proprietary, (2) social. and Co) political aspects, each ot which requires Some consideration. In the first place, the legal theory underlying land tenure was chaneed. According to the new theory, the rights of the villagers to their holdings was derived from a more compre- hensive ownership of the lord, the king himself being the ultimate or eminent owner of all the land in the kingdom, Inside of the manor all rights were held from its lord, which meant that the grant received by the lord from the king, when the king was not himself the lord, swallowed up the rights of ownership the villagers may formerly have enjoyed. All the waste and pasture land, therefore, became the lord’s, just as the arable was held from him. ‘These rights, if exercised by the lord to the full extent of the theory, would have meant a serious dis- turbance amounting almost to dissolution of the life of the village. A compromise, therefore, took shape in which the cus- tomary rights of the villagers—pasturage, wood-eutting, and the like—were preserved, unless there was express occasion to disturb them. The lord might levy a toll on these usages, and any new land brought under cultivation belonged to the lord. In practice, the lords found it unprofitable to drive tenants from their estates by denying them customary rights long exercised, and these customs became recognized and later enforceable in the manorial courts as conditions of tenure. Nothing is more in- dicative of the comparative impotence of the lord in the face of a well-established custom than the persistence of the intermingled strips of the open fields and of the village organizations them-THE LORDS OF THE LAND 71 selves despite their manifest interference with the efficient management of his estates. Nevertheless, as long as a tenant remained in possession of his holding, he was in a large measure subordinate to his lord. He had to attend the manorial courts, was subject to their Jurisdiction, and he owed dues of divers sorts, some payable in kind, some in money, and some in labor of man or beast. The tenants on a manor were of various classes according to their relations with its lord and their obligations to him. Slavery disappeared after the Conquest almost entirely. The three chief classes on a manor were freeholders, villains, and manorial servants. The distinctions between freeholders and villains are not easy to state briefly in terms that are universally valid; it was one of the most difficult questions with which the lawyers of the later middle ages had to wrestle, when it became a matter of large importance. A free man, indeed, might hold by a villain tenure. Both freeholders and villains were likely to owe for their holdings labor and boon work in addition to other regular pay- ments and occasional obligations. ‘‘Roughly speaking,’’ says Vinogradoff, ‘‘villains were peasants, as free men were knights or rent-paying tenants.’’ The root distinction seems to have been that certain agricultural tasks were esteemed as having a baser character than others, as work with a flail or fork, spreading manure, cleaning drains, or removing refuse, and those obligated to perform these tasks were regarded as holding by the baser tenure. There were, of course, many cottagers; that is, holders of smaller tenements who had no share in a plow team. Legally they were probably villains, though they had smaller holdings and so were lower in the economic scale than that class. The holdings of these smaller tenants usually amounted to a plat of not more than five acres, which was sufficient neither to occupy their time nor to provide for their households. They were thus available to supply a large contingent of the labor needed by the tenants of the larger fiefs and by the lord himself, when he was not sufficiently served by that which was owed as a condition of tenure. But the cottagers apparently had a share in the right to send cattle to the common pastures and to use wood for building, for repairs, and for fuel. There were also likely to be on a manor several other types of tenants slightly different from those we have described. One more group of the manorial population we must note, however; namely, the stewards and other officers and the serv- ants of the lord. These officials were usually drawn from the72 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tenants of the manor. Sometimes hunters, skilled artizans, and workmen of a type requiring special training were engaged from other places and paid higher wages or special boons. But a more common expedient in the case of these servants was to endow the employee with a tenement to remunerate him for his services. Some of the members of these supervisory and administrative staffs had to be men of ability and discretion, since on them depended the profitableness of the manor to its lord. We are likely to get an impression from a description lke this that a manor was a large estate on which the lord lived in a more pretentious house than his vassals, presiding in a some- what patriarchal fashion over their activities, and giving more or less constant personal attention to their affairs. Some lords, to be sure. did live on some manors and participate personally in their management. In the case of the more powerful mag- nates with widespread holdings, this was manifestly impracti- eable. The king himself, we remember, was lord of more manors than anybody else in the kingdom. At the other extreme, at the time when Domesday Book was compiled, there were some very small manors. But in the typical case the management of manorial affairs had to be deputed to officials left in charge for the purpose; the lords merely received profits in the form of revenues and services for themselves and the military services they owed to the king for their fiefs. The manor was a phase of organized community life for its inhabitants. as it was a species of property for its lord, pro- ducing for him revenues and constituting a valuable heritage for his descendants. It had also a political character in that | the lord held franchises granting to him certain police functions and jurisdictions with the profits arising therefrom. He usually had the right to hold a court in which the tenants of the manor were suitors and which they had to attend. In part this court dealt with the management of the affairs of the manor; it served also as a local agency tor keeping the peace, for the arrangement of transactions incidental to conveyancing, and for the settle- ment of disputes among its tenants. A besetting danger in any attempt to imagine the social organi- zation in the middle ages is a temptation to attribute to it more uniformity of character than it actually had. As a matter of fact, despite the general similarity of the types of institu- tional life that prevailed, there was probably much less of uniformity in the organization of society in the middle agesTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 13 than there is to-day. There were few rules about anything that were generally valid, and there was almost no such thing as system. Customs, once established, tended to persist and were changed with difficulty, when at all, and similar conditions over widespread territory gave rise to customs that had many things in common, but the details were different and defy description in any save a long and elaborate treatise. The essential point to make here is that the conquerors of England organized their new possessions primarily in the hope of making their tenure permanent and profitable, using in the undertaking what ability they had. In the process of doing this, they became themselves a part of the society of the conquered people and learned much from those they were exploiting, the while they gave a new direction to the organized life of the country. There was a stronger government and a larger element of system and uni- formity in its organization after they came than there had been before their arrival, because all the grantees of the conquered estates faced similar problems. This was true, though life in the English agricultural communities went on much as before as regards matters which the villagers had formerly managed among themselves. Some who had formerly been free were now Villains, but in the village community they went about their tasks as before the Conquest, freeholder and villain codperating in these functions on equal terms despite their different rela- tions to the lord of the manor or, in some eases, despite the fact that they were vassals of different lords. The beginnings in England of urban life destined to prove continuous, like many other things in the history of the country, are veiled in obscurity. Not many of the towns built by the Romans persisted through the Anglo-Saxon period into the times of the Norman kings. The characteristic social life of the Anglo-Saxons, we know, was agricultural and pastoral, and the population subsisted on a minimum of commodities brought in from without the country. They did little, therefore, to de- velop an urban life of their own to take the place of the Roman towns they had destroyed or permitted to fall into decay. The Scandinavian invasions brought to England a trading people, who were also under the necessity of fortifying themselves. Their Supremacy in the country rested on federated groups of towns of which the most famous was composed of the five boroughs, Derby, Lincoln, Leicester, Stamford, and Nottingham. After Alfred’s time other boroughs appeared, but the Normans found the typical Englishman still a villager and the tin or village74 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the characteristic unit of a population the vast majority of which was engaged in agriculture, using the open field system, with a few market towns to provide the legal conditions neces- sary for the small amount of sale and barter that was practiced. A rapid development of municipal life followed the Norman Conquest. Some of the towns, previously important, suffered material losses in its process, among them Cambridge, Canter- bury, Ipswich, and Northampton. But a period of castle-build- ing followed, and there was a natural tendency for population to accumulate in the vicinity of the castles. Among the group there assembled would usually be traders seeking charters guar- anteeing to them the privileges or liberties needed for the conduct of their business. ‘The removal of the bishops to the larger centers in the diocese added prestige and population to the places chosen for the episcopal residence. Then, too, the new rulers brought with them a demand for goods from abroad, which their new possessions enabled them to afford. ‘The increase in trade that resulted stimulated the immigration of aliens. both merchants and artizans. For these and other reasons, it came to pass that the eighty towns or thereabouts that existed at the time of the Conquest, most of them little more than large villages, soon grew in number and importance, until by the time of Henry [, the king was beginning to find them worth conciliating, and merchant gilds were appearing and seeking charters containing erants ot privileges. Even so, the development of towns was as yet irregular and sporadic, and these organized communities, like the tenants in rural villages, held their possessions and privileges from the dynasty of the conquerors or from their lordly vassals, both ecclesiastical and secular. FOR FURTHER STUDY G. B. Adams, Constitutional History of England, ch. in; W. H. R. Curt- ler. The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land. ch. iv: A Short His- tory of English Agriculture, ch. 1; A. D. Innes, A Short History of England and the British Empire, I. 107-161; England’s Industrial Development, ehs. iii-iv: E. Lipson, An Introduction to the Economic History of Eng- land, chs. i, ii, vy; Ramsay Muir, A Short History of the British Common- wealth, lL; Gn. iv, FOR WIDER READING G. B. Adams, The History of England from the Norman Conquest to the Death of John, chs. 1-ix; W. J. Ashley, An Introduction to English Economic History and Theory, Le chs. l-ll: W. Cunningham, The Growth of English Industry and Commerce, I. 134-225; H. W. C. Davis, England Under theTHE LORDS OF THE LAND 75 Normans and Angevins, chs. i-iv; C. H. Haskins, Norman Institutions, chs. i-i11; Studies in the History of Medieval Science, chs. vi, xv; Kate Norgate, England Under the Angevin Kings, I. ch. 1; Charles Petit-Dutaillis (W. E. Rhodes, Tr.), Studies and Notes Supplementary to Stubbs’ Constitutional History of England, I. chs. vi-ix; R. L. Poole, The Exchequer in the Twelfth Century, ch. 111; Perey Van Dyke Shelley, English and French in England, 1066-1100; EF. M. Stenton, William the Conqueror, chs. vii-xii; W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church from the Conquest to the Accession of Ed- ward I, chs. 1-vii; Gilbert Stone, England from the Earliest Times to the Great Charter, chs. xvi-xx; William Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, I. chs. 1x-xi; Paul Vinogradoff, English Society in the Eleventh Century; The Growth of the Manor, Bk. 11; Villainage in England, second essay. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the conquests and dominions of William the Conqueror, see Shepherd, pp. 65-67. For a conventional plan of a medieval manor, see Shepherd, p. 104. For a map of the Anglo-Norman empire (1087-1154), see H. W. C. Davis, England Under the Normans and Angevins, appendix.EVA hk ¥ ORGANIZING THE PEACE HenrRY II AND His PROBLEMS Henry II, known also as Henry Fitz-Empress, became king of England in 1154 on the death of Stephen. His accession to the throne had been stipulated in the previous year in the treaty that ended the long civil war between Stephen and Henry’s mother, the former Empress Matilda, who married Henry’s father. Geoffrey Count of Anjou, after the death of her first husband. For the next thirty-five years the scepter of England remained in the active hands of this, one of the most famous of her kings, and there is searcely another generation so full of interest and so significant for the future in all the history of English institutions. The credit which Henry personally de- serves for the accomplishments of his reign is not easy to deter- mine. Some of his schemes bear testimony that he was capable of being as errant in Judgment as he was lavish in his energy and persistent in his determination to bring his will to pass. But, in a world of notable men, he achieved an empire surpassed in area by only one other in his time, that of Frederick Barba- rossa, with whom through his long reign he was contemporary. If he died defeated by a rising king of the next generation, Phihp Augustus of France, it was because his enemy was assisted by the ingratitude of the older king’s sons and by their eagerness to possess themselves of his dominions. When Stephen died in 1154, Henry had for three years been in active possession of the territory of Anjou and its dependen- cies, which he had inherited from his father. In 1152 he had married Eleanor of Aquitaine, after her divorcee from the King of France, obtaining with his wife all those lands in southern France that lie between the Loire and the Pyrenees. Before he came to England he claimed and won Normandy as the heir of his mother. He was thus a powerful prince on the Continent without reference to his English territory. This fact affords a key to the explanation of many things that would otherwise be iOTHE ANGEVIN EMPIRE French Fiefs held by | Henry II D. = Duchy C.= County SCALE OF MILES 50 100 150 0) 250) 800) ~h CONNAU UGHT | ! VE a ND QQ a Man /, S ° a | SY Bristol | S a Canter) ury c Wiichester . H astings Sp ae * | | Wo pe D> (TH68 = Litas Dees es i | | | S | © a 2” e } 3 > Rei OQ pom S * Pz es Ba \ C ev NORMANDY "oy MPAGNE \\ | “e C. OF Aah | D. ey Se Ve: O x =< BRI 0: OF) 2” CIA NN ya) S HS ’ TTANY | Mean J SS} =x ed TN bot iC, ot andy, me \é 7 SERN WANA os =} } Lon Al = need ve pantes ¢: OF | jC.OEK8: EUIS FE aN Sx, —_) “ DY P| | FAOURAINES. S 0,0 & OD awe > ss ~ goose W| Je J > Ys 9 Bekne 2 Sa re" > N Wer OFS. G A A wer wa aS ma } eee AQUIT ATI = II eX Se | a. 1 | 7A IB ee fae ae PT Sees | garage GSN A TEI O N | Gx C, Ot as S Pe Se | ™~ eT NSS LS pe Sees ey | 0 OF Al ble: “GENIN ~* | PROVENCE : > | iy lea T 0.0.0 0 USER U'S EvAries Be alte cult ‘ou onse % nt SKIN GASCONY ¢ ° Marsefiles B AlN hes Bee iN v ‘4 Raman ty 7 7 ‘ a ISX voir YA Beziers FAR itor ais a)? ayy , , -LEO N| A N D epi nit yi AVA RREY > >! Lis, FAN il Wy Yin oli will wile j - a4 {ii a, am yalitte At, iat "WAY a Quy di; Cp £0 = OOASTILE 3 A|R A Go a Longitude > West 6° from Greenwich Q°__ Longitude Tain a Ac i frour 5°Greenwich W/KKiAMS ENG CO,ORGANIZING THE PEACE (7 puzzles in his career. His Continental dominions always fur- nished him with his most difficult problems; in them he spent a large part of his time; on them he bestowed a major portion of his energy and his resources. There were the scenes of his chiet failures and finally of his defeat and death. Probably nobody in his time could have organized these provinces into a state strong enough to survive the organizer—nobody except, perhaps, a king situated as were those who did finally bring all the terri- tory of France together. And we should remember that, while Henry was far more powerful than Louis VII of Irance, he was after all a vassal of that king and rendered homage to him for his Continental dominions. It was quite otherwise in England, where he was himself the lord paramount. Even there it is dangerous to attribute to Henry too large an amount of far-sighted statesmanship. We are more likely to get a correct impression of his achievements if we recall the practical exigencies of the conditions he faced in 1154. For fifteen years Matilda and Stephen had contended for possession of the throne, letting the strong government estab- lished by the Norman kings fall into decay. In this interval the powerful lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, waxed even more powerful. The demesne estates of the king were dissipated in the strife; no one was strong enough to do justice or to keep the peace. The Church in particular gained in power and prestige in this time of the weakness of the temporal government. It was fortunate in having at its head as archbishop of Canterbury another able monk from the monastery of Bec, Theobald. He was a staunch supporter of Stephen during a great part of his reign, but at last shifted to the side of Matilda and Henry and crowned the latter as king in 1154. ‘To insure the growth of the institution he loved and led, he made his household a center for the training of a group of men to whom he left the task of maintaining and enlarging the claims of the Church to power and influence. Henry’s first task in England was to possess himself of his kingdom. Accordingly, at his coronation, he announced that it would be his aim to restore the “‘good customs’’ of his grand- father, Henry I. This restoration took a very practical form. Following the precedent of the Norman kings, he retained as his chief counselor Archbishop Theobald, and for the moment the Church retained the privileges it had accumulated. But he restored the management of the exchequer to Bishop Nigel of Ely, a nephew of the famous Roger of Salisbury who had78 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS organized it in the time of the elder Henry. As justiciar he selected Richard of Lucy, who proved himself to be an able official and who served faithfully through a large part of the reion. Thomas Becket, a protégé of the Archbishop—in fact, a man trained in his school—became chancellor and one of Henry’s most trusted officials. Forthwith the new King rid the country of the mercenaries that had been employed in the civil walrs and destroyed the eastles that had been erected by oTants from Stephen in the period of disorder and strife. He reclaimed as a part of the roval demesne those estates that had formerly been so held but that had fallen into the hands of others since the time of his grandfather. By foree and threat he compelled the obedience of all of his more powerful vassals who seemed to threaten resistance, among them the King of Seotland. By these activities he manifested his resolution to have in England a peaceful realm. His immediate purposes and impelling motives in this deter- mination we do not certainly know. But it must have been elear to him in the beginning that he would be absent from England frequently and for long periods. His chief interest at such times would manifestly be to have the kingdom produc- tive of as little trouble and as much revenue as might be. We shall probably not be Wrone in set ing in these expectations the chief explanations of Henry’s policies in England. He must needs inaugurate good laws and improvise efficient machinery for their execution to keep the realm in order, so that it would require a minimum of his personal attention. He set up good courts, both because the doing of justice proved in itself to be a profitable undertaking and because a people who have guaran- tees of peace and quiet are more profitable subjects than are those in constant fear for the safety of their lives and posses- sions. Henry is remembered primarily for the ability he dis- played in keeping the peace, and the machinery utilized for that purpose in his reign, with its later development, came to play such a vital part in the processes of doing justice in England that his name will always be associated with them. Meantime, another institution required attention. Tor PROBLEM OF THE CHURCH The first obstacle that Henry met in his efforts to restore the rood customs of his grandfather and to make his realm peace-ORGANIZING THE PEACE ag able was the Church. More monasteries, it is said, were built in England in the reign of Stephen than in the hundred years previous. ‘This meant in itself an immense accumulation of wealth and prestige. In the Church at large, since the time of Gregory VII, the ecclesiastical government had claimed an ever increasing share in power and had persistently extended its sphere of activity. A period when a weak king was on the throne afforded an opportunity, of which the Church in England was not slow to take advantage, to extend its privileges at the expense of the royal prerogative. William I, it is true, permitted the bishops to hold separate courts for the trial of cases belonging to the jurisdiction of the Church instead of sitting in the local courts, as had formerly been the practice, but he stipulated that no pope could be ac- knowledged in England and no appeal made outside the kingdom without his permission. In the meantime, a study of the Roman law had been revived on the Continent at such places as the University of Bologna, and the canon law; that is, the law of the ecclesiastical courts, had taken a more systematic form in consequence and had been introduced into England. The Church courts, however, were lax in punishing clerical offenders, seldom inflicting penalties more severe than depriving a clergyman of his office, which meant that a clergyman who was a eriminal was much more lighty punished than was a layman guilty of a similar offence. Stephen granted to the Church courts jurisdiction over all of the clergy, and this was a considerable proportion of the population in the middle ages. In the course of the first ten years of Henry’s reign, it was reported to him that there had been more than a hundred murders committed by clergymen, besides other lesser crimes, for which no adequate punishment could be inflicted, because of their freedom from the jurisdic- tion of the temporal courts. Obviously this condition had to be remedied if good government was to prevail, and Henry and his advisers determined that a remedy should be found. The King took no action on this question in the life of Arch- bishop Theobald, partly because he was reluctant to offend a revered counselor and partly because he did not yet have the kingdom sufficiently in hand for the struggle with the Church which he manifestly faced. When Theobald died, Henry pro- cured in 1162 the election as primate of his Chancellor, Becket, who had been, it is true, a disciple of Theobald but who, since the King’s accession, had been one of his chief lieutenants and most trusted officials. Indeed, the friendship between Henry30 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and Becket had a personal as well as an official character. and in the King’s service than did his Majesty himself. Henry, not unnaturally therefore, anticipated that he was elevating a servant who would cooperate with him in dealing with the the Chancellor, profiting by the royal favor, spent more lavishly One of the first indications to the King that his plan was carry was Becket’s refusal to retain the office of chan- i VU a ° ] = iry S persuasion that he accept , } rT’ ] 3 } ee re election as archbishop. ‘The Chancellor had warned the Kine a’ ' . , ' . . * qualities that made this son oT a burgher d loval Servant or } cr} ) 1? won! j a} 7 nake nav ify s{ ' ro ii MISS1LO i. WULLL aisSU Mak rim mMmavnl \ | . ] hw te ] bonita eine = ‘ mate ee cee } ab on a “ nIS @CCLe@SIASTICAL Ce ANG S rive. @vel avalnst Tne Opposition OT k ‘ 4 : , = = al o | ITT? , 4 1A Ss monare! - Te aint} Lf I ie LO Ire vi all the pl 1\ ileges it had teduced to its simplest terms, the question at issue was whether the Church or the royal government should be supreme in the kingdom. Henry had determined that t] . decided in favor of the King and had hoped that Becket would th him in devising a relation between the Church i? CAaSP should he > and the monarchy that would seeure that result. Becket. now vas the responsible head ot the Church in England. was determined in his view that the Church was supreme in its province and in his resolution to yield no jot of its claims The first point on which the King found himself at variance with the Archbishop was when, at Woodstock in 1163, Henry proposed that an aid formerly levied and retained by the sheriffs viven into the royal exchequer. Becket refused to acquiesce n this arrangement as tar as it concerned revenues from land of ich he was lord. ‘his opposition helped to prepare the Kine for the Archbishop’s attitude when a Bedford clergyman, who had been accused of the murder of a layman but who had cleared himself in the eeclesiastical court, refused with insulting laneuact LO appear before the Kino’s Justice and answer to the same charge. When Henry demanded that the aceused answer tor this insult to himself in the person of his justice, Becket re- plied that the King should seek a remedy for this grievance in the eeclesiastical court, since laymen could not be judges of the clergy. In the issue thus joined, Becket represented the viewsORGANIZING THE PEACE 81 of the reformers among the clergy. But they were views to which no king ambitious to organize and to dominate his realm could assent. It was a revival in a more intense degree of the old quarrel between Anselm and Henry I. Becket adopted more or less consciously the point of view of his predecessor in office, and Henry propounded again the question of his grandfather: ‘“ Would the bishops observe the ancient customs of the realm ?’’ They answered that they would ‘‘saving their order,’’ which was, of course, a refusal. Ultimately, in January, 1164, Becket, finding some division among his fellow-churchmen, publicly made the promise Henry desired, without the qualifying phrase. Thereupon, Henry caused the ancient customs in question to be recorded in a document that has come down to us as the Constitutions of Clarendon This document was an effort to state as Henry understood them the practices that prevailed before the growth of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in England. There was ground for most of the King’s claims in the customs of his royal ancestors. The trouble was, the practice had been different in the more recent past. It is unlikely, therefore, that Becket ever seriously meant to acquiesce in Henry’s interpretation of the settlement of the points at issue between them. The King’s proposal, in brief, was that, in the first place, clergymen accused of crime should be taken before a secular court and made to answer to the charge. After that preliminary procedure, the accused would be transferred to the ecclesiastical court for trial. If convicted there and degraded from the priesthood, the offender would then be remanded to the secular court for such punishment as might be imposed for the offence. The document declared on the further points at issue that the right of presentation to a living, even when the dispute was between two clergymen, should be tried in the king’s court; that none of the higher clergy could go out of the kingdom without the king’s permission; and that appeals could not be taken to the pope, the king’s barons ex- communicated, or their lands placed under the interdict, unless the king himself should acquiesce in the procedure. Had Henry been satisfied with a moderate victory and willing to let time bring its gradual accretions of power to the king with corresponding losses of power to the Church the quarrel might have ceased here. But affairs on the Continent called the King, and he seems to have determined to settle once for all the *Adams and Stephens, Select Documents of English Constitutional History, No. 18.82 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS question between the Church and himself, at any rate, as far as the quarrel concerned Becket persone lly, We cannot trace here the long series Ol a) ISSCENSIONS that ensued. Finally, iti the year 1170, a sort of truce was agreed upon, Se most of the points in dispute, under the terms of which Archbishop, who had been several years in exile, should return to his office and to the King’s territory. Henry was in France when Becket finally landed in England. Secarcely had he arrived, when he began to give evidence that on his part the quarrel was still ket reached Henry, he gave way to an outburst of temper and is said to have denounced those enjoying his favor because they could not rid him of that one troublesome priest. Thereupon four knights of his household journeyed to England and slew Becket in his eathedral. The death of the Archbishop in this manner hindered the further success of Henry in his quarrel with the Church. Becket dead, was rapidly transformed into Saint Thomas. The King in process. When the news ot these actions of B ot was under no misapprehension as to the position in which the ill-judged enthusiasm of his unwise heutenants had placed him. He Sent to the Pope ottering LO submit LO Ww] atever micht be decreed after an examination of the facts. Mean pia he sought to reinstate himself with the Church by the conquest of lLreland. The Church in tl and so it would be esteemed as a service to the pope to bring it into the fold. J adventurers under the leadership of Richard de Clare, Earl of Pembroke, popularly known as Strongbow. In the autumn of 1171 Strongbow went to England to seek vate cooperation ot Henry, who had resolved to make an expedition in person. By Christmas of that same year he was in Dublin. The island was not conquered in any real sense, but Henry claimed seigniory over it and later tried to give it as patrimony to John, his youngest son, The expedition did, however, provide an interval for cooling the heat of excitement that followed Becket’s murder. Henry, on his return, made a pilgrimage to the tomb of the saint, which was to become one of the most frequented shrines in England He was obliged to surrender in the matter of the trial of clergy- men and of making appeals to Rome; in other respects, the cus- toms of the realm in the disputed matters remained essentially as they were stated at Clarendon. iat country was still regarded as eRe, he conquest was already Im process by Norman —— r aORGANIZING THE PEACE THE PROBLEM OF JUSTICE An immediate task that confronted Henry II and his eolabor- ers was the restoration of peace to the land and the people and the improvising of machinery for making justice prevail. In his efforts to perform this task Henry achieved his most pronounced success, and the judicial machinery he helped to set in motion was destined to culminate in institutions that long survived his empire. The work done in his reign in organizing the business of doing justice and in making it primarily the function of the king and his court has made Henry’s name memorable wherever the English people have carried English law and English insti- tutions. Just how much of the credit for this work belongs to Henry and how much of it ought to be apportioned to his pred- ecessors on the throne or his fellow-workers in the task of ruling England, like Richard de Lucey and Ranulf Glanvill, we do not know. To Henry, at any rate, is due credit for willing- ness to assume responsibility for reforms, even where he did not initiate them, For the sake of clarity, we shall regard as separate topics the work done in Henry’s time for the improvement of the judicial machinery and his policies as regards the executive and ad- ministrative aspects of the government. But we should guard ourselves against the assumption that Henry and his contem- poraries were conscious of these distinctions. They probably thought about their problem as a task of dealing with the con- ditions that confronted them in the way most likely to make the kingdom peaceful and profitable. It did not occur to them to ask whether the functions that needed to be served were legis- lative, executive, or judicial. Their intentions were pragmatic; they looked for results, and the test of their policies in their estimation was whether they would accomplish the purposes they had in mind. That the development of judicial machinery and methods destined to persist for centuries and to become cher- ished patterns in the fabric of English institutional life is asso- ciated with Henry’s reign is probably due rather to the fact that his most pressing task was to devise means for making and keeping the peace than to any conscious intention he or his coworkers had of projecting permanent institutions. While the quarrel with the Church was still in progress, two years after he had stated his own claims in that quarrel in the Constitutions of Clarendon, Henry took a further step toward the pacification of the kingdom. The document in which thisBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS measure was promulgated, issued from the same place as the other, with the CAPress appro\ al ot his important tenants-in- ehiet. Was C tii ad the Assize ot Clare Hao, We need not assume that this was the first of Henry’s efforts to pacify his realm or that this document marks the beginning of the methods of pro- eedure it preseribed indeed, we know that most of the methods had been used, occasionally at any rate, in previous relgns. and the itsel ives the impression that a part of the ma- chinery that ° to be utilized was already in operation In bri U1 scheme was to desionate and send out over the kingdom trusted Stices rom the King’s own court to take the prestige and power of that court directly to the shires Preliminar’ oming o ese justices, the King ‘‘ with thi consent « ll his barons r the preservation of the peace and the enino . enacted that “‘inquiry should be mad: through t!] | counties and through the several hundreds. by twelve « most legal men of the hundred and bv four of the mos val men of ea ll, upon their oath that they will tel] the truth, whether ther n their hundred or in their vill, any man who has been d or publicly suspected of himself being a robber, or 1 derer, or thief, or of being a receiver of robbers, or murder rs, or thieves since the lord king has been king.’’ Men thus accused were to be sent to the ordeal by the king’s justices, and it was the duty of the sheriff, if a justice was not soon expected in a shire, to send to the nearest justice and ar- range for a trial as the justice might desire, keeping the accused In custody in the meantime. All men accused by this method were to be tried in the king’s court, and it was distinctly specified that in such eases “‘no one shall have court, or judgment. or _ 1 chattels except the lord king in his court before his justices. and the lord king shall have all their chattels.’’ The King went even further, stipulating that a man with a ‘‘bad reputa- tion“ and an “‘evil testimony from the public,’’ when caught with stolen goods, should not be permitted to go to trial by the ordeal. Similarly, the right to trial was denied to one who had once in the presence of lawful men acknowledged the eom- mission of any of the crimes enumerated but who later wished to deny it. In fact, the King went further still and instructed his Justices to banish from the land within eight days any who passed successfully through the trial by ordeal but who were ' of very bad testimony and publicly and disgracefully spoken ill of by the testimony of many and legal men.’’ *Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 14.ORGANIZING THE PEACE 85 In these measures, Henry and his advisers showed that they were aware of the ineffectiveness of the administration of justice then prevailing and gave evidence that they at least suspected that the methods of trial in vogue would never be wholly depend- able. The innovations they sought to introduce, however, were supplementary to the methods then in use, and it was expressly stated that in the case of those ‘‘arrested otherwise than through this oath’’ it should be ‘‘as it has been accustomed and ought to be.’’ The substance of the innovations was, in the first place, that the King asserted his jurisdiction over the erimes mentioned where steps had not been taken to deal with them in the traditional manner and claimed the right to try and punish them, collecting for himself all the incidental fees and penalties accruing therefrom. In the second place, he substituted for the procedure that had formerly preceded the ordeal the simple expedient of having selected men from the community answer the question of fact, whether there were in their locality men accused of being criminals or receivers of eriminals. In this procedure is the germ of the grand jury of to-day. Its preliminary verdict against the accused thus obtained could still be removed by a favorable result from the ordeal, though the King gave evidence, as we have noted, that he was not wholly pleased by this method of trial. In the early years of the next century (1215), the Church forbade its priests to officiate at the ordeal, and, after a series of experiments, the king’s courts in England devised the expedient of summoning a second or “‘petty jury’’ to pass on the preliminary verdict or accusation of the first or ‘‘grand’’ jury and thus complete the process of trial. But deeds of violence were by no means the only species of offences which troubled England when Henry came to the throne. The long period of disorder and the accompanying frequent changes in lords of the larger estates made the tenure of those of lesser rank somewhat uncertain, and many injustices resulted. If the King was to insure a maximum of contentment in and income from his realm, it was important that he provide machinery for the adjudication of these disputes and of other similar cases as they might arise. The simple expedient of re- ducing the question to one of fact and of leaving its determina- tion to selected men of the neighborhood was utilized in this type of cases also. As cases of different types emerged, suitable machinery was devised for dealing with them in this way. Many tenants alleged that they had been recently dispossessed86 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of their land. Here was a fact that would not have escaped the attention of representative men from the locality. So, when a complaint was brought to the king’s justices, the determination of the fact was left to a jury of the vicinage, and the land was restored to the complainant if the verdict was that he had been dispossessed as he alleged. Cases of this character were dealt with under the authority of what was ealled the assize novel dis- seisin, Another type of complainant alleged that on the recent death of an ancestor he had been deprived of the succession to the land of the deceased. The king’s justices would here also summon a jury of the legal men of the community to testify whether the ancestor had died possessed of the land, awarding it to the complainant in case the verdict was affirmative. The assize providing for this procedure was called mort d’ancestor. The ASSs1ze darewn presentment provided a similar procedure for setthng the right of presenting or nominating to positions in the Church, the right of presentment being awarded to the one who. according LO the deeision ot the jury ot neighbors. had exercised 1t on the occasion of the last preceding Vacancy. These three were called the possessory assizes. They may have been inaugurated by the King and his advisers on some special occasion, but we have no definite record of the action if it was so, nor can we fix the date when the procedure was first used. We cannot be sure that they were not used in the previous reign; we only know that the increased efficiency of Henry ’s Justices made the new methods a more widespread prac- tice than had been the case before. These assizes are indicative of the character of He nry s work as pacificator. He offered a remedy wherever there was serious difficulty, the remedy being in the nature of an agreement to guarantee things as they were until an adjustment on a more permanent basis could be made. The verdicts of the neighbors under the possessory assizes went no further than the determination of the facts in the points submitted and left untouched the question of the rightful owner- ship of the land. For that question too Henry offered in his court a method of adjudication in the more complicated pro- cedure of the Grand Assize; meantime, he protected the de facto tenant in his possession. The assize utrwm applied to another type of cases, numerous in the period of readjustment after Stephen’s reign and not infrequent previously; namely, the question of whether a given tenement was held by lay or frankalmoin tenure; that is, whether, if held by a church, it was held free of the ordinary feudal obligations or owing them.ORGANIZING. THE PEACE 87 This, like the other questions, was one of fact, for the determina- tion of which no better method was yet available than the testimony of a jury of men from the vicinity. The introduction of these new methods of trial served to en- hance both the power and income of the king, since he retained for his own court a monopoly of this procedure. A trial by jury could be had only with the king’s express permission and before his justices, and the favor was granted only on the payment of a consideration. Litigants were willing to pay this consideration because the king’s court offered a more expeditious and a better brand of justice than could be obtained elsewhere. The right to obtain a trial by this method was obtained in the form of a writ which was purchased from the king’s chancellor. Once the custom was established of using this process to bring dlis- putes before the king’s court for adjustment, it is easy to understand that it would be extended and would encroach on the business formerly done in the courts of the feudal lords and in the local courts to the profit of the feudal lords. Two of the most familiar writs in use, in addition to those for the petty assizes, were the writ of right and the writ called praecipe.* The writ of right was addressed to the lord of the court having jurisdiction in the case directing that justice be done in the matter in dispute and stating that 1f 1t was not done a justice would be designated under the authority of the king to try the ease. By this procedure, the jurisdiction of the feudal lords was recognized and respected; the doing of justice was simply expedited by offering to the complainant an alternative when the lord was slow in taking action. The procedure under the writ praecipe was different; in that case the king disregarded the jurisdiction of the subordinate court and directed the person to whom it was addressed to restore to the purchaser of the writ the land in question or else appear before the king’s justice and show cause why he should not restore it. The result was to bring additional business and fees to the court of the king and to lessen correspondingly the business of the feudal courts. The rapid increase in the amount of business done by the royal courts had two important results that were probably not foreseen by those responsible for it. It was soon impracticable for the members of the curia regis, even the small group that was habitually with the king, to do the entire judicial business of the court as an incidental part of their other duties as ad- 1Hor an example of the writ called praecipe see Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 20.88 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS visers of and coworkers with the king. The adjudication of disputes concerning the possession and rightful holding of land gave rise to a volume of litigation that called for a deeree of expertness in the justices dealing with it and for the spending on it of a larger measure of time than the more influential barons, even those accustomed to act with the king in judicial matters. i ~~? could afford to spend. It was likewise necessary that the itin- erant justices make their journeys more trequently and at more regular intervals than had formerly been the case. These ends appear to have been achieved by the creation of what we may, not inappropriately, call a professional court, probably in the year 1178. As first selected by the kine. this eourt consisted of two clergymen and three laymen, and it was to serve as a central judicial body to hear all the complaints of the kingdom. It is probably the early form of what was later known as the Court of Common Pleas. In addition to the duty of serving as a permanent central court, at least one of the justices from this court seems to have been ad member ot the group oft itinerant justices on each eirecult. doubtless ror the purpose ot making —, sure that the king’s court in its local meetines was conducted according to the rules that prevailed in the central body. In whichever form it met, it was the court of the kine. and. when the sheriff in the shire issued the necessary summons for the purpose, it was so specified. It was the court of the kine taken to the shires and not the king’s justices participating in the old shire court. in addition to this new judicial machinery, made necessary by the increase in the volume of business done in the kine’s court, the justices soon felt the need for oreater uniformity in laws o o9 this and rules of procedure. A beginning toward supplyin need was made in Henry’s reign, probably by one of the most noted of his justices, Ranulf Glanvill. In 1163 the Kine made Glanvill sheriff of Yorkshire. After holding in the interim other responsible positions, he became, in 1180, justiciar of England. evidence enough that Henry had found him an able. trustworthy, and faithful servant. The book attributed to him. which Mait- land was inclined to think more probably the work of Hubert Walter, a successor of Glanvill in the office of justiciar in a later reign, was at any rate written in Glanvill’s time and while he was justiciar. It was the first of a series of lecal text. books destined to play an important part in shaping the char- acter of English common law. The writer evidently knew something of the Roman law, but he does not seem to haveORGANIZING THE PEACE 89 followed the foreign model. Much of what he set down was prob- ably his own theorizing rather than a description of actual principles and distinctions commonly used in the royal courts. But he concerned himself entirely with the law of the king’s court and not with that of the feudal or local courts. For that reason, his book, which became popular and was widely copied, was an admirable nucleus about which to group the precedents of the courts as they accumulated in succeeding generations. The result was a growing body of law common to the whole king- dom, wherever the litigant had access to the font of royal justice. This law in time overshadowed what it did not absorb of the older customary law administered in the local courts and thus became the common law of the realm long before the king and his colaborers in the task of government began to make additions to it in any large volume in the form of what we know as statutes. THe Rovat ARMY AND REVENUES The work of organizing the peace in England was made pos- sible by the ability Henry displayed in reviving and improving the strong central government established by the Norman rulers after the Conquest. Two essentials of any government of this size and moment are military power and revenues with which to maintain it. The purely feudal army, though they never aban- doned it, soon proved its unsuitability for the purposes of the Norman and Angevin Kings. It was primarily designed as a nucleus for the defence of the country in which the knights who composed it resided. But all of the Norman and Anjevin kings had possessions on both sides of the English Channel, and from their point of view it was highly desirable at times to utilize as much as possible of their English power to forward their undertakings on the Continent. This end could not be easily served as long as the military service owed by the holders of English fiefs was rendered in person for limited periods. On this account, the kings resorted to various devices to trans- form a defensive army owing service for a limited period into one that could participate in all the king’s wars for longer periods. Not more than five or six thousand knights were owed in England, and even this number was never actually in service. Instead, barons owing a given number of knights for a limited period sometimes arranged to send a smaller number for a longer period, or, as we have seen, to make moneyI0 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS payments called scutage in et of any actual service at all. In many cases, by fete [I’s time, the baron did not send to the service of the king the boil its he had enfeoffted ; he sent instead mercenaries, which he employed himself with revenues obtained trom the enfeoffed lands. This arrangement was sometimes neces- sary, since many of the knight’s fees were held by more than one tenant, each owing on ly "a part of the service of a knight. The king was already begin ing to perceive that it was not wholly to his advantage in tl e long run to accept equivalent pa eecaue in lieu of actual service, in that the payments were likely to become permanently fixed at sums insufficient to employ as many mercenaries as knights had been owed. and that despite the growing tendency of the number of knichts expected to decrease as compared with the number theoretically owed. In order to find a remedy for this tendency, Henry, in 1166. Neel ) } an inquiry to be made to determine the number of k ts actu- ally enfeoffed as compared with the number for siti service was owed from the fief, apparently in the hope that he might establish a better basis for commuting service and so of increas- ing his revenues to enable him to procure the needed knights. But the investigation availed him little: the feudal army was ing in importance, and it was becoming apparent that the king would have to depend increasingly on other arms. But we know that no king of England ever placed his entire dependence ror military service On the feudal army. Even the Seandinavian and later Anglo-Saxon kings had begun to employ mercenaries, and the tendency was to increase the proportion of that type of soldier in the royal army. We have seen, too. that the Norman kings, on more than one oceasion. had to eall to their assistan sometimes against rebels among their own vas- sals, the fyrd of the pre-Conquest kings. Henry of Anjou was similarly mindful of these potential forces, which could be made ready for summons in time of need. In fact, he went even farther in making these forces available than had his Anglo- Saxon predecessors. Under a law of the old fyrd, only free- holders of land were liable serve, and the customary exemp- tions made the service li: bee Heth tried unsuccessfully in the early part of his reign to obligate his barons to send a knight for each knight’s fee subinfeudated. The actual obligation to which they adhered had been fixed in the course of the distribu- tion while the Conquest was in progress, and there were now, a century later, many more night’ s fees than when William made his famous survey in 1086. Failing in the first attempt,ORGANIZING THE PEACE 9] Henry, in 1181 in the Assize of Arms,’ ordered not merely that every one holding a knight’s fee have in hand as many pre- seribed outfits of arms and armor as he had knight’s fees in his demesne but also that all other free laymen and burghers have arms varying according to their several financial ability. Hach one was to swear faith to the king, taking oath that he would bear these arms in his service ‘‘according to his order and for the protection of the lord king and his realm.’’ It was made the duty of the king’s justices on their peregrinations through the kingdom to determine by juries of freemen those who ought under the terms of the assize to have arms and to enforce obedi- ence to its provisions. But this militia, hke the fyrd and the feudal levy, was useful chiefly at home and for defence. While a portion of the feudal levy went to the foreign wars, the main dependence of the king there, as far as his English resources were concerned, was the mercenaries, which meant that the mili- tary power of the king depended in no small measure on his income. A ruler who spent as much of his time as did Henry II at war was thus obliged to give attention to the improvement of the machinery for collecting revenue. Roger of Salisbury had al- ready done his great work in giving shape to the exchequer as a department of the royal government. His nephew, Nigel, Bishop of Ely, assumed the mantle of his uncle soon after Henry came to the throne and earried forward the work that Stephen had permitted to fall into a state of disorganization. Richard Fitz-Neal, son of Nigel, became treasurer in 1158 and held the office for more than a generation. Under his administration, the work at the exchequer was systematized, and much of the routine work and of that requiring expertness and skill gradually fell to the lot of men who gave a larger proportion of their time to the task than was possible for the more influential members of the king’s court. In this way, the men in charge of the financial machinery as of judicial business tended to become personal appointees of the king and so more loyal to his interests than were the greater barons, who constituted the bulk of his effective court. To Richard Fitz-Neal we owe a remarkable account of the exchequer as it was organized in his time, a narrative almost unique among the books of the middle ages. It is called the Dialogue of the Exchequer and was probably written as a sort of book of instructions for those engaged in the work of that department of the royal government. It supplies in the field of *Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 17.ee = ena een 92 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS finance information similar to that supplied in the field of law by the book attributed to Glanville.’ The chief function of the exchequer in Henry II’s time, as in any oth ime, was to receive and disburse the kine’s revenues ‘ } i ; ace oh ie to instruction and to keep accounts of the transactions. The machinery in Henry’s time was somewhat more elaborate than it had been in the time of = grandfather, but 1t was essentially the same. Richard Fitz-Neal 1 oe built the super- “1 7 structure of which Roger of Salisbu L “yy i = The sheriffs came from the shires twice a year, at Easter and Michaelmas, to give an account of their stewardship. With the sheriffs came bailiffs or reeves from towns and stewards from honors, in fact all the officials obligated to make payments into and an accounting to the exchequer, though many of the lesser officials doubtless sent their accounts and their payments by th: hands of the sherifts In normal years; that is, when there was no scutage, Danege or aid, a little more than one half of the revenue was in the form of the sherift’s ferm, which had been completely established as early as the reign of Henry I. The items included in the ferm, which the sheriff said | In a cr sum that came in the course of ime to be fixed without much variation, were the rents from 1 a manors in the shire and a few others, such as the pro- eeeds accruing to the king from the local courts. In addition to the ferm, the sheriff had also to account for the revenues arising trom the king’s court and the incidental feudal revenues such as those trom reliets, marriages, wardships, escheats, and the lke. Certain towns also paid lump sums into the royal ay in the nature of ferms for the several boroughs. Besides these ordinary revenues, which naturally did not suffice for the needs of a war- like king, the exchequer received on occasion income from ex- traordinary Sources, One ot these Was the Scutave paid, as We know, 1n lieu of service due in the army. Then the king, like other feudal lords, had the right to ask ‘‘aids’’ of his vassals in a time of need, though the aid was supposed to be a voluntary payment by the vassal. Custom, we know, had establish * three occasions when an English king might request an aid; namely on the knighting of his eldest son, on the first marriage of his eldest daughter, and for the ransom of his own person. Aside from these customary occasions, the aid had no determining con- ditions and was therefore a tempting means for enhancing the *A convenient translation of the Dialogue of the io ‘hequer is in BH, F. Henderson’s Select Historical Documents of the Middle AgesORGANIZING THE PEACH 93 income of a needy king. Of a similar character were the tallages levied on towns and vills on the royal demesne and the gifts or aids levied on religious houses and prelates. ‘These were all special exactions and were not a part of the normal income of a king. The sheriff was a disbursing officer as well as a collector of rev- enues. The accounting which he made at the exchequer semi-an~ nually, therefore, was of monies spent as well as of those collected, and he naturally had to show his authorization for the expend1- ture. These responsible duties made the sheriff an important officer, and the lucrative income that it afforded caused the office to be coveted by the powerful men of the shire or by the favorites of a weak king. But the efficiency of the king’s government and its reputation with his subjects depended so largely on the char- acter of these officials that an active monarch hke Henry II took pains to see that they rendered him loyal service. Returning to England in 1170, after an absence of four years, he ordered that an inquiry should be made for the ascertaining of specified facts concerning the practices of the sheriffs. As a result of this inquest, most of the sheriffs then in office were dismissed and their places filled with men trained in the more professional tasks of government in the kine’s court, either in the exchequer or in the courts of law, who were more likely to have a jealous regard for his interests. The sheriff was thus, for the time, pre- served as the effective representative of the monarch in the shire and so played his part in centralizing the government, supple- menting in this work the labors of the justices of the king’s courts on their journeying through the realm. We should bear in mind that these visiting justices cooperated with the sheriffs to make real and definite the contacts between the central government of the king and the substantial persons in the shires.. It did not occur to either the king or his advisers to restrict the office of the justice or the method of inquiry by jury to what we of a later age are accustomed to regard as judicial business. In matters relating to the collection and ad- ministration of the revenues, and in fact in all matters pertaining to the good government of the kingdom, it was the function of the king’s justices, as they went to and fro, to make inquiry through selected men of the localities concerning any prevailing conditions that might call for remedy. Both the Assize of Clar- endon of 1166 and the Assize of Northampton, in which it was extended and reénforced ten years later, make it amply clear * Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 16.34 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS that the King made little or no attempt to discriminate between the Judicial and executive functions of his justices. They were simply his agents, sent to take his power to the provinces and to apply it in promoting the utveres of the central government and, incidentally, of the inhabitants of the country, as far as the latter had an interest in the seni of peace and order. Iwo further sources of revenue, which bulked larger in the middle ages than in later times, though they were not destined in the end to become vital matters in the government. neverthe- less are of too ereat importance to be omitted. They were the Jews and the royal forests. It has been admirably said that in the period from the Conquest to the end of the reign of Henry [I the Jews were ‘‘fleeced and tolerated.’’ The first considerable influx of Jews into England seems to have been in the mies of William Rufus, who recognized in them a means for his own enrichment. A new immigration in the reign of Henry II led to the disarm! ing of the members of the race in 1151. which left them at the mercy of Christian mobs. In order to understand why they would natura lly suffer under these circumstances. we only have to keep in mind the functions they served in society. To charge interest for the use of money was at that time regarded by the Church as sinful, and so it was illegal and not a business in which a pious follower of the Church could engage. This rule was not so illogical as it may at first seem. In a soci lety as largely agricultural and feudal as was that of the early middle ages, there were few undertakings in which borrowed capital was likely to be utilized in a productive manner. Spend- thrifts were, therefore, the most frequent borrowers, and financial disaster usually tollowed in the wake of extensive borrowing. The chance of this result was increased by the high rates of interest made hecessary by the hazardous nature of the busine SS. The rate was rarely, if ever, less than thirteen per cent. under the most favorable circumstances, and cases were not infrequent where it was from eighty to a hundred per cent. Despite the disrepute which thus belonged to the business of lending money, it was inevitably a growing business because of the increase in trade, due to the more intimate contacts with the Continent that followed the Conquest, to the rise in consequence of trading towns, to the Crusades to the East. and to the general tendency of the men of substance to acquire and enjoy luxuries. This business, in which Christians could not lawfully engage, was thus left to the Jews who, being already without the fold of the Church, had nothing to lose on that score. Manifestly it was aORGANIZING THE PEACE 95 business that could not well be carried on without the cooperation and protection of the king, and it is quite as manifest that a king would be unlikely to give this cooperation and protection without some share in the profits. The Jews were practically at the mercy of the king, but the king’s court enforced the collection of debts due to the Jews in order that the king’s treasury might receive a share in the profits of their business. An appreciable portion of the king’s revenue came from this source in the time of Henry II. The royal forests, which are estimated to have constituted approximately one third of the territory in the kingdom, were in theory hunting.preserves for the king’s use. That is, certain specified animals in these forests were reserved for the sport of the king and his companions. The more important of these ‘‘heasts of the forest’’ were the red and fallow deer, the roe, and the wild boar. At the time of the Conquest much of the territory in England was still unsettled and covered with woods, but we are not to assume that all the districts within the forests were untenanted or that the king in every case took advantage of his right of sport. The royal forests are of interest here in that they constituted a source of revenue for the king. ‘This revenue accrued because the tenants of the lands in the forest were accountable to the king for the wood they used for fuel and for timber beyond a certain quantity. If swine were pas- tured on the mast afforded by the woods, the king’s agister col- lected remuneration for that privilege. Those who desired to clear the wood from land and put it under cultivation paid for the privilege and a rent to the king thereafter; if a field was inclosed against the beasts of the forest, that, too, was produc- tive of rents for the king. The forests were administered under laws peculiar to them and not under the common law that was already taking form in the king’s court. Offences against the laws of the forest by its tenants or by tenants of lands adjoining the forest were tried under the supervision of the king’s justices, and the forests were policed by a group of special bailiffs called variously, according to their duties, wardens, foresters, verderers, agisters, regarders, and the like. In the Assize of the Forest + at Woodstock, in 1184, Henry, with the assent of his court, recited and emphasized his determination to enforce the laws of the forest, warning those who offended to place ‘‘no trust in the fact that hitherto he has had mercy because of their chattels’’; in the future when 1 Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 18.96 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS they were convicted of these offences ‘‘ full justice’’ would be ‘“executed.’’ in all of the measures summarized in this chapter, let us repeat, we do well to attribute to Henry and to those who worked with him not a premeditated attempt to change either the laws or the ions of the kingdom, least of all any far-sighted building for the future. They faced the task of reducing the country to order and of making it acquiesce in and contribute to the llenry ’s plans on the Continent, and they simply exerted themselves to improvise means to secure that end. If ie result was to lay foundations for many things important in later English institutional life, it is a testimonial of their nel in serving their own day and generation rather than evidence that they had extraordinary foresight. G. B. Adams, ¢ 31 | al History of England, ch. iv; A. D. Innes, A History of Ena dand the British Empire, l. 162-190; W. S. MeKechnie, Mi t Carta, pp. 3-18; F. W. Maitland and F. C. Montague. A Sketch of English Lea History, ch. 1; Ramsay Muir, A Short History of the British Co1 vealth, 1. ch. v; F. E. Pollock and F. W. Maitland. History of the Death of John, chs. xii-xvi; The Orig f the English Constitution, ch Ht. W. C. Davis, England Under the Normans and Angevins, ch <<; Hubert Hall. ¢ rt Life [ er the Plantagenets; W. S. Holdsworth, History of I st Law, 1. chs. 11-111; Il. 107-169; Kate Norgate, England Under the Ana: Kings, 1; Il. chs. i-vi; F. M. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy, chs, 1-11; R, L. Poole, The Exchequer in the Twelfth Century, chs. - Se a J. H. Ramsay, The Angevin E é, chs. 1-xxll; E. S. Roscoe, The Growth of English Law, chs. 1-11; J. H. Round, Feudal England. pp. 215-316; L. I’. Salzman, Henry IJ; W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church from the Nor ( quest to the Time of Edward TI, chs. viii-x: Gilbert stone, Eng- farliest Times to the Great Charter, chs. xxi-xxiii: William GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE ‘or a map of the Angevin empire see Muir, f. 35 or H. W. C. Davis, Kngland under the Normans and Angevins. appendix. For a map illus- trating the possessions of the 4 English kings in France at various times, 1154-1485, see A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire,CHAPDRBR, Vi THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL THE GRIEVANCES OF THE BARONS As a result of the efforts of Henry II and his ecolaborers to keep the peace and to carry forward his ambitious plans, there emerged gradually in England a more solid basis for unity among the substantial people of the kingdom than existed in any country on the Continent. This unity was not founded upon somewhat artificial feudal or family ties or upon the extraor- dinary ability of aggressive rulers, as was the case elsewhere. It had a permanent basis in the courts which the king created and sponsored, which administered the same law throughout the kingdom and which offered a brand of justice that his subjects were willing to pay for the privilege of sharing. The unity of England was thus becoming organic in the royal government, a fact which made it increasingly less easy for local groups to prevail against the king, even when the scepter was in weak hands. In the face of this growing unity and of the resulting enhancement of the king’s government, the power of the greater lords tended as a matter of course to grow correspondingly less. Having served as necessary allies of the king in the time when the conquest and organization of the country was in process, rendering assistance without which that work would scarcely have been possible, they were now, in turn, having to submit to the government they had helped to create. The governmental organization typical in the zenith of the feudal period had served its purpose in its day; the day of strong kings was now at hand. The reign of these kings was destined to be comparatively short ; ere long, to keep this power, they would be under the necessity of enlisting the cooperation and support of other forces in the kingdom. Meanwhile, the feudal lords were unwilling to yield their privileges to the king without a struggle. There is no better evidence of the solid character of the work of organizing England done in the reign of Henry II than the 9798 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS fact that this work survived the reigns of that King’s two sons. Since the time of William I, every English king had at one time or another found his power challenged by rebellious barons. Whether Henry intended it or not, the work of organization done in his reign involved a limitation of the powers and a lessening of the privileges of the lords. In former times these important subjects had felt their grievances as individuals or as small eroups, and the king, by granting special favors to other individ- uals, had been able to divide the barons as a body and so to maintain his own supremacy. The lords came together only on his eall and acted together only as his counselors. Even a weak king served as a unifying principle, almost the only one that had hitherto existed, and the court or council was not yet itself a sufficiently formal body to cultivate in its members the habit of acting together or a capacity for finding a common ground of action. But the judicial and administrative innovations in the relgen of the second Henry subjected the barons LO what they came later to regard as common grievances. The excessive ex- actions made to support the projects of Henry’s sons, Richard and John, who in turn succeeded him on the throne, intensified in the barons who remained in England the feeling that they had whereof to complain. The long absences of both Richard and John from the kingdom while these excessive levies were mad in their names, and for purposes that resulted in little advantage to nied furnished opportunities for the lords to discover common grounds of action. Before his coronation, Richard had pledged himself to under- take with Philip Augustus of France an expedition for the relief of Palestine, then under attack from Saladin, the Saracen chief- tain. After months of preparation, the expedition finally set out in Apri, 1190. Before that time, Richard had undertaken the twofold task of C setting his house in order for the period of his absence and of raising wherewithal to provide for the necessities of his journey. W in he visited England for that purpose in the summer of 1189, he speedily disappointed the friends who had adhered to him in his quarrel with his father, and sought instead the cooperation of those who had remained loyal to the old King. Ranulf Glanvill, he took with him to Palestine, and that famous Justiciar died before the return of the expedition. He sought to bribe his youngest brother, John, into quietude by restoring to him his lordship of Ireland, of which he had been deprived since 1185, by giving to him in marriage Isabelle, the heiress of the important earldom of Gloucester, by granting to him entirelyTHE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 9Y control without the necessity of rendering an account to the exchequer of the shires of Derby, Devon, Cornwall, Somerset, and Dorset, and by granting to him other estates we need not trouble to enumerate here. His half-brother, Geoffry, he made arch- bishop of York. Before his departure he extracted from both John and Geoffrey a promise that they would remain out of England in his absence. To raise money, Richard sold offices at every turn. In fact, all of the favors in the gift of the king were bestowed on high if not the highest bidders. In return for a large sum, he released the King of Scotland from many of the conditions of vassalage imposed on that monarch by Henry II and so gained freedom from threat of war in that quarter. The government of the realm in his absence, he left to William of Longchamp, a Norman of low birth, who became chancellor, and to Hugh, Bishop of Durham, a cousin, who probably paid a considerable sum for both the office and the favor with which it was accompanied. This arrangement proved unsatisfactory. Richard got no farther than Normandy before Longchamp and Hugh quarreled, with the result that Longchamp became for a time the King’s chief representative in England. But Lonchamp was lavish in his display and naturally was not popular with the older lords of the land, and so ultimately he had to be deposed by a representative whom Richard sent for the purpose. Mean- time John, who had violated his promise not to visit England in the absence of his brother, indulged in a quarrel with Long- champ and sought to make friends with his brother’s barons and with the citizens of London, even agreeing to sanction the forma- tion of the city into a commune.' John’s actions were obviously more in his own interest than in behalf of his absent brother, whose cause he had little inclination to serve. Of Richard’s expedition we need say little here. It failed in the purpose for which it was undertaken, though it gave him a place as a hero in song and story as Richard the Lion Heart. Other princes became jealous of him on that account, and Philip: Augustus of France, leaving Richard in Palestine, re- turned home for the purpose of strengthening his own forces in the absence of his rival. He made an alliance with John and was prevented from invading Normandy only by the reluctance of his vassals to despoil the possessions of a crusader in his *London was the only commurre ever established in England, if indeed it was ever actually one. The commune was a familiar 1orm of medieval arrangement on the Continent whereby a town obtained the status of a feudal lord, holding its privileges of the king on an equal basis with other feudal lords. See J. H. Round, The Commune of London.100 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS absence. The news of these proceedings caused Richard himself to abandon the expedition and to make the best terms he could with Saladin, who shares with the English King the honors of their fruitless struggles, Mrom the point of view of the people of England, the most significant thing about Richard’s Sen was the capture of the King on his return journey and the demand Py ‘ his captors that a ransom almost prohibitory in amount at the time be paid his release. This disaster to their rival gave encouragement to the plots of Philip and John, who sought to encourage his Mich ors in their demands. But hichard’s aged mother and the Justiciars of his dominions set about raising the money to effect a release. Ultimately this end was achieved. and the King returned to his throne in March, 1194. The episode is of primary importance in our study because of the new expedients for raising money improvised in procuring this ransom. Among the new sources of income was a tax on arable land, in SsOme Ways similar to the Danegeld, called hidage or carucage from the common terms used to designate units of plowland. This tax was assessed on the villages on the basis of the Domesday survey and apportioned in the village by its members. As a matter of right, a substantial aid was taken from all who owed military service, since it was an occasion when all acreed that an aid was due. The precedent of the Saladin tithe was followed also, and a fourth part of the revenues and chattels of all laymen was called for, with the same proportion of the temporalities of the clergy and a tithe of their spiritualities. Even the plate and the treasures of the churches t] emselves were commandeered : such orders as the Cistercians, which possessed no plate, surren- dered the wool elip for the year. Kven so, the sum raised fell short of the impossible demand for one hundred and hitty thou- sand marks, Enough was raised, however, to appease those who held the King and to procure his release. The eovernment in lew other Kuropean states could probably have stood the strain. That in tingland emerged trom the period of Riechard’s prepara- tion for his departure and the troubled years of his absence still strong enough to face this overwhelming emergency, in spite of threats from John and Phili lp. These two enemies of Richard were planning to divide his Continental possessions between themselves. John wrote urging his English followers to rebel, while Philip undertook the inva- sion of Normandy. But Hubert Walter, a friend and disciple of Glanvill, who had recently, on Richard’s nomination, becomeTHE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 10] archbishop of Canterbury and justiciar of England (1193), suppressed the rebellion, and the court declared John’s lands forfeit to the King. When Richard reached England in March, 1194, he was received with enthusiasm even in London. Indeed, so loyal did he find his island kingdom that he tarried there only long enough to sell again the offices and honors and to levy, with the consent of his barons, a heavy scutage; in May he left Kngland never to return, bent on retrieving and defending his Continental dominions. Hubert Walter, in whose hands he left the government of England, was not above enriching himself at the King’s expense and was by no means a statesman of high rank, but he displayed ability in raising the money Richard needed for his wars in Normandy, and was his loyal servant according to the prevailing standards. In forwarding this enterprise, Walter increased the grievances of the barons against a day of reckoning with Richard’s brother. But he carried forward also the work of his own former master, Glanvill, by creating in the shires local officials called coroners, chosen by the suitors in the shire courts, whose duty it was to determine what matters arising in the shires should be reserved as pleas of the crown. This measure had the effect of diminshing the arbitrary power of the sheriffs, many of whom had purchased their offices and were more interested in securing a return on their investments than in promoting the ends of justice. He utilized officials chosen in a similar manner to collect and to procure a new assessment for the collection of the hidage granted to Richard for the war in Normandy, though this did not pre- clude some shires from compounding for their hidage in a lump sum. In any ease, this invention furnished the King’s govern- ment with a new contrivance for increasing its power at the expense of the privileges of the barons. A somewhat new type of tenant served in these capacities, one who was neither a major baron nor a small freeholder; the latter had almost ceased to attend the shire courts. These new services were rendered to the king by tenants of a rank between these two extremes of the freeholding class. Many of them were tenants-in-chief of the King and therefore had a common interest with him in suppress- ing lawlessness and fraud, from which they were themselves not the least sufferers. But Hubert Walter could not satisfy Richard’s need for revenue, and he was saved from assuming responsibility for the last effort of the King to replenish his funds by the demand of the Pope that the Archbishop of Canterbury be released from the102 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ~ 4 secular office of justiciar. Accordingly, Geoffrey Kitz-Peter sue- 2 | ceeded to this office. Richard had not realized all of his hopes of regaining his Continental dominions, though he had displayed characteristic military ability in the attempt and had sueceeded in delaying the achievement of the ambitions of his French rival, when he died in 1199 of a wound inflicted by one of his own vassals, Now that Henry Il’s youngest son had come into the inherit- ance he had so long coveted, Philip Augustus naturally cooled in his friendship for him. In John’s nephew, Arthur, he found a rival claimant for John’s dominions, as he had found in John a rival to Richard, and so the same old battle went on. Arthur 7 2 ultimately fell into the hands of his uncle, and there is a tradi- tion that John slew him with his own hands. Even so, Philip went forward with the task of consolidating France into a single 0 ( e while Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, assisted by Hubert Walter, had the tage aiter scutage and otf increasing a —— edom despite John’s persistent if ineffective resistance, the { thankless duty of raising secu O th sums demanded trom whatever source, Instead of living of wh, which was the traditional case of a medieval king in normal times, 11 came to appear that John counted On the revenues formerly regarded as extraordinary as a part of his reguiar annual income. He extorted five seutages in the period from his aecession to the throne to his return to England after the loss of Normandy in 1204. In 1205 he demanded another for the avowed purpose of resisting an invasion of England, but when the bar OS, Many ot whom had deserted the King in Normandy in 1203, found that he meant to renew the struggle across the Channel, they refused to participate in the under- taking. ‘hey were led in this refusal by William the Marshal, who had been one of the most active and influential of the magnates in cooperating with Hubert Walter and Geoffrey Fitz- Peter 1n governing the kingdom in John’s absence. But the death of the Archbishop now precipitated new difficulties for lhe reluctance of John’s English barons to continue making sacrifices for his Continental wars was increased even more by the ill success of the cause they were asked to serve. Lacking the military ability of his elder brother, he was driven back step by step until, in 1204, he lost Normandy itself to Philip Augustus. Thus passed from eontrol of the English house the duchy from which William the Conqueror set forth on his great adventure,THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL JOHN AND THE CHURCH As was the ease with all of the strong kings after the Conquest who preceded him on the throne and with others who were to come after him, John had a quarrel with the Church, a quarrel destined to affect materially subsequent events in his reign. On the death of Archbishop Hubert Walter in 1205, the King nominated for the vacancy his own trusted friend, John de Grey, then bishop of Norwich. Meantime, some of the members of the chapter of the church at Canterbury had secretly elected one of their officials and had sent him to Rome to receive the pallium, thus reviving the old dispute about the freedom of election. Other members of the chapter, less inclined to invite trouble with the King, met with the bishops of the province according to the usual practice and elected the royal nominee, who also went to Rome seeking investiture. The papal see at this time was occupied by Innocent ITI, one of the ablest of all the popes, and he declined to confirm either nominee. Instead, he invited John to send to Rome a com- mission representative of the bishops, the chapter, and the crown and prepared to act for them in the matter of this election. The King accepted this invitation and sent a commission that he thought would insist on the claims of his own candidate. Innocent, however, succeeded in outwitting John and persuaded the commission to elect, in lieu of the candidates previously proposed, Cardinal Stephen Langton, an Englishman by birth, but a man who had not spent much of his life in his native country. John was naturally disappointed at the outcome, though his attitude had nothing to do with the merits of the Archbishop chosen, who was a man of admirable reputation in the Church and one whom Innocent might very well have thought likely to be acceptable to all parties as a compromise choice. John decided to resist; he charged the commission with bad faith, thus evidencing his determination to defeat the choice of the Pope. He professed ignorance of anything Langton had done to merit the preferment except to spend a large part of his life out of England; he threatened the Pope with a loss of revenues derived from England, adding the suggestion that English bishops were competent to settle ecclesiastical litigation in their own courts. When Innocent did not yield to these threats and the bribes that accompanied them, John sent soldiers to take possession of the rich estates of the monks of Canterbury, driving most of104 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS them into exile. The Pope, in turn, threatened the kingdom with the interdict. and John oftered to submit on conditions that con- tained a saving clause similar to that used by Becket under some- what different circumstances. Innocent declined to accept this otter. and John defied him LO do his WOrSst, proclaiming the lands of any ecclesiastic who obeyed the interdict under the circum- stances to be subject to confiscation. The interdict, which lasted in England for five years after it was imposed in 1208, was a weapon that had already obliged Philip Augustus of France to make terms with the Pope. Its effectiveness lay in the fact that it prohibited the normal celebration of the sacraments of the Chureh and so touched every class of the population on the most important and solemn OCCASIONS in social lite, John carried out in a relentless way his threats against the property of the ¢ hureh. All of the bishops fled the country except John de Grey and Peter des Roches. The latter Was ad favorite John had brought over trom Poitou and whom he had recently elevated to the see of Winchester. Many of the In filuential laymen were either passively or actively sympathetic with the Kine in these measures. The large sums which he received hy the spohation ot the ehurehes eansed him to exact ) } ; y 1 ly {° j - less from them to apply toward the task of defending the king Thy : l- 1’ 4) j [a7 | * \ 7 in *s0 1 s19 14 tea =. 7 : I ‘ Gorm. nis taSk was now becoming more almeult, since troubdl } ‘ , y , . tnreate ed On both Tne SCOTTISN and the Welsh hore ara Never- I i t i 5 i | Psi { ; i theless, John was able to maintain a semblance of peace until Innocent took his next step in his efforts to bring the King to terms. The decree of excommunication, which was finally promulgated in the later months of 1209. made the King an outlaw in the eyes of the Church and released his subjects from their obliga- to increase the dangers which + TXT 4 *) aS T tions of allegiance. The resul threatened the King, particularly from Seotland, Wales, and Ireland. John’s position now depended on the power of his army, and the measures he adopted to defend himself did much to retrieve the reputation he had earlier lost in Normandy. But the spoils of the Church did not suffice for the needs of these campaigns that were now necessary, and the alternative service in the field tended to stir up opposition among some barons who had before followed the King, One atter another. plans that seemed promising to the King came to naught, and, in 1213, Innocent induced Philip of France to make ready to invade England for the purpose of enforcing on John the sentence ot deposition.THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 105 Innocent probably had no very real desire that Philip actually 1~— invade or conquer England, but the French King took the enter- prise seriously. John replied with a counter-move, which seemed more humiliating and disgraceful to Englishmen of a later gen- eration than it actually was. It was, in fact, a defensive measure, and one destined to be effective, adopted to save the kingdom from occupation by the French. In brief, the Kine submitted to Innocent in a manner not uncommon in those times and received his kingdom as a fief from the Pope as overlord, promising to pay annually the sum of one thousand marks, but assuming no feudal obligations beyond the payment of this sum. The complexion of the invasion projected by Philip was changed entirely in consequence. To invade the dominion of a vassal of the head of the Church was not the same thing as invading the lands of a deposed monarch, whose dominions had long been under the interdict. Even the barons, who were already meditating hostile action, now thought it better to delay embark- ing on the undertaking. But John, having settled his dispute with the Church, coult not resist the tempting thought of invading France in the hope of regaining some of the territory he had lost. That enterprise was the rock on which the split with the barons finally came. THE VICTORY OF THE BARONS 30th Langton, whom the King had of necessity recognized in his submission to the Pope, and the old Justiciar, Geoffrey Fitz- Peter, endeavored to persuade John to adopt measures for the pacification of his island kingdom before embarking on enter- prises across the Channel. The body of the barons in England had already begun to manifest symptoms of a growing capacity to work together independently of the King. In 1201 some of them at a meeting at Leicester voiced a determination not to go with the King to France unless he first remedied their griev- ances. = In 1205, at the behest of a meeting of the magnates, John swore to preserve the right in England and, in the same year, was obliged to forego the invasion of France on their express wish. Again in 1207 and 1212 there were repeated evidences that the common burdens which John’s government had imposed on the great men of the realm had bound them together in a sort of loose unity and had made them aware of their potency when acting in a group. There is little doubt106 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS that the frequent calls for their service in the field and the rravated financial exactions entailed by wars on the Con- ago tinent were the chief factors in stirring alive in the Enelish magnates this en 1D) ‘yoni ‘ consciousness ot their common interests. furthermore, the distr Hition of wealth and privileges among a horde of favorites from across the Channel did not tend to dis- courage this t ote toward unity on the part of a large and influential number of the barons ot England. W hen John. having at leneth obtained absolution from the Church, summoned his vassals to proceed with him to Poitou in an eftort to regain his lost dominions, some barons oftered a plea of poverty; others alleged that they did not owe service : ] ry} icross Tht (nant e| bo i) PTOUDS declined tO gO, he King thought to shame them into the undertaking by embarking without them, but they persisted in their refusal and were now | ly united than ever in a common fear that John micht uSe against them the mercenal > he an enlisted tor service con the Continent. In fact. i Kine seems to have been prevented from adopting this policy by the threat of a second excommunication, which came from Langton. The reeal- nt barons were also saved from punishment in the royal court. though they were doubtless legally in the wrong in their refusal to attend on the summons of the SUE) 0 the presence and good sense of the old Geoffrey Fitz-Peter as justiciar. Betore the end of the year (1213), however, F saaiicton died and = | } + ) . ) . ) : — : . succeeded hy John ‘ favorite. Pete} des Roches. a Poitevan. A | Although Pope [Innocent had no sympathy with the Opponents of a cir ¢ who was now his own vassal, Langton was kindly dis- posed toward the barons and suggested that they adopt as the basis of their demands the charter granted by Henry I on his coronation in order LO conciliate the lords ot his day (1100). John still hoped that he might avert the domestic erlsis by the successful outcome of an enterprise on the Continent and sent hither what force he could to codperate with his allies against Philip, following it himself in the early months of 1214. The army which he took was largely composed of mercenaries, _ and he had little help from his barons. The calamitous defeat of John’s allies at the battle of Bouvines in July, 1214, left the French King free to attack John himself, and so the English King, aiter using the assistance of the Pope to make as favorable terms as he could under the circumstances, returned to his dis- contented subjects across the Channel. Though John was disappointed and humilated, he returnedTHE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 107 to England in a mood far from conciliatory and proceeded forth- with to demand an unusually large seutage in lieu of the service his barons had failed to render in person on his expedition to the Continent. The barons from all sections of the kingdom were thus stimulated to take steps to make a common cause of their grievances against the King, many of them of longer standing than the date of the beginning of John’s reign. Their leaders met at Bury St. Edmunds and pledged themselves with an oath that the King should have no peace henceforth until he had confirmed the charter of Henry I. They appeared before John in full armor and announeed this action in the early days of 1215. Meantime, the King had sought in vain to divide or otherwise thwart his enemies. In November, 1214, he made an effort to purchase the support of the Church by a promise that it should in the future have the right of free elections to vacant sees, without intervention on his part to delay or prevent it. Sut his offer was not accepted, and the influential churchmen remained in sympathy with the other barons. The dispute dragged on until Easter, the King having the support of only a few barons and bishops, chiefly his kinsmen or creatures of his favor. The barons, with some two thousand knights and other lesser men at arms, now marched on London and entered that city on May 17. London, we remember, claimed the status of a commune on the basis of a grant made by John in his brother’s absence, a grant which he had more recently confirmed and extended in an effort to secure the support of the city for the cause of the King. Nevertheless, the gates were opened to the baronial party, and London made common eause with the rebels. Langton and William the Marshal, who had acted the part of mediators on the occasion of the ultimatum in January, continued to serve in that capacity. In the end the King recognized his helplessness for the time and asked for terms. The demands of the rebels; now much elaborated from the original charter of Henry I which Langton had earlier suggested as a basis, were set forth in a document which still survives. The actual redress of these grievances granted by John is to be found in a document of a type with which the people in the middle ages were familiar. It is useless to compare it with public documents of later times or to try to fit it into classifica- tions of which its authors were unaware. It is a medieval charter, not a modern constitution, statute, or treaty. Its promises, exacted by his rebellious barons from John as theFOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 108 BRITISH HISTORY price of returning to their allegiance, were simply stated in the —_ most solemn and binding manner with which the men of that time were familiar. No more illuminating comment ean be made on the character of the promises contained in this charter, destined ever afterward to be ealled The Great Charter (Magna Carta), than a statement of the fact that they are far too many and too tedious to be enumerated here. Almost without exception they provided for a definite remedy for specific grievances from which the rebels were suffering or had suffered. ‘There is scarcely a generaliza- tion in the whole document and scarcely a single attempt to state a principle. Because most of the grievances from which the harons suffered had de veloped in the relations between them- selves as vassals and the king as overlord, a majority of the questions dealt with in the charter are feudal questions. Indeed, more nearly than anything else, it undertakes to restate some of the feudal CUSTOMS in Eneland as they had been practiced . 1s oe a ae: ; aoe ie coice before the Angvevin kines denarted trom them 1n their ettorts To strenothen t! e centra covernment and. later. to varner extraor- dinarily large sums into the royal exchequer, It tended in- LO decree a : “( ) evitably. therefore, to hi rk back to the past ani | s i . rt} 2. § / , — a 17 return to the older ways. the ehiet novelty in the document is the machinery proposed for its enforcement, which must, consequently. receive further attention. The bulk of the con- pmeelp ~ sully ~ —— mad - + —' ~e puter — . gual — ~ — penned ~“ - — —+ ~ — ~ __s oat t to do what men with a position long established in society have soucht in vain to do in other generations ; namely, stay the processes of social change. How, then, has this effort of the barons to delay the growth of a strong central government as a defence of themselves against what they regarded as unjust exactions come to have so high a place among the world’s constitutional documents? The explana- tion 1S Casy. \len ot the succeeding venerations could elite these ns tor a definite promises of the King as a basis of 1 redress of grievances. Afte1 » heir clan ‘wards, other groups of Englishmen yy AH I \ in later centuries. feeling themselves agerieved | kings of — another house, returned to this first major document of terms imposed for the time on an English ruler by his subjects and sought in it ammunition to support their own contentions. They naturally found that for which they sought. In this way, cer- ‘Kor a convenient translation of The Great Charter see \dams and Stephens, Nelect Documents. No. 29. W.S. McKechnie's authoritative work, Vagna Carta (Second Edition), contains the Latin version and a trans- lation of each chapter in the document with an accompanying exegesis.THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 109 tain famous chapters in the document of 1215 have been inter- preted as sanctioning trial by jury, habeas corpus, control of taxation by parliament, and even free trade, none of which causes the barons of the early thirteenth century could have had any conscious intention of serving. One is tempted to wonder, on the other hand, why, having John at their mercy, the barons were satisfied to demand that in the future the King collect only a ‘‘reasonable relief,’’ instead of abolishing that and similar exactions altogether. The reason is clear, when we reflect that the barons, who were John’s vassals, had also vassals of their own of whose existence they give evidence in the charter by recording their own obligations to act toward them in the same spirit that they demanded of the King toward themselves. Manifestly, the barons could not hope to profit by the system should they destroy it. Their own vassals had in the king a source of appeal for assistance to enforce against them; they had, it is true, to depend on them- selves, but they knew better than to make war on an arrange- ment organized so largely in their own interest. They simply wished to return to the happy time before the court of the king began like a monster to devour the business which they felt belonged of right to their own, using for the purpose such writs as that called praecipe, which the charter sought specifically to forbid for the future, and before the king’s needs made him so ereedy in his exactions that scarcely any of their holdings seemed altogether safe from his rapacity. But, hke most persons who seek to enforce a return to former ways, they were doomed to disappointment. While most of their demands were legal, according to the customs that had formerly prevailed, the future was on the side of the king’s government. Nevertheless, the work of the barons in 1215 was of more than ordinary significance. We ean searcely follow the most eminent American student of the great document in this generation in saying that from one point of view ‘‘the importance of Magna Carta ean hardly be exaggerated.’’? It reflects, thinks this authoritys the twofold character of the feudal contract, the fact that both lord and vassal had obligations to each other. So it was based on the assumption that the king himself was bound by obligations beyond his own power to control, and thus subject to the law. But this notion of a law superior to the government belongs to American rather than to Enelish constitutional doce- trine. Since it was not an idea about which men in the thirteenth 1G. B. Adams, Constitutional History of Hngland, p. 128.Ll0 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS century thought at all clearly, and since the solution of the issue ultimately adopted in England took a somewhat different form. we do well not to attach too much importance to this manifestly correct implication, that a feudal king was under the law. The mportance of what took place in 1215 was, rather. that the rons were able to find a common ground of action and to rive a practical demonstration of the fact that. united. they were more powertul than the King. The weakness of the charter was the machinery provided for its enforcement, but the most revolutionary Lact of all was that the barons realized the necessity of creating some machinery for this purpose. ‘he machinery they devised consisted of a com- mittee of twenty-five lay lords, including the lord mayor o! . | | a i+ : . < : ‘ <4 ; London, which was to perpetuate itsel! by cooptation. It was ] , ‘ ly + 14 xu hy rs tir r tO De The Tunction of this COmMmmMI1ttee. which Was chosen entirely + - 4 : se . : rOm among Jonn Ss Opponents, to adjust the claims and COmM- plaints of the King’s vassals. For this purpose, John agreed, in Case Of a dispute, to cooperate with the barons in procuring an OAT! OT} obedience irom his subjects oO the twenty-five LT) prete- rence to himself. But here the peaceful character of the ma- . ¥ } | 7 1 ‘ = ines . ae ehineryv proke dow n. Kor Lne twentv-ve had no recourse acalnst Kine ‘Ss crovernment save to make war on it by toree of arms, in order to enforce the charter, the barons thus undertook to le- galize rebellion against the established government. an arrange- ment open to obvious objections and ineapable of application. But | | point 1s that the barons were able to act together saw the need of machinery for enforcing their rights, not that they were unable to devise at once a workable John probably never intended in good faith to comply with ie terms of the charter. while some of his barons. On the other hand, regarded the settlement as too favorable to the Kine and ‘dad the authority of the twenty-five. But the charter had not been submitted for approval to John’s overlord. the Pope, and innocent annulled it in the late summer of the year in which it was cranted, as derogatory tO the crown, as extorted by roree. and as unjust and unlawful in content. He much wanted the King to fulfil his vow, taken while the struggle with the barons was in progress, tO gO On a crusade, and he now offered in France remission of sins to any knight who would go to the rescue of a would-be crusader hindered from keeping his vow by factious subjects. When Langton refused to excommunicate the barons who held out against John, the Pope suspended the Archbishop.THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL PE But this intervention from Rome did little to win influential friends for John in England. The barons ceased giving recogni- tion to the King’s officers. Ultimately they too sought assistance in France, asking Louis, son of Philip, to claim the throne of England on the ground that he had just married Blanche of Castile, John’s niece. Prince Louis, accordingly, invaded Eneg- land. in May, 1216, with some eight hundred ships carrying an army otf twelve hundred knights besides infantry, munitions, and supplies. John was left with the support of only a few men of influence, including William the Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, the papal legate, Gualo, and a dwindling force of mercenaries. Nevertheless, he did not despair and began to organize a cam- paign of defence, which showed some signs of effectiveness when Hubert de Burgh, the Justiciar, was able to defend Dover. But the King did not live to see the end of the struggle; he died after a short illness in October and left the kingdom to his infant son, Henry. Thus passed in the nadir of his fortunes one of the least esteemed kings of England. The playwriters of a later time, including the supreme dramatic genius of the nation, were never- theless able to see in his career something of the heroic. He defied the Church and persisted in his determination to fight the Continental enemies of his house and his kingdom, being appar- ently thwarted in this undertaking by a lack of codperation on the part of his subjects. When circumstances in a later time again seemed to call for the defiance of the Continental Chureh and resistance to Continental enemies, it was not unnatural that this medieval king should be refurbished to personify a spirit he would probably have little understood. Soberer historians incline rather to the view that it was due to his own lack of sound judgment and of similar qualities becoming a statesman that John lost the support of the barons within his dominions, both on the Continent and in England, and so was obliged to make humiliating terms with the Church and with his own subjects in turn, and finally to die offering ineffective resistance to a foreign army invading his kingdom. THE SUPREMACY AND DEFEAT OF THE BARONS The death of John relieved the twenty-five barons of their functions and also made necessary some arrangement for carry- ing on the government during the minority of Henry III. This112 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS latter responsibility was assumed by the old Earl of Pembroke, now an octogenarian, who had to assist him the Papal Legate and the Justiciar, Hubert de Burgh. The lack of a single directing hand and the presence of foreign invaders in the land inclined these temporary possessors of authority to a tolerant attitude toward those barons who were willing to renew their allemiance to the cause of the King, Gradually opposition to the invaders was consolidated, and by September, 1217, Louis was obliged to abandon his project and return to France. Atter the departure of Louis is, the Great Charter was re- modeled somewhat in favor of the barons and reissued. In the Charter of a Fore Sra. issued at the same time. all attorestations made subsequent to the accession of Henry II were canceled. and the laws ot the torest were somewhat alt lorated. ut Pem- broke found it no easy task to recover for the King from those who had helped to defend them from foreign invaders castles and demesnes that had belonged to his predecessors. He sent itinerant justices to make inquiry concerning infractions of the King’s interests and to suppress petty lawlessness, but he died early in 1219, leaving an unfinished task to his colaborers. who were now joined in their undertaking by Peter des Roches. The Papal Legate;Pandulph, into whose charge Pembroke had com- mitted the young King, was unable to work in harmony with the Justiciar and Peter des Roches and left to them the entire respon- sibility of the regency. Within a year or two Hubert and Peter also parted company, and the Justiciar assumed control of the government. In 1227 he proclaimed the young King to be of age, but before the end of the following year he had quarreled with his royal master. In the end the Justiciar was dismissed (1232) after a long list of accusations had been made against him, and his office, destined never again to be so powertul, was bestowed on one Stephen Seagrave, a knight of little char- acter or reputation. At the suggestion of Peter des Roches, himself bishop of Winchester, who now gained the King’s favor, the treasury was entrusted to his nephew, and the new treasurer was forthwith made sheriff of a score of shires and given besides other offices that carried no small emoluments. In fact, almost every sub- stantial post in the government was entrusted to some Poitevan Iriend of Peter, and thus Henry had begun by 1232 a policy that was in part instrumental in dissipating any support he might have had from his barons. After the death of Peter, despite the dissatisfaction aroused by the favors bestowed onTHE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 113 and at the behest of that foreign magnate, Henry added to his offence by seeking to grant the see of Winchester to William of Valence, his wife’s uncle, while his half-brother either received favors from him or made claims on him which tended further to bring him into disfavor with the barons, who felt that these extensive grants to aliens were at their expense. In 124] Peter of Savoy, uncle of the King’s wife, came to England bringing in his train a troop of relatives who thereupon shared with him royal favors on a scale so lavish that it had much to do in bring- ine ultimate disaster to their benefactor. But the King was not the only ruler laying claim to a share in the revenues of the kingdom. The Pope also was seeking new sourees of income, and he naturally looked to England, as one of his fiefs, to serve as a source of supply. Leclesiastical tithes were demanded at intervals. Another source of papal income from England that caused widespread complaint among native ecclesiastics was the development of the system known as “‘pro- visors.’’ Under this plan the Pope granted the succession to a benefice before it was vacant, thus setting aside the rights of the proper electoral bodies and securing places for many officers and favorites of the papal court who, when they came into.them, performed any duties attaching to these English post- tions by cheaper substitutes. Both the King and the Church had their difficulties increased by the rise in prices that was slowly taking place in this period. This rise was due in part, no doubt, to the introduction of luxuries from the Hast as a result of the Crusades. But the increased inter-communication in western Europe itself en- couraged a corresponding growth of trade. ‘The consequent fabrication of articles of commerce made inevitable a larger volume of business and so need of larger sums to supply the wants of the King and the Church in their normal functions. Added to these difficulties was the fact that Henry, following the example of his father, undertook to retrieve the losses of his house onthe Continent and to retain there the possessions not already lost, though he lacked his father’s stubborn ability in suppressing opposition at home. Henry’s difficulties were prob- ably enhanced, as compared with those of his father, by the con- sciousness of power in the baronial group kept vivid by recollec- tions of that which had taken place at Runnymede. What the barons lacked in the early part of Henry’s personal reign was a leader. This want was later supplied in the person of Simon de Montfort, curiously enough himself a foreigner,114 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS youngest son of the elder Simon, the leader of the crusade against the Albigensian heretics. The younger Simon came to England to claim the inheritance of his mother, who was the daughter of the English Earl of Leicester. In less than ten years he had become one of Henry’s most favored friends and had married a sister of the King. But he soon quarreled with his royal brother-in-law, and he went first on a crusade and later served Henry in Poitou and Gascony (1248). His service in the latter province was in some respects effective, but it was so lacking in tact that the King yielded to the complaints of the discon- tented and substituted for Simon there his own son Edward 1254), now a lad of thirteen. Thereupon Simon returned to + Eneland and was soon a member of the rising party oi Opposl- The erisis which came in the spring of 1258 had been long brewing. Henry had repeatedly, in tink&s of need, promised to ve the Great Charter granted by his father and the Charter of the Forests granted by himself, only to disregard his promises when the circumstances that gave rise to them were no longer ent. As early as 1244 the magnates seem to have devised a scheme for enforcing their will on the King, based somewhat on that proposed in 1215 to hold John to his promises and yet : therefrom. The more important officers of state were, under the suggested arrangement, to be appointed by the great eounell composed of the barons and were always to accompany mut the plan was never put into effect. and so we have no knowledge of how it would have worked with a monarch WhO Was pt rpetually at variance with his counell. One difficulty was that, in expecting that Henry could Carry On the govern- it] than his feudal revenues, as kings of former times had done, the barons were demanding the impossible, yet they were as unwilling to suggest sources from which he might his income as they were for him to use the methods of extortion of which they complained. In 1254 Henry committed what was perhaps his erowning act or trolly in letting the Pope persuade him to accept tor his second son, Edmund, the crown of Sicily, a crown which had to be won before it could be worn and which thus ealled for large addi- tional expenditure from an exchequer already empty. When the ereat council, now beginning to be called a parliament, came together in April, 1258, it refused to grant the desired revenues unless the Kine made definite reforms in his government. A commission consisting of two dozen members, one half named by —_ ‘THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 115 the King and the rest by the barons, was appointed to formulate the desired reforms. This commission reported in June to an adjourned meeting of the council at Oxford a sort of eonstitu- tion which is known as The Provisions of Oxford.’ In briet, the government was to be placed in the hands of a commission or council consisting of the Archbishop of Canterbury and of fourteen other members selected by a committee of four from the original twenty-four. As chosen, this council was largely sympathetic with the views of the barons as against the King, and Montfort was one of its members, as he had been a member of the baronial group in the twenty-four. This council was itself to be responsible to the great council or parliament, which was to meet three times a year or oftener if necessary. In order to make this frequent meeting of the parliament feasible, 1t was provided that twelve members might be designated to attend and to act for the whole number on these occasions in order **to spare the cost of the commonalty.’’ Not satisfied with practically depriving the King of all power, the barons made all the great officers of the kingdom—the justices, the treasurer, the chancellor, and the like—responsible to and subject to the control of the council. The shire courts were to be reformed, and the sheriffs were to be appointed from the substantial landlords resident in the counties rather than from among the royal favorites, dimin- ishing farther the royal power. As soon as Henry evidenced his helplessness by accepting this revolutionary scheme, his appointees to the great offices of the kinedom were removed and their places fill by nominees of the baronial council. When one Poitevan lord seemed disinclined to yield to the demands of the baronial group, Simon de Mont- fort at once voiced the ultimatum: ‘‘ You may take your choice between giving up the royal castles which you hold and losing your head.’’ Under these circumstances, many of the King’s relatives‘and favorites found it wise to flee the kingdom and seek refuge elsewhere. Thus the new government was instituted. It lasted long enough for peace to be made with the French King (1259) whereby for a sum of money Henry renounced, with some stipulated exceptions, the ancient titles of his house to the provinces of Normandy, Anjou, Maine, Poitou, and . Touraine. The sacrifice was more apparent than real; the ter- ritory had already been lost by the incapacity of the English kings, and the terms of the treaty were in reality favorable to England. The English King still held of the King of France 1 Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 34.116 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Gascony and the cities and dioceses of Limoges. Cahors. Perigord. and Within a few months after the new order was estab] ished. Karl Simon and another member of ‘the baronial council. the Warl of Gloucester, had quarreled. Then, at the October par- = lament In 1259, “‘the community of the bachelors of Kngland,’’ probably the substantial knights in the shires, presented a peti- tion to Prince Edward. the helr-apparent LO the throne. alleging that the baronial party, now that power was in its hands, was delaying reforms promised to their class. It is uncertain whether this move was instigated by Edward himself or by Montfort, who appears to have urged these reforms as against the opposi- tion of Gloucester. These complaining knights were the natura] leaders in the shire courts, and candidates for power in England in the future would find in them useful allies. Bvy remaining on their estates instead of roiling to war. the + | v, had thriven to positions of power locally, and the tendency of the kings to use them as agents in keeping the peace and in administrative capacities had stimulated in them a crowing their importance. Next LO the high ecclesiasti consciousness of 4 ics and the barons themselves, they constituted the most influential class in the kingdom. The Provisions of the Barons, issued at Westminster in 1259 in response to this demand made on Kdward, which granted many of the requests of the knights. was in reality little relished by the bulk of the baronial party. The result was Li ‘ a realionment of factions that gave a somewhat different direction to the struggle. The King naturally identified himself on this issue with the Karl of Gloucester, while Edward for the time threw in his lot with Simon de Montfort. Henry procured from the Pope release from his oath to support the Provisions of Oxtord and dismissed the Justiciar recently appointed by the baronial government. When, however, the King’s foreign relatives began to return, and he proposed to send a general commission of financial inquiry through the kingdom, betokening a new demand for revenues, Gloucester again made common cause with Simon, while filial ties ultimately impelled Edward to adhere to the cause of his father. It 1s unnecessary to follow the dispute in detail through the next Several hectic years, with the numerous intrigues and changes in alignment. As Edward rose in influence in his father’s party, and the relatives from across the Channel became less prominent, the royal cause gained in streneth. In 1263, after *Adams and Stephens, Select Do uments, No. 35. deTHE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL 117 a visit to his brother-in-law, Louis |X of France, better known as St. Louis, Henry proposed that the settlement of the whole dis- pute be left to that King. Louis had proved himself a worthy successor of Philip Augustus and had earried forward with a minimum of violence the work of unifying France, so success- fully begun by the earlier King. His decision of this case, known as the Mise of Amiens and rendered in January, 1264, was in every point in favor of the royal contentions. The Provisions were to be quashed, and the King was to assume again his former control of the government. This decision had the effect of drawing together the baronial party, and instead of serving as a basis of peace it led to open war. At the battle of Lewes in May, 1264, Simon defeated the royal army, and both Henry and Edward fell into his power. The scheme of government contained in the Provisions of Oxford was again reinstated and the government conducted for the time under the direction of Simon de Montfort. Meanwhile, a threat of invasion by the King’s relatives from their places of exile across the Channel and the activity of the Pope made it nec- essary that Simon take steps to defend the country. He sum- moned, of course in the name of the King, not merely two knights from each shire court, as he had done before, but, repeating another of his own precedents of an earlier year, he summoned also two citizens or burgesses from the more important boroughs to take counsel concerning the state of the kingdom. As usual, at a show of force, Henry took oath to observe the charters and the Provisions of Oxford, as did his son. But the barons were soon as little satisfied with the rule of Simon as they had been with that of the King. Furthermore, while Simon’s sons, who were in positions of importance under him, had in- herited little of the ability of their father, Edward had already gone far toward learning statesmanship from the disastrous mis- takes of his sire. Escaping from his guards in the latter part of May, 1265, the Prinee collected an army, and before the end of the year he had defeated Simon and his sons at the battle of Evesham, where the great Earl lost his life. This battle was but the beginning of Edward’s successes, and within two years a peace was concluded that was destined to end this phase of the struggle for power in England. The whole scheme of limiting the power of the king contained in the Provisions of Oxford was thrown overboard, though some of the specific reforms that had been agitated were embodied in the Statute of Marlborough, which was the final act of settlement.118 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Thus the period of rebellion by a united baronage came vir- tually to a close in the same century in whieh the lords had dis- covered that by uniting they could impose their will on the king. The trouble was that, having practically dethroned the king, they had. of nec SSITY, to find some substitute LO Carry on his work as overlord and to assume the functions of rovernment that a series of strong kings had taught them by experience to demand as advantageous to all concerned. It was scarcely likely that one of their number would in the long run be more successful in performing this task than would a king; it profited little to ex- change a king for an earl performing the functions of a monarch. And a feudal kingdom with no better directive agent than a council of lords was as little capable of functioning and of maintaining itself in the thirteenth century as a hydra-headed government has proved itself to be at all times. The King’s son, Edward, who now became the most influential man in the kingdom, knew from observation and experience both the strength and the weakness of the baronial party. He needed only a normal quantum of ability and common sense to enable him to restore the monarchy tO a position of power and at the same time to go far toward rendering the barons ineapable of repeating what they had done in the reigns of his father and erandtather. ‘To these tasks Edward addressed himself and thus made his reign one of the most notable in the history of any kingdom. Meantime, after the peace was made, he knew better than to linger at his father’s court. He went, accordingly, with his uncle-in-law, Louis IX, on a Crusade and distinguished him- self on the field in the Holy Land. In the period of his absence both his unele and his father died, men who had played im- portant roles in the history of their several countries. Even so, Edward had done his work so thoroughly before he left that he had nothing to fear, and he did not reach England until nearly two years after he had been proclaimed king. FOR FURTHER STUDY G. B. Adams, Constitutional History of England, chs. v-vi1; The History * England from the Norman Conquest to the Death of John, chs. xv11-xx1; H. W. C. Davis, England Under the Normans and Angevins, chs. x1-xix; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, I. ch. vi; Ed- ward Jenks, Edward Plantagenet, chs. iv-vu. FOR WIDER READING G. B. Adams, The Origin of the English Constitution, chs. 1v-vu; oe. i. Baldwin, The King’s Council in England During the Middle Ages, ch. 3THE LORDS UNITE AND REBEL aly Somerset Bateman, Simon de Montfort; W. S. McKechnie, Magna Carta (Second Edition); S. K. Mitchell, Studies in Taxation under John and Henry III; Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings, II. chs. vi-x; fichard the Lion Heart; John Lackland; The Minority of Henry III; I’. M. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy, chs. ix-x; G. W. Prothero, Simon de Montfort; J. H. Ramsay, The Angevin Empire, chs. xxiii-xxxi; The Dawn of the Constitution, chs. iv-x; W. R. W. Stephens, The English Church from | the Norman Conquest to the Reign of Edward I, chs. xi-xvi; William s Stubbs, The Constitutional History of England, II. chs. xii-xiv; T. F. Tout, ) Chapters in the Medieval Administrative History of England, I. ch. vy. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the crusades of Richard and Philip Augustus, see Shepherd, pp. 70- 71. For maps illustrating conditions in England and in London and vicinity in the reigns of John and Henry III, see Muir, f. 34, and Shepherd, pp. 74, 75; on these maps the campaigns of Henry III and Simon de Mont- fort may be studied. Maps illustrating the topographical conditions and the campaigns that resulted in the loss of Normandy are in F. M. Powicke, The Loss of Normandy, frontispiece, p. 12, and two maps in the appendix. See also the map of the possessions of the English kings in France in A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, I. appendix.CHAPTER VII THE REIGN OF LAW AND NEW CANDIDATES FOR POWER * ’ t , * ‘ “ ’ ‘ 1 . "AY galr a ' tt yy reTty of 7s ry ? rh Hdward’s lack of anxiety tor the satety of his crown, when the death of his father tound him absent from England on a — ] - | | a | * + | - : crusade, 18 not tne oniv eviaence we nave tna the factional] quarrels amon? I it ruill ‘7 ro LTS iT) Lie i ions vl tLiS tathel and pyre wit } ! t ; +] | . ; * —_ orandtathel ii not Caused | GISINLeLTatlon O Lne Mat merry 7 i LO! doing IUSTIC! ind enrol! ne’ the pi ) n was the most lasting product of the rule of 1 \ngevin kings. As regards 7 i " | TY 7 14 ' t ry 7 ' T } ea ’ rive t il (YLIS| ay sf iJ I ~ t} _ Clniifit I avis ‘ L¢ racterize ] 4 ‘ permanent growt At the end o it period most of the main - o 7 y + outlines of our medieval law have been drawn for good and } 1 ' ali TNe ST nNseqnent CeTIT iriexy ¥V | hy a Tt) i¢) | TT ie mors than l .% } ’ h TO fill n tne det Is QO] a; SCOeTI whic! IS set De ro! tnem as Vy] * ” 4 -— unalte ibli Phe roval Ls by he N V Ol | 1uSsSt1ce +} \ ; ' ' } \ ’ Nera ! : . l~ + } Lilie y G“ISpense dad eS LIS | SGcives Lu Lié esteem oO] ‘ : } : > ) suitors eligible to command t r services. By the middle of the +] . — oO ] . thirteenth century the increase in the king’s judicial business “¥ y" i ivy } y rnc + } : ’ 5 y+? ‘ | + } y*7 i’ wads rawvpidcil rine? a ‘ = COLL sa Dd U1 \ if COUPLUS Ul 1 . " ry cerv—to what was lone to be their final form the Court of ’ i . | 7 , ] + 1 (‘ommon Pleas. which had found such ivor that the Great y | J Charter stipulated that 1t must be held in some certain place had become the appropriate tribunal for trying ordinary civil suits between subject and subject. The term ‘‘ King’s Bene or “‘Bench,’’ by Edward’s time was used to signify a court held theoretically coram rege; that is, in the presence of the king and with his active participation, but its membership was alre: part at least, professional judges. This court still followed the king, and separate records were kept of its proceedings and ot * Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law (Second Edition), I. 174. 120THE REIGN OF LAW 121 the proceedings in the Court of Common Pleas, but the types of business peculiar to each court were not yet as wholly differ- entiated as they later came to be. The exchequer functioned also as a court, and in the reign of Henry III an officer called the chancellor of the exchequer made his appearance with the duty of presiding over the court and of keeping its seal. We should not on this account conclude that the administrative and Judicial functiors of the exchequer were distinguished. As yet, no very clear concepts on these subjects existed. But if a ques- tion of general law, as distinguished from what was ealled “the course of the exchequer,’’ was involved in a ease under consideration, the barons of the exchequer might be instructed to associate with themselves in their action the justices of the two benches. The chancellor himself had scarcely yet begun to pre- side at a court of justice, though the chancery was sometimes called a curia or court. Its chief function. however, was to issue the writs necessary to brine cases before the royal tribunals. These writs, in some eases. could be had for the asking ; in others, they were matters of privilege, and a traffic in them was a source of income to the king. Perhaps more important in their immediate service to the people at large were the courts held by the king’s justices, who were empowered by temporary commissions for the purpose and who journeyed through the land, taking the power of the king to the farthest shire in the kingdom: sometimes a commission for holding a court was issued to a local magnate, though this prae- tice did not become widespread. In the course of KEdward’s reign regular methods were perfected for disposing of many cases locally in the king’s courts as thus established to save the nec- essity of having the litigants journey to Westminster or to the point at which the kine chanced temporarily to reside. Justices were designated and sent periodically on their circuits. A noteworthy result of the inerease in the business of the king’s courts and the growine volume of the records kept on their several rolls was the opportunity thereby afforded for formulating the body of law common to all the land. There was not yet much of what we now eall statute law, and the few departures from established customs made by the king and his counselors, if they prevailed in practice, soon became merged in that part of the law which had no conscious origin. Even a royal justice might still proclaim that the king himself was subject to the law, a doctrine which made difficult the establish- ment of any normal machinery for serious legislation. No doubt122 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS many customs formerly local in character were made laws of the land by becoming a part of the law enforced by the royal courts, but it is difficult to trace illustrations of this process. Perhaps also English law was influenced by the revival of the study of the Roman law; more lkely, it was affected by the existence of ecclesiastical courts enforeing the canon law, which was in large part Roman law, alongside of the royal courts, while Eng- lish law was in its formative period. But, after the work of Glanvill in the reign of Henry II, the longest single step toward the formulation of a common law tor England was the much more elaborate, though similar, treatise of Henry of Bratton, or Bracton. As early as 1245 bracton was serving as a royal justice, and he served in one judicial capacity or another throughout a large part of the rest of his lite. In 1267, shortly before his death, he was appointed on the commission to hear the complaints of those who had taken the side of Simon de Montfort. Whether the book on The Laws and Customs of England, which is attributed to him, was published in his lifetime, we do not know. The more important point is that it was apparently based on the prevalent customs of procedure and on the laws enforced in the royal eourts. Having access to the rolls of these courts in his capacity as a justice, Bracton copied from them some two thousand eases which haye come down to us in the form of his notebooks. These important documents were discovered little more than a genera- tion ago and have been published. From this material and from Bracton’s book itself, it is evident that the author knew more about the practices of the English courts than he did about Roman law. He seems to have been familiar with the work of Azo, a famous lawyer of Bologna, and he unquestionably used some of the Roman sources. But the records of the practical application of rules of English procedure, in cases that arose amid Enelish conditions. gave character to his work and made it a never-falling aid to English lawyers of succeeding genera- tions, the while it helped to preserve a native flavor in the Knelish law itself. The work of Bracton was completed before Edward I came to the throne, and the book was remarkably successful for the time, becoming the basis of most of the legal literature of Edward’s day. In fact, there are no texts coming from Edward’s reign that are much more than epitomes or summaries of the work of Bracton. Thus, before the accession of the King who has sometimes been called the English Justinian, the kingdom hadTHE REIGN OF LAW 123 royal courts administering a law common to the whole realm with suitors coming in search of justice from its farthest bound. This steady growth of the machinery for doing justice, which had first begun to take form in the reigns of the first Henries, makes it clear that the government of England was much more stable in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries than the constant strife among factions of the ruling classes is hkely to give the impression that it was. In some respects, nevertheless, Edward merits the title that posterity has bestowed on him. His crusading expedition and the measures he had adopted to suppress the rebellion against his father before setting out left the royal exchequer empty and the King in debt. Moreover, the period of factional strife in the reigns of John and Henry III had occasioned a disarrange- ment of the normal feudal ties and a dissipation of the royal estates. Within a little over two months after he returned to England, in an effort to retrieve some of these losses, Edward ordered an inquiry into the franchises held by his vassals re- sembling in part the Domesday inquest of the first William. The results of this investigation are recorded in the compila- tion known as The Hundred Rolls. In many cases an entire hundred was reported as having become an appendage of the manor of some lord who received the revenues formerly payable to the crown. Other similar encroachments on the royal rights and revenues were numerous. After ceiving mature considera- tion to the conditions revealed in these rolls, Edward and his advisers announced that those who claimed the franchises and privileges thus recorded might hold them for the moment, but that the justices of the royal court on their next visitation through the shires would conduct a ‘strict inquiry by what warrant (quo warranto) those privileges were held that ought normally to belong to the King. The magnates, who by this measure faced the loss of lucrative privileges, objected to the announcement of the King that they would be deprived of any franchises for which they could not show an express grant from him. In fact, Edward soon discovered that he would not be able to enforce the measure as completely as he had planned and agreed, as a compromise, to leave in the hands of tenants, regardless of whether they could show evidence of royal grants, any franchises enjoyed by themselves or their ancestors since the time of the accession of Richard I. That date thus became established in English legal procedure as the ‘“‘time when the memory of man runneth not to the contrary.”’124 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ~? Edward’s legislative efforts were not exhausted by this at- tempt to retrieve ground lost by his predecessors. He retained in his service as his chancellor and chief legal adviser Robert Burnell, who had long been his friend and who was one of the ministers in charge of the royal interests after the death of Henry III and before the return of the new King. It has been id of him that as Hubert de Burgh, prominent in the reigns of Richard, John, and Henry III, was the last great justiciar, Burnell was the first great lord chancellor. Edward failed, though he made several attempts, to procure the appointment of Burnell as arehbishop of Canterbury, but he was able to enrich him with many other offices and estates. This was the manner in which a king of the time normally rewarded a friend . > , whom he trusted, and Burnell seems to have justified his master’s confidence by rendering signal service in formulating the most extensive body of legislation attributed to any medieval English king, This legislation dealt with both the terms and the machinery of land tenure and with regulations for keeping the peace. Most of the laws for enforcing contracts and regulating the holding . } - | | } | (° - ~ ] ‘ of chattels awaited the development of a society that needed } ) them. Land tenure was already rapidly assuming the character of property, and the political and military obligations character- istic of the earlier feudal period were giving place to compen- satory payments. The things most coveted were opportunities for economic exploitation, and these were also the things the King sought to guard most carefully. Since the Church was a never-dying organization, its tendency to accumulate land de- creased the income accruing from reliefs, wardships, and similar feudal incidents. Therefore we find Edward, in 1279, trying to entorece what is ealled The Statute of Mortmain? an eftort to prevent further accumulation of lands in the hands of eeclesi- astical orders. But Edward was as much interested in the terms under which his lay tenants held as he was in preventing the echurehes from accumulating land. In the statutes of 12705. 1285. and 1290. ealled respectively the first. second. and third statutes of Westminster,” many of the customary laws and prac- tices of land tenure were restated, and some new departures were made. The Statute of Westminster; the Second contained the clause known as De donis conditionalibus because it legalized the practice of entail; that is, of granting land so that it could 1 Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 40. Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, Nos. 37, 42, 40.THE REIGN OF LAW 125 not be alienated from the heirs of those who held it. The Statute of Westminster; the Third 1s known also as Qua Emptores, in that it made illegal the subinfeudation of fiefs other than those held directly from the king and provided instead for the right of alienation of these fiefs, so that the new tenant would assume the same relations to the lord as the old. ‘These three statutes were in each ease published by the King after consultation with the ruling magnates and in some respects were designed to remedy difficulties which the barons had experienced with their tenants. But their tendency, in the long run, whether foreseen or designed by the King or not, was to lessen the feudal element in land tenure and to leave land held more largely as property. Perhaps the chief immediate interest the King had in the matter was to bring order out of the confusion that existed, so that his revenues from the land would be larger and more stable. The same motives, in part, actuated him in the measures he took to improve the machinery for protecting life and property. In The Statute of Winchester,’ in 1285, he elaborated and ampli- fied the existing means for keeping the peace. Local units— towns, hundreds, and shires—were made answerable for crimes committed within their bounds. The gates of walled places were to be closed between sunset and sunrise and regular watches kept. Highways leading from one market town to another were to be widened and the undergrowth cleared from their sides for the space of two hundred feet so that robbers would have fewer facilities for hiding. Finally, The Assize of Arms of Henry II was revived, and the weapons required to be in the hands of various orders of the population were again enumerated, in- creases in the requirements being stipulated in some cases. The king’s justices were instructed to present at stated intervals any evidence of default in these requirements they noted in their journeyings. But merely to restate and reémphasize the law, with important modifications in detail, was not enough. Bracton testifies that, toward the end of the reign of Henry III, the judges on the bench were not of as high a type as had been the case formerly. Since all royal officials of that time were inadequately paid and depended for increased remuneration on their ability to enrich themselves by methods that would now be regarded as inde- fensible if not positively criminal, weakness in a monarch was likely to lead to intolerable license among his subordinates. It is not surprising, therefore, that so careful a ruler as Edward * Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 438.126 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS found it expedient to take remedial steps. A commission with Burnell at its head investigated conditions and made a report revealing what Maitland terms ‘‘ Eneland’s one creat judicial scandal.’’ As a result, two out of three of the judges of the King’s Bench and four out of the five judges of the Court of Common Pleas were removed from office. Five itinerant justices and a host of other officials were similarly found guilty of various offences and dismissed, Along with this improvement in personnel went an improve- ment in procedure that was in part the result of experlence and in part made hecessary by the increased volume of business the courts had to transact. The list of writs was becoming fixed and stereotyped. The jury had practically come to be the accepted agency for finding facts, and the legal procedure was largely based on that assumption. To facilitate the work of the courts, a definite legal profession was making its appear- ance, both pleaders and attorneys. In earlier times the power to appoint an attorney was a privilege acquired by royal grant for a special reason; litigants were heard in person in the courts of the earlier middle ages. But by 1292 we find the King directing the justices to provide a certain number of attorneys and to give them the opportunities to follow the court and the exclusive right to practice before it. This emergence of a legal profession tended to promote a greater uniformity in both law and procedure and to furnish candidates equipped to give good service on the bench. One result was that the function of doing justice came in time in a considerable measure to be differentiated from the more miscellaneous tasks of the king’s rovernment. EDWARD AND LANDS WitrHouT ENGLAND To his contemporaries the events that bulked largest in the reign of the first Edward were his relations with the Church and with the lands outside of England, and it was in these aspects that his reign was least successful. He succeeded, after the expenditure of much blood and pains, in conquering Wales and in bestowing on his hapless son, the second Edward, the title Prince of Wales, an honor which the current heir-apparent to the British throne still inherits. But nowhere else were his achievements in any wise permanent. Most of the Continental empire that claimed so much of the attention of the strongerTHE REIGN OF LAW 127 Angevin kings had already been lost to the growing French monarchy, so Edward found the chief field for his activities on the island of Britain itself rather than across the Channel. Nevertheless, he delayed his return to England for his corona- tion in order that he might visit Paris and do homage for what was left of the fiefs his predecessors had held of the French king. Disputes were already brewing that were to diminish these possessions still further. Edward had to be satisfied for the time with a rather vague and indefinite understanding with Philip II], the French King, in order that he might make haste into Gascony to suppress a revolt among his own vassals there. After laboring at that task through the winter of 1273-74, he still took time to pause on his way home long enough to arrange a peace between the merchants of London and the subjects of the Count of Flanders, who had long been at odds. On the death of Philip III and the accession to the French throne of Philip IV, ealled Philip the Fair, Edward in 1286 went again to France to do homage to the new overlord of his Continental dominions and to use the prestige he had by this time acquired to make peace among warring Continental princes. But Philip the Fair was a more aggressive monarch than his predecessor had been, and he was soon scheming to enlarge his own power at the expense of his English vassal. Soon after Edward returned to England, summoned by the urgency of conditions in that country, Philip began to seek occasion for a quarrel. For a large part of the rest of his reign Edward made vain plans to return to France and to press this quarrel to a conclusion, but trouble with the Chureh, with Wales, with Seotland, and with his own vassals interfered, and he was never able to do more than send his brother on an unsuccessful venture, and a little later himself to lead a fruitless expedition into Flanders. Time was on the side of the French monarchy. Other subsequent English kings were to lead expeditions, some of them not wholly unsuccessful, into France and to lay claim to the crown of France itself. This claim was based on the fruits of a marriage between Edward’s son and Philip’s daughter (1299) which served as the basis of a truce between their respective fathers. But Edward I himself spent his major efforts on the island of Britain. Before the death of his father, Edward led an army against Llewelyn of Wales, who had been a friend and ally of Simon de Montfort and who was a scion of a family that had long been a thorn in the flesh to the English kings. The policy Kidward afterward enforced in Wales seems to have been, in part126 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS at least, a result of the experience he gained in this early cam- palgon. The Welsh were stu} pl redominantly Britonic Celts, descendants of the early inhabitants of Britain, who fled before the in\ rading hosts of Aenean COnquUerors and escaped Into the mountain fastn esses 1n the western part of the island. Thi SOC]: al organization still tended to be tribal. and settled life had not taken the form it had in the central and eastern English | counties. In order to vuard against the possibility of a com- pact, unified Welsh kingdom, the earlier English kings after the ; Conquest encouraged sient heir d iscontented' | arons to invade Wales and to carve its territory into so-called ‘‘Marcher’’ lord- ships, which were held by the swords of the conquerors, who remained also nominally vassals of the English overlord. The strong central government, which we have observed gradually emerging in England, did not extend to these Marcher districts, and the lords of these dis ricts ever tl reatened to become Lor- ) | midable rivals of the king. They and the Welsh ali ce -were iwerous allies of rebellious lords in England, as both John and Henry LT] discovered. but tney served, nevertheless. as Wales that was vel unsubdued. Kdward I made it a part of his policy to devise methods, which buffers against the portion of we Cannol follow in detail. ror procuring the lordship ot Lnese Marcher districts for his friends and relatives, perhaps the nearest to a safe arrangement a king in his time could make. When Llewelyn retused to take an oath of alle on his accession to the throne, the Kine marched against that agreed to hold his olance to Edward Prince, on the ground that he had previously ty as a suceesstul and brought peace ror the moment, but the war vas renewed in 1282, Edward apparently wait pe patiently until he could find Llewelyn in the wrong. This tim » Welsh leader was Slain and his following dispersed. Hdward now undertook to organize and pacify Wales. He built castles to serve as centers for keeping disaffection in check. He insisted on the incorpora tion of the We pecan sh bishopries in the province of Canterbury, making the Welsh Church one with that in England. He proclaimed his infant son Edward, who was born in Wales and who could not, as the father said. ‘“speak a word of Engelish,’’ Prince of Wales. But this was meant more as a title of honor and distinction than of power. The Statute of Rhuddlan, proclaimed in a parliament held at that ae in 1284, declared in its opening words that Wales had ceased to be a mere fief of the Enelish crown and had nowTHE REIGN OF LAW 129 been ‘‘annexed and united . . . unto the crown of the aforesaid realm, as a member of the same body.’’ The four shires of Anglesey, Carnarvon, Merioneth, and Flint were created from the dominions of Llewelyn in north Wales. A system of courts on the English model was introduced, though Edward was wise enough to understand that some of the tribal methods of pro- cedure would have to be outgrown as the people learned by experience the superiority of the new. These measures applied to less than half of Wales, and the southern part of the country was still in possession of the Marcher lords. Nevertheless, a beginning had been made that was to result ultimately in the unity of Wales and England. The ease was different in Kd- ward’s relations with Scotland. Indeed, so completely did Edward fail in his undertakings in the northern kingdom that it is plausible to argue that one of their chief results was to induce a habit of friendship between the Scottish and the French kings lasting until after the close of the seventeenth century. Unlike Wales, the kines in Seotland had early succeeded in combining, loosely to be sur e, the rather diverse tribes that peopled the country into a more or less unified feudal kingdom. For a little more than two centuries there had been close family alliances between the kines of Scotland and England. At one time, in the reign of Henry II, William the Lion of the northern medor had been obliged to do homage and to acknowledge himself a vassal of the E nelish King. But many things had happened since. Margaret, sister of Edward I, had been the first wife of Alexander III of Scot- land (1251). Their daughter, Margaret, married Krie, King of Norway, and gave birth, before her death, to another Margaret, later known as the ‘‘Maid of Norway,’’ who was a mere child when her grandfather died in 1286. Edward’s first idea was to marry the young Margaret to his own son, a few months her Junior. Unfortunately for this arrangement, the maid died from the effects of her voyage from Norway to Seotland. Since there was no clear lineal heir to the crow n, the succession was left in dispute, the descendants of the daughters of David, brother of William the Lion, being the aspirants. The question was between the claims of John Balhol, grandson of David’s elder daughter, Margaret, and Robert Bruce. son of his younger daughter, Isabella! Kdward, who had acquired a reputation for just dealing so widespread that his services had been sought for the adjudication of disputes between powerful princes on the Continent, was called on to arbitrate. Ineidentally it is130 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS worth noting that the voluntary submission of the question to him as arbiter prevented him from claiming the right to adjust it as one of his prerogatives as overlord of the country. But he could not well refuse the proffered task. The question was investigated by a commission nominated in part by the two claimants and in part by Edward. The final decision was in favor of Balliol, which was probably im accord with the prevailing laws and customs. The new King did hom- age to Edward, thus recognizing the feudal seigniority of the Enelish King. Naturally questions soon arose concerning the extent of the obligations thus incurred, as, for example, the making appeals from Scotland to Edward's court in England. When trouble with the French King was imminent in 129o, Edward called on Scotland for assistance as a matter of right. The first result was to drive Balliol to make an alliance with the French Kine and thus to add Scotland to the number of Edward's foes. A second result was that Edward was obliged to leave the conduct of the war on the Continent to his brother, Edmund, while he undertook the subjugation of Seotland. The defeat of Balliol meant. of course, the forfeiture of his crown under the feudal law. but it did not mean the pacification of Scotland, as Edward hoped it might. The next revolt in that unhappy kingdom was led by Wilham Wallace. Although not one of the more powerful Scottish mag- nates, and regarded by Edward as a freebooter, that picturesque character soon gathered a formidable following and succeeded ‘1 defeatine the nobleman that Edward had left in charge of the country. Edward himself came to the rescue and by a skil- ful use of archers defeated Wallace at the battle of Falkirk in July, 1298. While he was seeking a reconcilation with his own nobles for the prosecution of the war in the following year, word came that the Pope had decided to end the struggle by claiming Scotland as a fief of the papal see. This claim probably facilitated Edward’s task of finding support in England for the war against Wallace. The Scottish nobles finally surrendered in 1304. and in the next year Wallace was captured and executed. But troubles in Scotland were not yet at end. Robert Bruce, grandson of the Bruce who had been Balliol’s rival, now appeared as a leader of the Scottish cause and was erowned kine in 1306. The war against Bruce which ensued was the last in which Edward engaged. Old and ill, he was dauntless to the end and gave orders that his body should accompany his troops until the conquest of Seotland was con-THE REIGN OF LAW 131 cluded. But this direction, ike Edward’s personal efforts, was in vain. After his death in July, 1307, his son and successor left the conduct of the Scottish war to his subordinates and made haste himself to return to the southern part of England to make sure of his claim to the crown. For the space of the next seven years Bruce made steady progress in his efforts to possess him- self of Scotland, despite the opposition of the trained garrisons left in the southern part of the country by Edward I to oppose him and the assistance rendered to them by many Scottish nobles who were still unwilling to support Bruce. By 1314 Bruce was ~ making ready to besiege Stirling, the last stronghold of the English power. The disgrace involved in the utter loss of his father’s conquests, thus threatened, stirred Edward II to action, but to little purpose. Bruce, profiting by the mistakes that had brought disaster to Wallace at the battle of Falkirk, administered to the English army at Bannockburn in 1314 a defeat so thorough that the independence of Scotland was assured for generations. Meanwhile, the English kings had been experiencing trouble at home as well as abroad with results that were important for the future of the country. PARLIAMENT AND THE NECESSITIES oF KINGS Searcely a king of England has ever been more constantly in need of increased revenues and so more dependent on the cooperation of his subjects in carrying forward his projects than was Edward I. From the time of his return from a crusade which had cost more in debts to meet its expenses than it had accomplished in practical results to the disappointing year of his death amid his vain efforts to make good his claim to Scotland, Edward was almost constantly engaged in enterprises that called for larger expenditures than could be provided from his normal sources of income. Circumstances thus obliged him to spend what ingenuity he had in devising new sources of revenue. The reforms he inaugurated in the methods of doing justice and in the administration of the affairs of the kingdom had as one of their impelling motives a desire to increase his revenues. The same motive was in part influential in procuring for the Jews harsher treatment from Edward than they had received from previous kings. The custom had been, as we know, to protect these people, who were incapacitated from playing a normal role in feudal society by their inability to take a Christian oath,132 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS in the un-Christian vocation of money-lending in order that the king might himself share in the exorbitant profits. Lately persecution had been added to extortion as the common treat- ment meted to the professional money-lenders of the kingdom. Those who contracted debts under the severe terms then custom- ary naturally had httle kindness of feeling toward their creditors. Therefore, the barons aequiesced readily when Edward, in 1290. ligious zeal of his mother and himself, issued an edict expelling all the Jews from Eng- land and declaring forfeit all of their property except their actuated in part no doubt by the re personal belongings. Thereby the King obtained immediately a large sum, though he deprived eae) of what had formerly been a source of steady income. The place of the Jews as bankers was soon taken by the Italian merchants, who had for years been doing a steadily growing business in England, and King family of the Frescobaldi soon came to be as cordially disliked as the Jews had been and had the King more at their merey. In his declining Years even the hirst Kdward Was obliged to entrust to them the collection of the revenues accruing from | toms in order to induce them to make loans necessary to keep his troops in the field. At the very outset of Edward’s reign (1274) a tax on wool. hides, and wool-fells designed for export was granted to the Kine as a permanent supplementary source of revenue, a grant hence: forth to be known as the ‘‘Great and ancient custom.’’! This was the income that the King mortgaged to his creditors. He found his subjects wary about increasing the amount of this grant, eau and it was not increased permanently, as thi al grant had been made. He was sometimes able to induce se mere ants themselves to contribute to supply his needs by the process known as maletolte, by which the King seized every fifth ck of wool and demanded that the owners redeem it thi Sal payment of a stiff tax, 1f tax be a proper term to describe this method of extortion. It was certainly a method of taxation not likely TO become popular. Throughout his reign Edward I was almost constantly at variance with the officials of the Church in England. He was unsuecesstul in “hs efforts to procure the election of his own nominees to its positions of power, and he, therefore, strove as tar as possible to dislodge the Church from its position of privi- lege and in particular to procure from its resources the revenues he so perpetually needed. When the Pope in 1296, in the bull *Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 38.THE REIGN OF LAW 133 Clericis Laicos, forbade the clergy to submit to taxation by temporal rulers, Edward retorted with an edict depriving the clergy of the protection of the law. On many occasions and with divers excesses he obtained temporary possession of the temporalities of the religious houses. At his death the Arch- bishop of Canterbury, with whom he had seldom been on friendly terms, was 1n exile. From all of these sources the King obtained revenues in substantial sums to supplement his income from feudal incidents and dues, which many of his subjects were still old-fashioned enough to think sufficient for the legitimate needs of the govern- ment. But the most noteworthy source from which Edward obtained revenue in a manner different from his predecessors was a tax on movable property levied throughout the kingdom by the authority of knights and burgesses summoned for that purpose at intervals which grew increasingly frequent as the needs of the King increased. The gradual decay of the feudal machinery in its political and military aspects and the natural increase in population had led to the emergence of a type of landholders who were coming more and more to regard as their own property the land they held. They set a greater store on the accumulation of wealth than on the possession of power and found their chief opportunities for political activity in the shire courts. The growth of trade and the consequent introduc- tion of a more luxurious mode of life had stimulated at the same time the growth of towns dominated in the main by men who were accumulating wealth by engaging in commerce. ‘The in- creasing influence of the merchants is seen in The Statute of Ac- ton Burnell 2 (1283), otherwise known as the Statute of the Mer- chants, which was designed to facilitate doing business on credit by providing a method of collection, if the debt was attested in a proper manner. It was unreasonable to expect that a king would permit these two groups to escape without making con- tributions to his needs, especially when he could offer so plausibly the argument that they shared the common danger faced by the kingdom. Manifestly the feudal magnates were not unwilling that these new sourees of revenue should be tapped. Edward, as we have seen, was not the first to summon knights from the shires and burgesses from their boroughs to give counsel and to provide more material assistance. Simon de Montfort had done it in the reign of Henry III. But a primary point to 1 Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 47. Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 41.164 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERI( AN STUDENTS keep clear is that the essentia] reason why Edward now summoned these representatives was in order that they might hear the needs ‘ ions of their several] t _% : , = ' E ' . const neles. lLhey did not tarr. lone. and the brought little | | S : | " } aa OF wisdom that was accepted in counsel until tney learned by é ’ e ] ‘ A pt CPT Ce now oy Orit) lint LT) Cc] nands 1] Oy desired re) make ana to present them with the gs) pport of substantially the whole ' ° stoup aS a preliminary condition of the contributions thev . a ‘¥ Bha TY} v. + . cy? ri7 I } ‘ ty ) , I y* 7 ‘ T . | cy wer SUINTNONnea TO Oran yi Ui ry « Cal nae Stdna th LUI } , 5 + { — ] ST Ory OT Tf {2 way a \V it h i 7iePeNngs Oreac hrs] i immmon fy i () help Pemiinereroained to eile, ch ccamunctece tha. lepstin date hLALCA ’ Cilia ned LU i LAGe » ii Ji ci i wile yy f iil {]} nT aAtitl t V\ ) bevan tO SUTT LO! li das alt 1] | D1 (*] A \ on ’ |, y rT ' ' } ) ra 7 Y’ \\ I Lil r\ UY Ss LULL \ 4 ‘ il Ll I | Lit ieCdasulre damlilal \ ! \+ cl } t I 1] T] ‘ ni yi cs i 3 -~ tT} | cA | t | I ‘ } ad ' ] lL! ' \\ { | d indicates, simply a parley or colloquy of the king and his court ly t | } r) i | | T VY) T yy T yy : \ T i ' COM] LUI SPCC! Ul iit t ' Aistil Ud { no un ] ] ] |) - ral to be ealled a Pparilamel Dut we must not CApPecl to find Kdward I and S advisers as discriminatine as are the ' j } i a : TT ()T"¢ \ a 1} WO] f | VW} 1) {) Tt) (ig \ as recvca (1S Line Lunetions 7 } ] . + + ; Dro] CL LU De f Cised ) “iS ] I dinent oO} O}] Or Consistent | 7 ' + | ’ } ’ } ry) | | . \ | 1] rr. j ic os ul iT : pit SONNE! J 5 a iti ( iJ dj iM f ail vy ; nee I LO Le OT) { I A? sue cv? ris iif Gass LTT) | ()T) th 1 VaS a , * i : ] io + ¥ ‘ 41 primal! LaSK ime] 0 O1sla 5 pro ie that . ] 4 ' ' cs } 4 47 } 7 —s I (i \i rq » Darl LTrié Pits VO | (i¢T) ed LI cht Lilt LC] any ° * Ca Daly Or Or 1Intentio}] O] COisiatline as wr Und rstand Lnatl ] . Tf itr) i\V\ \\ as NT | SOT) { | if _? . i] e| Cad able JI HeP1NOS made ] * l. ‘ . ] * : DY tne actions of men the Kine’ Ss con} i’ ne} Inaderctook To cLis- , 1 : ' cover and To app! Lt Is] . SumMmption underlyine this Cap | | +] ‘eval t] or le 1. { nee |) ‘)] LV 1 qr) cacit Lie : ‘ { I Cd ( “We Lt ()] \ aireat ; j | . ; +] | ; ' ~~ ; tr : Mh th, yy ' | ¥ I apa rié KIT i} ' irri %' \, s 1 | ' t i) | neo \ manifestly 1 cra lic ; lynit t the lay lila tl CSL OS@S ITS vValicdil ads SOOT] aS { a itil tha Lif tcl VV ir | by t] ~ | pi hieh th ul OM changed eu wi ry Lil¢ noe oO] } a WU dy in whieh the I> fy a + + | ’ | + } YT) T ‘7 ' | ’ Aine IS One OF the ehief parti ipatine@’ members Statement m; the body that some later authorities call ‘‘the Hieh ( ourt of Parliament.’’ It was essent lally the old Norman and Angevin CHTId Ted. wit} vith some additions to its membership, with anTHE REIGN OF LAW ‘nereased volume of business, and with several centuries of experience. As we have seen and as will appear later, the ends of justice were now also served by several other courts, and special aspects of the king’s business were attended to by still other eroups, who might or might not attend the parleys held by the king and his ‘‘high court.’’ There seem to have been no consis- tent rules concerning the membership of this court or its methods of doing business. As was usually the case in the early history of an institution, the tendency was to deal with questions requir- ing immediate action in whatever manner seemed likely to the participants to lead to desired results. After the rolls or records of parliament began to be kept— and we have many of them from the beginning of the reign of Edward I—the method of procedure seems to have been for litigants to gain the attention of the court by a petition instead of by a writ, as was the case in the regular courts of the common law. In order that the petition might be made ready, the custom was to proclaim in advance the proposed time of holding a ‘‘narliament.’’ In the reign of Edward | as many as three were sometimes held in a year. Then it was the duty of certain designated officials to assort the petitions, sending to the chan- cellor, the exchequer, the court of common pleas, or to some other proper body a majority of them normally a part of its business, reserving for the consideration of ‘“narliament’’ only those matters that seemed to require it. The cases thus reserved for special action might involve a restatement or a reversal of law or procedure or a hastening of the processes of Justice in cases previously brought before other courts by the customary writs. A frequent recurrence of cases in individual petitions might lead to general remedial action. In this way, things were done that may with propriety be termed acts of legislation or administration, but a large proportion of the business was rather judicial in character. The court itself, let us bear in mind, made no such classification of its activities. These regular and frequent meetings of the king’s court were called ‘‘parliaments’’ in the records kept of their proceedings. But there were beginning to be held in this period other less frequent and more formal meetings of the king’s court with selected persons specially summoned for the occasion. ‘These meetines were not at first called parliaments, and no official records were kept of their proceedings. Most of those who ord1- narily participated in a ‘‘parliament’’ were summoned to these meetings to give counsel, though some were summoned who might136 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS not attend the ~ parlhament.’’ The knights and burgesses were Summoned to attend assemblies of the latter type and 1 1iot the ' parliaments.’’ The functions of these assemblies seem to have been to provide the king and his more immediate asso- clates with the supporting a thority and with the more materia] resources needed to carry on the affairs of the kinoedom. especially in times of more than ordinary danger. As regards the knights 4) ° as 4) a . . ie : , oe: Antic burgesses. inere 18 no doubt tnat 1 hel Chie] function, In} t] I t! | | Ke iwi ty ‘AT ‘ Y ra | . 1 a .? lz ’ . { rele) e, rif » 44 Wadi UU a adli\ ad Ce Was To SpPCdak TO] l Lf I ! . fl ' t | i i] . j T Siiire Ol town LOTT) WilLiC] rif Cad lilt iT} DrOmIs I , re YenUE LU i. q supp! TY } Hi ne ~ need he probably participated in the : LnD I. i ah : af ' rA;N ; ' } proceed noes La TeetLy al S1ieny avCUdulescenee T} eat requests — [: | ¥ +1 , | 1 +} Knowledge ort the nee iS O©F the Kino ) 1 ° . I rom the nature of the business transacted In the Sessions oj the king’s court known as ‘‘parliaments.’’ it js clear that many SuljTOrTsS Irom divers Dal tS oO] i | Ingadom would atte nd the SCSSTONS \\ [Ley The assem| fF specially Summoned TO rive COLN- sel and pro’ ci VavVS and means becams frequent. before long | + > ; i tI advantage of ha ne TI Lime oft the meet In®@” OF the specially L.} ‘7 ' { ol . SLIT CT) (] i — fT] iy COM Ici \ i nat {) a Dal iclitit I Was apparent. Between 1275 and 1298 there were at least ffteen i 47 : | + ° 3 SCSSTONS © Live irliament \V I ri oat business IS recorded on ] 1 e t | rolls there were held in th same ‘period nine of the issembhes summoned by special writ. of whose h isiness no 4 » t ro! W ~ kent May Fact! | ~ 11] wale | | i journeying to court tor that purpose, 1t was a hards|] Ip tO require within the space of a few months others to make the same journey to attend the specially summoned assemb! if knights or burgesses who were bearers of petitions eould be found eligible LO be charged with the task of answering he writ of summons sent to the boroue] ons and shires through ae the sherifts,? it was a matter oO] economy and convenience to make one journey serve the double purpose. This could be done if the king would take care to summon the extraordinary assemblies. now rapidly becoming habitual, in the time appointed for the meeting of the court in parliament. This he began to do in the closing years of the thirteenth century ; 1298 is the hrst year in which we have conclusive evidence that it took place. Once the practice was inaugurated. it became the customary ‘For examples of these No. 46. writs see Adams and Stephens, Select Documents,THE REIGN OF LAW 137 procedure and seems to have been continued through the re- mainder of the reign of Edward I. The chief business of the meeting was still that of the older ‘‘parliaments,’’ but the pro- cedure of the new assemblies began also to find a place in the official records. The knights and burgesses were still summoned only when circumstances made their cooperation essential and probably never in this period became necessary to constitute a parliament; they were always summoned when taxes were to be voted. This power to give or to withhold revenue was the . lever by which the knights and burgesses in the end obtained the power to legislate on other subjects also. Edward I certainly had no inclination to share his power more than was necessary with these new groups, whose assistance he found himself obliged to seek. Time and circumstance, not the political wisdom or foresight of the King, were to make these entrants on the political scene more powerful than the monarch himself. Toe Growing MACHINERY OF THE CROWN Being an able king, Edward I tended to depend on the counsel of those immediately associated with him, and in them he placed most of his confidence. The strength of the govern- ment of the kings in the later middle ages rested rather in this eroup composing the royal household than in either the magnates or the knights and burgesses. In fact, it was already clear that | the magnates were likely to furnish the king one of his most difficult problems by their jealousy of his growing power. The household, on the other hand, was composed of those whom the kine delighted to honor and to whom he looked for cooperation on all oceasions. It is this royal household which most differ- entiates the government of earlier English monarchs from that of a later day and which makes difficult, if not entirely inutile, a comparison of the government of a twentieth-century king with that of his medieval predecessors. Just as the existence of parliament as a legislative body in the sense familiar to-day was inconceivable in the time of Edward I, so the existence of any systematic organization of the executive covernment was equally beyond his ken. The growth of the royal income, we know, had long ago made necessary the establish- ment in the exchequer of machinery for receiving and keeping account of the royal income. In a like manner, the success of the king in acquiring the function of doing justice made neces-+ troller. BRITISH HISTORY ry the device ot machinery ot 9 the privy seal was to emerge from this > \ HOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ‘ i +. } ly h f° f\T . 4 | : ] the on hand, the establis iment OL courts oj Pproresslonal Judges 7 +] 4 . : > > mal tt Yr) } t | . \ r 1 > aha. OT) ie \) the Ul a SC CT u« idl {) Litt ULndae}) iit MNanavcems Lt ‘ I , ' 7 , ; 4.7 ~ , 4 ° } ° O© the chancellor 1 Oro Cd ue Wii Necessdl O Drin® pDusines } j ‘ fy < 1HdnNa | , veTOre the roval con ‘ All of these OLCIlAILS OTioCinall + . + ; + ; cy 4+ | ' , ’ } ] Lake I} irom | { t} Thiel Lt i { =4 \) AWIiTLY ‘ iq] (Lit not | ) j : {*{ is{ TH oT tr) ~ Lrusteqd cL(l is ss (-] 1 \ iii | { | si) \ a1) qd inec] OTIS 11 in 1 { COLL OT 1 it LI ‘ { te Set ClLOped a * + I | | + Convent onal hal Ol pl CUurt aha the Kin®@ s supiects Came | i 7 : ) y*7 y ' ry) } rit 4 4 * ” Ae } * , 7 7 7 whim. By this process . onaries became what we may , . ; . 5 : i ; ‘ ‘ 4. | : | } 4 — call officers of st rather than mere members of the king” X } i ] } eCnNnLol bal’ as thie | [) é OTIC in ’ | ; ‘ — + ut there was still mui r the de m1 on ot the 17 ; | ox Res as ‘ rele CONST; Pitiy\ cit) ' 1 Tie 1} 0 é | ruil ; I mistake ] { ’ rr tO assume tha i ne’s es usher S S oni ma- ’ ” 7 + 4 > 4 i i ! j Vy ig )) et iT} ’ ~~ ;*s ‘ | " 2 f | 4 | ' } \ a | | rt] ,y } | all Of his revenues Al | ne r aisecovered that } ] 1? } 4 . 4 ‘ . mar ' ‘ i ~ TTI ~ \i i 1 f rit)l Le a lalTrs fy) Ths cy vrs ‘T)) ent + , : ) ) ¥ + Sy } Tt) Cary V . aoe } + ‘ ()T) ; iw iPS lt) i{ teil y mm ; ’ j | ~~ —rerer at Sea | ‘ i . | 47 - ae 4 ' i TNA Jr , . “ if) os iv] I A? 1 I 1 a [LO] L\ LT) 4 + + \ 1] 4] ] + | T 117To ye S I} Crs i i | ‘ Vi I J ao! ‘ Trl; io Wal } 1 { } ate if ntainine The normal mil | CS nisnoment}t as de 4 * ? ] 1 } * ] ] 4. 1 ft + - ()T] ‘ J I ( ‘ tite as ole I ‘ | oh LLONE LITLiti¢ Lid LE \ j | } 7 - % ~ \, f req 7, TT} - | QO Kine. ‘ ,* TY ’ ~ iTyié ~ ) ‘ ISS led the + i 4 4] y 7 I | ry) 7 ¥ yy {*; Tres] SUOh ed FL | i Bet A? 5 ‘ [Ti y)¢ i mon- L { rT} ! : * ] — | op ~ ' ; x | etl i’ cl ~ | ; f 1 *,s i 7 4 rit i} I i 7 ithla riiy fs } i] } 14 j : . the task of collecting 1 dliotted revenues and of aececountine ’ +] yy) { ) . t >| 7% ‘ Sa ; ) 7 17 ) ’ ,T } tha ' itl net | it \ \ ci ( I | ci J | 5 ci Spent ;\ Lilie » « ° ] } 7 5 ’ ) ' T | ’ \ 11g roucen the ma Ue y ¢ Mis GOMeSTIC Orevanization NWLOST \ } ] } } tne Tactional disputes the late mM aves are unintellicible ; 7 ly ‘ ] ‘ + | y 7 t 4-1. = 7 . ‘s> ' Ci SOTTI¢ L£nOV"“ CPO ore Ul { OTL al Tr) 1) is inne] Cir Ve } 7 ‘ 4 } 47 } 1 ; } . WW I O Of apora PO VY [| the no iT) (101) BeEs WOrkK lh , wey ,y y* T } - +] Ls > | \ | Vara i( J IOS] LTy) oOrtal GilVISIONS Ul Lit i cal LOUSe Lcit were t | } ! | TXT Taal \WV ] Vo T a] y+ Lie Cilamber and the wardronhs e need not enumerate a Ol } * . * . +. 1 1 Bare ) ha T ' ‘Y” | , ty i : ) “tt + ha tne many oimcials in these organizations in an atte mpt to indi- 1 — : ry , Ba. * ‘ ry (sof 7 } ‘ ’ j 1T ; ‘ | Q Cate thelr several fun lOnS Phe chambe} had its stewards and 7 ] ] : ) = i : ryy + Chamderialns aions with an array Ol] cle) KS rhe more dignified rer, the eon- all Soc. the keeper of Both ~ as We S| same ore’'anization.THE REIGN OF LAW 139 the wardrobe and the chamber, as we know, were in their earliest forms what their names imply, but they had long since outgrown their original quarters. The entire machinery of the king for carrying on the affairs of government, including the making of war and the provision of sustenance for the army of followers ever in his train, was included in these organizations. In them most of the trusted officers of state, such as the chancellor and the more important officials of the exchequer, were likely to re- ceive their preliminary training. The important functionaries in these organizations were naturally the king’s most intimate associates and the officials on whom he leaned most heavily. Nothing is more indicative of the changing character of the ruling class that was in process, even in the reigns of Edward | and Edward II, than the tendency of the king to summon for these services men more prominent for their efficiency in ad- ministration than for their previous influence or family con- nections. It was still the rule for a man in the favor of the king, as these functionaries would be, to use his opportunities to accumulate wealth and power for himself and thus to achieve a position among the magnates. Even so, it was of the greatest sig- nificance for the future that the actual day-by-day management of the affairs of the kingdom was in hands of professional officials of this type. They established themselves 'in favor by building up the machinery of administration and by keeping it intact, and the organization that they were developing in these years proved in the long run to have more vitality than either the monarchy itself or the powerful magnates who disputed with the king its control. Besides the courts of the king—the parliaments and the other assemblies already deseribed—the king in these years was wont to seek advice also from a group ealled the council. Here again our desire for precise definition is liable to lead us to assump- tions that would not be in accord with the facts as they existed. Sometimes this council was composed simply of the influential members of the royal entourage; sometimes all the influential magnates in the kingdom were also called into consultation. Naturally certain important officials such as the chancellor, the keeper of the wardrobe, and the like were almost invariably in attendance. Probably the composition of the group varied to suit the cireumstanees under which the meeting was held or the character of the business to be transacted. But, however many or few those in attendance, the group was a council, and the validity of the business transacted was not called in question140 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS because of the absence of influential] members. A medieval] king seems to have be in later times to 4 He thou L more Was Immediately part di eloped - ) tne time made ] accoraing toa mo most oO l! . : machnine! we It was read LO | , . i Te ’ f heeanss OT TI fe * C(iCCLINING Coals 1 | SUD 1e¢ CONMCIUGEeES } “ { ) neayy cl tas] en more interested in doing the task at hand than in observing the technica] forms of procedure that came — 1 . } ‘ + ° . - be cherished as safeguards of political rights. ns of th C personalities whose cooperation necessary TO accomplish the end soucht than ot ol government. Lhis machinery. for the most 1 O perform functions that the necessities of ‘ : 2 8 1 iInTtest 1 Vas § ldom shioned in advance ; ] eral plan. This was probably just as well. fo1 ' | ’ ! + y r * } 1 . mei itf ' ‘e 7 V-enera roOvernmenta r} t IN | \ l ry? | 1T) prac (*¢ TO hy THE 1 | FO ‘OWE! almost con te failure of his policies in his ‘he most competent recent student of the at no medieval king ‘‘handed to his suecessor th such inadequate means to discharge jit’’ ed on to Edward II. And not even those their estimate of the character of Hdward I] 1 worthy son of his able sire. In no part of i see ae | reign of a score of years (1307-1327) was he the dominating . » : . a ‘ neurs In tS rst period ne was chiefly influenced by his favorite rriend., Peter Gaveston., [rom whom his Lather, before 1 1 . } = . - : - s his death, had sought in vain to wean him. rrvy% . lhe aeceession | 4 members of his o the influential offie a reconellation with eSstral Gloucester, Heref. ! [ the new King and the substitution of the n household as Prince of Wales for some of lals in the household of his father facilitated iged magnates such as the Earls of rd, and Norfolk. Winchelsea, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who had been in enforced exile. returned. The young Karl of Laneaster. destined to be a leader of the opposi- tion to the King. creating Gaveston was among those who witnessed the charter Karl of Cornwall. But these promising con- ditions were soon beclouded. in part no doubt by the actions of aly ee out. The Place of Edward TI in Enolish History. p. 08,THE REIGN OF LAW 141 Gaveston, but in part also by the ruinous load of debt and the consequent confusion in the government that had resulted from the failure of the policies of Edward I. Gaveston unquestion- ably added to difficulties already sufficiently great. He was a native of Gascony, and he now attached to his train a swarm of his kinsfolk, who shared with him the royal favor and the revenues so badly needed for the more legitimate functions of the government. Gaveston himself seems to have been so putted up by his own good fortune that it was easy for him to win the enmity of the magnates. The result was a union of more influential members of the nobility against the King, which, in 1308, induced him to consent to the exile of his favorite. The removal of Gaveston helped matters very lhttle. ‘The royal household was the stronghold of a court party that fur- nished any king in the later middle ages with a formidable line of defence. The magnates, sensing this situation, demanded a reform in the household as the price of permitting the return of Gaveston, a price which the King’s fondness for his friend induced him to pay. Unfortunately for the King, Gaveston had not learned prudence in his period of absence, and the united barons under the leadership of the Earl of Lancaster now proceeded to impose more severe conditions. The favorite and the other foreign hangers-on at the court were banished from the kingdom, and a group of barons, called the ‘‘ Lords Ordain- ers,’’ was appointed to reform the machinery of government. According to the ordinances promulgated by this group in 1311, the Kine was still to be nominally in power, but his chief min- isters were to be chosen from the barons in parliament. The management of the finances was to be kept strictly in the hands of the exchequer, and the officers of the wardrobe were not to receive those revenues which had formerly gone directly to their custody. The chancery was to be solely responsible for the issue of the writs belonging to it and was to be freed from the infringements which, it was asserted, the wardrobe had been making on its business. The privy seal, by the use of which much of the alleged encroachment of the officers of the ward- robe on the functions of the officers of state had been facilitated, was now to be taken from the hands of the controller of the wardrobe and kept by a elerk specially designated for that purpose. Finally, it was stipulated that the chief officers of the household as well as the chief officers of state should be chosen by the barons. 1Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 51.142 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS lt was unreasonable to expect a medieval king lone to abide by a Reh to acquiesce in regulations of this severe character, and it is not surprising that Gaveston was soon again in England. The supervision of the chancery, the exchequer, and the com- non law courts by the barons might have been tolerable: not so their attempt to manage the affairs of the royal household. Yet it was in the machinery of the household that the chief sources of the royal power lay. (Lons quently. the resistance O] the KK WaS now more s ry] | Ort nd he WaS soon tavored by a@ GQIVISION 1n the ranks Of the barons that was destined to last through the remainder of his reien. The barons, victorious in the civil war that followed the return of the favorite, captured Gaveston and entrusted him temporarily to Aymer, Earl of Pembroke, with instructions to a him safely. Despite this pledge and in the absence of Pembroke, the Earls of Lancaster and Warwick caus: d Gaveston to be put to death. Pembroke felt that his honor had been affronted, and henceforth he and his partizans had little love for Lancaster and Warwick. trom the bur: CNSeCN) OCT Tne ROIS and lesser barons or rrom ( : , 4+ ' at ) 47 3 men hay Lneg Ul VWOLNLUS O] v it O! LILCNE ULAaASSES ana © \ wert } ] 1 4] 7 ] ] ' | . 1 j t | US mort In¢é! I) qi LO SV] | LZ( \\ tk Line | neg tnan WITN Lone } ” 1 macnates S ric Tie COLT WaS ‘ SSuUMmMInNG LNs el iracter the ' | : ’ } | io : long run to be more sympathetie with the king and his house- hold than with the parliam: ntary barons in their lone. thouch IS J losing, contest in defence of their priv) Q Edward Jenks. ] } : L1-X11) 'ohn Mackintosh, S land, ch. ° Rams Muir, A Short H / of the British Com ealt/ r ahs A hs 1G he Evol f Pa | ft, chs. i1-1l1: J. | Willar ihe \ss sment f Lay Subs ~ 1290-] Z { fi ; f the A Hist al A§ 1917, pp. 283-292 I FOR WIDER READING ch. 1 P. Hume Brov Hist / of Scotlar |. Book ili: W. W pes Kknalish Ch } he Fourt I L Fifteenth Centuries. chs. 1-11) Wil ham Cunningham, The Growth of English ] idustry and Commerc: Mifth Kdition }, ke ZOL-298: J. C. Dax ies, The Baronial Upposition to Edward II; N.S. B. Gras, The Early English Customs Syste m, chs. v1l-x11; L. W. V. Harcourt, His Grace the Ste ward dQ) ad t hue Trial of Pe ETS, chs. 1V-v: W. S +145 THE REIGN OF LAW Holdsworth, History of English Law, Il. ch. 11; Frederick Pollock and F. W. Maitland, History of English Law, I. ch. vii; J. H. Ramsay, The Dawn of the Constitution, chs. xvili-xxxill; William Stubbs, The Constitu- tional History of England, Il. chs. xv-xvi; T. F. Tout, The History of England from the Accession of Henry III to the Death of Edward II, chs. vil-xiv; Chapters in the Administratwe History of Medieval England, I1; The Place of the Reign of Edward II in English History; Edward the First; Kenneth H. Vickers, England in the Later Middle Ages, chs. i-vi1; J. F. Willard, ‘‘The Taxes Upon Movables of the Reigns of Edward If, Edward II and Edward III,’’ English Historical Review, xxvili. 517-521; xxix, 317-321: xxx. 69-74. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the struggles of Edward I with Wales and Seotland, see Shepherd, p. 74; Muir, ff. 34, 36. The same subjects may be studied on maps of Seotland and Wales in A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, I. appendix. K. H. Vickers, England in the Later Middle Ages, appendix, contains maps of Wales, southern Scotland, and northern Eng- land, which illustrate the same points in greater detail. For the field of the battle of Bannockburn, see Charles Oman, The Art of War wn the Middle Ages, p. 572, and A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, 1. 304.CHAPIHR VITI SHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE THE ENGLISH MAGNATES AND THE FRENCH WARS Din 1 thi rit eentury ind au rte! ollov ne Ul deposl- tion of Kdward [1] 132 / K“neland d onl ive king's Ihe name of none ot them 1s reme! ie initiation of any constructive achis men in | elon) ! Lhe Country Ol of its institutions Lhe las Henry V] s almost an mbeecile and. fo. 1 period, was ll ne. Oneo em, Richard Il was deposed by rebellious magnates (1399 The only two whose names are Writ ll lara £ & Oj] + LLiS I KHdaward — : ; . ; . , 47 : . he intermittent struggle in France, beeun by the third Ed- : ’ | : = «) . e relon otf the sixth Henry (1453), os lewis? - . 4] - | : ) y : ] ‘ ) ‘ iS DOP larly KTOW TT) cs (> I | rnd reqd Years Way pecause a movi trie al irene She ae vhen Edward claimed the Ul Nnvcury CPlidadDSe@d Ji WOUCLI . 2 ee Liltit’ vv iit qT 40 vyyal ui ( alihiiet thie ] ; ’ 47 ] he i lL. } tnrone O] } rance On the Ground that ue Was, through nis motner. the rightful heir and the final loss of all of the French posses- sions of the English king save the port of Calais. In these + a . ° 7 4 i cy »* wars English fightine men won such battles as Créey (1346 and Poitiers (1356) in the fourteenth century and Agincourt 1415) in the fifteenth, battles the fame of which will live in English history as long as war is an adventure in which men take pride. As armies go nowadays, however, not a large number of men were engaged on either side, only a few thousand. The temporary successes of the English in the fifteenth century he French mag- nates into factions, one of which was more partial to the English invaders than to its own king. In the earlier decades of the 146 were due in no small decree to the division of tSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 147 wars the English had the additional advantage of the experience they had gained at home fighting against the Welsh and Scots under the leadership of the first Edward. They had come to place less dependence on the efforts of the familiar armed knights of chivalry, who must needs go to war on horseback accompanied by several attendants, than on the archers with their long bows and deadly arrows and on hired mounted men. Against the arrows of the long bowmen, the French knights again and again found themselves helpless and disorganized pecause of their inability to manage their wounded horses. Indeed the archers won for the English the most famous naval battle of the wars (Sluys, 1340), and that despite the blundering of their commanders who, following ancient tradition, deemed it more important to have the sun in the eyes of their enemy than to have the wind in their own favor. The part plaved by the archers in these wars hastened the decline in importance of the aristocratic, feudal warrior and is indicative of the character of the new army that was gradually taking shape. It would of course be a mistake to think of either soldiers or leaders in this army as consciously actuated by feelings of patriotic loyalty to England as their country. These powerful emotions belong to later centuries. By this time, however, the ties of personal relationship and loyalty that bound the earlier vassal to his lord had grown into others that were much less real. The place of knights who served in fulfilment of the conditions of their tenure had, as we know, gradually been taken by mercenaries. During the heroic times of the third Edward and his royal son, the Black Prince, and of the fifth Henry, the chief dependence of the king for troops was on a combination of mercenaries and a feudal army of a sort. Under this arrangement, certain magnates bound themselves to the king to serve him with a force of fixed strength for a stipulated period at a fixed rate of compensation. When the contracts were made within the kingdom, as was done by Edward III, the army was composed of the king’s own subjects, but this was not the invariable rule. The army was thus tending to become increasingly professional, and so more expensive, by the same changes that made service in it less honorable in the esteem of the magnates of the land. It needed only the contriving of weapons making possible the use of gunpowder with small arms to complete this process of transforming war from the avoca- tion of knights and gentlemen into the serious, bloody business for common men it was soon to become. As early as 1344 the148 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Knglish king seems to have had among his artillery stores salt- peter and sulphur for the manufacture of powder, and six ‘gonners’’ among his men. But the effective use of these deadly r a later time; they played but little larger part at the close of these wars than at th implements waited fi elr beginning. lhe henchmen maintained by the more powerful lords to supply the king with the troops that he needed and that they had contracted to furnish naturally served in other ways the interests of their patrons. These hangers-on wore the badge or livery of the magnate they served and were likely to be more loyal to him on whom they depended for sustenance than to the king. When it came to a matter of open dispute between the King and the magnate, the cause of the king usually suffered. The machinery tor the administration of justice, built up at So much pains by the strong kings of earlier times, sometimes suf.- fered also. ‘These paid retainers, wearing the livery of 1 patron, would appear in court to terrorize the officials in order to procure a decision of cases in favor of the lord whose interest they were enlisted to serve. This growing evil, called ‘‘liveries and maintenance,’’ began to be pronounced from the period of the wars in France. Fhe diplomacy of these wars was as futile as the fighti True the claims to the French throne asserted by Edward II] and Henry V were not finally abandoned until George III re- luctantly agreed to yield the point to the revolutionary French nation centuries later. But they were always questionable claims in law, and in fact they could have no more validity than could be enforced by the might of the kings who made them. Perhaps Edward III did not hope to obtain more than the portion of that sritigny, in 1360, aiter the successful campaigns of the Black Prinee. According ancient domain of Henry II, and a considerable territory was allotted to him in the Treaty of | to the Treaty of Troyes, which Henry V won in 1420, the crown of France was to fall to him at the death of Charles VI. who then reigned. But Henry preceded Charles to the grave by the space of two months, and the war was renewed, with Henry’s loyal brother, John, Duke of Bedford, fighting a brave but in the end an unsuccessful battle to hold for his brother’s son what the father had gained. Scottish and other foreign troops were enlisted to serve the eause of the French King. Then a new reentorcement demoralized the English and inspirited the French at the very time when the English organization was becoming overconfident from habitual success and so was beginning to loseTHE PEOPLE 149 SHIFTING POWER its efficiency. A French peasant maid, Jeanne, more familiarly known as Joan of Are, proclaimed her conviction that she had heard divine voices calling her to lead in ridding France of its In desperation the supporters of the unimpressive invaders. claimant to the crown enlisted her support. This evidence that a super-human force was engaged in the conflict did much to inspire the French troops and to dishearten the English. After a period, the Maid was captured and burned to death (1431), having first been tried and condemned as a witch. But the fortune of the French King did not again sink quite so low, nor were the English leaders ever again able to attain quite their The French factions united, and by the end of the reign of Henry VI Calais was all of their former great- ness on the Continent that remained in possession of the English. Meanwhile, the English magnates, who were in the main the sponsors of these wars and who supplied the troops for their conduct, were gradually assuming a character quite different former prestige. from that of the barons of Norman and Angevin times. Edward I, by finding husbands for his daughters among the great men of his kingdom, gave evidence of his understanding that English kings needed to strengthen themselves at home. Edward II, by bestowing on his younger brothers the earldoms of Kent and Norfolk, carried this tradition a step farther. Edward III, with a larger family of legitimate children than fell to the lot of most medieval kings, left a brood of descendants, many of whom followed in the path thus marked out and so brought most of the powerful English nobles into the royal family The resulting rivalries and jealousies promoted anything Philippa, daughter of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the third Edward’s third son, married Edmund Mor- timer, Earl of March, and great-grandson of Roger Mortimer, the first Earl of March of Edward II’s time and the paramour Their granddaughter, Anne Mortimer, married Richard, Earl of Cambridge, second son of Edward, Duke of York, Edward IIL’s fifth son, and left among the nobles who descended from them both the fourth and fifth Edwards, among the kings, and in addition Elizabeth, wife of the seventh Henry, whose reign was destined to mark the dawn of a new day Edward III’s fourth son, John of Gaunt, Shakespeare’s ‘‘fair Laneaster,’’ took for his first wife but peace in the family. of that Edward’s queen. for the Enelish monarchy. Blanche of Lancaster and was made duke of that palatinate. He later wed two other legal spouses before the end of his long and varied career, one of them an English woman, As a resultBRITISH HISTORY AMERICAN STUDENTS It descendants destined to play no ntures of their times. The fourth vite, and the fifth and sixth In direct line. The Beau- ird wite, whose children were the crown since they were oft the ablest lieutenants ] ; ’ } he spoils and in / — + ie kingdom, and Beau- iost constant as the large iS | sf Scions OT the , } 4 “f= (il Litcue Ll ruLINn®G mMmac- > + * 4" |. 4 . Uy : : j ~ COT iiwea ft , } 4 4.7 ° i\ O92 ner around him + + } | macnat 5 and ) the 1 i+] "7 i wara th ratara cLIICs | LIICTeLOre’ a“ } Y ne kinedom As Vel there these offices could be made 7 croup, and so the eovern- 47 helm or when he had trusted name and undertook weak when the maecnates to rule without the kineSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE © tol After the early successful period in the reign of the third Edward, who, in the latter part of his reign, had the assistance in the military field of his eldest son, the Black Prince, the magnates had control for an interval in which much of the prestige achieved by Edward was lost. Richard II, son of the Black Prince, having béen deprived of his ministers, Michael de la Pole and Robert de Vere, and obliged to submit for a season to direction from a committee of the magnates called ‘‘Lords Appellant,’’ afterward retrieved his position and for almost a decade (1389-1399) was king in fact as well as in name. On the death of his uncle, John of Gaunt, in 1399, he made the serious mistake, one of many he had made in the decade, of withholding from the heir the Lanecasterian estates. ‘The result was a rebellion of the magnates, which placed on the throne, in lieu of Richard, the Lanecastrian heir, Henry Boling- broke. Being thus beholden to those whose support had won his erown, Henry IV sat uneasily on his throne. Ultimately he found able lieutenants in his half-brothers, the Beautorts, one of whom, John, was chamberlain from the beginning of the reign. But the second Beaufort, Henry, seems to have had the brains of the family ; he became chancellor in 1403, bishop of Winchester the following year, and gradually the dominant per- sonality in the government. It was his work in a large measure that made the way possible for the reign of the fifth Henry, Shakespeare’s ‘‘Prince Hal,’’ who seems, however, to have as little deserved the evil youthful reputation the chroniclers gave him and the dramatist adopted as he deserves eredit for accom- plishing anything permanently constructive in the institutional orowth of the country over which he reigned so brilliantly. It was his good fortune to have an able brother, John, Duke of Bedford, to whom to leave the management of the affairs of his own son, Henry VI, when he left him a minor with tasks far beyond his limited ability. The dramatist seems to have supplied apt words for the latter well-meaning, ill-fated king, when he represented him as saying as disaster approached: . .. What is in the world but grief and woe? O God! methinks it were a happy life, To be no better than a homely swain; To sit upon a hill, as I do now, To carve out dials quaintly, point by point, Thereby to see the minutes, how they run, How many make the hour full complete;1o2 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Ah. what a life were this! how sweet! how lovely! (rives not the hawthorn bush a sweeter shade To shepherds looking on their sills sheep, | lL th rich emb! ie] ‘| rs 1 rear I ‘aa. hery { i 2 ue But the adventures and rivalries of these kines and their roval relatives belong rather to the past or to their immediate times than to the Tuture. ithe Knelishmen whose labors were to sionitv in the ewenerations to come were more interested in 4.7 + . 1 : 4] - « : - . +> 7 otner matters tI Ln) ney were If LOeNE dvnastic qaisputes or 1n vain claims to the F ren ‘oni But it was 1n part the embar- ‘ ‘ ] —— in ; ~~ raSsSiInie! () ‘ I nv | PiGn 9 | i () 1| TaMIL\ eased by these imprudent uw ing orded opportunity fo1 } } ' 4 i iT COUId De Cully lated had b Cun to nee 7 Chnaractel , ‘ nol S] SOC 1} pre OUS Ceo «UAL pOpPuUlallon } | } . . i been composed pre Nal O rimers anda @!] Crs, LUI ) 4 4 The TLON| part Ore ? (-(¢] ' {) rid) 3 ‘y] “ tT P) ha yor ly 1 ye rr) , j , ss i= ; , selft-sutheine. ‘The towns t! existed were searcely more than larove-sized villages. ine wides read Introduction oOo! luxuries and the accompanying increas in the quantity and uses ol ; oh i oe ; 14] | money taeilitated the accumulation of wealth by those who had ame a ( : } ~~ Is Lie ability LO possess Themse.' S O] tne land and to make lI produce. he resulting CTOWLHO O! trade. In turn, enabled the | | | —" le.4 ‘ merehants who engaved nitto accumulate also. The Normans, we recall, in the process of their conquest, cle stroyed some oft the beginnings ot town lite that had appeared under the rule of the Anglo-Saxons and the Scandinavians. As towns began to take on new lite under the feudal régime of the new rulers, the townsmen, like most other groups or indt- viduals in that society, held their privileges either of the king him elf, if they were on the royal demesne, or ot some other lay lord or ecclesiastical foundation. In any ease, as a rule, the townsmen soon found themselves struggling with their overlord for certain privileges, which were usually evidenced, when eranted, by a charter. The most common of these privileges were; 1) the right to make payment of their obligations toSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE = 1o3 the king or overlord in a lump sum known as the ‘‘farm of the borough,’’ which could then be apportioned and collected by the burgesses themselves; (2) the right to hold a borough court to adjust disputes among the burgesses; (3) the right to elect officials for the government of the borough; (4) the right to bestow freedom on a villain who had resided safely in the borough for the space of a year and a day; (5) the right to have a gild merchant; and (6) other privileges varying from bor- ough to borough and from time to time in the history of the same borough. In some eases these privileges were granted in return for the payment of needed sums to the king or lord in a time of stress; in others they were wrested from reluctant hands by one or another appeal to foree. The first Richard found the selling of privileges to his boroughs a fruitful method of filling his eoffers preparatory to his Crusade. However ob- tained, the charter in which these privileges were stated was a treasured document, and the privileges became cherished rights. The function of a town in the middle ages was to procure, or to contrive and then to supply to the inhabitants of the country the commodities in use that were not produced on the manors themselves. Before the towns had grown to a size sufficient for performing this service effectively, the foreign goods consumed were usually distributed to the several communities over the kingdom by means of fairs. ‘‘Foreign’’ goods, as that term was used then, meant goods brought from another part of England as well as goods brought from without the kingdom. At no time after the beginning of the period in which we have recorded knowledge of the country had its inhabitants been to- tally without commodities from across the Channel. Charle- magne, in the Anglo-Saxon period, promised protection to English merchants and asked the same for traders from his own realms. The Scandinavian invaders, we know, supplied the people of the island with goods from the outside in still greater volume. And the coming of the Normans naturally meant the development of tastes among the English lords resembling those among the similar class across the Channel. The earlier fairs seem to have been in part religious festivals, but the gathering of the people facilitated the distribution of commodities brought from afar. Gradually the right to hold a fair came to be regarded as a valuable privilege, granted by the king only to some favored noble, town, or religious founda- tion. These grantees levied toll on those who came to trade at the fairs and in return supplied the traders with special privi-BRITISH HISTORY FOR ror themselves ] AMERICAN STUDENTS ] 7 . i < *) ) > ' » oa > : 5 . he right to trade and a court for settling their ordance with thelr customs. ) (T° doing ILIS| (*¢4 and ie 4 | ] 1 j t 1 1 ,a ‘ i i eT) 1 Lil¢ OrOCeSS i | he nad had Lhe i ] : . ol vder, In which a speedier justice was i i 1 T } H ' , ) yt 1 7 >} TT ‘ . t Ol Liit mat iInery Ul l Noe te +] ’ . S were so eall rom the French term, px } o 111 / yt { mMence oO t } eC manner | I I nts | ‘ and aqcdit) I istered a law \ } | al ne trade) Called thi law merchant * ‘ ; . | 4 | neianad irom otnel le a L1es wit! in 7 ri? ‘ | ~ rw Tt) \ “| ) _ OT (OOdUS the. 1 4 :{ ' ] (ys | T TNOey | ’ eye] LTT Oe . en mi das OL organ ne ftoreign trade I { 1]. 4 . + +? ‘ + + j . J (> \ ye § ? LT] i] ' YT? CPTILLS 7 i ‘ , , . y + ] rnc r 7 y* t} _“T I ; } ; tw Lt ~ SLE UilY ci or Lf , T | y ) C Yr) u_T ns ~ fl In . at Th) lia ional. ¢ 4 T | lL, } +} . ] 4 + + . the ‘ ‘ ‘ ij i ' a il » ci a LOT | if | 1 ly Yr)? ly i ] t | Ue ais] | | mmodities produced and tne ] ih : Stine in 1 ommunit are sur als of these rise O!] Wns ana the se of the normal ma- which y re familiar were more intimately . nother n ) nstitution, whi likewise . ] < 7 many AMe!] i] mn nities name. the Mmafr- | . ' + + ; | Tro Cie rik Vas Gene or tire OCal Tetall trade i

al VV | . A monopoly of the trade inhabitants who held the privileges guar- charters granted in the early middle ages usuallySHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE § 155 found it expedient to organize themselves into what came to be known as ‘‘gilds’’; one of the cherished items among the privileges granted to a borough was likely to be the right to have a merchant gild. The members of this gild had a monopoly of the right to trade in the town, though non-members were some- times permitted by the gild regulations to buy and sell by wholesale, provided they paid toll, sold only to members of the oild, and did not buy certain enumerated commodities such as wool, grain, untanned leather, and the like. The gild had its own organization and its own court to enforce its regulations. But the important men in the merchant egild were likely also to be the important burgesses in the town, so, in many places, the courts were merged, and the town and the gild government tended to be much the same. ‘There was the difference, however, that the burgesses were privileged persons who resided within the limits of the borough, whereas persons who lived outside the hmits of the borough might be admitted to the gild provided they assumed the obligations of its members. The merchant gild was likely to be the earliest and the most influential organization in the towns in which it existed, but there were many towns that never had a merchant gild. Not the least important of these was the city, London, itself, which claimed for its citizens even broader privileges than those usually granted to the mer- chant gilds. The gild in towns, lke the feudal organization in political life, tended to be the typical form of group organization when a body of medieval townsmen desired to pool their influence for a joint endeavor of any sort. Sometimes gilds were instituted to carry on religious or fraternal undertakings, and many gilds that had other reasons for existence were accustomed to take part periodically in some religious activity, a pageant on Corpus Christi day for example. But it was in the craft gilds that the organization existed in its most widespread and important form. As the merchant gild secured for its members a monopoly of trade in the town, so the several craft gilds claimed the right to lLmit the pursuit of the craft in question to members and, acting with the government of the town, to regulate the terms on which other persons might be admitted to the eraft. The craft gilds were thus able to prescribe the character of the vocational training necessary before a townsman could be admitted to follow a trade. In order to qualify for admission, a youth had to be apprenticed to a master in the trade before he had arrived at a certain age and had to serve a definite period,HISTORY which varied the local journeyman ‘ases the period of service was renticeship the master under- e mysteries of the trade and ‘vy tood and clothing. and some- , _ : 1 ly + OlNmMmand cap | tO Turnish His re a ssion to the gild, h > ° + + ‘ 7 } teenth century each ) } T . j (is } | | Ue] ‘J apprent Les rid aa } } yy y | T CTT) ,i¢) ()) t I ) »y” 7 \} Lis I) « I ‘ i is OT! Cl ; T : 1 ~ ~ | rdyV rne WV ()T {)i + } , | | (*C) TT) ] iO) py SHOUTS é \ + | 7 { | ag aa Fi hy, sold ; ) ~ ; t t | ) rT | UaSters in GS Cral Plas | 4 + | 7 ’ | + 4] j ; ' Tri il tnitS Ba Bite Y TI Dlgations of the town rency for adjusting the relations ae | ‘4 } ; in admitting additional masters croup and as the capital nee ame larger, the Journeymen 0} / — — a ~ — — . . ~ — - nme! = — + -_ In the interests ot the masters. ‘This conflict between the jyourneymen a and the emergence of infiuential individuals amone the masters themselves helped, by the fifteenth 1O eanse eratts which * were similar in function to amal-SHIFTING OR ROWE AND THB PBEORTE = li oamate into a larger gild. Locksmiths, bladesmiths, and the like, for example, were merged in the gild of smiths; pursers, glovers, saddlers, and white tawyers, in a hke manner, in some places merged with the leather-sellers. In the course of time, also, these more powerful gilds changed somewhat in character and function. ‘They became semi-capitalistic, making it their chief business to procure materials for supplying the craftsmen and to dispose of the finished products of the craft. Under Edward III there arose a special class of trading organ- izations called ‘‘livery ecompanies,’’ of which those in London are the best known. Members of the company wore its badge or ‘‘livery,’’ which was originally designed merely as a mark of solidarity in the organization. Later these companies obtained charters, and the liveries in time became badges of honor. The livery company usually obtained a monopoly of the trade in the crait concerned. The result was to make those who worked at the craft as artizans a subordinate class in privilege and dignity to the members of the company. The members of the company were the capitalists of the time and the most influential group in the town. ‘These mercantile companies, which grew out of the eraft silds and which were able to keep the artificers of the eraft under their direction, were nevertheless limited in their trade to the commodities of their eraft and are to be distinguished from the earlier merchant gild of traders in more miscellaneous wares which were, for the most part, brought into the community from without. The most important commodities exported from England in the middle ages were wool and tin. No sooner did the king begin to levy imposts on this trade, which we have seen began to be the case in the reign of Edward I, than the need of some organ- ization for carrying it on became imperative. In earlier times the merchants who came from across the Channel to England to purchase the native products had been given privileges in return for which the king levied a toll. The Great Charter eon- tains clauses which are evidence of this arrangement. As the volume of business increased, English traders developed the means and the will to share in the trade. The experience of Edward I in trying to collect duties on wool that was exported eaused him and his advisers to deeree, before the end of his reign, that henceforth all wool and woolfells and messengers of merchants should pass from the kingdom through certain speci- fied ports. In the Ordinance of the Staple, proclaimed in the reign of Edward II (1313), the wool trade was stabilized for theLoo 6b) Stimu , LLTISH processes were 1n the fi late a cle mand formed the actual work more th HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS » » , . + ‘ - ‘ca . ‘ ‘ 1 LAr ’ . * r payment ot the duties in a form that was destined to endure for Ls « ey) — ‘cr * y* 7 | + } . more tTnan a cen! cv. naer this arrangement, as perfected )\ ss kr : | : . < } 7 subsequent exp: ence, tne 1 ants engaged in the trade were ‘cy ’ } tT » y* y . , . > oo - . oOorev’aniZed LitiGd rm Ace i] ] Jr Line QO] a maVOl and a ecounell ! by | ' T | | 1 j r and were obliged to export their goods to some fixed place on » , + : p . + ‘ : the Continent to be known as the Staple. ! rSNOnS Vi Ti \ QO] Tri tit _ . } COTS iid ’ iT if Tr) } ' 1] ¥ } year 4 at (LOT) Nive i Tl | an 4" ’ ) i | ' ] ij rié \ i if | il or} ri¢i , ; ‘ Cporrted 1T) iTS 117 ( ; — ! ? ' ' } ra Vv “ cl ' ' ' T} t Gicd (] i} LJ Law al LA , tl4aen WoL ] Sup Trt I | { L] I > ' ( nine Som } WOO! Was WOVe)N ] * i ; ’ 4 ) = + ] + | T} sri) i] | T) ; ; ‘ ) | fA ‘ T ~, Z,0 +) 1 rie f i) ~ OF i itl] fran e > 7T] | {) 1} ee L aS ] Cv awa as Ven UG ner] ne TI |] r | } | 77 eanel ! 1 g¢hoaed » Vv) it, { f ¢ho \ L 4 : ‘| ci } | 14 it | iti ! Lilt 4.7 +} . . + i- ' 4.7 + | rnirteentn Ce! I TiC [ uc OY’ OL Elf ll a mome allt ; . i 1] {° to discourage 1 export of raw wool to Flanders. After a sub- | } | + + + ] ; | | - =, | | | >] Lot] tf f { ’ rif (*T | M 4 ~ i { yt ti iT) neial LA in ~ ' ‘ 1 t . 7 | . ' p 1 ‘ . the reion of Edward III by the migration of Flemish weavers, : ° tal PT: i | faxahla he cirininopanirponniaho madden QO SLFeENELOUeCnNeQa CPC CONS! VE INNINGS Previously Ndde li i | Ana i i] = | a The Tract . — TT} roTrion \ ~ i | 1] tec ho hy i1e ItTerruyp- { ‘ — cl a 1 L i i} + i 4 . ‘ 1 + | j . | i +} + | ; © ty —— that On O Pract y\ I Cle ai ey is O Lhe GCLlOLO LNaGQUSUI Iti tila e*e pi rn] t {i | 1 ¢) (i \ | = \ i] 14 Try Ieill "e- cl nd hy rr dires 7 ePNLCON)) rey ri} that rs S OV rnmenvt ore red oO the ImmMi- crants. In the course of tim Knegland was to become a center ; } ' j > Of Chi manutacture ol WOO as slle naq lono heen O] 1tS » ' + \ Prod cpa r ’ \ \ , 4 ; x ‘he large seale on which this industry began to be conducted ] | | | i 2 \ 2 caused tne orild O] the elot!] rs to be one O] the orst o© the ecrati | . . ‘ , : Orval ‘ Lit TiS LO becon = (‘cl | talist 3 LT) 3s aracter. A Vall L\ O] e volume of trade ble to O 1, and th nished product increased as the merchants were a Th manutacture tended to become lh the for their wares. erefore those who per- ttle using —, OT an employees ot elothiers. in many CasesSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 159 machines which were the property of those for whom they worked. The drapers were the customers of the clothiers and actually sold the cloth to those who used it. But the nobles and the growing class of wealthy landlords and townsmen desired many commodities not produced in England. Merchants came from the Italian cities to brine the luxuries of the East, such as spices and the finer fabrics, taking back Eneg- lish tin, lead, and wool. Others came from countries in northern Europe with salted fish for the periods of fasting prescribed by the Church, taking back in return wool and tin. London was among the first places in which the traders from Liibeck, Ham- burg, and other northern towns found it expedient to unite in the organization that later came to be known as the Hanseatie League. And it was to merchants from the Italian cities, as we have seen, that the kings of England first turned for financial assistance after the expulsion from the kingdom of the Jews. By the middle of the thirteenth century the merchants of the Hanse towns had established themselves at the Steelyard in London, and gradually, as a result of financial favors frequently granted, they acquired from the king privileges that gave them a favored position among foreign traders and enabled them to be a power to be reckoned with in the city, until organizations of native merchants in later generations were strong enough to compel the withdrawal of these privileges. PARLIAMENT Discovers Its Powers This rapid expansion of trade and the resulting influence of the trading classes in society had a profound influence on the character of the English government. The parliaments of Edward I, as of his predecessors and his son, were, as we have discovered, largely judicial and consultative in function. The king and his intimate advisers had established the point that it was within the provinee of the monarch to summon whomever he might desire to give him counsel. To be sure, the king was likely in practice to summon persons who occupied strategic positions and whose support was essential in carrying forward the business of government. But the point is that, in its forma- tive stages, the English parliament had no members, except the official family of the monarch, that were summoned by personal invitation as a matter of right on account of their rank and station. Not until a much later period, after this part of theAN STUDENTS — . ‘nanen”e processes be summoned to ae ike them anda thi a } 4 ! i \ rf cl VeOS {) | , r 7 oT Tite hodvy. he 4. | | 1 4 i @ ; the Knights 1n | T cy TI t | | cl On? WV i i} (*O)T QT ite WI aT , T T) rif sS uc J ISIMmen c } 1 | necawse OT Thi . NOTINan divided 1] ye lit SICH iceanCe tr ] ¥ * 1 s and household I “ i ITIS@ ll. due i {) t + | , lat : << ~ {) rf ic yt ] 1 ' cy | | 7 ttl I ci rrad cil ’ j |] (} Bieta at. i] ‘) I “Ta Sit)? f THOT} neome The knights and burgesses s a normal element in parliament. the knights and for their own interests in them a canization for playing a part in the government. ch they came, their petitions earlier parliaments to wlSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 161 were usually presented singly and either referred to one of the law courts or else, in the end, not considered at all after the king had procured the vote of supplies for which they had primarily been summoned. By thee ee years of the reign of Edward II, however, and increasingly in the reigns of the succeeding kings, the knights and burgesses learned by experience how to unite in making petitions where there was a common erievance that needed remedy or a common cause to be served. Manifestly petitions made in unison by a considerable number of knights and burgesses could not be lightly put aside when the kine’s government was in pressing need of the revenues the petitioners were expected to grant. The method of initiating action by peti- tion of the knights and burgesses tempted both the kine him- self and groups of lords to seek pene ae in their factional con- tests by instigating petitions privily. The habit of formulating and presenting common petitions made it essential that the knights and burgesses hold meetings for that purpose, apart from the king and the magnates. Once this common action was agreed upon, some authorized messenger was required to convey word of this action to the king and his counselors. For this purpose at some time in the fourteenth century, we do not know just when, the knights and burgesses, havine developed the habit of meeting Separately, began to select a speaker, so called because it was his office to speak in parliament for his fellow-members of what we may now begin to call the House of Commons. Later the speaker was to become primarily a presiding officer, and we have adopted the term in the Coneress of the United States with that meaning, but in the earlier years of his history it was his duty actually to speak for the knights and burgesses, giving voice to the Joint demands on which they had previously agreed. When the knights and burgesses had perfected their organiza- tion so that they could speak through one of their own number in making common eee to the king, at times makine the granting of these petitions conditions of voting the revenues needed for the conduct of the government. it is clear that they were beginning to participate in something that resembled legis- lation. We should still guard ourselves against thinking of law- making as a primary function of parliament. The king’s govern- ment still found it next to impossible to enforce laws that were not largely the eumulations of custom, and many of the earlier statutes harked back to by later generations that had come to appreciate their merits were, when passed, rather plous aspira- tions than recognized rules of conduct. Members of the innerT rie Ti * ™ f it” 4 | | “4 x ! %' X &s wo ry yy ; . a rvVeSS ‘ (] = & | t : 7 ' ' } 1 t mar (*| ! rot ’ i . ‘7 ' ‘ " ‘ 4 | { ; ) ST 1’ ¢4 \ Hers ( 1 . rne Ov 7 rh uli more 1429 + ” _— | Ti ? i TY? 4 » 4 * ‘ Tyre \ ' 4 LrnATL nN ( mpanht ] * GuUue tt Wf re RITISH HISTORY KOR were bevinnin: Do i; FPL € ») AMERICAN 8 ¥ in a position 1 to accumulate a TUDENTS o determine ; } ; } } . ° , the action to be taken But he habitual presentation ot | . oir OTIS ah 1 { COMMONS Who Wwer©re ealled oyeCyre VOT é revenue was that 1n time was to open a way ior them to enter in and 4. | . a . - tO 7 e control O] ne government. ko} the Lime being, . ¢ cy | . he ] ae | nit i (i | i ATG ? i] 17 Oo ry] Tt} (yy ne woyVy {) par] cLiti rt that hetore ] + + + 4 | + | + : : . 4] lie | eentn Cel ne right to part Cipate in tne + ] os n or memobders OT tht Owel OUSE rom the shires at any ] ' : | ‘ } ] S pecinnine Te De es Py] (i aS | Driviuert O pe VB larded on) on te ‘ | | 4 4] +] os \\ | ‘ ' . I 1] I f if Tr} cd i" men Nah Lie yy | 1 ¥ i 1 eC] sually selected in ft] shire courts under the ; 7 ; i , 1 7 7 i ,* ; cy {4 ) b ' t } \ rh ¢ . ‘ I LWS Tle NY I icLuCcS YQ Lilt r) ’ . yr? r) 7 i y ‘ . ” a + ) + . ] x PO ) st (] I VHAtLeS () l LO CONLTOI! } 7 x 1 + + i ryys an ‘ «, 1 y*s TT (> ~ | wey ' ! no The he | . . ' - al er - ‘ | ‘ ] rs on 7 ecasion | e | ons. much as they did in : 4 ~~, , 4] - . } / } ~ { | att {) PePMISeCLVeS OT 1 4 3 ‘ + ; r nenchme) :\ reasol nhabitants of the hi not amone | I oe a) Lhe substant al mem- } the communit so ¥v not bear a heavy share « ] y j ret r) 7 ra xX os + 7 r) 0 - ay SPO rye Ly Ba oO part { one ) 7 ry ’ , } fecTions l'o iF |] J nsi L a DTLeSS Set med tO The , i“ + . ‘ t ? xt t ] , rosper Ss Knieg nts nver. a Statute was enacted 1n la) | | } 4 T | no + | . Twee mras rit : | abe ' i = J) ( I Tiles ae if WO TeCDPrCSEIILd- i] + 4. | | ] . hy rom a shire to thos nights o he shire having [ree % 1 : e « 1 , se {) Theé \ hy {) mae rel - | ines oh Tne Vear. Wi Lil + j ~ + + | . + {- , + — x ‘ yet . + | CC l }O] V ¢ nl nts Lrom IKINL Pal Ink LHe ry } ‘ } . 2 } (he possession of a forty-shillinge freehold remained ae : ; : qualification for voters in parliamentary elections in the ’ ] TiyY . | 5 Hngland and Wales until altter the passage of the fon ye) ah ] : } 1 | sis , ‘ Dill of L853? inis stanadara rT @lLIM1DIIty was based on a * + ] + t y* * a } a" 1 ] + 4] . 5S ite, GalIOs LIFOm Loe It nor Maward i, to the erect hy with | than tart. hillv vear ] F id ‘ould be L}t Li y\ icCss Bb aft) >] Siiii Pivs a TP AT iT) anit COULG rt ' , , i +7 4 . : ae ed on the Jury in the shire court Thus those who wer J ) ’ ] ) } “es “ . . . ittend the court and to bear the burdens of its business ’ ! } : ; ‘ ’ . Iso ; sted W1th 1tTS autieS wnen the enoice OL members tO 15 men hy ATT cl eoveted privilege. IEARNING AND A NATIVI LANGUAS KE AND LITERATURE l rise to a position of power of those classes of the VW ealth is an indexSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 16: to other changes that were in process among the same classes. So completely had the small group of relatives and friends of the royal family been able to dominate the inner circle of the covern- ment, and so largely had the lesser descendants of the earlier Norman magnates been merged with the native knights and burgesses who were sharing in the growing wealth of the king- dom, that Edward III found it expedient in 1362, in deference to these thriving groups, to acquiesce in a statute to the effect that the proceedings of the royal courts should be held in the ver- nacular language—which now for more than a century had been called English—instead of in French, which had previously been the language of the courts as well as of the royal circle. Within the next few years, the speech at the opening of parliament was Several times made in English, and in 1381 the Archbishop of Canterbury opened parliament with a sermon in Knelish. The English language of this time was not simply the amplified speech that had emerged in the mingling of the peoples who had pre- ceded the Normans in England. It contained liberal borrowings from the Latin of the Church and even more from the language of those who had conquered and organized the country. The institutional life that had been in the process of development since 1066 required a far richer vocabulary than was ever known or needed in the previous centuries. But the statute of 1362 was rather indicative of a change that was under way than evidence of its accomplishment. Only the arguments before the courts seem actually to have been made in the vernacular; the pleadings were still made in French, while the records were kept in Latin. Not until the new, erowing language had assimilated the technical legal terms which had acquired their peculiar significance during three centuries of experimentation, could the fiat of the statute become a reality in fact. Meanwhile, it signi- fies much that the people of the kingdom, of whom the rulers were increasingly obliged to take account, were learning to speak to each other in the same tongue. The northern and southern parts of the country still had different dialects, which made it difficult for the unlettered from the two ends of the kingdom to understand each other, and the same was true of the eastern and western parts of the southern region. But forces were at work that were to contribute much to remedy these difficulties. For one thing, in the fourteenth century gild masters in the more prosperous towns were beginning to establish erammar schools for the education of their children. In these and in other grammar schools, after the middle of that century, English was164 BRITISH HISTORY ili iT] his time see SO heas t | and most famous seats of learning. KOR TO have eonerecated al Nn the slow process oT bu ilding ther When. AMERICAN STUDENTS "11C1 ing those who : ” » i ' ‘ + “ y) ' ILOS \} Li@itl. vy J CQ) iil English, and it ! n suge | his writings in Latin beat ’ | ; ) fal qaence 1 e Tnoug KMnelish nel nan in the oidel ' ce i ‘ Pe) ' T } yy T 7 + PT) yA || 1 the WOrK QO} . 7 } | ' ¥ % a ' ‘ | T . W ve e ravi ne } | native language resulted from | 4 ] the interest which he and |! ssociates aroused in the study ol ; J \ ¥ a a i ' ‘ Tie ID \\ ' | ri ft st] ' I (] a Lr: DOS | OT) InN LO ' } j } : ] . \ ; . Inglish of the Latin 1 te wv n then used by the clergy ‘ } | ’ ry] ? i Try } i %, } i | WAS ‘+ a ‘| Sirti " Bi i ~ Pe j _ i chs { 1) \ *? FLtces ctu >) Ca rr , ‘- cyt TY} ry Laiitse y’ | 7) rions T 17 had Heen made rity ryr¢ Vig) shy 1} ell) Tt) ] rit} | rye Was as VeT DOSS! sce } t + y* ’ | 1 13 T 17 : ; OT i \ - COT] Ti I ‘ . a : ii ) ' ee Pid iA Ol, ri | | IS ' } + , + | . 4 , i VW TT : cy 7) pyOoT 7 ONG {| it?s Ji : as rif i) ‘ \) ) J e —4. nerd 4 iT) alit ] . : | +] ; ; : ; i +, +} . > bh | . +> ; f a] ‘] AGL Tilt } IoOTL (>( | { f > 1e@ aS a SOUTCE OQ] lia ! 1 } ° autnorit in ] 710nN na ; ey learned how to read it, they } , C1? } ; ‘ vere supplied . translation by Wrveliffe and his followers. + 1 ; } | ° [t is further true that Tt! th made of these translations caused 4 7 | aie we | + i. ne @e@niu4re men T) me TO Oro Clr ation. } ty? ‘ ‘ : ; mis a8 a e ol T) \\ ’ ely i rv 1TTiNeé g 4 — l prot ‘7 OT] t } (> WINniversity and ()] ‘hurel : f notable scholars that had gc the Chure 1, one of a lone rit tT notable senolars that haa gone i° ; " : | . 1 — Be . \ t orth from Oxford since the middle of the twelfth century At } 4 e | ryt x that time Henrvy II. in the course of his controversy with ‘Thomas , ] | | - \ } ~ -w ' K fe Becket. ordained that clerks should not cross to and from kng- th should 4 eC Same he from Paris Oxford. the world’s course of the dis- ()i oneSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE § 160 pute between John and the Church in the early years of the thir- teenth century, the masters and scholars at Oxford were dispersed, some of them settled at Cambridge and later formed the nucleus of the second of the great medieval universities of England. But the great English churchmen of the later middle ages went from a rejuvenated Oxford rather than from the younger sister institution. The Oxford of Wyclifte’s time, how- ever, would be almost unintelligible without some knowledge of the religious orders that furnished so many of her distinguished scholars. We are familiar with the part played in earlier centuries by monks of the various orders in restoring to the Church something of its religious earnestness. As these orders became wealthy, and their officials took their places among the magnates of the king- dom, the members of the orders naturally lost some of their earlier fervor. Similar purposes were served in the thirteenth century by the mendicant friars, of which at least half a dozen orders had representatives in England before the close of that eentury. The larger and more noteworthy of the new orders were the Dominicans or Black Friars, founded by Saint Dominie, a native of Castile, in the early years of the century to oppose the current Albigensian heresy, and the Franciscans or Grey Friars, founded about the same time by Saint Francis of Assisi with the avowed aim of devoting themselves to a life of poverty and of ministration to the poor in imitation of the hfe of Christ. These orders found it expedient in the course of time to depart somewhat from their vows of poverty and to acquire as organ- izations means wherewith the better to carry on their work. They became the missionaries of a more vital religious life and were granted a right to administer the sacraments of the Church. The Dominicans made their appearance at Oxford in 1224; the Franciscans came three years later. - In their early years at Oxford the Franciseans had as their friend and adviser and, for a period, as their official lecturer, a distinguished member of the secular clergy, Robert Grosseteste, chancellor of the university and later bishop of Lineoln. Gros- seteste, himself a product of Oxford, was one of the most learned and enlightened churchmen of his time (d. 1253). More than a score of quarto pages are required for a printed list of the titles of his works, which dealt with the whole gamut of the subjects that interested the scholars of his day. The influence of his work was felt by Wycliffe, who ranked him even above Aristotle. A testimonial to the remarkable character of his work was left also166 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS by Roger Bacon, perhaps the most brilliant of the Oxford Fran- ciscans. Bacon was, of course, a schoolman, and his voluminous works deal largely with the topies familiar In the scholast 1c dis- cussions of the thirteenth century. The memory of his work survives 1n a more persistent way than that of his fellows chiefly because he manifested dissatistaction with the prevalent habit of accepting the work of Aristotle as authoritative and urged a search for truth Dy means Of ¢ xperimentation and observation, partic Lialrt\ if) Tne rit ld J] What We now KOOV as tne natura SCICNCeS. 13 17 Bacon Ss ODI (TIS ' i { TOO LLtTIuUS lal ro! ePVyen the liberal Franciscans, and he was sent to Paris and ] ept in striet st 4 lUsl r} LO! I decade ] ical 67 Atte rward ( WaS released i + . } / ‘ . . * | 4 4 } i ‘ ~% = ‘ : : at | . ne wrote wit! in tne next vear ana a halt ACCOUTILS O] his iapors which COnSTItULe Some OF His more important WOrkKS. He Was Too tar oghaad F hy ; » rest | — nNenee and re A091 1d? allieaad OF NIS time to res OnS im peace, and he was again placed in restraint before he died in the last decade of the No sketch of the Oxford background that produced Wycliffe would be complete if it OT) itt (| the names oft LWO other famous Franciscans, the fiery realist. John Duns Scotus and his nomi- nalist Ci1S p] \\ illiam ¢ Ui kham |) ins scotus. w! O acquired the nickname the Subt octol did ( n| ad SIT | part O] his . i. he ] h ; ’ ; work at UxXx Ord. whi nice ne went to ais. and I hence to ( ologene. 308. He established a school of philosophy and theology known as the ‘‘Scotists’’ and left works ascribed to his pen that filled twelve quarto volumes when collected and ublished. His views were extremely orthodox, and the reaction igainst them that followed is evidenced by the work of Ockham. A part of the importance of Ockham’s work arises from the influence he experienced from Marsiglio of Padua. with whom he was contemporary and who was associated with him at Paris. Marsiglio, working with a colaborer, was author of Defensor Pacis (The Defender of the Peace), one of the most influential treatises of the middle ages and the inspiration for much of the political theorizing of succeeding centuries. *In the age long and many sided medieval debate between the realists and the nomi! alists the former upheld the doctrine that rere ral ideas have ‘ I & substantial reality while the latter, as the term implies (Latin nomen), held that these concepts are mere names. There were many varieties of each of these views, one of which was Abelard’s media ting doctrine, “‘concep- tionalism,”’ which put forth the view that while these ideas are concepts that exist in our minds they also express real qualities in the things them- selves.SHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 167 The papacy had for the time been made tributary to the French king and had its seat at Avignon. Thence, in 1322, John XXII condemned as heresy the tenet of evangelical poverty which had enabled the Franciscans, on the theory that they held their wealth in trust to be administered in the interest of the needy, to wax rich as an order despite their vows. This action of the Pope brought violent denunciation from both Marsiglio and William of Ockham. In the controversy that followed they both became partizans of King Lewis of Bavaria, whom the Pope had excommunicated. In dealing with this action of the Pope, they faced the current notion, widely accepted in their time, that the supremacy of the Pope in the Church made him supreme over the temporal power as well. This doctrine touched the life of the period in some of its most vital and practical aspects, involving, as it did, the ultimate determination of the right to hold property and levy taxes. The question had already been answered by Dante (Cic. 1310) in favor of the temporal power in his De Monarchia, wherein he appealed to the seriptures as the authority in the Church to support his opposition to the current views. But Marsiglio dealt with the subject in a much more forthright manner than did the Florentine poet. He placed plenary power; that is, something resembling what was later called sovereignty, in the people or in those to whom it is delegated by them. The Church thus became, in his view, an association of believers, laity and clergy, and the highest au- thority in it a council of their representatives. He witheld from the Church and accorded to the temporal power jurisdiction over all temporal matters and made it the sole function of the Church to promote faith leading to salvation and future hfe. The effect of these doctrines, if carried to a logical conclusion, was to make the temporal power supreme and to place the rich ecclesiastical endowments in its merey, a tempting prospect and one that in the end had no small influence on the action of the English government. Ockham’s most pretentious work on the subject was in the form of a lengthy dialogue, which attempted to state all of the arguments on both sides of the controversy, including those of Marsiglio. Ockham’s views were by no means so clear as those of the author of Defensor Pacis, though both writers were on the same side of the general question. Ockham was a fellow of Merton College, Oxford, when Wycliffe eame down from Yorkshire, where he was born and had grown up, and beeame a scholar, probably of Balliol College. He doubt- less heard another famous scholastic of his time, Thomas Brad-BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS wardine, later archbishop of Canterbury and called ‘‘Doctor Profundo’’ from his studies in theology. Under Bradwardine’ S guidance the younger scholar had a chance to pecome acquainted with the predestinarian views of Saint Aucustine. th. contrast Ol whic] \\ nh his OWn natural ine] nation toward the doctrine of tree will left him to wrestle wv tn a probl m that has been as a { was soon to becon protege of John of Gaunt and an adviser } . + of that pr in his controversy with the Chureh. was thus . ; } CQuilpptli () ? ~ ‘Oo wm } f | | | ' arellments o —(*T OLASTIE STN) 1T) 4 SUP } ' i i Ti ’ ad: \ QO] Wi Kino Slime a i 1 ne ! atter- Ward LO @e} Lt LLO DDE Mi inv li an) I eo Leg VDernaps late) indeed ad brother- } . > * . in-iaw,. oO] it bait | Ss 2 hering’ poetic npnantasies rom i other countries ad Irom past centuries and translatine them + i ly 1 ’ ' ' Hy or | ) iT) { " ug a a. | ne i} nh Tri ung] “I [] } ; . } 1 as The } :*¢) ~ y ’ 1 ¢ ! fle] WI erN QO] Hnelish bettors ' (+P0 e>} { } (| ] 7] 1 ¢ t l Lif Vf I’ ¢ Tf CON a I I . i> 4 + + + | | + | t cy | ij i> qT) ay i ~ i + ryr Ps AF | ¢* SPTING } ry T { ' . ; . cy | ’ «64 : 4 Yr) } of re to 7 eS OT | 1 lie touch than he dis- ] | _ “ } ‘ \ + : ’ | } ead mm Ti PS 0 Canterbury pllerims. __on- “ rn] ‘ { ‘" Tt) ,\T ; , | , ol | i i | ~ * iron 1) 0 il () st) 9 isi | 4-1 1 VITI ry ny LTT] ey) i TiS f) | - {) \ Tl an (*iO)T) (i ry rsaes + + ¥)) ; ) } \ o> } y a 7 ’ ‘ T } (~yitra i; iMetiS if I} cl ; | ~ i ore YY cls i} ' ed T} +1 ‘ : \] 4 47 } a n that neuace 10) nt y, perhaps, Was the DOooK ol] | * i ] ’ a | | ‘1 . ila cis rf T} ( a7 ‘ J One 1) es) Nn ce Wande- . ’ | iv + ’ “ * } ' | Fiil if . (-T ~ ( | \ si) ci | cil} ' AT cl la 7 | ITilé 11T . ea aoe written to entertain rather than to instruct. Sir John himsel Vi VTi ! } . ) i +] 7. ; ; + | } Iz + ‘5 ci TT) "tla c1\ L@] cl iit] ' WT] 7 {)j 1 if {)} ins 10} . j i 1 ] rye T) (*) bal ici an ied | ~ ris TO icdvVe avppeared 1T) hoth } } -_ ) q ) ' ry trench and Latin before it S translated into Enelis] Wi j ) . ° ’ i] v certainly that the a Or Was not al Kngelishman and that } j } } 1 } . he had at visited the places ie inaertoo tO deseribe oO} it he ) 7 a: . ] ° 1, . - ° : 4 har sited them, he did not make intelligent observations. But ON ee ae cellent library of travel. from whicl ue aid Nave access To an execellen library oO travel, trom which he borrowed where he did not invent, and he did produce a book which was turned by some unknown skilful hand into Knelish and which was widely read, no doubt to the delectation of its \] ; / an ' fOrw?y } a6 | [Anil : lore important than Mandeyille’s travels was the work tra- 1S The Vision aot William (lance rning Pie re ths Plowman. W ho- ever the author may have been. the work reveals many of theSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 169 irritations felt by rural Englishmen of the fourteenth century, many of the hopes they had and the disappointments they met, many of the imperfections and weaknesses of both themselves and their rulers, not neglecting the clergy, and, withal, it under- takes to suggest remedies in certain cases. It seems to have been attuned to the thinking of the average member of a rural com- munity of moderate means, and it reveals him as neither con- tented with his lot nor a revolutionary. Not until we reach Chaucer (d. 1400) can we speak whereof we know of the authorship of any considerable body of poetry in English that was the work of a single pen. He illustrates the mood of the more prosperous classes in much the same way as Piers Plowman does that of the less well-to-do. It would be difficult to imagine a fitter person than he to eatch and immortal- ize the spirit of those who were climbing into positions of power in England in the fourteenth century. The offspring of a pros- perous family of vintners, who acquired the name Chaucer (Shoe- maker) on removing from Ipswich to London and settling down to ply their trade in Cordwaner Streete Ward, his father, John Chaucer, enhanced his already considerable wealth by marriage with Agnes de Northwell, an heiress in her own right and a rela- tive of that important official in the time, the keeper of the king’s wardrobe. Geoffrey, therefore, had the advantage of a better education than most youths in his day and, when he grew up, became himself a member of the king’s household. He went abroad at least seventeen times, usually on missions of state, and visited Italy, Flanders, and France. His earlier literary work was adaptation from French into English, in the course of which he learned much from a study of the French writers. Later he felt the influence of the great Italians, Dante of the previous veneration, and Petrarch and Boceacio, his contemporaries. He learned from them and borrowed liberally, from Boccaccio espe- cially, but, more important, he was stirred to emulation by them. Finally, having the genius and the pains to do it, he took these gleanings and turned them into a cornerstone for the poetic literature of his own people to the delight of the ever widening circle who were learning how to read such works with appre- ciation. But any summary statement of the literary productions of the fourteenth century is likely to leave an impression on a genera- tion of readers accustomed to the circulation of books by the mil- lion that Chaucer’s readers among his contemporaries were much more numerous than was actually the case. We should remember1/0 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS that whatever books there were were still the laborious work of seriveners who wrote tediously by hand. Books in that day + were treasures 1n more senses than one, and the ecireulation of any single work was limited to a very small number when contrasted with conditions mad possible by the development QO} printing. ( hauers eagaua his Own vi neration. Was a poet ot court circles, having the patronage of both John of Gaunt and of his son, Henry IV. It illumines the character of the royal court of t S quips at it? VO 1} 4 £ | — C MIsSCeuaneous COMpPadDy OL puerimMs. lt is also suggestive of _— | ii . + j + * 4. | ‘| . . ] ; “ Line prevalling a Litude oward ne Chureh amonge the influential members of societ nat Chaucer could treat thus ecavalierly a pilorimagve to the shrine of one « he most cherished of Enelish + : + »» , ’ t t} anil } tical | ill ~ iT} rod i\ Dv I} Tiit ‘ ‘ s 7 Ce a i it CUCLECSIldasStitd idtl tS ‘ rTry » } J i J 4 7] . : | he lundament a] reasons Whv a trial OF Strengetn bet weel the ry POS HDoned ae leh li 110 ] LV fT mar iF ela ePST; Tp held hy the inure! hese es S wert nereased in extent as a result of ie several visitations of the bubonic plague that occurred in the | nts. threatener ’ : : = | ; TP a + ‘ + . , * 4 ‘ . . | * i ‘ ' ' , VN ith qaeatn. were willing to pdarter thnell O1din’gs 1n THis world ror a hop Ot a at | dv I ‘ stat te O] Vlortn 11) hae never been eftective in accomplishing its purpose. and methods OT >) id | iJ lT Were ‘ is a Cd ot I | hese lara estates were a source of strength as long as the conditions under which they were he ld went uni | noe cl ner bes LL ee AS al ness when , . 5 nem trom a proportionate share 1n the \ , “ , * , * : } : . burdens of defending the kinedom aroused laymen to eall in question the advantages accruing from the possession of so great wea | Y a SInNO lf orvanization. But there was more to the question of the relations between KHneland and the mother Church than the large endowments of the ecclesiastical foundations. The submission of King John to the Pope obligated the kingdom to pay into the papal treasury annual tribute amounting to a thousand marks. In addition to this stipulated payment, there were three other regular forms of revenue which flowed from England to Rome; namely, voluntary grants, which were collected in a manner that made them scarcely what the term would imply; Peter’s Pence, an annual paymentSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 171 of a penny for each household, remitted since Anglo-Saxon times ; and the various fees for bulls, dispensations, promotions to bishopries, and the like. A second source of friction was the practice never wholly abandoned, multiplied, indeed, since the reign of Edward II, of providing for English benefices; that 1s, of making a contingent appointment to them in the lifetime otf the incumbent, thus thwarting the king or the nobleman who was accustomed to make the nomination to the bishop, chapter, or other electoral body. Finally, the practice still persisted of making appeals from English courts to that of the papal see. The fourteenth century saw the claims of the Pope challenged on all these points. The removal of the seat of the papacy to Avignon in the early years of ‘the century appeared to make the papal office in time little more than an appanage of the crown of France; a majority of the cardinals were selected from the number of French churchmen. In the long series of struggles between the English and the French kings, the sympathy of the pope was more often than not on the side of the French. When Pope Clement VI, finding his resources exhausted by his vain efforts to satisfy the thousands of clergymen who flocked to Avignon to seek a share of his bounty, began to provide increas- ine numbers with benefices in England, the laymen among the knights and burgesses in parliament drew up in 1345 a strong petition against the practice, which was transmitted to the Pope by a baron of the exchequer. Sheriffs were instructed to forbid compliance with the papal grants, and the authorities at the ports were ordered to seize all papal bulls. When Clement still refused to listen to reason, an act known as the Statute of Pro- visors * was passed in 1351 and repassed in 1390, securing to the lawful patrons their customary rights in nominating or present- ing to benefices and rendering forfeit to the crown for the time preterments to which the pope had nominated. Two years later (1353), in another statute called Praemunire,? an effort was made to remedy a grievance against which the knights and burgesses had complained in 1344 and again in 1347. This statute forbade appeals from English courts to a court outside the kingdom in matters that properly belonged to the king’s courts and provided that an offender charged with a violation of this prohibition, who should default when sum- moned to trial, should forfeit his lands and his goods and be outlawed and imprisoned. This statute, like that of Provisors * Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, Nos. 71, 95, “Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, Nos. 73, 98,1/2 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS was repeated and amplified in the last decade of the fourteenth it would be surprising had the English, while the papacy was ] In alliance with the fk rench, continued to remit without question h . 1 } 4 4 — ’ Aynyry the tribute which John | | obligated them to pay. Aiter 133% Due TeMmittance Was Derliectea: 1n Fact. 1D hat generation the i ‘ ' ‘ oF Tiel | (>i Pete] ~ feat A 1) 7 | | CLISCOT T) ec i ()] a Time j , When | rie Pone 1) i nh ou i () nea ‘ a] ' or ’ Tri an revived. ‘ | | rit wer tiie I\ OY Hol Dal ment seemed mui mpressed. i \ ‘ When the Pope’s claims nd one detender, Edward I[II’s 1 72] | OUNnNe& SOD ode iifl ¢ (4 O | (i late nal Blan ne of | ‘ } } ) le ? . ay T } Y? ' rivas | lid) I cLiit.t » { ol } \) LLG « ; a , ‘ ' ! e Black Prine sone | most ini ntial members of his / 4 \\" } ati oD > Cl] { AF ‘ ad { | I i i \\ 1 ' VV I Li antl ansWe@] } | . ' . | Phy l¢ ; | ca } ii} ' MmOs ] AMO} T } | . + / ' 7 + SCNOL re ~ 7 ' i a no ~ CNnanti ris Was now almost ft ) ne Duke of Laneaster. He | , APR | peen tne pre Ce ing QO parliament in 1566 a tact whl ma | e Suggested Nim as a proper person tT ‘ | * + } i LOriy) iP " ag atv frit’ ] ~ ()] ] \ 11? ~ ms, if i)i 1 | eontre ers [ 1; 1 T } , ) 1 i ./ i } \\ | ; + j ; \ + ~ « Pat lea rie I Cl I I }/ [ J 7 Lic | {) Li oat 4 , | } * | 4 + ' | and Marsiglho ot Pad lle LLe Di en the Pope and th Was ISt ana Oug O 6 62) 3 uGce to nes. oOince 7 | 7 | I , | ] + ‘ rig | noe | pS . ry) ( i (\)7 | qT) Hi") J i] fig ScL idl 1} Was "y I . , ; ; . + | + ‘ i | x | 0 SOT); Pit i} i i | TT) ‘J [1] { ae cL_iit ner. e PVT) : TaN ek kt 17 1 e 4 (ii ] iC] | ay | if) t \ (] pre i) ri \ toe t} er (} { Tne One ' ’ , ' ' ' 1 T | re ‘ ‘ F } a ’ Ho} O : e I 7 Vi AS ys ic hr The roundaations 4 \ : ] ! i a of the Chur loreover, in requiring John to pay for absolu- . + | ] | ] 14 . } 4 | ion he pope had been gulltyv or simon’ and a contra Lous t ' ) i , { Ti 7 oneqd ()T) ~ 1] \j ~ ryvTYiC)? | anid NT) ¢) iid i )i rey) diated. | ' ; ] ‘ + | . _ os | 4 | Th | { 0 i eu a ant) ' rast te re Was nM ¥ { i J yO ) MlahKt 1 j P (’O)] Trae Tt) 1 | dan LU OT Tie (*¢) intr y\ \\ a () 1] ITS CONS@ILL. 1\" ] ] ; 4 Weare not So muen interested a the merits or these arcvumenht as we are in the evidence they afford that men of power and influence were in search of and finding reasons of a sort for denying any obligations to the pope outside of the spiritual realm. This same spirit, four years later, led parliament to petition the King that he thereafter choose laymen instead of clergymen to fil] ti e offices of chancellor, treasurer, elerk of the privy seal.SHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 173 baron of the exchequer, and ‘‘all other great officers and gov- ernors of the kingdom.’’ This was, of course, much further than any king could yet go without a radical departure from time-honored customs and a reorganization of the Church. ‘Too large a proportion of the men with education and ability were still clergymen. For the moment, the petition resulted in the substitution of laymen for clergymen in the offices of chancellor and treasurer. In 1371 a special tax was levied on lands that had fallen into mortmain since the statute of Edward I. With no im- mediate prospect of help from without, the clergy acquiesced in this and in numerous heavier exactions which the kine imposed in order to carry on his wars. When a preacher at Oxtord sum- moned courage to protest the harshness of these demands, Wy- cliffe replied in a sermon, recounting a story that he alleged he had heard in parliament: ‘‘Once on a time the birds were oathered together, and amongst them was the owl, bare of plum- age. Making himself out to be half dead and frozen, he shiver- ingly begged feathers from the other birds. And they, moved to pity, gave him feathers all round, until he had been decked in some ugly guise with the plumes of his fellow bipeds.’’ When the appearance of a hawk caused the assembled birds in a panie to demand the return of their feathers, and the owl refused, ‘“every bird took back his own feather by forece.’’ “‘So,’’ said the preacher, ‘‘if war breaks out against us, we ought to take the temporalities from the possessioners as being the common property of the realm, and prudently to defend our country with what is our own wealth.’’ These were bold words and to the point. These views were not widely held in Wryeliffe’s day, though the taking over of the lands of the Chureh was more than once agitated by a small group in parliament in the early years of the fifteenth century. For the time, however, the matter went no further than the confiscation of priories held by foreign abbeys. Not until a century later did the king finally yield to the greater temptation. The attack on the endowments of the Church led naturally to an examination of the use that was being made of these immense resources. Those who raised the question were manifestly eritical of the churchmen and thus inclined to magnify the abuses and to overlook the better qualities of their organizations. The discovery of so much that they regarded as bad led these in- quirers to question the merits of the ecclesiastical system in almost all of its phases. Wycliffe and those who followed him174 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS went step by step until. accepting the Seriptures in lieu of the authorities of the Church as their final sources of appeal, t hey rejected much of the religious machinery and many of the con- cepts and practices current in their time, When, aiter the ' " - ) ’ 1 \ Great Schism, he became an avowed opponent of the pana 4 ) ° 1 that were called imple priests’ or “poor preachers,’’ equipped i i } VW I h Tie I bh] 1) nolish 1 ' f ( ? (OCT! 1} -— Ope Tie ) I] is] | ' throughout t! nd. Some of the men thus sent mav have bee} | unlettered, but many of then ad been trained in the colleges - ' 1] | ng ) ‘ | 1 T } (>I Line T) > | ~~ preacners cl ne t I Cult | T | yr)? C ry 7 17 } 11 } T rt \ mInIT « "y irom eS OUL DY WETC LO SUDSISL OD VOLUNTAarY + . . =. ] - conti b} LOTIS ‘ Vili LO I eDT Ori Cho Ler) TO! +} _— | ; j 4 . { 7 ie] LNe@IP = Jayne neeas ul - ri U0 adangvers into wnhoien . : , Wvelffe felt 1 he rai ans | tallen y \ } .. . . [It was neither Wy s opinions concerning the organization } } ' ] : and ends mel OL Bi ren nol e somewna COMmmMuUNISTI "7 ‘ | + | # } | } : + 4 } Vie WS To | i i (>i ~ { a Pb \ (>{ ~ (ij [Tt) | ici made , . : Se LTO bls ror THNoOs () ted Vv LavOr Ti! LCaACHINGS | nis ] . 7 ; } } ; 86 CGUISGI]1D “\ cl kei ‘ a ~ et I Li J i CAHUIMeCd a renerd- p : tion aiter Nis ¢ nh and rown into tne rive Rather t was T ' | ly ) no Ts } whieh rif SOTTI 5 t CQO! Sit ‘ I rho) ae Lt LUI I IST WoICH : | oars 4 ma % 4 _ o | i os saree i he reached when, With Nis tralnin@’ in seholas i@ism, he under- ’ } ) i j ‘ —— * . ry took to accept literally the statements in the New Testament 1 , 1 } . : 4 ry ' oe i % : Te abpanaoned the aoetrine o transi Stantla lon, but he aln- , ] ‘ 4 =H (* ee tained 1th) Lil end TF (> HC Al Presi nce QO} the hod, and blood : — , : 3 , a. : 4 in the sacramental bread and ni Perhaps his views were not i>’ j , j . j - ‘\ — } mucn ditteren irom those tate! adon ed by Martin Luther. At y ne Sed elie 4] lwp platen4 ] 1. es . . aw~wri | a a any rate, it was the Wvreliffite qaoctrine aS regards this question rather than his views on more practical matters that his followers ratlie! ' all ri is y it Ws On) more ee avUtvlivCada I ma Lt PS b LcLt LIS it) (>) VW ¢ rs, later called the Lollards, were made to recant or else go to the Wycliffe himself was permitted to live out his days in a rea. sonable degree ot peace. The end came in 1384. a ceneration before the assem e of the Council of Constance that healed the Great Schism and thus restored the Church to a semblance of normaley. This same council burned at the stake John Huss. who had been inspired by Wycliffe to do in Bohemia a work similar to his own in England. In 1401 the Enelish covernment. instigated by the Church, which was for the moment in favor. a] el —— e — made legal preparation for carrying on a similar work bv pass- ine the statute known as De Haeretico Comburendo’ and by *Adams and Stephens, Nelect Documents. No. 106.SHIFTING OF POWER AND THE 1795 PHOPLE sending in the same year one, William Sawtre, to his fate. The next to suffer was a tailor, John Badby, with whom, before the fire was kindled, the Archbishop argued long and with whom the Prince of Wales, soon to become King Henry V, reasoned, urging him in vain to reecant while the flames were doing their deadly work. Thus was introduced into a country that had hitherto been, on the whole, free from it the process that has been called ‘the roasting men to orthodoxy and enlightening them with fire and fagegot.’’ Among those who suffered as the work went on was a knight, Sir John Oldeastle, earlier a friend of Henry V, whom Shakespeare later consigned to a curious immortality as Falstaff.’ The severity that now began to characterize the dealings of the English government with the disciples of a man who had been tolerated and at times honored while he was alive may have been due in part to the vigor that was 1n some measure restored to the ecclesiastical organization by the healing of the schism and by the restoration of the papal capital to Rome. In part, it was probably due to the growing tendency of the mem- bers of the royal family and of the ruling group of magnates to appropriate for themselves the more lucrative and powertul offices of the hierarchy in England. For example, Henry Beau- fort, one of the sons of John of Gaunt by his third wite and so half-uncle of Henry V, became bishop of Winchester, a member of the Council of Constance, and later a cardinal. But a deeper and probably a more moving cause of the persecution of the Lollards was a popular ferment that had manifested itself in several ways in the country at large and had threatened tempo- rarily some of the cherished privileges of both clergy and laity. It was easy to attribute to Wycliffe and his disciples blame for this ferment, and thus, in measures taken for its suppression, the magnates and the clergy found a common ground in the abstruse question of the Eucharist. Some of the other questions raised by Wycliffe might have caused division in their own ranks, so it was chiefly for refusal to accept the doctrine of transubstan- tiation that the Lollards suffered. 1In the earlier presentations of the first part of King Henry IV the character was called Oldcastle; evidence of this still remains in the second scene of the first act, where the Prince calls Falstaff ‘‘my old lad of the Castle.” The rising tide of hostility to the Roman Church made it in- expedient to make sport of one whose career was coming to be regarded in a different light. The dramatist betrays his difficulties in the epilogue to the second part of the play, where a character is made to explain concerning Falstaff ‘“Oldeastle died a martyr, and this is not the man.”1/6 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS CHANGE AND FERMENT AMONG THE PEOPLE Forces similar to those that had transformed the army of the king from a feudal to a mercenary basis were operating among the lower ranks of tenants also. In the earlier centuries after lie Conquest, betore the introduction of Money In considerable quantities as a normal medium of exchange, the lords of the land, we KnOW, were dependent for labor to cultivate their demesne oldings OT) tenants wl () owed services of various kinds in return for their holdings. The immense increase in the volume of currency that accompanied the growth of towns and of rorelgn Li «ct e made it possible for the relations between a lord and his j * aaa . s r 77 ° Z Lenants money economy. I‘his change required SeVeral centuries Tor 1fs COnSUMMAation. but lt was chi din a considerable measure before the end otf the four- teenth century. The change cannot be described in simple terms because it was not a simple process. The first step was the vraduai commutation into money payments of the obligations of labor and service owed bv villains to the lords of the manors. Since these obligations of labor and service differed among manors and alinone Villains On the sdme manor. the terms ot commutation also varied. In other words. each commutation was an individual matter. The arrangement that was later to become customary and obl vatory was made at first between the tenant and his lord, or the lord’s bailiff. and not by a gen- eral pre seription, Un the same manor, therefore, there might be some tenants who made money payments and others who ful- hiled their obligations in the older Ways. This change to a money economy began on a small scale at an early date, but it could not make much headway until money was comparatively plentiful. However, obligations reckoned in money were not always paid in coin; the monetary unit simply served as a standard for measuring the value of the obligation owed. These ‘ustomary obligations were in time recorded on the rolls of the manorial courts and, later, furnished evidence of the terms on which tenants who came to be called ~ ecopyholders’”’ held their land. As the custom erew of substituting money payments for actual services rendered, the lords of the land had either to employ for wages laborers to take the place of their tenants or else to make other disposition of their demesne land. Sometimes a lord adopted one alternative, sometimes the other. The number of laborers working for wages eradually increased as this process aIRISH SE ANGLESEA SS >» ft SS eee S \ A LASN DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION According to the Poll-tax of 1377 Below 40 to the square mile Between 40 and 60 per sq. mile Aboye 60 to the square mile SCALE OF MILES 4 20 AV 60 ISLE OF WIGHT p L | Longitude West from Greenwich 2 —— ENGRAVED BY BORMAY & CO., MeVSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 177 of commutation went on. But some of the arable demesne lands were leased to free tenants, who held for a term of years. In the earlier stages of this arrangement, the lord might furnish the stock with the land, but, 1£ the tenant was a successful one, he usually in the end pr efe rred to have stock and utensils of his own, thus leaving with the lord simply the title to the land and buildings. Successful tenants were likely to acquire other strips of arable land and to employ laborers to assist them. Thus the lords were becoming landlords, primarily interested in their rents, rather than heads of manors with communities of tenants in various stages of freedom and serfdom over whom they exer- cised a measure of jurisdiction and control. It is impossible to fix a date when this process of changing villains from serfdom to freedom was fully accomplished. Well toward the end of the sixteenth century there were still villains in England seeking manumission. Before that time, however, a large majority had either purchased their freedom, or else had found refuge in a privileged town for a year and a day, or had otherwise been manumitted, or had become free maithout a defi- nite act. But it is essential to bear in mind that this transition to a money economy did not at once involve the breaking up of the village agricultural system. It merely meant that the strips were held on different terms; they still persisted much as they had been laid out in earlier centuries, though forces were already at work destined to change this aspect of rural life atta Meanwhile, in the fourteenth century, several spectacular occurrences contributed to hasten changes that were under way. In 1348-49 and in a lesser degree at several other times before the end of the century, the people of England were stricken with bubonie plague, known in later days as the Black Death. Social life was disorganized, and a large number of people perished, estimated at from one half to one fourth of the population. Though all classes suffered, the mortality was naturally much ereater among those lower in the economic scale. As a result, the lords of many manors found themselves with tenantless strips and crops ready to garner, but with insufficient labor for the harvest. They sought to employ for wages the laborers needed ; but the death of so large a proportion of the population made it difficult to obtain them, and wages rapidly increased. Villains and eottars deserted their former places of abode and worked where they'were offered greatest remuneration. In consequence, the lords found themselves with land tenantless, while the cost of labor mounted. The mortality in the towns, if any different,178 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS was greater than in the rural districts, thus affordine an addi- tional avenue of escape for villains and cottars ambitious to advance themselves economically. Moreover, the death of so large a part of the population left a correspondingly larger amount of money per capita among those who survived, and prices went up accordingly. The brunt of these changes fel] most heavily on those repre- sented in parliament and in control of the fovernment, and they beran to take what seemed to them effective steps Lo remedy the conditions. An Ordinance of Laborers. issued in July, 1349, became the first Statute of Lahore rs? in ebruary, 1351. This statute undertook to compel able-bodied men and women below age of sixty to work at the wages prevalent in their several] occupations before the plague, the lords of a manor to have preference over other employers in the ease of his villains and other tenants, The prices to be paid to purveyors of tood and to handicraftsmen for their wares were to be reasonable. Special | ec appointed. and a serious effort was made to entoree these regulations, and not whollv without effect, but they failed in the end to accomplish the purpose desired. It was natural that this experiment should be tried, since it was a common pro- cedure in the middle aves to fix prices by law, particularly of bread and ale. The law failed to accomplish its purpose on this occasion, because both the lord who wanted laborers and the laborer who wanted a high wage conspired to evade it. The result was a period of disorganization that hastened the processes al- ly operating to place agriculture on a basis of money economy, Money was more plentiful for paying wages. and villains were less fearful of deserting their holdings. since they were for the time reasonal ly certain of lucrative employment. AS normal lions returned, other villain tenants were found for some of these vacated holdings ; in some eases, the former tenants them- selves returned, but the dislocation that resulted from the pesti- lence was never wholly restored. More important still, a large number of the humbler classes had learned by experience that it was possible to survive and even to thrive elsewhere than on their hereditary hefs, Ihe enfranchisement of the agricultural laborers and lesser tenants resulting from the plague and from the slower processes already indicated and the consequent gradual improvement in their economic status and in that of the lower orders-of townsmen tended to make these elements in the population less docile than ‘Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No&. 69. 70.SHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 179 they had been formerly. At the very time when these groups were becoming increasingly sensible of their importance, toward the end of the reign of Edward III, memories of the earlier victories of that King and his son began to fade. In 1369 the French burnt Portsmouth and later devastated the coast of Cornwall; several years later the English suffered a serious defeat at sea (1372). At the same time, the schism in the Church, following the period when the English were generally hostile to its government on account of the residence of the popes at Avignon, did much to stimulate a generally eritical attitude toward that institution. The Scots were pillaging the northern counties, and matters in general combined to make the prospect in England gloomy. The death in 13876 of the heir-apparent, the Black Prince, deprived the government of an heroic figure to whose standard the people of substance might have ralhed. The son of the Black Prince was an infant, and the Prince’s brother, John of Gaunt, became for a period the most important member of the royal family. His earlier ventures on the Con- tinent were unfruitful, but, when the Scots began their attacks, he undertook personally the command in the northern marches to suppress the rebellion, a venture which hindered his plan of renewing the campaign in France. But his path was far from smooth; after the death of the old King, he was suspected of having designs on the throne of his young nephew. All this happened at a time when the perennial wars made higher taxa- tion inevitable and when the ill suecess of the campaigns en- hanced the natural discontent that resulted. When parliament met in 1381 and faced the necessity of rais- ing larger sums of money than the substantial classes there represented felt themselves able or inclined to afford, the ultimate decision was to ask the clergy for one third of the sum desired and to raise the remainder by means of a poll tax apportioned among the several counties and imposed more or less according to the ability of individuals to pay. This expedient had been tried twice in the previous decade with a measure of success, but this time the burdens on the artizans and laborers were to be made heavier, frankly on the assumption that much of the wealth of the kingdom was now coming into their hands. The government had largely failed to prevent by statute these classes from imitat- ing as far as they had means the habits of those above them in the social scale, and it was now proposed that they assume < larger share of the financial burdens of the government. But the rate, which was based on the number of persons above the180 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS age of fifteen, was fixed so high that many, especially the poorer people, gave false returns of their households, lsting fewer members than there actually were. The aggregate yield on the basis of the return was, therefore, tar short of the sum needed. In order to correct the returns, commissioners were sent to make inquiry and to impose proper penalties on those who had tried to evade the law, probably causing the impression that a new tax Was To be levied. Both these commissioners and the justices who were trying to enforce the Statute of Laborers were representatives of the king’s rovernment with whom the average man came in contact in a Way that could not but be Ci sagreeable and productive ot frie- tion. This irritation made the people of the countryside recep- tive to any species of agitator of discontent who chanced to make his appearance. Notable amon? 1 hose VW hose names have survived 1s John Ball. ‘‘the mad priest ot Kent:”’” who had already been preaching for more than a decade trom a text provocative ot unrest among those who are disaftected in all Wycliffe had just begun to send forth his preachers, and it is not unlikely that the learned Oxtord doctor’s opinions were quoted in behalf of projects he would searecely have promoted himself, as was the case with Martin Luther more than a century later. At any rate, a part of the agitation was directed against what seemed to be abuses in the ecclesiastical organization; complaints against ecclesiastical lords by their tenants were espe- clally frequent, and appeals were made to the Scriptures. Some of the agitation was addressed directly to tenants who were still untree, who were urged to make an immediate bid for freedom. One leader rode up and down Cambridgeshire urging this class to refuse the customary services to their lords. The discontent existed 1n the towns as well as in rural districts, particularly in towns holding charters of ecclesiastical foundations. Probably the Vision of Prers Plowman supplied apt expressions to agita- tors; it was replete with statements that were ready made for the purpose. But it would be a mistake to assume much organ- ization of this discontent or too great a degree of homogeneity ) immediate attack was likely to be a person or practice that had somehow acquired a bad reputation in that locality or among that group. When the revolt came, in the late spring of 1381, and many » in the agitation. In each ease, the object ofISLE Hak OF wan J IRISH S an @ 2 * 4 _ Longitude West from Greenwich Lynn ¢ i Norwich¢ Leicesvor Li Yarmoutl Peterborough’ gksly Lowestott jj RamseyF7 % Kia Go l Mee Vi Mildenhall Y Cainbridgey MBUYY. { i F a Lp iiss Ly STpswitht PEASANTS’ 20 ns, EXTENSION OF THE INSURRECTION OF I38I SCALE OF MILES 4U Uv 80 100 ee VN. Walsham | yy 62 my: Lil biplppys Lh fy Lhe Ze WOTLLL A Ch hophghg yy Ce Me ; ; ( Ogee shé Mk ? A ; ft bn a 4 l StvAlbansZ A 4 , ; : x Oxfors “ iY V4 AAD C W x W althamy Bremearicay YU Barietés4 > Vy ing . VSL } "/ DING mes } Mile’End A chat qne f Reading SS zz V7. —_ Channel , = Canteroury & GH Wy lp § i é ; Sailsbury. a VY/RY rw e 4 ~~} VL, } / ‘ a U7, Bydgwatel Z Vig WW inchester.qQr , I Ny’ lichéster4 | s ENGRAVED BY BORMAY & CO., W.YSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 181 men from Essex and Kent, counties in which the agricultural population was already largely free, marched on London, the persons on whom the mob were openly seeking revenge were John of Gaunt, who was held to be generally responsible for the burdens resented; Robert de Hales, the treasurer, on whom had fallen the duty of collecting the poll tax, and Simon Sudbury, who, as chancellor, had general supervision of the enforcement of the Statute of Laborers and who, several years before and again for a second time just before the outbreak of the revolt, had caused John Ball to be imprisoned for his eriticisms of the Church. Both Hales and Sudbury were beheaded while London was in the hands of the rebels, and John of Gaunt’s palace was sacked; the absence of that prince on the Scottish border prob- ably saved his life. The poll tax thus served as a match to set off tinder that had been accumulating for a generation. As the rebellion spread to Other counties or originated in them spontaneously, the rebels, as is the manner of mobs, usually found in the person of a com- missioner to investigate the tax or a justice who had tried to enforce the Statute of Laborers individual scapegoats on whom to wreak vengeance. In London, for example, part of the hostility of the local mob was directed against the Flemish weavers brought over by Edgvard III, on the ground that they were unfair rivals of the native artizans. Where a local official of a monastery or chureh was in bad repute among his tenants or among the people in the vicinity, the property of the institu- tion was likely to suffer. Such general demands as were formu- lated asked freedom from serfdom, which may be interpreted to mean freedom from taxation as well. The youthful King was not held responsible for the bad reputation of his officials, if the report of the chronicler, Froissart, is at all trustworthy; John Ball made that point clear in his speeches: ‘‘What have we deserved, or why should we be kept thus in serfdom? We be all come from one father and one mother, Adam and Eve; whereby can they say or show that they be greater lords than we, Saving by that they cause us to win and labor for what they dispend? They are clothed in velvet and ecamlet furred with grise, and we be vestured with poor cloth; they have their wines, spices, and good bread, and we have the drawing out of the chaff and drink water ; they dwell in fair houses, and we have the pain and travail, wind and rain in the fields; and by what cometh of our labors they keep and maintain their estates: we be called their bondmen, and without we do readily them service,182 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS we be beaten; and we have no sovereign to whom we may com- - plain, nor that will hear us and do us right. Let us go to the kinge,—he 1s young,—and show him what serfage we be 1n, and show him how we will have it otherwise, or else we will provide us with some remedy, either by fairness or otherwise.’’ ‘* Thus,’ the chronicler reports, ‘‘John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the churches in the villages ; wherefore many of the mean people loved him, and such as intended to no good- ness said how he said the truth; and so they would murmur one with another in the fields and in the ways as they went together, affirming how John Ball said truth.’’ One of the first acts of the rebels was to liberate John Ball from the Archbishop of Canterbury’s prison. ‘Soon after the mob got under way on its march from the neighboring counties to London, a leader appeared in the person of Wat Tyler, who : i.’ 7 q ' displaved some Capacity ror command and introduced a measure of discipline in the company. London fell into panic as the |, and they were able to burn the prisons, sym- / — —_~+ pat ~ — I rts to enforce the measures they resented. The aldermen of the eity were as inadequate as the members of the roval rovernment who were on the scene. After a short delay, the drawbridge in London Bridge was lowered and the gates opened, and the invaders poured into the city, where they were joined by thousands of apprentices, artizans, and mem- eipated ie Temple, ly disliked for its share in enforcing the hated laws. Only the young King, not yet fourteen years old, seemed capable of heroic behavior. At the suggestion of his advisers, he went to meet the rebels in person. He consented that serfdom be abolished and villains become free tenants and that restraints on buying and selling be bers of down-and-out classes. These reénforcements parti | in the plunder of John of Gaunt’s house and of tl the headquarters of the lawyers, a profession natural Swept away. A general amnesty was to be granted to those who had taken part in the rebellion. Only in the matter of punishing those on whom the mob desired to take vengeance did the King temporize; it was then that Sudbury and Hales were hunted down and killed. Furnished with charters granting their general demands, many of the more substantial of the rebels dispersed to their homes, relying on the promises of the King. A mob composed largely of fanatics and criminals was thus left to murder and pillage. When Richard braved another meeting to hear further demands from Tyler and his associates, an altercation arose, inSHIFTING OF POWER AND THE PEOPLE 183 which it is not easy to apportion the blame, wherein Tyler was slain by members of the King’s company. The King again saved the situation by assuming for the moment leadership of the rebels and then disbanding them. The death of their captain left them without direction, while the authorities, both in the city and in the royal company, recovered their courage and took charge. The promises made by the King were not kept in the end, on the ground that parliament had not acquiesced in them. After London was quieted, the rebellion in other localities was suppressed without much trouble and in some cases with the use of severe measures. The chief practical effect of the revolt in the long run prob- ably was to teach the lords a measure of caution in dealing with their tenants and laborers. More immediately apparent was its tendency to unite the dominant groups in Church and state in a eeneral distrust of change. Wycliffe, who had now reached the point where he rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, no longer found a patron in John of Gaunt. He still had friends at Oxford, and his disciples were engaged in preaching his doctrines throughout the country, but a new archbishop of Canterbury was able to procure his condemnation as a heretie and to oblige him to leave the university. He did not despair and spent the few years he still had to live writing treatises to enforce the views at which he had arrived in his criticisms of the Church as it was then organized, sowing seeds that probably produced a consider- able part of the harvest of later centuries. Meantime, as we have seen, the magnates who had assumed the responsibility of manag- ing the Church were seeking to purge it by fire of all signs of a desire for doctrinal change and experiment. FOR FURTHER STUDY KE. P. Cheyney, The Industrial and Social History of England, chs. ii- v; W. H. R. Curtler, The Enclosure and Redistribution of Our Land, chs. v-vil; R. H. Gretton, The English Middle Class, chs. ii-iv; F. G. C. Hearn- shaw, Social and Political Ideas of some Great Medieval Thinkers, chs. iii, vil-vill; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, I. chs. x-xlll; Hngland’s Industrial Development, chs. y-vili; G. L. Kittredge, Chaucer and his Poetry, ch. i; E. Lipson, An Introduction to the Economic History of England, I. chs. iii-ix; A. F. Pollard, The Evolution of Parlia- ment, chs. iv-vi; R. L. Poole, Wycliffe and Movements for Reform, chs. i-xi; Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, II. ch. xii; T. F. Tout, England and France in the Middle Ages and Now, ch. iv; A. P. Usher, An Introduction to the Industrial History of England, chs. V-Vll.BRITISH HISTORY ll i f i { | . \ : a j i { | t / if | i j P | | LJ LJ ( ; 1 ‘ ' } if f j \ if \ 4 ! { " ‘ ' j . f d i ; i | ' i r if { f ( rT r} a id J ed { i jt r i { rc ; j ‘ } | { 4 j ‘7 it 4 ‘ ; j nc ) S | 1)] : KO] . AMERICAN STUDENTS READING hye . ("an bri lge Histo v4 f Ena- lic 7 W. W ( apt S, The | Centurt M. EK. Christie, | { i} 1) Lit \ LT nal VF, a ‘ * : ’ 1 r ! j . ‘ ; i j Leavl The s t , ; f j / i ry i } C * ' . 7 fi . J +f j \ . | 1) = \ de i 7 Q y } | . i ry Ty / A | iri ‘ \ ! 3 nm | - . . . re ' : | } aC) ri) i lf ' ] Nj i? j is ' ' i iy } ~ / Ls 1 Eo | ‘ 1 \ 1? . ry go < - > | + \ 1 ti if o - & W. A. Dun- il, chs. 1X-x; J. - F. A. Gasquet, ( otataut al lusserand, English b Death thie Hist of ka - Oxf i ehs f | d from IT, ehs civ: The Books VII-VIII; s ! n. English | ture from ' Eng 1 from S A ix" Ly M. n (] Renance the Lat Middle nes H. Wylie, Zh rse of the Hundred 76, 8] a ippendix }; T X see Charlies Oman, y \ np? L Dp ib nd the manu 3’ Revolt, consu 1 to Charles Oman, re v10n where theCHAPTHR TX MAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS THE SUICIDE OF THE MAGNATES Before the end of the reign of Henry VI the magnates in control of the English government had divided into factions and were in the process of doing themselves to death in what has been deseribed as a “‘sort of glorified tournament with the crown and revenues of England for a prize.’’ In the course of this factional strife, the participants contributed little that promoted the erowth of institutional hfe in England except in as far as they facilitated the ultimate removal from positions of power in the kingdom of themselves and their kind. The war was fought in a large measure by the magnates personally, assisted by their hiveried retainers, and the people who were doing the work that was to count in the Eneland of the future manifested little interest in it. The burgesses in the towns usually opened their gates to any company who came in force and sought to eseape with the payment of as little tribute as might be without taking definite sides in the controversy. A detailed narrative of the strugele affords materials more suitable for the needs of the dramatist or romancer than for the serious historian, Con- stitutional principles and general political issues found expres- sion, sometimes by the supporters of one faction and sometimes by those of another, but the only question really at issue was which faction could obtain the support of a group sufficiently strong to enable it to dominate the government. In the first round of the struggle, one side was led by Margaret of Anjou, wife of Henry VI, and the other by Richard Neville, Karl of Warwick and Salisbury and heir by inheritance and marriage of estates that made him the most powerful subject in the kingdom. Warwick was, in his own person, a descendant of John of Gaunt, whose daughter, Joan, by his third wife, was the second spouse of that prolifie ancestor of noblemen, Ralph Neville, Richard’s grandfather. Ralph begat nine children by his first wife; his second easily outdid that record and bore him 185186 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS fourteen. Most of the children survived their father and were profitably married. Thus the Neville connection, as long as it acted together, constituted a group that wielded a powerful est over the + influence among the lords of parliament. In a cont regency in one of the periods of the | it in an effort to oust the King’s relative and minister, the Duke of r Warwick supported the rival claims of Richard oi York, a paternal grandson of Edmund, fifth son of Edward ILI, and a maternal great-great-grandson of Lionel. Edward’s third son. The Duke of York took for wife Cicely Neville, one of the daughters of Joan and Ralph, and thus became by marriage uncle to Warwick. ‘he Duke had served as protector in an } + 4. | ; } *y . * 1 | . ar ear] er period or the Kine ‘ Incapacity, Wohnen ne had adopted ‘ 1 . * oi measures which Henry repudiated on his recovery. In these ' ye bea Ly ' Lar ) 7 : Tarx«uial =! . measures the Duke had had the support of Warwick, but when 1 f Bw . i’ 1. » the uncle claimed the throne itselJ 1460 betore the death of eet | } . i | ; aaa ] ' , . - . ] , ao ] \ Henrv. Tne nepnevy Wii nmcarewy ris support, and York CONnNSOLea himself for the time with a promise of the suecession on the } i : , An) + ‘{T yy - ‘ ‘cy ’ ‘ } . qademise or tne Kine. Phe temporary Success O01 Margaret and hel « | ] \ 7 . j } c | }_ : . z ° faction and the death in battle of the Duke of York made this - | ] = jb Fee Droniist oO} Ittie ¢ ind DiadCeQd the 1) LKe S SOT, Kdward, next the Yorkist side of the dispute. When, in 1461. War- wick and Edward succeeded in driving Henry and his indomi- ) | ie crown as Edward LV. . } ‘ {. . | by : . by ] little SATisner Wirth Tne snadow oo} DOWe] Lnat ne possessed Under Warwick's gaomination, Kdward be ran, by the tamiliar method of marriage, to take steps to build up support on his own account. While his powerful kinsman was engaged in negotiating a mar- riage for him with a French princess, the King privily took for wite a native English widow, Elizabeth Woodville (1464), thereby making Warwick the laughing stock of the Continent. eded tO find substantial SPOUSES ror the Wueen s numerous , 7 . | , ‘ | , ' : . : . - er raml1ly. she had ive brothers and Seven SISters. besides Two sons d ul a rival family to the Nevilles, since Edward might reasonably i | by her former marriage, a respectable nucleus on which to bi r =, ‘ hope to win the support of some of the relatives of his mother. He performed with expedition and success the task of negotiat- ine the necessary marriages. Among the rest, and illustrative of the spirit ot t} ¢ whole undertaking. to use the words ot a Con- temporary chronicler, ‘*Catherine, Duchess of Norfolk, a skit- tish damsel of some eighty summers, was wedded to John Wyde- vile (Woodville), brother of the Queen, a man of twenty, aLancastriany ENGLAND AND WALES TERRITORIAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY Scale of miles 0 10 20 40 4 60 ——>~ = : SS & >, e= AN Blore&sHeath=— (To Starronn ¥ | rt | _— ORD st I hi \\ = sie NESE « { iN) Bosworth? ZA: Sh TEAR SSS SSS ES 4 Ss w = = = —— Fo 1 LS = SS== 7 a NS yA ae NO SS y = = = —— = = = S \ —_—*Northampton=> ortimerts Crossan uly H14s 002A | y & a = > , hy iy S —————— Lar | WS etl A I Edgecote’Field | apenas ali ~ © —_ } k oS we Dae 23e ay z = Tewkesbury- “4 \ —— é eee == en WS} | -=StF Albans GE YI SSS SS a . | 2 = _ SS f | Se y 9 | | | 5 ies See || | 1 5 Ss a NE OY = WL = —— — ae STAFFORD UH eae Zr en |! = —=- y “<7 i I ; SOR = z } VV; 2 mans nun sceeeee qumieall ] | — 7 ly j f } 'j lle TERRITORIES Crown Lands Duchy of York WG \ \ LEADING FAMILIES Beauforts (Somerset) | { De la Poles (Suffolk) cue OTHER LEADING FAMILIES STAFFORD BOURCHIER Nevilles \ Warwick, Salisbury, and Abergavenny ) reed | ly Meee Mowbrays (Norfolk) Lancastrian shown thus Yorkist shown thusMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 187 ? devilish marriage.’’ The Woodville faction, like the Nevilles, thus became a power to be reckoned with among the magnates. The natural result was a growing spirit of hostility between the King and his most powerful subject. To trace further the intrigues and marriages, the alliances and counter alliances of these rival magnates would serve little purpose. In 1470 Warwick and his son-in-law, the Duke of Ciarence, Edward IV’s brother, were obliged to seek the pro- tection of the French King. That crafty monarch conceived the scheme of uniting Warwick and Margaret of Anjou in an effort to serve the cause of Henry VI. It was a weird project, involving the marriage of Margaret’s son, whose legitimacy Warwick had ealled in question, to the Earl’s daughter, Anne. Margaret in her time had caused Warwick’s father to be be- headed and had been responsible for the death of his uncle and his cousin. Nevertheless, the betrothal took place, and Warwick planned and carried through a campaign that restored Henry to the throne (October 5, 1470) and made his own most recent son-in-law heir-apparent. This arrangement did not favor the prospects of his other daughter’s husband, who now began to make plans to desert to his brother, the deposed King. These plans were consummated when Edward, who had fled the coun- try, reappeared in England (March, 1471) and gradually eol- lected a body of supporters. Perhaps a majority of the magnates could have been rallied to Warwick’s side had time permitted, but partly by superior generalship and partly because of the immediate treachery of some of Warwick’s supporters, Ed- ward was able to force the fighting at Barnet (April 14, 1471) and left the great Earl and the flower of his followers on the field. He then gave battle at Tewkesbury (May 4, 1471) to Margaret’s supporters, who did not arrive from France in time to be of assistance to Warwick, and was equally successful, Margaret’s son being among the slain. When Edward reached London, Henry VI himself was done to death (May, 1471), thus eliminating the plausible claimants of the crown among the descendants of Lancaster. Kdward was now firmly on the throne. To enhance his se- curity, he caused the marriage of his second brother, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, to Anne Neville, daughter of Warwick and widow of Margaret of Anjou’s son. He next proceeded to apportion the dead father’s estate to the husbands of the daughters, though at the cost of a feud between them, since each laid claim to a disproportionate share. Gifts extorted from188 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS others who had taken Warwick’s side gave parliament a period f respite in finding revenues, though later the King made the Ol i prospect of a war with France an excuse for demanding grants. i In 1475 he finally took an army to the Continent, but found that his brother-in-law and ally, the Duke of Burgundy, was absent on a campaign in Germany. The Duke returned to find Edward in a negotiation with the French King, whereby Louis made him ‘y payment down and promised other sums annually with 9 further acreement that the heir-apparent to the French throne should take fo1 vite Elizabet I vard’s. eldest daughter, a marriage destined not to be consummated In 1478 Edward found it expedient to procure from parliament a bill of attainder avainst his brother. the Duke of Clarence, partly no doubt as a . sure of safe for the heritage of his own two young sons. Mrom this time until 1483. the date of the Kinea’s death. the man of greatest influence among his councillors was his brother. Richard. Duke of Gloucester and husband of Anne Neville. On Richard. therefore. rested the duty of caring for his deceased hrot} Py] 's rwo SOT nc ( S117 ne’ da rncers. a TASK that he pel rormed I Mati! wet CI) im The twelve-vear-old King was at Ludlow with his mother’s relatives when his father died [t was at onee apparent that there were still two factions among the magnates, one accepting the leadership of the Duke of Gloucester and the other composed 0 the tamil YTOUDS of Kidv ard’s queen with their retainers. While the King. accompanied by a contingent of his mother's narty and in conformity with an agreement made by his mother and the On mel. WAS £971. TOT ry TC) london To he erowned. (;loucester anneared and took forcible possession of ‘the youth, ordering at f the leaders of his retinue. He then eaused a parliament to be summoned and announced that the t} P SAMe tin ‘ +} eP Arrest Kine would be crowned. Instead of proceeding with the corona- tion, however, he sent the vouth to the Tower and summoned LO the ecanital his own retainers from the broad estates of his wife. _ In fright, the young King’s mother took refuge in Westminster Abbey with her second son and her daughters. But Gloucester , As L At proceeded, by trumped up accusations, to get rid of those mem- bers of his late brother's attendants who were most likely to offer effective interference with his project. That done, he appeared before such of the magnates as had assembled and attacked the validity of his dead brother’s marriage and the legitimacy of his children, putting himself forward as rightful heir to the crown, The magnates acquiesced in the arrangement,MAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 189 and Gloucester was crowned king as Richard III on July 6 1483. Having rid himself of the influential leaders of the former Queen’s party, Richard next caused the death of his two youthful nephews; the younger son had been taken from his mother and imprisoned with his brother. This last crime seems to have been a political blunder in that it contributed to stir distrust of the future in some of Richard’s more powerful confederates. The Suppression of a rebellion led by his relative, the Duke of Buck- ingham, his most powerful supporter in his earlier measures, was Richard’s first and only success as king. After this episode, if we are to believe a biographer, though by no means a sympa- thetic one, who lived in the next generation,! ‘‘he was never quiet in his mind, never thought himself secure. When he went abroad his eyes whirled about; his body was privily fenced, his ‘hand ever on his dagger, his countenance and manner like one always ready to strike again. He took ill rest at night: lay long waking and musing’; sore wearied with care and watch, he rather slumbered than slept. So was his restless heart continu- ally tossed and tumbled with the tedious impression and strong remembrance of his most abominable deeds.’’ The successful rebellion, which came in 1485, was led by Henry, Earl of Richmond, as near a lineal heir as survived ef John of Gaunt’s line. He had assistance from members of the Wood- ville faction among the supporters of Edward IV and from the French King, as well as from relatives and retainers of mag- nates who had suffered from Richard’s actions. This widespread discontent had been emphasized by the current suspicion that Richard planned to marry his own niece. Klizabeth, his brother’s eldest daughter. The death of his own little son and of his invalid wife had left him without an heir. When Richmond landed on the coast of Wales and began his successful march to the throne, the surviving remnant of the English magnates gradually began to manifest the sympathy they felt with his cause. ‘The issue was decided on the field of Bosworth in the late summer of 1485, when Richard was slain and Richmond became king as Henry VII. As far as hereditary right was concerned, the new King’s claim to the crown could scarcely have been weaker. His descent from John of Gaunt was on the side of his mother and was from that prince’s third marriage, the issue of which, when made legitimate by statute, was svecifically barred from the throne. Sir Thomas More. ?190 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS On his father’s side his kinship with royalty went back to the wite ol Henry V. who. atter the death ot her heroic husband. ’ j . ls . ‘ + 7+ ' * = 4 . “ ‘ y round consolation with a tormer clerk otf the wardrobe a Welsh SQ ULI (jwen (it) | LO Vio Siit had borne rhe SCOTS netore Lhe news of ber Oo i xP ( GG 4 court of her royal son | ae " i i ‘ \I; nel iis NmuUSVahG (one LIICSt SOTS (i QO] og ViadrTeValel Beautort, who came the mother ot the seventh Henry Phe Liithie se Ce TaSK Ol] ney KK ne’ Was O esStaDdDluSA himsell SePCUTeLY On tit | TOT | ~ its STC D LOW ra toils accomplish- . | ment Was Lo fs Lill I Vall nent itldi © Lit} LI SSa Lf Ol all Ac] pro, {j rit rma | ‘ y} rid‘ {) Tile CPrOW TDS Kinoland and Iranee be. rest, remain, and abide in the person of ow : > + 4. | . . \° now sovereign Lord. Kine Henry e Sevel and the hers ol his bod his s ement ; contirn by a turther enact- 47 B. | ment. that Henry had beer neo betore the battle of Bosworth, thus repudiating al Claim D ad On conquest and rendering ; | ATTalInt those | par ! at bDattie avcalns nim tlenry rurtnel renetnened fis O1d QI pe C] " marrylne?g 1] yj j ' } Klizabet (} (PRTC) O] ay ra ph \) Ss mMmatrimon al Dark thus came to a safe | DOr alter a Tl! nine’ yovyage OL stormy a . betrothals ry ) - ] he rest « the King’s tas s made easier by the methods : , j i ey fa Loat no LO] SpA! ' cl OnS I | Deen used 1n ) 11 ay Lie rai Lit i CS br LI ’ aliti i ‘d 1 \ nad been aAC( Stomed 1 0 oraers 7 l Lie. Da ieS Tine noovoles he F } | ia ct | | I | Ly [ ‘ alinti itd) ! eee (6 4 ' ~ t*t ] ‘ { ~ | | f i} i ISLS ‘ 4] + : 4 } * | 1 tT } x+y |] 4t ade iT >] (iC SI ini. 0 Ave DCI « ie, OE ia Wi : nese MmMililtant : ‘ ! \ * , ‘ | y 1 } i vy) i . t’ } T | , Ords SS i ( () ' cy e(] (iq) 3 |) ried) |) : avringol 1} lif¢ iii / 4 . 1. commoners, more 11g tly aeco ered were able to escapi V1ItTN | ; ny | oreater Tac whnen 1 ‘AUS met dadlSasStel wat Custom, adopted | | ns when in power. ot attainting and execut- | ‘ 4 x? Liye Lie dine ‘ i iS an abe ‘ (it or ed COl naers lila { WV al \ i \ | . 47 . | With man who had the YCOOd lel LO SUTVI1V' rne nentine 1n rr if i. - , } the field thus the land magnates we largely disorganized * 7 } ] ‘7 | “ , and ieadertess Vien) Ty Til \ | | Came on ie st Tit LIS TladtT bidlte and diplomas eonsolidated ni r nis own adirection most Ol ; ) } : those who remained. By } rine before his death the execu- T10N OT The rey iy | | TT} nis TO thie CrOWT) Who ~ | rvived. ; : : , oa vas lett his own Son In UuUNnaispi (} DOSS' sSion. 3x SeeK TNO Spouses for tl bers of ] wn | hold .¢ foreion prince Ol! Line memovers Oi IS OWT} POUSeCNHOLG AamMmone ror ivr princes rather the acain of hich his ve shall SOOT! S@CC, raising immediate upMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 191 at the expense of inviting dynastic difficulties of another kind. The right of the few magnates that remained to keep retainers in livery was severely restricted by statute; as lar as the King had need of troops, he endeavored to provide them by other methods. Henry further limited the power of the surviving magnates by refraining from calling them into positions of trust in the gov- ernment, preferring rather to have the assistance of lawyers and clergymen of more humble birth, using his prerogative to elevate them in dignity as it seemed expedient. He began the task of remedying the prevalent abuses in the matter of doing justice both by limiting the practice of maintenance and by making his council, organized as a court later to be known as Star Chamber, responsible in some of the more difficult cases. In all of these measures, he sought the codperation of his sub- stantial subjects who were represented in parliament. One of the secrets of his strength and of the strength of the house which he established was a capacity for understanding the interests of this more numerous group who, now that the power of the ereat landed magnates had disintegrated, were demanding an increasing share in the management of the affairs of the kingdom. The problems with which Henry had to deal in his intercourse with foreign rulers were in no small measure the problems of this new powerful class and not matters of purely dynastic ambi- tion, as had so largely been the case in the past. With all of these questions, Henry dealt in a way almost to merit the eulogy of the bishop? who preached on the occasion of his funeral: His politic wisdom in governance was singular; his wit always quick and ready; his reason pithy and substantial; his memory fresh and holding; his experience notable; his counsels fortunate and taken by wise deliberation; his speech gracious in diverse languages; his person goodly and amiable, his natural complexion of the purest mixture; his issue fair and in good number .. . his dealing in times of perils and dangers was cold and sober with great hardness. Tyr CoMMERCIAL SPIRIT AND FOREIGN RELATIONS In no aspect of English life in the fifteenth century was the crowing influence of the trading classes in the government more manifest than in the relations of England with the Continent. Hitherto English kings strong enough to participate in Con- tinental affairs were either in possession of Continental territory 1 John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester.BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 1 to Keep for their dynasties, or coveted desired aid in procuring territory. Gradually the princes and er tineland a important Kings to acquire Continental terri- he ambition of Enelish traders to larkets and sources of supply. In h les nat peset this new policy, in mind the conditions on the Con- ol trade began to be a dominant » 1 es oO me r whooll iOSt contact 4 a } 1 \ Re ons VITN the j , . ; > ; “ (j I PiLUTIeS j WaS ] | J i rive otne I ind. Line . ‘ a | 0 Had been Shaped Dy ry 7 | 1 | 1 pris ni 1} I) jo] ’ { sii ~ a nta T} i OT) | anne! QO] ‘ ent evel LLGCCr tit lohammedans 1 rn As northern Atrica ; ~~ ) ' i + LOI 3 Lit) adi regions rouns 1 ; CITY Norn |) \) ! } and overland 7 } ' fi] T i} \ T | | L! - LYST ealls 5 . 4 : = nd. But the strongest link in the } i ‘ y + {) AS VaS Tire dependence )] AS | ()] LI SLD) Ly O] Certain i ‘1 i) { ii if} 1 ¥ VV PST {)i whit h 7 ? 4.7 + ut oO . iVHtLY esteemer ] | l ~ ~~. Ll L\OCaTLIO} Live C1iqT1eS regions of the Italian peninsula , arte | hese @eOoOmmodities were ] { + +} ] 1 4 | CC TO © peoples to the nor h t his trade and the travel tO Kome capital of the Church in that citv enters Of wealth surpassing that of ih elr eitizens became the bankers in other countries, as we have seen ‘Tr tne expulsion ot the Jews. The eities were Venice OT) the Casi and Milan to the north in the interior andMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 193 Florence to the south on the River Arno. Besides sending their representatives throughout the known world in search of lucra- tive trade, these cities extended their power in each case to include the territory in their several environs. The city states thus constituted took the place of a dynastic house, which their strength and jealousy of each other and the location of Rome on the peninsula made it almost impossible for the land mag- nates of Italy to establish in the same way as did those of England and France. In consequence, the influence of those who had accumulated wealth by trade was felt in these cities earlier than elsewhere in western Kurope. It is as difficult as it is dangerous to reduce to a brief state- ment the spirit that inspires trade and animates traders and the resulting influences in society that this spirit tends to bring in its train. Particular cases always have many aspects that may be disregarded in an attempt at a eeneralization. It is well to bear in mind that a trader was a human being with pas- sions more or less like the rest of his species, no matter how whole-hearted his devotion to commerce. But so much of what had already taken place in the Italian peninsula and was now shaping in an increasing degree the course of events outside of Italy was the result of the commercial spirit, that our efforts to understand the history of England in the future is beset with difficulties unless we try to apprehend that force, soon the pre- vailing motive among an influential part of its people. All of us have some appreciation of the methods of the retail shopkeepers we patronize. They procure the goods with which to supply our wants in order to make a profit for themselves by the transaction. They desire this profit as a means of gratifying their own wants that can be satisfied by material goods. In their normal ambition to increase their returns from their activities their problem is twofold. They may contrive to procure the commodities of trade at a cheaper original cost to themselves, and so enlarge the margin of profit between that and the selling price, or else they may seek to intensify the wants of their customers for a given commodity or to stimulate a want for new goods for the purpose of increasing the volume of business and their own profits therefrom. At bottom these are the inspiring purposes of those engaged in commerce. They were, therefore, animating principles destined to influence many activities and to be stated in terms suited to many local or temporary conditions in the centuries that ensued after the representatives of the Italian cities began to mingle with the merchants of the Han-194 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN SIUDENTS Seagtic Leacune QO] T | wns of northern Europe, in part as colaborers and in part as rivals. | previously developed relations with the rious established routes over land ‘oducts of China, India, and the neighboring islands for delivery to their merchants at the Medi- Trane: T) | these merchants an oppor- tunity to push their connections into the interior of Asia, It | ] ’ . mS was trom merchant pri that the later Crusaders received TY? 1(*t (7 thy, | 7" ~ 1 PT bi rT | made possible t | a milit: ry Ait i | i i ‘ } Li i ' i ; 1 ita + Y . } * ¥ . S1TCCACS ‘ Py acnis VeCQ. ihe tra rers pronted. both “As PiaSlier . ' ' | | Sr nm VeA . Li ‘ ‘ OW ° avenues of tra vere Opened and as a wider market and a large} : rr} } qaemand aa ’ wal ‘reated Lhe ( rusaders returned : ; ] tO Stimu n 1 r several COMMuNItles some of the taste lor : sing ° luxuries they had ar read on their expeditions and in some | / | . l | ( Cag ‘ ti r ry Sec \ + TY } TO orTratitv these tastes. , | YT} « ' + 1 + | } ' | +} . mili or T le Pil Lat Hie] at iT) ‘) ' { | eete {) rif DOWe!I i lat } ] aie ATT ate rs rc NN ~ ()T (i 1¢] Ti¢ | ? as | rie i does. lone’ Satistyv Lie ; L1O} Lnat S at mental in the commercial! SDIrlt. 4 * i + . * | . nun be} and 0) ane O] (} re] C] raclel lt WaS tne com- \ ’ . mere i S] Nn this J rorm, that tound CxXpression 1n { ldine ay ry ral F hall t trade that LJ iid] AF i | fit LTT) | ' ' We cS ‘) aiis Of ifatlt ld . ly + | . ry 4 ly ’ . he + yy — ‘ cr {- nhl ; ‘ “1X76 | " YOK the form aimost of temples. and of public and private : my a j "7 (° ey aes) , 3 i. |; 4 kil] ° me | eS L hie rec ce 8) Lnese UMaGINngS Stimulates SK] In) ‘ * | + . : * o 4 ) cao * : * . : arenitecture, 1n sculpture, in painting, and in othe rorms ol . yee ak “) y*T od ols * L- i 7 3 . fi an j +" > wrrre “ : qaecora ve af&rt, 1 the earlier period. the Inhiuence oj »YVZantlum ~ 4 ~ I + + a . + ] | * : it be studied 1n survivals in the older | s, especially in Venice. ut soon the same challenge that had impelled the merchants to success in their endeavors aroused © artists they patronized ambitions for achievements on their own account. In nting, 1n particular, these artists unfolded an lumiy ed a new world of surpassing beauty. They took the formal and symbolical pictures of the medieva] churchmen and breathed into them a spirit of reality akin to the very human life that pulsed in the activities of their patrons. A art of their j irati was derived from the Greek r the same patronave. was now ad studied with an enthusiasm that had an extraordi- nary treshness. These literatures, already old, nevertheless made a novel appeal to the choice descendants of the barbarian in- p to where they could appreciate some of the meritorious qualities hidden from their 3 vaders, who had just beeun to row —MAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 195 ancestors. In part, also, the artists probably imbibed inspira- tion from their own contacts with the activities of their time, which they transmuted into forms of expression that they adapted or invented to serve their purposes. The same spirit that actuated artists in other fields also manifested itself in the literature that was now beginning to be produced in the lan- cuage that the traders spoke, which, in Italy as elsewhere, was supplanting as a cultural medium the Latin of the clergy and the universities. Henry VII was contemporary with Leonardo da Vinci and Raphael, these masters surviving the English monarch by only a decade; Michael Angelo was born a decade before, and Andrea del Sarto a year after Henry came to his throne. In Veince, in Henry’s time, Giovanni Bellini (1428-1516) and Giorgione were giving character to a school of painting from which Titian was to emerge in the generation following to teach new lessons in the use of color: the Florentine masters had learned how to make their work reflect reality in form. The way had been prepared for this unprecedented group of painters by Giotto in the early fourteenth century, by Lippi and Masaecio in the earlier part of the fifteenth, and by Botticelli a little later. Another Florentine contemporary of Henry VII, Machiavelli (1469-1527), learned by observation and actual experience the nature of the politics of his time and, both in his History of Florence and in his briefer work, The Prince, pointed, in an irony of which the point was missed, a way by which the head of a state could make it powerful by assuming the right to act on the principle that an end justifies the means necessary for its achievement and by departing, when necessary, from the canons of conduct conventional among civilized individuals and smaller social groups. In other fields of literature, the Itahans were in this period following in the footsteps of masters who had gone before. From Dante (1265-1321), Petrarch (1304-1374), and Boceaeccio (13813-1375), as we have seen, Chaucer borrowed ma- terials and inspiration. In the works of Dante, especially, we discern a flowering of the scholastic heritage of the middle ages brought into conjunction with conditions then existing in Italy, the whole finding expression under the inspiration of the Clas- sical authors of earlier times, whose works were now studied again with enthusiasm, if not always with insight. With cultural streams flowing from so many directions mingled in this rich life, we are not surprised to find the fanatical friar, Savonarola (1452-1498), another contemporary of Henry VII, able by hisSoa 2 196 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS hery eloquence to call a hait tor a moment to the normal Course - | 4 ‘ ] ‘ + | : : 7 ‘ ‘ . > . * ; of the social current in the channel which it was marking out and Oo arouse 1n the Florentines a fit ot repentence or the si 1s re manifestly committing against the traditional ideals But the very success of the merchant princes in the Italian | } ryy oe cities invited the disaster that soon ov CrtooK them, lhe obvious 7 7% ? 1 , .¥ : (| nitLav’es ligt ()i] (| ' ! i | 1cis rs i | HealiS eould he i() i fi t ry) ? i i t | bk T yy) FP t 7) } T | ] (rigs y* 7 1 . i I (FLO | ( rT i 1G () i] f iT) id TVve] () 1Trié j sa de . ind Dy Cheaper methods oO ransportation stimulated an inter- * | , s4 + ] i- - 1 est 1n e study « TeOL 119 not new routes de toun 7 1 ? | | \ y ) i I tr Ire ; ] Lt ~ i t ' . % 5 am , 54 ii LA i' more LO avVWahkt nD 1 ) . Interest His sub than 1 Venetian, Mareo Polo. who , 5 cl Tf [" ‘ ' I Hl I (1 ~ i ~ Tr} |? (} Nv ' Lot ()T) TO Tne ’ + : ' , f iD “, 4 if ; ' ) } " ) ST)! | (] | UF cl ~ ( *f ) j {)] yvears ‘ 4 * J 1 \ + remote ") DLS] n account oO his tl eiS and so to } O} Of the most famous of the , \ + i] ri’ | bt niTsS i} \ i (if ~ rif ~ vy |} “aT SOTTL¢ QO] niS stories e T lf resi eG n CCuratle perhaps they py ng} ~ —~71) ne ()? | an kK T} iT} the thir- > | \ TAP) Ce] ) iyi - r} ’ } ri I ' T ' Ty) rteenth } ry7 * yy ’ ' ’ Yr} T } ’ ; ¥ —) y*T ot ‘by c if 4 Tsui i — 4 \ Cun peas if ilial » } ] i} \ \ (+i ride | | «) is { y ange | At] ny i and Th) \ Sit + ! ] 12 4 ' : s 1 the ladel B berlian peninsula was clearly a much better start ne poll n even Wen or Atlantie explora ion. and S SOO] \ | I I | Pid assumed tensive propor- I TIONS t Ss oh ‘ . | ’ ) i }? y’T neo ™ )) ATT ] | | ii a= I ' ‘ ' —fs Li } Ja n Vt t S O] Live actual vV eX I 1t10nN Ital in na Cartors thus ] . ) . cradually begai » ind patrons amone the Portueuese and ~~} i T | TY T r\i ga ' \ + | ' | | }f2 | | ~ | ci Tif i() Tf i f I if {) PCO pit iT} (Ni COUTLPIeS | | \ j a - Among the earliest of the princes of the Atlantic seaboard to : : + . } se. in es _ wer? , ° ‘ £4. vive encouragement to exploration was Henry of Portugal. fifth son of King John II and his wife, Philippa, John of Gaunt’s rncter. rade reiations with d Stant lands were nol wholly a new experience for Portugal. Edward I of England made a trading agreement with the king of Portugal of his day, which had not been permitted to lapse; the Venetian fleet, on its way to northern towns, was a familiar sight in the harbor of Lisbon. 5 \ and. after the second « ecade of the fourteenth century, the king- dom had direct relations with Genoa. Prince Henry became Grand Master of the Order of Christ and in that capacity obtained a franchise to carry on exploration and trade both forMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS LSA the purpose, at first, of Christianizing the natives in the lands explored and, later, of enriching his order by the trade, which began to be profitable. Gradually navigators under Henry’s patronage pushed down the coast of Africa to Cape Bojador in 1434, to Cape Blanco in 1440, past the desert coast to Cape Verde in 1446. Eventually Guinea was reached. But the slaves, ivory, and gold that now began to be brought back in profitable quantites tended to reflect a new light on the mission- ary spirit of the earlier expeditions, though the Prince was able to console himself with the thought that the natives who were sold into slavery obtained in the process the salvation of their souls. The work thus inaugurated went on after Henry’s death in 1460. Navigators from the Italian cities came in larger num- bers, tempted by tales of the successes already achieved, bringing their equipment in geographical knowledge and experience. In time the enterprise took the conscious direction of an attempt to find a way around Africa to the lands where the spices were produced. A water route to these regions would mean cheaper transportation and so a more lucrative trade. In 1486 Bar- tholomew Diaz turned the Cape of Good Hope, though he was obliged to return without going further. In 1497 Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape and crossed the Indian Ocean to the coast of India, thus crowning with ultimate success the efforts of many who had opened the way for his achievement. Four years afterward a fleet under Cabral was drawn to the west out of its intended course and touched the coast of Brazil while on its way to repeat the exploit of Da Gama. Meanwhile, that most famous of all explorers, another Genoese, Columbus, had sailed westward under the patronage of the ruling house of Spain and had brought back news of the lands he had found. Before the end of the fifteenth century still another Genoese, John Cabot, later a citizen of Venice and of Bristol, England, under a patent from Henry VII, visited in the name of that monarch lands farther to the north in the Atlantic. Thus began the processes that were to eventuate in the transfer of the centers of trade to the Atlantie seaboard of Kurope. In consequence, at the time when the cultural movement in the Italian cities was approaching its zenith, other centers began to appear to the west, destined to usurp supremacy first in trade and wealth and later in culture as well. Two factors, operating while these earlier explorations were in progress, contributed to hasten the transference of the su-198 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS premacy of the Italian cities to the countries on the seaboard. One was the inroads made in eastern and southeastern Hurope by the Turks, who, in 1453, captured Constantinople and finally overthrew the Eastern Empire, continuine from that vantage point their attacks on neighboring districts. The Venetians at urst adopted a policy of making terms with the conquerors and SO kept up their trade. but later the city and the Invaders engaged in lone and ineffectual wars. which tended both to dissipaté the resources of Venice and to embarrass the trade from which ft} lowed. Perhaps a more serious threat wi re the poweriul rival dynasties now erowino up in the West. who round I 1 Nes ise oO Lrie VV iit] ot its eities and because it contained the ea ey Church, both a battleground and and ob PCT (*¢) { ~ ifs] 7 In 1450 the Iberian peninsula was composed, besides Portugal. of the four kingdoms of Navarre. Castile. Aragon, and Moorish Granada: before the end . he century Spain was a econsolj- date kK] YClOtrr i! Ch t the dominion ot i" rdinand ot Aragon. who had married sabelle, Queen of Castile and patron of Co} m| S ST O i n it S Ot Hapsburge had b CuUSTON l e| QO] O QO} over the (;erman prin- eipalities and states hic] largely supported by its personal aqominion as the ruling house of Austria and of adjacent king- 1 5 : \ . . . . doms laximilian, so} l r of the Hapsburge emperor. } | . ) 1 : reqenr i T} rrieqd ' (y | ) QO} ‘ i ries the Bold ()] Ruronndy a nowerftn!) 1 unruly vassal of the kine of Franc PLL oD Inay. a Lt Wer | ill] iT)? ii \ VolSSNA ()i Lilie LIng ()] rance., Hililp, a SOT) J} I ( iis Liicd Ace! Y and it il Ul Lilt JU VN VOUD ries, hy came husband TO ol ana. da Ted Ler ot terdinand and Isabella. Then, the year after Henry VII came to the Mnglish throne, Maximilian succeeded to the crown of his father and was elected iperor. Meanwhile, the crafty Louis XI of France had died In 1482, leaving to his son, Charles VIII, his crown and the task of bringing the duchy of Brittany under his dominion. Bur- gundy proper had already been absorbed. The English king lad been driven out, save from Calais and a barren claim to the ) Brittany had to be brought into subjection t ‘ to complete the task of unifying Franecé under the house of C Maximilian took as a second wife the heiress of Brittany, and Henry and Ferdinand affected to join with him to oppose the ambitions of the French King in that quarter. Henry actually sent an army to Brittany, for the withdrawal of which he was later able to oblige the French monarch to pay, but the marriageeats I eq w Noxgorod °. 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Charles VIII of France, having first got rid of Henry, took Anne for his own queen and engaged in a contest with Ferdinand of Aragon for the possession of Italy. Mulan fell to the French in 1499, and in 1003 Naples was annexed to Aragon. During the time of this rivalry, Henry was busy improvising rules of the diplomatic game that were later to become familiar as the doctrine of the balance of power. He arranged a marriage between his little daughter, Margaret, and James IV of Scot- land, a man eighteen years her senior, which finally took place in 1502, the while he carried forward a project for the marriage of his eldest son to Katharine, the younger daughter of Ferdi- nand and Isabella. The latter marriage treaty was ratified in 1497, and the ceremony was performed by proxy two years later. When Arthur, the Prince of Wales, died before the marriage contract had been fulfilled, the resulting dispute was settled by the marriage of the widow to Henry’s next son, the new heir- apparent. Before this marriage was finally consummated, Henry VII died, in 1509, and left the crown to his son and sueeessor, Henry VIII. Just before his death most of his best laid diplo- matic plans seemed to have come to naught when, in the League of Cambrai (1508), Maximilian, France, Ferdinand, and the Pope all united to make a common cause against Venice. How- ever, while Henry had been making these efforts to strengthen the position of his dynasty by Continental allianees and, at the same time, to save his house from the divisions incidental to inter- marriage of the royal family with the great houses at home, which had proved so disastrous to his immediate predecessors, he had also been busy making other agreements of a more practical character with Continental countries, agreements that responded to the wishes of groups of his subjects who were rapidly coming to have a dominant voice in the government. PARLIAMENT AND THE RiIsING TmE oF TRADE As long as the chief commodities exported from England were wool and tin, the organization of the Merchants of the Staple, which included both English and foreign traders, was important in that it facilitated the collection of the export duties on wool. Sut the growth of the manufacture of cloth in England gave rise, aS we have seen, to a class of capitalist employers who werea ondikineae = a eae aE a a 500 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS accumulating wealth from the industry in considerable sums and caused other English traders to claim a right to deal in finished proaucts., The Merchants of the Staple at first insisted that their privileges included the right to export cloth as well as wool. But. in time, the independent merchants perfected an organization known as the Merchant Adventurers which sue- cessfully challenged this claim of the Staplers. The Merchant Adventurers, unlike the Staplers, were all Englishmen; marriage LO a forelen woman Pi ndered ad Indl ineligible ror membership. Membership in this company, or ‘*fellowship’’ as it was ealled., became aiter a while UO intry-wide LT) SCO PC, anda, through the * . , ® \ 4 \ i” 1 = 4 (° , 7 , hiteenth century, 1t had control of the export Ol eloth. he " — i ' i 4. | — : { ‘ + An ws : sis ; 4] . . 2 Clot mers Th 1S POT LiHell CnlielL ACCeCSS QO TOoOrTel’eoD MmarkKeLS rnroucn rry} 1.) fod } the Adventurers. he lotter eEeSTaApnlsned TI PITNSeCLVeC@S aT piaces + | = t ‘ | ' +} y* TUT ‘ ' } ‘ t . ’ | } 2 | ria On Lie ( ONLInNeH | Woecle LUuCLe VaS a GemManhd LO] sAULILV LISI fa mivs | i, + + | . . 1 + . 4 eh - 4.7 sane ’ ca 1c and besought the kine to negotiate treaties in their bDehalt. ~ — * = — el ‘ j / —— « / —- rm} \ j . : 7 Through the! ion . | hi ; Ser 2 f Py ; the vantave yf) nis OT Lraqde. PN DCCla i\ iT} Italy. Henry \ | | Was | ] } : Ad } learned SOMME - 1] } +} 4b 1 oO! Liie I SIL iid | rit al Ul ‘ NY ry} us ee. ce ; Agu 0ry . eee Mien [he monopoly of the cloth trade, which the Merchant Adven- Turers SC) 1] rit i] | OD! i ned T} ~ ( Bet a, Tneasure. Was challenged hu threaa Aitterent oro hesidec Tt} \ renant S nler Thea i) i iret ‘ii if 2 ia ri i Lids Lat Sitit ‘ rift .) 4 i 4 i eiiid STaAntit is, iif AJIT IS — LtieiL it \ us iit 4 IU Ss itl i Tit it Litt as sn lai manulldt ures ali nC reasifilt Pproporvlon I ite WOOT a | nome, But the Hanseatic trade rs contested the claims ot the Adven- turers to a monopoly in the market in wi] ich they did business, and their skill in keeping the English kings under perpetual obligation Ss to them da laved beyond the end of the fitteenth lventurers in that T } quarter. The merchants of Venice and of other Itahan eities likewise opposed the monopoly of the export trade in cloth that the Adventurers sought. But one of the most potent sources of objection to the monopoly developed, in the end, among the elothiers themselves, who were unwilling to remain permanently at the mercy of this organized group of traders. Nevertheless, l the Adventurers were for a time the wealthiest single group 1n the kingdom and, by virtue of their ability to replenish the royal exchequer when the king was in pressing need of a loan, they were able to obtain and to profit by a large measure of privilege. An influence of the trading class on the policy of the kingMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 201 is seen in the efforts to strengthen the royal navy by giving en- ecouragement to English shipping. As early as the reign of Richard II (1381) an act of parliament provided that all trade into and out of England should be in English bottoms, an act that was manifestly unenforcible and that was invalidated in the year after its passage by the insertion of a provision that it would apply only if there were native ships ‘‘able and sufficient’ to undertake the trade. A less ambitious act in the first year of the reign of Henry VII provided that wines from Guienne and Gascony should be imported only in English, Welsh, or Irish ships. Three years later a provision was added that the masters and mariners should be subjects of the English king. These acts, however, testify rather of thoughts that were coming to be 1m- portant in the minds of the rulers than of actual achievements. Another aspect of the same thoughts survives in the political songs and popular writings of the time, where it is set down that an essential itent of English policy is control of the “‘narrow sea.”’ The influence of the commercial group was still exerted in- formally and rather in the council of the king than in parlia- ment itself. In fact, the council became in the reign of Henry VII the effective engine of government. In the period of fac- tional strife among the magnates this body was largely con- stituted from among the influential members of the dominant faction. A contemporary writer was probably accurate in say- ing of these changing councillors that, ‘‘when they came together, they were so occupied with their own matters and the matters of their kin, servants, and tenants, that they attended but little, sometimes not at all to the king’s matters.’’ The elimination of most of these lords in the wars enabled Henry to reconstitute his council. Edward IV set a precedent by summoning to advise him influential knights and squires in heu of the magnates, whose support he did not command, and Henry VII followed in his footsteps. He kept his council comparatively small, and a majority of its members were usually knights and burgesses. Some of the more influential lords among the number that were summoned were indebted for their rank to Henry’s favor. The King developed a habit of meeting personally with his eouncil for the purpose of transacting any business that might eome to hand, and there is no suitable eriterion for delimiting the character of the business that received consideration. Little attention was paid to whether a mooted action was legislative, executive, or judicial. The government of the kingdom had202 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS fallen into disorder; the chief item of the King’s interest was 7 ’ rTyy = ; - : : | : that oraer be restored. he eirectiveness with Which he aCCOoln- plished LOIS TaSK Was likely LO constitute his Strongest Glalm to ; ' + 4 j } 1 cr } The rnrone ne r rie r¢ ore endeavored TO ring every POss!] iA recaieltrant elem nt a t} KInegaom into sud 7ection to nis authorit in his efforts to serve that purpose, he used any means ; + . ready at hand and any he haa e W1t to Improvist Lhe common ’ | | ; law cry LTS Vi 1} rhe } { | 1] ~ Pr’ clearly helpless arn nStT ; : i = offenders who had the support of groups of liveried retainers ’ ' i] ee la | | . : lie 4 4 ot = + | ' ‘ {) rere ~ { j \ rit \ ~ iLt' not yy i ‘ i nN ali ‘ T y ’ ’ } 7 ) + yy ly | rT} { ' preceael ~ | oT] iy] ‘ 5 ia Lic cs i OUT } + at 4 | or star ' limber TO G@al a na erectlv' Wit! nese and l, ; mr . ; bh} Slmilial GeDpdl ites PO] Lf ind; LYOoOd OTadel rit AU‘ tne j } |] 41] 4 \ trusted OI! Ss alone’ iJ Ss COUT iOTS, CSPWeCidlly nos ained 1n |] x pee Be Rey De councillors none thi indeed, there was little differene ’ j } a 7 * betwee e membership « council and the cow Similai ; ’ \ ] SS I : 4 , seemed e@2) rent iif a I] () 1c) - De rione ~ ced 1uS1 (*\ . j ‘ ! + ‘ L. | made expedient the perpetuation o smaller court established f t * + ’ by Henrys predecessors q A such petitions, a hod, 7 = | } ane : q ) + , Wii slit’ ed is 1 | a sf || { 1 i ~ rie (> / biT.\ nNusiness | ‘ } | ; 4+ ; . + 1 | 2 Came lare' 0 e it | Ou) over which ne ehancello!r ] | + } j | yo 4 14 . ‘ : , presiaea “ if 1 i | { i} rif j * TT ici! CUT (it i | Ca le] } . ; | + + . v } Crin \ ANC area Pre MTICPS In ordey LO VY He ( Our ' —~ 7 ' EAD } ’ ry » 7 1 ~~ ‘ cy | | ) Y?% nf rn ] ¢ ai allie ‘ Cl ~ L | } 2 = ‘ cy SU 7 and Ue | " T t t ’ } 1487 T I \ yr) . nar! " tained oh Sta atk sSSeCqd r© | ald ules Lo YU VJdlild- a a ry’ + * . 4 » ment ll (S powers these courts tended in ime to abide 1n yy | re , . i ; . , ; ; | + | K } ‘ + wit} a —~ CQ) AU ‘ | i ' ci ‘ Stitt _ Pid Litt LIN? KeED vy i i | 5 ~~ 4 + , 14 7 . ted } +4 ; : 7 » him tor constant consu! On QO! poltical Matters a group Or | y y* 5 y Y uw } y ; y ] wrt ' 1 ye | inSe@LoO > il Pik’ ! I i Ci atid eo SOnNne! aCCOraine TO CiT- \ | | ‘ lac + f ImMSTAaANCeS lembers|! i T} ()T) iF {) | noweve! (lid not pre- 4 those at hand with whom he tound it helptul to advise Parliament itself was still more of a court than the legislative bi 1\ 11 Was late} LO hecoms its records were QT a kent on a roll; there were no journals of the two houses. The factional wars had decimated the ranks of the lords until there were fewer than a hundred members of the old body ; the bishops and abbots outnumbered the lay lords among those that were left. The knights also still came in larger numbers than the burgesses, though a larger number of burgesses than formerly 4 1 Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 1386.MAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 203 were beginning to attend. The separate meetings of the knights and burgesses were still chiefly for the purpose of agreeing on a common action and were not regarded as part of the proceedings of parliament. As yet the chief function of the commons was to erant supplies to the king, and they were still vainly striving to maintain the doctrine that the king ought to live on his own resources. Had circumstances made it possible for their wishes to prevail in this particular, their house would have been de- prived of the chief lever by which it later obtained power. As regards legislation, such laws as were made in this period were usually first formulated by the king, in consultation with the judges and other counselors, and later approved by parliament or published in parliament as the case might be. The formal acquiescence of parliament was not yet required to give sanction to a law. When it was obtained, the movement for the purpose might originate among the knights and burgesses or 1t might be initiated by the king or his council. Despite this dominance of the government by the king and his immediate circle of advisers, the monarch was eareful to refrain from policies likely to cause embarrassment to the inter- ests of those whose possession of wealth or privilege made them persons of consequence. The custom had developed of creating peers by letters patent, which granted the rank and the right of summons to parliament to the person concerned and entailed the same on the eldest heirs in the male line. Henry and his successors thus favored men who rendered them loyal service or who had accumulated wealth or influence. In this way, a new nobility began to emerge, somewhat different in character from that which had formerly been so powerful. But the time of its dominance was in the future. THe SPREAD OF LEARNING AND LITERATURE The time that saw the passing of the supremacy of the land magnates and the emergence to power of merchant princes and the newer type of landlords witnessed also a making ready for the change in cultural life that the new régime demanded. In the twilight of poetry that followed the generation of Chaucer, even the names of some of the more meritorious of his disciples were lost. Such names as are left, John Lydgate, Thomas Oc- cleve, Stephen Hawes, and their kind, scarcely deserve to be mentioned in passing. Of somewhat greater import was the204 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS work of those industrious compilers who were now busy provid- — In 4 textbooks ror the formal! INnStruction that Was olven. liven more important was the work of men like William Groeyn and Thomas Linacre, who journeyed to Italy for preparation and returned to clve practical encouragement to the study ot Greek literature and to the attitude of mind that accompanied the introduction ot that study. The schoo! it} had been grad ) | were to be ot material help in their further work. Henry VI —~ IS J f f f / / —?¢ lavished on the foundation of Eton, that training school of so many members of the British ruling class of the future, some of the capacity he sadly lacked in matters of government. Ox- lord received the nucleus of a library from the same Henry’s uncle, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, which finally led in the time of Edward IV to the erection of a building for the aceeommo . . . } . . 1 ; y Gees z = dation of the books or the university. Meanwhile. a divinity } } } schoo! had been erected ind, later. ad tional @ llemves were e@S- tablished NV divers benefactors. he Sa lhe crowth WaS evident at Cambridge, where, imitatine the work of her husband. Mar- garet of Anjou caused the foundation of Queen’s College to be laid in 1448. Another Margaret, the mother of Henry VII, claimed the honor of the foundation of Christ’s Colleoe in 1505 and of St. John’s in 1511. Even the merchants realized the necessity of education for their offspring and multiplied the number of grammar schools in the more important towns. Perhaps the most important work done in Enela half-century for the encouragement of learning and literature IS associated with the name of Willi chant born in the county of Kent though a resident for years in Bruges, who was at one time acting governor of the Merchant Adventurers. Ona visit to Cologne, in 1471, he became interested in the growing art of printing with movable type. After aequaint- ing himself by practical experience with the technical details of the art, he returned to England in 1476 and set up a press of his own in Westminster from which issued, from that time until his death in 1491. almost a continuous stream of publications, most of them in the English language. Caxton admired Chaucer and issued several editions of the Canterbury Tales. but a majority mself translated rrom the Hrench. One of the most famous of the books he printed was the delightful compilation of the tales of the Arthurian legend made under the title Le Morte D’Arthur by Thomas Malory, himself almost a legendary figure. Other presses were soon at of his titles were of works that he had hiMAKING WAY FOR NEW RULERS 200 work, among them one at Oxford, established to print works needed in academic circles. Echoes were still heard of the work of Wyeliffe, the great Oxonian of the previous century. Another Oxford man, Regi- nald Pecock, Bishop of Chichester (1450), a loyal churchman though born before his time, took up the cudgels in defence of the ecclesiastical organization and against the Lollards. But his appeals to the law of nature, as against a literally inspired Seripture, and his rationalistic arguments soon involved him in trouble with the organization he was seeking to defend. Since he frankly aecepted the Church as the best available mun- dane authority in religious matters, he naturally recanted when his work was condemned as heresy. He died in practical im- prisonment, the service his zeal had inspired him to render to the Church having been accounted an offence against the organi- zation. The heresy he sought to combat survived him, and the opening. years of the sixteenth century were lighted by fires kindled to burn those who were persistently loyal to Lollard doctrines; others who were accused, as always, elected to recant rather than to burn. But a new day was beginning to dawn. After three years of study in Florence, John Colet, son of a London mercer and lord mayor, returned to Oxford in 1496 and began to give lectures on the Epistles of Paul in a manner different from the style of the older schoolmen. He treated the Epistles as letters of a real man, written under real circumstances for special pur- poses, rather than as a mere collection of inspired texts. Later he became dean of Saint Paul’s, London, and, when he inherited his father’s property, was able to become a patron of learning. At Oxford Colet knew Thomas More—son of Sir John More, a London barrister—who was then studying under Groecyn and Linacre and later was to become chancellor and to achieve fame as an author and as a patron of learning as well as by his tragic death. To this period also belongs Polydore Vergil, a native of Italy who, while in England as the holder of sundry ecclesiastical preferments, undertook at the instigation of Henry VII to write a history of the kingdom. Finally, in the spring of 1499, while Colet was giving his lectures and More was student in the university, there came to Oxford for his first visit Desiderius Erasmus, a Dutch scholar now thirty years old. He returned to England again and again and there did some af his best work. Meanwhile, on the occasion of this first visit, he was taken by More to see a youth nine years old then being206 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STI trained, all unconsciously no doubt, for the part he to play as King Henry VIII.CHAP DHE xX THE BIRTH OF THE NATION THE EMERGENCE OF NATIONAL E'EELING England was now experiencing the growth of a spirit or force hitherto unknown on the same seale. Most of the larger coun- tries of the western world have since traveled the path thus blazed, and the end is not yet. Few forces abroad among human beings to-day seem to be more nearly irresistible than is this spirit when aroused. At times it unites large populations in fanatical support of some cause of the moment when, lacking this emo- tional spur, the individuals concerned might have many shades of opinion on the subject. For the time, their attitudes as indi- viduals, and even their normal alignment as members of subordi- nate groups, are overshadowed by and swallowed up in the enthusiasm for the general cause voiced as the attitude of the nation. Loyalty to the nation thus takes precedence over lesser loyalties. By using conventional symbols, postures, shibboleths, and the like, emotions are aroused in support of a cause to which the nation is committed by its leaders that sometimes in the end calls upon individuals to devote themselves to actions that may involve sacrifice, suffering, and even death. Men had long been familiar with the lesser loyalties, as, for example, to the tribe, to their family, to a religion, to a leader, to the king, to the town of their birth or residence. Probably foreshadowings may be found in the writings of the ancients of the larger loyalty now in process of development in England; that is, loyalty to the country as a whole conceived as a worship- ful, fictitious personality rather than as the mere dominion of the king. It is quite certain, however, that the loyalty itself had never before been experienced with the same reality and extent as now began to be the case in England. The central magnet attracting that loyalty was coming to be more than the physical land or the language spoken by the people inhabiting it, though both of these were used as figures to personify it. An example is in Shakespeare’s Richard II, where the Duke of Norfolk, after hearing a sentence of banishment, laments: 207208 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS AA <> — * scl . ey . + i 2 My native English, now I must for And now my tongue’s use is to me no more i } rT) narriy y ,y { }y i ( r) ST] } Q aon t 4 ] | 7 ) ~ ; ~ Ty} ¢ ; } rs : | : ¥} ~ it |) wd | 4 } w } 4 , S ) - a ry + ] ’ ! ‘ ( . In the same pl. lingebroke, departing Se] similar sen 7 ’ 7 CTC Vas a { Lif i) 4 “~~ | iy ' T . = = 5 i | +} ’ ro ! : 1% _ ‘ a | i r 7 hy ¢ eceveres ry] c\T J ! ()T Tit ' ((*()7 ria) | niil if Loci nore : ¥ | a L * | {- A i d T . T t " ; ’ cy | T y 7 14 — > I Py alict tii cit ‘ ‘> ii ! ()] ;Ptl ~ ~ Ll \ 4 i] ‘ Lit Ll it) is | On ‘ DCrson ity | TT} bial 1¢) ~ (>) = && ' 1] { 1) i-™~ ss the STAate ) | Perhaps it comprehends concept and includes also an } { : enlarged notion of home and firesid mily and tribe, merged ’ } e somehow 1n a more impellinge emotion without losing any ol Lneir separate 1daentit [here was no less lo lty to the king T ' os 117 | , ri? 11) 1} | la ’ \ ru mpi cl y\ f rt rCa { iSO] Vv I a 1) Lcie at a WOLLLE Lent | i a } lf wit! t } LTerest ind welt rt thi ountr’ LI \ WO (les | ft) 1 ii 1TIL¢ f ~ (] case () 4 ifit.?d \ ‘ : ‘ ] w 4 : ot a distinet prospect Vv looming up that lovalty to the w ly 1 J }: king might become a lesser loyalty should his Po1cl1es conflict | ‘ 4 | , . ‘ ’ ‘wie mat an reNTS ()] ] f na ()T). lon ,iTy TO CITIES and Lowns : : | 7 | + : | a = ‘ se * was nol cd minished in the crowth O] Wis nev all lance, lon- doners did not lose their urban provincialism when they grew up into Englishmen as well. The nature of this swelling emotion can best be studied in the experiences of the individuals who felt it. but nothing 1s more sure about it than its variation to SUI the idiosynerasies ot indy iduals. Searcely Any LWO persons a} . actuated by this powertul feeling conceive of it in the same terms or probably have precisely the same impulses. Further- J oes not burn with a constant rury. At times it is moribund. its potentialities latent, more, the patriotic flame, when kindled. « awaiting a summons sounded in tones attuned to responsive capacities, inherited or acquired. existing in a patriotic people. lt is a force as real as it is intangible, perhaps more real, cer-THE BIRTH OF THE NATION 209 tainly more powerful, because it is a thing of the spirit, the product of many merging streams of impulse. Manifestly this national feeling was not the work of any single group and came heralded by no trumpeter who ean be identified. Its sources are far back in the life of the people, and its history properly begins long before it became a dominant force in the country. But the reigns of the Tudor monarchs are the first in Kngland that are inexplicable without some understanding of this emotion, which they and their advisers were learning: how to manipulate the while they contributed, probably without eon- scious intention, no little to stimulate its growth. Since they came on the scene when the nation was beginning to be self- conscious, it is essential that we try to understand the processes by which this self-consciousness developed in order to under- stand the affairs of their time. As long as the government was in the hands of the kine as- sisted by a group of associated magnates, whether they were bound together by ties of kinship, as had latterly been the ease, or by fealty to the same lord, the king, as in earlier times, conditions did not favor the creation of a national god with the accompany- ing trappings of patriotic worship. The circle of the powerful was not too large for its members to be personally acquainted, and those who were of sufficient weight to deserve much consid- eration had the means and made an occasion for coming to court from time to time. The lesser folk, as the government grew in power and efficiency, had their relations with the kine either through these lords or through the royal courts and administra- tive officials, But these indirect means of communication were becoming patently inadequate. For one thing, there were now far too many people who deserved to be consulted on govern- mental matters for it to be feasible that they meet in a sinele group. ‘The suicide of the magnates, which preceded and ocea- sioned the accession of the Tudors to the throne, and the econse- quent necessity that the monarch turn for support and codpera- tion to those who were accumulating wealth on a somewhat smaller individual though a larger aggregate scale, made it imperative that machinery be contrived to facilitate this co- operation. Before this problem had been solved or even con- sciously faced, circumstances led to changes in the personnel of the reigning monarchs without strict reeard to any rules of heredity or descent. Many persons alive when the Tudors came to the throne remembered occasions when loyalty to one king or family might involve hostility to rival claimants soon to be210 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS in power. For a half-century before 1485, we know that English towns had learned by experience to accept any de facto king who knocked for admittance at their gates with a strong army. The prestige of the king as more than a participant in the sovernment had thus been largely dissipated. ‘lherefore, now that it was vital for the gvovernment ot the kingdom that the . we ian : : = { ) “ } . , ri proup iT) powel have Lne good Wii OT a DOod\ OT s ipporters TOO nimerous to meet tovetner in one vroup,. 1t waS Important to find some more perma! nt coneept, and one susceptible of trans- lation into terms that would appeal to a variety of individuals, as | nbstitint for ti ld kino Ty as a SLLUSLILULE J) ' ‘ e] 1 ft ) 7 ‘ i i] OT! TO >? 4 7 7) 1T ; * y* , ‘ iw, . | . + . + will the lovalty O] ad COMPAL: ¥<1L Y SItldit &TO 1) QO] MmaVNnAatLes,. rriy ] ia } ¥ [he seeds that were to produce this substitute had lone been : 2 4 - } 4 : ] ; 4 ( } SOwn, and the iiCd Was WeL OrWal GC I} ‘ process or vrowtn when the need ror | PEA TTI reSS 1T iF ivi GON ()] 1 (2 reDa ‘ATOTYV | } | : = ] } work had been done wit! [oO n prevision or desien. but the . T ra) ‘ys »cFr t rT? ’ r ) j ) T piant was coming to 1] 3S iangvguave sum ‘ . ' , i } ] 1 r » 4) ,* ; , 7" 7 T . | ‘ 4 \ , yy ciently national ror use 1] O S O© law was. aS we KNOW. already in existence. In LOIS lane we minstre ls were now Slng- ine their lays, noets revealing thelr dreams, and learned doctors addressing their efOmments te anv who stood DV or pubdlisning widespread use of movable type lent facility to the multiplica- tion ot these means otf making prevalent common notions and ideals among those who knew the common language of the country. But ad Common lancuage and literature no more produce a national feeling than would a common gentile heritage, it we could be certain that t | e latter condition existed A lancuagce in which the local leaders throughout the land could ecommuni- eate with each other helped to fertilize the soil tor the growth of nationality, as did the homogeneity of the population, ad- mittinge. as it did. of social relations and intermarriage with no more than normal provincial and social prejudices to hinder. But language only promotes unity of thought and feeling when it is used to voice common ideas and aspirations, and ties of blood, after they pass the bounds of the immediate family circle, soon yield to different and more powerful motives, Perhaps the dependence OI a considerable proportion ot the people O] Hi land on trade with outside countries served aS much as any single tactor to arouse in those who participated in the Man- acement of affairs a realization that the kinedom as a whole had common interests more important than those of any singleTHE BIRTH OF THE: NATION 211 individual. The weight of this point was increasingly manifest as the cloth trade grew in volume, and the prosperity of the sheep-raisers in rural districts came to depend on the ability of merchants, to whom they sold their wool, to find foreign markets for their goods. The necessity that the kings summon their more prosperous subjects to give counsel and codperation in wars, whether for commercial or dynastic causes, furnished an oppor- tunity for these substantial men to come together and exchange experiences, which made it easier in the end for them to learn how to make a common cause where common interests were involved. More went on in the repeated meetings together of the representative knights and burgesses than the grant of the revenue needed at the time or the formation of a petition for the redress of grievances. When these knights returned to their several shires and the burgesses to their boroughs, they took word of conditions existing in other parts of the kingdom. In this way, these thriving classes, without necessarily realizing what was taking place, began to develop in their several localities an aspect of community interest and feeling that was in a measure similar for the entire country. Other agencies which had now for several centuries been promoting this similarity were the royal courts administering a common law over the entire kinedom. But parliament, however representative its membership, seemed as little likely to serve as a rallying center for causes common to the substantial groups of the king’s subjects as did the kings themselves, with their temptation to waste their energies in the promotion of ends that were dynastic rather than national. All of the experiments with executive groups respon- sible to parliament—the Lords Appellant, the Lords Ordainers, and the like—had failed in practice. It is a solid and lasting achievement of the Tudor monarchs, especially of Henry VII, Henry VIII, and Elizabeth, that they were able in a large degree to sense the common interests and aspirations of the classes in control of England in their time, to formulate these aspirations into practical policies, and to assume leadership in making many of these policies actual accomplishments. Their remark- able success in these matters was not due wholly or even chiefly to their personal genius for statesmanship, though that element cannot be ignored in finding an explanation of the accomplish- ments of their reigns. Perhaps there is no simple explanation of their suecess. For one thing, knowing from recent events the dangers that might otherwise ensue, they had few scruples212 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS about ridding themselves of powerful subjects who seemed likely to threaten their position. ‘They were able to do this with ImMmpuUnNIty, because they were uS ally ecaretul to make sure that tLnelr actions were in aceord with the wishes O] the SCOUDPS : ‘7 a matter of prudent necessit n ot choice Vhey held then | ‘ ' rl } } cr | ‘ 7 + ow scepters irom pa ament na Da Pilamen Lat riven it - } j ] = TT) rn 1] Sith ent] pro {) c] } \ c1 W cl * A elose} View would . t + 4 | . } 1 | thus seem to indicat lla ese strong ‘ludor monarchs, who { 1 : ha t Some+rimes heen mare or} | () ~ alm S71 absol Tf it} Ltneir vy ,« i]. : t ‘ ] + + DO {47 WSTAl! Tyre =) a ( | } men QO) an\ 4. | ’ ’ ; departures they made fro! rad nal practices 1 7 } LS habit whiel ne Si rT ¢ QO] vor] ne t | roucn — ' ‘ Tl } } parliament, particularly with its lower house, d oped in that HDod" angi iT wpe } CONSE me ~ rycy i } } 7 (} j ealo iN\ OT ITS Dry leges Wi Ce] rr ‘> Trit | (] nd iT a nis Cave ocCeCA- + , . : . ‘ + : ° . 1} VY () iTS nNroceedinegs ? AT (*] PpeNE rye Peres ‘ould ere more readily i . —= + i L :' co re p er ( recorded and thus be made to serve as foundations for subse- : ; a quent claims of more extensive power. tlaving a record of its Ow? tT} I Ce] } se soon ra} i TMV) cy] tSeliTtT as a sepal iTe { PTT irom ’ ‘ | | nr ( n *T QC] & } y} nt iS } 4 hol especially } ¢ ‘ 1 } ‘ as LVINn® IUTISalL fi ¢ “7 . I memoboers end Ti I election. . \ | | . . ' orm of bills rather than b he old form of petition, though - 4 ' ' f f i iit OL tilt old orn Vas ft Lined, Lb I ormal proceaul' . ] ( Py PNT ba YT) rrecTting O Siation ra { rin Tn) SEPSSTLOTIS 1T) : t} at} 1s predecessors, Henry Vit] ro Ind it expnedi nt. in return I . + ; ‘ 7 . ; ; . . > del wtT7 r this support, to acquiesce in many extensions of the priv1- — leges ot that house which would searecelvy have been eranted by nw 4 i Beles -' , A > a SS a | earller kings with his consciousness of power. This same process Perhaps the most useful group in guiding the Tudor mon- archs to an understanding of the wishes of the important people of their time was the body known as the Privy Couneil. This body saved the king from mistakes which might otherwise have proved fatal to his government and helped him to identify his policies with the urgent interests of the kingdom. The Privy Council was composed of men whom the monarch trusted andTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 213 who knew how to enlist the support of the groups that had to be conciliated to make common action possible. It served as a sort of board of directors for the government. It was still in a plastic stage of composition and procedure and so could easily adapt itself to the needs of the moment. When new per- sonalities appeared who could not be ignored or new interests developed that had to be conciliated or conserved, there was no contrary precedent to hinder. The members of parliament helped to make familar the policies of the government and the common interests of the kingdom throughout the extent of the country ; the Privy Council gradually acquired the function of formulating the policies for submission to parliament, when they required action by the larger body, and of ensuring that they were formulated in terms likely to command parliamentary sup- port. By this procedure, the king could usually claim suecess for his policies; the responsibility for failure, if failure there was, could be shifted to the council. As a result, both the monarch and his office gained in prestige. His actions were no longer the mere whims of an individual; they tended to be identified with the interests of the community as a whole. Prob- ably only by some such method as this could the Tudor mon- archs have kept their crowns. Their claims to the throne were liable to challenge at any time, a fact of which they seldom lost sight. The existence of a monarchy of this type for a century and more developed in the substantial classes in England the assumption that the English kingship was inherently of this character. Consequently, when later kings undertook to defy the parliament, the result proved that a loyalty to the nation had developed stronger than that felt toward the king himself. Rulers under this ‘‘new monarchy,’’ as it has been ealled by one of the most illuminating living writers on the subject, often adopted measures in disregard of the customary rights of individuals and of the established conventions of property far more drastic than any of which the most absolute of the earlier kings had dreamed. These measures were adopted with impunity, because the king, as representative of a fictitious per- son, the state, supported by the approval of the articulate sub- stantial interests in the kingdom, was much more powerful than it was ever possible for a king and a council of magnates to be. Under the new arrangement, the king as a person could usually establish an alibi in any given case. A counselor or a group of counselors could be dismissed in disgrace, or even put to * Professor A. F. Pollard. 3214 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS death, leaving the head of the corporate nation to escape un- scathed. ‘Thus the state, buttressed by what for lack of a better term we eall the nation. arrogvated To itself power not Oniy over individuals, but also over all subordinate groups compassed in its bounds. It began to claim the right to destroy, as it did to create and to preserib terms of existence to these lesser groups. The first organization that took up the challenge of supremacy thus thrown down was, quite naturally, the organiza- tion that had been longer accustomed to power than the English kings themselves, an organization, it tact, that had in the past made bold on occasion to claim a superiority over all earthly kines and emperors. A challenge Oot this sort was ISt What WaS needed to transmute into a CommunItyY OT Teelineg ne COMmMMuy y of interests whien ’ ay | L.] 1\ONC , mriIiINnTrimTe Wiig eit) nC 11 TT) 41] o (* SIClIePTADLe Snare 4 4 it? | titi : i 4 hb i \ I | - . 2 om 1 } , * ' ol this world S voodas were pecvinnin’ To uscover amone them- [ | re ‘] ; } selves. When the claims of the Church were apnparentl sup ported by another power which seemed to threaten the inde- pendent existence of the kingdom itself, fires of exertion and emotion were kindled that in the end proved more fatal to the pretensions of the ecclesiastical organization than anybody had . . ' ryy y } ' 6 * , intended in the outset. lhe struggle that ensued furnished an j ‘ : i . ? cy . | . * - | . + — | | . + . ] \ occasion Lor a searching of hearts on he vhnoie sup1ect. and the s > : . \ . ] + } \- : —~ . : lorie Ot circumstances was more eloquen and jtrul ru] ort action ~ : on « ‘iw + ; } ] ' - } a than the most persuasive aisputations of the learned. Doctrines s . 7 . i a j a } . i} . ’ i 1 c were easily contrived. Woe rriey (a) iid no} ete summoned irom the past, to defend meditated actions or accomplished deeds, while the emotions that nerved determined men to their un- wonted tasks supphed tnemes ror eontemporal poets and ; : a Le ryvyy yuan : 1 . ys. 1 re play wrights. hus. With Many hands working tovetner for a 7 ‘ H! I. ¥ r » ] . . - 4 71? ® | 7 ie + . COmmon cause. mneiane went a lone wavy toward acnieving nationality in the methods by which she defended herself a: ireaten from the Continental Chureh dangers that seemed to t and Continental dynasties. DANGERS FROM WITHOUT When Henry VII came to the English throne, as we have seen, western and southern Europe, with the exception of Germany and Italy, were gradually taking form in states under dynasties that had achieved their places partly by armed force and in- + ‘ trigue and partly by skilfully negotiated marriages. DiplomacyTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 15 had already superseded wars and jousting as the major sport of kings and their trusted companions. The philosophy of Machiavelli, reflecting the experience of the commercially- minded despots of the Italian city states, had already set stand- ards of conduct from which later diplomats have never wholly departed. Perhaps it was as much acquaintance with the methods of the Italian diplomats as familiarity with the works of the Florentine philosopher that influenced the conduct of other princes. At any rate, probably never since that time has there been a more cynically unscrupulous group of rulers in Kurope than that to the mercies of which Henry VII left his eighteen-year-old son in 1509. In the previous year, as we know, Ferdinand of Aragon, Louis XII of France, Maximilian of the Hapsburg empire, and the Pope, ignoring the old English King, had conspired together in the League of Cambrai for the dis- memberment of Venice, despite the threat of the Turks against all eastern Europe. But it was scarcely to be expected that the partners in such an enterprise would keep faith with each other. The French King, without waiting for his allies, took action and made himself master of a large part of northern Italy. He had the ill fortune in the following year to win the active hostil- ity of the Pope, and a Holy League followed directed against Louis. In the war against France that ensued, the young King of England was induced to participate. Meanwhile, carrying out with some preliminary questionings the dying injunction of his father, Henry took in marriage Ferdinand’s daughter, Katharine, wife of his deceased brother, Arthur, in order to secure the payment of the remainder of her dowry and an alliance with his father-in-law. The young King was as yet unschooled in the current methods of statecraft and was more interested in the pleasures of youth and in the stimu- lating studies to which he had been introduced by the group of scholars who frequented his kingdom. His wife’s father expected to find him httle more than a pawn in his own games; Katharine frankly thought of her marriage as adding another to the paternal collection of kingdoms. Indeed, she soon under- took to serve as her father’s official representative at the court of her husband... With a counselor of this type in his own house- hold, Henry stood in need of abler advice than any he was likely to receive from the official group that had surrounded his father. Among the more influential of those thus left was Richard Fox, Bishop of Winchester, who had been associated with the first Tudor King from the outset of his royal career,216 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS so that he had literally PTOWD grey in his service. Another was Thomas Howard, Earl of Surry, later to become second Duke of Norfolk, who had served in turn Edward IV, Richard [[l, and Henry VII, by the last of whom he was imprisoned and would doubtless have been executed had not the opportune death of the King afforded to his son a chance to show mercy ) he noble prisoner. The new King did not show the same clemency toward all of his father’s subjects. He won applause by causing the arrest, trial, and execution of Sir 4 Richard Empson and Edmund Dudley, who had labored to- gether in the task of fi | _— aa } | —~$ a —d f i — poe > — wd — . , y - a 4 a" —— 4 a 4 bend © => el -—> =P —~ — ap 4s and forfeitures extracted from landlords who had by various actions rendered themselves ha Hox and Howard and the young King were no match for the experienced Spanish ruler, and they soon proved themselves to be as deficient in war as in diplomacy. An expedition sent to cooperate with Ferdinand against the southwestern part of Hrance in 1512 was a failure and had no support from the King’s father-in-law. Another expedition to the northern part of Hrance, which Henry organized in 1513 with the assistance of Thomas Wolsey, one of the younger of his father’s counselors, soon to be the most influential among his own, served at least to regain for both the army and the navy the reputation for valor lost in the previous year. ‘While Henry and Wolsey were in France, the Queen and Howard were at home laboring to much greater effect to defeat an attempt to invade the kingdom on the part of the King’s brother-in-law, James IV of Scotland. On Flodden Field, where Howard earned the title of Duke of Norfolk, the strength of Scottish chivalry was dissipated and the King himself left among the slain, bequeathing his scepter to an eighteen-months-old babe. Before Henry and Wolsey could carry forward their plans for renewing the struggle with France in 1514, Ferdinand had deserted them, had himself made peace with the French monarch, and was well on the way toward inducing Maximilian to adopt the same policy. Little wonder, when Henry contemplated the treatment he had received at the hands of his father-in-law, he concluded that there was ‘‘no faith in the world’’ save in himself and began to feel that ‘‘God Almighty who knows this’’ was prospering his affairs. Wolsey, who was rapidly developing a more mundane ability, now gradually acquired a place of supremacy among Henry’s counselors, which he held until his fall. As he accumulated knowledge and power, he began to match his wits against thoseTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 217 of the Continental kings and to play one against the other, using no more scrupulous methods than they. Henry’s younger sister, Mary, was plighted to Charles of Burgundy, lord of the Low Countries and grandson of both Maximilian and Ferdinand, he being at the time fourteen and she about seventeen years old. The young Prince is said to have expressed a preference for a wife rather than a mother. Wolsey pressed on the boy’s grand- fathers the hastening of the match, while he secretly negotiated a marriage for Mary with the decrepit king of France, who had Just been left a widower by the death of Anne of Brittany, whom he had taken from his cousin from whom he inherited the crown. ‘The marriage took place, but the death of the French King himself in the following year (1515) brought this scheme to naught, since Francis I, who succeeded to the throne of France, was too much like Henry, with some of the worse qualities enhanced, for the alliance to last. Mary now manifested a will of her own and, before she left France, married Charles Bran- don who, by his friendship with her brother, had procured for hunself the title of Duke of Suffolk. Francis busied himself in an effort to placate Ferdinand, while betaking himself across the Alps in the inevitable attack on Milan and northern Italy. The temporary and unexpected success of the French King at the battle of Marignano (1515) aroused the fears of the Pope and caused him to seek the support of Wolsey, making him a Cardinal; he was already Archbishop of York. Though no freer from intrigue, Wolsey’s diplomacy now tended to become more pacific in method. In the course of time his own ambition for election to the papal see played a part, though it is not easy to say how large a part, in shaping his policies. For a time he attempted to pit Maximilian against Francis. But in 1516 Ferdinand of Aragon died, leaving the throne of Spain to Charles of Burgundy. By the beginning of 1519 Wolsey had succeeded in making terms with the French King, who had discovered by experience that England was a more profitable ally than Charles or Maximilian. This short- lived agreement was cemented by the betrothal of the infant son of Francis to Mary, the only surviving daughter of Henry and Katharine. As a fruit of the negotiation, Wolsey procured his own nomination as papal legate in England and Henry’s ac- quiescence in the arrangement. Then, in January, 1519, Maxi- milian passed permanently from a scene that he had contributed little to adorn, and Charles became heir of the Hapsburg estates, while the electors of the Holy Roman Empire faced the task «918 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of electing an emperor. Perhaps Frederick of Saxony, Martin F Luther's patron and friend, micht have had the election had he been willing to accept it, though there was already a strong inclination to elect the ranking Hapsburg prince. Both Charles and Francis were groomed as candidates, and even Henry VIL played with the thought. Ultimately Wolsey threw his support to Charles. perhaps in the hope that Charles would return the | \ - | j 4 j } ( na Pit al l ral ~ L _ r e ' \ bs On O] naAVINne a a-ncatie nem most: to ul | be) | } snp ( \ “ ‘ a ~ {) ¢(] ridi ‘ iit (TLE | t ’ 14 4 | ‘ 4 7 a’ ns i as I Vi ' hk J Lt} ' ‘ cL qT) Ol one thing, the English Quee) 5 1 mperor’s aunt, a fact : ) tnat ' te not bi iy] (] Viol i i] ~ I a sl ries Was | 4 . he} (111 if ! iit? ] ! l | lo { { ’ } aa | f ~ ~ 1 | Tre r)é QT an interruption OL trawl in tha OoOmmod a condition in wnhie! Kno — | 1 7 cieTrs V¢ id ri) tLe es | ] eould he | ] 1} aVOiCE I Ne vVerrtni A. \ \ iS Iii iif hes ‘ ani alli- ¢ + | 1- iy) + y ] +» mce rene SO | Loz severing Trelatlous win t naries In tract Imm | H i] naGd TFecelved a , ‘ } visit from the Kmpero! e and Wols ourneyed to Krance and made terms wilt! Kine Lame $s meenne in ] 4. | splendor on the | Ou Gold. Consequently Henry } 7 } i 1 | ’ ' | ' rT} { ) lax ) Hi" ] J) Lici tl i lad Cot Ji _ ‘ | Ata ci iA ranCis 1n ; ) } | . ne1tTnel Ol VI i(*] IT} @| I f I { _ ici if Did (| LG CT neithel } 1} ; ] | 4 | “al of which alliances his ners could quite fford to break. Thus the destiny of Kur vas left for a time in the keeping Q) rnese t | ret lH ST] In? Tie! OTi« O] Lrnem Twentv-ninie ' + ; . ‘ » inotner twenty ivi me OLUel vent But tnelr powel attel Martin Luther had already (1517) posted his theses on the door of the church at Wittenberg, issuing thereby a challenge to the authority of the Church the implications of which he did not himself yet fully understand. One of the questions that faced the youne Emperor in his first imperial diet was what treatment he would mete out to this young doctor, whom the Pope had denounced as a heretic, but who had influential friends among the German princes. Charles ultimately decided to accept the papal edict, but delayed taking efficient steps to enforce It.THE BIRTH OF THE NATION 219 — Meanwhile, he had to make haste to Italy where Francis threat- ened an attack. The death of the Pope and the election of a successor proved to Wolsey that his dependence on Charles for Support in his ambitions was vain. But he realized also that he could not longer maintain friendship with Charles and avoid war with France. Once the war was begun (1522), Charles, like Ferdinand, left him to fight it alone. Henry VIII seems, even so, to have had a temporary ambition to repeat the ex- ploits of Henry V, and Wolsey bent every effort to support the undertaking. Both the Kine and his minister were soon disil- lusioned. English commercial magnates were ready to support hostile diplomatic measures, but actual war required real money in larger sums than they cared to find. Parliament proved unwilling to vote the revenues necessary for an effective cam- paign. While this futile war was in progress, a second papal election emphasized the disinclination of the Emperor to sup- port Wolsey’s ambition. At the same time, the defeat and capture of Francis by Charles at the battle of Pavia in north- western Italy in 1525 kept alive Henry’s hopes of dominion in France. But the total failure of Wolsey’s schemes for raising revenues for the war finally convinced the King that his ambi- tions were unattainable. Wolsey was able to save the situa- tion by extorting from France. as a price of peace, money that parliament would not grant and by again betrothing the Princess Mary to the son of the French King. This last item in the terms with France emphasized a fact that could no longer be ignored. The dynasty that had now brought to England more than a generation of comparative peace and prosperity after a period of factional strife was in imme- diate danger of not being able to perpetuate itself on the throne. The King’s only surviving child was his daughter Mary, now betrothed to a French prince and soon to become of an age. when this marriage or one with some other Continental prince would likely be consummated. That the English erown should be thus disposed of was unthinkable, if a means could be found to avoid it. Nor did the heir of Henry’s eldest sister, Margaret. oifer a way out. The experiences of Katharine had been tragic. All but one of her children died at birth or shortly after, and it was unlikely that she would have a son. The dangers of a disputed succession were clear, and the survivors of the times before the days of Henry’s father did not need to be reminded of them. The King himself became increasingly sensible of the situation. In 1521 the Duke of Buckingham, the most990 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS formidable candidate for the crown aside from the descendants of Henry VII, was tried and executed, a foretaste of Henry's determination to exert every effort to make the succession secure in his own line. But it was by no means certain that a woman would be permitted to come to the throne or that she could dominate the situation if she did. As a precaution against cir- cumstances that might arise, Henry, in 1525, created his ille- vitimate son by Elizabeth Blount, then six years old, Duke of Richmond and Somerset, thus acknowledging him as a pos- sible candidate if no better could be found. But the fermen- tation of these circumstances in the King’s mind was already arousing there hopes that were soon to plunge him anew into a welter of Continental! diplomacy and LO lead to a revolution in England that he propably understood as little as he foresaw or intended, but which constitutes his chief title to fame as a NATIONALIZING THE CHURCH Much ink has been wasted and much more is likely to be spilt on the question of the personal motives that impelled Henry VIII to take the lead in promoting the separation of the Englsh 1% 1 " % — , | a . . . Church from Rome. His was an unlovely character at best, and . “ } | . . \ . iT IS NOT eaSyv TO refurbish I rT? mtoa nero seceoOrding TO the moral , « i. * 4 | 1; 7? H i Tar *) iT) 1% a x17 ¥t | ‘ hy 7 1. ,T TT +4 _ anaaras Ol O-Uid \ { Was CLIUU WCU Vv I an apunaaht COOLIST, Ari + . « ar 7h mith] gat) hia 9 | ] h} , necessafy LOT a tTatit I iT) I i Licss actions. WiilLit tl eNla meu 11M hour and then to accept its dictates as partaking of the nature [It has become the fashion lately to pay much less attention than formerly to his wives, of whom there were SIx 1n all. Protessor Pollard, his biographer, neither his harshest nor his most lenient eritic, thinks that ‘‘they cling to him more closely after death than they did in ire, Bishop Stubbs, , a who is more favorable in his verdict in that he managed to develop a sort of pathetic sympathy for Henry that deterred him 1 from passing final judgment at all, was able to suggest nothing better in his defence than the privileges inhering in his preroga- tives as king. ‘‘His marriages are royal marriages, his murders royal murders, his diseases royal diseases. There 1s nothing to hide. nothing to be ashamed of.’’ ‘‘Henry’s portrait,’’ the same author feels, ‘‘would fill any canvas,’’ but either the con- temporary painters took no pains with the wives, or else they were the ‘‘deadly-lively sort of ladies whose portraits are, if notTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 221 ee a Justification, at least a colourable occasion for understanding the readiness with which he put them away.’’ Professor Pollard emphasizes a more vital point and is inclined to think that their children, or rather lack of them, was more against them than their looks. Most authorities inclined to be sympathetic with Henry find consolation in the reflection that, in any event, his record as regards personal morality compares favorably with that of his contemporaries, Francis I and Charles V. A point of vital importance seems to have been that one of the women in Henry’s case was the aunt of Charles. When the question arose of putting her away in favor of one more likely to serve the King’s purposes, her nephew happened to be in a position to dictate the action of the papal court, from which most monarchs in Henry’s day were able to procure an easy adjustment of their marital difficulties. Lest that seem to be too harsh a judgment on the ecclesiastical organization, it is well to recall that even a man so conscientious in his religion as Luther was able to find Scriptural justification for giving Philip of Hesse permission to commit bigamy, though advising him to keep the matter secret and to ‘tell a good strong lie for the sake and 200d of the Chris- tian Church’’ rather than let it be known. We might dismiss the whole subject as unworthy of space in a serious history had not the King’s inability to procure the action he desired from the Roman Church led him finally to adopt the policy of making himself the supreme official of the Church in England, so that appeals could no longer lie to an ecclesiastical court out of that kingdom. Of course there is much more to the Subject than the King’s marital difficulties. The Church was too strong an organization and touched the lives of all the people too intimately for a revolu- tion in its constitution to be a simple matter. Henry VIII, we recall, was by no means the first English king to challenge the power of Rome. The shrine of Saint Thomas at Canterbury was an altar where the victory of the Church over one of the greatest of Kngland’s kings was celebrated by endless pilgrimages. John and his immediate successors, aS we know, held the kingdom itself as a fief from the pope. A reaction in the other direction had long ago set in, and the money promised by John was no longer remitted to the papal treasury. As laymen prospered and accumulated wealth by their own efforts, whether in agriculture or trade, they became increasingly jealous of the large endow- ments held by ecclesiastical foundations, seemingly in part for the support of able-bodied men in useless pursuits or even in9°29 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS idleness. Already there had been talk of confiscation, even in parliament. Before the days of Luther, Wycliffe and his dis- ciples had called in question the right of the Church to hold so much wealth and had urged that in secular matters it ought ion to the temporal authorities. The od properly to be in subjec + : 1] : : , cs J res . B t Fain ’ : | ~. . ruiiness Or time had now come. it was not a question OL aogema., : i+ r , + . ‘* ;y 1 himself written a book in defence Oo] transub- Henry VIII ha anti¢ . ‘ : ; lar + | ln” : a4 ey nceain 4] analy stantiation and ot similar orthodox aoctrines avalnst tne attack : . + y ?; : ) ; SE ns ¢c ¢ : . a - es of Luther and had been awarded the Title Defender of the *dalti LnereLol oy tne Pope. ie Line medaltated DOw no * 1 J departure from those views, and it was to happen before th ] ] } } : : . : i end Oo] | ~ if OT) + | ) 7 ~{ )T ' rSOTiS we ild h ) mishned TO! Spt Ve . . : Ing in tavor ot 1 ope others went to the stake Io! } , ty 1) rv Ty ’ T | ) +} YY ? { 17 (pif ne CWS CG erin | (ott (| its f ( vULI eee i , % he {| }eST { T} Vi ~ { ) 1) T not i (i ¢) ! fit 1} K ene, ~~ qesire to have a oungver woman tor his wile 1n th nop of raising ] s } T TY y | TT T ? ,oOT 7 | t} coe Lilia Lt | { ‘ _ t 2, ' ih Lil a I | Ul Ll i e ‘ { { ’ 5 Q | y i} } } Ye 7 } ] } K 47 yr } ' sg } | ‘ , Li It) I 4 i] ic. lon ati i ' i Lit \ | 4 I i > _U) il st LOTS ti en! mi Gl SUT ort of Tl I mn il ocuring ti! nase nendence \ ot the Chureh Trom outside government ¥ } high position in the Chur [henceforward the laity were to rity he be s reme in matters « O ronan Thomas Cromwell. a 4 1 videlv-traveled layman trained in the law and experienced in } 7 7 } 7 » hankinge and trade. took up Tt! . vhere the famous church- . j rn . ,* l. en ee ] ] ' ' man laid it down. The Cardinal, knowing that his continuance - —- | ) ] ; ; ao | fa Fe At oe + . in power depended on his success, labored faithfully in | Ss efforts d to procure from Rome the judgment desired by his royal master. | } ; , . : ‘ : : 17 1 ; . 7 Henrv had asked that his marriage be annulled on the ground pensation for him to wed the wile o Others than Henry had expressed doubts on the subject, the Pope who granted the dispensation and Henry’s father and father-in-law being among the number. To a man sharing the superstition of the time, the unfortunate fate which had befallen ) t very well have Then, too, Henry T} irther. he had so many of the offspring of the marriage migh seemed to be a divine sentence of disapproval. had fallen in love. To complicate matters hestowed his affections on the sister of one of his former mis- tresses. whose father had subsequently been compensated by a shower of wealth and honors. Sir Thomas Boleyn became Vis- eount Rochford in 1525. The sister had found a husband. Even Anne, the present object of Henry’s desire, had to be rescuedTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 223 from a hasty betrothal to one of the noblemen about the court. The King had experienced and expressed doubts concerning the validity of his former marriage before he knew Anne, but his passion for her furnished a reason for making haste in procuring action in conformity with these doubts. The Pope had just as good reasons for hesitating. When he escaped from the captivity in which he was held after the sack of Rome by the troops of Charles in 1527, he was still not free to act against the wishes of the Emperor, and so the matter was delayed by one subterfuge or another until Henry despaired. The peace made between Francis and Charles at Cambrai in 1529 was the culminating failure of the diplomacy of Wolsey, and Henry began to con- template desperate measures involving the elimination of the Cardinal. The attention of the King was called to a young scholar of Cambridge who, while at the university, had been a member of a group that had proceeded from a study of the Classics to a sympathetic discussion of the debate then in progress between the partizans of Luther and the supporters of the Roman curia. This scholar, Thomas Cranmer, suggested an appeal to the Kuropean universities as a means of determining the theological questions involved in the King’s cause, and Henry spent much money and energy in an effort to procure a verdict from that source. ‘The result was what might have been expected. The opinions of most of the learned doctors depended largely on the allegiance of the foundations with which they were associated. Cranmer himself naturally stood committed to the views of the King. But Henry was in the end obliged to accept the counsel of Cromwell and to embark on the difficult Journey that Wolsey had foretold would follow his own fall from power. None knew better than the Cardinal the potential anticlerical sentiment latent in England. It had cropped out in all the parliaments held in Henry’s reign. The Lollard doctrines had never wholly disappeared from the by-places, though they had been kept under cover by the laws against heresy. Tyndale was already seeking to distribute his English version of the New Testament with its Lutheran bias. It was thus as easy to stimulate the erowth of dissatisfaction with the Church as it might have been to repress it permanently. When the Kine and his counselors changed their accustomed sides and undertook, by the use of their prestige and by the implements of propaganda at their disposal, to dis- credit the Roman power in Kngland, they helped to prepare good ground for these seeds of discontent, with the result that994 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS they ultimately brought forth fruit in the form of a national Church subordinate to and guided by the same forces that directed the affairs of state. In July, 1529, Wolsey learned of the peace made between Charles and K’rancis al Cambrai: in the same month he learned that the Pope had revoked the authority delegated to him and a colleague, Cardinal! Campegegio, to hear and determine the question of the validit | England acceded to the ‘Tre: Ly of Cambral. In October ot the same vear Wools VY was eharged with a violation Oj the statute eulltv, thoug 7 ! Y : % 1 suited the Kine to connive Dukes o Nortolk and Suttolk ! | 7 4. | 7 tO! Vear>rs () ~ | VW is ~ iceend at iT] Bat re 9} (*¢) ines its final dissolution to accomplish peacetully one of the most far- reaching social revolutions that ever took place in any country Seldom have statesmen managed more skilfully matters fraught with so mal difficulties But betors parliament eould begin its work the King had to prepare the way with the clergy. In January, 1531, the legal officers of the crown, acting at the ‘nstigation of the King, instituted proceedings against the that they, along with the whole body of the clergy, by acquiescing in the jurisdiction ot Wolsey as papal legate, had incurred the penalties of the Statute of Praemunire.t The matter was arranged by having parliament pass an act granting pardon to the offenders, but ‘t was not passed until the clergy, assembled in convocation, had first voted to the King a large ransom in money and had also acknowledged him as ‘‘sole protector and Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of England.’’? Thereupon Henry an- : eaker of the House of Com- mons and twelve accompanying members, with whom he sought a conference: ‘‘Well beloved subjects, we thought that the f our realm had been our subjects wholly; but now we protection, and their lands, tenements, goods, and chatt Lord the King. and that they be attached by their bodies . . . and brought before the king and his council” for trial. 27As finally passed by convocation, the wording was changed somewhat, and the qualifying phrase ‘‘as far as the law of Christ allows” was in- the essence of the submission was not changed. serted. SutTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 229 searce our subjects. For all the prelates at their consecration make an oath to the Pope clean contrary to the oath they make to us, so that they seem his subjects and not ours.’’ Yielding to royal pressure supported by parliament, convocation again submitted to the will of the King and agreed thereafter not to make canons without the King’s permission, assent, and author- ity. Canons already made were to be submitted to the King and to a commission chosen by him, so that those found “‘not to stand with God’s laws and the laws of this realm’’ might be abrogated, leaving the others to stand by the authority of the King. When the clergy yielded on this point, Sir Thomas More resigned as chancellor, and the ambassador of Charles V at Henry’s court wrote to his royal master that in the future churchmen in Eng- land would be of ‘‘less account than shoemakers, who have the power of assembling and making their own statutes.’’ Henry now had the English clergy at his merey, with unused possibilities of power over them still in abeyance for use in case of need. He was ready to deal directly with Rome. It had been the custom for archbishops and bishops, on their induction into office, to pay into the papal coffers considerable sums called annates or first fruits, though a statute of the reign of Henry IV had referred to these payments as a “‘horrible mischief and damnable custom.’’ These payments were now to be witheld by act of parliament unless the Pope should act favorably on the petition for the annulment of the King’s marriage. To guard against steps by which the Pope might oppose this act, it set up provisional machinery for consecrating bishops and archbishops without reference to Rome and prescribed that the clergy should administer the sacraments of the Church and otherwise perform their normal duties, notwithstanding any interdict or excum- munication the Pope might pronounce. This conditional act, passed in 1532, was made absolute two years later by another, which also delegated to the King any functions in the election of bishops and archbishops hitherto performed by the pope. Another act, passed in the same year, forbade the payment of Peter’s Pence; still another act in the same year appropriated for the crown the first fruits and tenths that had formerly gone into the papal treasury. Others acts followed, in 1534, recogniz- ing the King as ‘‘Supreme Head of the Church in England’”’ and, in 1536, “extinguishing the authority of the Bishop of Rome’”’ in the English Church. Meanwhile, in the early weeks of 1533, the King had been secretly married to Anne Boleyn, and it was essential that the226 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS annulment of the marriage with Katharine be proclaimed and the new marriage publicly announced in order that Anne’s child might be legitimate. Accordingly, an act was rushed through parliament prohibiting appeals from English ecclesiastical courts to Rome. While this act was pending, the clergy in convocation were induced to resol that 1 ve to a deceased brother's widow was not allowable. In May of the same year Cranmer, now Arehhbis|] OD ot (ante rbury. SITLING in I IS arC! iepiscopal court, June 1 she was crowned aueen. and on September 7 the intant was born who as Queen Elizabeth was to wear in a manner not } ] ] | . . ‘ ‘ \ i ‘ ’ T unworthy of her sir . he had contributed so much TO Tasnion 27 a Stans whe 7 . . le te ndo Vina had peen cone. Phe rising? tick Oi) I | nie \ 7 non Vet ‘ores STrone enouen Te vithstar } : On to 1 drastic measures that had been adopted ¥ ‘+h would naturally arise. ‘The Roman Church. despite occasional lapses of its leaders, was much the most powerful organization Europe had known since the dissolu- tion of the Classical empire, perhaps in some respects stronger than that empire itself. in breaking off relations with this organ- ition, W hose pOWer Was O! ly beginning to be challenged On the Continent by princes and town councils, the English rulers were laying violent hands O] an institution iat now Tol almost a millennium had touched at mai ntimate points the lives of all the people. They knew that this strong step invited opposi- tion. not only from the C! itself but also from prineipalities and nowers th iT Wo le L eve] aval! bli means to h nder the omplt 10on O] w! | t} | L be Un (one oj the « } ef Sourees of strength of the med Chureh in England, as elsewhere, arose from its control of so large a proportion of the material resources of the kingdom: it was estimated at from one-fourth to one-fitt h. l mnry and Cromwell now turned their attention to this aspect of their problem. ‘The cooperation of the arch- bishops, bishops, and the rest of the secular clergy was essential ion ot the Chureh, so their endowments were not for the time molested; those of the higher clergy, not for along time. The case was different with the regular clergy, the monks. We recall that a beginning had been made in their direction in a previous reign, and even Wolsey had givenBerwick on Tw eed Norham, ; Twizel Bridg f Durham ~, rt ¢ aX m) | Alnwick | \ y Har! ottle | \¥ Warkworth NORTHUMBER RUAND Wark ’ Mi brpeth o \ aa ’ \ Nelycastle > He: cham A ol | Durkam\y DURHAM a) CUM ae Q Raby - MEST MOR ANEDRIobin ond€ Kendal | “Wee Re. ‘FP nbades. if ) e ff / if, - / * + a ad ao Si lway Mosg¥ ° O, open yay c gt 3 =A Hexnard Case) | Appleb3 YX ‘res eed N O-R RAM He | 4 ay i | , ervau £ \ ri. Tf €é4-- ° \ Byland Pere e . Lees Yi PK OK . i “4 i olto ri iy —Dayley *Rirk ladcaste H wi ror Vt Caw Loot °F \ Leeds\_ Selby Ny + —— — ay ahd Gol Pomf fC 2 \ (Pontefract ¥) rb Donéa: ter\, Rn fhekd y STER \ V4. OR Joye BY \ t \ Bontawell ISLE/OF MAN GON t of » Furnes S ny fr wa \ alle Ha rot iv pmlc’ CHE gler Che xs Ni ntl bh. WS _ SEN a oy on-Trenty N, Ye se .% < 2 AW -Chartl. hy “eg! 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Sby + Now atk ae oe Walsiy2 o \s 1 - ¥ vos 5 J- rh hd Aw ispecl No St arborous b Ais (OOS tae my Bley” lis rip aX day NTING) : ot ts )Mousdhold Ae ee j Untiby Nf ri he arn ) 7 yin Z\ \SUFFOLK / Sewn lps W ich \ / ‘ BEDFORD x i rs aah je ‘ | WVeggeshat J / rm —+> U f Hi apsdin | Colch?# OD anstabls| ectora Chelmsford ESSEX sy Cate (4 Cato ontarket pur Al + b cides. ot aH | Nr wos \ Wie f ham London ——, sae wa 60 ae ¥ 2 <—S (SUR Y 7° " ral re Dea ¥ Oi / no SL a The Deuce Dover "Bandg ate Cas. Calal Aw i\nchelsen7 Comber Castle Lewes S \ Arundel Boulogne | |THE BIRTH OF THE NATION 227 evidence that he was aware of the lucrative opportunities which these rich organizations offered to those in power. The doctrines of Wycliffe and William of Ockham were now studied again, and commissions of investigation were sent to make report of the conditions existing in the doomed houses. The monks and nuns were probably no better or worse than other humans of the time, but it was naturally the worse aspects of their conduct that were emphasized in the reports of those whose manifest task jt was to find a justification for extreme measures. The smaller monasteries were dissolved by act of parliament in 1536. The larger ones were given three years more of erace. Cromwell negotiated with the more powerful abbots individually and in- duced them, since there was no better alternative, to sign deeds of voluntary surrender. The act of 1539 recognized what had been done and vested the title to the surrendered possessions in the King and his heirs. A portion of the wealth thus realized was used to establish six new bishoprics, of which five became permanent in the ecclesiasti- cal organization. But most of it went into the coffers of the King and enabled him, on the one hand, to strengthen his position by imposing lighter burdens on the taxpayers of the kingdom and. on the other, to commit the more influential of his supporters to the separation from Rome for all time by bestowing on them a share of that which had been taken from the monasteries. The very act of expropriatine wealth on so large a seale was conerete evidence, more convincine than any current notions of the sovereignty of the state, of the power accumulating in the hands of the King and parliament. The secular clergy, warned by the fate that had befallen the regular, would not hehtly invite the Same disaster upon themselves. Once this part of the settlement of Henry and Cromwell was accomplished and the new holders of the estates were established in legal possession, it would be almost impossible to undo that which they had done. The Ene- lish clergy might again submit to the Roman curla, but the papal organization in England could not easily achieve its former strength. As regards dogma, Henry as yet had no intention of departing from the doctrines of the orthodox Church on the Continent. Two parties had begun to make their appearance in Eneland, it is true, one inclined to be in sympathy with the reformers on the Continent, of which Cranmer was leader among the bishops, the other wedded to the older views and led by Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. Both men were kept in theRICAN STUDENTS nd a _ — — ow . Ss — — — 998 BRITISH HISTO! . . 1 ] a é 7 } : | organization by their allegiance to the King. A statute passed ee 1939. of whieh Gardiner Was tht eniel author, enacted In SLA ° i . : Ty} ' articles tne older views on tne Qispu eq pPolues his acl made | ' } ia 4] * : ‘ a 5 cy ‘ . ) | *) heresy largely 9 S@CGUIar OILLECUCE nat 1S. a Crime acvalnst tne State, to be investigated and punished as were other offences against } ~~, ry. . + ] by | numoer Was I ‘ LO] ILLOs iOvVvVadDIe Men Ol } + ie } ] + 1- y his tims na one [) Lif Ci HIONUS! e King aad taken ; - } B delicht Anot} ! 5 ™~ ey ft I ‘ veneri pit ris Op O] ) , 10 a y Rochestel Rot VW it “ I it Kis Cl def | 4 7 7 4 ) ] TTT. at Al) .? t a eT rj < J ii ' Opt and Was * 4 + ] executed tor retusing Qe Suprema‘ LO’ 0! |) ] | him ft Ying i fan yp) j i ~ ~ ~ ~ {) if ~ { itil i () . ‘ +. ’ < } th am ebi fed TV) | a ' cL iit ‘ _ ‘ iw i — it ath. r ] he rest ‘ . + { * f) 1 a | ry ov Ty ' eae Bnd aM | | Se ctl HLiTiis i si } e. ‘ “ t ! 7 ' } { 1T'é , i) l ini Lica } I Vi ‘ i 7 ice ony A 7. i*/ 17 ()T sm rli¢l ' 4 ~ f ' {} 7 rie : ()T] Dal 1 T + 7 | ’ ments of the rev O} t Hei nd | mwell were seeking { , rn ' + | to effe | C0 n open defiance of the ] 4 4 j ] ' 7 y } hoped to n supreme over the Church and the ] { I SSser DeOptt ; } | ; 7 But the combined DO’ r OL K ing and parliament eould not old the Kine lis! h to its old mi rings, once the separation from Rome was accomplished. The Defensor Pacis of Marsiglio of Padua was print d, with the approbat on of Cromwell, in 1036 j \ 1 > i . ! - to support the King’s caus 6 some souree ot authority 1n matters oO] docti at \ S essen } ‘ ; 1 + | Rom; 1? cL i 1 i WV a St I i Lit) \ ‘ LOmal wl ld 7 ao | ryy) a : : ] 47 i > 1. a was aiscreadaited. pne Kine encouraged tne reading ol tne Bible lication. Thus. in a short time, a new It the of ties bindine them to the traditional views with the attitude began LO develop amon@m men, who ho longer T Same torce as when tney were ammliatead with the Continental h. This new attitude was encouraged by the war which at Chure Henry and Cromwell made on the use of images and on the worship of saints. The shrine of Saint Thomas 01 was demolished in 1538, an act by which the eighth Henry in LD4. Canterbury No.THE BIRTH OF THE NATION life retrieved a defeat administered to the second Henry by a churchman in his death. The death of Katharine of Aragon in 1536 made (ueen Anne a liability. Her daughter remained her only child, and the validity of her marriage was ever open to question. For one thing, due to Henry’s relations with her sister, it had required a special dispensation according to the rules of the old Church even as had the marriage with Katharine, King was now interested in Jane Seymour. prudent in her behavior, and it was easy to find witnesses to Justify her decapitation (May, 1536), once it seemed expedient. Henry’s third queen! died Shortly after the birth in Octol 1537, of the only son that survived the King. Henry’s marriages little need be Said. the Protestant Anne of Cleves (1539), Cromwell overreached himself. Henry neither liked the woman nor had a mind to stir Opposition among the more orthodox of his subjects. Cromwell had served him well, but his work was now done, and the King was ready (1540) to acquiesce in an act of attainder against him. It was Inexpedient that the power of a single subject become too great. Thomas Howard, the second Duke of Nor- folk, who had taken the lead in supressine the so-called Pil- grimage of Grace, the only organized opposition to Henry’s ecclesiastical measures attempted in his lifetime, brought the charge of treason against the powerful minister. saved from the same penalty, to which he h by the opportune death of Henry in 1547. 3efore his death, Henry provided for ¢] throne by revoking the actions previously taken against his daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, and by making a will, which was confirmed by parliament. by which tl] in turn to his son by Jane Seymour, his daughter by Katharine of Aragon, and his daughter by Anne Boleyn, provided they severally died in turn without heirs. The son was only nine years old when he took up the scepter that the career of his father had done much to make it the task of a strong man to wield. At the time of Henry’s death, the orthodox party seemed . But the King had taken to be in the ascendency in the Church effective steps to provide that no immediate attempt should be made to undo his work by entrusting the education of his son le newer views and by creating in his will a monarchy of the } For another, the Anne had not been er, Of the rest of In negotiating that with Howard was ad been condemned, le suecession to the le Crown was to come to men holding tl} * According to the canon law as finally interpreted by Cranmer, she was his first legal wife.9290 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS council of regeney, a majority of whom sympathized with the newer opinions. Betore we take final leave ot Henry Viti. it is well] tO record one other point in which his reign marks the emergence of nationality in England. Sinee the reign of Edward I, Wales had been ruled by the English kings as a principality. The conquest ot the Knelish throne DY Lrne ludors. nominally at least a Welsh family, made a more intimate connection possible. In 1536 Wales was incorporated with England by act of parlia- ment. Henceforth Welsh counties and boroughs would send + + | a" : oive ‘ | iw Isc ‘ representatives oO tne Hine tis parilami nt. wnue Kine lish became the lancwuage of the courts ot law ‘dward in one direction and ind tor the suecess moderation of Elizabeth. The son of Henry VIII and : a ] (’ E — } Jane se IO A Trit LU) ne throne HNeTore fle Was PTL Ved CS old and died before he was seventee! During the first years of his reign aftairs were managed DY the King S rit | CLV rad i mou! who adopted the Somerset. The Protector’s inc humble and the oppressed and his enemies are better eviden h) Lis capacity ror States country accustomed to the stern rule of Henry the council of the young King was John Dudley, Earl of War- wick and son of Edmund Dudley, who had been decapitated by Henrv VIII for an evil reputation gained in the reign of his . father. When the peasants ()T) SOTLe OT the lands eonftiscated nh somerset 1n . ; , ] + ‘ + c) “ +7 4 I> i< ; irom the monasteries round that 1t was nol eas) tO make Satls- factory adjustments with their new secular landlords and when the destitute realized that no substitute was immediately avail- able for the relief they had formerly received trom the monastic houses. Somerset tended to sympathize and had vague plans of doing’ something’ LO remedy these orlevances, But when these social grievances stirred into rebellion the groups who suffered from them, assisted perhaps by the more orthodox, who dis- eovered in the Protector a lack of sympathy with their views, Dudley was sent to restore order. Returning in command of theTHE BIRTH OF THE NATION 231 army, he was able to depose Somerset, whom he later caused to be executed (1552), and to have himself made Duke of North- umberland. He began immediately to take steps to consolidate the power he had gained, and his ambitions grew as he thought he saw a chance of achieving them until they involved the posses- sion of the Crown itself. Even while Somerset was Protector, steps were taken prelim- inary to drawing Eneland farther away from the traditions of the Roman Church. Having discarded the authority of the pope in matters of doctrine, the English Church adopted the precedent of Wycliffe and followed the example of the Con- tinental reformers by turning to the Bible as an alternative. But there were questions, such as the marriage of the clergy, the use of images, and the nature of the sacraments, especially of the sacrament of the altar, concerning which the teaching of the Seripture was in dispute. The most critical point now, as in the time of Wycliffe, was the last named sacrament. While the dispute on this point was in progress, other matters received attention. The use of the Bible in English was encouraged. A statute of 1547 provided that in the future the bishops should receive their appointments by letters patent from the king’ with- out some of the previous formalities of election by the chapter. An act in the same year provided that in the future both bread and wine might be administered in the sacrament to all Chris- tian people who so desired. Then there remained an item of endowment of the Church under the old régime for which there was no practical need under the new, while the coffers of the King, as usual, were empty. Accordingly, an act was passed dissolving more than two thousand chantries: that is, small foundations established to pay for perpetual masses for the souls of their founders. In theory, a part of the wealth thus secured was devoted to the support of schools; in fact, most of it found its way into the royal treasury or into the hands of those about the King. But probably the most pressing need of the Church, if it was to preserve a semblance of unity, was a uniform ritual for common worship. That need Cranmer and his colleagues, after much labor, undertook to Supply. Their work was in- corporated in the First Prayer Book and became official and compulsory in the first Act of Uniformity +.in-1549, The com- pilers borrowed this liturgy from any sources that commended themselves. Being a composite production, it was naturally in the nature of a compromise. Inasmuch as it was in English, * Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 160.9329 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ‘+ marked a further step in making the Church a force in national life. (one difficulty was that this first Prayer Book was capable of interpretation according to views held by both the more orthodox and the Protestant groups. Cranmer and Gardiner | to its meaning on the subject of the sacrament ot disacret d AS to the altar. Northumberland, now 1n power, had decided that the : awa ) , Sr ae Se ae | ‘as » lay WI1TnN the | rotestant party, a View LO which tne traln- _ * . } ] Ab ee Be : . . “ — ine Ol Thi Lr) ln’ Ky ng ienyTit roree, he Duke. secordingly. pro- A eats : ) a : > l1- . | = 7 ee it ae moted a revision of the Prayer Book to make 1t contorm to the Protestant view. rhe task was agaln intrusted to Uranmer, whose rill Ize with the opinions of the Swiss reftorme! Zwineli. and his fol- lowers. though he never wW! llv accepted the views of that eroup. He denied bot] the transubst: nt) tion O] thi Roman Church and the consubstantiation of | uther. but he felt that 7Zwineli had gone too tar "he second Praver Book, when com pleted, was published with Lie sanction oL a second Act Ol : > et el l " 4 7 + ie na a + . : . = 1 Dey ) A statement oO! doctrine contalning rOorty- Unitormity . i =] =" ar ilated and procialtilt d loo3 on the au- developed scruples concerning the use of the older book of ritual, | } an } -_ : a ie destruction tnat was wrougcnt eeremonials. and images. In 1 mn the midst or the growlne 10 olerance oO} the old wavs ij . + : ] » . hw ‘ -| . h rete@ion many Stall! d Vinadows and ornel decorations whien >» * 7 ° - ; - adorned medieval churehes and monasteries were lost to later renerations, whicn Dave iearned again to appret iate them both . 1 + | ' ’ : ] { y* +} — int 7 . - } . IIT {tT iS FeliCcs OL tic Yas and ror tnell INtLPIDsI CaAULY. A considerable element in the population, especially the more i « A , ’ Pw =F “ - om aan | — ' } Nit « a ‘ Se aa Bl sere Power of this Realm is in the Queen’s Majesty as fully and | iw, ‘ ' : . 1 ‘ : ‘ «7 + : + lL. ] . 4 + ahsolutelv as it ever was in any of her most noble progenitors, -°@ or ,° ~ | : | , 2 | _ a : 4 arn, 4- ~« 4 . TXT ¢ c } c? | c cron) + ‘ t. 7 AINYGS O81 LEIS L\Cdllll, LLL a be it yy cl. Oe, Crit SS AVdlDISi a lat Ve and the first minute of the Privy Council after the marriage runs: ‘“This day it was ordered by the Board that a note of all such matters ot state as should pDaSsS [rom hence should he made in Latin or Spanish from henceforth.’’ Further, it was seriously proposed that England’s diplomatic representation abroad micht now be curtailed or abolished altogether, since the inter- ests of Man s kingdom mig | saTteg ded bi he ambassadors O] he} isband. Bu | Live ttl rit sone bh whol! Ori sided. When Mary’s subjects craved entrance to fields of Span- is] and Portugues thi had hitherto been debarred,. they rece! d d ] Ort OL a Sug?ges on that iT stead the. direct LI cr 6€UCSI ris LOV rd Lilie \ret recions Even so, Philip was unal nderstand why his wife failed to arrange tor his coronation as nt rule) nh her of the king dom and rl] LL hy los Da llel V1! her on SCOPE" Bot] ri lip Ll d nis Tatne how I Ve] SS e@n uSs1lastl than Nan on the a nt I ‘ er near name!] hel deter- mination to undo the work of he ther and brother against the ( hure! He \' a rent I d a olute qaespite thi 4 forts to dis- ment, but, early in December, 1554, England was formally read- + itted into communion ¥ mr 4 . Churel t Rome \ few day il ct PLO COUN Lnionri ' iit bithi Ul Ui LUTLIIC, 4 LG vy (la VS passed against an act repealing all the ‘‘Statutes, Articles and Provisions made avainst the See Apostolic of Rome’’ since the twentieth year of the reign of her father, with the notable exceptions that the property taken from the Church was not to be restored and the payments to Rome were not to be rt newed except as tne (Jueen herself might divert thence ecclesiastical revenues that came to her.1 Thus Mary devoutly and her subjects formally renewed their traditional allemiance to the mother Chureh. Her victory even on this point was short-lived. The Spanish marriage had stirred rebellion in several quarters, which was naturally the occasion tor eonsiderable blood-letting. The leaders of the revolt, as well as Lady Jane Grey and her hus- ; Adams and Stephens, Select Docume NTS, No. 166.THE BIRTH OF THE NATION 230 band, went to the block, while the Princess Elizabeth was held im prison under suspicion. The (Jueen manifested ex zeal in her efforts to exterminate heresy. The burning of Cran- mer (March, 1556), one of the last of the more prominent leaders to suffer, is understandable. Almost any sixteenth-century monarch would have sent him to the Stake under the same eir- cumstances. He had recanted, according to the manner of the time, in an effort to avert his fate, but his repudiation of the recantation at his funeral pyre made his execution serve the cause of the deposed Archbishop more than it did that of the Queen. Moreover, the fires lighted in divers parts of England around the several hundred who traveled the same road with Cranmer did not intensify the enthusiasm of the people for the old Church, which had in a manner revived on the accession of Mary. Then, too, the alliance with Spain had plunged Eneland, while ill-prepared, into a war with Mrance. Before the end of the war, Calais, for so long the English Staple on the Continent and now the last remaining relic of the Continental dominions of the earlier kings, fell to the French. Even the Queen’s hus- band realized the hopelessness of her position and began to make proposals to her sister Elizabeth. By the time of Mary’s death, in 1558, she had succeeded in dissipating most of the favor in which her Church was held at the outset of her reign. She had succeeded, also, perhaps a matter of larger significance for the future, in fixing the attention of her subjects on power to be feared as much Devoted in her religion, sl ren greater Spain as a aS or even more than France. 1e had been more consistent in hey principles than any of her family who wore the English crown. But her singular loyalty to her Church only served to emphasize the important fact, that her subjects had already learned how to feel even a stronger loyalty to England as a nation. It was this latter loyalty that in the end was to defeat her hopes and make her labor vain. FOR FURTHER STUDY G. B. Adams, Constitutional] History of England, ch. der, The Naval Side Of British History, chs, tory, II. chs. xiii-xv; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, II. chs. i-iv; A. P. Newton, ‘‘Tudor Reforms in the Royal House- hold,’’? R. W.. Seton-Watson (Ed.), Tudor Studies; A. F. Pollard, Evolu- tion of Parliament, ch. vil; Factors in Modern History, chs. l-v; Henry VIII; William Stubbs, Seventeen Lectures on the Study of Medieval and Modern History, chs. XIX) ey Re Tanner, Tudor Constitutional Documents, pp. 1-129. x; Geoffrey Callen- 1-111; Cambridge Modern His-236 BRITISH MERICAN STUDENTS -_— ¢ }PART Ti THE NATION AND NEW LANDSayn abdCHAPTAR Xf GERMS OF EMPIRE CONTINENTAL THREATS When, in 1558, the last surviving child of the many marriages of Henry VIII came into her heritage and ascended the throne of her father, she faced conditions in which there were few pleasing prospects and was beset on every hand by difficulties calculated to challenge the utmost abilities of the wisest states- man. Deprived by circumstances. and perhaps by nature, of the privilege of living the normal life of a woman, she was obliged to find her chief satisfaction in the tortuous career of a queen. Constantly threatened with the loss of her life or her crown, she found it prudent to be many things to many men so that she might not lack friends in any time of need. Not the least of the services she rendered to her kingdom was to pre- serve her by no means healthful body through its Seripturally allotted period, so that her subjects had time to adjust them- selves to the order of things introduced for the most part by her father and perpetuated by herself. It was her task the while to thread her way through a maze of intrigue and to keep herself free from the tempting dynastic alliances that offered and her realm, for the most part, at peace. In what deeree her accomplishments were due to far-sighted premeditation and in what degree to her pragmatic disposition to find the least burden- some method of dealing wit] - 1 conditions as they arose, is not easy to determine. Through a large part of her reign, much of her strength at home and no smal] part of the dangers feared from abroad grew out of the possibility that a disputed succession to the crown would follow in her wake. On this question, which included also the question of her own marriage, much of her diplomacy hinged. To her own ability, or lack of it as some authorities would rather have it. is due a considerable measure of any success that was achieved. though she knew how to select advisers and to listen to their advice, even when she did not let it guide her action. 239BRITISH HISTORYGERMS OF EMPIRE 241 France, solicited Elizabeth’s hand in marriage. The prospect tempted, for Philip was undisputed ruler of Spain and the Low Countries in HKurope besides rich domains in the Western Hemisphere. But the religious settlement which Elizabeth was already meditating combined with the national sentiment in England to make the alliance inexpedient. Instead, Spain and France made terms in the spring in the Treaty of Cateau- Cambrésis whereby Philip became the husband of a French princess and was left well-nigh supreme in Italy. The two houses also united in a nominal undertaking that they would cooperate to support the interests of the Roman Catholie Church. As a result, Elizabeth had to postpone the prospect of recovering Calais, which her nation coveted. At home, the new Queen began at once to set the ecclesiastical house in order. This work was made easier by the temporary vacancy of a third of the episcopal sees in England, including that of Canterbury. The loyalty of most of Mary’s bishops to the old Church was a further help. When Elizabeth translated her policy into an accomplished fact, these latter bishops refused to serve in an organization that did violence to their cherished views, an action that enabled the Queen to fill the sees thus vacated with men more favorably inclined toward the new establishment. She thus obtained, besides an ecclesiastical organ- ization in sympathy with her policies, added strength in the House of Lords, where the bishops then constituted almost a majority of the membership. But the absence of the full quota of ecclesiastical lords from the national legislature served her in good stead while the first two measures of her settlement were recelving consideration. These two measures, which became statutes as the Act of Supremacy * and the Act of Uniformity ? respectively, were the work of laymen and were opposed by most of the spiritual peers. The Act of Supremacy repealed the second Act of Repeal of Mary and so brought back into effect the ecclesiastical statutes of Henry VIII. The title of the (Jueen as head of the Church was varied somewhat: the “‘et cetera’? by which she had evaded the matter until parliament could act now became “‘Supreme Governor of this realm ... as well in all spiritual or ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal.’? All officials in both Church and state were required to take an oath acknowledging the Queen’s authority and renouneing all foreign Jurisdiction. The readiness with which the bulk of the people *Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 167. “Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 168,RITISH HISTORYGERMS OF EMPIRE 243 and including in the sentences of anathema any persons who adhered to her heretical government. This action obliged those who had hitherto managed to reconcile loyalty to the Queen with loyalty to the old Church to make a choice. In many cases national ties proved the stronger. With many others the tradi- tional religious bonds were too strong to be thus suddenly broken, and so a considerable number of Elizabeth’s sub- Jects were forced by the Pope’s bull into an attitude of treason against their political sovereign. The government naturally took steps to suppress a spirit so dangerous, a danger that was the more felt in that the Pope’s bull was but one of a series of measures adopted by the Roman Church in an effort to regain the ground it had lost since the beginning of the sixteenth cen- tury. The Council of Trent, which finally ended its prolonged sessions in 1563 in a vigorous statement, recommitted the old Church to some of its earlier doctrines recently called in question. The popes had for a long period been men of a type little inter- ested in or likely to be favorable to the promotion of venuine religion; the office now began to be filled by men ambitious to serve the causes of the revived Church. The Society of Jesus, or the Jesuits, as its members came to be designated, organized by Ignatius Loyola earlier in the century, had now crown into a militant missionary organization that worked in unison with other forces tending to restore the medieval Church to some of its old power. As time went on, Jesuits made their appearance in England. A similar work was undertaken by persons trained by the exiled clergy of Mary’s reign. who, unable to reconcile themselves to the new régime, had taken refuge on the Con- tinent. Here was an obvious threat which could not be lgnored if the supremacy of the state as represented by the settlement of Klizabeth was to be maintained. Consequently, the Act of Uni- formity was now enforced with greater severity. An act passed in 1571 prohibited the bringing into the kingdom or the execution of bulls from Rome. Ten years later the penalty for not attend- ing worship as required by the Act of Uniformity was increased to the large sum for the time of twenty pounds per month. A Jesuit mission was sent to Kngland in 1580 led by Fathers Parsons and Campion which attracted no little attention at the time and has been the subject of much discussion since. A law passed in 1585 was designed to banish the Jesuits from the realm; another act, passed in 1593, included even more severe regulations, framed for the purpose of obliging sympathizers with the old Church to conform to the laws of the kingdom.nan | RN BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS This attempt to enforce uniformity in religious observances aroused ‘esentment among the more extreme Protestants the Roman whose ea ge : £ aT : 7 . , were no less Sensitive than those ol the aanerents oj] see, Before the end of Elizabeth’s reion numerous Protestant Dissenters began to emerge. Beginning with 7 1} + ,° + . . ' | / in 4 4 } , — | » ited SUDICCL Ol the vestments tnat oucn' O ve WOTh »\ and similar formal matters. the discussion went questions of organization and doctrine. In some cases ‘roups of makers of trouble for the national authorities ue trom Protestants on the Continent : others devel- views in the course of the disputations raging in These groups seemed dangerous to Elizabeth and her because the ir verv existe nce WaS a challenge Lo the of the state. The nation faced what seemed to be or existence against a reorganized and invigorated and against other supporting principalities and l al home,GERMS OF EMPIRE 245 strengthened her own claims. A son of this marriage, born in the following year, did in the end sit on the Knelish throne. But the force that, more than anything else, preserved Eliza- beth from the danger that threatened from the north now began to take form within Scotland. That country was still in control of a small group of feudal nobles, and little progress had been made in the task of reducing the kingdom to unity or organized peace. The population of the kingdom numbered only a few hundred thousand all told, and in many places the spirit of the clan still survived as a dominating force. The Church, it was currently estimated, held one half of all the land, and its officials were more interested in the fruits of the ecclesiastical estates than in their more proper spiritual functions. The example of the German princes and of the English monarchs suggested to the Scottish magnates the possibility of enriching themselves by appropriating at least a part of the estates they had formerly been content to share by procuring the appointment of men from their group to ecclesiastical office. They found encouragement and moral sanction for the undertaking when John Knox, a former royal chaplain of Edward VI of Kngland, but recently come from Geneva, where he had sat at the feet of Calvin, reappeared in his native country. One of the first of his ventures in the controversy, a pamphlet, published in 1558, entitled the Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women, scarcely served to recommend him to the favor of Khzabeth, but he rendered her vital Service, which she later recognized, nevertheless. . ? ' BRITISH One cil \ , if - ' 7° | ' ,* } ( } . 4 4 f+ ; | ; i’ ¢ 3 OT! ti] ’ ~ ) ‘ \ ' ’ | j .? : cr iT , ¥ ' | . ye ' ; | ~ aioe i ‘4 7 j + | . 4 \ ‘ 4 } \ a ‘ = ' ‘45 , ; + 4 ) + ' ‘ 1 ry) k Hoy \ ‘ ’ 4 wa ] i>) > F , n: 0 ' ! ,pcrryT T | 4 "iT ' | iJ oS 1 oOo -s HISTORY 1 4+] ria tha 4.7 | rif ~ 47 +1 his \ , | i ci kit) ‘ 1 ri Tiit 4 iT) coe + ' ry) < ri i a. ' i] ~ ; \ an « : ’ . ‘ ; a ; 4 1 , ’ _% . . 4 ; 4 ’ ’ 4 ; ; ' 4 ; + ‘ ; ' ’ i | thi ~1OT) ' q : ; 7 anid | 7 + ; $ : ; 1] | | / » + ~. 4 ii - “Li Tit riir T) OTLVeSs , lL. " Leo LDLISN- ~ ri 7 + | ' ¥ . J ] * I mMmanen I (Otis 7 . . + TC) yi * iT ()] ;y*? ' cP ‘ . il ; ~ nv j , N 7 yy Oey i] it. i if I} (i . . ° COLONIZINEG ' 1 wenft the i ~ cy] SOLE 7 } ec tales in all ’ } i 4 ” ; } : L\ Lc ITY itl " 7 T Ww "Ti [ ~ Li we) | ; 7 1TTit) LOLS if) power so that “ 1 ry rivals. Phe ee } \ ¢ y) iti 4 ce aha [= ‘MOvUiG DOSSCS4 bai. | nobition, they C bone isGERMS OF EMPIRE 249 held this substantial group with an ever growing feeling of loyalty to their nation and to its causes, now more and more intimately identified with their own undertakings. As yet there were divergent views on these foreign enterprises, and not all the adventurous spirits of the time thought of them in the same terms. The ‘Merchants of the Staple had not much longer to survive as a commercial factor. The growing native English cloth trade was already affording a market for most of the wool produced in the kingdom, and the increase in sheep- raising in Spain was supplying a clip which, though of an inferior quality, could be sold more cheaply than the Enelish product. The Merchant Adventurers were still flourishing. A Venetian observer reports in the middle of the sixteenth cen- tury that many of the members of the companies of Adventurers and Staplers had accumulated fortunes to the amount of from fifty to sixty thousand pounds each, large sums for that time. Sut, with the growing knowledge of the extent of the world, the fields of commerce were enlarging, and it was no longer possible to limit the activities of men with capital to invest. he Hanseatic merchants, who had so long maintained a privi- leged position in London, were now unable to prevail against the native magnates. In 1579 they were reduced to equality with other alens trading in England. Nineteen years earlier they had been deprived of their favored position in comparison with native English merchants. Before the end of the century they were banished from London altogether and their great block of buildings appropriated by the crown.t To many English mag- nates, however, it still seemed that the natural expansion of the business of exchanging English products for needed foreign goods and foreign gold was trade enough, without inviting trouble by infringing upon the claims of other countries. Mere prudence, however, did not suffice to restrain the bold spirits of the century, once they had tasted the flavor of the wild adventure offered by the uncertain sea and once they had caught tne contagion of treasure-lust that incited so many men to their doom. But, if many ships found watery graves, others brought back cargoes of fabulous wealth. The Portuguese claimed the route around Africa as their own, while Spain was receiving heavy loads of the precious metals from the lands beyond the Atlantic. Whither should the Enelish turn? Magellan had demonstrated (1522) that there was a southwestern as well as "This property was later restored and finally sold to an English com- pany in 1858.AMERICAN STUDENTS a southeastern passage LO Cathav. Micht there not be a north- , q9sTern or a northweste rn wnasSave das well] é Since the days of John Cabot and the reign of Henry VII, English merchants had ike plans for finding them. svndicates or partner- ships of s ibstantial merchants from Bristol and trom london su lL, r 4+] agatha cant eXxNnHNePCITIONS TO en at mire search. lhe ehiel {)] the actual ’ NI] 7 :y \ \ é ./ j “nes | «) t | i c% oft arog re I Tid] {) \ f 1 ae ndland and ILS h + + vy y* 7 T } ] le} } } cr) ~ | aL ‘ ] ~ | ) () r) ()7 f ~ { ) DO cil Titi Qf) ] A- i } si} y i} . nNrome rs a \\ im ‘ later Klizabeth s Tamous min- : 1 . +7 ’ “Ty od :7 . 3 I , 7) (-] Was homas (zresnam. ; } . \ } . ' t } an + ; ry] met L TRG [)] \ reves ‘) Tne ' { Y) + ; ] neo T } \ 17 * | | ryN i I ' itidi CS | Lie iit CuUTr- rel ul nan Ss Immorta ead among } ‘ + ‘ 1 7 nits ’ ' t ' ' | ' | \ fla bad rit Tie y . | 4 + tel Li rive Co | 1 | l ernor ot the company was [ | I \} I ] | Vo)" rers Were o (yi ’ | — \ } 4 ’ one \ yay ; ’ iL? } , \ 7, Sir Hugh W Richard Chancellor. Willoughby } ! | { ‘ "7 1 { rite I ' | T) Line Ll (LeT- ’ , : . \ ’ y ) | , (} rT} ' ~ Ling? Vl os- ; * . ’ 1 bee (*i ’ ' t ’ + = | ‘ Rt) hn ee cl | Da De} . a ] r 1 . — é * ‘ | , ' i a iit ’ LLScCUY 4 7 | cy? 1 r oy This ) :} yor reoions + nere ’ 1 . . , olens and whence needed 4 | . | | ; \ 7 ' Af riim TTS) ~ heCreSSOT , 7 “ : : ' ' i t } w \ OmMmpany 17) 7 ‘ ‘ : ' i ert; | qd rrom \loscow ' \ 1 | | . leo | VOoOVaves i \ . ton, ' ’ 1 | ly ’ ; COAST ; } ATT Ib i Wier he i l ' l | tral sported TT ry) } ~ COLO] ~ ' 1 ié W est ry) Llem = . . o ’ ’ ? f\t) ()7 “ Tt) 1 ~~ LY Thi but } ‘ } ‘ ’ ‘ ithe Q n and so} ) nfluet ministers were privy to * tT ‘ rT } ’ ’ 1 ag i ~ 1)? Y ' oe iT In h ¢ ' 1 j \ { | ; m7 } |) ate (yi i ' r) inPAearT. {) } | | } YY io } ~ rif | i] ~ f PLrelLOyqTi h depre } + / + | | ‘a ‘ dations on Spal : rather than by legitimate traae ee -—r a ae v led 1) iy fain Lofton + Ls? nat ultimately Cl ; , , . j , * 1 SSR s c m around the oelobe and brought him home with only one ol! set out. But this single sur-GERMS OF EMPIRE 201 viving ship carried treasure for ballast, the richest that any ship had ever before brought into an English port. A more legitimate trade was that carried on by the Knelish In cooperation with the Dutch between Portugal and ports in England and on the Continent. The Portuguese had only energy and resources sufficient to collect the Oriental eommodi- ties and to transport them to Europe; on others rested the burden of distributing them where there were markets. The interruption of this carrying trade, when Iberian ports were closed to English vessels in 1585, helped much to quicken the interest of English merchants in the war with Spain that ensued. Meanwhile, there was already under way in England the be- ginnings of a company of merchants organized for trading directly with the Orient by the Portuguese route around A friea. In the last year of the sixteenth century the English Kast India Company received its first charter and began its long career of trade and empire building. Sir Humphrey Gilbert was already agitating the project of a colony in the west and obtained from the Queen a patent for such an undertaking in 1578. His first voyage was a failure, as was also a second, which he undertook a few years later in cooperation with his half-brother, Sir Walter Ralegh. The next year (1584) Ralegh himself obtained another patent and projected a setlement in the new land, to be ealled Virginia in honor of the unmarried state of the Queen. The colony was ephemeral, but it was actually planted on Roanoke Island, off the coast of North Carolina, the first of a series of experiments, later to be so successful. After Raleeh had expended some forty thousand pounds on the project, he transferred his rights to a syndicate of which Sir Thomas Smith was a leading member. One of the chief incentives in this undertaking, as in others in the more immediate realms of trade, was the hope of wealth to be accumulated. But another motive was making itself felt. Somehow England seemed to have a surplusage of population— a condition more apparent than real—and it was hoped that a colony in a new land would afford an outlet for this supposed overabundance of people. This apparent surplusage of popu- lation resulted largely from changes in the organization of rural life, long in process, that accompanied the growth of trade. The essence of this change consisted in the permeation of rural life by the commercial spirit. Landlords eradually lost somewhat of their patriarchal and feudal character and became collectors of rent, much as merchants were seekers of profit.292 BRITL ‘ MERICAN STUDENTS oa in ready eash The newGERMS OF EMPIRE 2909 common and waste land nor on the arable strips between crops. They required enclosed areas in grass. The introduction of Sheep-raising, therefore, meant the transformation of land that had formerly been in the arable strips or in the common or waste into enclosed pastures. In the case of the arable strips, the change was usually effected by a negotiation in which the wealthier landlord was able to exert pressure that was some- times hardly fair on the less powerful tenants. The land formerly held as commons caused more friction. The law pro- vided that a sufficient amount should be left to afford the privi- leges to which the tenants of the manor had a customary claim. But ‘“‘sufficient’’ is an elastic word when its interpre- tation is left largely in the hands of one of the interested parties to a quarrel, and so the fences and hedges were built without strict regard for the feelings of the poorer tenants. Not all of the enclosed land was used for grazing. Many of the thriftier and more industrious farmers had discovered that there were disadvantages in plowing in cooperation with the more indolent members of the village community. Again, in cases where the cultivation of the strips had become an individual matter, it was decidedly to the advantage of the cultivator to have his lands together rather than scattered. Landlords, too, began to discover advantages in enclosures for agricultural purposes. But it is a fact, nevertheless, that most of the enclosures that took place between the middle of the fifteenth century and the end of the sixteenth were due to the increase in erazing and to the spread of the commercial spirit, which brought into existence landlords whose primary interest was in the profits that might accrue. The increase in prices in the latter half of the sixteenth century, due to the influx of the precious metals, to the introdue- tion of luxuries on a large scale, and to the consequent increase in trade, tended to disarrange further the old relationships. Wages did not keep pace with prices. Local authorities undertook to adjust the balance, but these authorities were likely to see the Immediate interests of their own class more clearly than the difficulties of the laborers. Moreover. the herding of sheep required less labor, and that less skilled, than was required where agriculture prevailed. Therefore, when the old village communities were replaced by enclosed pastures for sheep, Many cottars and laborers were turned adrift. Some of them, able to adjust themselves to new surroundings, found employ- ment in the less skilled crafts. Many of them became beggars954 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and vagrants and thronged the streets or the towns and the lanes of the country, Dogberry’s ‘‘vagrom men’ or worse. This impoverishment of the thriftless and indolent and of those who were unable to find a place for themselves in the new scheme of things was emphasized in the sharp contrast between the conditions of these unfortunates and the rising standard of he thriving farmers. +> livine of the lords of the land and ot Wealth was accumulated on a seale far more lavish than had been the ease hitherto, and a larger proportion of the population than ever betore had a share. On the other hand, those who had received comparatively large hounties under the older régime, or who had been able to subsist by rendering customary services aS cottars or as smaller tenants, now faced real poverty. The competitive element was creeping in, and these groups, whosesoever the fi ult, were not the most productive elements of thev found it difficult to survive. the population, and SU The Statute of Labor and Apprentices (lo6O5) was in part an attempt to remedy of a later period in Elizabeth’s reig symbolizes and eviden: es The Proviress that had been 1 ade tow rd substituting national action for action by lesser units in social and polit eal matters Kivel idditio1 il dut thus assumed hv the state at large meant a strengthening OF 1ts hanas, sine it implied either the contrivance of nev avencies of adminis- tration or an addition to the powers and importance 0 thos already existing. This growth or t myportance of the central rovernment, even though it acted through indar duals who had obtained their positions bet se of their own local prestig: nd Importance, Stim lated a common type OTL Si 1 life throughout the country. it thus helped to create a basis for a national con- t ¥v hablv intended as little as 11 scelousness In a Way that Was Dro Was understood bv ryvy ‘ . ; The Statute of Labor and Apprentices 1s a str tion ot the compromises r } sovernment 1n Mlizabeth’s relgn he act protessed to recog- nize things as they existed rather than to introduce 1n! ovations. before they had ya But the ereation ot national! standards. where itself a noteworthy achievement, been provincial Or local. Was in | ; ; : 5 eye thougn the national standards recoonized the PXISTE@ENCEe Or the current discriminations among? classes dati . , 1, .Xy 7 *< ] ‘- . = ra | more exclusive trades, tor example, ticeship in the Was limited LO forty-shilling of goldsmith, mercer, and elothier. freeholders in the towns. Reeruits to the humbler trades otGERMS OF EMPIRE 255 the artisans—of smith, carpenter, Wheelwright, and the like— could be drawn from any class in country or town. What was probably more to the point in the intention of those responsible for the statute, all able-bodied persons, who could not claim exemption for one of a number of enumerated grounds and who were not trained to another craft, were liable to service as agricultural laborers and could be obliged to work as directed for wages to be fixed by the local authorities. No person could leave the parish or town in which he had been employed without testimonials from resident householders or other proper authori- ties. Scholars, the owners of considerable property, and persons of gentle birth—the last an elastic requirement—were exempt from the provisions of this statute. It was not designed to destroy the gilds and other local organizations; it merely sup- pled these lesser groups with general regulations and gave them a subordinate position as part of the machinery of law-enforce- ment. The famous Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601, which is further evidence of the tendency of the national government to assume responsibility for the regulation of society in all of its aspects, like the Statute of Labor and Apprentices, was the culmination of many previous attempts to deal with the subject extending over more than a century. In fact, a law dating from 1349 forbade the giving of alms to anybody who was able to work. The culminating statute in the reign of Elizabeth made the parish, now changed somewhat from its earlier ecclesiastical character, the unit of administration and provided for the levy of local rates or taxes to care for the poor, under the supervision of overseers appointed by and responsible to the Justices of the Peace. The infirm and impotent were to be maintained in houses established for the purpose. Able-bodied persons could be set to work under prescribed penalties at tasks which it was the business of the overseers to provide. The fundamental point for us is that the problem of relief was recognized as a matter of public concern. The state was becoming increasingly aware of all of its members. Neither the humble nor the creat escaped the long arm of the law. The mode of operation was to supplement agencies already existine with the power of the general government, creatine in some cases new machinery where it seemed necessary and expedient. By this same method, the Queen and her ministers made ready to defend the king- dom against the attack from foreign enemies of which they were gerowing fearful.ee oe ae 956 BRITISH HISTORY FO AMERICAN STUDENTS » Z0d0 ) Tam GrowTH OF SEAPOWER AND THE TRIUMPH OF ELIZABETH Nothing illustrates better the advantages England reaped,firom the dilatory policy adopt d by Elizabeth in the first thirty years the st th the nation was able to acquire This strength was in . e i cinnings OL @ IOs a) navy made in Lne reign f Henry VII. Henry VIil carr ed forward the work and laid | ic1e} inistration on which biiilt. Indeed, Henry did more than that; his , . } ; ° . s + ‘ . > l, } *) ' ‘cy OXTTA Td nary Progress toward develop- 1 that became the glory of the navy and the in’ the | 1 )f { i Oo \ . : detence ot 1 nedom 1n 1 r rT) Among the \lediter- } (y - ranean I rall 1 | ri rt bv oars aitel Tie aa TiT } i T ri . ' : ; ‘ > | . ; 7 . _+ 1 , e n roieqd S Tne ] ny 3s ns pecause OL Le readi- nes ‘ | sa? } , } 1 | aT ric} PC ri; inarTve., SLOW VPSS@CLS T | 17 vey (7 : } } ? J J ~ ri ross the {ct iT) Were * } : 4 7 © TrT / 17 1] ' ~ TY) iT (} Tif als; piety would } 1 » 7 _ C (+; ' i ? s } )| ’ 1 ()] TN f =T equipped : . - : ‘ * 4 . ti} 4. of rll rt raight ahead, and ‘ | ] * y ’ , \ + + + he Ta) prob eft ipo! avorite ;, } 7 ‘ . } itit’ 6 | { | rie » } CPhnel fli and 1 i' DO ' | :* 1 j ry) a ~~ | | ' ’ r) 7 ] fy] ~ f teat rs OT) T¢ | ' i DTT I { ~ oO cy] \ r (1 ¢ l | u nael Kawa d and Mary +] navy was 1 | » Elizabeth, and further progress ras made 1n 1 Op! nt of seav orthy sailing vessels, armed th owuns 1 LE Cl La hr dd br adsid and eapable ot being . d \ t} oy} Tp) et NO doubt progress in oO | ticyy iy lated ry thi ce} aracter ot t} e activities } mal () Tne St men ot Elizbeth’s time engaged. It S 1n rtant that th he able to remain at sea ior a long Di riod. that they have speed to appear on the scene suddenly, veapons to attack their prey with immediate effect, and the hility to get away with despatch. Kor these purposes, the salleon was better fitted than any other type ot vessel that had so tar appear: don the sea | hins actually built and owned by the government means the largest element in the maritime power OIGERMS OF EMPIRE 207 the England of Elizabeth. Much after the manner of medieval kings, who obtained the ships they needed by commandeering any that chanced to be in their harbors, the government of Klizabeth’s time counted the merchantmen that habitually went armed for defence as a normal part of the available fighting force of the kingdom. The navigation acts of earlier reigns had been passed largely in an effort to encourage the building of ships of this character. Moreover, Hawkins and Drake were not wholly engaged in exploits of piracy when they sailed with the encour- agement of the Queen to pillage the commerce of a kingdom with which England was nominally at peace. There is no better evidence of the shadowy character of the distinctions that differ- entiated war from piracy at this time than the appointment of Hawkins in 1578 as treasurer and comptroller of the royal navy. It was in his administration that the seapower of England was made ready for its first signal victory. The war with Spain may be said to have begun in 1585, when Philip II seized a number of English merchantmen loaded with grain which he had induced to enter Spanish ports under a promise of protection. The closing of his ports to English trade followed. As a reprisal against this measure, Elizabeth authorized Drake, with two vessels from the royal navy and twenty-seven merchantmen and privateers financed by a joint stock company, to take vengeance on the Spanish colonies and Spanish trade. This voyage was so successful that for Several years afterward Philip found his colonies to be financial lia- bilities rather than assets. But he did not make peace, and, in 1587, Drake took another fleet to the coast of Spain, entered the harbor of Cadiz, and destroyed there a number of vessels that were in preparation for an attack on England. These were somewhat harsher measures than Elizabeth and the more peace- fully inclined of her ministers felt that the circumstances justi- fied, and Drake received a reprimand. But Philip was in earnest, and, in 1588, he sailed with one hundred and twenty ships and twenty-four thousand men to attempt an invasion of England. In the fight that ensued. the Enelish demonstrated their superl- ority in seamanship and in the type of vessel they had developed. In this memorable battle, the great Armada was defeated by the royal navy supported by the very marine forces from which Spanish commerce had in the past suffered so severely. After their defeat, some of the surviving Spanish ships were destroyed in a storm that drove them to the north of Seotland while they were trying to find their way back to their homeland.958 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Drake now (1589) led an expedition against Lisbon, in the hope that the Portuguese would rebel against Philip if given en- eouragement, a somewhat disappointing venture. Profiting by his former defeat, Philip began to collect another armada, con- taining vessels of an improved design, and was soon threateni1 Eneland again. Again Hawkins and Drake took the war to the Spanish dominions in the Western Hemisphere. This time they met with stronger opposition than before, and | rl and Drake died before the expedition returned. The news of Drake’s death did not reach England before another fleet was in preparation LO attack Spain. A second victory atl Cadiz spurred Philip to more feverish efforts 1n cathering anothe1 armada to attack England but a storm dispersed it before it eame in sight of the coast against which it was sent Philip died in 1598. When Elizabeth followed him to the grave five vears later. her successor refused to continu the war, and a peace was Ci neluded in which the issues between hel and Philip were ignored. That the Spanish danger had not disappeared English eftorts ae establish it | eol nies Te thie eP oO] 5] eee Tl} the western world elearly indicated But the maritime exploits of Elizabeth's subjects gave England the rank otf a first-rate poweél They went for also to convince the English themselves that the surest de- rence ot their count! la On ne sea. that the mos eTreeTive place to meet Invaders was before they landed (‘he war was thus a triumph for the policy o! Elizabeth, despite its apparent! inconelus ve charactel The nation had grown strong and n the fa Oot dangel had heen able to marshal its strength against the enemy. Ihe Queen's handiwork had stood the test, and she reaped a large store ot pratitude trom her subjects But important iS ] was, thi snecessful stand against Spain was not necessdl ily the mos l] portant aspect or the Tl imp! 0] KI beth. L{ I the 11] LS- trated the spirit and methods characteristic of most phases of her relgn Her triumph was the victory of compromis and tolerance. Whether her compromises were the acme of statesman- ship or the results of a natural timidity at the prospect of making decisive commitments that had the possibilities of failure or disaster. we need not try to decide. At any rate, sne and her counselors were seldom zealots in any cause. The to have done each day’s work as it came to hand, in the hope that the morrow would bring something better. The merit of their method is that the morrow did not disappoint them. A recapitu-GERMS OF EMPIRE 209 lation of their general policies and the results that accrued illustrates the character of the achievements of the reign. (1) One of the most permanent of Elizabeth’s achievements was the settlement of the Church. On this question, she and her advisers deliberately selected a middle ground. The action of extremists on both sides in the two preceding reigns had pre- pared the way for this policy. Extremists were not wanting in the reign of Elizabeth. The Catholic party accumulated zeal for the Roman cause after the Council of Trent, on the one hand; on the other, the Puritans, stimulated by Thomas Cartwright, were changing the emphasis in their opposition to the national establishment from the earlier matters of vestments and cere- monials to more fundamental questions of organization. They cited the Scriptures in support of a form of ecclesiastical oOV- ernment which they represented as divinely appointed, and they sought to identify the ‘‘prelacy’’ of the national Church with the “‘popery’’ of the Roman ecuria. This unqualified appeal to the Scriptures led others, of whom Robert Brown was a type, to even more radical conclusions. ees | L > Protestant nowers. On the ial in organi- ‘les might 7 ce heir own eccle- HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Klizabeth were related with each other, and both turned rather on effort LO sup- port a eonsistent doctrine or polity. The nationalization of the . upheld the ally of the 4 Yr statesmen cause 99 { ' | | ta | cave grudging assistance 1 e Huguenots : ’ LU) | : as a) sure of self-di e rather than lL)», 7 ¢ ‘ ’ ~*~ ila si | | | c FOLcs nis ad ImuUaPrly, 1 » ‘ ' J ’ 27 | | | T I] rant ad pOs- Catholic R s far as ecclesiastical matters ed ing) fougrht in defe1 f their own ' + : ‘ . L, — ratnel al exp on romoting tnell I | i {) L] | - ] ] ~ : j ] : i ' | | (FT} I A St] Li poli its | her ) the a n hould sueceed her on I | + + as [f she ever for ed definite pro- ! - ()] “| { ‘ nor ¢ el f 17 f eo rsistentiv , ry | the plans and suggestions « er counselors. When 7 \ ,* i tig er ¢ y oy ] (rT) Tri ~ CePSSLON VAS undisputed, i: os } solutioi d was In no small deg her personal ’ 1 i Oy) r) ¢ x ; t 4 t ; ays Yr} now sne had con- | . + > ] ] ; —_ ' . ? ‘ ~ | 7) a \ aS 7 (LOD)! 1 (} -“ le use } } . Lrong measures $s nad C U.OW] re LO settle a * ) ss Siar ; on Q tio} By a process of elimination, the rival claim- « (} y ; ~ rid ' | ner LTTit on { iV disqualified. mp! met With a rve measure OL pati and tolerance ° 4 1 . ’ | (] 14 f ~ rhs AONE ~ ldo} rakIneg definite , . ; : when it could be avoided. In the end outlived her licies of trade and ed 0) TY) eh tO make her ‘ sae ' 7 . ", Marv Stuart ol realm wealthy » elaimed a simular feminine privilege of incon- foreign enterprise. She couraged and disgraced the sea captains who con- and powerful.GERMS OF EMPIRE 261 Their methods, when challenged, were not always susceptible of defence. Yet there was much to justify them, and she cave them encouragement and shared their profits when it was safe to do so. Apparently her subjects understood the difficulties of the game she was playng and did not lone store up resent- ment for the periods of disgrace they suffered. The Queen, on the other hand, seldom pushed matters to extremities when cir- cumstances obliged her to take steps against those who offended in her service, (9) This same spirit of hesitant experiment characterized the measures adopted in Elizabeth’s reign to remedy the social ills to which her kingdom had fallen heir. In theory, the na- tional government assumed the burden of responsibility and prescribed remedial measures. But the administration of these remedial measures was largely left in the hands of the very ruling classes in the localities that were responsible for the existence of the conditions. The result was to stimulate in the members of this substantial class a better knowledge of the con- ditions and some consciousness of their responsibility for them, without losing their Support by arbitrary action contrary to their wishes. If the remedies provided were not in the end effective, it is doubtful whether any remedies administered by the machinery available at the time could have accomplished more. At any rate, the constituent groups in the nation became familiar with the notion that these were national rather than local questions, and so a foundation was laid for more effective action in later centuries. (6) Perhaps the triumph of Elizabeth is seen at its height in the more practical matters of the management of the gov- ernment. The divinity that hedges a king was very real in her thoughts and made her reluctant to take some of the steps urged by her advisers. But she usually yielded in the end when pressed by circumstances, as the execution of Mary Stuart illustrates. Her Privy Council was composed of a score or less of the men of her household and of those holding the important offices of state. She did not meet with this body personally in the almost daily sessions it must have held, yet she was always consulted. She announced her views in no uncertain terms and in some matters, notably that of her own marriage, kept her own counsel. Nevertheless, she willingly tolerated those who Op- posed her wishes, and, in the end, she accepted the advice of her counselors on most questions. The Privy Council itself had an apparently unlimited field of action. It deliberated on matters96? BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS - 1 ‘ ,y +n +. alra of national policy and found time the same day to undertak the settlement of private quarrels. action that could judicial, but to adjust dispu In fact, its own Star Chamber, using more dl then familiar in universal prince) the council We = ) , I; }T) ’ ~ } , ‘ rt ’ ; + | STidaend d and most ot 1 f ‘ | oO] “| —" } i} i ; ,«y 7 . yy y*s } matters prop W e] Tw rti Ly i among memovt matters that \\ ith Tri crr¢) + ‘ = ’ + making anybody e from As a council it seldom took } it frequently undertook eCPOmMmmMmon la Ne Lhe onl ‘ rit j the ACTION 1 I Driy leo tO any orner ts privil res orew 10 Weal the most recent | } f el ) Lie CALLS {) 7 4 > | i in 17 17 Was he- * ‘ T iif Th) her mre rovatlve, a . | ()T | | T} ()i 1 iif | ji er of each parliamen . 4 / 77 | cy iTS a ry hars j } ! 1 \ it} \ aa ST) { | I | rie! and On } } > t é Tri¢ i} } Pete] 1 7 + ( at yo TY) iS iITesS ] : 4.7 “ 4 to consider within It ’ .s her prerogative ) + + T ;*% } r tit y ! cqgaivi y¥ COTTE a , 7 : : at O] ‘ SC lat a trlal . an “7% iO yr) stnoned ()GERMS OF EMPIRE 263 The House of Lords was now acquiring the character in which it was to become familiar in later times. Only the archbishops and bishops remained of those who had formerly sat for the estates of the Church. The older landed nobility were repre- sented by a comparatively few descendants and those not a dominating force in this generation, More of the lay peers were men who had recently acquired landed estates either by royal favor or by purchase and whose point of view, In consequence, differed little from that of the group that dominated the House of Commons. The lower house was now composed more largely of townsmen than formerly, and even knights of the shire, by processes we have already described, had imbibed a spirit similar in many respects to that which characterized the burgesses. In short, the ruling class had been enlarged and transformed by additions from below and by accessions from lower strata to the number of the older ruling group. The result was that Kngland was ruled by a body of people larger in actual numbers and having a greater homogeneity of interests than was the case In any country on the Continent. This enlarged ruling class could not be defied with impunity, but it could be led with comparative ease by those who were eareful of its common interests and feelings. It was conservative on most matters by the very nature of its composition and had little relish for radical change. Thus parliament was rapidly becoming a rep- resentative body, in which the dominant feeling of the nation could find expression. Of course it was not a popular assembly. It represented a larger number of people than formerly, in that the commercial spirit had in a large degree superseded the older feudal point of view and had made persons who were substan- tially prosperous aware of their power, but no very large pro- portion of the population participated in elections. Parliament simply represented those whose social position or achievements made them potential in society. (7) The general result of all these compromises was a paradox. Although a ferment was brewing in both religious and political matters that later threatened to divide society within the country, an immediate threat from without served to draw most of the factions together for the moment for strenuous common action in defence. This common defensive action resulted in new ventures 1n trade and new projects of empire that in the end furnished an additional bond of unity. Furthermore, the gen- eration that grew up in Elizabeth’s time remembered vaguely264 it a in | BRITISH t all the state of things that had preceded her. re to the manner born. They regarded the iS late compromises achieved by 4 being in t he rN ¢ AJ in the chai i A DI! — (\7 \ Mpracc Riiid } a; + 1 ‘} ' LI ‘ } ¢ . Clliia { ()] 4 T | als X -A A» le ~ ' ‘anton 17 ’ } rnos \i { 7 '’ 7 ya? ‘ — ' ' | ‘) ' iJ fs “ } TNMAy tT | j 1)¢)> i iii fyT Trié a ~ } 7, hooks. 1 ‘ 4.1 The time ot the newspa} f | ] ] i] Ne UCSD « W I (*T} icl(} (} s()T] , + i + ) if y : «it { } ' LA ‘ | j ‘ 1 . - + + S1iXTi + nil CeT) ! i] iT) rie i | en >i | () {+7 if , i eral roots. men like Jo London trom -—~ / ! —+ + 4 : ab 1 4 rnat qr ‘ . + ’ . most { | t may US * Tne ~~ ris ‘ } ’ } 7) ; 7 7 ill . | i 3 Stil p/ >» il i : 7 + : sy 7 * al I OT) ‘4 ‘ | . + . WhieLlnel ; 4 ; | ’ " ' y ‘ cy nos { ii i |er | YY . Y y (? i ‘ 4 - 4 t t ; ; i Ti; Or). | , } + | » y 7 + * + ro 7 . ng } i f (} * : a , ’ ’ 7 ; ~~ ” + ' i I ‘ ' si 7 « \T , } j ' ‘ 4 3 : * T 7 (\T ’\e ) ’ ,47 ; ) 4 4 } ’ 4 ‘ ry ! i oe { tae { } | 1 larce} (} ri . a" — - | ; *y TO ~ 7 | | tie ~ | 10S ] } | * * > raTnered ry ry o ’ ] ] ? + 7 “7 Tre ea yy t 1 ~ ‘ : L i ‘ 7 +}, 4 ‘7 ’ TrLOS | CONG f i) fi = hn Lyly, Georg FOR CRICAN ; * . Open {)) - : * * na a pri ; ss i | \ {)) HNooKksell Vive LS Jt 4 ’ ecruing to + ‘ ix? TiC) ' how ‘ , y + ‘ il «Lt ne } — ‘ iJ i T , 4 | A - Gilt i . 4 Lie Sli 7 ' Lers [) 7] re ~*~ : ! ,7 ? 7 i * 4 l 1 re or the sixteen ’ 7 f and Rob ) where they STUDENTS ons ol pl vilecs oe : + | ' Kneland. , 1 + ‘ lacking in that y ii oS now. (la ~ 4 the elose of the ) ter of million peopl 4 . 4 rn nA Vestminst nd among 1} Vi (>) not! tr ~ {ij 4 q I) L! Liv 1h AS a uit 4 1 \ 4 (i is \ I I Li rit On 1 7 4 \ idd { LLitii t CELLUCL , > + (7 + | 5 I IniUuentidl ; in O] Or numerous rr £7 7 Mven more than 1n ' ] y o + » \ Q Ti i i il \ ‘ + 4] +? T! ! . ’ LLG s Y « ’ \ 7 ] 7 } : ‘ va | i i i a need } ] ‘ , | ! ‘ 3 .? n to muil- > ; y* - ) 7 r+ w | i] ‘FJ rces. iown rw3~s iu? n Westmuinste! Abbe. y B ' ‘ , | SHedrTe lea PC cit | son meant. therein | + : / . . dramatists that, in late . ‘ {- tary company ot the few ] | 1 a { (yi | ‘T° — TMG miory {) ~~ 14 7 | oy } , @ 4 . . lL} LLL S - ) Iliad \ at VC] * 1 ’ i ¢ Was a GCOTISGCIOUS aI tls . , ' nd eontormed to tnem her for the struggle. Dim ! (* ‘ noured Out oO] lecends and eCnan- of the chronicles in their those who hrGERMS OF EMPIRE 269 tended London theaters. It was the task of the dramatist to endow these figures with thoughts and feelings appropriate to the matter in hand and so to animate them that they would kindle responses in audiences agog with the passions of the day. The chronicle play achieved its greatest popularity and began to decline in this short span from 1588 to the death of Elizabeth. How far the drama was consciously a part of the propaganda normal in a war that imposed a supreme test on the nation, and how far it was merely an unconscious reflection of the spirit of the time, is not easy to determine. We know that agitators about the court and capital were not averse to using plays for propagating their views. In Gorboduc, one of the earlier of the plays based on British mythology, as presented before the Queen In 1563, shortly after her accession, Elizabeth was reminded of the danger to the kingdom arising from the lack of a certain heir to the crown. But the use made of the reign of King John illustrates better the adaptation of the chronicle to serve the needs of political propaganda. It was first used by Bishop Bale, (d. 1563) whose Kynge Johan was rather in the manner of the older morality play than a chronicle play of the type later familar. Even in his hands, the struggle between John and the Chureh became a prototype of the same struggle in later reigns. Stephen Langton was appropriately represented as ~ Sedition’’ and the Pope as ‘“Usurped Power. ’’ Magna Carta, which was destined to be rediscovered and enshrined in the seven- teenth century, naturally had no place in this or in later plays of Elizabeth’s time that were based on John’s reign. The next stage in the use of the material was The Troublesome Raigne of John King of England, which was first enacted in the year of the Armada. The character representing the King speaks to the point and voices one of the grievances of the hour: The Pope of Rome, ’tis he that is the cause, He curseth thee, he sets thy subjects free l'rom due obedience to their sovereigne ; He animates thy nobles in their walres, He gives away the crowne to Philip’s sonne And pardons all that seek to murther thee. And then the remedy: Let England live but true within it selfe, And all the world can never wrong her state. If England’s Peeres and people joyne in one, Nor Pope, nor France, nor Spain ean do them wrong.irate ae 97) BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 1 Shakespeare was manifestly fired with the same emotion or, e knew the response it would kindle in his atldience, at any rate, he knew U } when he worked over these materials. He represented the King ) as declaiming a challenge to the papal supremacy addressed to the Papal Leeate in words that ring even now: < The nst not, Cardi i a a 7 a 1 : 5 * oa | ! OTT I i r LL i' r To « rve 1 to an answer as the Po] rm ,% : s1.: i are ce. : ' : | - ‘ A Tell hin s tale: | from the mouth of England At 7? o 7 cy ! ri 7 | r of - .* , Shi: the or toll 1n I S + 7 7 1 1 No doubt TMhé o (] PT Ce crT't On d | di mance WV TI rhe pa pla 1S i | ' ‘ ‘n the closing words spoken, after Jom 3 mad s submission ct i> y* 7 * \ + ’ | } 7 K 1} Fr a crit + iT) al teil J ‘ ‘ ‘ il LLAi' ' ‘ iI eae » Ait & ere ' } } 7 1 nephew. who is in a fashion the hero of the pla) + > Thy hy ’ 7 Yr ] y rr ¥ r Laie mT r r But Df N « ¥ T Com | r And we shall § k 1 Nought shall make us rue, If En nd t [ rest t true, rT. i a ; a s - ‘2 } ive } 4 ] ‘ [he rrowing tendency to personify the nation and to iet 1loy- : - } oity tr 1 out? | if te TI | ne +) 7 h rins tT 4 i ' rigienyit , 1 1T) + hy, 1? (\T Hoel \ QO] 7 ~— Li “~ )i | ' etoli IMO] TT y* ¢) t 7 + Ty ' c ¥ ‘ + i] , lay rit ji ] 4 qgrall ‘ ici \ _ ‘ i . i I wr ‘ ‘)i ii | ' ' } ' ' ’ ‘ } ! ' nat ne cred a KING LI 't VOULC havi QO | a ow » Ui } ] } , } pit e Klizabeth or Jal S nd thi ) vrignt eertainly had no i} 4 FH + | | + | } ; | ¢ \\ i} on Sry ls ~~ ‘ —()" I (FT} Ny Ve] ~ rif (7 27" TI {) ioh SS 4 r iy . + | . + i] ‘ “rT ‘ | were CrOoOvDDVDILE VY ' i i LLC] requefn oe n now ali Lrnen ‘ . . ‘7 . ‘ i] ; + } - Y ~~ rif 1T} ;>7 ~~ (>i | | Tia ()T) ' "2 1) / pr erresr TO : hy) ) : t! y' | i} iif i] ? ic cl COl LI (1 ci > i) LW qT} LI LW } rT} ‘ ; ; ] } ‘ 4 | + + p . } rT} StS ala Ii CQO] nn themsel] oN 2 the * } ryyy = rising tide of patriotism at nome Thev sensed also the adven- } ; ' ryyy } , 7 tures that awaited n distant lands. fhe hero ol Marlowe s l'a } rla | r the arly y* + + | ry: \" 4 af dd: ii if The « Oi tii if tech i Lit : i) i i ' LplLa VO, ‘ 4 aAlmec * In Henry VII Cranmer is made to for he honored ‘‘ Wherever the bright sun of heaven shallGERMS OF EMPIRE 211 and who should make new nations. This idea of a new nation was not yet a commonplace, though Ralegh in 1602 stil] hoped to live to see Virginia ‘‘an English nation.’? The scene of The Tempest, among the last of the plays attributed to Shakespeare, is located in the Bermudas, though the thought of empire seems to have stirred him less than it did others of his contemporaries. Michael Drayton, for example, in England’s Heroical Epistle, spoke in no uncertain tones, however much they may have lacked in poesy: A thousand kingdoms will we seek from far, As many nations waste in civil war; Where the dishevelled ghastly sea-nymph sings, Our well-rigged ships shall stretch their swelling wings, And drag their anchors through the sandy foam, About the world in every clime to roam: And then unchristian countries eall our own Where scarce the name of England hath been known. FOR FURTHER STUDY E. S. Beesley, Queen Elizabeth: Geoffrey Callender, The Naval Side of British History, chs. lv, v; Cambridge Modern History, II. eh. Xv1; Julian Corbett, Sir Francis Drake; W. H. R. Curtler, The Enclosure and Redistri- bution of our Land, chs. vili-xi; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, II. chs, vi-vill; Hngland’s Industrial Development, chs. 1X-x1'5) J, Jie Jusserand, The School for Ambassadors and Other Essays, chs. vili, ix; E. A. G. Lamborn and G. B. Harrison, Shakespeare, the Man and his Stage; R. E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, chs. lil-iv; J. R. Seeley, The Growth of British Policy, I. Part I; J. RB. Tanner, Tudor Constitutional Documents, pp. 130-179; J. A. Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, Part Il; Barrett Wendell, The Temper of the Seventeenth Century in English Literature, chs, i-vii, FOR WIDER READING J. Q. Adams, Life of Shakespeare; G. P. Baker, The Development of Shakespeare as a Dramatist: ©. FE. T. Brooke, Tudor Drama; Cambridge Modern History, III. chs. vill-xi; Cambridge History of English Literature, IV-VIT; EF. K. Chambers, The Elizabethan Stage, 4 Vols.; E. P. Cheyney, A History of England from the Defeat of the Armada to the Death of Elizabeth, 2 Vols.; Julian Corbett, Drake and the Tudor Navy, 2 Vols.; The Successors of Drake; Louis Einstein, Tudor Ideals; W. H. Frere, A History of the English Church in the Reigns of Elizabeth and James, chs. 1-xvi; A. D. Innes, England Under the Tudors, chs. xvi-xviii: Ten Tudor Statesmen, chs. viii-x; Martin Hume, Two English Queens and Philip, chs. v-ix; The Great Lord Burghley; Treason and Plots Tdi; Wie Jeudwine, Studies in Empire and Trade, chs. x-xix; J. J. Jusserand, A Literary History of the English People, IIT; W. P. M. Kennedy, Studies in Tudor History, chs. Wi-Xsi AU J. Klein, Intolerance in the Reign of Elizabeth Queen of England;BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Lingard, Hi The Be (jCHAPTER XII A FOREIGN DYNASTY AND THE EXPANSION OF ENGLAND Kines By Divine RicHtT Henry VIII and Elizabeth live as among the greatest of English sovereigns because, consciously or unconsciously, they were aware of the rising tide of national feeling that England was experiencing in their time and were able to Shape their policies largely to suit its demands. Doubtless they influenced the course of events in some degree, but they did not undertake to stem the prevailing currents already flowing. The Stuarts failed as English rulers because they were unaware of the existence of these forces and blindly sought to oppose where the greater T'udors had been satisfied to lead and to direct. This incapacity, which time was to reveal as a characteristic of the house, was manifest before James had completed his first journey from Scotland to his English eapital. The new King, while he was en route, ordered a thief to be hanged without trial, a startling innovation to Englishmen accustomed to the orderly if sometimes inadequate procedure of the courts of common law. He brought in his train a procession of Scots, on whom he began to bestow marks of favor before the end of the journey. While he kept as one of his chief advisers Sir Robert Cecil, whom he afterward made Earl of Salisbury, he restored to power and place the members of the influential Howard family. On the other hand, Ralegh, one of the most pronounced supporters among the surviving Elizabethans of the war with Spain, soon found himself in disgrace and before long in the Tower under sentence of death. Aside from his native incapacity, suggested by the remark of a recent historian that ‘‘James was one of those singular persons who, although not wicked, do things of which the wicked would be ashamed,’’ there were other reasons why his réle as king of England was certain to be troublesome. His central difficulty, and one from which radiated many others he faced, was his 213274 BRITISH ii HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS obstinate belief that his dynasty was divinely inspired to rule. his His views ont Trew Law of assumed the En in answer to hi an acquiescence the argument ra ‘“by inherent Bi ineally. justly and lawfully, next and sole Heir * AS being Lj ot the Blood Ri subject were formulated in his pamphlet, The res Vonarch Le ; written five year®rs before he glish erown. The language used by parliament is first speech from the throne is substantially in the King’s theory. The crown of England, n. descended to James on the death of Elizabeth irthright. and lawful and undoubted succession a 4 As cre > whihs ) ,? AS iar ' % ] rc | . y val O] LNs Realm. Klizabeth micnti GAisU have ; ’ . . , . 4 ' + , 4 1 ‘ J ; elaimed a divine sanction tor her government, but it was de facto rather than hereditary ts best s Lpport were acts ol parliament, the will of her father, and t equiescence of her subjects. Both i its Val 11} Vere vTainst thi c| ms oO] 4) LTnes VWno tneretore, } } + ‘ | . had { Cj rif njePreC | T (*ici TT ()T nol TI i | VW is defensible 1T) | POry Bu | iy a I i _ ri Ol parliament Ln the | ] j > heredital Clalit | Lise 4 LJ G | Cn a CCT net oO] all 1 ' j } that OD Lneories 1 lied | soon manitest tha should | 4 ] lame “ } iS] ~ OT) rhe TiS I Would iT) the end i. ' r\ 7 4 ‘ ‘ 11 c r) 1 y + | . cor — aLtie@na vt Sui Dori yy 5s ‘ SUCCES i a U ernment of England ' 1 ; 1 ‘ . Iint ln) ane i ' ’ } So Tr) abvptD T) CA] Lp 1T) Scotland. } * * + I ; 4.7 + and he rit bn e ] OUOU rit me had ssed in) ne SO ithe rh | ro a | } r lel y*7 } rT | rit 1 ‘O t nvaoikh 4 eI i i on a" ae! ‘ ' > A | iT) ci' nance {) ] ‘ ; } ot the interests + Lhe SUDSLAD il classes n the nedom In } + OT) iAT qd 7 ne (\T) } TT iT cy] ‘ at ryiryi | Tri ni t | ouch of subordination extraordina! for the time Perhaps the mise of his inhe1 inet England was t unconnected with his success in the northern kingdom \t any rate, James came to England after a period of comparative success 1n his native kingdom based on a theory monarchy v1 h was also his \ \ which he could support Vv ampler citations of authority l in ay other soverel?egnu it d o Ip1ed r ror eenturies [The point needs emphasis, since a modern student is likely to think it lacking in s ipstanc: In Jami Ss opinion the theory was g vital th no 1 : thy, qd termining Fant i} manv of 1The will of Henry VIII left the crown to the heirs of his younger James wasA FOREIGN DYNASTY 219 his policies; because of it, he could not easily work in harmony with some of the leaders who were now coming forward in par- hament and who thought in national rather than in dynastic terms. Neither James nor his descendants were ever able to rid their minds of the dynastic view. This conception of monarchy involved James in embarrass- ments almost from the beginning of his well-intentioned effort to govern England. Both the Catholics and the more Protestant Puritans had hoped that the new King would be more tolerant of their views than the old Queen had been in her later days. On the one hand, was he not the son of Mary Stuart, a devout Catholic, and was not Scotland a scene of Presbyterian triumph on the other? As a matter of fact, while James had accepted parts of the theology of Calvin, the Erastian system of England agreed better with his views of monarchy than did the Presby- terianism of Knox and Melville or the traditional views of the Roman pontiff. He consented to meet the Protestants in a con- ference at Hampton Court, but when their spokesman inadver- tently made reference to synods and presbyters, James lost his temper and declared that Presbyterianism as little agreed “‘with monarchy as God with the Devil.’’ If they did not ‘‘conform themselves,’’ he threatened to ‘harry them out of the land.’’ As regards law-abiding Catholics, on the other hand, his original intention seems to have been to practice toleration. But the plots of Elizabeth’s reign and the threat of Spain were still too vivid in the minds of the parliamentary leaders for them to asquiesce in this intention. Parliament besought the King to enforce the laws against recusants, and several plots of inde- pendent Catholic groups, culminating in the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, lost them any sympathy they might otherwise have had from him. Charles I, when he succeeded his father, was both an Hrastian in polity and an Arminian in theology. The Church of Henry VIII and Elizabeth thus found itself caught between two opposing fires. The strength of its position, as time was to prove, lay in the fact that each of the parties opposed to it had more in common with the national Church than they had with each other. The King’s conception of monarchy was a fundamental issue also in his quarrel with the courts of law. This quarrel, like most quarrels, led both participants to support more extreme *'Thomas Erastus was a German theologian, who held that the state was Supreme in ecclesiastical matters. James Arminius was a Dutch theologian, who published a rival system of theology to that of Calvin.the facts doubt less probably views than King, which . the prerogal LV to the ga Justice Coke the whole f doing ot common | 976 BRITISH HISTORY FOR exce} to continue or it in turn protest to James. id jurisdictions 0 styulate with the members \ | riljaments art altogethe + j - S ng nd dissolution | ae (POO) ‘ ' i The < rf L ’ | ofr (-ommons ml?! : \ . - . franchises. privileges, an 1 7 - d undoubted birthr AMERICAN STUDENTS warranted. In the view of the had a certain support from tradition, royal tional in condemning a thief Lord ‘hiet justice was a matter of In the view ot the | n. on the other hand, the lages the rioht LO fix the hounds ot all other lurisdictions. suprem< the heing subject to it Once erant the correctness of this assump Lion and 1 vas beyond tl powell of tl King to change lav But the appointment of judges rested with the King, and Col fourht a losing battle. Appeals were made to Maena Carta and to thi la Ort ti land.’’ he point came to an issue 1n 1616 when ft! i do 3. led by Cr lehied t] King 1) proceeding LO hear a cast in which Jan S tle lested that thi de] l1ldag- ment Cok Ss disn d from ofh the rest of thi judges in the end submitted to the King His Majesty read them a lecture a few days later in which he told them among othe} things: ‘* As for the lute prerogat of the crown, that 1s no subject for the tongue of a lawyer, nor is it lawful to b disputed it m and blasphemy to disput what God ean do: good Chi ns content themselves with His will re- Vi led in His Wi ra » 1 18 Pres IM YtLo! ina oh { ntempt in a subject to dispute what a king can do, or say that a king cannot this or that. but rest in t! which is the king’s word 1 led in his law.’ Par! nt 1 more Serious -« eu The King might ld tS pri leges were held by oTace, ’ and not by rig ] s of the lower hous imsisted. LH did vive solemn warning that the members 0! the houses wert not to “*presul neeforth to meddle with anything concerning our government or deep matters of state,’’ especially that the; e not to determine anything eoncerning the proposed marriage of the Prince of Wales. Charles, in the next relon, dd with impeachment, might on them to ‘‘ Remember r calling, uits of them The House ‘“<“That the liberties, f parliament are the tor the find the tr isht and inheritance ot the sub-A HOREIGN DYNASTY 207 cerning the king, state and defence of the realm, and of the Chureh of England, and the maintenance and making of laws, and redress of mischiefs and grievances which daily happen within this realm are proper subjects and matters of counsel and debate in parliament.’’ But the position of neither party was much strengthened by the areuments used in supporting its con- tentions. The essence of the situation was the comparative help- lessness of the King, possessing, as he did, few resources other than those granted by parliament. By one makeshift or another, the King might postpone the day of reckoning, but parliament held the whip hand. It was not a question so much of theory or doctrine as of actual condition. The Tudors had found it expedient to rule the kingdom with the consent and cooperation of parliament. They had thus taught the parliamentary leaders to expect that they would be consulted on important matters. Parliament could be managed and conciliated; it could not be defied with impunity. This fact is clearly evident in the weak- ness of the foreign policy of both James and his son. Since they thought first of dynastic interests and seldom took counsel with parliament, they did not have from parhament grants of re- sources sufficient to make their policies prevail. James began his reign by declaring the war with Spain at an end. Since as king of Scotland he was not at war, neither would he be at war as king of England. Perhaps the war had Served its purpose ; anyhow the King’s English subjects made no objection to the terms of peace, inconclusive though they were. But they still esteemed Spain the national enemy, and they were ready for a renewal of hostilities should it become necessary. When James called them to arms in another cause, they paid little heed. Like most of his contemporaries on the Continent, James was still thinkine in terms of conquest by marriage, that is of dynastic diplomacy. England had outgrown that method of statecraft as a national consciousness had developed, a fact patent to the parliamentary leaders, but one which the Stuart monarchs never understood. The King’s long cherished scheme of a matrimonial alliance with Spain found little support in parliament. Previous Spanish marriages had brought none too happy results, and the marriage of a prince and a princess would not obliterate the Spanish Supremacy in the Western Hemi- sphere, the Spanish enthusiasm for the Roman Church, or the Hapsburg danger on the Continent. Parliament might have responded to a call to a war with Spain, but not to intermarriage with her royal house.ad »% BRITISH HIST YOR AMERICAN STUDENTSA FOREIGN DYNASTY 219 not been necessarily insincere in their expressions of Sympathy with the Protestant cause. But they felt that the projects of James and Charles were designed rather to promote the interests of their own family than those of England. A war with Spain they might have supported. But James did not abandon until his last days his curious ambition that his son should wed a Spanish princess. To be sure, the Spanish Kine sent an army to help in the subjugation of the Palatinate. And if James did not perceive the incongruity of the situation, parliament, at any rate, had no mind to send an English army to rescue the domin- ions of the King’s son-in-law from an attack that was assisted by the very house from which he was seeking a wife for his son. Moreover, after the death of Robert Cecil, James was inclined to seek advice from vain and handsome young men rather than from statesmen of ability. The first favorite was a Seot, Robert Carr, who became in time Viscount Rochester and Earl of Som- erset and married under disgraceful circumstances a daughter of the house of Howard. When he fell from favor, being with his countess charged with complicity in murder, he was replaced by another young man of the same type, George Villiers, soon to be Marquis and then Duke of Buckingham. Buckingham won the favor of Charles before the death of his father and so extended his influence into the reign of the son. The character of Buckingham was as little caleulated to win the support of parliament as were the methods by which he had risen to power. Since both James and Charles seldom took counsel with parlia- ment in shaping their policies, parliament was wary in lending them support. Tor the space of a few months only were Charles and Buckine- ham almost popular with the national leaders, and that temporary favor was due to the failure of a project which the King had at heart. In 1622 the Prince and the favorite went to Spain in person to pay court to the Spanish princess, a fantastic pro- ject, which they pursued in a fantastic manner. The journey had the effect of convincing Charles that there was no hope that his father’s cherished scheme would ever come to a successful issue. Both he and Buckingham returned from the trip ready for a war with Spain, which parliament was ready to support. But the navy had fallen into decay, and Drake and his con- temporaries had left no comparable successors. Nor was this the whole difficulty. Disappointed in Spain, Charles took a wife from the French ruling house (1624). To obtain her hand, he promised secretly what he found himself unable actually to per-980 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS form: namely, that laws in Eneland against the Catholies would he relaxed. When trouble developed between the French King and his Huguenot subjects, Charles first encouraged the rebels VW ally and then permitted Some ot his own ships to be used acainst the Protestants with whom he sympathized. Tn the end. he found himself at war with both Spain and France, against his ne without means for carrying on hostilities against either. This d isplay ot il ‘apacity in both dj pli macy and Wal did not make the parliame! Lary leaders any 1 ing in their support. ‘The same influential groups that oppos d at almost every turn the policies of this foreign dynasty were carrying on in other fields than politics the Elizabethan tradition. The Stuarts were incapable of understanding the s irit that impelled this enter- u ot give it sympathetie support. The real England was in the! nds of those actuated by the The first permanent English settlement planted ; ; . : . e name oO} ls mes. Dut it WAaS the handiwork prise, an scepter in aAcTOSS Tie — i } ! '*¢ Tt : . . , ; ? 4 , + wn re . : 5 aan ot a company ot merchalts, in the end. since the stuarts were U iable | ljust | mselves ro t | e (@OT)C) tig ris t} i] nrevalled in unable to adjus mselves : iti at preval 3 ¥ } . 4 i. } 7 While the first attempts otf 1 inelish at foreign colonization | ‘ | | (4T] ~ £ iJ wholly unpremeditated, and they were Supp rted by a more consistent philosophy than most similar under kines can boast. [t is important to a end the elements of this philosophy as an aid to ] 0 lier growth of the empire ind t| vy I : ’ itened its dissolution. Only in a slight deg was speculative philosophy; rather did it seem to those who tormulated it to be a logical statement 7 t | 1} ~ wy I eh th VY SHV t «| ino place hefore their ePVeSs. As is ng ; | skelw to be the case with a philosophy formulated by merchants, it was a system in which commerce play ed a pr dominant part, i + _4 i | eee ] ¥ | * ' ‘ ( ‘ | . + h b but there was more to it than trade. As we have seen, one of the primary forees in drawing the nation together in the first place E . . . 7 | = nO ‘ “ “ .« Was t] e impracticadDllilty OL Carry ine on trade W Itnout a eentral > 7 | 1. ia . T < .¥ . cy / af : TX) « ro >| * * power sTrone PTIO LL! i} ae nee ris YVatcsa Open alit ILS WaYVS ( CAL. Thus. the mercantile philosophy of « mpire was a philosophy ofA FOREIGN DYNASTY 281 diplomacy, of war, of government, and, after a fashion, of religion, as well as of economics. The cardinal doctrine of the mercantile creed was that a nation, like an individual or a company, is enriched in proportion as its income exceeds its expenditures. The most desirable form of wealth was that which was most mobile, which could be most readily used in supplying immediate wants and in facilitating further accumulation. Since the precious metals excelled in these qualities, they were wealth par excellence. Had uot the flow of gold and silver from the New World made Spain strong? Had not England’s ill-gotten share in these spoils done much to enable her to stand against Spain? The Spanish danger might dis- appear or, at. any rate, be much diminished, if England, like her rival, could find a source of the coveted metals. Portugal had fattened on the trade with the Orient ; why should England have to pay this toll, particularly after the absorption of Portugal by Spain? Why, indeed, should not England herself participate in the profits of this trade? Those who had sailed on vain quests of a northeast or a northwest passage were seeking by peace- able means affirmative answers to these questions. Ralegh, in his unsuceessful, because unsupported, enterprises in Virginia, was in reality offerine battle to Spain by seeking to outrival her on her own ground. He never gave up the thought. James granted him leave for a final expedition to Guiana, foredoomed to failure by the very conditions under which it was undertaken. before sending him to the scaffold. To be sure, most of those who engaged in these ventures were primarily thinking of ac- cumulatinge wealth for themselves, but was not their wealth a component part of the wealth of the nation? Founded on this central ambition, the philosophy of empire unfolded as the philosophers acquired experience in empire-building. The basal facts were that England had certain surplus com- modities of which she wished to make profitable disposition; she found herself habitually in need of certain other commodities which she did not produce, some of them luxuries, others ne- cessities if her enterprises were to go forward in the accustomed way ; she also had denizens ambitious to add to their own accu- mulations. How could these ends best be served? The first ne- cessity was that those having common interests should make a common cause. This necessity was one of the most potent main- springs of national feeling itself. The underlying articles in the mercantile creed of empire are thus fairly clear, England needed es of supply of certain commodi- to acquire dominion over soure989 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tet el ties not produced in the kingdom as it then existed. She needed access to markets v herein to dispose OL any surplus she micht produce. Above all. she coveted a natural source ot supply of the precious metals, of which it seemed impossible to have too larce a store. Furthermore, all of this trade must be English borne ] Knegland was to reap its pronts to the ful and LO have at | nd ships % nad marin rs whert with LO defend 7 5 ] . ] here W 4 | | L Lt r ~ { ’ ' {) 1 " iaGi sit] | amoitions 1 } } ] \ ) | + and {) | Hen } | J (] 1g | rif TO eT ST) lePTSi | AI ; ‘ \ \ } 4 ] } eCVe) point Val 0 ni ) on ner gvuard est sne pe aepri are (1 J J a ' } ] (othe) ' T)} rid Op a? at j h Wi ie@n Tne ‘ ' : ; ‘ ‘ : ; | : . > a ’ 3 Nn inere. | 7 int oF some importance ' . 1 y 1 4 4 . ‘ ‘ ‘ + 4 x? * ror + , } 7° ‘yy ny _ qd hicvVe if) he } | 4.7 . at P 17 ’ | ' i ' es PT) fLiit?( i ' , 7 | $ ' {)T) (j | | ! ] | cc TNHA ‘ | | | ' \ ’ 47 ‘ . Tr ' iC ; ' ~ (] ()T rig 1 {) items OT DOD loft ()T ry \ 1 ty (he trai n LO enclosure OI » . ‘ + . | | a. . a . } ) ments in the adiustribution Of pop tion WU ensued, combined with the er , | e and n ) leave i ; Ss10n if} ef . centuries that Mneland was overpopulated. Vagabonds and ‘'s lament. and paupers were a ruray eerovada})rs 4 | 7 4 | j . * hv ‘ , 7 (° 1 cy 4 ' : \ | \ »\ cl Posted ie] laa UL! | . i) Lt perennial worry to parish overseers. Yet a part ot the strengthA FOREIGN DYNASTY 283 of a nation was in the number of its people. “On this account, it was important to find in new lands a place of abode for the surplus population that England seemed unable to Support in comfort at home, lest it either escape to other rival countries or else remain at home as a burden. This point was only less prominent in the arguments in behalf of colonization than the more fundamental question of trade. On the last point, there was no room for difference of opinion. If, as later came to be the feeling, the wealth of a nation was enhanced by so much as it had a surplus of exports over imports, the ideal arrangement would be to purchase nothing whatever from without its domin- ions, to find markets for any surplus produced, and to accumulate additional income by participating in the carrying trade and commerce of other countries. The most desirable type of colonies, therefore, were those able to supply commodities not produced in England and having at the same time need of the surplus products of the mother country. It was taken for eranted that this trade would travel in native bottoms and that the colonies would be complementary to and competitors of the home land. The mercantile philosophy of colonies was thus in essence a doctrine of national unity and self-sufficiency expressed in terms of economics. The theory was a natural accompaniment of the growth of a national consciousness, The colonies planted were a charactertistic handiwork of the class that wrought the nation itself. This group was but reaching out across the seas to safe- guard its position, to enhance its own power, and to free itself from the necessity of depending for essential commodities on countries beyond its control. But it was easier to formulate this policy than it was to transmute it into an accomplished fact. PROMOTERS OF OVERSEAS ENTERPRISE The earlier founders of the Knglish colonies soon discovered that they faced two radically different types of problems. The native population in the Western Hemisphere was too small and the people were too primitive to be profitable customers for English merchandise or to Supply many of the desired commodi- ties in return. Only by the long and laborious process of trans- planting there an English population could the desired purposes be served. Ralegh, we have seen, realized this fact, and Richard Rich, who accompanied the voyagers who actually sueceeded in planting the first Enelish colony in America in 1607, gave984 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS expression to the same point in his Newes from Vurgvna published after his return: in the Ori nt the case was ditterel There multitudes of people were already in @XIStence W ith vi neraple CLIVILLIZATIONS. ne task , , j ‘ Pr, 1 | rnin 64 a in that quarter was to develop trade so thal King lish merchants . 7 + 5 + | ‘ + | ‘ . i< 1 c micht tra LIS] orr~ Thence COMUIOCLLICS needed a nome and ilri¢ a ) A measure Ol domin ion over certain ““‘tactories ' or trading POSTS Wds all obvious advantage » i - ry} a 4] — ’ a . in tne dev LOpn hat the extent or these dominions should inerease with the gro\ Ln O] trade was natural oe i : | . | it WwaS not necessdal il) roreseen in the outset. enougn, LNOUPRL I But these general stat ments of the alms and methods ol those tne overseas Gominions mav leave sce ywnNnaertakings Was the impression that the proj m simpler than wa the ease. Most of the earlier ventures in both America and the Orie} | dd trous to those who underto: mM L | pal 3; learned how to defend len fi vas more profitable to engage in Therefore Ralegh’s colonizing ventures foiled in the midst of 1. if less honorable, enterprises of Drake and } kind. Before English trade overseas could be « stablished on . * . ’ , ‘ a permanel t basis. a period OL agitation Was fi ‘essary to con- 7. ' ‘ ‘ : + © Ll . rod 7 . VitTice Bite ] | LTiLS I ncgerrwrakin’e Was Sours \ . i } . : 4 4 = 4.7 \ _ . ~~ and would in the end bring remuneration for the outlay of large ms and ft! xpend h Iahor and SLILLLS tit Bit f ‘) ti} i he Ll Va th The character ot these forelen undert nes made 11 necessary that they have the support of the government in addition to that he government was scarcely yet well enough organized ors ire enough OL its inecome to embark on them + j . . i j L° ’ : . . 4 nm on its own aczount. For the time, most of the impetus to action eame from the wealthier merchants in London and the other trading towns. Since the merchants could not go forward with- out the acquiescence of the King, they found it expedient to enlist the support of the coterie in the royal circle. But the mem- hers of his council most sympathetic with these enterprises wereA FOREIGN DYNASTY 289 those who survived from the Elizabethan group. These latter were able to conceive of the venture as having a national char- acter ; those more intimately associated with James and Charles were usually actuated by more narrowly personal interests. Most of these projects, as they took shape, were organized as Joint stock companies. In the older ‘‘regulated companies,’’ like the Merchant Adventurers and their kind, the privileges granted to the company were enjoyed by all of its members; the actual trading was done by the members severally or by associated groups, who joined in a given venture and shared its profits or losses. The foundation of a colony required a larger investment, with the probability of a considerable period between the pro- jection of the enterprise and any profits that might accrue. The venture could not be closed out on the return of the first voyagers. Subscriptions in the earlier colonizing companies, therefore, were made to run for a term of years. In the British East India Com- pany as first organized (1600), on the other hand, some of the conditions of a regulated company were retained. A monopoly of the privilege of trading in that region was eranted to the entire membership of the company, but not all members were required to subscribe to the expense of every voyage. Each voyage stood as a separate venture, and its profits or losses were distributed to the shareholders of the joint stock ventured. But a voyage to the Orient might require several years, and experi- ence soon demonstrated the advantage of establishing factories at which to assemble cargoes between voyages and of providing for their defence and maintenance. In the course of time, this necessity for so much expenditure in behalf of the whole mem- bership of the company made it practically imperative that the trade itself be put on a joint stock basis, though the earlier form of organization lasted through the first half of the seventeenth century. After the machinery of organization became familiar, an epidemic of companies infected the English trading towns. The Muscovy Company, next to the Merchant Adventurers one of the earliest of these organizations, antedated, as we know, the reign of Hlizabeth. The first Cathay Company followed in 1576: the Eastland Company for trade in the Baltic regions, in 1579; the Turkey Company for trade in the Levant, in 1581; the Morocco Company for trade in the Barbary States, in 1585; the first African Company, in 1588: and the East India Com- pany, destined to become the greatest of them all, in 1600. The London and Plymouth Companies for colonizing Virginia were986 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS first ehart red LT) L606. th UY | mer Was reorganized three the Guiana Company came Newfoundland Company, 8 by the second and ( OmpalyA FOREIGN DYNASTY 287 Scots got the authors into temporary embarrassment, the play was later enacted at court for the entertainment of the King. A swashbuckling officer and gentleman, who meditated recuper- ating his depleted fortunes in the New World, has been called “one of the first of a long and illustrious line of Virginia Colonels.’’ His seapegrace followers enlisted for the voyage in a tavern scene reflecting the loose talk of the town that attended the first American ventures. Said one of them: “‘I tel] thee golde is more plentiful there than copper 1s with us.’’ It was, he said, as pleasant a country ‘‘as ever the sun Shined on; temperate and full of all sorts of excellent viands; wild bore is aS common there as our tamest bacon is here; venison as mutton.”’ When the venture was actually under way, other patriotic bards were even more outspoken. Drayton’s ode, To the Virgin- van Voyage, indicates something of both the spirit and motives of the undertaking: You brave heroie minds Worthy your country’s name, That honour still pursue; Go and subdue! Whilst loitering hinds Lurk here at home with shame. Britons, you stay too long: Quickly aboard bestow you, And with a merry gale Swell your stretch’d sail With vows as strong As the winds that blow you. And cheerfully at sea Success you will entice To get the pearl and gold, And ours to hold Virginia, HKarth’s only paradise. Where nature hath in store Fowl, venison and fish, And the fruitfull’st soil Without your toil Three harvests more, All greater than your wish.BRITISH HISTORY ' Ke qT) nad ” vu } On myc) Se (i ri ? j tri D he tah * e ’ t : S10] ‘47 7 ‘ —~ , , ¥ 77 ' 7 VV AISILTY 7 Tee i ) i * ~ | ’ — ‘ ' re 4 1) i + >} A yy ¥ . ’ 7? ~ \ ‘ iJ —™])]] ()7) I ' : | a ’ 4 ” iy | ¢ ; ~ ~ A a ()7 ; ii pice a yy ' fi j i r\ 14 é 1 vy ft i « a + TY , fT ) Lritie ' ” ¥ 4 << ' ; » } ‘ rallure 1 + , 7 | pertine Lit ry} | iit’ LePCOy]T FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS And in regions iar, Such heroes bring Vv‘ forth Ac those from whom we came; And plant our nami Under that star NX + ly i 1] NN / iT t} Thy Fb oyage tend LUSTI S Lak , 1 r 5 nif Tri ¢ 4 ) ¢ . 4 T ? 1 } } ! t | TTer T} ay I 7 4 ng i } 29 | ri: | eolleetions QO] the | FF i ) | és » anher. ¥v was himself one of the members OL . : 1 Set : a | npal Kt rd Hakluyt did not labor alone : ; 4 : " ‘ } | qd nor TNAaAnN + T) \ orner single man ee F +h, ritators 1n hehalt OT ~ 1 , om .? | a } . . 1 | a y) ) ’ (TT) Ri I i Hide! Vas I Ott wWortny, j 7 : 4 + hy rs } TT) ( Tt] rw 4 1TTié ATTe] i ltt. {) i ' ‘~ ' l : , \ 1 T + * i ’ ' ~~ L1eNE ryt ~ Tri¢ | | T} 13 17 The I (rit@s SLOT | ] + , ; 77 eh the advocates Ol! ionization ana empiri ‘ , ' , y j ~ } oe iS ‘ ~~ Phe j f , A {fj y iii ris " 1 - , ' f . t l } j PVR \ ry 04 i ai reid r} / sé j ‘7 itn }j . d s LT (Jatarters OT c 7 , an “A ‘ is a ; ;7 j ~ F fT Lsié / j iM) Wears, | 1] . + : . edition. dedicated to Elizabeth's great ministel P ] j dwg . r) red rn ] sy A LSePCONG eniargved edition LT) [ ' y 1 ; : } ’ } ladicated to Sir Robert Cecil, appeared in the : : v 7 4 } . e centur Space forbids mention or the DIro- | ! “ | ' 7 ‘ T VU <) ori Dati} niets | cL | multiplhed. as he activity re | : rTry ~ 7 rf) rw i ‘ ncery ’ ~ (eS ner ase ‘ypical : 7 } s* | ‘ I SOL twelve thousand VOUS dedicates U and nnblished in 1LOUY in the agitation pre- CLEA \ Li ) Lit rs 1 : ' it har i} ey} ATTe] .} Liié \ re'itila ( OmpaDy > Chafl- 4 | ° v ; Porn | s ° +14 2) rau T ¥ rrory TS Fiii] title: Nowa bri annu. eP77T T nites Hu niarvni mg til | irdgiunid, Kacitiung : i ein o The facts used ; ry i 4 i ry j / Tse J fie SOLVILE Lit al . 4A) \ 7 - aa - —_- . ~ / Hakluvt: the argument was the familiar doc- ‘ cA | . ¥ — ti] ir In view ot the comparative TCaANnciic CPT pDiIre tr) View ull pe cht we 1 vias “a “aioe a ee cee Vireinia adventure thus far, these arcuments were a Company is itself evidence hy TO he more dppre-A FOREIGN DYNASTY 289 clated. The list of members included a number of nobles and gentry in addition to the earlier subscribers. In fact, support was soheited from all the Livery companies of London, and pressure was used to induce these groups to ‘‘venture money to Virginia.’’ The voice of the clergy was enlisted to speak from the pulpit in favor of the undertaking. Daniel Price, the Prince’s chaplain, took occasion in a sermon at Saint Paul’s Cross on May 28, 1609, to reprove ‘‘those that traduce the Honourable Plantation of Virginia.’’ About the same time, a preacher of Southwark published a sermon entitled Virgima, ‘‘Preached at White-Chappel in the presence of many Honour- able and Worshippfull, the Adventurers and Planters from Vir- ginia.’’ They had more need of inspiration and encouragement than they probably realized. They had embarked on an under- taking the outcome of which one in their time could scarcely dream. Only something akin to the spirit then surging in the expanding English nation could have carried it to the measure of success it achieved. THE FounpInNG or New ENquAND At the beginning of the period of colonization there were three important classes of commodities that England was obliged to obtain from foreign countries. First and most essential in the esteem of traders and statesmen of the time were the precious metals, currently regarded as the very bone and sinew of the national being. Scarcely less important were naval stores, timber, cordage, canvas, ete., then obtained chiefly from the Baltic regions. Finally, the spices of the East were luxuries that had long been regarded as necessities. First the Italian cities, later the Portuguese, and still more recently the Dutch had amassed fortunes from the toll they had taken from the people of Western Europe by means of this trade. There were also other commodities of scarcely less importance in the estima- tion of the merchant princes. The East sent cottons, silks, precious stones, and other rare goods in addition to spices. Another important factor in commerce was the custom of observ- ing religious fasts, in which periods quantities of fish were needed to console stomachs that for the 200d of the soul were denied other flesh. A fishing ground was almost as much to.be coveted as a gold mine. What is more, it might serve as a training school for seamen and so be a source of strength for a' BRITISH HISTORY # AMERICAN STUDENTSA FOREIGN DYNASTY 291 Portugal had begun to decline in maritime power, England and France were left to struggle for possession of this region. The Englishmen most interested hailed chiefly from Bristol and the southwestern counties of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, and Hamp- shire. In 1610 a company of adventurers, with John Guy, a Bristol merchant, as their leading promoter, obtained a charter to settle the island, but the fishing colonies made trouble, and the settlement had difficulties from the outset. Later, other adventurers embarked on the same undertaking, but with sea reely greater success. ‘The fisheries, however, grew in importance all the while. Before the end of the first quarter of the seventeenth century they employed over five thousand men using two-hun- dred-fitty ships of an average size of sixty tons burden. These fisheries were one of the chief recruiting grounds of the navy. Some Scots in this same period undertook to settle in Nova Scotia as rivals of the French, who had in 1604 established themselves on the peninsula at Port Royal (now Annapolis). Ralegh’s first attempts to plant a colony on the North Ameri- can continent, as we know, resulted in failure. Little more came of his later efforts to make a settlement in Guiana after his visit to that region, though several attempts were made there between the great Elizabethan’s two expeditions. Further attempts were made in 1618, in 1627, and in 1642. But internal troubles in England left the Dutch free to succeed where the Knglish had failed. Later projects on the northern continent were more fruitful. The London Company, the first that actually established a colony that was to endure, did not yield a profit to the adven- turers. The first voyagers returned laden with worthless sand glittering with deceptive particles of mica instead of the desired gold. They reported no better success in the efforts to find a passage through the continent to the Pacifie Ocean, for which they had been tempted to search by mistaken reports of the natives. This first expedition was composed of voyagers ill- suited to undertake the hardships of pioneer settlement, and most of them perished from their own Incompetence and inexperience. They were held to their task by the efforts of the redoubtable Captain John Smith, whose tendeney in his reports to magnify his own prowess need not obscure his meritorious service in the earlier months of the venture. These months. however, were fruitful of little but experience. Indeed, hundreds of others had to come and die before their successors learned how to make the new land habitable. We cannot tell here the story ofBRITISH HISTORY 999 their adventures. pioneering the hard, prosaic obstacles the was not SO much LO induce ad whom life had in some meas FOR ure land. of their fortunes in the new L° > the ry oOrra ma PLOT iQ] | ‘ [ WDassdadii ct, ‘ LA As thie COMpal \ was reorvalil a d his ¢ n tare becal ie a | ; | ' | . ij + | Tile anorers Whose pres | | i Wi a TO Pyro] \ Liie CQOyl mod 1 ; ' \ nT, | mat or the English surp! | | children wl were made To send Cnuareb ate + sent from prison. In time, e\ + | cy (47 Th) es | ' ; f } ri*¢ ’ j j l . . (*p T° 7 ’ cy i +) i ¥ f ' 4 | ..c _ a . ' : } . t} y : ry 7 Ca pam T 4 . ’ D 17) Vi | ' ’ s+ 7 id a = 4 o * , TO est ned l rs a L pl 4 ! 13) ¢ Tri i r = rsa OT) 7 ie] 4 \ ; «F ) ;*; ' ] rid (> 7 ri = | ‘ lf Vi iS } 7 sa) 1)] i ~ ‘ _ et tn ataekhinides or I ill ‘ I ‘ ccm bo ; ‘ \i rs gf ror Tri COT iT ] ] - ' thy 1)} ~ NT kK o} || cl 4 ' i it 4 . CONT , ~ io at nl ,’ . I | + + ] ’ * ‘ (TIC) ‘ (*{ } ; F t ‘ ; ? a: \\ is Be he Dro } ; | ss, ~ } = hh vp oe cl Olea: | (i 5 7 4 ¥ , , , } : i 4 rT) ’ iy (} ma ( } i yy | . * } + } Q ani a ’ pro] ' {)T} * 4 f VT 17 Tl] ! ni (*¢)7 Daft) | } : | . ' {} ; (Tt } atts ’ qd {} ages. rie * {TT ,) ’ ’\ 4 is Tr) ry (F() | ‘ : ‘ ; ‘ ' TT [ riOoWwee {) pel (* | 7 + - ‘Ti | , ‘ ’ 17 A ~ » FQ) I] LiTidie ! ring ~~ (yTIC} co rmToy Try ‘ oy \ | he | rovernol na otner omeialsS apn ryay S pal t 7 rid ' Ihis nroved ' ” : + than the first and served better ° . > : ' . ‘cp urs \ 17) the TT} nv early (iaAVsS OT AMERICAN STUDENTS The glamor that time has thrown about these spirits makes less easy the difficult task of recalling Vv had venturous younger SOTIS and men LO The trouble overcome. disappointed to seek a They eonld under the terms in 1609. an a . . If a j } rryy ’ reholder. ithe case was « renewal usually afford oT dventurer who ’ : lors ()] less S eceessfiy] eTTOTTS were on th ¢ parish ()thers were | . y* ' ACC irate adeseript Ons Calli |’’ servitude tempted ship-masters } | 1] Ban VOT) Tie (*\ nid PASILY Se] * | littl nT br T ry) t} ; ‘ ! al | (} as Lt PLU LrOotrr iit ) | 4] fv t } rtar tid) ~ iT j | ri¢ iit S| i i| cot to see ni unlikely to yield a ‘| al + + | +4 lana ‘ rif c\7 iy lia 1) ae a ™~ # iif rs : . \ . Tre (* 7"; \ I rece ’ hiv cl a} are OT ] ' j 7 - + | + Ty d and aadauty on tne traat ne . } be 7 | VIO av ndor ed inde! Lne 1] - +] ) yXT iL D bDandconeada 1r the company 7 ry ay rn | ) ier tT} n Cnartel , ’ ! rn ‘4 ~ \ ad | Liié end O] Wi i' t] } ] | \ ‘ , Ye {)T a 1 | t ~ | ile [ Ord Ss al hom a tit the number r ot snares held by VAS To supply the catt ls rs VW ith ' . 1 sites. I'Inder the first charter uncil appointed at colony. the com- ad more practicable arrangement for the maintenance of diseipline But by 1619 the settlement. discovered that it was necessary for theA FOREIGN DYNASTY 293 government to have the codperation of the settlers if they were to remain contented. Accordingly, the governor was instructed to Summon representatives of the various communities to cooper- ate locally at the task of finding ways and means of keeping the colony safe and in order. That the colony would never be a profitable venture, was becoming increasingly evident to the Shareholders, and a party arose among them that sought to justify the undertaking as promoting “‘the honour and safety of the Kingdom, the strength of our navy, the visible hope of a great and rich trade.”? Kven so, that view offered little incentive to attract further capital. The time was coming when the venture would naturally have to fall to the crown. We need not pass on the morality of the procedure by which the charter was abrogated in 1624. to appreciate that some such event was inevitable in time, Probably the government under the Stuart monarchy would not have initiated the movement that resulted in the founding of the colonies, but, since any profit that might accrue would be for a long time deferred and would advantage the nation at large, the continuance of the undertakings was manifestly a task for the national government. Curiously enough, however, the best chance of success the Virginia colony had depended on a com- modity that found little favor in the King’s sight. As was his wont in matters on which he had positive views, James published as early as 1604 a Counter-Blaste to Tobacco. Charles inherited his father’s views, though he expressed them with more modera- tion. Despite this opposition at home, tobacco became the staple product and even the standard of value in the colony. In the end, the mother country was reconciled, though reluctantly, to the inevitable and reserved the home market for the colonial weed, prohibiting at the same time its production in Eneland. For the time, this unsatisfactory staple was the only commodity Sent in quantities from Virginia that fitted into the needs of England. As yet neither naval stores nor precious metals had been found. The colonies planted in more northerly regions soon after that in Virginia were even less Satisfactory in this respect. They were unlike the earlier colony in that they were founded under somewhat different auspices. The Puritan Settlement established at Plymouth in 1620 contained a nucleus of persons of sub- stance who were fleeing from a wrath which they feared in times shortly to come might be increasingly visited in Eneland on those holding their religious views. The capital for their ven-Ce a a 994 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS south. was furnished by men who hoped to ture, like that in the The leaders amon?’ the settlers. a minority reap a profit from it. of the total number, accumulated funds with which to purchase the shares of those who supplied the capital and so obtained a large measure of freedom to manage the affairs of the under- taking. Many of the settlers, like those in the south, were prim- arily interested in seeking a better had had at home. This was especially true fell the burden of the drudgery inescapable in economic ehance than they ot those On whom . founding a new settlement, though their descendants, in time, acquired SOmeC- thing of the tone of the little group that dominated the earlier settlement. The \lLassachusetts Bav co mpany variation of the process of pla | R | ‘ m4 ‘ ’ the shareholders 10 thal Cast neing’ men OL SolMe ied still another nting a colony by a chartered com- pany. Some ol person 1629) bring supstance, came 10 They were, on that account, eharter and labor rs and Tenants. 1. | \ | * ’ 4 7 By = & ] ~ he « j able to establish themselves with less dimculty than did the | uh na T ! + : } ry} 7 hay COLOLLISLS yy Li 1d 7) wt yf a Del )' a VA rritiie L i appre I i Cesilip 4 ‘nan effort to earn a profit for shareholders at home Before the d of 1 “lies coe * Saath eT end QO] DIS Cadallicl pel Oa, Pp ite 1liG gaguaiS agalll Casayctu Lhe ' = | a | aan fail val ‘a lxvor . task Al whien Ralegh had Failed. ( oe LLlIUS ( aivert, second Lord 13; lt) i . Q yy y4 ° yror rt } ( Lar! | | \ + | pci Limore . Wnael cl ( narviel (TaAnveu %, (iat its LU biis a ie] > ] * a7) ] the first Lord, founded a s tlement in 1634 on the Chesapeakt ) . | \ : | Bav in the hope that 1t might serve as a refuge for his lellow » ‘ 1 ® } \ 7 Roman ‘' atholies who found themselves nneomtortabDie at nome, 13; i+) ‘ ‘ } “% rl 4 1 my ‘ ' ] Pry } b ‘ ‘ MALLIMONre SHOWwWeU IOW propirit eoionieS WILL vi mat a SLICC CaS bv mtTroauclnye a SYStemM Ol quitr' nis. a SVECIES or It nudal \ 1 1 y 7 dues which he tried to collect Trom th landholders of the colony . a } . . ; a nermanent policy in a country wher land was to be had fot Tne TAKING 1 ] ‘ ] ¢ :y | } “yy Even in these ear! ears the abundant supply 0! land avalil- * ] : : y 1. ‘ } > a | : ‘ } anie To Settiel who ~ ibdued it made lt difficult tO Impose on tne I sybiection. 1} ey soon Callie } a 4 eolonists any Strong measures V1 } 7 : ’ } TO regard the houses they hult and the land they made arad their own by a right superior to any that could be ady those who remained at home. Too many otf them had an ancestry in which they as yet took no particular pride for them quite the same traditions as their kinsmen who were still across [he tendency was to estimate a man by the capacity 0 cherish —+ the seas. he developed under the difficult circumstances he faced in new land. The new standards that Soon appeared were, oft course,A FOREIGN DYNASTY 995 patterned largely after those prevalent in the old country, but they were applied without much regard for the antecedents of the settlers. Those who had sold themselves into servitude to procure passage money, if they survived the trying interval, had a chance of leaving to their children a better material heritage than might have been the case had they remained at home. Many were as thriftless under the new surroundings as they had been under the old, but others took up the challenge of the new opportunities and made good their claim to something better than the fortune their fathers had known. The new England, almost from its inception, thus began to grow up into a somewhat different land from the old. Sut these far flung adventures were not without influence on the home country. New commodities were coming into use, as, for example, tobacco, which meant so much in the life of Vir- ginia and in the island colonies of Bermuda and the West Indies. Later, sugar from the West Indies was used so widely that these colonies became more profitable than Virginia. The northern colonies, despite efforts to subsidize the production of hemp, never fitted into the mercantile scheme. A more difficult effect to describe, but one more profound, was the erowing cosmo- politan character of London society as these contacts with the ends of the earth became familiar facts. Finally, foreign policy in the future must always take cognizance of the colonies. States- men, to be successful, had to learn to think in larger terms, a thing of which the monarchs of the house of Stuart sometimes proved to be incapable. FOR FURTHER STUDY W. C. Abbott, The Expansion of Europe, I. chs. xiii-xxi; George B. Adams, Constitutional History of England, ch. xi; G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, chs. 1-vi; Cambridge History of English Literature, IV. ch. iv; Cambridge Modern History, III. ch. xvii; E. P. Cheyney, The European Background of American History, chs. vii-viii; H. E. Egerton, A Short History of British Colonial Policy, Book I; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, II. chs. x-xi; FE. W. Maitland, The Constitutional History of England, Period Gee Seeley, The Growth of British OUCY? Me art sles Tee Wertenbaker, The Planters of Colonial Virginia, chs. HATA df, A Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, Part IIT, ehs. i-vii. FOR WIDER READING J. T. Adams, The Founding of New England, chs. i-xi; B. W. Bond, The Quit Rent System in the American Colonies, ch. vii; Alexander Brown, The996 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS — d Comm th Ed.), II. 171-402; J. E. Gillespie, | : LL pan. on LN: L7U C. H. Mclilwai Political Works of . s I: F. C. Montague, The History 7 Genesis of the United States, 2 Vols.; W. Cunningham, The Growth of 7 ‘rand ae . chs. 1-v1l; lewton, The Co ie eli CoCHAPTER XIII THE NATION REBELS THE NATURE OF THE QUARREL We have seen the emergence in England of a complex force, which is usually called none too definitely ‘‘national feeling.’’ At best, it was difficult for a foreign ruler to understand and to identify himself with that spirit. The ponderous character of James I incapacitated him utterly for this task and caused him to bequeath to his son in England an heritage composed largely of failures and misunderstandings. Charles I was in some respects as ill-equipped as his father to accomplish the difficult feat of establishing a foreien dynasty on the English throne. ‘‘Born of a Scottish father and a Danish mother,’’ says Gardiner, the historian of his reign, ‘‘with a erandmother who was half French by birth and altogether French by breeding, with a French wife, with German nephews, and a Dutch son-in-law, Charles had nothing in him in touch with that national feeling which no ruler of England ean afford to despise.’’ What is quite as much to the point, he never developed sufficient insight to enable him to understand that the self-consciousness of the nation was a reality that could no longer be ignored, much less defied, by a king who hoped to be tolerated in England. No doubt his convictions as to the nature of monarchy were genuine enough ; perhaps there was support for most of them in previous English practice. In the end, he went to the block in his devo- tion to them. Unfortunately for him, they were based on a concept of kingship which England had outgrown by her very emergence into nationhood. The tenacity with which Charles clung to these doctrines of his father and persisted in his efforts to act on them endangered his throne: his own incapacity in the struggle, which was scarcely avoidable unless he experienced a change of heart, cost him both his crown and his head. The quarrel which ended in‘ civil war in 1641 began in a dispute between the nation as represented in parliament and the foreign dynasty lately come from Scotland. It is well to 297998 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS remind ourselves. however, that the common emotions which we have called national feeling were probably shared in a real sense } by iG); (Vos large proportion or the total hnumoer ot 1 i ie popula- Was tion. The opposition that James and (Charles encounte red from the classes actually represented in parliament: the more ‘nfluential magnates in the House of Lords and the lesser, but still important, gentry in the shires and substantial townsmen in the House of Commons. Be it so, these were men from all parts ot the realm and were influential! \\ th if they were not chosen by their humbler neighbors in the communities from which they came. The parliament with which James so seldom agreed, despite the comparatively sma er of electors that par- ticipated in its selection, was nevertheless more nearly representa- , . ‘ ke ear 4.1 see eS rré . 1 tive of the feelings surging within the Kingaom than Was any body that had ever previously undertaken to act for so large a number of people seattered over so extensive a territor he . ’ j ,y - rorce that Opposed James and (Charles. theretore, WaS 1 au I important sense unlike any that a previous mol irch had evel challenged These hapless kings had to contend not mere! avainst an aggregation of men cooperating in the name of then several eommun CS t | alt ised I} ese IG) L COMUDIOnN feal for the future and so stirred them to fight for the defence of a common Caust nthe name Or tl traditions o 1 common coun- try It was not simply that James and Charles were foreigners the point is rather that they insisted 01! dhering in practice to a type of monarchy incompatible with t vith which the substantial classes in England were becoming tamiliai Perhaps ] | } 1 5 5 cl (*O)T] ee TT sf Wo) ict have nes T) }J sorb | Te Thié K no Sho VT) 2 = - = olerant GISposition but Charles elected to DUS the question 4 . ’ Tt cl i? a | aecision < 1d ‘~ f } LOST |] ll body, in which the bishops merely by their numbers made an impressive showing. ‘Though a large pro- portion of the lay lords owed their elevatio nevertheless the view prevailed that a peerage ought to be supported by extensive landed estates or by inherited family pretensions or both. \ } * 4 the relgn But. even 1625. parliament a ready had too littie } : ) ... . ] eonnaenct n ' rit Or 10) 3} Kin’e’nal whom ne rove ned LO i? ’ ' . yee . eontorm to this e@uston oir Nat] aniel Ri I} who made the ; : . . + | ; ‘TT | ] ; + . propos n in the louse of (Commons that served as a DaS1S IO! ° j j : } action. 18S reported to ! ve sald in subdstanct Some moved LO . ’ } 5 mive. and #1Vvi presently nd some wo ild not give at all, and , , ; ** i } ° 1 } | .1 SOTTIE VQ ild 8, Vi ‘ if) ii (| as OT [ iT] self he Vv Sti (1 Ul Al wnenl ie . ¢ : } } : Se the Kine made war it might be debated and advised by his ae ! ) ~ counel and he thought it a good plan to look into the King's ~~ y i ) i 7 . + H {- ] i ; | ‘ *. 71 | a11TS HP ()T"s Tlie m0 rig yr] iT) ' Drolet ~Sf?C) +t) Ti a Dpre- ant. ian that lure in the reign of Edward III, wl Cert Til iO] rt r*{ (*() Te 1T) Bit rf LOT) ti it \V el ‘ . \ PT) hat K c4 ad p= i ay Se sanlee oo came ben loth’’ Ul! ‘LIN? pretending tO Make a war as now Our KIDPe OoUn , , y 7 and gqesiTing S110Sidi1es narliament SO he said invest cated ' e + 7 by rore ) ne ring oTrant }. irthermor? thy speal eT thoucht that. : , ! . Se etiae | | before recelving the grant (Charles ought to make answel! tO the petition orf pari ment on the subject of religion. not s mply in Symp: Puritans source of authority in . \\ acquiesced Church as long if as 1 | TO the prevailing nthont difficulty in) th who had had been They looked to the Bible as the ultimate th them estants, nglish Prot ] religious mode eological matters, though most of e Erastian organization of the was administered with tolerance. Now.THE NATION REBELS 301 however, a party was growing in strength known as the Anglo- Catholie party or Arminians. This group saw in the episcopal form of Church government more than an efficient mode of ecclesiastical organization; they felt that it was a result of apostolic succession and so the only right and tolerable form of Church government. They felt also that the Seriptures needed to be interpreted in the light of the historical doctrines of the Church. Whereas James had tended to sympathize with the point of view of the Puritans, as far as it did not run counter to the episcopal organization, Charles was a zealous Arminian. Moreover, his marriage to a French princess and the favorable terms for the Roman Catholic Church contained in the marriage treaty made it easy for the English Protestants to fear that he sympathized with the Roman organization itself. When he re- assured the House of Commons on that point, parliament granted him revenues for the war, but limited the duties to the period of one year. Buckingham tried to amend the situation by explaining that the revenue was needed to support the Protestant King of Denmark in his war in behalf of Charles’s brother-in- law, Frederick, as well as for the fleet that was preparing against Spain. But when the members of parliament began to make personal attacks on Buckingham, Charles dissolved the body before it completed the process of granting him the eustoms revenues at all. Since Buckingham owed his position to royal favor, he had few friends among the older families in either house of parliament. The expedition against Spain came to naught, and a second parliament was summoned in the spring of 1626. The King sought to make it an easier body to manage by nominating as Sheriffs some of the more troublesome leaders in the previous parliament such as Thomas Wentworth and Sir Edward Coke. the former justice, thus making them ineligible to sit in the House of Commons. Charles sought also to prevent peers like Bristol and Arundel, who were hostile to Buckingham, from sitting in their house. But it was all to no good end. Bristol suggested to the House of Lords that he could prove Bucking- ham guilty of treason, and the House of Commons drew up a bill of impeachment, with Dudley Digges and John Eliot among’ the managers. The King sent these managers to the Tower, but was obliged to release them. This impeachment was based on the assumption that the minister of the king and not the monarch himself was responsible for royal measures, though it was well known that Charles had taken part personally in thematters in question. In order to save his minister, Charles again tried to raise the needed revenues with- dissolved parliament ani egislature. He proceeded with the eol- out the sanction of the | lection of the customs; he sought. but with little success, a tree : he demanded a forced loan and imposed _ cift from the counties ; penalties to compel its payment in the face of a decision of the was jllecal: he billeted soldiers on his ndgves that the measure hiects without their consent, both as a measure of economy and as punishment for their refusal to acquiesce in his financial measures. Nevertheless, he was able to procure only a third rived ot the = - +. ‘ ~~ — — “= — - — — (enn j ed — ——_ —_—— _— — * ~ —— 1 subsidy, was left to the mercy OL Nis enhemics. In fact, } ‘ ] ) p were more inclined to sympat e with the French Protestants. In the process of trying to carr} water on both shoulders, he ; 1 = ' heeame involved in a war WI1t! Hrance while still engaged 1n- ~ Be effective sith Snain. He thus had no way of escape Irom 4 ] } ) TT) rc Di i ! PrN} Ww} (* 7 ri w 1} Tri ned tT} 16 - ; ’ , \1]l of the old grievances had been 1ntens! ed. and others had ‘ j ‘ +5 + ‘ 4+} lad y 5 t} . cif i] Pc tT] iié A‘ L} Iii 1} iis Siti { (Liss i (ji) \) rié ' nr a i iment } ive KNnIGI S Wwhniod re] ised oO conti hiite TO ! | + A Tne { T} nad neen iT] I>] soned rit | rel is . a trial the ' ‘ ‘ | 4 ‘ ‘ ] with King ‘ 1] Ti cl ! cr] TO (] cl | “ ~ i} 7 ~ ci i pit SLIT ft WV ii . . . j i iT 7 i ri” us | QO} Ss}! 1 rv 1 CNnNATYU ava y ~T TI TT} 1) wT | \ T} 4 : 1 parliament met 1D 1628. it was uncertain whethe1 the Lords ( | ‘ ~ qd ~ vith thie it ommons Ol! 1 ii KK rt ( harles had rit t*(] i f ’ . ’ 1 ] ‘ ‘ ~ 1e)T ma ~ if ()T Bit Tne HT is {)] { Omg) OTIS. (] r) { (Kf LT 1 * \ . sel n asked [Or a C nrerence WIt! rne uppel house on some } } ] 1 =" ] ani an nd } ndament | libert ac Tiivé nvaon \lany OT Tit ’ - af ° } 7 : . older peers took the side of the majority 1 the lower house, \ : fal a he eg } - and the bishops divided. so Buckingham ade ded that 1t was : } : . ‘ ‘ j nrndent to adopt an attitude OT COMproxnmiise Some of the lords were concerned to maintain tor the King his © entire sovereign pow! fe but the House ot ( ommons professed not what ‘‘sovereign power meant and eliminated the term. 5Sir Thomas Wentworth labored with otner leaders of the lower house to promote agreement with the Lords. The final enact- ‘s known as the Petition of Right. That term indicates that parliament did not regard the i ment. to which the King assented, + Adams and Stephens, Select Documents, No. 13.THE NATION REBELS 303 document as new legislation, but rather as a restatement of old law. : When, in the following year, under the leadership of the more radical Eliot, the House of Commons proceeded to take independent steps looking toward a less moderate redress of grievances as to taxation and religion, the Kine dissolved the parliament. The Petition of Right provided that thereafter nobody was to be compelled ‘‘to make or yield any gift, loan, benevolence, tax, or such like charge, without common consent by act of parlia- ment.’’ Hreemen were not to be detained without trial. Soldiers and mariners billeted on the people were to be removed. Commissions granted by the King for proceeding by martial law in time of peace were to be revoked and not reissued. In short, the enactment was an attempt to remedy the grievances that had been articulate in the disputes between the King and his parliaments, though, as later events were to prove, there was still room for dispute as to whether ‘tonnage and pound- age’’ were taxes and so not to be levied without the consent of parhament. The question of the Church was left in abeyance, though Charles soon gave evidence of the policy he meant to pusue by making William Laud, an active Arminian, bishop of London; in 1633 he became archbishop of Canterbury. The assassination of Buckingham in 1628 relieved the King of this embarrassing minister. His place was now taken by the abler Wentworth, who was elevated to the peerage; later, for his Services to the King, he was made Earl Strafford. Strafford and Laud were soon the most important personalities in the counsels of the King. Why the more conciliatory attitude that the King now adopted failed to accomplish its purpose does not, perhaps, admit of an easy explanation. For one thing, he proceeded with a prosecution of Eliot and other leaders among his opponents that was almost vindictive in character. Then, Laud undertook to enforce a more strict religious con- formity than many influential groups relished. Finally, in an effort to govern the kingdom for the next decade after 1629 without the embarrassment of consulting parliament, Charles and his advisers revived many obsolete laws for raising revenues. For example, every estate worth forty pounds a ‘year was required to receive a knighthood under penalty of a fine. The forest laws were an even more menacing threat to the accus- tomed privileges of many peers, and they had to purchase se- curity. Tonnage and poundage were levied as though the Petition of Right did not exist. In 1634, professing an alarmaTHE NATION REBELS 305 the King’s will in the north of Kngland as president of the Council of the North, a body that had existed since its creation by Henry VIII to put down rebellion in that region. A little later he repeated some of these Successes in Ireland, where he made friends with the Catholies and created the nucleus of an army, of which he induced the Irish to pay the cost. But Laud was not similarly successful when he transferred his activities to Scotland and tried to impose the Anglican liturgy on that reluctant people. Half of the clergy ignored it, and the con- gregations of the other half would not tolerate its use. The struggle resulted in 1638 in the so-called ‘‘ National Covenant,’ in which representatives of the clergy, the nobles, the gentry, and the townsmen united in expressing a determination to resist the Laudian innovations. The King supported his Archbishop. and decided to coerce the Seots. For that purpose, he ordered lords with estates on the border to repair to his standard bringing armed retainers, as had been the custom of old. The peers attended him after some grumbling, but they objected to Serving out of England and to an oath which the King sought to have them take. Lords Brooke and Saye, leaders of discontent, were Imprisoned, but they were released when the erown lawyers could suggest no offence of which they had been guilty. Charles then compromised his quarrel with the Scots in June, 1639. but by March, 1640, he was again at odds with the northern kingdom, which had, in the meantime, made overtures to the King of France for assistance. The members of the Enelish parliament, which was Summoned in April, 1640, to take steps against the Scots, fell at once to discussing their own grievances, Thereupon, the King dissolved it so quickly that it became famous as the “Short Parliament.’? When the Scots took the initiative and crossed the Tweed, Charles appealed to the peers alone and summoned Strafford from Tre] they had no better advice to offer than that he summon another parlament. This he did in desperation ; it met November 3d and became the most famous of all parliaments. and, but THE Long PARLIAMENT AND Its ACHIEVEMENTS During the first two sessions of the parliament that met in 1640 and came later to be known as the Long Parliament, the House of Lords held the balance between the King and the House of Commons, Including the bishops, two thirds of the peers owed306 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS their creation to James and Charles, but the King’s party in that house lacked leadership, whereas some of the abler repre- sentatives of the older families were active against him. ‘The King had planned to adopt a conciliatory attitude and to invite opposed him to participate in his councils. Early in the session (February, 1641) parliament nd Charles assented to a bill providing machinery for years, whether the men who had previously passed ad ealline the legislature in session every three : Se tend ire king slimmoned it or not. Another statute, passed a rew montos Pil later. forbade thi dissolution otf that parliament without its . + express consen ement between the King and the lecislature was made 1. fe owe O14 fan difhfeult by the persistence 01 parliament 1n the trial of Strafford, who had been sent to the Tower in November, 1640. It was not PS Ce ] NCC S table to his Cdast. He had been loyal and indus < in his efforts to strengthen the power of the Crow TD al ~ med ncone?e!l ous To accuse him ot offending agains rn Ki [y. The Lc s On) actually brought Was of ad traitorous attempt tos ibvert the fundamental laws and orovern- ment of England and Ireland.” But fundamental laws were nove be Enelai din any Senst that would render the ir subversion akin to treason. If Strafford was guilty of treason at all, it was mal . ‘nst the nation rather than against the King. Pym. who had been anagers of the impeachment of Buckingham and was nov n new parliament. The only way parliament eonld bring the case to a successful conclusion was to Improvise law suitable to th occasion, a task not easy to COM)pdass. The end ( - fnallv achieved (April, 1651) by a Bill of Attainder, a | i » | ‘ ’ ] : — | é VY th liting tne law to the 1ndl\ idual case, 3 eG , House of Commons obtained the support 01 the upper house i “ ' ’ a e 1 } : 2 ; and avoided establishing the embarrassing precedent that would | | } 4] - : : L ] 24 + * vr) " * = {- nave respviTed Tron ri eOoOnvVvietion OT Lune prisonel AT the bal OL v an act passed in June, 1641, tonnage and poundage were re to be collected without a grant from parliament. Vear his clitie ACT contained 9 OYTrTant QO] the Customs ror one rts of Star Chamber and High v. thus ending because of their — — - — boone —+ — — _ hemmed - ‘ommission were abol | } | speriments that, in better hands, might in the end have improved the machinery for doing justice. Unfortunately,THE NATION REBELS 307 the Stuarts had demonstrated that an agency for expediting Justice could also be used as an engine of Oppression. The ““mMeers, meets, limits, and bounds’’ of the forests were, by another statute, restricted to their extent before the accession of Charles. The exaction of knighthood fines was prohibited. An act was passed also ‘‘declaring unlawful and void the late proceedings touching ship-money, and for vacating all records and processes concerning the same.’’ Thus the King was brought to acquiesce in statutes that countered almost every expedient he had tried in his efforts to govern without the authority of parhament. He even consented to the attainder of Strafford, after an ineffectual effort to forestall it, though he had pledged his honor as a king to give that minister protection. As one writer puts it, ‘‘the crown was ealled upon to assent to the execution of its own minister for seeking to enlarge its own powers by methods to which the king himself had assented.”’ Charles was induced to make this hard decision because he was in dire need of revenues, which the House of Commons would not other wise grant. The House of Lords acquiesced in the attainder both because the King impoliticly intervened to sug- gest a different decision and because their lordships went to their meetings through violent mobs that howled for the eon- demnation of the minister. Laud, too, was sent to the Tower, but his execution was postponed to a later date, when the assent of the King was no longer necessary. In view of the evident hostility of the legislature to his views, Charles now tried to change the situation by increasing the number of peers. In con- Sequence, the upper house ealled on the Commons to help prevent a sale of titles, On all of these points the action of parhament was certain and positive. In these matters, parliament spoke the voice of the nation. As regards these questions, the issue was clear as between the Stuart dynasty on the one hand and the ruling group in England on the other. As long as this ruling eroup was able to act in concert, the cause of the King was hopeless. Had this group remained united, there would have been no civil war; the King would have lacked a respectable party to Support him. But parliament was already busy with another matter, which caused a division in the parliamentary ranks and gave the King the support he sorely needed.208 BRITISH HISlrOnyY THe ECCLESIASTICAL QUI he Lords by iner oO eounter 1 easing the — ot mons took Ste] t * 1; } ’ 5 ; 7 + One to disquah . ( ALTIOLI , . 4+ : it} responsi Oa T) ition ret i {° a i | o aiter ll ssem pier rom n ' 47 ‘ ; . about the City of London, : rTy] J 4 *% - + 1] ~ (iC) lle l ~ : ri , 7 ] + y Pet} i()T) f "cl ~, yi it } + 4 ’ + + ' ri ii i ™ § | . . i - 4 . +) - +) yy r) 1 | | | ' scl d comm | ’ ; hrani t ‘ Tih, cl ()] ~ a "7 1 1 cy ' rny ' VOI1C gaiit a A b+) xr } i ’ ONT 7 I Fi L -Jicit LA i Lise Li , ’ ‘ + | [he discussion of this « ’ 3k ‘ | 7 I hetwee} cl tT) tow \ oF 1 iit y j \\ no 1 lio sf { } t rmciis ] : > | ] ‘ + cl Liiit liv \ ‘ ics as now the camp ol! Kine > efforts TO rego FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS STION AND ITBREAK OF WAR House ( 10m - ain control ot the louse of in that number f house 4 » ’ . i i} ' Cy] | | ~ \Ia jest ~ ~ |} OTS a atTriGd ome ia nd several Counties of the Kingdom ’ i} R j ] Br hh } (] mous as Bat LOO anid ranch 7 1 ar l of a list of evils alleged to 47 ] ; "=x) } TyrOQ 1 i Le J L10n and ITS 1m po! I Orces he rralit LeMONnSLIFaDCt required that the King’s advisers have the confidence of parha- | that he al 1 a “general synod of the most ment anda nat ne ais Summon a vreneral SVDO' } ' ] . “Hee tl, 1. ] J pTrave, pious learned na wal ous divines oi LOIS ISiadDQ, dssisvtvti vith some from foreign parts professing the same religion with 1 7 » ’ . : P = ; A ‘ id is Wi i) may 1 TiS (it T (V1 o |] +} thts necessSsd! \ 1 ()7 thi T)é 1(*i ATi 1 ] | « 14 + 4 | 4 ” rood (FOV e rrigi ert cy] | / (*] 1 ¢*t 17 (] oD ~ f nt The ie ~ | (\] ii i] , i 4.7 ° ‘ ’ ~ * . 72 consultations unto pal ment, to be the allowed and confirmed, ; . | t ' T ‘ yo 4 } and rece] ‘ The ST ay) YT) (yT 1 , . here] y iO ind Pdssdgs' Ali¢ } ! ! y ; obedience: LoOrougne t the Kingaol » 4 House of Commons on onlv eleven votes. issues, bv ma Rane lerate peers into - 4 ‘ — — — ad a growingTHE NATION REBELS 309 number of friends in the lower house. For the moment, he had succeeded in compromising his difficulties with the Scots, and the need for revenue to support the army was no longer so pressing. Word of a rebellion in Ireland (October, 1641) called for more troops and additional funds and so placed the King again at the mercy of parliament. But the parliamentary party. about to pass the Grand Remonstrance, was unwilling to entrust to the control of the King any troops raised for use in Ireland. On December 3, says a contemporary, Pym moved in the House of Commons for ‘‘a committee to review what bills we had passed and the Lords rejected, and the reasons why, and if the Lords would not join us, then let us go to the King and make a declaration to the public, to let them see where the obstructions lie.’? Charles again contributed to defeat his own cause. He intervened as between the two houses of parhament; he dis- missed the Lieutenant of the Tower and replaced him with a man reputed to have fewer scruples. The London populace became agitated, and eries of ‘‘No bishops,’’ ‘‘No popish lords?’ were heard on every hand. The bishops were intimidated, and most of them did not attend the sessions of parliament. Perhaps the advantage was still with the King in the House of Lords, when, on January 3, 1642) his Attorney-General impeached five mem- bers of the House of Commons, accusing them of high treason. Charles sent the sergeant at arms to arrest the accused members and the next day went in person, thus raising the question of a flagrant breach of the privileges of parliament. The Lords Joined the lower house in protesting against this action of the King, but would go no further until it became known that Charles was trying to get control of Hull and Portsmouth and was meditating the introduction of foreign troops to coerce his English subjects. Thereupon, the House of Lords was ready to act in concert with the Commons. Both houses petitioned for contro] of the militia on February 1. On the fifth the House of Lords passed the bill excluding the bishops from parliament. Again the Kine had to give way. Before the end of February he sent to the Continent his queen, who was threatened with impeachment, and his heir, who had been in danger of falling into the hands of parliamentary groups. ~ Now that I have gotten Charles,’’ the King js reported to have said, “‘I care not what answer I send them [parliament].”’ Accordingly, he refused to consent to the militia bill. The next few months witnessed a sparring for position on both sides, again810 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS a ‘‘paper war’’ it was called by a contemporary. The parha- ment. acting without the customary royal assent, passed an ordinance designating lords lieutenant ol the counties to sum- mon and command the militia. This ordinance was followed by 9 declaration on the part of the two houses that, in the process of reforming the ‘government and liturgy of the church, ' they }. 4 — . av , . ] ~ +4 “xT ‘ take awav nothing in one or the other but what proposed wendy shall be evil and justly offensive, or a of harles retorted in “‘A Proclamation, for- +t least. unnecessary oe . . hidding all His Majesty’s subjects, helonging to the trained } . + L- i} 1. ort \ + 71 .< . | . T * ic * Mane ‘ Ol] Th i iad Ji Lt) ~ einvraonl Lv 1 ist. marfCh,. I LS PT Ol + . ' , * . exereise. DY Virtul nt anv WIracr OL ()rdinance ot one OF both Houses of Parliament, without eonsent or warrant trom His 3° ' ,% rua. * line to the laws his Au 4 | > of + } aT P 4 , 1 + Thither parliame! efore it heard of the King s proclamation : » } dispatched I neTteeD 1)] S17 (OTIS ~ | ogested as t | ¢- hasis OT a compromise, to the pene! tL that n the ruturt the actual } : : > + i ie ” ) } 41 1 ; administration V1 Lhe a ernme!l sii id I} rit hands Ol : persons appointed hv parliament instead of persons appointed 4] ¥ 4 | . + + a { \ ‘le .4 + \ ne VY iti’ i) (*c*T) sii | L | NOSAL |] PATIL al PS ITMUS 1 i : i 7 abandon the The, - OT nes! rT) if i qd COTS STP] aN held. cl t | ables } ] : } y ] an . } + oO Y* r\) | } 7 y) 4 ) | + | Y) 7 } ¢)T° nnanct na CU 1TiLeé .? eo. | | LPil Lit if f ii | t ri 4 (ia a ‘ y 4 \ hoth Narties mate ready TO TT) 7 vnAal troops rif (*¢) iid \ : : “ , ‘ — ] 1, | {- . y cy TXT * 4 } ily ry > War was Imminent an actual Clas V1 arms aWwadaittu oniy all Onnoriy iT yy } I ll it J. * rya 7 kg] t} (> momel | ' (*c yi T T Wiis | 1 ded ihe (] larrel TY! 1 | hla J iS as ‘| w 1 lv | 9 d t, hotween two factions with Tit y\ emporatl i MWCO a ij Sh) ' i" ] LvwU cL ' il y + | on ++ } 4 | ‘ . \ ¥? + + + | ] ¥ Tava Q if Le la wit rT} iT rif \ \ > 4 Li «c' el J ims i SLOT Tilda WK ow : . ' aqimeult to explain its ¢ca ses | an veneral statement ot prin ry) . . + | \ ink C 1") OT Tneé STrey cry | on thi Hy ne ie 1a} (r¢ ly a the NOT L! cea, Matti) aay eee th nd soutl nH Tit Wes ri Tit { i} “ OP) OTL its I} rit { is atitl si i | | is + 47 y+ 4 ‘ } } ‘ ryt y ‘ 1 like trie enough. vet in the heart of the Ang s territory towns I1Ké side. But not all towns sympathized with the parliamentary) ise there were man hur@ess very urban Col ymunity Cause, ali wo) yy { ' many LOG we -4 eS lll cv! 7 ulwWUa Ul Lh ‘ aw) . + y * ryivy ° (* who were friendly to the King. rhe sybstantial members OT ‘he trading classes tended to be parliamentarians. The seaport towns and mariners were partial to the same side, which alioned The control of the sea gave parlia- & the navy against the King.THE NATION REBELS 31] ment the revenue from the customs. But there were also traders in considerable numbers who sympathized with the royal cause. There was as strong a tendency for the country gentry to be royalists as there was for townsmen of the same eeneral economie class to be partial to the parliamentary cause, yet some of the most zealous partizans of parliament were from the rural gventry. The question on which the nation split, on the surface, seems to have been not so much one of religious dogma as of ecclesias- tical polity. The episcopacy fitted somewhat better into the traditions of the nobility and of the stratified rural society, just as the machinery of the presbytery and the congregation was more congenial for the substantial denizens of the towns. There were more serious difficulties in the way of adopting the Presbyterian system as a uniform national polity than of retain- ing the more elastic Anglican organization, while the indepen- dents, since they were in a minority and never likely to be united among themselves except in opposition to Rome and similar common foes, had to advocate a departure from the Krastian ideal. Each of these three parties had to choose at one time or another from the other two which it preferred as an ally and which as an enemy. The ecclesiastical issue itself was thus not so clear cut as it seemed on the surface. The political issue, if it be possible to segregate the political from the ecclesiastical, was similarly confused. All parties were opposed to the extreme views of monarchy held by Charles I and his father. But many of the more conservative minded were even more opposed to the extreme theories of parliamentary supremacy held by Pym, Hampden, and their followers. Obliged to choose between the two, many of the more moderate group elected to take the side of the King. They did not, how- ever, become zealots in his behalf and awaited only some other unifying principle as an excuse for abandoning a cause they had adopted without enthusiasm. Had Charles shown a capacity for tolerance and leadership, he might have established himself as the champion of the saner groups and in the end have re- gained his throne. But, in that case, he would not have been the Charles Stuart who had suffered the country to be set thus artificially by the ears. He finally deserted his other followers, as he had deserted Strafford, and by his unstable character for- feited the support that circumstances had provided for him. There was as yet no trained army in England on either side. The tradition of military leadership was stronger among those on the side of the King, while the material resources of the212 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS country were more largely in the hands of his opponents. The enlisted troops were almost equally raw on both sides, and parliament was not entirely wanting in men who had some of the qualities of leadership. A matter of even greater impor- tance. as the event proved, was that parliament had among its supporters leaders who believed in the cause and who came LO appreciate the Sstrene th that zeal ror a cause would lend TO fighting men. Notable among these was Oliver Cromwell, who was destined to enact no mean part 1n the drama on the stage now making ready. Pym and Hampden both died in 1643, the latter slain in the field, and, after their death. Cromwell, who was a kinsman ot Hampden, rap dly eame to the front. He later recorded that, after his first experience in the field, he told Hampden that the cause 01 parliament could never prevail supported by the existine tvpe of troops: ‘‘ Your troops,’’ said I, em old decayed serving-men tapsters, and such are TI HAT | th | i ’ » } | * : . : 1 , ‘ ‘ an ix } | { | i Lh VS ao ! T T) Tila the spirit oO] seh base. mean able t encounter centlemen that have race. and resolution in them? You must get s likely to go as far as gentlemen will men Oj] spir OD 1 ] 7 : } Or O] OU will be beaten s 1 Hlampden nougnt the sugges- ‘ fae yh = a ton good but impracticable. Cromwell rephed by obtaining . } . | . » s+ l¢ ive or ansence TO TAINS im tne eastern eonunti1es a troop oT such 1 4 ’ i t ° | Q men as ! ad the tear of Woda before them and made some con- * | } } science Or V tL Ul aid, 7 ] + le : - [his troop became the nucleus of a regiment, He began in VMareh he had five LroOoDs ; by September, ten. } b ‘‘He had a spec al eare, says one contemporary, 1 tO: el religious men 1 his troop; these were men of greater under- standing than common soldiers and making not money but that which they took tor publie Felieit Vv to be their end. they were Tne more engeart d te be valiant ( romwell frankly rave preter- ent to the a ntry, wht n he co ild induce them to enlist. but the 1 on were sturdiness of character and zeal tor oid he: ‘‘I had rather have a plain, russet-coated that he fights for and loves what he knows tleman’ and is nothing else. ] than that wi] ich you eall 906—6hCPe) 12g may be 1t pro- honour a centleman that 1S so MmaeeO. « « It vokes some spirits to see such plain men made captains of |} [It had been well that men of honour and birth had entered why do they not appear: But into these employments- but seeine it was necessary the work should go on, better plain 10oTse. a men than none. °THE NATION REBELS 313 These men, whom Cromwell assembled, were thus cenaries nor impressed frequenters of taverns. one observer, ‘‘freeholders or freeholders’ Sons, of conscience engaged in this quarrel.’’ With Cromwell leading men of this caliber, disciplined under his direction, there is little wonder that at Marston Moor in the campaign of 1644 he was able to play a large part in retrieving victory for the parliamen- tary cause from threatened defeat. But parliament still lacked strength to bring the struggle to a decisive issue, and it was becoming clear, both to those at Westminster and to those in the field, that strenuous measures must be adopted if their cause was to prevail. The remedy for the situation was found in a resolution to raise a ‘‘New Model Army’’ of the type that Crom- well had exemplified and to entrust its leadership to men who Should not themselves be members of parliament. These qualities that Cromwell desired for some emphasis. neither mer- They were, says who upon matter his troops merit His army was to play a larger part than any other agency in the years Just ahead, and the part that it played was due in no small measure to the qualities it acquired under his stimulation, It is scarcely incorrect to eall it the first national army the world ever saw; it became in the end essentially a national army. It was largely because the army had this character in so large a degree that the nation rallied for a time to its leader when it tired of strife and found the King still incapable of taking the reins of power on tolerable terms. THE RISE oF THE ARMY AND THE FALL OF THE KING The war soon became something more than a civil between two factions of Englishmen. The Catholics in Ireland, seeing little promise of friendship from other groups in England, united in making terms with Charles and promised, in Septem- ber, 1643, to send troops to help him in his quarrel with his English subjects. While the Scots had no particular concern in the quarrel between the two English factions, they perceived that a victory for the King in his southern kingdom would probably be fatal to the Presbyterian organization in Scotland. Therefore, in the same year that the Irish promised to aid the King, the Scots made a Solemn League and Covenant with the parliamentary party to secure the safety of their own organi- * * = zation and to reform that in Kngland ‘“acecording to the example struggle214 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of the best reformed ehurches and according to the Word otf Cod.’ The Scots were to provide an army t0 fight for the theretore thirty thousand pounds per joint cause and to receive ated with no little effect in the battle month. Thi my particip: of Marston mage, which. for the time, won the northern part the parliamentary cause. But affairs were going of England for 1 otherwise in the south, and there was little prospect of improve- nent until the better army chould be available. The parliamentary army of the new model, when ready, was the command of Thomas, Lord Fairfax, though, placed under th ‘ve service in the field, Cromwell when the time came for ac lieutenant general despite his membership in the In June, 1645, the new model army met the royalist forces at Naseby and thoroughly routed them. Charles himself escaped, but from this time he was little better than a fugitive seeking where he might make the most favorable terms. Meanwhile, the appearance of an efficient English army on the side of parliament tended to make the support of the and added strength to the roy list Tac- But the success oF parliament was made House ot (‘ommons. Scots less enthusiastic tion in the northern King in the south also encourag' d its friends in the north, an d by the spring of 1646 the royalist forces had been ce li + was victorious in the field, but victory The cause of parliament was victor was more fatal to the WI of the party than defeat. Nobody was yel ready to suggest a practicable srrangement for carry- ‘ne on the government without the codperation of the King, while it was beginning to he evident that Charles would cooperate loyally with nobody. He may be said to have acquiesced in thi control of taxation by par ) supremacy of the law and the courts that admu aafated it. He at no time admitted the elaims ot parliament to control of the Church Moreover, parliament itself had } , } *) A and ot tne military LOTCES. ther question. As regards common the adherents to the established or- had withdrawn from parliament on the outbreak of the King. Of the two groups left, the nforcement of a rule of national eanization war to j01n the party of larger favored the ae lon sed on the Presbyterian model. But religious uniformity ba +y that had_as little sympathy with there was a strong minorit ay ‘ican ‘fn *te., namely. the Inde Presbyterian as Anglican uniLormity - namely, the inade- pendents. AS regards the army, parlia iment had found it expe- ‘or to defend its cause, to yield control to a seml- dient, in OTae!l professional military group. The untoreseen result was thea ENGLAND B=) AND WALES pee Oy IBLE _ 1643 | wT THE CIVIL WAR SCALE OF ENGLISH MILES. 0610 20 30 60 EXPLANATION Parts held by Charles I. at the end of 1643 Parte held by Parliament_ ISLE OF MAN Ji & ASN jf fo = Metts IRISH SE A 2 ~s .& é “Oxford, Bioucester 3 LongitudeTHE NATION REBELS 315 creation of a force that served well the immediate purpose for which it was designed, but which now bade fair to rival in power the body that created it and whose cause it had served. Furthermore, it happened that the most influential leaders in the army, including Cromwell, were in sympathy with the Inde- pendents on the ecclesiastical question. A richer field for in- trigue can scarcely be imagined, and there was little prospect of a workable settlement unless the King could be eliminated or unless he and some one of the factions opposed to him could agree on a common plan of action. But Charles found it impossible to face the loss of his control of the Chureh and the army, and so the negotiations with him that now dragged over several years offered little hope of a settlement. The first serious proposals, known as the Propositions of Neweastle, were made Jointly by parliament and the Scottish commissioners, while the King was under the protection of the Scots. The suggestion was that Charles should relinquish eon- trol of the army and navy for a period of twenty years, establish Presbyterianism as the Church of the island, and consent to the exclusion of a number of his own supporters from the proposed general amnesty. The King naturally declined these proposals; he then temporized by making counter suggestions, which were as little acceptable to the parliamentary leaders as were theirs to him, The Scots, fearing a royalist rally in support of Charles should he remain in his native country, now accepted a partial payment of the amount due for their participa- tion in the war, resigned the King into the hands of the Enelish, and withdrew into their own territory. Meanwhile, the Presby- terlan group in parliament was trying in vain to disperse the army. Its pay, for one thing, was in arrears, and money to meet this obligation was not in sight. Then, too, the leaders of the army were not disposed to disband their forces until they had some assurance that they would be free to indulge their own ecclesiastical views. The rank and file in most of the regiments elected two representatives each, known as ‘‘agitators’’ or agents, to consult with the generals. Parliament promised to comply with the demands of the army, but the army refused to disband until fulfillment had verified the promise, knowing that should it disband the Presbyterian party would be left in control of parliament and the country. The army was now represented by an organization of officers and “‘agitators.’’ A company was sent to take charge of the King, and, instead of disbanding the army, this councileonstitution., BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUI parliament. Lor N11 The (> retorm allTHE NATION REBELS 317 the house, thus effecting what became famous as ‘‘Pride’s purge,’’ and leaving only a remnant of the Long Parliament, which was known as the ‘‘Rump.’’ The membership of the House of Commons was thus reduced from about two hundred and fifty to fifty members. On the first day of the following year this remnant of parliament passed an ordinance providing for a High Court to try the King. Charles was brought up from the Isle of Wight, where he had been detained practically as a prisoner. The court was not set up without difficulties, but hasty action was necessary if the project was to be carried through. On January 20 the trial began before a commission of sixty- eight members, instead of the one-hundred and thirty-five pro- vided for in the ordinance. Charles denied the jurisdiction of the court, and the Scots protested against the trial of their king by an English tribunal. Fifty-eight of the judges signed a death warrant, and on January 30 the head of the King fell at the stroke of an ax. The execution of Charles, necessary aS Cromwell and his asso- clates felt it to be, was, it was soon easy to see, a political blunder. The King, or his friends, skilfully dramatized the last act in his career to make it impressive to the witnessing multitudes, and a legend straightway began to take form that was destined to give a substance to the memory of the dead King in the minds of many who had found little in him to admire in life. Notable in helping to ereate this legend was a book that appeared ten days after the execution and soon went to more than two-score editions. The title was Eup Baowdtxn; the Pourtraicture of his Sacred Majestie in his Solitude and Sufferings. The authorship of this famous piece, attributed to the King himself, and later claimed by John Gauden, a con- temporary divine, is still a matter of dispute and uncertainty. No doubt it expresses the philosophy of and aspirations for the monarchy that Charles felt, though it is improbable that he had the gift for expression displayed in the book, a gift that Gauden had in a considerable degree. As there were many editions of the book, so it provoked many replies, some of them the work of the best pens in the parhamentary party. Even John Milton lent an ineffective hand, undertaking in his KixovoxX\aorno to shatter the idol of ‘‘the inconstant, irrational. and image- doting rabble.’’ In vain he complained that people ‘‘with a besotted and degenerate baseness of spirit, except some of the few who yet retain in them the old English fortitude and love of freedom, are ready to fall down flat and give adoration to the2918 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ‘mage and memory of this man who hath offered at more cunning fetches to undermine our liberties and put tyranny into an act, The royal cause was now . than any British king before him. ’ sanctified by the hlood of a martyr. But even the sacrifice of ‘harles’s life could not make the throne secure for a stuart monarch. lhe idea for which he died, the concept of kingship which he strove to uphold, was incompatible with the supremacy of the ruling class that had shaped the character otf t he Enelish nation and had now grown accustomed to the sabstance ol power. Henceforward. kings | Eneland only so long as they did not make too great pretensions to the power to rule. Meantime, the fatal loyalty of the first ' ‘harles to his views afforded a decade for political experimentation beiore the nation was ready to yield the scepter to his son. POR FURTHER STUDY RB A ( } s xil-xl1: Cambridae Vf * I i | \ t | ! | Y fj g°>) { WLIW 4 ehs | W. Fol H 5 sh A mo. BE. UL ee yo >. Kt \ f I r ( i H Lu res I] Constituty nal Di | Intro \ D. Innes, 1 Hi j / f | S. Xl-2 Wallace Note stein, The Wt hy the House Commons FOR WIDER READING WR. F. Bourne, English Newspapers, I. chs. i-11; Champlin Burrage, Ti] ] | Hi. Firth, ( ist A i: The House L “(I B fhe ¢ H ns a R t,ATaNHne! Hy SL OTT or hy 11a ld \ \ Lf] f f+ { a 1 \ ise. \W H 1] tton, } / i ¢ i ns \ rr Marriott. Ph Life a d Lu ( i | / Bi OKS LV K. U,. Vie nt ue f y ] | st S \rances Helen Re] The i ii / \' ’ — ! H [ ‘ [ i (] : } ( }) t D g ( iH [ ( y. } H. D. Traill, Lord Straffora, QO Drews } ; aie \ ens | ix: } B. Williams, A Hist hn J to the Fou 1 of the Gazette, chs. 1-x GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE Various nects of the Civil War are illustrated by maps in Muir, f. 38; Sj} ) » 1 ( N Ld M His if is, Nos. o4, 30, 36; (i M. Tre n. J dl r the Stuarts, p. 034 For a contemporary f the Battle of Naseby, see C. H. Firth, Crom- sce M uLT, Introduc-CHAPTHR, XTV RADICALISM AND THE ARMY AN INTERLUDE OF UNCERTAINTY The day was saved for the cause of parhament by the very forces that seemed most to endanger its success. There were apparently troubles enough in England to threaten the su- premacy of the faction that had conquered the King, opposed, as it soon was, by the Levellers and other doctrinaire radicals on the one hand and by the royalists on the other. But for the moment a more serious danger threatened from abroad. The long series of wars on the Continent known as the Thirty Years War had been concluded at the Congress of Westphalia in 1648, leaving the power of France and the Protestant states exhausted. But the new English republic had no friends among these states. A monarch could not yet witness with equanimity the execution of a king and the enthronement of his subjects. More- over, the ruling houses in both France and Holland were bound to the fallen English dynasty by ties of blood. The most pressing and immediate danger to the new régime in England, however, was from Ireland, whither the heir-appar- ent of the dead King had turned for support. Ormonde, the royalist leader in that island. managed to reconcile the Prot- esctant and Catholic factions, so that they united in support of the royalist cause, and the execution of Charles I served to swell the number of his followers. The Council of State in England appointed Cromwell to Suppress this rebellion against the power of parliament in the early spring of 1649. Cromwell appealed to the national pride and to the fears of the English. He warned that if they did not maintain their interest in Ireland the Irish would ‘‘in a very short time be able to land forces in England and put us to trouble here.’’ He went on: “‘I confess I have often had these thoughts with myself which may be earnal and foolish: I had rather be overrun by a Cavalierish interest than a Scotch interest, I had rather be overcome by a Scotch interest than an Irish interest, and I think that of all this is the most 319320 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS dangerous. ... If they shall be able to carry on their work they will make this the most miserable people in the earth, for all the world knows their barbarism. . . . The quarrel is brought tc this state: that we can hardly return to that tyranny which formerly we were under the yoke of, but we must at the same time be subject to the kingdom of Scotland or the kingdom of Ireland for the bringing in of the king. It should awaken all Enelishmen.’’ The appeal of Cromwell was sufficient to procure resources for the maintenance of the army of twelve thousand men, which he refused to lead to ir land until it was « QGulipp d and the means were at hand for its support. These preliminaries delayed his start until the latter part or the summer. Within a month efter his arrival in the island, he met Ormonde at Drogheda (Sept mber 1] and le de that name ever afterward memorable h annals by his command that all of the twenty-eight hun- him be it to the sword. At Wexford Oatol 7 19 a ian hin |, 1 nf tha oarnr}) ‘ id eX TOre (* bL)ptel ty { Lif I CPeT) nmunarea J Lit aATTISONU ali andl nN eat vell | . casio} } hi rc)) Pi . I ~ { ONS OF UUUCdas il is a | , : ist retribution r 1n) blood s! n a rebellion of the 1 idement of God upon rous es’’: he d 1] iso aS a2 means OL PIcve ne Slimiiiadl IS1OnNS QO] iood 17 i 7 . + . j ] ' ‘ 4 | cy ] {- ] T ‘ ey » the future. Had he foreseen the flood of eloquent appeal that + his mereiless action would occasion in centuries to come, DO 7 , ; ; 4 } . } } ~ . r ore i a. - ie doubt he would have restrained his hand. Yet wars in the ] 4. | _ =e : : . = : ' ’ : ~~, | ePNnTe nin (** ) | te : PV; T} TT) :¢ aT) A ats 17) Tf (*i-T : Lime S. we>re . ’ } ‘7 ‘ , ’ e] : racry r Zed | \ if ob lf 1 ne searecely STIS ntible | qaeTence, ee 2070 ep. (-Sonen mane 1 he held to justify somewhat te LITIIC@SS SOLIS CALL « (iil y end Di ie it LO TUSLILS somewhat ter- 17 ‘ bh ] : , ; —. rible means. Cromwell had, however, to leave the subjugation — of Treland to Ireton. while he returned to England to lead an y*) mst 0) Having delayed his journey to Ireland so long, the young Charles. hearing of the victories of Cromwell, concluded that it was not worth while to go at all. He found the native kingdom of to welcome him, though only on its own | not much choice in the matter. Return- ine to Holland from his interrupted journey to Ireland, he found himself. it is said, with ‘‘not bread both for himself and his servants. and betwixt himself and his brother not one ®nelish shilling.’’ The prevailing faction in Scotland demanded that he make the covenant to support Presbyterianism in Scot-RADICALISM AND THE ARMY land and to impose it on Enel d21 and and Ireland, disavowing at the same time both Ormonde in Ireland and Montrose, the royal- ist leader in Seotland. In the course of the negotiations, Mont- rose was led into an imprudent attack on the Covenanters, in which he was defeated and later captured and put to death (May, 1650). Having apparently nothing else left to do, Charles came to terms with the Presbyterians. Parliament, or what was left of it, now decided to take the war into Scotland, to avert a danger that seemed imminent, and designated Fairfax and Cromwell to command the expedition. Fairfax declined to make what he regarded as an ageressive war on a neighboring country, and Cromwell was placed in full command after he had tried in vain to persuade Fairfax to share the responsibility. Cromwel] again appealed for Support on the ground of a common fear in the presence of a national danger. All of the undaunted spirit of the leader was needed before the conclusion of the expedition, for in its earlier phases it seemed to threaten his army with disaster. But he retrieved his position at the battle of Dunbar in September, 1650. sy a skilful campaign in the following spring he again defeated 1 the Scots in the battle of Worcester, after which both Seotland and Ireland were joined to England, ceasing for the time to have a separate, organized existence, an arrangement destined to be comparatively short-lived. In England itself there had been t years a conflict that marked To understand this eontrov stantly that these civil w eceding centuries, touched directly a comparatively small proportion of the total] population of the country. True this war differed from the earlier ones in that a somewhat larger proportion were engaged In it, but it differed more markedly in that those w] ticipate were impelled thereto by devices not hitherto used on the Same scale. We have noted that one of the secrets of Cromwel] S success in the field was his appreciation of the advantage that would acerue should his troops acknowledge a eommon loyalty and unite in conscious Support of a common cause. Other leaders also came to understand that stoups needed to be stimu- lated to think or feel in common before they would act effectively together, either in public assembly or on the field. In conse- quence, a war of propaganda ensued, as important and as effective as the Struggles that took place ] Jetween armed men, the most pretentious verbal contest the world had as yet seen. aking place for severa] a new era in political controversy. crsy we need to remind oursely es con- ars, like those in the pr 10 did par-299 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS A young poet like Andrew Marvell. gifted with an imagina- tion that enabled him to sense, 11 unconsciously, the drift of eroups that controlled the destiny of the feeling among the nation, was able to greet Cromwell on his return from Ireland in a laudatory ode, as a man to whom the nation owed a debt, being one, WI I n his pr iy rdens, where . He lived reserv: | austere (As if his highest plot To plant the bergal 1 (i ld by } . ri S ir elimb fo ru creat f time, And cas n i? Inte ] nel Though J1 9 st Fate complain, And lead nt rights in vain— R 10st | or break AS e] re strong or ' Natur en pt ness Al ration iess \] ‘ en ~ r 4 \ = rish had now felt the power of the hand of This greater Sp I and I} ry S DI cog heat Al though vercome, contest Hi ra) st \1 y rT) oy ) : . \ Returning home LI he ‘ TTi7 rs Teet pre sents a for his first year’s rents nd t } forbears His to make it theirs And has ] sword and spoils ungirt T ] 4) 7 Qn } Q skirt With such a leader, the poet asks with patriotic ardor whether ( romwel| mav not go on and rival the conquests of ancient mili- tary heroes. Nevertheless, the poet was sensitive to the emotion of theRADICALISM AND THE ARMY O29 crowd, and the best-remembered lines of his ode referred not to Cromwell but to the late monarch: He nothing common did or mean Upon that memorable scene, But with his keener eye The axe’s edge did try; Nor ecall’d the gods with vulgar spite, To vindicate his helpless right; But bow’d his comely head Down, as upon a bed. Not so the young poet’s friend, John Milton. He became Latin Secretary to the Council of State formed after the exe- cution of the King. He had already sought to justify the de- position of Charles in a pamphlet on The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, and he was soon again in the thick of the polemics that ensued. After Milton became blind Marvell, among others, gave assistance in his secretarial duties. The poet remained to the end a loyal supporter of Cromwell. He had already demon- strated his ability as a controversialist by his tracts on divorcee, inspired in part by his own unfortunate experience, and by his more notable defence of the freedom of the press in Areopagitica. We need not dwell here on his earlier poems or on his later epics, in which his appeal transcended the bounds of a nation that had refused longer to heed his political doctrines and became universal in scope. But Milton the controversialist was one among very many. Newspapers and other periodical publications were not yet in existence in the form now familiar, nor was there a publie forum, save the pulpit, where assembled crowds might hear and respond to the eloquence of political leaders. The current vehicles for the interchange of both news and views were broadsides, pamph- lets, tracts, and similar fugitive pieces, which appeared in un- believable number and testify of an emotional ferment among the groups vocal in the nation of which we would have no knowledge without them. These records were transmitted to posterity as a result of the forethought of a contempor ary book- seller, George Thomason, who, in the period from 1642 to 1662 collected some twenty-two thousand or more items and anpaneed them in the order in which they came into his possession. On no previous occasion had men so frequently and so voluminously expressed their feelings and sought to win the support of others for their views. After the execution of the King, aside from‘yey om BRITISH the army, it was only when a group | feeling that public action was possibl eround of thought ana The itself was political factions. 11 army nomenon that eommon soldi rs with their off tably impaired As early as 1646 an * the dise a ‘ ‘ mhAlical naires began to publish 1 end for a time one Oo! — Colonel John Lilburn . } O] the trial court and Lilburne was imprisone l- » @ j ‘ attack made on a pec! he conducted A Calli ir] trom that time tne uppel nouse bh (Fak) 1 ¢) ‘ : } ow Vi ~ r 1 * \ a | 4 a ( | { I aemiie hponan he domi aQriti' wYvali i) Lye (it) TT } an ST ié OT A vo] ae ic Ti } | 4 lovical conclusion theo! merely toyed in thelr ¢ i LX? the a i ‘i ( j y\ ' CONSE! | , f Narty CTO] o yt Wi re | 4) i yy ¥ 4.7 nosed LO tt 0 ST17 + On) ) Tne a y* i +] ) ] ‘ { ) rie (*()T i | it? ] ment was to De Call \ + elected hy Tre DeODL! similar manner at bie} Levellers that 1t was | 7 7 DY laws wh (| he (} i + 1 nat tne Kno] sh const and nal 1 lin ed 1) 1 } who 4 | @ material sta tended. it would operate - | , : : - who Nad no prope©rvy, ot thos wno nad SOL! HISTORY cers, and the prevai » \ FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS common le. reach a eould danger ot inly an unconventional should elect men to take ft ates ot that procedure inevi- breaking up into in phe- counsel ipline ot the troops Ar i , 77 164% a (y] ip) LJ] rel Ci it i | political doctri- ‘ | : t heir views. One of the most prominent, 1 } T 1 + : ] ‘ } 11) riif¢ * nil 6 ial. i i lLjeutenant ] 4 | }- ) : a0 ‘ ) .y” brother of Robert Lilburne, a membe1 | \ ! de; nm warrant O01] Cini rles | } + * ’ 7 - ~~ 1 in 1646 the House of Lords tor an 'n one of his pamphlets. rom prison ; 0 ins 1 ' lion ce OT lords itselt and 41 | , ; Y) ! I () iit DOPUuUlact acalnst the - fe 3 : = 1 Be oS nerease. until it was finally abolished. s re left in parliament after the ! Lt LPiie t} US per rri¢ t 1aer and 7 ~ f | f Pitt ~ ' Car] PC] TO a : vhich the more practical groups ‘} 1 { HOT 7 TS wir aAnDvDrOd( i} OT 4 i= } | H+ | | ' rif ~ | ' T } fie more } l ; led | } Ly ()T) ne 4 } idieal i ) I 1 i Th - { aN] ! Ihe i cit (*7. is Pro- Arn LLU on a written Con- 1 ] | 2 i Co? , 2 (] ne Acreement eT] _ 0] LI is OI )) L' | a new parlia- ortione according to population and ' } | ‘ { ; rw i ;™~ ‘| ‘T) 1 CilLUst Qn ti a ' * rT) YT} ’ “Lis () Tne reunite ni OT the ntrarv to nature for a man to be bound j 1 1. 7 - had no voice in making, Ireton replied + \r) . 1 . + la T y? ¥ Tur On) S 10 nded O SCCUL' propervts iT] ation in the government to those fe ) = j 47 1 r) | eoOuntr In crne end, ne CoLl- to the advantage of the common soldiers, tc leave the government in the hands TOS IS ndicative OT a previous r stages. ItRADICALISM AND THE ARMY 320 to the courts, and Coke developed his doctrine of the supremacy of the “‘law of the land’’ over even the monarch. It matters little whether this was sound constitutional doctrine. Since the Judges were appointed by the King, it was unlikely that they would long oppose his will. The opponents of the King, there- fore, turned to parliament as a body more likely to uphold the ‘‘fundamental laws’’ when they were in danger of subversion. Coke now appeared as a member of the House of Commons. But this change in ground on the part of the opponents of the Stuart monarchs revealed two further questions that needed answers if the doctrine of the supremacy of parliament was to become plausible. What was the nature of these ‘‘ fundamental laws’’ that had a higher authority than ordinary laws, and by what means did parliament acquire its title to supremacy ? Many disputants, as was natural at the time sought in the Seriptures divine or supreme laws. Others found them in what they called the laws of nature. But it was not easy to reach a general agreement on the content of either the divine laws of the Scripture or the laws of nature. After it became clear that it would be almost impossible to work in cooperation with the King, Lilburne and the Levellers suggested that the break down in the old government left the country in a state of nature and so free to formulate anew, by agreement or compact, supreme or fundamental laws creating machinery of government wherewith to replace that which had failed to function. This conclusion was not reached without much consideration of what came to be called the sovereignty of the people, and most of the ideas on which so much eloquence was to be expended in subsequent times were suggested in these discussions. One troublesome difficulty was the contrivance of a suitable tribunal for deciding whether an act of legislation under the compact was in contravention of the fundamntal law itself, and the later expedient adopted in America, of leaving the decision to the courts, was that ultimately accepted as most hkely to work. But not all the radicals spent their energies on secular political doctrines. Other groups, who later found it easier to cooperate with Cromwell than did Lilburne and the Levellers, were con- cerned about religious or ecclesiastical questions. The Fifth Monarchy Men, for example, were convinced that the apocalyptic reign of the saints on earth was at hand, the fifth monarchy foretold in the Seriptures. One of the chief leaders of this group was Thomas Harrison, a man who participated in the2996 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 1 of Charles I and who, in the period immediately atter the tria most trusted execution of the King, was one ol Cromwell’s lieutenants. The Fifth Monarchy group was for the most part that had a congre- recruited from the Baptists and other sects that cational polity. This claim of congregat ional independence made t this stage of the development of the Dissenting move ty of small groups voluntarily ‘ possible, ad ment. almost an infinite vari associated. Little wonder tl ousands of pamphlets were needed ing of the news, of so variegated —_ to publish the views, to say not on assortment of associations. But Cromwell and those who followed him were too practical . by xtremes OL political or religious doctrines. He ultimately found it impossible to work with either Lilburne | ‘nthe end prosecuted both. Nor was it strange Leveller. like the Fifth Monarchy fanatic, deserted the true cause for the husks of wer. The General became Lord Protector, and in time re- | the offer of the crown because, despite a flavor in him litical radicalism and religious fanaticism, he was predom- inantly a man of affairs, who understood better than most men SF) most influential in society. of his time the forces that were No matter how plausible the doctrines of the Levellers might seem to him. Cromwell knew that it was not feasible to organize an army of seventeenth century Englishmen on that basis, and none knew better than he that the army was responsible tor the defeat of the King. The army also denuded parlament embers. In the face of immediate danger, if when the army seemed on the verge of breaking up in the fall of 1648. Cromwell and Ireton compromised with the Levellers and arreed to a more radical proposal for a constitution than had | by any but the Leveller group. Ire- previously hes mn Sponsored 1\ rve a united front against the royalists, ton. in his eftort to preser\ k to reconcile the doctrinaire political engineers even undertook 1 bent on improvising an ideal constitution and the ' who VW ‘ re that the great day of the Lord was at hand fanatics who rel and that 1 re ‘ ; ; CAT 2. } 0 —— and na it Was almos Im plouUus [Or Jet lumans to try to have that which would come by the divine will. The compro- hich resulted was a more mod- erate document than that earlier proposed by the Levellers TO he pul into effect when approved by those ‘*~well- mise Agreement of the People w and was affected’’ toward the remnant of parliament that remained. The leaders of the army modified this in the direction of safeguarding religious + compromise agreement still further, particularlyRADICALISM AND THE ARMY 321 toleration, whereupon the Levellers, feeling that they had been betrayed, defied the army. But the army officers were now again in control of the situation, and before the end of 1649 Lilburne was under arrest awaiting trail. Facing the prospect of mutiny in the army, Cromwell and his associates abandoned the Agreement of the People, preferring rather to use the Rump of parliament for a while longer as an agency of government, and proceeded to restore discipline among the troops. A dependable army was essential for meeting the dangers in Ireland and Scotland, as we have seen, and a breach with the Levellers was accepted as inevitable. Lilburne learned of the decision when he overheard through a keyhole Cromwell saying to the Council of State: ‘‘I tel] you, you have no other way to deal with these men [the Levellers] but to break them, or they will break you; yea and bring all the guilt of the blood and treasure shed and spent in this kingdom upon your heads, and frustrate and make void all that work that, with so many years’ industry, toil, and pains you have done ; and therefore I tell you again, you are necessitated to break them.’’ Since it had come to where one or the other must be broken, we are not surprised that Lilburne and his coterie used every means that they could command to discredit both the army and the Rump, and neither was defensible according to any consistent political doctrine. Cromwell understood the diffieul- ties of his position and delayed as long as possible the trial of the arch-Leveller. When he was tried. so astute was his defence that he was acquitted, both in 1649 and again, when he was arraigned a second time, in 1653. Cromwell’s efforts to codperate with the Rump is an indication of his preference for the practical as distinguished from the theoretical and doctrinaire. His own sympathies at bottom were probably with the less fanatical of the 'saints’’ rather than with the Levellers. After his return from Scotland he gave up in despair the attempt to work with the Rump in organizing a stable government. This fragment of the Lone Parliament was still tinkering with the question of framing a constitution for the national Church that would place certain limitations on the freedom of those outside of the established organization. Crom- well gave voice to positive views on this proposal: ‘*‘T had rather that Mohametanism were permitted amongst us, than that one of God’s children should be persecuted.’’ Milton seconded this thought by addressing an hortatory sonnet to the General reminding him that:Si ee ee - - - Oe ee 398 BRITISH HISTORY FOR ) — - * . N ew toes arise Threatening to bind our so The question ot the retorm deadlock. The final event tha was the ealm props sal to inst the members of the Rump sh the necessity of reejectiol \ proposals ot a compromise On well and the otficers. the Wener and reproved THe mewi . you think that this 1s not fess 1t 18 not; neltner are Jy' You are no parliament La put an end to your sitting sl ’ ] v 7 assembly \\ i ' 1} TI ~ I i (27 that hi new 1] ; heart | : ey defend agalnst ! Ly (it par ne’ me mbers | 4 - : navi st) Li? | | Lif wT l ] a? + * . slay Lri¢ nan J ] ' ' “7 ‘ : ' ( OUT 3 J) > { ' ~ "| if | ? ' ’ ’ ‘ iTS memoers Callilt nC ' \ 1] SOrts { |) ~ ’ y* ] 7 } 7 i ' , cA DY Was cl , { “ | j j eral felt tha ne ! | + a e | ri WAS Un Py] i ’ tg th ' ] idl iti¢] CAaDAaAVI! , } ‘ 1 ~ | nSstTil . a c*¢)] rid?) (} “. OnNnTy\ Y} | } | sey 5 sanneda!l é ‘ WI : _ ve \ 7 ( rou el] was ate rr ona 7% bv ealling together, 1D sumn ] I 1c 7 , i assem | ‘ cy 9 IT red and seribed them as ~ men fearing The assembly thus hrougcht TO? . Parliament, AMERICAN STUDENTS iri) (*( AL re a fe ic lt y } : oe | ' \ ] tities ’ yy |} T } : LJ Tf s T }f i 1 secular chains; ° J j 7 7 se Li. blamed in which ' j - ! T} } . } . VW iTnoutl ' ] 7 f Rt é ) r¢ { 1eqd Tne + OW Tl. r>117 TI > i7ePT of parliament and that ° ] I I Li iat! he Tre C1Vil r Harrison wished to Ort 4- | ' Y . ? +ha ATtEr LUC manner Ol LLit 1 = ) Kifth Monarchy. But id hatin yr covetousness. ther survives as the °’ Rarebone ” ‘no somewhat unjustly the name of oneRADICALISM AND THE ARMY 329 — of its members, a London leather merchant, whose parents had prefixed to the inherited ‘‘Barebone’’ the even more noteworthy appellation when thus incongruously joined, ‘“ Praisegod.’’ Immediate action was imperative if the nation was to abide In peace at home and win respect abroad. But it was unlikely that an assembly of religious dissentients, including no small proportion of Fifth Monarchy men, would show despatch in reaching a common ground of decision. Cromwell was soon disillusioned and began to wonder whether, instead of seeking another body to which to transfer the power that was in his hands, it might not be better to accept frankly the responsibility thrust upon him. He turned again to the officers of the army, among whom John Lambert was now a leading spirit. Ireton had fallen in 1651. The result was the proclamation, in De- cember, 1653, of a written constitution called the Instrument of Government. THE SUPREMACY OF THE ARMY AND THE EXPERIMENTS OF CROMWELL The army had now, on the surface, completed the conquest of England. It had proclaimed a constitution for all of Great Britain and Ireland and had placed its favorite general at the head of the government. The next step was to win the support of the nation for the new arrangement, by no means an easy task. For one thing, a deep-seated respect for law and custom had developed in those accustomed to rule in Eng- land, and the government of Cromwell would always be in a Sense extra-legal. Granted that the return to the throne of the son of Charles I was impossible, it was nevertheless true that Charles had been defied and deposed by parliament, a body chosen according to the laws and customs of the realm and claiming to speak for the nation. But Cromwell and the army had discarded, one after another, every faction in that, the most ambitious in its pretensions of all parliaments. Only after succeeding generations had accepted these actions of the newly created Lord Protector as essential for the welfare of the country and after institutions based on them had been ap- proved by a long period of usage could the things he had done have the color of legality. If the voice of the Long Parliament in its earlier years was the voice of the nation, as it is plausible to assume, it was a voice that spoke on religious questions more33) BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS in tones of Presbyterianism and moderate Anglicanism than in who surrounded Cromwell. harmony with the vociferous saints . country under His on ily hope Oot success in his efforts to unite the his leadership, therefore, was ee his régime so thoroughly with the national aspiratl ions in other respects that his dissent on the matter of religion and the extra-legal steps by which he had climbed to power might be overlooked. It was searcely pos- sible that he eould s ucceed in the undertak1 The Instrument of Government, which was the first and only written constitution under which an attempt has been made to govern England, expressly provided that a constant yearly be ‘“raised. settled, and established tor main- taining of ten thousand horse and dragoons and twenty thousand eland. for the defence and Siok a Eneland. Seotland, and Ir security thereof, and also for a convenient number of ships for is looked toward the preser- its support, iniless the ng. revenue should euarding the seas.’’ These provisio1 vation of the army and of means tor Lord Protector should consent to a change. Cromwell became Lord Protector for life. | liament chosen according to the provisions of the The provisions for the election of that the officers of the army had lost The ehoice ot his SUCCESSOL Was TO rest artiality for ila: ocovernment in its more extreme form may have moved them to express. Some of the smaller boroughs were disfranchised and the right onferred on the larger centers, thus maki ng ly uniform in population, but the he t} at ear] er eircumstances of representation ¢ the constituencies more nearly richt of electing the members was for the most part left in the eorporations, which insured that burghers hands of the borough cor] of influence would dictate the choice. In the shires, instead of ) b the accustomed forty shilling freeholders, ill men with property worth two hundred pounds were to vote ee too, therefore, ‘+ was the substantial citizen with a considerable stake in the community who would be heard. But by no means a majority) in sympathy with the religious factions of men ot ie elt were ! that constituted the backbone of the army. The Instrument of to the power Government ines to avert this obvious danger of the army by incapacitating for participation in the govern- heine those who had taken part in a war ment for the time provision that against parliament since 1641 and by a furthe1 none should be ‘“compelled by eae a or otherwise’’ to accept any ecclesiastical arrangement it might be found expedient to agree upon. Some sort ot national C hurech was clearly contem-RADICALISM AND THE ARMY dol plated; the existing arrangement was only to remain in force until another could be perfected. It was apparent, when the first parliament chosen under the Instrument of Government met in September, 1654, that the * ; ° more extreme faction was ina minority. A majority of the mem- bers were either Presbyterians or the more moderate type of Independents. The body as a whole was quite content to have Cromwell at the head of the government, but not so well pleased with the constitution as it had . been framed by the officers of the army. Instead of acting within the limited field that the constitution prescribed, it soon took upon itself the character of a constituent assembly,-thus following the prece- dent of the Long Parliament in laying claim to the supreme power in the state. This attitude was natural among a people unaccustomed to the trammels of a written organic law. Crom- well agreed to compromise if parliament would leave untouched four fundamental matters which he summarized as (1) govern- ment by a single person and parhament, (2) division of the control of the military forces between parliament and the Pro- tector, (3) limitation of the length of time that parliament might sit, and (4) the preservation of a liberty of conscience in matters of religion. His own position as Lord Protector, he regarded as having the sanction of the nation and so not to be called in question. About a hundred of the members elected refused to take an oath of fealty to the Protector and parliament, which was combined with a pledge not to alter the joint oOV- ernment of the two. The rest began at once to tinker with the constitution. Among other things, they busied themselves enu- merating a list of damnable heresies to be prohibited by suitable penalties, matter in itself sufficient to arouse fears in Cromwell and the army. A compromise agreement left this question to the joint decision of the Protector and parlhament. On the next question no compromise was possible, since it touched the very control and existence of the army. The number of men under arms was to be reduced from fifty-seven to thirty thou- sand, and the sum appropriated for maintenance was diminished accordingly. The control of the military was to pass entirely into the hands of the legislature. On this point Cromwell would not yield. He defended his refusal by citations of dangers from without and the likelihood of rebellion at home. Furthermore, he said, if he should surrender his voice in the control of the army, nothing would be left to hinder parliament from ‘‘imposing what299 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS religion they please on the consciences of men and what govern- ment they ple: se upon the nation.’ He thereupon dissolved parliament, in January, 1655, and took steps to nip in the bud an incipient rebellion. Harrison, the Fifth Monarchy leader, sted. wa \iajor John Wildman. the current leader f the Levellers. and many royalist leaders in divers parts of + | V1) aa ‘The iano Y of ns irrection past, (Cromwell took ii eounti (La Tit t ’ steps oO his own accord to reduce tT! army by ten or twelve w j . : : rho me! acc anied this act W1tn another } j ; ‘ ? ‘ ri7 To Ww +1, , 1] ‘OT AL no rie nPACP il | {)] (*c pL ret" i ti a tif Ff i ‘ Lj . LAA On Lilt | it ies ‘ ] ‘ + * a cee a. ya . cy y* . ~ 4 ~~ : -~ 4 ; a ‘ i . ‘. ‘ « T) ~ fat ()} TT (2 orvanizatlon. Ai ) rath Lt p)OSs lity of econellinge the royalists to the new regime. The measure was effective for keeping the peace, but fatal to TI rrOoOYV 7 ry | rer onal I il ot the Protector. The lawvel t v began to question his ordinances, nd a mer nl sed to pay the eustoms, even as the ease ad | n under | rles |] Cromwell could compel obedience, but the instrument by which he retained his power stood re- veal cd I | L Nevertheless et r was genuinely ambitious to par- te in a constitutional government, and the propagandists vho undertook to popularize his measures never forsook that the autumn of 1656 James Harrington. a tormer groom me or 4 harles fs wl QO nov supplemented Milton’s | < political philosopher for the Commonwealth, published The Commonwealth of Oceana, Milton stressed liberty in | 4 J mat rs as the rightful prerogatives of } | a +] neTon ci it } t| er ¥V ith the proper scope ot g , the seat of its authority, which, according 0 | ‘ew. should rest with those who held most of the property n the community. in the Eneland of his day, this would have pl rit n the hands of the holders of eonsiderable landed estates in the rural districts and of those who had accu- mulated other forms of wealth in urban eommunities. Harring- ton suggested. on the subject of governmental machinery, that ld be well to have a senate or smaller body to prepare business for the consideration of the representative assembly. : ter More’s Utopia, and theRADICALISM AND THE ARMY 333 vw aim was to depict a happy state under a dominion such as he esteemed Cromwell’s to be. Like Milton, he felt that an absolute monarchy was inconceivable, and, lke Milton again, he was destined to have influence on later generations of statesmen and political theorists, especially in America. At the time. some of his views were incorporated in the constitution of the Common- wealth, and Cromwell earnestly desired to make it work. In the summer of 1656 the Protector called a second parlia- ment, in the hope that by the intervention of the major generals members might be chosen more amenable to reason and willing to accept his leadership. This hope was not fully realized. Many of the voters persisted in expressing their disaffection despite the threats of the military, and a hundred of the elected members were excluded from sitting in tl ground that they were not lo chosen to help earry on. 1e assembly on the yal to the government they were Those allowed to sit were largely from the Presbyterian and moderate Independent groups. They evi- denced their acceptance of the Cromwellian régime by passing’ one act annulling the title of the Stuarts to the throne and another making it treason to plot the overthrow of the existing government. But they were themselves soon busy calling question the policy of religious toleration and tax on royalists for the Support of the militia. by a threat against the life of the Lord Protector member moved that the Lord Cromwell and ‘‘take upon him the sovernment according to the ancient constitution.’’ This resolution gave expression to a growing desire, which many felt, for a return to the familiar legal forms of government. Only in that way, it appeared, could the country be rid of the domination of the army and of rule by major generals. The proposal, when perfected (May, 1657) sented to the Lord Protector in a spirit, different from that which characterized the first parhament in formulating: its constitutional suevestions. Tt bears the title, the Humble Petition and Advice of Parliament. Cromwell balked at the title and hesitated about the whole Scheme. The military leaders had opposed the entire measure. But the Protector now recognized that the policy of the officers had failed. He finally concluded: ‘‘It is time to come to a settlement, and to lay aside arbitrary proceedings so unaccept- able to the nation.’’ He repeated this thought in his reply to the parliamentary committee - “I am highly taken with the thing, settlement, with the word and with the notion of it. I in of imposing a Then, inspired , a Presbyterian accept the title of king , was pre- nominally at least,BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS he is not worthy to live in England who 1s not.” In an attempt! ieve an end so desirable, despite the protests 0! in the state mn nim loyal support, he accepted old constitution, omitting ont) the }?} tor so d plet qa the numbe! 1 hous rnayt ne FO Li nevel had a | ' YT} th ~ ipport {) the rovalists nore than before the genuine Tre- | e 9g niausible accusatlon tha - which he had fought in . s own Ian ily and many ot tn do ao. So he founda i . nt also (February, 1605), ne) ed bv its deliberations Richard | ! 7 7. tc? ’ ~ ; eS S(T] LiCilalt * 7" ] } / ; | as it had been institutes I ll had ly ra r | ) a seq f rOMmLWwWC! cL } ) : , ) nents TSIC( OT toe : CC aarT | ~—s{) iT eS ATMOTIL (> oOTmcer©rs 4 | ; 1 4 4 * | ry \i ~~ Lyi oO ~ 1DSTI Ll { rol (7) | 1} ;" TyICc)T 1Q 1g) hi} i 1} rsonaily Ol ' I l] 1) 111 ’\ | oh Ol Whol + ' i 4 his last task at all, 1t was 10 his 7 d. With him passed, as 1t proved the covernment OlRADICALISM AND THE ARMY O00 England under the limitations of a w constitutional experiments were failures and were discarded by his successors, whereas some of his colonia] and foreign policies were adopted by those who succeeded to power. ful aspect of his career, he was the heir of the Tudors and brought back the country from the aimless direction in which it had been guided by the Stuarts. It is therefore essential to an understanding of what followed to see what his foreign and colonial policies were. ritten constitution. His In that suecess- THE EMPIRE AND THE H'OREIGN Wars We have seen how the army under Cromwell was able to consolidate Seotland and Ireland with England in a single state, though the consolidation was rather foreed and formal than organic. We have now to trace the relations of this state with the English colonies and with the countries on the Conti- nent. One source of the strength of the Commonwealth was the exuberance of national Spirit in its partizans, which led it to embark on a more aggressive colonial and foreign policy than that of the Stuart | 1 ] ns att 1) : Lord krotector noY naa to choost rh ’ te ' Oy WW ’ } ! nce QO] opald hes ' Pay } ‘ 1] i 2 ] | 7 ? 7 f cs | | ~ , 1 ¢ (oil | ‘ manauet 8, Dall Ls \ 1 a col n of agreement freed - English merchants to exer- ) y 4] cise 1 rt on Vv out - ] ‘ ' Ti ‘) mS1' Tit VV I i} TOT vy ' Li awa is ha 0 it } ' leno rit? aly ane at++nar awl . 3 fleet nael Pe] n nad iiready take Jamaica altel failing iT) >} Santo. Domingo Hispal Blal fought his last battle at eet on its way Spanish ders, 1c] Eng! spoil in t! indertaking, was captul din June, 1658. Eneland again had a foot! id on the Continent and was a power to be 1 oned with in the aftairs of the world. But before the end of 1 | : ()\ () <¢i (ici iis ’ } his nead ; hie ‘Ty ~ | ‘)s ; ; + * iced ' | tes i’ ) , iol SCA ‘ ci‘ .) = C TO?) : I | ‘ + 4 licltt Tie ! + )f i CU ‘ ] a7 + nTeTrTr 1S oF oT A be Bey } ( iT) I ae Pt + | wa ‘ 1 t |» t ‘ + i ‘ | ‘a7 tT; t ¥ f Lh } ? Lt } * y f | i (] | = riif | {y] ' ~ r¢ : ’ ; ) 1 Bi. . | ] ‘ cl & | 4 ; . he ST i | 4 T} ' 47 7 i r ; riod Wiel 5 vv 1 7} y cy) ‘ a8 f rT } y ao | TTié y 1 t ; + | + ; "aa Ste (i cl ‘ jc Di men ) cr ' ~ Be TPT 7 Tt) TT i | | ()] Tie l : ] ] hy Ul zranda LeTmmo! , ‘ is Was | WUSS pit ‘ +} 7 iISTed ag ia despite his claims erown and his he: 50. it received messengers trom - hand. and accepted the Terms offered. “ aeross the Channel by 9 TieeTt AJ Montague, one of Blake’s old lieuten- vorably disposed toward the stuarts romwell. Monk met the royal party London: the city was entered in a ’ (*T | i*; 7 } i, nredecessol i’ 4 ‘ \ 1] Tif’ ] ri >] | ' dea | () ‘ reyyy » 4 psf f ™ § ' T] ' qd iTil we na iT) [7 1 . ' } j j oT : i SP. AS ci TT} | ) i i - : : > ound himse! As an artincer 0! | + ‘ ; * cj pe rvsted to ay CATs | ( | ' 7 } 1 nat OT) \ Was ds ' LPL SS as + 1 | | +} * } , TI 1 cy OT s ie rLLS as f ny : ‘ 1 n i | rs r( ry) + | fy i WI () ve. > . i] + Spey] ,7 ' ()7 MY AVE ] ri reTrITy} | 1 + | ,7 ,\7 OT af iT ()] 17*( Vas ne as rT + ‘ ATTY) | eEaNncee;To?! , rgd T Weis {) , ¥ | } ~4+ {) ved ALSO 1 Ti ri *¢ f Tile Wri PT) T ( 7 » COUNT! had { CDC] a } t() 17) Bet n + 41h, yorTY) é NOTL CO] Lie atts Ud the ; } | | ' Lf rate VW If cL ' N 1) (] as Le Vd in : - : : authority. had heen deprived O01 his The struggle between the nation and theRADICALISM AND THE ARMY 345 oO monarchy was not yet at an end, but never again would a king claim quite so much or the nation be quite so patient with the exaggerated claims of a king. FOR FURTHER STUDY W. C. Abbott, The Expansion of Europe, Il. chs. xxiii-xxiv: G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, chs. xi-xii: Geoffrey Callender, The Naval Side of British History, chs. V1, vii; Julian Corbett, Monk, chs. vil-xili; W. A. Dunning, 4 History of Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu, chs. v, vii; C. H. Firth, Oliver Cromwell, chs. xii-xxi: S, R, Gardiner, Cromwell’s Place in History, chs. iii-vi; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, II. ch. xiii: A. F-. Pollard, Factors in Modern History, ch. ix: G. M. Trevelyan, England Under the Stuarts, ene Xs) FA. Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, Part III. ens vill FOR WIDER READING Louise Fargo Brown, Activities of the Baptists and Fifth Monarchy Men in England; Cambridge H story of English Literature, VII. chs. V, Xv Cambridge Modern History, IV. chs. xv, xix; ©. H. Firth, The House of Lords During the Civil War, chs. vii-ix; S. R. Gardiner, Oliver Cromwell, chs. v-vi; History of the Commonwealth and Protectorate, 4 Vols.; F. C. Montague, The History of England 1603-1660, chs. xvi-xx: H. L. O Lhe American Colonies in the Seventeenth Centur The Leveller Movement; J. RB. Seeley, The Growth of British Policy, II. Part III; W. A. Shaw, A History of the English Church During the Civil War and Under the Common wealth, 11; Barrett Wendell, The Temper of the Seventeenth Century in English Literature, chs. vili-xi; T, J. Werten- baker, Virginia Under the Stuarts, ch. iv. szood, YS CO avis el One CASC. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For European activities in the region of the Indian Ocean about 1650 see Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 43 and J. @. Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, p. 224; the latter work (p. 268) contains a map indicating the Atlantic possessions of the sea powers about 1660. For the European world about the middle of the seventeenth century (1648-1660)), see W. @. Abbott, The Expansion of Hurope, II. 3. For Europe in 1648, see Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 41; the same work contains maps illustrating the Dutch wars (No. 42) and the troubles in Ireland (Nos. 37, 38).on rom . —_ ~-etamsiamiatietaed Oe e CHAPTER XV THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE , t ¢ook place in England in 1660. tatio £ the nation to claim and — iw ” y } | ather ‘ | + . ] | oe cr VV tT] is Lal rie I Liat US + ' Cy ~ | Tt) ho (] 1) 1 ‘ ? ' | tie ; + ; } ' ‘ M | r 4 Sf? 7 ries {)} COTIN( leq , ) | 1 in UT CUT pie i) | : Livi I He held it becaus | + \ lL, 3 \ ly 7 TL a } ~ ! | {) Vas ( LrOLLO\ PLity ‘ KneVW ana bec in . ‘ , | ' i 7 Ta ‘ cy Ww I ) A | . ' | } ] 4 4 I i ! 7 ’ | Last VW i ‘) cL’ 4 a i it ‘ v¥ i I { at \ () pre | y ) | : ; ~ , } 3 little that was English in him } + , | _ i ' | ci > ci aA rif noped rf) SLICUeE | ] ) 4 ’ 111 ] ti T | ? Weta ereel J} wandering eP1ITNe] Hy Nirc OF DLeCUlbE, uM! | MA, r } ' i ‘ ' 5 ‘ O} ; ‘ ri ic) 1d nol iF () ()T) } ‘ cy \ wats } ’ | ,} i ' { pil cLil psy Tit i &A 4 . i } | | || - not entirely lacking 1n alms and i ~ ITAVeELS a! I | j I ) . —_— h \ T ' ‘ ‘ ; y* oy) cy 1 | ( a ry QO] I ‘ rnron i) Lie aan (otis wae rif ,)i t ‘ 4 ‘AD » + } ) ) ) ] | | } . i° t y* \\ } ‘ at r) (1eCd riisS T LYM ‘ if ms i ss t)i cil \ i ‘ \ 4 ] | ++ | + : ’ ne rey (> 1 Ss reported tna ¢ yi (} Pri T} ’ [ ~~ { | LLavA Go j om | y ) ’ 7 " . Be, ‘ ' Bible | Trigi¢ ] H \] ‘ love} ) 1] an Ky] -= Ait | ' i ( thi i its | eae ” ‘ ] } 7 ‘ < mr * \ ~, ‘ ‘ + | Ine ne loved ' } ~ | rif i’ =~ \ | Yr)? 2 or | S| iV) Ter has | , } b / L\ 4 ’ i \. 7 ii i} JULY 1 I ,’ L aAvOV te A a Ys d : | Tr | ) licht f } 1 } ny C11] |S neonerTruoaous 102 Uli . ‘ 1} se (7 iti fT ~ i} : Ee ] 17 ‘ 1 TT} On? mi Y) or WaAS encnante | | 1 | , 1 i tz 4 5 1 4 : | ‘ ! Was i ; ] ‘ ‘ iT TNe COMIC ricytl oT iT) } 7 ~ , 47 ro) rid (} {} ete pt r’c*e » { ry { | i iti a ’ ’ j + r \ } | \ 1] : OLISt) eopl tt] | the whole by the English ] 7% ly i, | 4 appl ( ; ()T) 4 , i 1 i \ rv ' ii é ] i t } ; a / Py pect alii is Vere thi Fit ravi cL! Vil i {| JJid y Cf | l] | — - ’ ] ] 4 i th 1 + 1 “vr yet ) ncicryn: ed i . 1 i how! no eLiit | t rury, \ a (ii Tr) rriti Lal ’ 4 . - lf | t virtue, Republicans . ; y t pial l < iyo va r) Thi Cc} | ++ QO] Ss] -~({i' 1) ridcii 1} Fit : i | i . + . 7 } \ T ) ie “1 th; 7 a : . 4. | Qn 11 rr ey) ; ree 4 11] at pe * : 4 » ° » : 4b | “71 r noe ae mation O] the pdas- This comment suggests a part orf tne (piana \ | 4] 4 yee 1a Tr) t } . cy * V rrom bla \ + } | rye | 7 | af i ido. pw Tt} Th iliay i | | on Ch. . “~ ae ei + i : the Cavalier. A nle in England wanted chiefly lav their natural -THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 47 roles, to accumulate wealth or land, to share the customary sports of their kind, to indulge their religious inclinations with com- paratively little molestation, and so to tell the time-honored tales of lives like theirs. They had submitted to the rule of Cromwell because, in most of these matters, he left them free. much freer than had the first Charles. But there was no cuar- antee of security and peace without a stable settlement of the government, and such a settlement seemed impossible as lone as power remained in the hands of the changing leaders of the army. The second Charles would find his throne tenable only as long as he avoided the mistakes of his father and provided for his subjects much the same sort of protection and opportunities as they had enjoyed under Cromwell. sut Charles II could never understand and lead the Enelish national aspirations as had Henry VIII or Elizabeth or Crom- well; he lacked most of the emotions that stirred the sub- stantial classes in England. On the other hand, he was not so obtusely conscientious as were his father and brother. He knew how to trim his sails to suit the wind. He probably wanted to restore to the English monarchy its ancient power, which, as he conceived it, meant the use of a strong military foree and the restoration in England of a church similar to that which existed in France. He failed in the shrewd attempts he made to achieve these ambitions. His failure ought to have been a warning to his suecessors, for it was evidence, well-nieh conclusive, that in restoring the Kine to the throne the English had no mind to restore the monarchy to its former state. The parhament that had restored could depose again, no matter how formally illegal it might agree to make this last procedure, as Charles’ brother was to discover before the end of the century. Parliament rather than the King determined the measure of the restoration that took place. Monk insisted that he wanted only to do the will of a ‘‘free parhament,’’ and the body he summoned, the so-called ‘‘Convention Parliament,’’ was domi- nated by minds of much the same type as his own. Their ehar- acteristic ecclesiastical complexion was Presbyterian or very tolerant Anglican. They had as little Sympathy with the Inde- pendent sects as with the Roman Church. With the monarchy restored, and with the matter of religion left to parliament by specific stipulation, they felt that there would be no difficulty in reaching a satisfactory settlement. The disappointment in store for them was scarcely conceivable in 1660, natural as it Seems after the event, The explanation is that the parliament that2948 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS restored the King was a different body from that which later Char eS ee ror his ablest adviser Kdward Hyde, the Lord restored the Church. llor. now created Earl of Clarendon, who had been a faith- Bick " ! ; a=} j oie j ul ee LO the elder ( harles and who. to save tne re puta- tion of his daughter, Anne, had alreadv become the King's _— nnecle-in-law. ( larendon was a enurcamal or the si hool ot Laud. Presbyterians began to get the upper hand in the Long Parlia- ment The earlier a ment f that famous body were as safe in Hyde's hands as 1n hands of Mo ind the Presb terlans Monk himsell 3 @) ed Duke of Albemarle atte} the resto1 on and - nermitted to name on the Privy Uoun | a } 1 \ } ri Ol] i eSD ind I J NOt bli POLticl DS O} his \ 4 . 4 | , time While Albemarle played no spectacular part in the new . } PS ' ' . , ao + reion,. the King round in him a Sale CO nSe@eL1or, and he qidad mucn ‘ ae ~~ , ad rc 1) Lait rf) SLE | I il a i y { LIS LiLU Sa Lt channels Ke dd .VLO! O | thnird men r ot tne trio who } T } } i y | } . { __ yt + | t } yr . 1 Lui | | Lit it | | ' a LeLISst Jl a LU Lit 5 irons heeame Earl of sal remained in charge ot the nav’ whos _ oe y*T i I ; y*s { 1S lis ] hse juent ' 7 ] services e] : MN 0} than those +¢ Albemarle and \ | | 1 ° \ { rendao!l nd Clarendon was th real leader ot the government ‘ | ‘ 4) cal ] In Lhe pe oda when the 1 ration O ne monarchical governme! Was T) } roceSS | LO (it se Af COmMmpDIroO!l ~ arrangement U! would VOr! unde! th { T( mS] Tif ~ \ at rit} ; ~ 1] | Te] he der cle s11eceed- | , ino the execution ot § rles I i nanv scars and some wounds 4 \ ‘ ; that were still 1 (Common prude! as well as the implicit j 7 ] 1] rstanding between | rles I] | those who had placed him a } . 1 on the throne, dictated that a minimum of punishment should be a ‘nflicted for old offences against the monarch. ‘The mort enthusl- was possible. The chief exceptions made were the members of the court that had condemned Charles I and a few prominent leaders like Lambert and Sir Harry Vane. Not all of these were captured, and not all that were captured were executed. Some of the vengeance which it was imprudent to inflict on the living lhe bodies of Cromwell and Ireton and .THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 349 of Bradshaw, the President of the High Court that condemned Charles, were exhumed, hanged, and mutilated. But Charles II was too good-natured and had too keen an appreciation of the circumstances to need much pressure to induce him to show mercy, when any other course would have been fatal to his posi- tion. He acquiesced also in the proposed settlement of the land question. states actually confiscated by the revolutionary governments were restored, on the plea that there had been no legal authority for the confiscation. But much the larger part of the land that had changed hands in the interim had been sold under the distress of financial pressure as, for example, when royalists had been subjected. to extraordinary assessments. All of these lands were left undisturbed in the hands of their new holders. The army was disbanded in the main, but an uprising of Fifth Monarehy Men gave an excuse for retaining the nucleus of a standing army in the regiment that came with Monk from Scotland, the Coldstream Guards. The work of Khot, Pym, and Hampden was left largely undisturbed and thus became a cher- ished part of the English constitution. The old feudal incidents were commuted in the grant of a lump sum annually. The King was thus divested of these marks of his medieval character as lord of his subjects and became instead merely their governor. Since money was steadily depreciating in value, while govern- ment was becoming an increasingly expensive undertaking, the King was more dependent than ever on the bounty of parliament for means wherewith to perform his functions. seing called on habitually to vote the revenues, though it would not accept the duty of collecting them, parliament came in the course of this reign to insist that money voted should be expended for the purposes for which it had been provided. When the fact of that arrangement was fully recognized, theories of monarchy were of little account. It was futile for a king to boast of his power ‘in the presence of a parliament that provided both the bulk of the revenue and instructions for its expenditure. The executive government under the restored monarchy was still vested in the King and the Privy Council. But the com- promises incidental to the restoration of the monarchy and the necessity that all groups be represented in the Privy Council made that body too large to serve as an effective agency of government. Before the end of the reign, the serie ments that were to eventuat These experiments, as S of experi- e in the modern eabinet had begun. was the case with so many of the organic7 950 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS changes in the English government, were begun and carried forward with lttle more premeditation than is involved in a disposition to provide a workable method for doing the task al hand. Most of these settlements were made bv the Convention Parlia- | yY 4 ment before its dissolution 1n Dyecember. 1660. The ecclesiastical the most troublesome of all, remained unsettled. The King Was erowned wit! more than usual DOP in April, 1661, question, and, amid the enthusiasn attending tnese ceremonies, a New par] ament was elected | treatment secorded to the Tormer } | - io ] “ revolutionaries had hithe heen extremely mild and the be- 1" ry IVIOT ¢ rié support rs oO LI K ne poiicls he result vas thi ] ’ election oO parliament vas royalist 1n Ssympati and mort | ‘ ‘ . = ‘kk : (} Sposea TO ? ory r’¢ ' VO] ' {) reStol! i lon) LI Ln Was ( li; ries TiS tq rey (i)T QO ate 7 PAS) TO Ind li th QC hody LO mp » settlement on tT! Parliament ould 1 r have accepted The English Chureh nde} me} rowel than befor Al eluded rom S mi De] ea | Knglishmen vho had hitherto been satisfied to remain in the organization. Presbyterian royalists had looked fo) ement of the national Ch irech sult rif \rminianisn | | nd, in consequence, the Presbyt rians hemse! ws t] irvived the settlement became merely ne among the number of Dissenting sects. Henceforward, there ere to be in England two distinct religious groups: communi- Cants 1n the est blished ¢ hureh and noncortormists. Nonecon- formists, In turn, were either Roman Catholies or Protestant lyissenters. But the recognition 1n law ol this tact was tor the i (‘larendo!? pe was to make eve] hod eonrTrorm ind Jf ncontorny I Vi To L)} ic rT) hy STaTute he eTrect o] t | IS las spect of his atte mpted settlement was to olve new lite to religious controversy and to postpone for a veneration the restoration of ecclesiastical peace in England. The parliament that was elected in 1661, in an atmosphere that id ne\ red once it had passed, was not dissolved by the King for eighteen years and Is known as the Cavalier Parlia- The enactments in which the settlement of the Chureh was ealled the Clarendon Code. The act passed in 1642. prohibiting ecclesiastical officials from exercising temporal nealed. and the bishops were restored to mem- By the Corporation Act of 1661,THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE ool officers of municipal corporations were limited to those who within a year would receive communion in the Church of Kne- land. ‘They had also to take an oath of allegiance and supremacy, in which they declared it unlawful to resist the king upon any pretence whatever and specifically repudiated the Solemn League and Covenant. Presbyterians were thus excluded alone with other sectaries from these bodies, which usually had the sending of the members from the boroughs to parliament. The Act of Uniformity, which was passed in the following spring , made the use of the Book of Common Prayer compulsory in every place of worship in the kingdom. All clergymen were to declare their pansies to the doctrines in the Prayer Book and to receive ordination according to the rites of the national Church or for- feit their livings. Some two hundred clergymen had conscien- tious scruples which prevented them from complying with these requirements and were excluded from the national Church consequence. All university teachers, schoolmasters, and pri- vate tutors had likewise to declare their acceptance of the doc- trines of the liturgy and of nonresistance, and tutors and schoolmasters were forbidden to teach without license from the bishop of the diocese. Another act t, dating in the same period, provided that the number of master-printers should be allowed to diminish gradually, that every new appointment to the craft thereafter should have the approval of the archbishop of Canter- bury, and that no book should be issued without license trom an appropriate censor. The Conventicle Act. passed in 1664, prohibited attendance on religious meeting's other than those of the national Church under penalty of imprisonment for the first and second offences and transportation for the t third, with a threat of death should the offender return. The Five Mile Act completed the statutes constituting this harsh code. It was passed in 1665, when the nonconforming ministers seemed to be increasing their hold on the peop le by braving the plague of that year to remain in town and give comfort in that distressful time, while many of the clergy of the establishment sought safety at a distance. Parliament, which had itself prudently assembled at Oxford, now called on these religious leaders, whose loyalty to their convictions had already deprived them of their places in the national Church, to take an oath declari ing resistance to the kine on any pretence whatever to be unlawful and pledging themselves not to endeavor any alteration in the oovernment of Church or state. Refusing, they were forbidden, under a stiff penalty, to approach within five miles of any corporate town ora 959 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS borough or any parish in which they had previously taught or preached. ne effect ot this severe eoislation was to bring’ most ot the substantial people in the rural districts and many in the urban eenters back into the natienal Church with a ¢ nieal disregard of its tenets: they preferred to conform technically rathe1 than to sutrer inconvenience Anot! effect was to drive out of the national Church permanently those who had less pliable con sciences, thereby depriving of an aggressive element it might otherwise have retained. Pla of responsibility and distine- tion in the Church came 1n Ti o be larg the perquisites of the ruling class, who 1 rded its endowments as little bette than supp! me! L] reso O O01 rs wnien thi held in their own right LO ne ecei stical duties wer periormed but the negation of intellectu eonvictions enforced on so large a proportion of the commu! nts made positive religious teach- ine ditheult nd s nas reauct Live eecleslastlt | Cerlc- Charles II had little sympathy with the more severe of these measures, anha ] f] lentil | Thi mbers OF his eounell. of whom Sha tesbul vas 1 most notavie, Wert active in opposition LO them It 1s not imp! that the opposition of the King helped to pass LI fy iF | Dal ment WI Le not OvVer- raene Viton Ire J ling, ' harles ¥ iS al heart sympatnet C with the Chureh of ! mother’s peopl He preferred, on that ac nt. a greater degr f religious toleration than was ad- d bv his most influential minister. !n December, 1665, he announced that he intended to ask parliament to pass a meas- re 7 enab! 1 tO ¢ : Vitn a more “universal satisfaction that nower of dispensing w! he conceived to be inherent in 1] A bill intro d into the House of Lords with this ntent received the e1 stig support o Shaftesbury But IS, TO! } ‘ouch it was. was intoler- at tended toward Roman Catholicism, and so | D) tou . favo bers. On the con- trarv. its members denounced the royal declaration and tc and Jesuits be banished from the kingdom. roposed that the chief minister One Ol Tne Kine s LS1NMNNOrLerS | ! I be impeached on a charge of treason. But Charles knew better than to support this measure, | It was soon evident, however, that the constructive part olTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 303 t ye Clarendon’s work in reéstablishing the monarchy was done, and Charles began to transfer his favor to other men now rising into prominence. He was already toying with the plausible thought that the Protestant Dissenters and the Catholics might some- how be induced to codperate in wresting a measure of toleration for themselves from the Church that Clarendon had shaped. Shaftesbury represented the Protestant side of this movement, while Henry Bennet, afterward Earl of Arlington, and Thomas Clifford represented the side more sympathetic with the feelings of the King himself. But experience had shown that it would be prudent to proceed warily on this question. However. tl plague which decimated the London population in 1665, tl fire which devastated t] 1e le great le Same city in 1666, and an expensive war with Holland, which was unfruitful in spectacular results that were favorable to England, combined to create an atmos- phere in which the Kine felt able to get rid of the minister to whom he was indebted for many services. After the deed was done in April, 1667, Samuel Pepys, author of the most famous diary of his own and other times, records that Baptist May, keeper of the Kine’s privy purse, ‘‘fell upon his knees and catched the king about the legs and joyd him, and said that this was the first time that ever he could cal] him king of England: being freed from this great man.’’ It remained to be seen whether the mantle left behind by Clarendon when he went abroad to die without a chance to defend himself would fit elther the King himself or any of the ambitious advisers who Surrounded him. THE FAILURE AND SUCCESS OF CHARLES II The pattern of kingship which Ch mind was that exemplified by his cousin, Louis XIV. in France, and every prospect, not too hazardous, which seemed to lead in the direction of a monarchy of that type for Kngland tempted him. By chance, the Continental situation was such that it suited the interest of Louis to encourage C] tion, and this relation between these two royal kinsmen explains much in the next period in the reign of Charles. In this period the group called the ‘‘Cabal’’ were the King’s chief counselors, a group composed of Clifford, Arlington, the Duke of Buck. ingham, fascinating and dissolute son of the favorite of the first two Stuarts, Ashley, not yet promoted to his earldom as Shaftes- arles II probably kept in larles in his ambi-54 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS bury, and John Maitland, formerly an enthusiastic Presbyterian, now secretarv for Scottish affairs and Earl, soon to he Duke. of Lauderdale. The initial letters in the five names spell the word that was ever afterward to have a som: ot different sieni- Foance because of its association with these men. Yet the chief ] . TTD | | + ~ LP) pe SPC] S1TpDreiiila! 7 LT) . S COUNnS Ic WAS not yy PHLePCO 1T) | ~ Lr ‘ ) 1. 7 As Bal eae i 1, ay ; es ae eol — T eitner 111 Ki] Ts mW OT ASNIL a Ti he] ‘on Ly onda WOTLG 1 ‘ . ] . ) + | ‘ ] ' \ ; + | \ no?’ ’ ry | ntent nave ) pe LT LU in i | (] \ oh y Il ' AL 1] = iad Lit Lil. Ty) t +} | t } } Bea hii (eo wit LL] ALY { ; mies nrg ected HO) ri} J a I cil cL Tite Ly i] MOULIN 4 . 1 TO restore the ald Oo! rel rms thi rormer power OL tA ; a Y : i j iy 1 j : : nal iment Hi honed cli I Lyi ft | Roman a hol wr Ait Ad } yj , ] 4 ; ‘ . : 1. . Church in En: nd vi onomous arrangement simiial i 4 re Leal . . ' i i 4 4 . Tf) + | ‘ lo ~ VAS { (AT) i] {| | A | I Tif Lie app! oO Be rire 7 * 4 . ' . + | * Pop earlv as 16635, sue noe scheme for the col rsion oO Tie Hy or | — | ( 1 ys Tt) + \ RO} ) cy Trine ANC rity Li. | ] nce. ee PN ‘VWe rey) ! rye te ' if QT || a | ' } iiite O71 1 f Hie { ) i Antes ’ 1 + + e 1) * . VV I a) | ( ( ()T" ot laro y} “. ’ / | TOL@] | ()T) LQ] i r*{ caw ants. , } | ‘ + xT end so the scheme of ¢ : s not so visionary as may “ ‘ . ’ * |) + ] 5 } ; } rye y ‘ , rat T } i ' ta + rol] () i rOvry) if | (y 4 er Heriehce | a 14 T | . t 1 | ! by | 1) | rh y*; ()? pI. (if fA(] i he] i ' } i if {| ~ | | | I s()Ticli L 5 ' 1 . i 47 4 a7 § Lt | I I 1 14 I . \\ LI a I i I [ | | ‘ i) 4 I 4 I C If » ()] | TION O 9 (,nvnrel mT: su) ) | ] aracter. and he was nol 3 ‘ TV) ronopy t 3] LV I } mee na tI QA PTNAMO! ti Ql rit oe, . £. — el Celi Talli ali ' : re 1] c papa’ (hus this prop trom Charies tell on daear ears 10 | 17 , ’ } 4 ‘ 7 cy Ts ” As + ’ * ri? i] - T 4 cy . | ive ¢ 1 ended ror ] j i : , . success on a sup} of b men and money from France and on ' } + | . Thy Te ~ TS rif ' 7) ] ry] cl i ’ | ric’ OTENTO T ¢ Tre l waning power al LO] f q \ ' rr | f serail tre | ’ ned a] 1), ver i Eh 16/0 ["] C } } ) nwno@mryT ’ Ons Th enc ; rat |) iTe} war ll? (> ] ( harles } 1c > 1} : ] a ; Tern | TeQ T} 166s ? 1 | ft PitlAmet Or SS] Vine? Lie nDrovress ’ ‘ ‘ 7 r) 4 y 1 | ll. ar oy } ™ TI 1 | were t regi atritis ' d .? I hs Olidal ‘ ali tc tr) \ \ , ’ » } man . of ") } + + | \W I ‘ oan substantial CliaASS@CS iT] ly +} ! 1 ? 4 | rt hind (rO TvTy ! 17 + | ) fire J A441 F i] t 11h | cl | J ’ ~ i i { Lt 5 LF Lt a 4, 5 il ( itl ‘ L% ( | \ ' . 7 * ’ + + 7 : tion ¢ eoncerted Protestal action against the powel that now \ ° 4 '> : . : seemed to threaten the sal ot the contracting countries Dut . . . ° , e * ' +r » 4 : > + pal Sco entered into the arrangement 1n orae! to facilitate s2. , to Charles which occupied him for the remainder of his life. The Cabal Was dissolved. \ harles accepted Lhe situation and named as his chief minister the Anglican leader, Thomas Oshorne. whom he created Earl of Danby. Peace was made wit the Dutch in 1674. Prince Rupert, an uncompromising Prot- the Duke of York as commander of the fleet. © 7 beEre ] eStant,. SUC eeded The open Catholicism of James made him suspect, and this sus- picion was not d minished n (1673) he took for his second wit M ry Ol \lod na. 4) li nimMst 5 nOW recooenized that the pro QO] resvToringa ( ! neland Was honek ss and so concentrated nis energies ov e Q aim hi eherished namely. the strengthening oO! the monarchy as acainst parlia- undertaking, he meant to retain the is ~ + l- . “7 TiT7 t ] : - v \ ‘ | r _ ' ” Anglicans, not an easy task 1n view of their sympathy with a Protestant } olicy on the Continent and their consequent fear ot kK rane ' } } ot abl 2 ; ca h me (‘harles embarked on a daoubdle game, acquiescing On tne one | + | | . cy . | ‘ | > k o ve. nana il rne poieles oOo Van . Vilicti vere Nostlie to PeLLiGce. and privately set o econvinee Louis XIV that they were . - + } | ! } : - | ’ not polie@les ot his own ¢ osine’ on the otner. Louis was thus ke, ’ ;¥ ;*% 7 7 , to pel t} AL 14 Was |] u Important ror ( hares TO pe freed ’ ray * from his dependence on parliament. The best Louis could hope, | } ’ ’ ' naer the Cll at . 3s the neutrality Ol Kneoland. but ] . | rt Ne was Wwortn while. 1I act e SUpPYPoOrt Was unattainable. The ? ,s . ! —_ : ; members ot parliament, when they met 10 April, 16/4. were | ] - a , : peslea qd t) LI S f rr to e@eorrupt them some acting tol ) Tne ] nis ra Oy rhe ne nd some Io orelion powers, But ' ‘] ' > ' : uence O© ohartesodury abla 3 ickingham to prevent the passage OI a lest Act excluding [from any participation 1n the oovern- ment all who were not prepared to take an oath against any ittemnpt tq alter the covernment in (thureh or state. Danby did sueceed in defeating the efforts of Shaftesbury and Buckingham to have the Kine dissolve parliament and induced Charles to permit him to negotiate a marriage between Wilham of Orange 1 Mary, daughter of the Duke of York and Anne Hyde. A tangle of intrigues ensued, which there is no need to re. Louis supported both Charles and the oppo- ) ro i rif ’ . ‘ i - * * ; 1 . 7 ! . + . sition to him 1n tineland. whil he tried ot tne same time fF William in Holland. Charles n his cousin and his recentlyTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE oot acquired nephew-in-law must be settled somehow and offered himself as arbiter. An uproar in England (1672), due to the announcement by Titus Oates of his celebrated ‘‘Popish Plot,’’ served as a con- venient weapon for the King’s opponents in their attacks on his Catholic supporters. Oates was a renegade Anglhean clergy- man, who had later joined the Church of Rome and had attended several English Jesuit colleges, where he probably heard a lot of loose talk. The relations between Louis and Charles no doubt occasioned many rumors among those who had heard fragments of information concerning the projects in contemplation. On this basis, Oates, largely from his own imagination, constructed a plot, of which the substance is that the Jesuits were scheming to murder Charles, who was now regarded as a barrier in their way, to murder or terrorize the Protestants and subjugate the kingdom by the use of French and _ [Irish troops, and to substitute James for his brother on the throne. As a matter of fact, James had been in conference with the Catholics and so could not entirely clear his skirts. Charles and Danby were at first inclined to discredit the matter, but when Oates sought to implicate the Duke of York’s confessor. he was permitted to tell his story to the Privy Council. Meanwhile, he and his associates had placed a draft of their depositions with a respectable citizen of London, Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey. Five days later, (October 12, 1678), Godfrey was killed. The mystery of his death is as yet unsolved, but those who already regarded the Catholic party with suspicion felt at once that it was the work of the Jesuits. A panic of fear ensued, which Shaftesbury and the opponents of the King’s project capitalized. The reality of the ‘‘Plot’’ became one of the cherished precepts in the platform of the first party of organized political opposition England had known. Another item in the platform of this party soon came to be the exclusion of James, Duke of York, from the English throne. One suggestion for achieving this end was to have the King divorce his wife and take another in the hope of providing a legitimate heir. Although Charles had shown httle previous consideration for the feelings of Catharine of Braganza, whose hand he had accepted in 1662 at the suggestion of the French King and for the sake of the dowry she brought, he did not choose to add this further insult, though it was supported by an allegation that she had sought to poison him. The next step in this same direction was to try to induce Charles to designate asAMERICAN STUDENTS + his own illegitimate son, the Duke of Monmouth, wa handsome young gallant. Meantime, Shaftesbury had the assistance of Louis XIV in procuring, in 1679, the dismissal of Danby. Danby had been the reluctant agent or Charles in trans- . n offer that he, for a stiff considera- . would use his influence in 1 negotiation between France nd Holland and Spain. Charles subsequently accepted an iacances from. ouis.to enab! him to dispense with a meeting of matter to Shaftesbury, and, ‘hament did meet. it h ld the ministers rather than the vv ilt Tr} V) iri I | { \ Kine responsible for 1 transaction. Charles forthwith pro- — ‘ rocuer mad ' lisso| YT); | men’ Jan Laky . 16/9 5 which S @] CT ohnteen years. nt wae eleeted amid the excitement incidental 7 e* } } x ry —_— i . TO t | a *§ Ponis! 1? | LCT) on the advice Ol] Danby. \ harles it | ' ; . — . ' . e . 47 , ‘ a ine | ' iw 17 4 l)a | a caw t} Se pis | .* i I ee e in Lit ti Wi ANDY, WOOT it Kine sel | | ns of safety, he summoned to 7 1X7 nd 4 Karl] fF Sunderland iS COUNCIL Sir lian | @) ) | alii tte jai QI] unaderianha, . i ryy 7 : * 1 iit latter IS GeSCTLVUCU i SO C rieSS &@ WOrK aS J /v Dictionary OT Bi DI | een generally ‘‘considered, and bably wit! STC : raftiest. most rapacious, and most ns ot his ace.’’ Temple Was ri TIN! if i ' . : . + re ] 1 . . . rather oT 1 ra tna nes To settie almecult political situations 1 ° ‘ ; , CO} le now suggested the formation oi Ir} \ I | ry LS. 4 Ll LO be omeceers Oo! STate ind | D] s and opponents of th i*{ rT ! as Li ‘5 I t as a sort oO] , ne ment Thus both friends and 1 1 4 aw ey] YT) Mee Pit ! ‘ Cas Sf lal Ci lt the Same i 1 Ah 1] ~ f I ies aT (ie VISING restric- a ee a 2 ae Ti0nSsS on 1 wolid render harmless a atholie ry. ’ ] . + 4] : Tr phe 1 ons came more directly to the point , . : i - . } 7 | Gin? james trom the tnrone . mel vas first prorogued and then } ; = f ss { IS Cid ny Di Ore 11 Was dissoly ed. » narliament passed the Habeas Corpus Act (May, 1679), secnrine to everv arrested person the right to be brought to an CPC. Aceordainge to a StOry oenerally eredited., | 7 A toe | | | iid have been aeteatet nad not tne tellers in theTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 309 a Catholic king; the other, with Shaftesbury as leader, preferred to exclude James personally from the throne altogether. The Exclusionists at one time thought of Monmouth as a successor to Charles, and at another of William of Orange: After Charles had tried in vain to procure help from Louis XIV, he summoned another parliament, which had no sooner met (October, 1680) than it passed through the House of Commons a bill excluding James from succession to the throne and nominating in his stead his Protestant daughters, Mary and Anne. Sunderland deserted the cause of the Kine, beheving the Exclusionists would win, but Charles had another more loyal minister in the Karl of Halifax, who succeeded in defeating the measure in the House of Lords. Thereupon, the House of Commons refused to erant Supphes now sorely needed unless assurance was civen that James would be excluded. Although a refusal to yield made another civil war a real danger, Charles stood his eround and dissolved parliament in January, 1681, summoning his fourth to meet in March of that year. In the meantime, acting on the advice of Sunderland, Charles allied himself with Spain and Holland as against H’ranee, and he used the interval before the meeting of parliament in preparing to deal with that body. The Exclusionists counted on an easy victory. To thwart them, Charles again came to terms with Louis (March, 1681), that monarch agreeing to pay him a sufficient sum of ready money to enable him to break his alliance with Spain and Holland and to do without further parliaments for the space of three years. Therefore, when the members of parhament met a week later in expectation of an easy victory over the King, they soon found themselves, to their amazement, sent about their more private affairs. No other parliament was assembled before the death of Charles in 1685, Shortly before that event, at his request, a priest of the Church he had aspired to serve was brought secretly to his chamber and administered to him its last rites. He thus placed his hope in the next world in a Church he had not found it expedient to support openly in this. Nevertheless, in the last four years of his life he manifested superlative powers of dissimulation and political strategy, which enabled him to retrieve a situation that seemed to be irrevoeably lost. He was much too shrewd to encourage the Roman Catholics, though he permitted James to return to England (1680) and to take his place again in the royal councils. He sent Shaftesbury to the Tower (July, 1681), only to find that no London erand Jury would bring in a bill against him. The King could take26) BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS eare of the judges, but juries were designated by the sheruiits, and London sheriffs, being elected by the City, were of the opposition party. In order to remedy this difheulty, Charles made a successful attack on the right of the claims o1 London to choose its own sheritts. A split in the Whig vot enabled the Tories! to elect a lord mayor, and the lord mayor, at the « . ‘7 1 : | ry erin = } rTeSHMUT instigation O] U! C lL] 7 ‘ | J I cul 4 ory shi nati \ LT’ } 1 t 4 1 \ h 17 qd fod we Trl the kins dom Was ricnteneda a Lif LOS Gali LJ i J i LY ’ 1 1) >) OT Cl lye] l¢ | nst .) mes amone some O the ti ' + a | ‘ — : T \ + the th- \V } rs Pp) hl, ian ( | uJ Tit > QM Illa se Oo] eC meu | ryy Is that the onents sine so sueceesstull his ctis ; i _ : } i cil : ‘ . } 4 ] * } ‘ " 4 4 —_ | ' rieS reac! (} ne end Ql i) f tAc ° | : + o ] | . ] } ic) h i44 Oly t ' TLY*T} ‘ AQ] CP) Ol [ ‘ rone as ilt nad een biis Liit cLItilt > | cha tk AS i ‘ : i ij } ; . | . t | 1? ‘ \y) ni } *) 1g . + | ric} WHS ree R' an entn Islastle Wi tii Lit Caliit LU Wit ii} - . : = be A « o- 7 + % 4 Th) 1 i i' ' ° io 7 . 1 . : : . » ‘ ‘ j : ' , Tr « iy , ’ 5 Important aS 1t 1S, Nov Ce] | ould be a mistake to assume a... F , _4.A4 4 o . + + ; \ + + y . + | . + } TMNOT TMG OT i 7 ‘) 1 ' ! I ' i I an ics U ' of IT Us ' } » ‘ ” -1F ] m7 . T Th HIStory OT cy { ; ri eN ri Tift ~ i S 7 > >. iy yi.cy I . thy ' y*y rPTisS P| . I I Gr LAG bo iT) Lonel! a al t lit James never 1n 7 Y) 1 ' T I rif h., \ - a LA ° At 4 - = + ‘>% 7 + ? + r recy } ‘ ’ T ; rT» see (>? os he like- TI , 1 | iT] Ts tt { ’ L : “ | 7 t T ' 7 YY © ’ ; } ; f . ¢ TLeSSCS t | 4 i 7a | : ~ _ is cj \ . ' _w 2, Wt) 4 —* 5 ] ; ‘ rn | | ' ' he n n the work of hands + a * ~ | ii} | ie ' i ‘ i ie ci i 7 1 ] ‘| ‘ 7 7 vy? T ! N x “ | cy ry { | ' 1 ' rmTc } '”; T} eM i ‘} a? ; T1Q)] TO ' Lig { 1] se Ly ro ’ q + ,* » rye T} { ' ed | ! | ~ ! i | L)i r" t } ne enr | | vel ine ready }? ee ' \ ‘ Be } | J i as | I { I] 4 it as cL! " ’ | 4 va + ‘ , tr | mons dina 0 bi lite. ending less than + ' i o ‘ { ‘ T 7 q 7 T } TY vy >) b tollow- i ITT AY , ’ ~~ f ‘ nronyive ( cl | OS pil if yi] \ cl ‘ $ tit ci ' - 7 7 | ' la t | ‘ (} | TMi Vi t 7 | ' its )] ' mon Le! Vas ho OSLIL LO Liit c— 1] ] XY 7 ‘ sus : oO ' a S Wor h IS Not Hi, wwe 7 t(j) l L A? ‘ ‘ 4 Lit I) cA g \ 4 . t T | i Ke 1] h i . myratia ' } (7 SSec } ane ri; —sLTics Le re ~ 110) CU ifL itil, se isil o . . j \ . 4 + ‘ . until recently at any rat as Deen content for the Most part iit i i \ : + cl cil . «i : | ‘ | The fire which destroyed a large part of London in 1666 enabled Sir Christopher Wren to leave as his chief handiwork the new Saint Paul’s Cathedral, which holds his remains. At the he had submitted plans ror the repair f the King was called ‘Lory ; the opposition party, Whig.THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 361 of the old Gothic edifice before the fire. He outlived the King and saw the completion of the new building in the Roman style and of many more of his own design in London and elsewhere. It was after a lecture by Wren in November, 1660, that the group of interested men who constituted the audience finally took the step that resulted in the organization of the Royal Society, the oldest scientific society in Great Britain, perhaps the oldest in Europe that has had a continuous history. The name Royal So- ciety seems to have been bestowed on the organization by John Evelyn, the famous diarist and an influential member. Charles manifested an interest in the undertaking and granted the society a charter in 1662 under the Great Seal. Samuel Pepys, the other immortal diarist of the age, an executive of the navy by virtue of the patronage of Montague, through whose influence he also accumulated wealth for himself while he served his country, was one of the presidents of the society. Before the end of the reign of Charles it had in Isaac Newton (1671) one of the most notable of all its members. His contributions to mathematics and physics are too familiar to need recounting and easily place him among the immortals. The achievements of the generation of the second Charles and James in the field of literature are perhaps less noteworthy, yet the voluminous writings are expressive of the spirit of the time. Milton, as we know, survived until 1674 and completed in the reign of Charles the epics which made his fame memor- able. Perhaps it was not unnatural, writing in sad retrospect amid the disappointment of so many of his earlier hopes, that Satan should tend to become the most heroic figure in the world which he imagined in the darkness of his later years. John Bunyan, who was born in the year of the Petition of Right and died in the year that the last Stuart was driven from the throne, wrote, while imprisoned in Bedford gaol for preaching unlawfully in the reign of Charles IT, his famous Pilgrim’s Prog- ress, wherein he traced the way to the city of life from the very gates of destruction, a way little resembling that fre- quented by the coterie of wits and poets who were the familiar companions of the King. But the man who stands out as most expressive of the temper of the time, though he lacked some of the qualities possessed in an exaggerated degree by other more talented contemporaries, was John Dryden. Ina couplet written in the latter years of the reign of Charles he suggests a pertinent reason why men then endured in silence many things that had formerly stirred them to action:HISTORY BRITISH AMERI' S77) 4 use AN STUDENTS to learn, neern. = the autnor as later ee A ae t ay eet os tial bulk of substantia poet mood ” > —~ — oe — } aril it I Qn an Cali } ] a al I} | ‘ a | iation Lna ) y + +. roaiiel Te the Star oO] 1 ; rT’; req 1? . Ort! OT 7% ie } i. he ‘ TK is no a 5 | > : | eT i} TI LU \Va } —1 C17"; TT} rISTsS QO} his > 4] ~ oa eet | Loan ind TU! CO Cire it > T > 7 5 Het 1] Al . wm 4 n 1681, when 5 rting Monmout! | 7 : : + l I Li GCIPTCle n pamphlets. and 1n on the issues of the ‘ but men army to peace and quiet. I tOTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 363 mood of the time, he did not wear out the weleome with which he was greeted on his accession. When he tried to reintroduce troublesome projects, with which the substantia] type of Eng- lishmen meant to have done forever, he found his way barred. When he returnéd again to his earlier habit of acquiescence in the mood of the country, though he now played a more active personal role in the government than at any time previously, he was again a national king, because he then left the forces most potent in the nation free to pursue their projects, world wide in scope, which must next claim our attention. When his brother recurred to the undertaking that Charles had abandoned after failure in it, he, too, found the will of the nation adamant. THE NATIONAL EMPIRE AND THE DutcH Wars A primary reason why the substantial men in Kngland wel- comed a return of the Stuarts was a erowing interest in the practical problems of extending the trade of the nation. Monk and the rest, who engineered the Restoration, soon afterward found themselves shareholders in trading companies and _ par- ticipants in other forms of enterprise over the seas. Even the members of the royal family, including the Kine himself, were not above engaging in these undertakings. The enterprises most immediately important were the cod and herring fisheries, the trade with the Hast, the slave trade between Africa and America, and the trade with America. Since no Kuropean country invited foreign traders into its ports, and freedom of trade was still an idea alien to the thought of all strong powers, the growth of commerce was inextricably bound up with the question of colonization. In this aspect of their activities more than any other, both Charles and James were able to share the feelings of the English nation and to adopt policies that frequently were in accord with the prevailing wishes of their influential subjects. In this field, Charles donned with little alteration the mantle of Cromwell. He had taken refuge in the Spanish Netherlands in the later years of his exile. and Spain had rather anticipated that Jamaica and Dunkirk, of which that power had been bereft by the Protector, would be restored by the new monarch. Charles not only retained these acquisitions of his mighty pre- decessor, he also took for wife Catharine of Braganza, who brought as part of her dower Tangier and Bombay, the one a naval base in the Strait of Gibraltar, the other a new point from964 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS which tO exploit trade with the Orient. That (Sharles under- stood the intent of his action 1S evident from his comment: ‘“The principal advantages We ] o ourself by this entire advancement of the trade ol rOPOse T 4 conjunction with Portugal are the this nation and the enlargement of our own territories and > (Charles abandoned Tang toward the end ol dominions. ojer 3 o defend it, and he sold Dun- his reign for want of the means t | kirk to Krane hecausi he fo nd its cdetence too expensive an und rtak ng Bomb Ly Was I! tained, and the friendly relations with Portugal were destined to last in one form or another tO this da Bi this | ritage Irom Portugal intensified the dispute with the 1) tel VI h id seq one Wal in the time ot ('rom- well a} ad was 1 he in | C se or two MOre betore the aAGoOTeSS ind pOWC! ] LIM pet tit OL | Dea R es the p iment un reenact in 1660 thi Navigation \et ot thi ( oO} O! lt 1 som 1d tions and extensions The new measul r 1 t certain Kuropean commodities, ‘neluding all those fro! Luss and Turk eould be imported onlv in English ships or e ships of the count! n which the roods originate: Mrom non-English parts 01 \merica, Asia end Africa, 1t Was 1 red +t woods imported into England he brought directly from the place of origin ane in English vessels An importa! n was made in the case of the eolonies of Spain and I val. whose products might bi brought in English ships trom respective mother ¢ intries. he trade of English colonies, import dl d export slike. could bi earried only in English ships, and Eneland was made the stapl for certain enumerat | colo 1 prod ictS: Sugal, tobacco, cotton, ‘ndigo. ginger, and dye woods. These commodities were to be jv to England or to other English eolonies. An acl ether. forbidding the introduction into the aolonies of goods not of English origin, unless they had first been | then reshipped thence. These V1] wervre intended TO nromote the crowth of shipping incidentally, the eolonies. A scheme tor settling a eolony in ‘‘ Carolina” territory south of Virginia), projected in the reign of Charles I. was revived in 1663 under a patent cranted to Clarendon, Monk, Ashley (Shaftes- bury), and others, men of wealth and of influence about the court. , and trade ana, and abandonedTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 365 There were hopes, destined to be disappointed, that the new settlements would produce fruits, wines, silks, and oils. Virginia (1607) and Maryland (1634), among the older colonies, were supplying all the tobacco that was needed. The Dutch, as we shall see, were driven from their colony at the mouth of the Hudson river, that strategic site of the future metropolis of the New World, permitting the union of the New Kneland colonies with the more southerly settlements along the Atlantic coast. A settlement was soon made in New Jersey (1664), and in 1681 William Penn began the establishment of a refuge for his fellow Quakers in a grant which he procured from the King in settlement of a debt which the King had owed to his deceased father. The most highly esteemed of the American possessions, however, were still Barbadoes and the neighboring islands, valued for their sugar, and Newfoundland, coveted for the fisheries that were carried on near its coast. Enterprises of equally large moment in other portions of the world involved not so much the planting of colonies as the establishment of depots of trade to which products of England might be sent for sale and from which needed or marketable commodities might be procured by English traders. These ventures were undertaken by large companies of men who were beginning to organize as joint-stock companies instead of in the older form of a regulated company. The East India Com- pany, whose monopoly had been violated with impunity in the earlier years of the régime of Cromwell, finally, in 1657, by threatening to sell to the highest bidder all its rights and prop- erties, procured from the Protector a new charter confirming all the “‘privileges and immunities”’ it had formerly had, with the addition of new ones. It had an exclusive monopoly of trade with the East and was allowed to fortify and plant’”’ in any of its settlements. New stock was subscribed amounting to more than seven hundred thousand pounds, twice as much as could be used immediately, and the company embarked on its trade with a new vigor. Charles II was more interested than Crom- well in the prosperity of the undertaking and became one of the shareholders. The company found it expedient to make occasional loans and presents to the King, amounting in all, in the period from 1660 to 1684, to more than three hundred thou- sand pounds, a not very subtle method of procuring the royal approval of its projects. In fact, the East India Company shared with the King of France the task of keeping Charles in pocket in the intervals when he was unable to procure suppliesBRITISH HISTORY AMERICAN STUDENTS ceems to have had as genuine from parh ~ - ested in any form ot publhie (> nave ohserved. he sdded SUS. Despite the opposition any ror the benefit of the | the end ot the reign ot s more t } n double what it | the throne cas the largest and most orises was not the only , - enoeagved in the reign A n Company, chartered 7 \rlineton, and others about nt pl es of the time 1n { T} ii “h 1} (} TH he ’ yr y* } T } ~~ T) " + . ered \ eQ OotLudl ts. { COTY ries 61 rienced i ; rs 1} L' ealled O} liada- ~ | Li ti oa rit a | policies ry I Ve] deeiaed J 1 1 Tritt {ij tealy SLT- 4 + *. + | -] | e routulnD fhat coulda DO! ) '. ‘ Ii) al entLion Bi rore 1 i 1 VE ‘ a I l = al in 4 } 1 TO ‘ f 1 f Tit (i Or better = tey of organization needet s II interes nersons began A ttline the questlons that b S anlonies. The result was the Privy Council tor “Trade and t influential members of . mi * : ae x Kine’. (Lis eommittee Was essel- of Trade and Noell, Charles and ' laren- = of considerable size (sixty- ‘tively ealled ‘* The Couneil Moreion Plantations’ ’ withTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 307 membership in each case much the same as the subscribers to stock in the larger companies. These two bodies were merely advisory in character and lasted only until 1664-5, when the work was assumed by the Privy Council. Several times, later in the reign, similar bodies were constituted, but it was a com- mittee of the Privy Council, which later took the title ‘‘Lords of Trade’’ and employed a permanent secretary, that formed the nucleus of the later imperial administrative machinery. That the administration of the colonies was beginning to be a vital matter in the government of the kingdom is too obvious a matter to be further elaborated. It is equally manifest that a large fleet was essential to defend them and a erowing trade from rivals and enemies. One of the current axioms. therefore, was that as little use as might be should be made of foreign vessels and that no measure ought to be neglected that would serve to increase the maritime strength of the nation. The fisheries were encouraged, both because they were profitable and because they required sea-worthy vessels and trained seamen. By the same reasoning, the Dutch were denied the right to participate in English fisheries or in trade with the English colonies. The economic notions and theories which began to emerge in the controversies that attended the extension of the empire and the growth of foreign trade were products of the cireum- stances of the time rather than speculative reflections of contem- porary writers. Like most economic doctrines that have a pass- ing vogue, they were more sound for the conditions that cave rise to them than they may be for different circumstances in other times. When the Dutch oradually made good their mo- nopoly of the spice trade, English traders in the East were driven to the mainland of Asia and to trade in other commodities. They undertook, among other things, to teach the natives of India how to manufacture cotton goods, and they tried to introduce the fabrics thus woven into European trade. But this venture both took away from England people that she was beginning to feel that she could ill spare and brought this cheapened Orien- tal fabric into competition with textiles of Knglsh weave. What was worse, in the judgment of some contemporaries, it necessi- tated the exportation of actual bullion, precious metals, with which to pay for the Eastern merchandise. Would not the continual sending out of these metals and these inhabitants jm- poverish the nation? Many persons of influence felt that there was a real danger, and a warm controversy ensued. A tract written in 1630 by Thomas Mun, a merchant of the previous368 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS generation, England’s Treasure by Forraign Trade, was turned p and published (1664). Sir Josiah Child, for a long period one ot ck most influential of the East India merchants. elabo- rated Mun’s arguments in his New Discourse of Trade (1668), and the _ balance « ft trade’’ became a familiar concept. The argument was almost childish in its simplicity, though it was not less valid for the time and circumstances on that account. A nation, like an individual merchant, has a normal ambition to increase its wealth. It is not a loss to’*send out bullion if by the process larger sums are ultimately brought within the na- tional bounds. The important point is not whether bull on is sent out but whether what is brought in exceeds that which was sent out. For this reason, a nation ought to earry its ronal In its own wy ' } nt 4] . ] oT + . | + , vessels, not only because the vessels are needed for defence, but also because not to do so makes 10 necessary To pay the carrying charges to a foreign powe! ‘or the same reason, a nation ought as far as possible to procure needed goods within Its OWN ConTnnes or dol PiOo;¢ns nad oug Oo covet dominions likel ] ae Dro ret neers ed COmMmMNoOs PS 7 re nol Dro eed WiTtnin the , natlol tS@il GrOOdS Oo! l Lf nin the nation or 1tS dominions ht to | +} : + | ‘ } OUCH {) } 1S pro red T) nS inaing i re ma eP Een LPel T +} 4 ] ] } POOUS O rie SclITit _ i l Vonere he OUT! ine? parts t of the empire, founded or conquered at the expense and by the + + | ] 1 ! . OrTts ¢ it ol are ) and ougnt to be T} h Larv To lt : ' _y 1 j — 4h , ; - . ~ and ougnt to send r goods » 1ts markets and to take 1ts proaucts itor their use. i hese doctrines, tormulated by mer- + chants 1n the hght of their vocational experience, were well adapted to appeal to the minds of the governors of a nation 7) Wi eh mere! naising \ . f Tri ST not VOrTN’ rorm OT bus] ) + - | ness Cf na i Tf qd Onl a laray — (si if Aft ati’ I iif Mey qd Cc mae Dg q] % 7 o the English rulers in the latter part of the seventeenth cen T y* } when thy TY rol i? rT r* +h, only vos i rroup in the ; } | | | ] (| nt? Hes ces T | y rcs This same group had supported the first Dutch war under Cromwell; they were also back of the second Dutch war. that broke Out in 1664 and Was broucht to an end by the Treaty of Breda in 1667. This last has been called the first ‘‘purely colonial war’’ in English history. It was not a war for which either Charles II or John de Witt. then. under the title ‘‘Grand Pensionary,’’ the chief minister of Holland, had any enthusiasm. Monk stated the motives that actuated both sides: ‘‘ What matters this or that reason? What we want is more of the trade which the Dutch now have.’’ Both houses of parliament united inTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 369 voting the Dutch “‘the greatest obstruction to our foreign trade”’ and in requesting the King to take speedy steps for redress. In response to this address, George Downing, in whose honor the most famous street in the capital was later named, was sent to negotiate, but in vain. Nothing would suffice but a trial of strength. France joined, in 1666, on the side of the Dutch. There were severe naval engagements in the waters around England, which made it evident that the navy had not been maintained at the standard it had reached under the Protector- ate. Under the terms of the Treaty of Breda (1667), the Dutch yielded to the English their settlements on the North American continent, New Amsterdam and the neighboring region, which were rechristened New York in honor of the King’s brother. In the East, the advantage lay rather with the Dutch, one reason why the settlement was unlikely to be permanent. The trade with the Orient was too lucrative and the English East India Company was too influential at court for defeat to be endured. Moreover, the company proprietors and the economists who de- fended their cause now identified their own interests with the interest of the nation and insisted that foreign relations ought to be ordered to support these interests. The company, in fact, still wanted a share in the trade with the spice islands, which the Dutch monopolized. The rivalry between the trading companies of the two peoples was thus increased rather than diminished by the Treaty of Breda. In England, memories of old grievances were kept fresh by numerous pamphlets inspired by the company. To be sure, we know that the third Dutch war was precipitated in the interest of Louis XIV and his designs on Holland, and Charles II was actuated in it by the promises Louis had made to lend troops and money to support his own aspirations in England. But it could scarcely have taken place at all had it not been in part also a national war, a continuation of the old rivalry with the Dutch. On this point, Shaftesbury stated the English view: ‘‘Nations,’’? he asserted, ‘‘do not fall in love with one another as private men do. It is the material interest of the nation that is the determining factor in every alliance or friendship. England was in aliianee with France, because the interest of the two powers did not clash. With regard to Hol- land, however, the case was different. She had hunted the Ene- lish out of the East Indies; she had massacred them at Amboyna ; she had deprived them of all trade in the Kast Indies; she had perpetrated horrible cruelties. Was it just that Holland should370 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS be allowed to exercise her sway in the Kast?’’ The answer was clear. This time the ee neh and tne Kine lish were, ot Course. On the Holland, and Amsterdam was saved by the time-honored method Same side. The French arms overran the greater part of of letting in t! the sea throug! he dykes. John de Witt vave place LO William. Prince of Urange, nephew O] (Charles she as port ror it. the war was GEG as Tak @s Kneland Was concerned in 16/4 Dy Lhe Lreat: Westminst Ce indeed, tne crowing a power Ol] |. reatnCe 7 id tne com) al (it elopment or the country i : * holde} ; } 1 Dut ne to Hi O na Lo drive LO exile in Fran 3 ne, pr ly supported on his throne in } : mol} TI ne struggle with France had | n . rrence o he old wars of the prema . QO than these ea nes had eve 7 ‘ 1 at lia Ylined I rr} l | qr’ med, A ! ~ [4 LH ri COND JAMES James II was in large part personally to blame for his failure ] | ; > | . . . } 5 : \ . TO HNnwa on ne SLUCCeSS » DPOLTE!I nad acnit ved In the latte vears OL bis ite, But the younger brother lacked the easy conselience or the O| ier and eSSaved aYaln tne taSk which the ‘les had taken against } } ’ } ‘ A . 4 i. . + the boro i?n STTONne@NnoOLasS oO Lile \\ nies. The Drs parliament that oreeted James was overwhelmingly Torv and oranted to the < + » try 54 / : . ) lial s : , Kine for lite the revenues his brother had had. adding thereto J puppies ILOr e navy, in which James had ever manitested atl a YeSo-THE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE dtl lution asking for the enforcement of penal laws against all recusants another expressing entire confidence that James would defend the Church. When Monmouth, the illegitimate son of Charles, landed and claimed the crown, in June, 1685, as the champion of the Protestants and the constitution, he failed to rally substantial support and was easily captured and executed. These initial successes of James were the beginning of his | - undoing. He fancied his strength to be greater than it was. He was represented in suppressing Monmouth’s rebellion by two agents who achieved memorable names in English annals. Colonel Perey Kirke, in command of a regiment formerly sta- tioned at Tangier, treated the rural population in the vicinity where the revolt occurred with a notorious brutality that was exceeded only by the cold-blooded trials of the accused at the ‘“Bloody Assizes’’ conducted by Judge George Jeffreys, by which three hundred persons were put to death and eight hundred more transported to the plantations. Jeffreys was rewarded with the office of lord chancellor and became a trusted counselor of the King. The Habeas Corpus Act and the Test Act were both obstacles in the way of the policy which James hoped to pursue. When Halifax refused to be a party to the repeal of these two acts, he was dismissed. Nevertheless, when parliament met in No- vember, 1686, James requested funds to support a standing army and urged the repeal of the acts in question. He prorogued parliament when it did not conform to his wishes. Thereafter, | blunder followed close upon blunder, until he had tried the national patience beyond what it was wilting to endure. Promi- nent churchmen in parliament opposed the repeal of the Test Act. The King now dismissed officeholders who had voted against his proposals and created a new Court of Ecclesiastical Commis- sion, somewhat like the old Court of High Commission of his father, with Jeffreys at its head, to wreak his will on the Church. This commission suspended the Bishop of London for refusing to silence a preacher who had denounced ‘‘popery.’’ James claimed the right to dispense at will with the enforcement of laws. Judges not prepared to support this claim were replaced with others better disposed toward the King. A court thus made ready in advance declared im favor of a certain Roman Catholic Colonel Hales (April, 1686), who held his commission in violation of the Test Act by virtue of a royal dispensation. With this decision as a precedent, James began to admit his fellow religionists to the Privy Council and to meditate appointingd/2 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS them to offices in the national Church. These acts alienated those Anglicans who had hitherto been disposed to be rather tolerant with the King and made it necessary that he look for support elsewhere. His first thought was to repeat the mistake of his brother and to issue a declaration of indulgence to Protestant Dissenters along with Roman Catholics, which he proceeded to do in April, 1687. He hoped by this measure to win sufficient support to balance the discontented Anglicans he had lost. It was as easy ] ; : : | . to restore the noncontormists to places of power in the boroughs i Ll i i Lo . } J (i 1 ; : , ; ® . ’ y r as 1t had been earlier to remove them In order to Dave the way tor a Lory majority in the House of Commons. But the Protes- tant Dissenters were little disposed to serve as a ladder on which the Catholics might climb to power, and the King, by appoint- ing his fellow churchmen to office in increasing numbers. was rivine ample notice in advance of what was conti mplated. To allay the growing fears of the Dissenters, James issued, in April. : . ° 7 ’ . . ] j ° L688. re second cleel: ration {)i Induivence, connrming that issued . 1 . ] a tw ] - ~ . . In the previous year and promising that a new parliament would be summoned by N . | A week later he ordered that this declaration he ré act ()) rwo conse ClTiVve Sundavs.in everv parish church. The clergy of the national Church were at last stirred to action. i ne Are! DISHOY OT % anterbury and SIX other bishops ) ILO netition:s cd th Kine + | 11 i} a rc I” he VV 7 drawn. implying ubt of its legality. On the following Sunday the order was 5 . } S . 4 " : oa : obeyed in only seven of the London churches. whereupon James : oS re : ale 4.7 te il _ } Ty ‘= _— . reso] | TO mmagict Thre SePVyen O PnNna ne shops. nell yOuUTNeS TO +) ry’ v1 ° rs . 4. y . ro Tt 4 ’ 1, “Tt, . + | ' n+) \* ,* ine Lower WAS A COT NUON OVA Onl. Indleatl ne tne SCTILIMeEN | O] the population of the capital. Two days atter the bishops were 4 : ) j ‘vt : 5 SenT TO Orison al rie it}. 168% Tne Seconda vy re Oy} James. Marv \ 7 ‘ ’ ,e 1 : } sions ry s : of Modena, a Catholic, bore him a son and heir. This was an unexpected event. For the space of fifteen years the marriage ad been untruittul. and it was Curn®ns ntl taken ror ceranted that the King would be succeeded by his Protestant daughter. Mary The birth of a male heir nerved the faction opposed to the Ki > £O ACH: On the last cay of that same month a naval officer who had been dismissed by . tor opposing the repeal of the Test Act crossed over to Holland carrying LO William. nephew and son-in-law of the King. an invitation to come to James KHngland with an armed force. This invitation was signed by Tories like Danby as well as by the prominent Whig peers. In the meantime, James was busy trying to procure the election ofTHE STUARTS’ SECOND CHANCE 313 a parliament amenable to his will. In order to have a large military force at hand, he repeated a mistake of his father and decided to bring over reéeénforcements from Ireland. Not until his cause had been damaged beyond repair did he, in panie, offer a series of concessions which might earlier have saved his crown. The sailing of William was delayed by contrary winds, but he landed safely in the early part of November. James fell back as William advanced. When he appealed to former counselors that he had dismissed, they advised that a parliament be sum- moned and that the officers he had appointed in violation of the law be dismissed. James agreed, but took flight even while agree- ing. While the writs were issuing for a new parliament, he sent his wife and child to France. When, on December 11, commissioners from William arrived in London to treat with James, he was no longer there, and his Great Seal was at the bottom of the Thames. In the period of disorder that ensued Lord Jeffreys was saved from the vengeance of a mob and sent to the Tower, where he died. The capital invited William to advance. The flight of James won over to William influential peers who had previously hesitated. Others, including John Churchill, afterward Duke of Marlborough, had already guessed which way the wind would blow. On Christmas Day James followed his wife to France, and his son-in-law undertook to settle himself on the throne. FOR FURTHER STUDY Cambridge Modern History, V. chs. v-ix; Geoffrey Callender, The Naval Side of British History, chs. vili, ix; Julian Corbett, Monk, ch. xiv; H. E. Egerton, Short History of British Colonial Policy, Book III. chs. i-iii; W. H. Hutton, The English Church from the Accession of Charles II to the Death of Anne, chs. x-xii; A. D. Innes, A History of England and Greater Britain, II. chs. xiv-xvi; A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power chs. xi-xiii; Barrett Wendell, The Temper of the Seventeenth Century in English Literature, ch. xii; J. A. Williamson, A Short History of British Ezpunsion, Part III, chs. ix-xii. FOR WIDER READING C. M. Andrews, British Committees, Commissions, and Councils of Trade and Plantations, 1622-1675; Violet Barbour, Henry Bennet Earl of Arling- ton; G. L. Beer, The Old Colonial System, 2 Vols.; Cambridge History of English Interature, VIII. chs, i, 111, viii, x, xv, xvi; Julian Corbett, England im the Mediterranean, Il. chs. xx-xxv; Sir Henry Craik, The Life of Edward Earl of Clarendon, 2 Vols.; William Cunningham, The Growth of EnglishCEUAPR AHIR Xe Ti THE REVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE THE REVOLUTION SETTLEMENT William of Orange was never able to adapt himself to the national mood in England. An alien born, he remained alien in spirit to the end, winning the confidence of few Englishmen and the love of none. He was accepted as king because, as hus- band of the heiress-apparent and enemy of Louis XIV, he was a logical successor of James II who, though English born, was even less English in spirit than William. The terms of the agreement on domestic questions, which William accepted with the crown, were framed by the groups then in control of the English government in the light of their experience with James. William merely accepted them; he had little or no part in their formulation. There was not much difference of opinion on these points among the rival factions in England. These ques- tions involved few if any clear cut principles pertaining to matters with a moral flavor, likely to become causes to whzch men would dedicate their lives. In fact, most of them had been settled, as the ruling group had supposed, earlier in the century, on the restoration of the monarchy after the Civil Wars. These practical men of affairs were now interested in other projects and were impatient at the necessity of returning to the old disputes. Having decided that the monarchy with James as king could not be made a workable arrangement, they determined to dispose of the matter once and for all. A settlement did not, and could not, mean to them action according to any consistent theory or doctrine. There was none on which they were agreed among themselves. It did mean, however, the providing in statutes and other forms of guaranties, as practical as might be, against the recurrence of those grievances that had aroused the nation against both James and his father. As we have seen, when James II fled the kingdom, he took refuge with the King of France. By this act, he gave notice to his former subjects that he depended on a French army to 3753/6 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS restore to him any power he might thereafter have in England. it would have been difficult for him to do anything more effective in reconciling the English to William as their kine and in commiting them to the support of William’s war against Louis a V aS ad policy. This last item had probably been the toremost consideration in deciding William to embark on the venture. But, before he could go forward with that enterprise, he must : + ) ] x \\ TY 1 Ti We ! silt a Bea () la YVlillam S WIT he + 1A; \ ; 1 } + ! ' } ()r'¢ f re rie \\ i} t)] { f rif ()} (OLIS ian} Mie! TOO } ] ] simple and logical to | | immediati of declaring the a + | , ryt y } ‘ } | i} 4 } hy | |} Li tiit Lif J = i) il ivad \ } t et L( I) ‘ 1% } ] \ ? eee 4 | ' Mod ' »\ .? Ay SS (] cl od Litilt ro ind vi ich Was oi + 7 1] 7 } ; T ry i { \ry7 \ * a ro ‘7 + | a sii ~ ' i Dial) cl if LILLE \) cl cLi ¢ T} t ‘ 1 \ } I (yr wa ’ \\ au 1 ) l} ; + + cyt practical necessity 4 ® pS . | + } * alii Gilel 1 OM) MmaCnine lla UO ) IM provisea \ i 4 ] + . ] ) rit ] /) \ } Pit oa Th ~ plead STION OT MmemybDes rs OT t | t? 4 i i j | } f ’ . } Oy) = ij | ) | | an { ag mem ry rs {) L! +? { ()] mon { {) nell A ’ {) | a) 7 ¥ \ ! ~ a : 1 ACT) ’ STTATIO?T ()] Tre i} Vern j meni nd Instructed | Dal iment y Const Tmenecies To elect ’ } 213 Jer ] mb O] LT cASt I | VHC! aSsembpied Jal lary ZZ L689 \)\ + - * | \\ I | cl ey ! a 7 (*¢)T ) ()T) re Ived T} 7 ol iTTieS } ) } } . ; . le | ne PNG VOouredg T ¢ SIWWOVenry? Tie CONSTI ItTion hy breaking | , the original contract between the king and peopl . had vio- fe | i } t ; T ' oY } ry? bie \ iif r ‘ i rid I fr i i _ anid ci' VI LA a Ww TT) TtiN¢ I UU Oi : j * ] | . 1 7 } ' aot TY) , 7 (| + | , The + | rs Yr) nad 1? ‘ rah hecoms vacant + 7 Yr) 1 ry7 7 7 : ] 4 y hy +} »y* ~ () : iN Ni Oy g f JOTCAS acCOotInpahlet \ and Py] ] f + | r ] 1 e ™ i + | ‘ ' - +) ; Pon oh) kK no had heen T mad ny experience ] ; L, | 4 | , ? 1 * rT’) - TO (> aan | Vi a ir ¢ CA5 int VOVET!I ment Lit Uuppel | } i . j i 1 . - Ne cy ntey + | revelaa cy resolution ort} Vy T} and the Lrst aTTe} =T ) ¥: Oy ‘yi ! rion by the lo) ag VNnO rar gays 1 lnetant TO accept the doctrine that the monarchy Was established by COn- kine.REVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 377 a decision which made imperative a departure from the strict line of hereditary succession. Much against the wishes of Clar- endon, Halifax finally convinced a sufficient number of his colleagues to carry the question by the argument that, though conditions then made necessary a departure from the hereditary line, the succession would recur to that basis once the issue of the moment was settled. Having placed the scepter in the hands of William and his wife jointly, with the understanding that power was actually vested in William, the convention proceeded to translate into definite language the terms of the settlement. A committee was appointed, with John Somers chairman, to draft the needed measures. Somers had previously been counsel for the seven bishops and was later to become lord chancellor. The committee drew up, in February, 1689, a declaration which, in October of the same year, was enacted by parliament as a statute, ever since famous as the Bill of Rights. The Bill of Rights and the other legislation incidental to the Revolution, with the Act of Settlement passed after the death of the last of @ueen Anne’s children in 1701, stated the relations between the various branches of the government as established by the stirring events in the previous century. In the first place, it implied that parliament would henceforth be the chief seat of power in the nation. It could not be otherwise, since parliament had assumed to settle the disposition of the crown itself. A matter of larger importance in normal times was that a king must in the future come to parliament for substantially all of his revenues, including those for the maintenance of his civil estab- lishment, and parliament could also direct the expenditure of the money it appropriated. The king was prohibited from keeping a standing army in time of peace without the consent of parliament. This prohibition was made effective by the expedient, accidentally adopted at first but later perpetuated as a custom, of limiting to a period of a single year the law au- thorizing the king to summon courts martial to maintain dis- eipline. The king must thus eall parliament together once every twelve months or find himself without authority to quell mutinies. The king was specifically forbidden to suspend or dispense with laws or to establish other courts such as the High Commission. Although the question did not find a place in the Bill of Rights, the Act of Settlement took away from the king the right to dismiss judges and provided that they could be re- moved only after conviction in the courts of law or in response to addresses from both houses of parliament. The king still hadBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTSREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 379 groups outside of their organization, the protagonists of the national Church deprived that establishment of some of its most virile, potential leaders and predestined it to a future of formal rather than aggressive activity. Its more important offices, like others in the government, tended to become appurtenances of those who held political power. It later proved itself to be more elastic in doctrine than its earlier defenders would have hked, but it labored under the handicap of having to work alongside of less favored ecclesiastical organizations whose very existence depended on the loyalty of their constituent members, and it naturally suffered by the contrast. The Revolution marked the decisive victory of the substantial groups who, by participation in parliament, had engendered a corporate existence in the Enelish nation that had challenged successfully the dynastic claims of the Stuart monarchs. The king still retained much power, which he was privileged to use as long as he did not counter too sharply the wishes and in- terests of these powerful groups. . war. the aoctrine tnat Ir Snips Make rree roods. hey now ! « , n C17 AUT ' rt , wre > went ~ . es — went a lone WAVY TOWAaATG LIne the British yv1lew OL an e@xX- tended list of contraband and of an extensive entoreement of a right of search upon neutrals trading with France. At the peace, however, the Dutch again found themselves more nearly agcreeing with the French than with the British as regards maritime rights. leaving the British to extend the area of war The war did not ge forward successfully on land. For several years the best William could do was to circumvent the plans of the French. Later he regained a portion of Belgium that had been taken in the outset ot the struggle. By 1697 both Louis lliam were ready to compromise in the Treaty of Rys- wick. France restored the districts she had taken since the { Vh7 ST) -Y , . " els > former war and recognized William as king of England, under- Roses ; Sica = eal . n s = ow ~ dpi lTaKINe To wive no assistance 1n an attack On his throne. his treaty was in reality a truce in which to make ready for the next war, a war the foundation of which William helped to lay, but in which he was not fated personally to engage. Perhaps it was just as well. He had obtained support for his policies in England by virtue of his willingness to overlook many things and to acquiesce in conditions that could not long be tolerated. His tenure of the throne was at best uncertain, 7 and most of the ambitious leaders in the country, even those in his service, were in secret correspondence with the court that James maintained in France. William was aware of this double dealing and repaid it by bestowing his confidence on fewREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 387 of his English advisers. Rather, he put his trust in men who had come from Holland, such as William Bentinck, whom he made Harl of Portland but who was little liked in England. William found it difficult to deal with the more extreme Whigs, since they wanted to weaken the monarchy to a point that accorded ill with his wishes. The Tories, on the other hand, still had the conviction that the crown belonged of right to James and were inclined to look upon the son-in-law and suc- cessor aS a usurper. William, at first, tried to retain among his advisers leaders of both factions, but practical experience ultimately obliged him, little as he relished the necessity, to depend largely on the Whigs. An unsuccessful plot against the King’s life gave strength to the Whig cause and threw him almost wholly into the hands of that party. The same factors tended to make Anne, William’s sister-in-law and the heiress- apparent after the death of Mary without children (1694), more friendly toward the Tories, particularly as she had inherited much of her maternal grandfather’s passionate attachment to the English national Church. There was constant friction be- tween her and her brother-in-law in his later years. : When William died as a result of a fall from his horse in the winter of 1702, he had already set the stage for the decade of war that was to follow. Anne had little choice but to carry forward his engagements. The ostensible stake was the throne of Spain, which Louis coveted for his family, carrying, as it did, dominion in Italy, in the Low Countries, and in the Western World, with potentialities of trade in America which were almost sufficient in themselves to arouse the hostilities of both the English and the Dutch. In the beginning, there were two claim- ants to the throne, which must soon fall vacant on the death of Charles II. One was an Austrian Hapsbure, the other a orand- son of Louis. Efforts were made to settle the question by a partition of the possessions of the decaying power. But, before Charles died, in November, 1700, he made a will leaving the crown to the grandson of Louis, provided he should not wear the crowns of both France and Spain. Louis found the temp- tation too great to resist and decided to accept the terms of the will. He went further and announced that this acceptance would not necessarily exclude his grandson from the throne of France. Kven then he had not done all he could to facilitate William’s difficult task in England. In spite of the Act of Settlement, passed in 1701 after the death of Anne’s last child (providing that the crown of England should at her death descend to3888 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Sophia of Hanover, granddaughter of James I, as the nearest Protestant heir). Louis, at the death of James II in the same year, recognized his son as rightful king of England. English patriotism was instantly stirred anew at this threat, and William was thus enabled to bequeath to Anne a national war as good as begun. Fortunately, in John Churchill, husband of Anne’s best friend, he bequeathed to her also the greatest military genius of the age, though a somewhat unscrupulous statesman. Tare UNION WITH SCOTLAND Before the end ot this war Anne was able to eliminate one hazard which had long threatened the safety of England, a danger which William appreciated and just prior to his death urged her to remedy. A union of a sort between England and Seotland had existed since the accession of James I to the English throne. The marriage of Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. to James IV of Scotland marked the beginning of the end ‘of the long period of hostility between the two countries that had originated in the distant past. Exactly a century after this marriage 1603 . the oreatl erandson ot the couple began to wear the erowns of both kingdoms. The governments were still separate. As we know, the Presbyterian party in Scotland was strong enough in the time of the first Charles to resist the at- tempt of Laud to impose the episcopacy on the country. Never- theless, men of substance and influence in the northern kingdom were loyal to the family of Stuart, and Charles II was able to rule the country much as he willed through the agency of his Privy Council in that quarter. The policies of James II re- awakened the fears of the Presbyterians, and this group was instrumental in turning the support of the parliament of Scot- land to William. On that very account, the Anglican organiza- tion there, which had been restored by Charles II, was un- friendly to the new King, whereas the national Church in the southern kingdom, for the most part, welcomed him. The situa- tion in the north required delicate handling. The center of power was transferred from the Privy Council there to parlia- ment and from the Anglicans to the Presbyterians. As yet there were scarcely more than three quarters of a million people in Scotland all told, while the population of England and Wales was estimated to be some seven times that number. This Scottish population was largely engaged in ruralREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 389 pursuits. None of the towns in the seventeenth century had at- tained to considerable size or importance. In the rural districts, little fresh land had been brought under cultivation since the beginning of that century. At the beginning of the next century it was estimated that two thirds of the country was still ‘‘moors, mountains, and barren land,’’ while three fourths of England was estimated by the same authority to be in use for agricultural or pastoral purposes. The Scottish nobles, who held most of the land, were primarily interested in recelving high rents and in maintaining extensive hunting preserves. The rents were col- lected by bailiffs, who managed the estates without much direct supervision by the lords, an arrangement that discouraged any ambitions the tenants might have to improve their lot. There was little rotation of crops, and, in consequence, both the arable land and the tenants were impoverished. Only in the vicinity of towns were the tenants free from burdensome feudal obliga- tions and able, by reason of the accessibility of markets, to profit from their own labor. The lands were farmed to the highest bidder, a method that did not stimulate tenants to im- prove them. The grain raised was inferior in quality and yleld to that raised in Kngland. Flax and hemp were the most remunerative crops. Even in the towns the medieval spirit survived in a large degree, though by the end of the sixteenth century the craftsmen had succeeded in asserting their right to be represented on the town council. They could still not engage in commerce without abandoning their eraft. The Privy Council of Charles II was unable to assert its Jurisdiction in the Highlands. though these ‘‘peceant parts,’’ in the reign of James YI of Scotland and the first of England, had been reduced by drastic methods to comparative peace and order. The chieftains of the clans carried matters with a high hand in the reign of James IT, though it was in the Highlands that the Jacobite claims found their most effective support after the Revolution. An effective method of dealing with the clans, used by both William and Anne, was to pension the chiefs. One of the most picturesque of the leaders of the Jacobite Highlanders was John Graham of Claverhouse. Graham had served under William of Orange on the Continent. Charles II later made him a Privy Councillor for Scotland. Kinally, he commanded the faction in Scotland that remained loyal to James, who had made him Viscount Dundee. Dundee met and defeated William’s partizans in the summer of 1689 at the battle of Killiecrankie, but fell himself in the fight, a disaster from which his troops890 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS were unable to recover. The supporters of William defeated them a little later at Dunkild. William adopted as his friend and guide in Seottish matters a Presbyterian minister, Wilham Carstares. who, having been subjected to the thumbscrew in the reion of Charles II, took refuge in Holland and there gained Wilhiam’s confidence. Through the influence of Carstares, a moderate Presbyterianism became the established Church in Scotland. The doctrine of the king in ecclesiastical matters, never accepted nd supremacy ot in the Seottish Church, was put aside as inconsistent ‘‘ with the establishment of the church government now desired.’’ The Presbyterian ministers, ejected from their parishes since Janu- ary, 1661, were rest red. thoug! only some sixty survived to Orevdan | Th. VV iil (_.ontession was accepted as the ws . c 1 j 3 j BS ry . as < : as official statement of po! nd doctrine. There were several » : ] 1 4 | | Dae eet “ . ryy] nian . ractions that were lLittie pleased Dy THIS set lement. he stricte! c Pr Le TO al ye ST ) eee SP ey: Sect O] reSDYterlabls T' ised iccept 1t aS Tul liine’® the con- +4 j - 4 fit ' inl LT} { TitLis J ' CTOUPDIT' allt Lrade OT) a VASLECI | ] : » Ts : : she a we scale than had been previously known. A plan which James I] ' . } { Oe al 7 ; ’ . . — - had devised for the union of the New England colonies naturally 1] + | y* ; + 4 sir Tr) vy cr h 4+ T1T + | “y 7 4 y? * , . ‘Yr . le nroucn OL Its ¢ n Wel“gentt HOW flat ILS proyecto! was not t j 4 ° au } a at hand to support : \ more important tact was the growing , : tendene (y7 | m € TY) ; iy Th) plac lace ePemponaAaSsIS OT) the Training’ ot mariners and more on aChievine a favorable halance + 4 4 4 } ~~ . 4 oT trade Dv provid ne Tavorable markets Iror Knelish eroods a id \ j + } 7 : - ryy ° * . SOlrCeS © raw materials ror Knelish ATTIZANS. hat io ne Say. Ln ] ] Pes i : een ~ the philosophy on which the defence 01 imperial undertakings : : ; ae was based was becoming more economic and less political. At the instigation of merchants of London, Bristol, and Liverpool, parliament passed in 1696 what proved to be the last of the ceneral Navigation Acts. This act provided for admiralty courts in the colonies to enforce its provisions and for other machinery and penalties for the same purpose. The British insisted that both the colonies and foreign countries be prohibited from enter- ine into competition with manufacturers at home. This reflec- tion in the eolonial policy of the private interests able to influence parliament, and the tendency of that body to claim a share in the management of colonial enterprises, was not wholly pleasing to William. On his accession. he continued the committee of the Privy Council known as the Lords of Trade, replacing membersREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 390 he distrusted with others more favorable to his views. Later, in an effort to forestall the encroachment of parliament on the royal prerogative in this field, he created a new Board of Trade and Plantations, with members selected because of their knowledge of the business. Among the members was William Blathwayt, who served for a decade, and John Locke, the philosopher, who was later succeeded by Matthew Prior, the poet and diplomat. This body resembled those which preceded it in that it was closely allied with the Privy Council and in that it was respon- sible to the King rather than to parliament. Its functions were to collect and make available to the King and his advisers information concerning trade and the plantations and to give advice on these subjects when it was requested. Though never empowered to take action on its own account, the board became an important agency in the management of the colonies, since the King and his ministers came to depend on its information and advice. In the field of Eastern trade, the Revolution entailed a re- adjustment and ultimately a reorganization. The coming of a Dutch king to the throne made necessary the abandonment of the English claim to a share in the spice trade. The merchants of the East India Company were thus limited in their activities to the continent of Asia. But this trade brought them into conflict with several influential classes at home. The company had little to fear on that score as long as its charter was held from the king, and the monarch himself was one of the sub- stantial shareholders, as was the case in the reigns of the second Charles and James. But now that parliament was in the saddle, the situation was different, and the company was attacked. Those interested in the manufacture of cloth in England complained that the competition of the Indian fabrics was injurious to their interests. The members of the Levant Company, still a regulated company, complained that the joint stock company used unfair methods of competition and so interfered with the freedom of the members of the Levant Company to carry on trade as was their right under their charter. Other persons ambitious to engage in a trade that seemed to offer prospects of a large return resented the monopoly held by the East India Company and opposed it as an unfair usurpation of power by the royal government of former times, demanding that other merchants be permitted to engage in this trade on the same terms as the company proprietors. In the Revolution the company, then under the presidency of Sir Josiah Child, naturally tended to be sympathetic with those096 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS who had favored it, on which account it was for a time suspect under the new government. Consequently, those who had hitherto been denied the privilege of engaging in the Eastern trade now had their chance. Under the leadership of Thomas Papillon, formerly a member of the East India Company, though an opponent of Child, they formed an organization and applied to parliament to throw open the India trade. Despite a stub- born opposition from Child, this new group obtained in 1698 an act of parliament recognizing them as a new East India Com- pany, on condition that they lend to the government two million pounds at eight per cent. interest per annum. The old company did not give up without a struggle, and a large block of stock in the new organization was subseribed by members of the old. Money was spent to establish interests in parliamentary con- stituencies. so that the company would be represented in the House of Commons. In this contest, the older company had the advantage of an experienced commercial organization already in the field, of establishing relations with Asiatic peoples, and of posts already existing with which to trade, so that the new com- pany was serlously handicapped from the start. The end of the struggle was the amalgamation of the two organizations into the United Company of Merchants of England Trading to the Kast Indies, which was consummated in 1709. This long eon- troversy, however. was nol without Some fruitage. It led to a further exploration of the relation of trade to national wealth, and some of the participants found themselves tempted to dally with notions at variance with the more conventional mercan- tilist doctrines. Meanwhile, the exigencies of war made it imperative that the King and his associates discover methods of raising sums of + money with greater expedition and in larger size than was feasible by the slow process of taxes imposed by parliament. The pressing needs of trade led men of affluence to codperate with the King in solving his difficulty. William Paterson, whose share in the Darien venture we know. seems to have been one of the most active agents in the undertaking. No doubt the experi- ence of the Dutch taught something. But William’s pressing need for funds was the immediate spur to action. Hitherto, a king in time of need had been wont to seek loans from 7oldsmiths or others, to be repaid when parliament voted a supply, or loans for a shorter period, to be repaid when uncollected revenues should come in hand. Charles II had caused consternation among the goldsmiths in 1672 by repaying merely the interestREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 397 (and that after a year of delay), when a loan of this type fell due, retaining the principal for the use of the government in the war then in progress with the Dutch. In 1693 the govern- ment raised a loan to be repaid in the form of hfe annuities, supported by a special appropriation made for the purpose. The next year the need of a further large sum stimulated the improvising of machinery to procure it. The result was the organization of the Bank of England. The subscribers to its stock were to have a stated income on their investment, while the covernment obtained needed money in large sums. The arrange- ment had the support of parliamentary action. But the bank, being a company chartered for borrowing and lending money, could have private individuals as well as the eovernment for customers. It had, moreover, the right to issue notes. Thus it was furnished with the needed apparatus for dealing in credit. In this way, there came into being at one stroke the national debt and the bank, two engines of power without which, or something much like them, the development of British empire and trade on the scale they were about to assume would have been searcely feasible. Thereafter, parla- ment had simply to guarantee interest at the prevailing rates, payable when it fell due, to obtain credit that was comparatively unlimited. With its privilege of note issue, the bank afforded the machinery for marketing the securities. But in more than one way the organization of this machinery of credit meant the passing of the king as a major power in the English government. The king could have access to this fountain of wealth only on the guaranty, and so with the acquiescence and support, of parliament. As the amount of outstanding se- curities increased, men of substance, whose wealth was in large part in this fluid form, had a correspondingly greater stake in keeping the control of the financial arrangements, and so in keep- ing the government itself substantially as it was. There was httle likelihood that they would willingly risk much power on these vital matters in the hands of a king such as the Stuarts had aspired to be. One type of men of substance, however, faced the new situation with little enthusiasm. Men whose ineome was in form of rents saw themselves under the necessity of paying pro- oressively higher taxes in order to provide the interest on the crowing national debt. A debt with no prospect of its ultimate payment was not a thing a landlord could contemplate with sat- isfaction in the business of his personal estate, and he feared it for the nation. Many of them, therefore, opposed both the bank0J8 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and the debt which it facilitated, and both were set down as Whig schemes against the real welfare of the country. But without the bank the other reforms of William’s reign, which contributed to the stabilization of trade, would have been diffeult if not impossible. Much of the metal money in cireula- tion was hammered and was easily mutilated or clipped. The result was coins of uncertain value. and trade was correspond- ingly hampered. In 1696, under the ; supervision of Sir Isaae Newton and lL oek C, damon? others. d neaSure was put in effect tor replacing this inade quate currency with milled eoins of an even value. This change was accomplished w ith ditfie ulty, since it was necessary aiter a tlme To demonetize all t ic old COLDS, and in the interval the notes of the bank had to be substituted. The rol ism] ths and other enemies ot the bank took advantage or the shortage of currency to collect notes and make demands on < for their redemption that could not possibly be met im- mediately. But the crisis was finally passed, and the result in the lone run Was prob Dly LO Increase the wse of paper and eredit in lieu of ecurrenev by making the process familiar. lant victories which Marlborough won in the reign of Queen Anne in the war against Louis XIV Blenheim, Ramilli Ss, Oudenarde. Mal; la juet— ; ! 1 7 *.7 ° would scarcely have peen DOSSIDIeG WITLnonu'l Tne atk ae ee lon: which the bank made available. Marlborough never commanded an army of the type of that on which the power of Cromwell rested, an army inspirited to fight for a cause. There were never more than seventy thousand men all told in the British army in his day, and these were recruited by the old wares methods that had proved so ineffective in Cromwell’s time. Some were en- listed while drunk and were without money or influence to procure release. Others came from gaols or from places where their presence was esteemed a liability. Some ne’er-do-wells. of course, went as the easiest path to adventure. The com panies they joined were the vested interests of the officers. who claimed proprietary rights in the organization and in a proportion of the sums voted for supplies. Even the commander-in-chief recelvi Cd a two and One halt per cent. share ot the monies sent tor the support of his troops, de hag tor secret service. It is a tribute to the personal magnetism of Marlborouch that he had qualities of leadership enabling him to develop from such materials a fighting force that was unsurpassed in its day. Of the Duke himself it is difficult to say anything apt and accurate in the few words that can be allotted to him here. HisREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 399 opportunity for greatness has usually been attributed to the Queen’s friendship for his wife, his genuine devotion to whom probably brought him in the end more of ill fortune than favor. He had the adaptable qualities essential for a man of ambition in his time, enabling him to serve in turn James, Wil- liam, and Anne, none of whom had any love to spare for the others. Since the return of James was always a possibility, especially in the reign of William, Marlborough maintained a prudent readiness to land on the dominant side in the ease of a change, a readiness of which William was aware. But he was so much the ablest man in sight that William selected him as the heir of his own enterprises on the Continent, and Anne might very well have utilized his abilities had he had other wife than Sarah Jennings. Indeed, she did retain the husband after the headstrong wife had been replaced in her favor by Robert Harley’s relative, Abigal Masham. ‘Tried by conventions of later generations, the patriotism and integrity of the great Duke fall short of his reputation as a military captain. But we have to consider that he lived in his own day and dealt with facts familiar in the time. Aspiring to distinguish himself in the fields of action that attracted him and to procure honors and riches for himself in the process, he adopted the means that seemed likely to bring suecess, and both his successes and the later misfortune that befell him testify of his understanding of the forces with which he dealt. In the earlier part of the reign of Anne, Marlborough, Sidney, Karl of Godolphin, and Robert Harley were the three ministers whom the Queen delighted to honor. Godolphin was at the head of the treasury; Harley was speaker of the House of Com- mons and the effective leader of that body; Marlborough was supreme in military matters. The Queen herself, however, had too many of the qualities of her father’s family to be a mere figurehead. She inherited the narrow devotion of her mother’s father to the national Church, a fact of which her more tolerant ministers had constantly to take account. Godolphin’s son married the eldest of Marlborough’s daughters. Two other daughters married members of the Whig group. In consequence, Marlborough’s wife was constantly intriguing to bring Whigs into power in lieu of some of the ministers associated with the Tory group that Anne’s strict Anglicanism led her to favor. Both Marlborough and Godolphin cared more for an effective prosecution of the causes they had in hand than for party in- trigues. This fact was evident in the second year of Anne’s400 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS reign, when the Tory House of Commons passed the ‘‘ Occasional Conformity Bull,’’ prohibiting the custom of the less conscien- tious Dissenters, who were in the habit of evading the terms of the Test and Corporation Act by taking the sacrament of the national Church once a year. Should this measure finally pass, many of the Dissenting Whigs would be driven from offices, which would then be available for conforming Tories. Although Marlborough and Godolphin voted for the measure in the House of Lords, they used their influence against it, and it failed of passage. It was revived and passed in December, 1711. When the Tories attempted to ‘‘tack’’ the measure on a revenue bill and so caused a dispute between the two houses of parliament to the serious disadvantage to the effectiveness of the crovernment, Anne became SOTme Vi hat reconciled to the Whigs. Of the three men influential in the government, Harley was inclined to teel that ultimately the safest road to power lay with the Queen and the Tories. Godolphin and Marlborough finally yielded to the importunities of the Duchess of Marlborough and the Whigs and began gradually to admit members of the latter group to power. Harley began to establish personal relations with the Queen by introducing his relative into her household. Of course Anne had already known him as a confidential minister. ‘The inevitable result was a break be- tween Harley and the group led by Godolphin and Marlborough. Since Marlborough’s services were for the time essential in the field. Anne reconciled herself a little longer to the Whigs. an arrangement which was facilitated when Harley was discredited on a charge of treason. The defeated minister, however, had the real confidence of the ¢ ; Suit h ileen, and he had no scruples about adapting his views to ) ) U prejudices. Marlborough’s wars were expensive, and Le! the expense seemed likely to rest heavily on the group that was by tradition Tory in its sympathies. Furthermore, Harley’s relative, Mrs. Masham, succeeded in supplanting the Duchess of Marlborough in the favor of the Queen. Marlborough himself returned from his last great victory, Malplaquet, in the summer of 1709 to find his wife out of favor and himself accused of slaughtering his men needlessly to enhance his own reputation. In vain he suggested that he be made captain general for life: instead, he found himself under the necessity of trying without success to negotiate peace, In the autumn of 1709 a clergyman, Dr. Henry Sacheverell, made a sarcastic reference to the Whig ministers in a sermon,REVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 401 in which he upheld the doctrine of passive obedience and implhed that the son of James II was rightful heir to the crown. The ministers dignified the hair-brained young divine with a prosecu- tion and thus gave Harley and Anne their chance. In the next year they got rid of Godolphin and afterward, gradually, of all of the Whig group. Marlborough was to go in the end, and so it was necessary to make peace. Harley, now Earl of Oxford, and his associate, Henry St. John, soon to be Viscount Boling- broke, negotiated a treaty’ in 1713, and the great Duke was accused of peculation and sent to the Tower. The next problem of the new ministers was to get the treaty approved by parliament, no easy task, since the Whigs were still strong in the House of Lords. In order to procure the passage of the measure, it was necessary to create a dozen new Tory peers, a precedent for two threats, made but not put into execu- tion in later centuries, one in the nineteenth and the other in the twentieth. Although Marlborough was dismissed in disgrace, the Treaty of Utrecht, which he had played a large part in winning, conferred not a few favors on the country. On account of the changed prospects of the Hapsburg candidate for the throne of Spain, he being now the heir-apparent of the crown of Austria, the grandson of Louis was left in possession in Spain, on the promise that he would not also assume the crown of France. But the Spain he was left to rule was bereft of much of her former greatness. Belgium went to Austria. The Scheldt River had been closed to navigation by treaty a few years before. Austria also got control of much of the Spanish territory in Italy. England kept Gibraltar, which had been taken in the course of the war. France was permitted to retain Alsace. As an additional naval base in the Mediterranean, England obtained Minorea. The settlement in Europe was, in fact, substantially that which William had sought to effect at the beginning of the war. In America, the British obtained even more, the island of St. Kitts in the West Indies, the peninsula of Nova Scotia, New- foundland and control of the coveted fisheries in that region, with the exception of certain rights reserved to France, and the fur-bearing territory around Hudson Bay. This was not all. The monopoly of the profitable slave trade with the Spanish colonies, which Louis XIV had obtained for France, was trans- ferred to England along with limited rights to trade with Spanish territories in the South Seas. Finally, France ree- ognized the right of the Elector of Hanover to sueceed to the English throne on the death of Anne and agreed to banish the402 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS son of James II from French territory and to dismantle the lortress of Dunkirk. Britain obtained these substantial conces- sions by deserting some of her allies in the fight and leaving them to the tender mercies of their enemies. However. Kuropean diplomats were scarcely yet beginning to be mindful of the finer shades of morality in their relations with each other. At any rate, the treaty marked an epoch in diplomacy, in that it evi- denced the defeat of the aims of Louis ALV and left Holland a second-rate power, largely dependent on Great Britain. In the northern part of Europe, too, changes had been under way. Peter the Great had been busy organizing the great Russian mpire, and Sweden Was SOOT reduced LO a subordinate position, There were items in the treaty that found little favor among British traders. An agreement had been made with Portugal a few years earlier, known by the name of its negotiator as the Methuen Treaty, whereby Portuguese wine was admitted into England at a lower duty than French wines in return for the opening ot the Port i~Fuese marke tL to Kinelish cloth. Persons In to the Whig policy of war with France affected LO preter the Gallic bi verages, and the treaty undertook LO place france on a par with the most favored nation in commercial matters. This part of the treaty, however, was defeated in parliament and never became operative, The matter was left thus, since it now became essential that Oxford and Bolingbroke give attention to the succession to the crown 1n view of the ill health of the Queen. Bolingbroke became leader of a party which adopted for its program an attempt to fet possession Of such instruments oj DpOWer as the army and the evil othices. ror the purpose of either bringing back the Son of James II as heir or else of dictating terms to the Mleetor of Llanover. The Sel ism Act, designed to prevent Dissenters from imparting their faith to their children, was passed in June, 1/14. When Oxford opposed this measure of his colleague, he was dismissed from office, and Bolingbroke was given a free hand. Thereupon. the Whigs and all moderate Persons of whatever ract ion Were arouse d LO action. AS One ballad monveer put it : Whos I nh | | care n lL hg Nor will ] disp ite Detween High Chureh or Low, ‘Tis now no dispute between Tory and Whig, But whet sh successor or no On this issue, the bulk of the men who counted in the kingdom were united. When the young Jacobite Prince stubbornly re-REVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 403 fused to relinquish the faith of his father in order to obtain the erown, Anne, along with other genuine supporters of the An- olican settlement, lost patience with him. Then the Queen died within a week after Bolingbroke obtained a free hand to make ready for her successor. As a result, the new King, when he came from Hanover, was dependent on the Whigs for support and correspondingly distrustful of those who had plotted, as was alleged, to keep him from the throne. The extreme Tory group, in its heyday of power, had antago- nized the substantial, prosperous classes of the nation on too many points soon again to be returned to office. In fact, the Tory party, 1f it be correct to think of it as such, had to be reestablished as a constitutional organization before it could hope to contend for power with much chance of suecess under the new royal house. For the time, it labored under the charge of having opposed the settlement that was accepted by the nation. It would be a mistake as yet, however, to give too definite a connotation to the terms Whig and Tory as designations for party groups. ‘The conventions of party government were not yet established, and party organizations seldom held together for long or found it easy to unite on definite issues. Yet a change in the processes of government was under way. The foundations of power had been broadened. As wealth in substantial amounts became more widely distributed, men who had accumulated it in trade began to vie with the older country families in the enjoyment of luxuries and in the amenities of life and also began to demand the implements of political power. Since they could not be neglected, it was essential to devise means for keeping them in line. Pamphlets were still used for publie discussion, as periodicals were for the dissemination of such ideas and information as were deemed important. Periodi- ‘als now began to be used also as vehicles of opinion and prop- aganda. Both sides in the contemporary discussions enlisted the prominent writers of the time. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that these media of publication enabled the writers to bequeath whatever fame they have left to posterity. Daniel Defoe’s Review, Jonathan Swift’s Examiner, Richard Steele’s Tatler and Guardian, and The Spectator of Steele and Joseph Addison are a few of the notable publications that sprang up and flourished for a time in these years. These men were typical of their generation and reflected its spirit in other ways than by their political hack work and prop- aganda. Swift, disillusioned and disappointed in an Irish404 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS deanery, when he had perhaps hoped for and deserved more lucrative preferment in Hingland, if he deserved to be in the Church at all, laughed in his biting way at the futilities of many persons and things he saw about him in one of the books of his day that is still read, Gullwer’s Travels. Detoe wrote a prodig- ious amount on many subjects and almost achieved the mecha- nism of the later novel in works lke Hoxanna, though he is best known to later generations by Rha son Crusoe. Addison and Steele; im their leisurely essays, aenities the conventional thoughts and manners of the new prosperous classes of the towns, as Tt hey COnYeTrt cated in Cil ibs a I d cottee he uUSeS allt 1 affected LO d IS- eourse on matters that seemed to be of immediate moment. ~ ~ In these works, we perceive evidence of a decided surfeit of the overabundant earnestness of the generation before, as well as a wholesome reaction against the studied unmoral atmosphere of the reign of Charles II. As far as these men were in earnest at sia Otherwise, they tended to be tolerant and good uma In Was in 1 eP marts ot trade and on matters ot f In] ire Sa an atmos nhere Robert Wal ole Came int } power in the name of a new king of a new house and found its breath congenial to his nostrus. ES klll, X x ffrey Callender, The Ne Sid f B sh History chs. X We eB 1) 1 History of P i) m Luther to Vf ch. 3 R Ht. Grett ['] | Mi Cid chs. VI I \. D. Innes, A History | i an III. chs. 1-n: ee or I Th / » f H j ] Ramsay Muir, A Short H B Con h. Book V. chs. v-i3 a or 2 rd, Fact 5 i: Sir Frederick Pollock Ks: the J] 1), D. Seudder, Social Ideals Enalish Letters, Part Il, el G. M. Trevelyan, Engl lL Und Stuarts, « hs A. Andréadés. History of the Bank of England, Parts I-III; John Ashton, Social Lif: the Reign of Queen Anne: C. T. Atkinson, Marlborough and the Ris he British A H. R. F. Bourne, Z h Newspapers, I. ch. i111: P. Hume Brown. History of Scotland, III. chs. i-in; The Unt f England and Scotland; Cambridge History of English Laterature, VILLI. ch. xiv: IX. chs. i, ii, iv; G N. Clark, The Dutch Alliance and the WarREVOLUTION AND THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 405 Against French Trade; Julian Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, II. chs. Xvi-xxxiii; William Cunningham, Growth of English Industry and Commerce, II. chs. xi-xiv; A. V. Dicey and R. E. Rait, Thoughts on the Scottish Union; C. H. Firth, The Political Significance of Gullwer’s Travels; J. W. Fortescue, History of the British Army, I. Book V. chs. i-xi; G. H. Guttridge, The Colonial Policy of William III; W. H. Hutton, The English Church from the Accession of Charles II to the Death of Anne, chs. xlii, Xlv, Xvl, xviii; Shafaat Ahmad Khan, The East India Trade in the Seventeenth Century, chs. ii-iv; I. S. Leadam, The History of England, 1702-1760, chs. i-xii; W. E. H. Lecky, The History of England w the Eighteenth Century, I. chs. 1-11; Richard Lodge, The History of England, 1660-1702, chs. xili-xx; James Mackinnon, The Constitutional History of Scotland from the Early Times to the Reformation; W. T. Morgan, English Political Parties and Leaders in the Reign of Queen Anne; H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Eighteenth Century, I. chs. 1, v, xv; 8S. N. Patten, The Development of English Thought, ch. 111; Robert S. Rait, The Parliaments of Scotland; J. R. Seeley, The Growth of British Policy, II. Part V; H. D. Traill, Wiliam the Third. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the world at the Treaty of Utrecht, see Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 51; Muir, f. 49; for the seats of war in Europe, 1700-1721, see Shepherd, p. 129. For Ireland in the time of William of Orange, see Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 47. For a map of the European world at the close of the seventeenth century, see W. C. Abbott, The Ex- pansion of Europe, II. 121. J. W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army, I. 366, 376, 378, 426, 442, 450, 454, 462, 472, 500, 524, 548, contains plans and diagrams of the more important battles in which the British Army was engaged in the early phases of the struggle with France, including Marlborough’s battles. Appended to C. T. Atkinson, Marlborough and the Rise of the British Army, are two maps illustrating the campaigns of Marl- borough. For a map of Europe in 1702, see G, M. Trevelyan, England Under the Stuarts, appendix, aeCHAPTHR XVII A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE Although George I had visited England once before (in 1680 as a Sultor ror the hand of the prine SS W hom he WaS now succeed ing on the throne, nevertheless, he found himself in a strange situation when he Came TO aSSume the Crown in 1/14. A soldier ot some distinction, and already more than fifty years old, he had been elector of Hanover since 1698, though he did not become helr-apparent ot the HY olish Crown until the dec Aas ot his mother, shortly before the death of Anne. As elector. he had participated in the Continental projects of both William III and Marlborough. He still had the responsibility of the government - ] . . } . \ } y * - . ° of Hanover, a task at which he had displaved respectable abili- ? | ties. He was now undertaking, in addition, the uncertain pro- ject of establishing his family on the throne of Britain, an enter- prise recognized in his time to be fraught with difficulties, the very existence of which his success has done much to obscure. : . . . : ‘ : ce : } ‘ . He had British advisers for some vears before the death of Anne > nd was in a measui epared tor the eris But it was still t | r)) +) r+] Lae 4 ! ie i eater es me TUuUNnectIioON OF} ne KiIn2 to selec nIS MmMISters. and it was a c os . 4 : 4 5 + » ® matter oft vital Importance that tweorge sho ild replace Bolinge- ] . i. ose ' i - pF io : ea : - broke with somebody likely to have the conndence ol the DOWer- rroups in England and at the same time to serve his own cause. Having made that selection successfully, it did not follow that one trained for a decade as elector of Hanover and as a ih would be able to display the self-restraint nec- e him to acquiesce in actions with which he might not wholly agree. His more personal qualities were not caleu- lated to commend him to the favor of those on whom he depended for support, He had divoreed and imprisoned tor life the wife he married in 1682, after living with her for a dozen years, and he now soucht other econsolations as openly as had Charles Te a situation that did not tend to promote good relations between him and his son and heir, already thirty years old and more. 406A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 407 That he did leave to his son as a heritage both England and Hanover when he died in 1727 is evidence that he had ability that is sometimes overlooked. So successful was his achievement in life that his death is scarcely worthy of note as marking a change in British policy. The son simply took up the scepter where the father laid it down, and the procession went on much as before. A primary fact which the ministers of the first two Hanoverian kings had to bear constantly in mind was the existence of rival claimants to the throne of whose strength they could not be certain and who were apt to be the catspaws of a hostile Con- tinental power. Many who gave a nominal allegiance to the government of the day felt a sentimental loyalty to the ‘‘King over the Water,’’ which it was not easy for a foreign-born king speaking a foreign tongue to overcome. It needed only a suf- ficient grievance against the new house and a plausible alterna- tive to it to kindle flames of rebellion long latent. Divers attempts were made to effect this rebellion, the first in 1715 in the reign of the first George and the last exactly thirty years later, in the reign of his son. Other lesser attempts were made in the interim. Each of these attempts resulted in failure which, if not evidence that the nation was increasing in loyalty to the new house, at least indicates that it liked still less the prospect of the changes proposed. Neither George I nor George II was the most influential personality in the British government of his time, but it is evidence of their ability to adapt themselves to the circumstances in which they were placed that they were in the end preferred to their rivals. There is a danger that we may lose sight of the role they actually played, in the greater interest we naturally have in the changes in institutions and policy that ac- companied their occupancy of the throne. There is a sense in which much that went on in England in the eighteenth century after the death of Anne may be regarded as a duel between Bolingbroke and Robert Walpole. Yet one of Walpole’s chief merits as a minister was that he probably never had a national policy consistent with itself for long at a time. Bolingbroke was attainted while an exile in France, after the accession of George I, and was an avowed Jacobite in 17105. But the narrow insistence of the ‘‘Pretender’’ on his Roman Catholic connection convinced the exiled statesman that the restoration of the Stuarts was not immediately practicable. irst Karl Stanhope, was secretary tor the southern department. Within little more than a year he had made himself so useful that he was promoted to the head of the treasury. His first tenure of that office was of short duration. Secarcely had the Stuart Pretender been driven from Scotland, after the rebellion ot 1715. when the King obtained the consent of parliament to return to Hanover, taking * | stanhope with him, and leaving the heir-apparent as regent. T) . Vv) , + } ‘Arioh?4 + licr} . +x47, Be 4 4 ove tia] 4 a v4 : Ms = VI a" O 1IPNL CWO LlaCts essentia LO De Ke \ Lt) Wine tor an understanding ot the ministerial intrigues of the earlier ° ‘va . 1. \ on | ° , Pc rr : } Hanoverian kings in the absence of the Kins. Townshend obtained the confidence of the Prince of Wales and was much in) his Society. nus becan tne rst of a series oT alionments oO} Son agalnst Tatner. characte! ST1IC oO] the oirst three (;eorges ! \ : ; . = len i = 41 Cie Zo . in Tnis case. the facts were maenified by ne King s German adviser, Bothmer, and by Charles Spencer, third Earl of Sun- derland and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in order to foment ill feeling in the minds of Stanhope and George against Town- - A more important fact was the tendency of the King — to let his dynastic plans as elector of Hanover rather than the interests of his British kingdom shape his foreign policy, d tendency in which Stanhope was willing to humor him, but which Townshend and Walpole opposed. In 1715, as Elector of Hanover, George obtained by purchase from the King of Denmark the duchies of Bremen and Verden, which had origi- nally been under the dominion of the Kine of Sweden. Russia, Denmark, and Poland were at war with Charles XII, Sweden’s venturesome young monarch, and were trying to strip that country of its possessions in northern Germany. In October,A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 409 1715, Charles added Hanover to the number of his enemies. England thus found herself at peace with a country with which Hanover was at war. British merchants also had many griev- ances against Swedish privateers for interfering with British trade in the Baltic, and a British fleet was sent to afford protec- tion. The British admiral behaved so discreetly that he was not involved in actual hostilities. George also soon found himself as Elector of Hanover involved in difficulties with Russia, and the electorate was threatened by Russian troops. Both George and Stanhope wanted to adopt strong measures against the Tsar and sent to make that request of Townshend, but Townshend and Walpole felt that such a policy would be ruinous. The King returned to London in the early winter of 1717. The Swedish ambassador was taken prisoner in his own house, and his papers were seized, disclosing plans of a fresh Jacobite rising under Swedish patronage. This episode gained support in parla- ment for Stanhope and led to the elimination of Townshend and Walpole, leaving Stanhope and Sunderland supreme in the counsels of the King. Stanhope and Sunderland undertook, in 1719, to consolidate their position and to erystalize the House of Lords in its exist- ing form and size by providing that henceforth there should not be further creations of peers except where an existing peerage became extinct. Had this measure passed, it would have made perpetual the control of the government by the family groups then in power. The King agreed to accept this restriction of his prerogative as a means of limiting the power of his son, whom he had just tried in vain to keep from succeeding to the family possessions on the Continent. The bill passed the House of Lords, in which it originated, by a large majority. The most serious opposition it encountered was from the Earl of Oxford, now restored to his seat in that house. Stanhope enlisted Add1i- son to write in defence of the project in a periodical called The Old Whig. Addison had earlier served as secretary of state for the southern department. Steele countered The Old Whig in The Plebeian, and Walpole himself took up his pen in behalf of the right of men to acquire titles of honor as they accumulated wealth and prestige. Stanhope perceived that the measure would probably not survive the House of Commons and dropped it. Stanhope now added to his foreign projects, which, as we shall sea, were more successful, a scheme for paying off the national debt by_incorporating it in the stock of the South Sea. Company. The South Sea Company was organized in 1711 by the opponents410 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of those interested in the Bank of England. Since the Treaty of Utrecht, its members had developed wild hopes of aceumulat- ing fabulous wealth by engaging in trade with and_the exploita- tion of Spanish possessions in the South Seas. The absorption of the more than fifty million pounds of publie debt would im- plicate the governme nt in this venture. The ee ee in the Pe fearful of losing their favored position, made a bid against the ee otter ot the South Sea Com lpany, ae the latter to otter even more favorable Lerms to the rovernment, tar too favorable, if regard was had for sound business canons. The project Was carried for the com any by tne use of corruption On a large scale, involving the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the a ; Q . . : : mistresses of the King, among others. and gave rise to an era ol extravagant speci on. All manner of companies were . ‘ . 7 > . -1rT : r 4 L, | ‘> ] . ‘ l- . . organized for every conceivable undertaking. Nothine seemed { ] | + ss + ." aT | . + to be too absurd to enlist support. Subscribers were actually und for ‘‘an undertaking which in due time shall be revealed.’’ Walpole engaged in the speculation along with the rest. but i $ ’ . : ~ nis shrewd business Capacity 1S evident 1n Nis ability LO withdraw iT POSS SS LO] 1 A DI T V1 {) | SUS PI OT) OT (1 1S] mesTy Ln) ITS acquisition Manitf turn to sanity meant the bursting ? of the bubble and uusappolintment of the hopes ot most of thos who had participated in the org Stanhope and Sunderland realized that they must g ip office unless th could enlist 7 r y tne S LJP PO! O] SOTTI¢ LnNoOst like \\ ‘ Inole and lownshend who had latter! ery mselves with the Prince of Wales ) } + + | : } Readiustments Area ys } (ii i) tere 6t () CPS rTLOt i {) a SUD Prinee’s friends. Bi houses of parliament began too late to nvestigate the disaster caused by the falling prices of stock Stanhope died after a speech in reply to an attack made on him as a ‘second Sejanus “he Chancellor of the Exchequer. John Aislabie and the other Secretat Or state Jan (rages, wert both eliminated tor corrupt participation in the South Sea sche Walpole protected Sunderland from trial, fearing that it mitht be fatal to t existing political machinery to push th charges against him. The ministry was reorganized with Town- hend secretary of state for the northern department. Waldole | | t the exchequer, offices he held for the twenty ensuing years. Among the new names on the list of ministers was John Carteret. Lord Carteret, ae to ie Karl of Granville, who had more education and than most of his ecolleawues and whoA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 411 had also the additional advantage over them that he eould eon- verse with the King in his native German. The government took care of its creditors by various measures of compromise. The treasury itself undertook payments after salvaging as much as could be collected from the resources of the members of the South Sea Company. England settled down to less exciting and slower methods of accumulating wealth by trade and industry, with Walpole to take care that taxes were no higher than they need be and to see that foreign affairs should interfere as little as possible with the normal vocations of peace. Since Townshend and Carteret found it difficult to agree on foreign questions, and Walpole, in his earlier period, left these matters to his brother-in-law, Townshend, in 1724 Thomas Pel- ham Holles, Duke of Neweastle, replaced Carteret as secretary of state. Carteret went for a time to Ireland, where he served with some success until 1731; then he was eliminated from the ministry altogether. Before that time, the second George had succeeded the first on the throne, an event that did not turn out as some had anticipated and others had hoped. Bolingbroke, who was now joining forces with William Pulteney against Walpole, had hoped, by making terms with the mistresses of the Prince of Wales, to achieve the same influence with the new King that Townshend had had with the old. Pulteney had followed Walpole out of office in the administration of Stanhope, but had not returned with him, and he wrote as brilliantly as Bolingbroke for The Craftsman, a periodical which they conducted jointly. When Walpole heard of the death of the old King (1727), then on a visit to the Continent, he is said to have killed two horses taking the news to the heir. Having arrived, he demonstrated that a practical man of the world was not without weapons where- with to combat more brilliant politicians. For one thing, he of- fered to both the new King and Queen a larger personal income than had been promised by the temporary, makeshift ministry already appointed. Since whatever was finally bestowed had to come from parliament and since Walpole was in a better posi- tion than any other man at the time to make promises in the name of that body, this offer in itself was probably enough to insure him retention of favor for a while. But Walpole sensed further that the Queen rather than the mistresses of the new King would prove the better instrumentality for his manage- ment, and he forthwith made an alliance with Caroline of Ans- pach that did not terminate until her death in 1737. Bolingbroke and Pulteney were thus foiled again. Walpole soon undertook412 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS in addition, as he put it, to change the firm of Townshend and Walpole to Walpole and Townshend. on the grounds that for- eien affairs could no longer be conducted without the privity and consent of the head of the treasury, since it was the duty of the latter official to find the revenues to make good any {foreign engagements that might be made. Walpole had been embar- rassed on that score in former times, and he now (1733) lost the aid of his brother-in-law, who retired to his Norfolk estates to render his community greater services as ‘‘Turnip’’ Town- shend. a patron ot improved avTic iiture, than he had rendered the nation as a munister. The first serious defeat administered to Walpole in con- ee 3 Ot the persistent efforts QO] Bolinebroke. Pulteney, and their group as the ministry made enemies. was in the case of the excise bill of 1733. This measure . . i ] , + . + 2 ‘ < I> n+ was intended by \V alpole aS mer Ly another s ep 10 the task ot ky the methods of regulating trade and qd LO change the eXISTINg Import \ ,* es i ‘ . j \ . ‘ on ss — : ] ar quit > ()T) \\ l Liitd OOAaACCO iti ‘) A ioe Taxes OT) These COM- lity ‘ by] vt | + 4. | x? vt Lae 7 l- , t+ TXT ¢ * | 1% (ci t * ie Ui LLLICS Pa GAUL WLI Lt eo , vl t Tees% rT) Lrom Wale LiVuUScsS Ol 1 1 j ! . 1 . He sale in Kneland: goods taken out for reexport would not pay the tax lhe proposal! required that these commodities be stored 1n ’ + | + . ¥ ‘ r 7 \\ iT’é no ~ fs is 1 ' r) or} | LT () Lhe eountry and would ave rendered t tax difficult and thus have Vt rendered é SiIOTL ¢ 1 idadX©6 GIIICUl and LOUS ld ; ie | |. ,° : . liao re D a ] "7+ facilitated the task of suppressing smuggling. But the word ° : . 4° ems FACISC had ani itt ‘ ] rh) Led Lrorm thi qaisputes OL the | | . : “— i + : , ac seventeenth centul Those who were profiting from illegal I : } furor of panic in the minds oi imorous of change. In the taxpayers, who were traditionally t excitement, 1t was easy to lose sight of the limited and practical nature of the proposed measure in painting the imagined dangers that would accrue should a general excise be imposed on all anner of goods. The example of France was cited, and the wearing of wooden shoes introduced as an implied result of the l a Pulteney and his allies lent to fan the flames. Walpole was secure in his . liament, as any minister would be who had the f the comparatively small group of men who con- trolled the election of its members. But it was one thing to place the statute book, and quite another to effect so 1m- portant a change in the fiscal machinery with the emotions of all classes of people unduly stirred. Walpole accordingly abandoned theA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 413 The next blow to Walpole’s power was the death of the Queen in 1737. The next was the declaration of war with Spain, in spite of his opposition, in 1739. Nevertheless, he retained office aS head of the government until 1741, when, fearing defeat, he retired to the House of Lords, advising the King to offer his position to Pulteney. Pulteney elected rather to enter the House of Lords as Earl of Bath. Carteret, whom the King preferred, assumed the direction of both the ministry and the nation’s foreign affairs. Bolingbroke’s group was still left out. Neweastle and others of Walpole’s followers retained their places. Carteret soon discovered that it was easier to improvise an extensive foreign policy than it was to enlist the nation in its support. KHngland was threatened with invasion by a French army in 1744, with no adequate provisions for defence. Carteret was accused of giving attention to the King’s Hanoverian inter- ests at the expense of those of Great Britain. His resignation was necessary and, on the advice of Walpole, he was replaced as head of the ministry by Henry Pelham, brother of the Duke of Neweastle, who, following Walpole’s precedent, took the offices of first lord of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer. This ministry, like the two that preceded it, was opposed in the House of Commons by a group of young men, protégés and relatives of Richard Temple, Viscount Cobham, chief among whom was William Pitt. Pitt had made himself obnoxious to the King, among other ways, by his vitriolic attacks on the use of English money to employ Hanoverian troops to engage in a war, which he felt was Hanover’s war no less than Kneland’s. While George II was unusually pliable in the matter of accepting ministers that were recommended to him, he refused to agree to Pitt, though the Pelhams earnestly desired to win his support and his silence. Nor would George give in until after Pulteney and Carteret had tried for two days in vain in 1746 to form a ministry, lacking the support that Newcastle and his brother could control. Pitt, accordingly, took office as paymaster general in that year. Just a year or two before, he had inherited ten thousand pounds from the old Duchess of Marlborough for his criticisms of the group he was now engaged to support. More- over, one of the first measures he was called upon to defend in his new position was the indirect employment of Hanoverian troops in essentially the same manner that he had formerly condemned. But, like Walpole, Pitt was little troubled about the consistency of either his words or his actions. England was again engaged in her long duel with France. On that subject he was ever414 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS deadly in earnest and willing to take part, whether under Pel- ham. as now. under Neweastle, as he did in 1754, or as himself the most influential minister, as was later the case. THE TRUCE WITH FRANCE AND THE RENEWAL OF THE WAR The period of Walpole’s dominancy was an interlude of peace with France, and he much desired it to be of peace with other powers as well. He desired peace because he was the chief financial officer of the government, and wars were expensive. More important, he desired peace because he felt that the per- manent establishment of the house of Hanover on the British throne would be helped by peace, and the reign of that house was. as he believed, essential for the power and prosperity of — petted —+ himself ; he group with whom and for whom he acted. This interval of peace with France had its beginning in the treaty which Bolingbroke and Oxford negotiated at the close of the War of Spanish Succession and carried through parlament with a high hand against the opposition of the group with which Walpole was tnen asst clated. This treaty, we recall. procured for British merchants a share in Spanish trade that was a very substantial reason for its maintenance by a minister with Wal- y a fortunate eoincidenee. the death of Louis XIV occurred within two years after the Congress of Utrecht shortly after the accession of the house of Hanover in Britain. The infant heir of the French crown had for a regent the Duke of Orleans, whose claim to be next in succession, should Louis XV not survive to adulthood, was likely to be « challenged by Philip V, King of Spain. The two Bourbon powers were thus for the time easily alienated from each other, and Great Britain was able to negotiate alliances with Holland, France. and Austria, though, like most alliances of this period, they were of comparatively short duration. Meanwhile. as we know, George I, in his electoral capacity, had been busy trying to add to his possessions at the expense of Sweden on the north. while he acted as mediator making . Turkey and Austria in the south. But the most troublesome power in Europe for the moment was Spain, where Blizabeth Farnese, the Italian wife of Philip V, was ambitious to procure principalities for her children and had decided that the Italian peninsula offered probably the most promising field. This undertaking was made the more feasible by the necessity —A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 415 under which Charles VI of Austria found himself of procuring ratifications for the so-called Pragmatic Sanction cuaranteeing to his eldest daughter the right of succession to his throne. Charles, in return for the ratification of the Pragmatie Sane- tion by Spain, agreed to interpose no objections if Elizabeth acquired coveted principalities in Italy. Then both she and Charles embarked on measures that were irritating to England. Spain began to agitate for the return of Gibraltar and Minorea, and the Emperor established in the Netherlands the Ostend Company to compete for a share in the trade with the East. This prospect pleased neither the British nor the Dutch mer- chants, and it is unlikely that a British House of Commons would willingly have suffered the return of Gibraltar, though Stanhope had dallied with the thought in 1716 in the heyday of his ministerial career. Another Continental question soon caused still a different alignment of the powers. The death of the king of Poland in 1733, while Walpole was busy with his excise scheme, led France to espouse the cause of one candidate and Austria that of another. Kngland would not follow the cue of her ally, and terms were made between France and Spain that resulted in the ‘* Hamily Compact’’; Austria, on the other hand, obtained the support of Russia. The system that had lasted for nearly a generation was breaking up. Then, within the space of a few months, occurred a series of events destined to influence profoundly the affairs of Kurope. Frederick William of Prussia died in May, 1740, and left the throne to his venturesome son, I’rederick II, one of the few men in history to achieve the title ‘“‘Great.”’ Charles VI of Austria died in the following October and left his daughter to defend her claims to his crown against attacks from whatever source. Cardinal Fleury, who had cooperated with Walpole in preserving peace between Great Britain and France, gave way to a minister of a less pacific disposition. Walpole himself passed from active participation in a scene in which he had long played a Stellar role. Great Britain embarked on a war with Spain in 1739 before he quit office, though in the face of his opposition. The ques- tions at issue grew out of the commercial clauses in the Treaty of Utrecht. British traders had been carrying on a more extensive trade with the Spanish dominions than was sanctioned by that covenant. Spain was seeking to adopt effective measures for preventing this encroachment on her rights. Neither the British merchants nor the Spanish guards were over scrupulous416 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS in their dealings with each other. The opponents of Walpole discovered in the grievances of the merchants a weak place in the Minister’s political armor. They prompted one, Captain Jenkins, to exhibit an ear of which he claimed to have been bereft as evidence of the ecruet treatment he had suftered. Walpole went to war because he was unable to withstand the furor, though he manifested no great ability in the conduct of the war after it began. Her part in this war soon led Great Britain into the midst of a welter of more strictly Continental rivalries. The death of Charles VI was the signal for Frederick II first to oceupy forcibly and then to lay claim to Silesia. France, thereupon, undertook to support the elaims of the Elector of Bavaria as a tandidate for emperor soainst Francis of Lorraine, husband of Maria Theresa of Austria. Thus, for a time, Frederick and France had an enemy in common. The amily Compact was also still in existence. so France was among the enemies of Great Britain. Hanover. for fear of Frederick, tried for a while to preserve neutrality. Later. the Kileetorate Wads invaded. and (,eorge iI appeared in the field as leader of | is troops 1n Dettingen (June, 1743). Frederick developed a disposition ey . * 1 4 e * tc change sides according as his interests seemed best served at the tin The wal nt badly tor Fk raz though it ean searcel. be said to h: yone well for any ot! power. Then the Empero1 died and M ila C] s husband Vas elected to s ieceed him with the suppo! b ria. In 1/45 a true vas p tehed up at A} la CU] Lp lle oO} DStal | Lhe basis Ol 1 STATUS QUO ante bellum, except 1 ’rederick 1 ned Silesia here were some definite results, howevel Great Britain had discovered that France was begining to challenge her supremacy in India while France began to realize that the steadily growing British olonies in North America were not without capacity to take measures in their own defence. In these respects, the war laid the foundation for another soon to follow, The interlude of peace between Eneland and France was at an end. The battle was due to the patient labors of Walpole. The future was for Pitt. but the fighting achievements of that minister rested on the British finallv to emerge from this trial of strength victorious more prosaic foundations laid by his great predecessor.British French HUDSON’S BAY ABRITAIN te =' HOLLAND ay ==> ~_ , ~ <= = yo IS ‘~— . ~— Se ok. = 3 8 ass S ~ i Rs AQ fate PEO o, SNORE Fort Severn ® a > we ore & Port Nels A °(Br. ee r wa MINOR - =o ZORES* (Port) e °o ~ (Br.) = **s MADEIRA « (Port,) o ° CANARY IS, a4 Spe) a CAPE VERDE IS (Port.) | fee ys. gS 8 o. w 2 - 5 50 Sonne ai Ow 2 ® ecoao-t << &o5 Sadi oO w Oo xs Oo al Roo “ a oat oe ai** Oo r A ~ 4s > % Oo ~B 4 4. Y vy ” + << * See << i.e 7h 2 v Hy < ,. _ mM ey, gos p a < ° : < Fe = E < “? — Ree 09 fas & OF ee a i) = > = EG v a Z == —_ -———_ —/ — — ————— = — PORTUGUESE GUINEA THE ATLANTIC TRADING AREA. 2 c. 1740 showing the possessions of the Sea Powers and the producing areas of the 1es ipal commodit princeA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 417 THE TEMPER OF WALPOLE’S TIME T'wo men having apparently few things in common and moving in entirely different spheres, taken together, reflect much of the spirit of this time. One of them, John Wesley, was still a com- paratively young man at Walpole’s death and survived into another generation; the other was the Minister himself. Some- | 5 body has aptly said that Walpole was ‘‘not the man to die for a cause or to live for an ideal.’’ He was rather pliably realistic is and tolerantly practical. Like many other men who have taken the lead in the development of British institutional life, he probably made no systematic plans much in advance of the immediate needs of the moment, and he did not see far into the future. As much as he cared for anything, he coveted as large a personal share as possible in the government of the country. He obtained the power he craved because he took care to under- stand the sources from which it might be derived in his time and then acted on the basis of his understanding, with few scruples as to the methods he used, when they seemed to be necessary to compass the ends he had in mind. His manner of life, not unusual in a lax age, would scarcely be tolerated now, elther as regards his personal morality or his financial methods. His strength was that, knowing better than most men the condi- tions with which he had to deal, he was able to improvise meas- ures to suit the conditions. He was not wanting in social quali- ties, though he lacked much in refinement. Alexander Pope, a boon companion of Walpole’s enemies, such as Bolingbroke and Swift, nevertheless, wrote: Seen him I have; but in his happier hour Of social pleasure ill-exchanged for power; Seen him uncumbered with the venal tribe, Smile without art and win without a bribe. The government in Walpole’s time was in the hands of a com- paratively small group of magnates, both those who had used their wealth accumulated by other means to purchase landed estates and those who were not yet that far on their way to join the socially elect. This group had acquired the implements of power, but wanted the knowledge necessary to use them. Walpole furnished the skill they lacked. He knew both how to conciliate them and how to curry favor with the actual members of the House of Commons and with those not represented in either house of parliament, but who were called upon with fateful regularity418 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS to contribute a quota for the expenses of the government. While a majority of the members of the lower house were chosen by a comparatively few of the magnates and by the government of the day, these members SO ehosen were, nevertheless. individuals, and were liable occasionally to momentary excitement and rebel- lion. They required management, with a due regard for their very human nature. Walpole discovered by experience that mobs, whether in or out of parliament, and regardless of whether the men comprising them could vote, were able nevertheless to give him much trouble. His most serious defeats as a politician were not caused by actual decisions determined by a counting of votes but by the voice of a clamor making it obvious that it was more prudent to abandon the project in hand than to use the eee to carry it to a suecessful con- elusion. Perceiving the large part that might be played by mere noise and ads assertion, he was as active as his opponents in efforts to start a hue and Cry. If he seems to have been less ee ean Mee undertakings, it is probably because the compromises in which actual accomplishments take form are not easily supported by violent statements. The exeise and the ear of the redoubtable Jenkins are both cases where noisy agita- tion directed at a specific point was able to Carry the day. Sut in neither ease did the noise transmute itself into further positive accomplishments. Walpole was a country squire, and he recognized the neces- sity that his kind be won to support the new dynasty if the latter was to retain the crown. The result proved that he knew how to appeal both to the country gentry and to their urban counterparts, the men who had accumulated Sl ibsti intl ia] though not excessive wealth. The most sensitive relation of their classes with any government was the contribution they were called upon to make to its revenues. Any measure likely to di- minish taxes would appeal to them. No small part of Walpole’s merits as a minister lies in the improvement he made in the col- lection and application of public funds. On the positive side, he was interested in promoting by favors and bounties both trade and agriculture. It is easy to understand why the improvements made in methods of cultivation by such men as Jethro Tull and Townshend had their beginning in his time. He was lhkely to be opposed to any project calling for public expenditure, unless arguments recommending it to taxpayers of moderate means were overwhelming. Herein lies the explanation of his desire to avoid war at almost any cost, except in a time of actual andA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 419 immediate national danger, when the necessity for extraordinary expenditure and the consequent sacrifices would be obvious to all. Apparently, he felt that it would help much to recommend both the Hanoverian dynasty and his own administration if he could establish and maintain the impression that the resulting regime was characterized by economy of expenditures. A realiza- tion of this point was probably one of the reasons why his oppon- ents constantly attacked him for enriching himself at the publie expense, a charge of which he was no more guilty than other ministers of his time similarly cireumstanced. It was the custom for British statesmen in the eighteenth century to provide liber- ally from the public resources for themselves, their relatives, and their friends. Walpole was no more scrupulous than the rest, but he was little, if any, worse. Walpole was wiser than most statesmen of his time in that he recognized in the House of Commons the coming forum in which the character of the government would be determined. Most of the ministers in Walpole’s own generation were from the House of Lords, and, truth to tell, the real springs of power in the House of Commons took their rise in the upper house until long after Walpole’s day. But the temper and tone of the nation found a truer expression in the membership of the lower house, and, no matter how completely the magnates in the upper house seemed to have matters in hand, they never dared long to persist in a line of action counter to the feelings of the sub- stantial but less well-to-do classes who could make themselves heard in the House of Commons. ? GAL VOL nas cd ' Lititd) if Pe I cei titi cLisSt) i¢)] rift SLave. i ¢) Li Ti -y’- a - . ¥ . . I~ Ty ih | 1? | . | . ; . <, | / I 14 Sst Lane c MmrOUyYy. VI 1] Uc VoCLiVvVou Into a nove . i UOt nh d JLOLT ¢ i Ys : ] 4 | : ( “a. ; ’ ' ‘4 + ,¥* ‘ 5 . ) “TT « : 4 7} ; 1 h Witn a decidedly lan Hero, After an interval. In which Llc ] i 4.7 4. i7 y produced lesser works, among them a satire. Jonathan Wald the Gre Lt. Helding publis! ed, in 1749. Tom Jon >;. one of the Tobias Smollett, who depicted a still lower stratum of society, | the country houses of the nobility. ‘The superficial character of much that went on in those circles 1s seen, for example, in the petty rivalry between the patronage given to the operas and oratorios produced by George I'rederick Handel, who came to England in the reign ot Anne and Was sponsored by both (;eorge | and (;eorge | and their immediate eirecles, and that given to the works of a rival Italian composer, who had the support ot the opposition faction.A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 425 The rulers of Britain in that day and in the next gene cation, perhaps, were among the groups in which moved Walpole and his associates and rivals, but the Britain of a little more distant future would take its tone from ferment already beginning to work in the lower social classes. These classes would then also take control of the government. But the change, when it came, involved no radical departure from the accepted order of things in government. The new groups would simply take eontrol of governmental machinery that Walpole himself, perhaps ail unwittingly, helped not a little to devise. THE CABINET TAKES Form The British cabinet, familiar in later generations, is appointed by the king on the nomination of its own chief known as the prime minister. Its members are from the political party of which he is leader, and their tenure of office, like his, depends on the ability of that party to command the support of a majority in the House of Commons. The several members of the cabinet, or most of them, are usually the administrative heads of the various departments of the government and members of one or another of the houses of parliament. Acting together, they de- termine the executive policies of the government and formulate legislative measures to be submitted to parliament for con- sideration and passage. They may lose the support of parlia- ment, and so find themselves unable to carry on the govern- ment, by the defeat of either a legislative proposal or a question of executive policy. The history of this series of practices, so largely conventional and for the most part unsupported by written law is, by reason of its intangibility, not easy to trace. There was little premeditated intention at any stage of the development. These practices emerged largely in the processes of adapting existing machinery to meet the needs of situations as they arose, or in the improvising of machinery to suit new conditions. We hear of a ‘‘Cabinet Council,’’ called specifically by that name, at least as early as the reign of Charles I, but we need not assume that this body much resembled a cabinet of to-day or was even its lineal ancestor. For one thing, it was a cabinet ap- pointed by, responsible to, and presided over by the King in person ; the period of its existence had no relation to its approval by. either house of parliament. It was composed of members496 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS whose counsel the King desired, whether for personal, prudential, or purely political reaSons. The select STOUDp OT persons whom Charles II habitually consulted and on whose advice he usually acted was probably a more definite body than that which had | served his father. It came into existence because the Privy Council. both as regards the number of its members and the , mposition, had become unfitted for the Tfunc- . diversity of its co tions 11 had served under the ‘Tudors. some ot these funetions were now delegated to select committees ot the Privy Council, and any group ol confident ial advisers the King was likely to summon would probal Ly contain members of one or more such eommittees. The King was also likely to seek advice from the +] men to whom he had entrusted the administration of the more important departments Ot State as well as from the mor honor- able officers in the household. The archbishop of Canterbury ther important official in the ecclesiastical establishment vhenever ecclesiastical questions were matters of first importance. That an archbishop has not thus been utilized since the reign of Anne is evidence of the “dinate part the Unhul h as an organization has played in the vyovernment since Lne accession of the Hanoverilans, The officers of the household were also rapidly losing their importance, ed the responsibility of directing the expen- diture of the revenues it voted. In consequence, cabinets in time came to be composed almost solely of active or honorary officers of state. There was never an actual prohibition of mem- bership LO either ece] slastica] dionitaries or officers ot the house- hold. Their attendance simply ceased in the normal course of it no longer served a usetul purpose. The eabinets of William [ll and Anne differed little in fune- those of their immediate predecessors on the throne, except that William, if any different, was more distrustful than the later Stuarts of his English advisers in makine decisions on matters of foreign policy and was inclined to reserve such questions for his personal decision. True, he depended on parliament for revenues to support his measures and so frequently found his action hampered when he would have preferred to have it i as it was to be in that of Anne, still a group whose primary function it was to olive eounsel to the sovereion who presided As the eabinet grew in importance, the Privy Council ‘ree. But the cabinet was, in his reign, over it. Lecame a more formal and less powerful body. It did not cease, and has not to this day ceased, to meet; it simply ceased. toA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 427 serve the purposes that had originally called it into existence. For similar reasons, both William and Anne found it preterable in the end to take the advice of groups who had the faculty of agreeing among themselves on the policies that ought to be adopted at a given time, else the policy had slight chance of effective support. But it is well to repeat that these practices emerged as a result of experience and were shaped by the mani- fest implications of human behavior rather than by speculative reasoning or a premeditated plan. The coming of the Hanoverians, with just as little premedita- tion on the part of anybody, marked a decided step in the prog- ress of the cabinet toward the form it was later to take. For one thing, George I, since he could not understand or speak the English language, found presiding at the meetings difficult and the meetings themselves a bore. On that account, he soon began habitually to absent himself. All of his successors, except George III on several Special occasions, have followed the prec- edent thus set. This fact changed the cabinet from a body giving informal counsel to the king in person into one accus- tomed to meet apart from the sovereign and, after previous deliberation, to give him advice of a more formal character. It followed that the king came to depend increasingly on the cabinet both to formulate his measures and to take the steps hecessary to give them practical effect. But it is much easier to recognize at this distance the importance of the change thus Inaugurated than it was for the king at the time to realize that he was resigning his power or for his ministers to appreciate the extent to which theirs was enhanced. As a matter of fact, neither George I nor George II would have relished a diminu- tion of his rightful power, had he been aware of it, and both kings exercised a real voice in the government. Walpole, who was, aS we know, accustomed to manage the latter through his Queen, said of him: ‘‘He thinks he is devilish stout and that he never gives up his will or his Opinion, but he never acts in anything material but when I have a mind that he should.’’ But this very boast of the most powerful minister of the time is evidence of contemporary doubt of the fact and of the clever management Walpole so constantly found necessary in training his royal master to do as he wished. The habitual absence of the king from the meetings of the cabinet made it almost necessary that the body find another presiding officer, and it followed as naturally that this officer achieved an enhanced prestige among his colleagues and became498 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ‘n time the normal officer through whom the eabinet made com- munications to the king on matters of general policy. As the prestige and power inevitably inhering in this position became apparent, ambitious politicians appointed to the office intrigued to keep it, while others coveted it as the primary object of political desire. Walpole Was the first to hold the office tor a considerable period began to take this definite char- more than to any other single person, belongs acter. and so to him, shane to it. He denied, when it was alleced against m | he | id aspired to be or had become a °* Primi \lin Ste] gid Nort! in the late} decades ot the eighteenth century, ana we Nn ed not assume that either was ‘nsincere in his denial. The office came into being to meet a political need rather than to oratily, a ersonal ambition. Since not arterwalrQ pe dispensed with as lone as the funct needed to be served. Since the king had now con 1 ( iT} ~ PNTITeLY denendent on the cooperation of parliame} ror ‘covidine the means to give effect to any nolicies of importance. the chief minister If nd by experience narliament te ve ON or the most important ‘ 5 1 j as o . Accordingly, he bdegad Oo nav more attention 1. ‘ 4) ore nondinelv less to the wishes eTTOree vield 1n MOSt CaSeS, regard- rsonal choice, else he would shortly find himself lesS of his pers vi means : ne on the government at all. All of his 18 man st nov nd Walnpole’s actions laid the foundations or so ch t is difficult t sist the impression that did not p! | me. Yet the cabinet as he knew it, though cd much ¢ wry lareo ly lacked the substance ot the body L | ers eC] iS eT no meals entire! the nominees Th) cy The no acting QO! nis ow t) at e or al the sligvoestion ¢ he nfive ntial members of the eoverning OoTOUD, found « jon to name members without always eonsulting the nreference of the head of the ministry. Then, too, the nature ot rliament with which eighteenth century ministers had to | le jt impracticable, as a rule. for them to resion 1n a lifferent group. Most of the from the House ot Lords, ——— — = — + ng - — — a — ry " r th eohinet were USUd | no at nendable eontro! ot t | House ot (‘ommons was feasi- ble without the coopera ion of some of the members ot a group eaATS in the lower house atl their dis- not change the situation. A munisterA NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 429 had to make terms with some at least of the parliamentary magnates. ‘The position occupied by these powertul leaders made the formation of a cabinet more largely a task of personal intrigue and arrangement than of the agreement in advance on a program of public policy likely to win popular support. The problem was to conciliate factional groups rather than to lead a party. Not that the members of these factions were any less patriotic than the leaders of the parties that developed in later times, as conditions changed. In fact, party names were already familiar in the discussions of the day, but they existed as shib- boleths for public agitation and as badges of a vague general attitude rather than as names of definite eroups organized for action. Only the factional group held together sufficiently to act In consistent unison. William Pulteney would probably have insisted that he was a Whig, even when most active in cooperation with Bolingbroke against Walpole. When Walpole quitted office, Pulteney’s faction lent streneth to his ministry. It oe- curred to no one to replace all of the ministers Walpole had led with men accustomed to act under Bolingbroke and Pulteney. No minister could long have dispensed with the cooperation of Neweastle, or of others who managed the House of Commons, and none thought of trying. Pitt later found it as essential as had Walpole to have Neweastle’s support. It was not a question of party loyalty, but of making practical arrangements for carrying on the government of the nation with the existing machinery. A minister usually preferred to humor the monarch rather than to raise the question of conflicting power. In fact, there was never any question as to the legal power of the king; it was simply a question of the most expedient way to exercise the king’s power. It was rapidly becoming inexpedient for the king to act contrary to the expressed wishes of parliament or of a group of ministers having the support of parliament. Not being without intelligence, kings learned to acquiesce in that which they could not help. George II disliked the prospect of having William Pitt as a member of the cabinet in a position involving personal relations with himself. The members of the cabinet resigned in a body in 1746 to convince the King that they felt the support of Pitt to be necessary for the national government. The King could not go on without them, so he yielded after two days. This was perhaps the first example of a cabinet carrying its point by resigning in a body, but it will be noted that this was a point against the King rather than430 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS avainst a rival group of party leaders in parliament; there was little thought ot replacing ad C‘abinet VW ith one of a different party. Obviously, in order to conduct the government successtully, the presiding minister must be able to command the support and codperation of his colleagues. This is assumed in later cabinets, and Walpole proved that he recognized the need for such a rule by dismissing those of his grou who refused to the excise scheme in 1733. Yet this was one of the / support s, and many cabinet . . : \ } ’ ds most severely eriticized Ol} Walpole S acvulon members 9T1TLer his time took the liberty ot Opposing measures sponsored by the | Lf r minister, ttey evidence of the failure of Walpole’s con- There is no be temporaries to understand what was going on before their eyes | ) ‘h that minister after his retirement precautions talen b Walnole himself to avert that dis- Bolinebroke,. un ler dilterent circumstances to be sure, had heen attainted. But impeachment was a Judicial Drocess, likely 17] only acalnst officials induls- ‘n actual infractions of the law or betrayals of public trust. \ttainde! ormer! S stituted aT times eould rrom ltS Very nature he 1S c ' r) | | 90rd1I ’ OCVCASLOTIS he t | )) oht OT regarding a mu ictions while in office as political matters, 1 | eo ] “4 1 and responsible to the king, and no other assump- . . ° . ] \ (? ] ; . . J tion was accepted as a fact in the middle of the eighteenth cen- I turv. Ministers. as vet. probably felt their responsibility to the I ven though they rece onized t | elr inability TO Carry OT) the more vividly than their responsibility to parliament, rovernment! without thy os ipport OT parliament. Positive statement on any of these points is difficult. The fact established beyond the peradventure of a doubt 1s, that only velopment in Great Britain in the J —_ j f eichteenth centurv constitutional machinery by which the real ~ 7 OT LO Vf | \ 4 ~ |T) t | ' i") iT Net O] T! iT st Pernice from the king to parliame! and that the transfer was already farther ad- vanced than either the kings or the other statesmen ol the time lighteenth Centuries, G B. Adams. Constitutional History of England, ch. xv; William R. |A NEW DYNASTY AND A NEW EXECUTIVE 431 English Historical Review, XXIX. 56-78; Cambridge Modern History, VI. ch. 1; W. H. R. Curtler, 4 Short History of English Agriculture, chs. xiv, xv; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, III. chs. liil-iv; A. T., Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power upon History, chs. vi-vii; C. Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoveriuns, ch. iv. FOR WIDER READING . | A. Andréadés, History of the Bank of England, Part III; H. R. F. Bourne, English Newspapers, I. chs. iv-v; N. A. Briseoe, The Economic i Policy of Robert Walpole; G. G. Butler, The Tory Tradition, ch. i; Cam- bridge History of English Literature, IX. chs. ub, yabbh pabl, Satblg O:6 Git 1-11; Cambridge Modern History, VI. chs. 1, li; J. HH Colligan) the Arian Movement in England; I. §S. Leadam, The History of England, 1702-1760, chs. xill-xxvili; W. E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, I. chs. ii-iv; John Morley, Walpole; J. H. Overton and Frederic Pelton, The English Church from the Accession of George I a to the End of the Highteenth Century, chs. 1-x; R. E. Prothero, English Farming Past and Present, ch. vii; ©. G. Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, chs. i-iii; Leslie Stephens, History of English Thought in the Highteenth Century; H. W. V. Temperley, ‘‘Inner and Outer Cabinet and Privy Council,’’ English Historical Review, XXVII. 682ff.; ‘‘ Powers of the Privy Council in the Seventeenth Century,’’ English Historical Review, XXVIII. 127ff.; E. R. Turner, ‘‘The Development of the Cabinet,’’ American Historical Review, XVIII. 7olff.; XIX. 27ff.; ‘‘“Committees of Council and the Cabinet,’’ American Historical Review, XIX. 772ff.; Basil Williams, The Life of William Pitt Earl Chatham, I. chs, i-iv; ‘‘The For- eign Policy of England under Walpole,’’ English Historical Review, XV. colff., 479ff., 665ff.; XVI. 67ff., 308ff., 439ff. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the Atlantic trading area (ce. 1740), showing the territorial pos- Sessions of the sea powers and the places where important commodities were produced, see J. A. Williamson, 4 Short History of British Expansion, p. 386. For a map of Europe at the same time, see Shepherd, pp. 130-131. For the campaigns of the Pretender, see Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 56; C. Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, p. 5382. For the treaty adjustments of Walpole’s time, see Shepherd, p. 133.CHAPTER AVI ~ THE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE THe GrowTH OF EMPIRE | The first six decades of the eighteenth century witnessed a s : } , ; i} + - ‘ 7 | . | / ‘) 1" . crowth of the British Himplre that was on the whole steady and : te ’ ] : 41 : dwt a1 TOO continuous. A re spectable part Ol the strength ol Britain was now admittedlv in thes dominions and plantations beyond the ' , 1 7 . ' : ‘ ah. ia SC@das,. and Tne peoples and | roOovoLeTHS | LI P OUTLVINe portions OT the empire were influencing increasingly the policies of the trv. These policies, hke most other factors entering l t | ] | a 7 \ , \ } | I A : . : y ‘ ' 1 e ’ } i t} rrowth of Britis! nstitutional hfe, were the result ol » , oe 7 no | remeaditated SVStTé@lI eCOonSiStent theory. Men 1n power } } ] oWaltla ror a time SIMmDILV dealt whi Ul questions oO the hour aeecordll y on 4] ai | 4 4.1 . 1 j ] 4 4] + 41 ™ sn i’ <1? > TO Tne LigntS they nad, ala 1el Lne res 11 Ss To tTnose who ToLoWwed. ; . os . ' . . ° ' _s . E ais : ae ( lasses lone established, with vested rignots and with means TIor j . a 1 — 7 7 ‘ allv likelv to have their interests * e + : f- ; . . , ‘ protected, sometimes al ne ecost Of innhicting on others what 2 | +7) T 7 bh ahi ] + 17 be +s Ts ‘Ty rT . ly ; ) ~~ T i] r\ 7) VY) © “Ilv atmos alii) iil Ts ) LA ht then Fr iicg COLONIE > SA LSLCO! prima? : ror the advantage ot tne mother country Was Still a @Gommon e ' } } : ASSUMDtION: any Qa erent notion wi id have seemed unten: ble. Ty} ] {+ : r ; : . 4 } ‘ . 4 yey “*? ’ ‘ + +}, ) ‘ 1 ee . ‘ yaAC ne aimrerences OL opinion ite srose were aS to tne al Vantages TO he qerived Trom coionies, dba Op nions on this score were apt ’ \ . : 1 y “ 1 1. to Val according to the intere STS OF tnose who expressed them. ‘ 4 ; 4 7 i : - * - : ~ + Most apostles of empire agreed that it was the function of , ] — + . ‘ _ 7 ae , 4 : + i] ‘ I ry ra ry 4 /° the +. 7 . ‘ . o wh le eoionies to CONDLLI!I LL le aadavVantave Ol ne state aS a WHOL, ] +} fot {Xr ’ } tT oY +} cxrat | rit t | Th ro Ws jiffere A rist Lilt STATC? Were DVDELLEL OL YV J LVL rT. Lich ¢ Was ({ lTerenCé O] Opinion COnNCerTHINYG whetner a given thing Was ealeulated LO wider ewe +] ., Wit) Sean varied in location and iz aqgvanlltlal' ne state. Vitn ecoioniles aS Vdl ied in location and 1n > . ‘ +] . . ’ I ey 1 ' > 1 . 7 7 - B “te ; resources aS toose already unde! The dominion ot Urreat oritaln, y ' : a + 1 = ‘ 4 e som nrerests at nome oc sionally round themselves thy eatened 7 , \ + « . . 1 + with daisadvantagce heeause oft activities in tne eolonies. The + la : T ; +} +} , ‘ 1d TTT oO yp aha 1, icy + in Imran ved 1iff y It COIONISTS. on the otner Nana, welt nding 1t inereasing ly almcu * ra {Tro — TX? ¢ r . é 44 { ’ . ( “ 1 ‘ TAD always to give way when a contiict of interests arose between them and the mother country. licts seldom arose in the case of the fur trade earried 432 Such contTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 433 on by the Hudson’s Bay Company or in the ease of the fisheries that were carried on near Newfoundland and in the adjacent regions. In both of these cases colonization was a minor feature in the undertakings. The Hudson’s Bay Company spent most of its energy in collecting the catch of the trappers and in market- ing the furs. The manufacture of these raw materials into articles of comfort and adornment was left to the enterprise of craftsmen in the home country. The maintenance by the Church of seasons and days of fasting stimulated a market for fish larger than otherwise might have existed. This trade was lucra- tive in that, without competing with any established interest at home, it involved the selling of a commodity on a large scale to other peoples and so tended to create a balance of trade favorable to the empire. It was further valued because it served as a training school for sailors, who were available for service in the navy in a time of need. Of the settled plantations, the West Indies were the most highly prized because they produced sugar, a commodity not produced, but used in Great Britain in increas- ing quantities and marketable both in the other colonies and in foreign countries as well. The English sugar colonies domi- nated the markets of both Europe and America in the earlier period of the empire, but the French were now learning the culture of the cane, and their fresher and more fertile lands soon gave them a prestige which led to jealousies that were among the most troublesome of the British colonial problems of the eighteenth century. The colonies that most nearly ap- proached the sugar islands in value to the country, in the judg- ment of contemporary statesmen, were those that furnished staple commodities not produced in the mother country. Rice was supplied by South Carolina and tobacco by Virginia and Maryland. The New England and Middle Colonies offered no immediate prospect of supplying goods similarly desirable. In- stead, they produced many things that competed with the prod- ucts of the mother country, and they threatened to engage in manufacturing in a way that would limit the chief advantage they now served; that is, as a market for British manufactured ooods. In the course of the first half of the eighteenth century par- liament at one time or another gave attention to matters per- taining to almost all of these colonies, and some of these ques- tions became vexatious issues and led to sharp differences of opinion. The foundations of the policies reflected in the meas- ures passed had been laid in the earlier Navigation Acts, but theBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS provisions of these measures were disregarded whenever an immediate interest seemed to eall for it. ‘The Carolina rice | ld he unable LO sel] their ~ + tp oat planters pointed | product in t | c markets ot southern Kurope unless they were relieved of the necessity of sending it first to England, and they were given permission to ship directly to ports south of Cape Finisterre. The shipping interests assented to the change, feel- ing that the increased sale and consequent production would contribute to increase their business, and rice did not enter into manufacturing. But when the colonists began to fashion from the furs they gathered not only hats for themselves, but also to threaten to make a surplus for export, the hatters at home ob- jected. Sir William Keith, a colonial governor. stated the pre- plantation and that those made ior consumption in a colony should be the handiwork of artificers who had served appropriate : } | - ae ae terms of apprenticeship under approved regulations. On the | ] } 1 i] ] ‘ rt . i 4 , ] 4 - : other hand. when the colonists seemed reluctant to undertake the ] hw /° l 4 j . \ ‘ ‘ | 4 lye ~ + ~ Ao proauction Of POO0aS DO p#ror Cea abl nome, PdrllamMment ON OCCd- j Ea - . ‘, ~ sion lent ene 0 ! ma orm orf bounties, reliet trom duties, and in other ways. KEftorts were made in this way to : + 4.7 - aw : ~* | r oa 1 - ~ar stimulate the produ n of naval stores in the continental eol- . L- i3° : + | 2 y* . | : r a Ones and Ol COilee | ° a Bites ics Ant TO the same nohey, the colonies were encouraged to send home copper but not to manu- facture it, to send iron in the form ot pigs but no further disposition of some of the continental colonies, especially the more northerly ones, to carry on an illicit trade in sugar and molasses with the French West Indies. The foreign islands, by reason of the greater fertility of their soil, were able to sell these commodities more cheaply than the British. Moreover, they stood in need of things which the continental colonies had to sell, such as lumber. grain, horses, and other goods needed on the islands. The British islands could not consume all of the surplus of these commodities that the continental colonies pro- duced, so the colonists felt that it would be an injustice to depriveTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 435 them of access to the markets of the French islands. But their ability to procure the cheaper French sugar made it unlikely that they would remain customers of the British islanders, and the British sugar planters felt that this trade of the continental colonies with the French was a first-rate grievance. The conti- nental colonies retorted that only by the barter of their surplus products to the French and the subsequent sale of the rum made from the molasses thus obtained could they procure means for the purchase of the manufactured goods they needed from Great Britain. The question was fought out in parliament, where the sugar planters, being a more compactly organized eroup, were able to make a more clamorous presentation of their wishes. The result was the passage in 1733 of the Molasses Act, which, if enforced, would have had the effect of practically for- bidding the importation of French molasses and other goods. But the French and the continental colonists proved ingenious in devising methods for its evasion, and the officials were obliged to let the law remain for the most part a dead. letter. This trade between the British continental colonies and the French islands went on, even when the parent countries were at war. Perhaps a reason why no more strenuous efforts were made to enforce this law after the clamors of the planters had been quieted by its passage was the steady growth of manufacturing in England. An impression was gaining wide acceptance that colonies were primarily useful as markets for manufactured goods. The inventions had not yet been perfected that in the course of the next century were to lead to such a change in the face of society that we are accustomed to think of it as a revolu- tion. But the pressure of the traders for increased production had already set men to work at experiments that, in a few decades, were to result in the devising of machines and the improvement of methods for the manufacture of textiles, iron, and other commodities and in new uses of them for the enhance- ment of human pleasure. There were already towns with a distinctly industrial atmosphere. Already, there were vested interests engaged in manufacturing as well as in trade, though the business of production for export was still largely organized as tributary to the agencies of commerce, Even in the seven- teenth century, we know, the woolen interests in England were able to oppose successfully the growth of cotton manufactures in India. But the government was under financial obligations to the Hast India Company, and the trade was not entirely prohib- ited. The manufacturers of woolens and silks were strong A436 enough in 1720, however, he T i Act, prohibiting for stering. Knglish manul make the finer fabries of ae weave were produced. 11 seventeenth century, Dé tne ine plain 1 } seekino LO e@StTOD | 1 J TO procure the pons J QO} the prohibition of pru | Bin nd the printing ind : ‘ xy 4 necessary the use « cation or tactories 4 ) woolen i] BPPeRTS =, ( 10 ’ ® + , + | Vere Tis iT} | ) 4 y WOOLe?TIS ers rT} (>) | OL pparel made oi ' i | rnd 2 rTAYV rine lik ? 4 } — ; ‘ ] + 1) | ahs. { r rig 7 (is and ' iViIne? Cy] l newel enterp! ’ yy | rece) rT ytry Th) Tris TY) y*s) ‘ woolen trad 1 | * row cy7 T] ) \ ’ Tiié (Tl DD mm | SS ()T) f (*/ 4 ly ‘ ; ' i] rive ()] ‘ I {) ~ | } i 4 | * OTIS a LI A; a I ' of the groups in Eng! ‘ 4 4 ° qgaetaus OL any Qoctrin . 7 ) ' iri i ‘. ry rKeegtTs 7 13 1 favorably on the migratie ] \ COLO aA DODU rion nd © Ti vrard thy vestward mmnToO 1 ‘ by the Ohio Company crowth OT ! ini] 7 ireS, cl commodity material and became a opposed the further BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN in England for any purpose, \ soods part cotton and par STUDENTS procure the passage of the Calico sale of printed ealico vhether for apparel or for uphol- yet learned how to } - that of a mixed later years of the us ace he business of print- and it was though tTustians: iS. , + ass es and similar fabries. ng that the woolen interests were tio} By 1736 the printers were able Manchester Act, providing that O (] should not apply to fustians, made and the lo- pr i PNCePL lin S : r power was availabl The supreme in the British textile trade, 74 rival. but the makers of lpless against the desires of women hzies, those ‘‘printed tandrums ind vhich came upon the country litat e making as well as the 1 ting machines for spinning ed and new ones devised Being a nti the cotton industry was more processes than was the time-honored t inerease in nies as sources of raw materials and j 1) ' ( ae i Py CTS Called Lor ADPrOpriale moaluied- , rines of trade and empir Not that ] ] : ~~ nd were perhaps ever agreed on the i . y . hose who tended to esteem the colonies ? itish wares, for example, now looked n of additional settlers to increase the extension of the settled districts the unsettled regions, as was proposed Naturally, they were opposed to the in the colonies. All groups agreed on me difference of opinion as to when TO be pome groups even the continental stration eeased Taw art cle. extension illu ured oTTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 437 colonies, preferring to keep them chiefly as sources of such raw materials as furs, which could be collected by trade with the natives. But this was scarcely feasible at so late a day, since the continental colonies were rapidly increasing in population. The West India planters, we know, were a well organized interest in England, strong enough to procure the passage of the Mo- lasses Act and to procure its renewal at intervals until 1763. After 1740 they were organized in London at the Planters Club. But the continental colonies grew in importance also, and the proposed reenactment of the Molasses Act, two decades after its first passage, became an issue of serious importance. | . » noa | Is — »7 + the c +] Inia }t Ceri ‘ tw ’ ' i cA iL' ‘ iA ‘ >" AS ie 14 A {LiSti it LU \ it nort l , 7 } . 7 ' 4 7 1 ~ and Viaaras 1n thi _Larni > on the east coast, and Bombay On * ' ) . ; , 7 1 the west. Other European powers also had depots, though the ) } } } ] ] \ , Portuguese trade had long been on the wane, anda the Dutch 4 ; 4 ' ae ' se Ab were now becoming of minor importance except in VUeyion. ‘he } ‘ j : two cniler 1 iS 1n ntinental india were Great Britain and 7 f 1 + i ; + + ? 7 + 4] 1; TT } ovr + rani Lhe I io LTT | Ul al | Ol U iit La Cl LU Iury Was ) % , j ; { 5 7 - : at Pondicherry, | . vard O Madras on the east coast ] } + | » . a t} OU] tT! r'¢ WV CI sser aepDots SUCI as § handernagore On the long as there v 1 reasonably O which to deal. the European powers all preferred to confine their ectivities there to trade. But before the middle of the eicht- eenth century that condition no longer existed, and it was necessarv to devise means for keeping the peace if the trade that had formerly been so lucrative was to be maintained. In rder to understand the rivalry between France and Great Brit- ain that came to a crisis in the Seven Years’ War. it 1s 1m- portant to know som thine of the conditions the two countries The impression of India usually gained by looking at a map of Asia tends to conceal the fact that this immense peninsula was in former ages a continent in itself, separate from theRMD | Yee ais MJ (SIND “CHY DERABAI * Oo = Ie Ayderaba My Z rel j : fe ‘ Yuer ty a\l |) ee Ht 231 \\ \ il | \ it Y ee 7 Dale -, a Ci, ae “ Wy gH van Priep ' & oo eae SNS 2 alt eo NB a a ar 2 S = iy\" aw? , Ts hich Lney had lone lived was dalisappearing 10 complete dis- ° ) } if ik TI . STriuo: te hetween orgal tion, in his 2 irmoll loo Britain and France was projected. Having acquired the island . . ‘ . \ ee Reta | | 4 dere + ‘Cy / ' of Mauritius trom th Duteh, France had the advantage or a ca Vi nie! served as a base or action and asda break 1 . nany, became governor of Pondicherry. On th eapable shoul- ders of these two men rested the responsible burden of taking eare of French interests in the East. Dupleix had scarcely ‘7 7 ‘eached Pondicherr. from Uhandernagore, where he had pre- ousiv been stationed. when he sought to concert measures with | a RBourdonnals ror making ani attack on the Enelish ractory at Madras. The attack was finally made with success in 1740, softer the war began between the two countries in Europe. Meanwhile. Dupleix. who had busied himself making friends with ) lueced the Nawab of the Carnatic to forbid hostilities between the English and the French upon his territory, a guaranty of security which the English accepted for more than it was worth. La Bourdonnais, however, undertook to restore Madras to the English on the payment of a ransom,THE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 443 an arrangement with which Dupleix did not sympathize, since he was anxious to drive the English from the Carnatic perma- nently. Consequently, when La Bourdonnais returned to France, Dupleix refused to abide by his argreement. By this time, the Nawab, who had been promised that Madras would be restored to his possession, began to doubt the fulfilment of that promise, while a British fleet appeared in the Indian Ocean and began an attack on Pondicherry. Before the struggle had reached a decision, but with the advantage decidedly on the side of the forces of Dupleix, Madras was restored to the English company by the terms of the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle (1747) in return for the fortress of Louisburg, which the English colonials had captured from the French in America. The interval that ensued before the countries were at war again in Kurope was scareely even one of truce in India. Du- pleix was anxious to achieve empire for his country by imme- diate conquest rather than by the slower processes of trade, and he aecepted every opportunity that offered to make alliances with native princes in an effort to check and destroy the power of the British. The British, in turn, adopted similar methods. Thus the representatives of the two countries vied with each other in seeking to replace hostile native princes with puppets, owing their positions to the power that set them up and so obliged to serve the purposes of those to whom they were indebted for power. Dupleix had an able military subordinate in the Marquis de Bussy, an impoverished nobleman who had come to India in search of fame and fortune and who was so successful in the latter quest that he returned to France after a score of years one of the wealthiest men in his time. But the British had discovered in Robert Clive an even abler captain, one to whose ability as a leader is due no small part of the credit for the foundation of the British empire in India. While Dupleix was busy acquiring a nominal supremacy in south India, Clive was establishing British power on a more substan- tial basis in Bengal. Then the French company, preferring the larger immediate profits of trade to more shadowy promises of empire, recalled Dupleix from his dreams of splendor a short time before England and France again took up arms. Throughout the period of their strife in the Carnatic, the British and French traded peacefully in Bengal side by side, a paradox made possible by the existence of a strong native prince in Bengal. In 1756 this prince died, leaving the throne to his nephew, a violent youth with a name that appears In a varietytiene andi, Me etn a - i144 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of shapes but is perhaps most familiarly spelled in English Surajah Dowlah. On account of the long period of quiet, the British defences and garrisons at Calcutta were inadequate. Learning that hostilities had begun between Britain and France In Ameriea in Lipa. the authorities at Caleutta decided LO strengthen their tortifications. ‘This measure, coming atter other troubles, so displeased Surajah Dowlah that he determined to drive the British from Bengal unless they desisted from their res. His threats were not taken seriously, and i i Surajah Dowlah, having collected a large army, was able to capture the town without mucl diffeulty. ‘his capture was | » —_ | 4 ail : Siw 7 \ ; made meme rabli LT} Bri ISh annals 10 India by the conhinement bv t] netor of hy lred and fortv-slx pers vernioht in; vy the victor of one hundred and forty-Six persons overnignt 1m a 4 . } } i ] - ae | T of narrow 2 ra-room (*| I]. mrenaead ror onUWY rWwWoO or three occupants, a Oe 7 lt that | thr ss nt aliv Suraial vA rne resul iT onl D -~tnree Came OuUL allVe. OUTd jal i . | ] 4 ] } - : By vial SPeTILS (} nave rely T! c ne had nov accomplished all T | »7 ) ) BB. i; rTagiz ’ T | ry lic no} ‘ nti¢c] Ate that the L | i} ii Aiiti i als i. Giit eo il ailt LDalt ld L British W ild make an CTO) to recover what they had lost. ; ! 7 ee ] an * . ¥ . + 1 fl ‘ 77 : a . ) : y €) ‘ int (live nad ust returne rom a VISIT to England and Wadas now a member ot the counell al Madras and ad military omeer oT nig } r| iC Wwe knew that Bussy, who had med strong alliances in Southern India, only awaited the outbreak 01 actual war to make another atta on e Bi > FIGS 1 Carnatic. They resolved. T re. 7 9 iV ‘OST. 1 ¢) ~. f ! ct I { het 1) bi neal in the nope that there mic} t be retrieved before the outbreak of tne situation O hostilities with the French. The expedition sailed in October, 1756: by January of the following year Caleutta had been re- eantured with little difficulty. But news had now arrived of the declaration of war between France and England, which led Clive to turn his attention to the capture of the French post at ha core, t! ugh at the cost of further diffieulties with Surajah Dowlah. The deteat ot that prince s army at the hattle of Plassv was followed by his deposition in favor ot one P hic own nobles. who had previously covenanted to betray him l Mir Jafir. the new ruler, since he owed his throne to the British. was amenable to their will and soon came to depend on them tion. Clive already saw that the British might well take possession of the country, and so advised the authorities at home. But they were still unaware of the nature of the enter- | ror prot 1 prise on which they had embarked. While Clive was thus busy in Bengal, the French sent an tc strenethen their forces at Pondicherry and to expeditionTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 445 attack the British in the Carnatic. Fortunately for the British, the Irish Jacobite, Comte de Lally, who commanded the expe- dition, was not blessed with an abundance of tact or under- standing. The siege of Madras thus dragged on inetftectively until a British fleet arrived to bring relief. The British them- selves took the offensive in time and captured Pondicherry, though both that post and Chandernagore were restored to France at the peace in 1763. But the British had, nevertheless, regained more than they had suffered in loss of prestige in the period of the successes of Dupleix and Bussy. The methods of conquest by the use of native troops, of the corruption of some native princes, and of intrigues against others, were becoming familiar. The effective use of these methods required a leadership without too many scruples. But men with an abundance of scruples were un- likely to leave home for inadequate remuneration and 0 on adventures to the ends of the earth. Furthermore, the company that thus failed to provide for its servants could find little fault if they divided their time and energies between enriching them- Selves and serving the corporation that sent them out. The temptations were beyond those to which most men are subjected, and very few, if any, who were tempted were able to withstand. Clive, one of the most loyal of all the company’s servants in his time, did not scruple to accept from Mir Jafir a grant of thirty thousand pounds a year, which the company had contracted to pay the Nawab for quit rents held in the vicinity of Caleutta, and that at a time when the prince who granted it was sore pressed to find means to meet his obligations. This was but a part of what accrued to the great captain for his indispensable Services. And he was merely one of a number who fattened on the plunder of the wealth of India and returned to Britain to establish for themselves places of power or prestige. Little wonder the profits of the company began to fail, when its serv- ants thus waxed rich, and its energy and means had to be ex- pended in the acquisition of empire rather than in the promo- tion of trade. But the trade itself could not have gone on had not the challenge of France been met. The same challenge had also to be met across the Atlantic. RIVALRY WITH FRANCE IN AMERICA In America, as in India, the period succeeding the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle was a truce, during which an ill-disguised4446 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS preparation went forward for the next war. ‘The maneuvers which culminated in the seven Years’ War resemble nothing so much as a great game of chess, in which the prize was dominion ‘n the Western Hemisphere. The players on neither side were the ablest statesmen that guided thr ir several countries in their haa we ; se ) aie ‘ . in « oe . ejohteenth-cen ur rivalry. Per! dps 1 ()] 1} AT reason there was much hesitant sparring fOr pos tion before they actually came to erips. The French had established themselves in North America almost eontemporaneously iS] settle if LS ror reg) rne same reasous An t | is, ¥ th Ve] | | i ii iil ther itl | \ = | | similar hopes. Gradual s we have seen, thi left to then = tee } : : ] i4 : ] ’ hci ] rivals the regions that mattered Most to Rritish trade. such as the Hudson Bay district and Ni wfoundland with t | e ne ishbor- ine fisheries. They still hela , ee 3 si 4 the West Indies and the settlements along thi Liver on tht . + “ |} + + 4 1 . Orleans. SLPAaALeCL It oh rit I Lit Ino il O ‘ \1 me Pe, SSip pi . ] Jesuit mI1SS1O0! Lries | C LI] ersed ae 1c} O] the Lf rolit all ' O} } ° { ] . —_ ' . tnat ereat river, but its sbulous tuture as one Ol the most } i 7 oe ] } ; ; ; - productive regions 1n ali the wor! 1 could not vet be imagined TT) r <1! , . . . ies oe | | . Lanby ; {° y +} , . , _ lity . . ‘XT « ert as . eonecelivable market ror the commoalties it Was y " ¥ ¢? ‘ { . ’ { 1 ‘ oo . — . . > - i adapted to produce and no means OF transporting them to such 131774 iT WasS a eonsiderable part oT wha friitful and permanent than those of the French 1s an ibiect for speculation. No explanation that can be yrobably valid and accurate. A plausible that a nart of the strength of the British eolonies act. ey sometimes complained, that ernment at home left them largely alone The colonials, 1 +] 4] ; :; a) Onn that account, |! ad themsetves To deal with the situations WI1TD which they were confronted, and this necessity taught them a 2 lf-reliance. Most of them had eome over king new opportunities—or their fathers had—and for them there Was little thought or possibility ot ever returning tO the home of their nativity. Some of them had come because they did not fit into the normal pattern of the social fabric thev were. Others were from the discontented among many peo- liversity of religion, of social croupings, and Ss rv ples. here Was a ( of economic life. To think of these settlements as a new England was, by the middle of the eighteenth century, already becomingTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 447 inaccurate. The element of environment had already begun to turn the scales against a somewhat depleted heredity in the conflicting forces that determined the character of the colonists. In the ease of the French settlements, these things were not so true. The French made an effort to reproduce in the New World an organization of agricultural life similar to that with which they were familiar at home. Then the very strength of the French monarchy, while it was consolidating its power, and the weakness of the colonies at the same time made natural a stricter surveillance over them than the English government was able to maintain in the same period. The French colonies in consequence displayed a much larger degree of uniformity in religious and social organization than did the English. This close supervision from the mother country tempted those F'rench- men who succeeded in the colonies almost habitually to return home and exploit their success. In this way, the French colonies tended to remain settlements of transplanted Frenchmen and did not so rapidly acquire the characteristics bred into the English colonials by their surroundings in the new land. Another interesting point of difference was that, after the earher years of experimentation, the Knelish differentiated the functions of colonization and trade. The government assumed the burden of colonization, and the magnates were content to have it so, since colonies offered little prospects of paying imme- diate dividends. Trade was a different matter and was carried on by private or semi-private groups, with, to be sure, protec- tion and encouragement from the government. The French were rather inclined to manage both colonization and trade as a part of the same ceneral undertaking. Whether these are in large or small part the explanations of the failure of the French where the Knglish succeeded, the fact is that the French, after the Treaty of Aix la Chapelle, undertook to put into effect a plan on a grand seale for recover- ing as much as possible of the ground they had lost and for restricting the English to the regions they then occupied. The French were hastened in this action by the activities of the English in the valley of the Ohio River. Organized groups from Virginia and neighboring provinces established trading points in what is now western Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Kentucky and sought to develop friendly relations with the Indians in these regions. The French Governor in Canada, the Marquis de la Galissoniére, appreciating the threat to the French should the British occupy this district, sent a force to take possession of448 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS it and to proclaim the sovereignty of his King, preparatory to the establishment of a line of forts from the Hrench settlements on the st. Lawrence to those on the Mississippl. The Marquis Duquesne, who followed (Jalissoniere as governor in Lilo sent hundred men to occupy the Ohio i 4+ an expedition of some fitteen country. Learning oi the activity of the French, the Governor of Virginia, having procured authority from home, sent a mes- vn to depart, or he would drive it hence message was George Washington, barely twenty-one years old. The French 1 young surveyor bar receejved Washington court ously but informed him that they meant to stand their ground. Force was evidently necessary 11 the English were to gain possession of this territory. Dinwiddie. | ah meee Virgil rdingly, undertook to make good his threat. With but little assistance from the other colonies, he aall detachment against the French in 1754. A smaller f hackwoodsmen had gone ahead earlier in the same year, | to build a Tort at the Junction of the Allegheny and the Monongahela Rivers, where they form the Ohio. The Wrench demolished this fortification and replaced it with a oneer one. which they called Fort Duquesne. They prevailed Ca iwainst t! irge) militia. when it arrived under the mmand of Washington. and so not an English flag was left “ine in America west of the Alleghenies. Hitherto apathetic, other colonies were even now not greatly aroused, though represel om New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Mneland colonies met at Albany in June, 17/54, to ler means of gaining the allegiance of the powerful Indian Six Nations. A plan of union of the oovested al that conference proved } } ' } - ® * ory - ’ ‘ . nnracticable as did another one later suggested by the Board When news of these distant events reached Neweastle, it roneht him to a sharp realization of prospective happenings Wi! | beval future might hold in store In ber. 1754. he wrote to the Earl of Albemarle, the British Ambassador at Paris: ‘‘A most illjudged advertisement from the War Office has set all ministers on fire and made them be- re whieh IS. hope, the furthest trom however, the possibility that his hopes on tnat SCOTe might be disappointed, Neweastle began tO itate on the instructions tO Dinwiddie tO drive the French ouessed that the French activitiesTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 449 in that quarter were probably fruits of an overabundant zeal on the part of the Governor of Canada. Should he be mistaken in that surmise, and the French government itself assume re- sponsibility for the action of Duquesne, and should the Enelish. in the face of that circumstance proceed with the expedition against the French, then the English might, with some plausi- bility, be accused of beginning the war. This was an event to be avoided, since Spain was obligated to come to the assistance of France only in case the French were not the ageressive party. Neweastle feared the consequences if he went on, but it was scarcely thinkable that he would not go on. In fact, General Edward Braddock was sent with a contingent of British troops to reénforce the colonial forces on the Ohio. When the French heard of this expedition, they sent eighteen men of war, followed a little later by nine more with some three thousand troops, to the coast of Canada. A few years previously the French had strengthened their fortifications on Cape Breton Island, while the English had established a town on the eastern coast of Nova Scotia, called Halifax in honor of the President of the Board of Trade. The British now decided that if the French could send reéforcements to Canada without acquiring suspicion of hostile intent, they could as well send a fleet in pursuit. Admiral Boscawen, who commanded this fleet, had orders to attack French vessels having on board warlike stores and to codperate with Braddock. The ministers who cave these orders assumed that if Boscawen attacked the French fleet in American waters he would destroy it and would thus remain in control of the seas in that region. Meanwhile, it was necessary to tell the French Ambassador in England almost a positive falsehood in order to conceal the real nature of Boscawen’s mission. Hawke, the commander of the home fleet, received orders to harass French commerce but not to engage the fleet, a policy which Halifax described as ‘‘vexing our neighbors for a little muck.’’ All of this bother to conceal what was actually feared and intended grew out of difficulties for which it was essential to find a solution before Britain would be in a position to under- take an active campaign against France in America. The normal diplomatic alignment in that period, we recall, was an alliance of Great Britain, Holland, and Austria against France and Spain and lately Prussia. The British King was still elector of Han- over, and any engagement that endangered the safety of the electorate made futile successes gained in other parts of the150 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS The treaty at the end of such a war was likely to be based on a return to the status quo ante bellum. Until some provision could be made to insure the safety of Hanover, little was to be gained by a war on France in America. Then. too. the Dutch were only under obligations to aid the British in ease the French were the aggressors. Furthermore, Maria Theresa Austria had found in Kaunitz a minister who was beginning te doubt the merit of the old diplomatic alignment of her domin- world. } ions. What is now Belen was then Austrian territory, tela made 11 necessary ror Ma Theresa's empll "e tO det nd j trom attack. kn order to See sure that this line of auresee against Hrance was strong, Austria, since the Treaty of Utrecht, had been hound LO maintain al her expense but in Dutch hands a | he French frontier and at the same time in trade with India from Ostend. The treaty ) o his arrangement was now soon to expire, and "nitz saw little to be gained by its renewal. He was more takine steps to recover Silesia from the King of nterested i Ds 1 Prussia [The British, on their part, were more interested in avoiding n ittack on H: nover thau they were in mc ky Ing troub le with Frederick, so , little common ground between Austria and Great Britain on that score. George II went personally to the Continent to arrange for the safety of LTanover. but he was unable to manage anythi ne better than an alliance with Elizabeth, the Tsarina of Russia, as against his nephew. Frederick of Prussia. This arrangement and th probability that sooner or aie he a have to fight in defence of Silesia induced Frederic 1 1756, to sign the secret Treaty of Westminster, by which is ea si mite eovernment agreed to guarantee the neutrality of the northern German states in f the war then imminent between France and Britain. Marlier in the same year the British sent a fleet under the command of the ill-fated Admiral Byng to relieve Gibraltar and Minorea. ki ‘+s were current that the French meditated an tack se points should hostilities begin. It turned out that the French did make an attack on Minorea, whereupon the British formally declared war (May, 1756). In the meantime, Kaunitz, helped by the anger of the Tsarina at the treaty be- tween Frederick and England, was able to organize a coalition eomposed of his own country and Russia, Sweden, Poland, and the Catholic German states for the rescue of Silesia. He even induced France to acquiesce in the arrangement and to promise Austrian Netherlands should be respected—all withoutTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 451 making it obligatory that Austria help France. This revolu- tion in the customary diplomatic alignment threw Frederick actively on the side of the British, since he could now manifestly expect no aid from France. But just at the juncture, when it seemed that Neweastle and Lord Chancellor Hardwicke, who was his ablest adviser, had brought their long and tantalizing period of diplomatie attack on France to a successful conclusion. they learned of disaster upon disaster and found themselves discredited in the wreck of much that they had worked so long to build. Braddock’s un- familiarity with warfare under conditions existine on the frontier cost him his life and the loss of most of his troops ; a remnant was rescued by the intrepid Washington. Boscawen took the aggressive against the French, but he captured only a small contingent of the French force. Finally, Byne took eoun- sel of his fears and so failed in his defence of Minorea. This unfortunate naval commander was made the Scapegoat. After a trial, he suffered a fate since universally regarded as harsher than his due. But the indignation of the nation was ereat, and even Pitt, who more than any other single person had been instrumental in arousing this exaggerated sense of danger, was unable to procure a mitigation of the sentence, though he tried earnestly to do it. The very emotion that made Pitt help- less to save the life of the individual naval officer soon made him easily the largest figure in the history of the next five years after the autumn of 1756. THe TRIUMPH oF Pit? William Pitt was a grandson of Thomas Pitt, sometime gover- nor of Madras, who had returned from India with a famous diamond and a fortune and had established himself in Kneland aS a country gentleman with several parliamentary boroughs. Being the scion of a younger son, William did not inherit the family wealth. He did gain access to Eton, that training school of the rulers of Britain, where he made friends with the con- temporary representatives of the Grenvilles and Temples, among other families, names forever afterward associated with that of Pitt. William later married Hester Grenville. He was already a relative by marriage of the Stanhopes. In this way, a family connection came into existence that was destined to be a primary factor in shaping British policy for the next two gvenerations.15D BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS William did not lone remain as entirely dependent on his relatives as he was in his youth. The old Duchess ot Marl- borough. we recall, bestowed on him a matter of ten thousand pounds and a Count ’\ eState as reward ror his opposition LO her inveterate enemy, Walpole. He soon made friends with Henry and was on the public Day roll, despite the reluctance it. He got on less well, after Pelham’s death, ther and suecessor, the Duke of New- ) 1 | Pelham or the King TO See with that minister's bro castle His marriage placed him in easier financial circum- stances. and he was soon loud in his criticism of the ministers, ‘nding himself before long out of office as a consequence. Under these circumstances. he manifested a natural tendency when e spoke to vol erievances of those who were at variance with the policies 01 e government of the day It is probable that Newcastle was too anxious to remain 1n OMCs nd so too 1 mo ey hol prospect of unsettled conditions home or abroad, to | le to sense the mood that was rapidly coming to be domi among the powerful classes in Great ‘ritain. The supporters of the House of Hanover and, in fact, f the whole Revolution settlemeuwt, inherited a tradition of hostile rivalry with France, made memorable by the diplomacy William of Oranee and the battles of Marlborough and kept rid by the persistent support the Mrench kings had given to the Stuart ‘‘pretenders.’’ Any plausible trumpet sounding an alarm of danger from France was likely to stir a response 1n Great Britain. Clive was now engaged against French enemies n India. The French in America were trying to restrict the xpansion of the British colonies. The French attack in the Med- rranean had been su sful in the outset. There was an 1m- mediate threat. 1f not a danger, of an invasion of England itself, while the old defensive alignment on the Continent had dis- ippeare d. ‘the atmosphere was thus vibrant for a call to arms e ountr’ Pitt responded to this mood with alacrity, while the more cautious and careful Newcastle delayed, il of tn wn position. Pitt lent a hand at swelling the rolume of clamor, which Neweastle rather tried in vain to still. The fright of those who had a stake in the affairs 01 Great Britain was now so real that their fears for the safety their enterprises and their country nerved them to respond to a leader proposing bold action. Pitt was severe in denouncing Newcastle and the feeble measures of his ministry. The disasters ‘n America and Minorea made it imperative to placate Pitt and thus rendered Neweastle’s position at the head of the ministryTHE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE 453 untenable. The King was persuaded to accept Pitt as the head of a ministry composed in a large part of new men. Only four months were necessary to demonstrate that the noise which, in circumstances of national danger, was effective enough to drive Neweastle from office had, nevertheless, caused no real change in the alignment of the groups actually potential in the government of the country. Fortunately, Pitt was more interested in occupying the center of the stage and in having a share in doing work to which he felt a call half divine than he was in wielding actual political power, and so he soon came to a working agreement with Neweastle. They proved to be a good team, each complementing the other. In reality, Pitt departed but little from Neweastle’s program. Whether he would have employed Braddock or Byng we cannot tell. He exerted himself, if in vain, to save the life of the latter. He did utilize Boscawen. He had inveighed against the system of Continental subsidies for insuring the safety of Hanover. He and Newcastle now proceeded to pay them in larger sums than ever before to one who gave fruitful return in services ren- dered. A parliament elected and managed under the leadership of Neweastle furnished the needed majorities to support the measures adopted. Frederick of Prussia was at first afraid that the accession of Pitt to office would mean the adoption of the policy that Pitt had advocated in opposition and thus would involve a neglect of the arrangement Neweastle had made with him. He was soon ready to proclaim that Kngland had labored and had at last brought forth a man. Kssentially the same government was in power, carrying out practically the same policies, but it was imbued with a new spirit. Pitt’s energy and enthusiasm, hitherto expended in dividing counsel, now contributed much to add verve to action, which became on that account manyfold more productive of results. One of Pitt’s biographers has suggested that a touch of in- Sanity is evident in his behavior. Perhaps this is so, in that he had the exaggerated egoism necessary to arouse in him a faith in his own unique qualifications for power, with an accompany- ing blindness to the fact that it was the trappings of power rather than the reality that actually came into his hands. He could not have played the réle he did without extraordinary histrionie gifts, enabling him to east himself for a stellar part and to play it, econtrivine with Surpassing ingenuity to have the spotlight trained on himself for a large part of the time. But the applause which he won for himself, for the successesaT a AS OR 454 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS achieved for the nation while he was in office, was not wholly undeserved. He brought to their joint undertaking in the ) try ineredients of success which Neweastle alone ; \ name OL COU did nol DOSSCSS. lle Was bold LO audacity. Keeling that the COUNntTrY Was aroused LO a real SECTISC ot danger, he was nol atraid LO ehallenge it to aetion Ol a large scale, He ealled tor efforts. and for still greater ettorts. He reasoned or felt that no cost was too large to pay for averting an overwhelming danger. But it is only one step from acting to avert an imme diate danger to a resolution that a recurrence of the danger shall be made impossible in the future. The very process of in the future involved an expansion . ) i’ . a uy 4 ; » 03 wre Te of the empire of Britain at the expense of he rival. It was oniv a le from a determination LO expand the empire TO 17 ST) 7" os | () I | 1} h ti908N TO enlarge its houndaries and to enhane: ealth and power. Pitt went with enthusiasm the \i Oo} li not} QO] th - jour! f V OT motives Indeed. he heecame bovish in his pride in the victories of Frederick. New successes rempred nim ae rvner exertions. Suceesses did come atte e had had time to transmute some oj his enthusiasm into action There were still failures, but the successes \ memorable, and it is a part of the genius of leadership to use successes to obscure failures. Of Clive in India, we can say no more. He found in Pitt a kindred spirit and suggested to him that the government take forthwith the step it did in later generations and acquire for itself the terr]- | ruled by the company through native, puppet Nawabs. a | Braddock. left his bones in the New World, but he died after leading his troops up the heights of Abraham and in the knowledge that t] eV had wrested trom the French Quebec, the eitadel o heir possessions 1Nn Canada. In the West Indies Rritish fleet. after finding the defences of Martinique too sTrone. ecanture d the island ot (Guadaloupe. The appearance ot British fleet in the St. Lawrence River in the spring of 1760 id fate of that revion. and in September of that year the last French Governor of Canada surrendered to the British. Nearer home. Pitt and Neweastle not only granted subsidies to Frederick: they helped him by threats against the coast of Mrance. while the British fleets triumphed over the French on the seas. Then. in the midst of these achievements, occurred the death of George II. an event that brought a change in British imately eurbed the plans of Pitt.THE SPIRIT OF THE OLD EMPIRE FOR FURTHER STUDY H. E. Bolton and T. M. Marshall, The Colonization of North America, chs, Xvii-xx; Cambridge Modern History, VI. ch. KV; Ge Bs Eert7: Lhe Old Colonial System, chs. 1-111; A. D. Innes, 4 History of England and the British Empire, IIT. eh. v; A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, ch. viii: Ramsay Muir, A Short History of the British Com- monwealth, I. Book VI. chs. Vi-vili; C, Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, ch. iii: A. P. Usher, An Introduction to the Industrial History of England, ch. xi: J. A. Williamson, A Short History of British Lxpansion, Part IV. ehs. iii-v. FOR WIDER READING J. T. Adams, Revolutionary New England, chs. i-xii; A. H. Basye, The Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations 1748-1782; G. L. Beer, British Colonial Policy 1754-1765, chs. i-ix; N. A. Briseo, The Economic Policy of Robert Walpole, ch. v; Julian S§. Corbett, England in the Seven Years War, 2 Vols.: G. W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry, ch. 1; I. S. Leadam, The History of England 1702-1760, chs. xxvi-xxvii; Weber Hs ecky- A History of England in the Kighteenth Century, IT. ch. viii; Sir Richard Lodge, Great Britain and Prussia in the Highteenth Century, Lectures ii-iii: Sir A. Lyall, The Rise and Expansion of the British Dominion in India (Fifth Edition), chs. i-viii; Ramsay Muir, The Making of British India, chs. i-ii: H. L. Osgood, The American Colonies in the Kighteenth Century, I. chs. i, iv; IL. Part LIS ehsii vlc ane We Pitman, Lhe Development of the British West Indies 1700-1763; Albert von Ruville, William Pitt Earl of Chatham (Translation ), II; J. R. Seeley, The Er- pansion of England; Basil Williams, The Life of William Pitt, chs. viii-xv. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For India to the time of Clive, see Muir, ff. 09, 60, 6la; for India, 1744-1763, see J. A. Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, p. 363. For maps showing various aspects of the North American colonies, see Muir, ff. 54, 55, 56a. See J. A. Williamson, A Short History of British Hxpansion, p. 389, for the Anglo-French struggle in North America. The principal seats of war in the world are indicated in Shepherd, p. 132; treaty changes, 1735-1763, are shown in Shepherd, p. 133. In Shepherd, p. 136, is a map of the world illustrating the struggle for colonial dominion, 1700- 1763; Shepherd, p. 137, contains a map of India Showing the European activities therein, 1700-1792. In the Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 59 illustrates the expansion of Prussia, 1648-1795: No. 60, the Germanic Empire, 1648-1795; No. 64, the beginnings of British dominion in India; Nos. 66, 67, the rivalry of the British and French in North America to 1763; No. 69, the West Indies in 1763. W. Q. Abbott, The Expansion of Europe, II. 183, contains a map of India, 1710-1740; IT. 238, a map showing the growth of Prussia, 1415-1795; II. 302, a map of the American colonies in 1763; II. 259, a map of the Kuropean world at the Treaty of Paris, 1763. Appended to ©. Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, is a map of the North American Colonies, 1755-1763. A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, III. appendix, contains maps of India, 1740-1802, and of North America, 1713-1783.CHAPTER XLX THE KING TAKES A HAND (JEORGE LEARNS THE GAME George III, who ascended the throne of Great Britain in the autumn of 1760 in the midst of the successes of Pitt and Neweastle. was more nearly a native product of Britain and had a keener appreciation of British ideals than either of the Hanoverlans who preceded him (;randson ot the second (;eorzge. "| Prince of W ales, t } A - } _ ™ 7 - who outilved his seanegrace son. } rederick. 4 the new King had been trained for his task by his mother wi the assistance of her friend, and it was alleged more, John Stuart, Lord Bute. In sharp contrast with all of the members of his family who had gone before him in England, he was throughout his long life almost exemplary in his_ personal Bute. who claimed descent from the ancient royal family of Scotland, had received through Bolingbroke’s essay on The Idea of a Patriot King a portion of the inheritance that 1 in England from that house. The doctrines in that essay at the bottom of the views of his office that George [1] : 1 from which he was never aiter- ward able to free himself. Perhaps they were rather the views of William III than of James I, but they imphed a restoration of so much power lost to the crown now for more than a genera- tion that it was impossible to reassert such claims without a challenge. The task ot retrieving this power ror the CTOownD Wi the m » diffe lt. in that George came to the throne in the heydey of ‘the imperial spirit, with Pitt and Newcastle appar- ve [Il was one of the ablest politicians of his time. The few ends on which he fixed his determination he pursued with a fanaticism intensified by the persistence of his always somewhat unbalanced mind. If he displayed an un willineness to question the soundness of these views with whieh ently triumphant over the ancient enemy of the nation. In SOT) reSDeCCLS (7eorT: he was indoctrinated in his youth, he developed a remarkable facility in learning political methods from those who opposed 156THE KING TAKES A HAND 457 him. He seldom departed from paths which other political leaders had marked out, and he ought himself to be regarded as a political leader rather than as a kine of the type exemplli- fied by the first two Georges and by his own descendants. Against becoming a kine of their type he struggled as long as he had sufficient command of his mental faculties to enable him to assert his will. It was imperative that the young King dislodge from their seats of authority both Pitt and Neweastle before he could hope to exercise the power he coveted. With Pitt’s skill in appealing to the emotions of the nation and with Neweastle’s proved ability in controlling the seats of power, the two ministers constituted a team whose will cquld scarcely be challenged as long as their measures were successful. George’s first task, therefore, was to make peace, and to this task he addressed himself with the assistance of Bute, whom he introduced into. the cabinet imme- diately after he came to the throne. But Neweastle wanted peace also, and even Pitt was not unwilling to make peace if the terms were sufficiently favorable. At first Bute became a member of the cabinet without holding an office of state. The initial step of the King on the long road he had elected to travel was to intrigue with Neweastle against Pitt to make Bute secre- tary of state, which he accomplished in the spring of 1761. George disclosed his knowledge of the sources from which power could be obtained by interfering in 1760 with Neweastle’s normal habit of using the resources of the government to procure the return of members of the House of Commons favorable to his own interests. He later adopted Neweastle’s methods for his own and was thus able to create an interest in the lower house of parliament partial to the royal views. And not even Pitt could refuse to begin negotiations for peace when the King de- sired it, and so the question was opened in March, 1761. But a peace satisfactory to the King, or evento Neweastle, would not necessarily satisfy the minister who had stirred the national spirit into fighting the war to a successful stage. Perhaps New- castle let Bute into the ministry because he was not unwilling to have among his colleagues a strong ally against this imperious mood of Pitt. The question which enabled the King and Bute to gain their next point, in the deposition of Pitt, arose in a way they had not anticipated. Some matters were in dispute between England and Spain, though as yet peace prevailed between the two countries. Spain had a better chance of making her views prevail while sritain458 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and France were at war than she would have aiter peace was declared. Accordingly, when France seemed inclined to make terms with the British, Spain intervened to stiffen the backbone of the French minister. Matters reached a erisis in the late summer of 1761. Pitt believed that Spain meant to join in the war on the side of France, and he desired to take the initiative without giving the prospective new enemy time to prepare. When his colleagues would not acquiesce in this measure, he resioned his office. leaving Bute and Neweastle in control. The scheme on foot was to retain Pitt in office until after the con- clusion of peace. Thus the plans of Bute and the King had in some measure miscarried. They tried in vain to induce (Jeorgve Grenville. a brother-in-law of Pitt though, not one of his fol- | by the great man and finally accepted a man of even lesser stature, Grenville’s brother-in-law, Lord Egremont. Grenville himself promised assistance. Pitt’s other brother-in-law, Temple, accompanied him into retirement. As the national leader left the position he had occupied so proudly, the King took the opportunity to seek to diminish his prestige by bestowing on him a pensivn for himself and a peerage for his wife. favors not unusual in the time nor unmerited, but nevertheless calculated to reflect on his boast of exalted * * , } lowers, to take the post vacated Dj patriotism, Bute was making ready to dispense with the services of New- castle also. The first clash between the two came over the ques- tion of abandoning the policy of supporting Prussia and of adopting strong measures against Spain, both of which Bute now favored and Neweastle opposed. Bute Vas unwilling to force Pitt into open hostility to the ministry, while Neweastle wished to retain the support of Frederick in order to make an early peace. Though outvoted, Newcastle held on to his office. When Bute persisted in his determination to put pressure on Frederick to induce him to make peace, Neweastle and his friends resigned from the ministry (1762). Bute and the King were thus leit in control of the government with a free hand to make peace and to consolidate their power. Secret negotiations had begun before Neweastle resigned. John Russell, fourth Duke of Bedford, who had a passion for peace and who was leader of a faction whose support Bute wished to conciliate, was sent to represent the British in the negotiations. Grenville was soon at odds with Bute. In the eourse of the negotiations he was forced from his position as leader of the House of Commons, though he remained in theoe \ ie: tg = \ 2 RA ZL IN 17 6S 'S PROJECTION ANATION OF colons VAN. DIEMENS LAND | WILLIAMS ENG6.CO..N. Y.THE KING TAKES A HAND 459 cabinet as first lord of the admiralty. He was replaced by Henry Fox, Pitt’s ancient opponent and one of his ablest rivals, who, since 1757, had held the lucrative position of paymaster of the forces and had accumulated a fortune thereby. There was seri- ous need of such a leader to procure the approval of the ecom- pleted treaty by the House of Commons. This treaty, signed at Paris in 1763, brought to the British Empire as actual gains Canada, with its dependencies, Senegal, Grenada, Dominica, St. Vincent, and Tobago. Minorea, which the French had cap- tured, they restored. Britain’s allies in Germany, with the ex- ception of Prussia, received back the portions of their dominions and territories occupied by the French. Spain gave up her claims to a right to fish off the shores of Newfoundland and agreed to cede Florida in return for Havana, which the British had captured in the latter Stages of the war. Altogether, they were substantial acquisitions. But many things that seemed to have been gained in the flush of victory were sacrificed in making the peace, and Pitt was, on that account, irreconcilable to its terms and afterward hostile to Bute and Bedford, the ministers responsible for its negotiation. Bute himself, having thus served his royal master and pupil, realized that his further Services would likely prove a source of weakness rather than of strength and retired from office in April, 1763, perhaps hoping to exert his influence privately, with George Grenville as head of the treasury and nominal chief of the ministry. Grenville was as little qualified to enlist the codperation of a ministry under his own leadership as he was willing to be a figurehead under the guidance of Bute and the King. He had a legal type of mind, and his real ambition was to be speaker of the House of Commons, an office he would probably have filled with credit, if not distinction. Ag it turned out, his administra- tion was made memorable by several ineptitudes into which it was natural for a man of his type to fall, like the levy of a tax on cider at home, the attempt to tax the American colonies in the Stamp Act, and the prosecution of John Wilkes after his arrest under the authority of a general warrant. Of the Stamp Act more will be said in another connection. In personal character, John Wilkes was probably as ignoble a figure as fortune ever east for the réle of a popular hero. Asa free lance, rather than aS a party man, he established a paper, called ironically The North Briton, in which he paid his respects in no uncertain terms to Bute and the King. In his speech to parliament, prepared of course by his ministers. the King described the Peace of Paris460 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS as ‘‘honourable to my crown and beneficial to my people,’’ even laying stress upon the ‘‘happy effects which the several allies of my crown have derived from this salutary measure.’’ Wilkes pronounced this performance ‘‘the most abandoned instance of ministerial effrontery, not to be parallelled in the annals of this country.’’ More strong language to the same purpose followed. The ministers took up the challenge and issued a general warrant for the arrest of the authors, printers, and publishers of the offending journal! and for the seizure of their papers, Wilkes himself was among those taken into custody and sent to the Tower. The legal and parliamentary struggle that ensued raised two points. Authorities differed as to the validity of a general warrant such as that under which the prisoners had been arrested. Chief Justice Pratt of the Court of Common Pleas, later Lord Chancellor Camden, pronounced it illegal, though other as eminent officers ot the law took the opposite view. Moreover. Wilkes was a member of the House of Commons and might plead a violation of the privileges of that house. ‘The episode was important politically, in that 1t was a matter on which Pitt and those who looked to him for leadership could make common cause with Newcastle and his friends. ~ 7 ; But the allancs h, rween t} ficial. They never had much mn common. Neweastle. by prac- tical experience, had acquired knowledge of the real mainsprings ese two groups was always super- from which the British government derived its power, and he understood that the only way to challenge successfully the supremacy of the King and bute was to organize for common action among those having votes and influence in parliament a sroup so formidable that 1t would be difficult and almost im- possible to conduct the government in defiance of its wishes. He appreciated the prestige that Pitt would bring to such a eroup, and he was willing to make many sacrifices to induce him to join it, But Pitt’s head was still in the clouds, and his tenta- tive action with Newcastle was a temporary arrangement. Whereas circumstances impelled Neweastle to undertake the organization of something that would have much resembled a political party had he been able to make it a reality, Pitt was openly opposed to parties and announced that he was interested in men rather than in measures. Even so, these two colaborers, who had rendered the nation valiant services in former times, seemed in the autumn of 1763 about to be restored to power, when something, perhaps the influence of Bute, intervened to prevent it, and Grenville was retained, strengthened by the fac-THE KING TAKES A HAND 461 tion led by the Duke of Bedford. The ministry as reconstructed contained fewer of Bute’s friends than the one that went before and was correspondingly less sympathetic with that nobleman. The King, on that account, was anxious to be rid of the ministry. In fact, his anxiety on this point was so open that his failure to achieve it left him practically in the hands of the Grenville ministry, which did not scruple to demand that he banish Bute from his counsels. The King now busied himself in seeking relief. He had come to understand something of the difficulties which Pitt and Neweastle found in acting together, which made him less in awe of them and willing to have them come in as successors to Grenville. The final dismissal of the latter minister came in July, 1765, as a result of his mismanagement of a bill for establishing a regency in ease of the disability of the King, who had just experienced a slight attack of the malady that was finally to incapacitate him permanently. The ministers insisted that the King’s mother be left off the list of those eligible to serve, pleading that the bill could not be got through parlia- ment otherwise. This argument was made ridiculous when the House of Commons inserted her name in the bill by a special vote. But Pitt persistently refused to affiliate with the Neweastle group in organized effort, and the King turned to Neweastle’s friends, whom he ultimately persuaded to undertake the govern- ment under the leadership of the young Marquis of Rockingham, with whatever help they might receive from the King’s own friends. The new administration lacked both power and prestige. Rockingham was a nobleman of good character, but small reputa- tion, who depended much on the advice of his secretary, Ed- mund Burke. Neweastle himself was too old to take an active part. The King’s uncle, the Duke of Cumberland, who was partly instrumental in persuading his friends to undertake the government, died shortly after they took office. Pitt still held aloof and was not conciliated by the repeal of either the cider tax or of the Stamp Act. In the ease of the Stamp Act, the ministers sent in advance to know his views and asked him to join the ministry. He refused to express an Opinion except to the King in parliament. Rockingham went on with the repeal, though he was obliged to accompany it with an act affirming the right of parliament to tax the colonies. In the accompanying debate, Pitt illustrated once more his talent for the histrionie. "I rejoice,’’ he exclaimed, ‘‘that America has resisted,’’ and he therefore advocated the repeal. But as for giving confidence to462 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the ministers who proposed the measure, he was still in doubt. ‘‘Confidence,’’ he said with emphasis, ‘‘is a plant of slow growth in an aged bosom.,’’ In consequence of this attitude, some of the ministers—the young Duke of Grafton, for example—who had formerly looked to Pitt rather than to Newcastle tor leadership resigned their : ° . : : Rei = T . positions. There seemed to be no way tor Rockingham and New- castle to carry on the government without making terms with either Bute or the Bedford faction, and this they would not do. ’urthermore, (George [1] had Dy this time perceived that he and Pitt at bottom held similar views on the manner in which the executive government should be organized. Both of them were opposed LO the assumption tnat all members Or a ministry oucht to be members of the same nolitieal party. Both felt that each minister should be selected for his individual qualifications, witl due regard paid to his politica! influence. Members of a cabinet thus selected would tend LO becon e largely administrative of- ficers. with little more than an advisory function in shaping policies. But there was one important point on which the King and Pitt did not agr sincere simplicity of Pitt’s con- fidence that he was the man 11 his time best fitted to take the le ad in shaping t] e cdi stint Ss Ol Britain and her empire Was more than surpassed by the determination ot (,eorge Ii] Lnhat he would himself be the active leader of any administration that long survived in his relen. TI eC King had t] eS advantage. in that it was necessarv to do whatever was done in his nam 1 ] he was more DrOsd cally aware than Pitt of the methods necessary to be used tO PrOCUTE and It tain the Support ot a majority ot the bers of parliament. On this last subject Pitt’s mind was enlightened to the degree that his son’s was in the next veneration. As he began to appreciate the impotence of his eloquence, when there was no Neweastle or other such heutenant at hand to pro\y de him with a majority, he talked vagus ly OL a ~—" — > — — — me —_ ped — — _ = re ‘orm OT parliament, bi11 he never reached t] ~- 4 ‘% »7 4 icy i a rat ical ISSUE, Realizine how much he had in common with Pitt, and Pitt’s iPCdliz ‘ helplessness without the support that he eould himself provide the King tried the experiment of enlisting the prestige of the national leader on his side, They eould work together, he Felt. opposing the growing determination of the group led by —_— in Rockineham and Neweastle to insist on dominating the govern- ment if they participated in it at all. But George was still wary of giving Pitt too free a run of the stage in the forum of his — b _THE KING TAKES A HAND 463 former greatness, and so the great statesman became a member of the House of Lords as Earl Chatham. ‘True to the principle of disregarding party lines, he included in the ministerial eroup men of all factions. Burke later described the administration as "a cabinet so variously inlaid; such a piece of diversified mosaic ; such a tessellated pavement without cement; here a bit of black stone and there a bit of white; patriots and courtiers, king’s friends and republicans, Whigs and Tories, treacherous friends and open enemies, that it was indeed a very curious show, but utterly unsafe to touch and unsure to stand upon.’’ The exag- geration in the figures is characteristic of Burke’s style, but the ministers whom Chatham collected were almost worthy of the description. Among them were neither of his two brothers-in- law, Temple and Grenville, nor the chief men in either the Bed- ford group or that accustomed to act with Neweastle and Rock- ingham. Chatham himself, ill in both mind and body, soon (February, 1767) deserted a task that was perhaps beyond the ability of anybody and retired to recuperate his health, leaving the inexperienced Duke of Grafton to try as best he might to hold the ministry together until such a time as its head should return. Grafton preferred the pleasures of the race course to the confinement of the capital, but an abler man than he might have done no better with the task with which he wrestled for several years, never having the prestige of real leadership. He soon faced the withdrawal of those members of the Rockingham group who had remained in office when the ministry was formed. Then, in 1768, the Wilkes case was reopened in a more threatening form. In the previous year the brilliant, if irresponsible, Chan- celor of the Exchequer, Charles Townshend, had busied himself with a renewal of the attempt to raise a revenue from the Ameri- can colonies. Other mischief that he might have done was fore- stalled by his death in the fall of the same year, when Frederick. Lord North, sueceeded him. The King turned to North as a successor to Grafton, when Chatham returned from retirement in 1768, resigned his office as Lord Privy Seal, and joined with the followers of Rockingham in attacking the ministry which had taken office under his own leadership. In easy-going, good- humored, unambitious North George III had at last found a tractable minister. His royal master clove to him for more than a decade after 1770, the year in which Grafton finally resigned, and gave him up reluctantly at the close of a disastrous war. He suited the King admirably, chiefly because he was willing to464 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERIGAN STUDENTS leave most of the task of government in the royal hands, though he had a certain ability in conciliating the support of a friendly House of Commons. His jovial manner helped much to overcome the handicap of an unimpressive physique. He served the King because ot ad complacent disposition to accede LO the wishes of SO exalted a personage; probably he never had any eenuine liking for George’s theories of kingship. Thus, within a decade after he inherited t | e crown. (;eorgve 1 | seemed to have carried his point and to have established himself as king in fact as well as In name. The persistent campaign of George III to wrest the govern- ment from the group of magnates who had dominated it in the us to his accession did not prevent veneration and more previo the patronage of his name, and in a less degree of his purse, to an aspect of the national life that was now beginning to flourish more « xtensively than ever before. Men of him from lending parts, otherwise aligned in the factional divisions of current ry | TIES were } rtheless able in the first two decades ot the id common interests in the f ide of esthetic expression 1 that was already rising to a respectable heicht. Vi . were not so essential for their encouragement as 1 formerly been the case. Those who had enriched themselves war in trade and in other relations with America and the East. added to those who had thriven by suc- articipation in the widening economic life at home, ‘ofitable body of patrons for others who had the pleasure. Many of these men, who were attaining to means and leisure to enable them to seek to please ‘k in spending for the purpose. In con- 4 sequence. this generation witnessed a body of artistic achieve- ment which our interest in matters of moment in the fields of nol ties and empire is lable LO obseure. There must have been a growing interest in esthetic expression and an enlarging public to whom the subject appealed, or a 1 Edmund Burke, who was frankly ambitious to young man liked make his fortune but as yet had no very definite haven in view, would no} have published 1756 : | Philosophical Inquiry into tlhe Origin ot OUT Ideas Onl th is one ot his earlier works Sublime and the Beautiful. That the conclusions of the author do not agree in every point with those current to-day 1s not soTHE KING TAKES A HAND AG5 important as is his evident perception that a significant item in the appraisal of a work of art is the way it is received by the individuals it is intended to please. He suggested that it is as illuminating to know something of the psychology of the audience for which a work of art is designed as it is to determine whether the artist has conformed to the classical canons conventional in his art. Burke himself, after starting on its way in 1759 the Anuual Register, a repository of current historical, political, and other information which still regularly appears, found a friend and patron in the Marquis of Rockingham, who gave him oppor- tunity for whatever fortune he was to achieve; his subsequent efforts were in the field of polities more than in esthetics. But the orator and politician never lost interest in the latter subject, and he was a welcome member of the circle that ruled in that field in his generation. Among the better known members of that circle were Dr. Samuel Johnson, the eritic and lexicographer, and his inimitable biographer, James Boswell; Sir Joshua Reynolds, the painter; David Garrick, the actor, dramatist, and manager ; Oliver Goldsmith, the poet, novelist, hack writer, and dramatist; and Sir Charles Burney, musician, historian of music, and father of Fanny Burney, author of that most read novel of the time, Evelina. This group and those who resorted with them, Dr. Johnson dominated by his dogmatism and by his genuine ability. He was the unique literary figure of his time, whom to have had no contact with argues another personality of less account. Just outside of this inner circle were many of those who counted in most fields of endeavor. The list of them is much too lone to enumerate. It included Edward Gibbon and William Robertson among the historians. Lord Shelburne, Charles James Fox, and William Windham were among the politicians; Johnson even found some things in common with John Wilkes. Men were included as far apart as John Wesley and Topham Beauclerk, the latter a man of questionable domestic morality, whose chief claim to fame is that he was the great Doctor’s friend. There were lawyers like Sir Robert Chambers, Indian judge and scholar; Sir William Seott, later the famous Lord Stowell; and Lord Chancellor Edward Thurlow, the last a man as prone to dogmatism as Johnson himself and one for whom the latter acknowledged a corresponding respect as a rival in verbal repartee. Hogarth and Allan Ramsay were among the painters ; there were architects like Sir William Chambers and John Gwynn ; philosophers, economists, and scientists, there were, like466 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Adam Smith and Sir Joseph Banks. There were a host of others, among whom the learned women, including Hannah More, Catharine Macaulay, and Mrs. Elizabeth Montague, the original blue stocking, ought not to be left unnoticed. Many others than these live in the pages of Boswell because they at some time came in contact with Boswell’s hero. This galaxy of names takes no account whatever of many whose achievements were notable, but who were without even the larger eircle who paid tribute to Johnson. In the earlier days of the learned doctor. before Bute induced the King LO relieve his necessities with a pension, the novelist Richardson intervened to save him from arrest for debt. Among other hack-work which Johnson did in these earler Years, Were the parliamentary debates he reported tor 1 he Gentleman’s Magazine : trequently without the trouble of attending the sessions. This monthly ikely LO al among polite circles, was publication, long unique as a repository of miscellanea li interest persons of the culture norm established by Edward Cave in 1731 and persisted in one form or another continuously until near the end of the first decade of the twentieth century. While Johnson was at his best as a conversationalist and is, therefore, in. great debt to his reporter, Boswell, for his reputation, he really did solid work with his pen, His famous Dictiona iu, in which he set out to illustrate his definitions wit! citations trom literature, Was d noteworthy achievement, despite the evidence it contains of the prejudices and CIOS \ neras a) which the author had not a rew. His eriticism of Shakespeare helped to prepare the way for a saner I of both the merits and the weaknesses of England's atist than was possible as long as his work was measured by inelastic standards derived by an ill-informed study of ancient Classics. Johnson was himself trained in this Classical school of eriticism and never able. had he cared to do So, to rree himself from its terminology or its rules. But he had the under- standing to perceive and the honesty to proclaim that the many departures of Shakespeare from the Classical canons were not all imperfections, when due account was taken of the personality of the dramatist and the time in which he wrote. These same qualities of human interest and honest appreciation, limited both by his Classical bias and his firm conviction that it 1s a primary function of literature to ineuleate morality, characterize John- son’s biographical and critical introductions to an edition of the English poets, which he was solicited to write by a con- temporary publisher and *which constitute still the most sub-THE KING TAKES A HAND 467 stantial boay of work of this type that has come from the pen of a single author. His ventures in the field of political writing, while no credit to him, were no worse than much that appeared in the time. They probably do not illustrate a service of Sycophaney, inspired by the pension the author received from the King, as much as they do the normal views of a man who was inclined to be orthodox on all questions and who let his mind rest but lightly on matters of state. Despite this orthodoxy, however, this most notable figure in a school that was already beginning to wane was not wholly without appreciation of the more human attitude that was making itself felt even in his day. Johnson came to London in company with David Garrick, his own pupil. It was Garrick’s glory that he did much to sub- stitute for the conventional sing-song declamation on the Stage a natural impersonation of the characters represented and an enunciation appropriate to the scene. He was thus able to revive successfully many of Shakespeare’s plays, though some of their scenes, such as that of the grave diggers in Hamlet, were still omitted, because they violated the canons of Classical art. The stage had not wholly recovered from the ill-repute into which it had fallen in the conflict between the Stuarts and the Puritans. It was further handicapped by regulations imposed at the instigation of Robert Walpole, when his Opponents, using among others the talented Henry Fielding’s plays, made it an instrumentality for agitation against his policies. Theaters other than the two officially licensed now resorted to the subter- fuge of advertising music or other entertainment and then using dramatic representation as an added attraction. Since the phenomenal success of John Gay’s Beggars Opera earlier in the century, itself a burlesque of the foreign musical drama patron- ized by the court, the stage had retrieved some of its native, patriotic flavor. An audience was capable, when feeling against France was running high, of refusing to be entertained by a company of French and of giving vent to this national feeling by a patriotic chorus like The Roast Beef of Old England. Perhaps a more real evidence of the growth of a British audience for native drama, though it offended somewhat the Classical taste, was the popularity of a piece like Goldsmith’s She Stoops to Conquer, which was a comedy reflecting a stratum of con- temporary society. Englishmen had arrived at a sufficient maturity so that they eould find entertainment in their own foibles. Thus the native drama gradually freed itself from the chains that bound it to a Classical past and from the politiciansBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 468 who sought to make it the vehicle of partizan propaganda and hecame a means of artistic expression, whereby all the emotions of the audience could be stirred, as the actors and dramatists developed insight and skill. A movement. as we know, was already under way to make emotion a more vital factor in religion. An aspect of this same tendency soon began t& inspire poets to feel, and to express foolines. concerning nature and the homely sentiments of do mestic life. This movement away from the turgid dignity of the ] loubtless facilitated by the grow- ‘ne interest in the ancestral literature of the British peoples, now ) in 1765 of Thomas Perey’s fieliques Classical school of wr } promoted bv the ) ibheat of A nerent King ish Por ry, WI | , as the dawning ot the new aay brichtened. was in time to make him famous. The way for its 1 bv .James Maecpherson’s fabricated works alleced Gaelic writer. A collected edition of the eared in 1765. Dr. Johnson and others : e | : % ] . - t* y* *) mneny :* ‘ anc The intrortunate autnor. who | | by a g nuine interest in Celtic als, finally, in desperation, undertook to improvise als Lt he views of partizans who had he cause of the genuine character of the translation. works of contemporary poets are in themselves better evidence of the emotions to which a growing number ot hmen were moved to respond as they contemplated the Grav’s Eleqy in a Country Church yard. native scene. homas hich Wolfe expressed high admiration before his _ last are memorable illus- 7 hattle. and Goldsmith’s Deserted Village trations of the ability of the poets of the period to stir their readers with themes local in setting and sentimental in character. Thomson in his Seasons and other poems displayed an >to talk about nature rather than to respond to that sense | his snecessors were to feel and express, he at any rate evidenced a crowing realization of this source of lieht. of which a large proportion of even the eultivated among his contemporaries had hitherto been unaware. In the field of native music, Purcell was still a lofty peak emphasizing the lesser elevation of those who followed him. Nevertheless. there was an audience for music in England and an interest in it. The House of Hanover, from the beginning Of its occupancy of the throne, lent patronage to performances of the works of Handel. who survived until 1799, and to other com- There were also worthy names among the architects,THE KING TAKES A HAND 469 among them Robert Adam and his brother and Sir William Chambers, who taught George III drawing when a youth. But many of those who were beginning to be conscious of their af- fluence, and consequently desirous of establishing seats for the posterity of the families they were ambitious to found, were apparently more interested in the interiors and the appoint- ments than in the outsides of their houses. The last two genera- tions in the eighteenth century set a standard for British furni- ture designs that has not since been surpassed. The brothers Adam are remembered more for their furniture than for their work as architects. Chambers himself played a conspicuous part in introducing into British furniture the Chinese influence, which Thomas Chippendale adapted into a variety of native patterns. ‘'o the same period belongs the work of Thomas Sher- aton and George Hepplewhite, names familiar to every lover of beautiful furniture. In the very year that George III finally got rid of Chatham as a minister (1768), he nominated thirty-six men of distinction in their several fields to constitute the nucleus of a ‘‘Society for Promoting the Arts of Desien’’ and promised to take eare temporarily of any deficits of the society from his own purse. Sir Joshua Reynolds was the first president of the Royal Academy of Arts, which thus began and which still carries on its work of giving encouragement to and instruction in the fine arts. Others had meditated on this project and had con- tributed to lay the foundations for its successful achievement, among them Sir James Thornhill, a painter of some repute in Queen Anne’s time, and his more famous pupil and son-in-law, William Hogarth. Hogarth was both an engraver and a painter and was, on that account, able to obtain greater remuneration for his work and to insure it a wider distribution. His engrav- ings now began to adorn walls that had hitherto lacked decora- tions. His pictures were adapted for this purpose, since he agreed with Dr. Johnson that art ought to serve a moral pur- pose. Yet there have been few artists with a keener eye for realities or who have depicted the society they observed with a more sincere hand. His best known works are in the form of a sort of pictorial dramas; that is, pictures arranged in a series to illustrate different stages in the progress of the same group of characters. He painted scenes from Gay’s Beggar’s Opera, but among his best known series are Marriage a‘ la Mode, a satire on the conventional marriage for convenience, and The Rake’s Progress and The Harlot’s Progress, both aimed at470 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the prevailing immorality. These are but a small part of the fruits of a generation of labor, lasting from 1726 until the artist’s death in 1764. But the wealthier patrons of the fine arts, who made possible the successes of the designers of furniture, preferred to see their walls adorned with likenesses of themselves and of those they loved and admired. Reynolds achieved his greatest successes as a painter of portraits, as did his rivals and contemporaries, Thomas Gainsborough and George Romney. ‘There was as yet little demand for representations of the native landscape scene. [In another generation British eyes would be opened to the beauties of the nooks and crannies in their own countryside, but that day had not yet dawned. Sir Richard Wilson earned a poor livelihood as librarian to the Royal Academy, though he had eee a reputation as a painter of landscapes in Italy. He irned home to find that the conservative wealthy patrons ot ius own day, following the example of Sir Robert Walpole the originals and even for copies of the works of Renaissance artists, but they were not yet able to aan the beauties in at hand. After a vain effort to ak through this seenes Cioselr and others in the previous generation, would pay large sums for Classical conservatism of his countrymen ch to open hats eyes to the scenes amid which the ¥ lived, Wilson died in 1782, long lected by those he was anxious to please, and awaited nec L posthumous recognition by those with eyes better trained to see. Perhaps neither history nor philoso] ie are among the fine arts, but David Hume and E oe ird Gibbon belong in any ade- quate picture of the cultural non of their time. They expressed aspects of it not so well manifest elsewhere. Hume, in the field of philosophy, carried to a aera conclusion the theories of Locke and Berkeley. All mental contents, he concluded, are derived from sense impressions, and these arise from unknown causes. Having thus made the conclusions absolute, he began to hedge, and his final working hypothesis was somewhat incon- sistent with his theory. No phi losophieca! Dogomatist,’ he SAYS, denies that there are diffier ilties both with regard to the senses and to all science: and that these difficulties are in a regular, logical method absolutely insolvable. No Sceptic denies, that we lie under an absolute necessity, notwithstanding these difficul- ties. of thinking, and believing, and reasoning with regard to all kinds of subjects, and even of frequent assenting with con- fidence and security.’’? In other words, the logical processes of the philosopher had led him into difficulties that were insolubleTHE KING TAKES A HAND 471 hence, in order to go about his practical business, he elected to disregard these difficulties and to think and believe like other men. He turned, therefore, to writing history in an effort to discover in the past guidance for the present. His work in this field brought him lasting fame, though it deserves to be read now as literature rather than as history, and, consequently, it is much more praised than read at all. A fellow-countryman of Hume, William Robertson, divided fame with him in the field of history, and a number of lesser lights took up their pens and found a market for their products so extensive that Hume was inspired to write in 1770 ‘‘this is the true historical age.’’ Though Edward Gibbon was less interested in topics relating to his own country—perhaps in part because of that faect—his Is a greater name in the field of history than that of either Hume or Robertson. The world has not yet wholly outgrown the History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, which he was twenty years in preparing as the one great work of his life. Later scholars in the field, with additional sources of informa- tion, find it expedient to edit and elaborate the work of this master rather than to plot the project anew. Despite some criticisms from more orthodox contemporaries and weaknesses natural in one writing in the atmosphere of the eighteenth eon- tury, Gibbon’s work still lives as both literature and history. More nearly akin to the fine arts, perhaps, than the work of the historians were the achievements of one of the createst potters of all times, Josiah Wedgewood. He played a large part in transforming his eraft into an industry producing wares that, at any rate, were later to be cherished because of artistic merits attributed to them. There were native potters in Eng- land before Wedgewood, and he was more interested in produc- tion on a large scale than in the device of individual patterns. His sire, Dr. Thomas Wedgewood of Burslem, was 4 potter before him, and young Josiah was taken from school in early youth and set to learn the trade. Apprenticed to his oldest brother in his father’s pottery at this early age of fourteen, he served out his time there and later gathered experience in other neigh- boring: potteries. By 1762 he had acquired a business of his own and had achieved sufficient suecess in it to attract the attention of the Queen, to whom he presented some of his better ware. As an acknowledgement of the recognition given to him by both her Majesty and her husband, Wedgewood later called this type of his product ‘‘Queen’s Ware.’ Stimulated by the discovery of Pompeii and of classical vases in Italian graves, he now turned472 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS his attention to adapting these patterns to suit British tastes and was so successful that his own name associated with his products gives them an enhanced value in later generations, worthy of comparison with that which measures the esteem we have for the Classical objects themselves. In the midst of this conflict of the old day that had almost run ‘ts course in the field of esthetics with the new one about to dawn, a political cloud appeared above the horizon that was soon to divide into hostile camps many who had discovered com- mon interests on cultural subjects. Burke and Dr. Johnson were on different sides of this question, which was already attracting attention in 1765, as, indeed, were many others bound by intimate ties outside of the field of politics. New PROBLEMS OF EMPIRE One of the first imperial questions with which Lord North had to deal, after he established himself as leader of the govern- ment of George III, was the application of the East India Com- pany for a loan of a million pounds to relieve the immediate distress of that corporation. This pressing condition arose trom a natural failure to face with understanding the tasks which devolved upon the company by reason of Clive’s successes against France and the native Indian princes. After Clive’s departure for England many employees of the company busied them- selves more with filling their own pockets than in serving the interests of their employers. To remedy the chaos that ensued, the great captain was sent to India in 1765 for a third time. The strone measures he adopted were successful for the moment. The agents of the company assumed the responsibility for eollectine all the revenues of the Bengal district, allotting to the Nawab, a puppet of the company, the amount essential for the conduct of his government. An effort was made to eliminate insubordination among the employees of the company, a meas- ure that did not help to make Clive’s work popular among that croup. The officers of the native army resented a reduction in their pay and mutinied in 1766. Clive soon quelled the mutiny, but this sign of danger to come, coupled with the growing in- fluence exercised in British polities by returned nabobs, who vaunted their new affluence. caused Chatham, who was then the head of the government, to meditate an investigation of the affairs of the company.THE KING TAKES A HAND 473 e - This proposal was a cue for the Rockingham and Bedford groups to raise a clamor in defence of the chartered rights of the company, in the hope of attracting the support of this powertul vested interest in their struggle against the King and Chatham. Chatham’s plan was defeated by a division within his own ministry. Charles Townshend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was among those opposed to it. After Chatham retired from active participation in the ministry, Townshend and Grafton arranged a compromise with the company, whereby the government was to receive an annual payment of £400,000 in return for a continuation of the privileges of the company. Under this agreement, the total direct and indirect income of the government from East Indian enterprises, counting duties col- lected on trade, was in the neighborhood of two million pounds per year. The shareholders of the company at this time decided to claim for themselves a portion of the wealth, which was apparently available in unprecedented sums, and to allot to themselves larger dividends from the revenues of Bengal, now collected by their agents. Parliament sensed the danger in this proposal and, under the leadership of Grafton, though with little aid from Townshend, undertook to limit by statute the amount of dividends that could be paid. A famine-in Bengal, in 1770, and the consequent failure of the revenues to amount to the Sums anticipated embarrassed the affairs of the company. The directors appealed to the government for help and, in the same year (1772), sent to India perhaps the most notable of all the company’s servants, Warren Hastings, to bring order out of the chaotic conditions that existed. The Rockingham group denied the right of the government ‘to interfere in the legal and exclusive property of a body politic’’ and opposed both North’s preliminary investigation and his remedial measures, just as they had opposed the similar pro- Jects of Chatham. Burke described the privileges of the com- pany as “‘held in virtue of grants from the Delhi emperor, in the nature of offices and jurisdictions dependant on his crown; a very anomalous species of power and property quite unknown to the ancient constitution of Kngland.’’ But North’s government decided that if this species of power and property was hitherto unknown in England, it was now high time that its relations with the British government be defined. Basing the action on ‘‘the eminent domain of parliament over every British subject in every concern,’’ the government prescribed statutory condi- tions to be complied with before the assistance requested by the474 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS company should be granted. A loan of £1,400,000 was to be made. and the company released from paying the £400,000 per year until such time as this loan should be repaid. In view of these favors. certain changes were effected in the government of the company, both at home and in India. | nly one fourth of the directors were to be elected annually, instead of the entire membership ot the board. as had formerly been the Case, No returned nabob was to be eligible to the directorate until after he had resided in England for two years. No proprietor was tg be eligible to participate in the government of the company who repr sented stock of less than a thousand pounds value. The effect ot the fey on t} © company al home Was thus LO make “i Tit? it more: stable and conservative. AS muc! cannot he said oO the wi ird machinery the act Pro- company S possesslons LT) India. vided for the management of th (. neral Oirer LOT) ot AaAiLalrs there Was vested in a vovernor ven- eral and a ¢co neil ot four, ¥ ho were to reside at Caleutta and who Ve] nam qd n the act itself ro serve tor ad period of five Two of the members of this initial council. ineluding years Hactines. the Governor General, were men experienced in [Indian matters: the other three, who constituted a majority, were not - ® ce + : 1 of the eighteenth eentury. In the horough constituencies, tne Omina electors were worthy 0] a id recelvet even less CO! I Lidl A 4 As ‘ ‘ sideration from those who held the reigns of power. In some T was vested in the householders, of whom there ld Tr and they tenants ot landlords who their houses should be inhabited by men who would vote according to ‘nstructions. Even in a larger econstitu- of this type—the eity of West ninster was an examp! usually had a eonsiderable number ot (,eorge [II did not hesitate In another \ borough were USUd _ — base ~— —_— . + — ond were ency each powerful magnat voters who took their cue from him, in elections 1n the capital. vote was vested in certain et oe Ipenee me -~ — -_ —_ to use his own 1nfll of constituencies, the right to of a majority of which naturally f the House of Commons. In had the choice ot the members 01 the corporation, which perpetuated itself by type burgage tenures, the owners SOmMme horonue! aTHE FAILURE OF THE KING O01 cooptation, had the choice of the members. These corporations might elect to act independently, but a majority of the members were usually the henchmen of or amenable to the influence of a local magnate. The election was sometimes left to the freemen of the borough, but the corporation in those eases usually had the prerogative of electing additional freemen at will, and so control of the corporation meant control of the borough. Each borough was an individual case. The right to send members to parliament was a privilege granted by the crown in earlier times, and so governed by the charter and traditions of the constituency. Not many boroughs had been enfranchised since the time of the Stuarts, however, and many urban districts, such as Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, had grown to considerable size without representation in parliament, while the single county of Cornwall Sent more than two-score members from within its narrow boundaries. Those who served the patrons in the smaller places in the nominal task of electors, whatever the type of the econ- stituenecy, not infrequently received a customary remuneration both for expenses and as an honorarium. But these payments were regarded more as conventional matters of compensation than as involving corruption. The electors were human, and it was unreasonable to expect them to function in a dependable way without some consideration. If a man in eontrol of a constituency cared to sit in the house himself, the matter was easy. If he had control of more than one seat (one magnate in the last decades of the eighteenth century had nine), he disposed of the rest for his own best ad- vantage. If he was interested in polities, these seats in parlia- ment were a plausible basis for claiming consideration in the distribution of offices or other evidences of power. A patron might use his seats as a source of income, accepting for them definite sums from the minister of the day or from some other interest desirous of having a representative in parliament. Al- though a seat in parliament of this type was not fully recognized under the law as a species of property, 1t was regarded as part of the assets of a bankrupt and, conventionally, was managed as property. The patron exerted himself to maintain his interest im or control of the constituency, and he expected to capitalize it for his own purposes as a matter of course. The government itself, through the naval and customs employees in some of the boroughs and by other similar arrangements, controlled the choice of between one and two hundred members, which were always available for the minister of the day, if he was in officeee ee i oe! oe ge ee a . - > <-> A()? ) RRITISH HISTORY HOR AMERICAN STUDENTS at the time of a general election. The bulk of the rest were in eontrol of peers or wealthy commoners. Manifestly, electors | xercised themselves of the type utilized 1n most boroughs seldom exe! | heir t1 when they did, is es “77 :y 7, } | » « > they were Dot likely to lef anv views Tile’ miceht have intuence } ‘ion. An election, theretore, eontributed . TXT ~~ ‘ot? |; v. ‘ <7 at ‘ Aa oe pWwWoa reve ailing Al) \ national reeling q } . Y T ) ~~ y) } h ; cy T } 1 ‘ an } vere. } cy T | . LP 1 he ©) trie oe L al PAISLEE s » ometl Line? ila | yy CA iril Ine? } 4 ay At appeal ‘ cn 1 > | a " TT ' | | WILL which SLALTsS- i L. | - : }+ : — é 7 K nr i. wee r anie TO MaKe itseli felt In au , ' re ry , ' + + : “ ' hy OrOUDS opposed {) Bails K oe; he ] 7 — ¢ (hathamites wanted pa! nt reformed in sucn da Wa) that . . } ae ] . Tie si bstantial elasses M1ZNL CAPLCss Lneir will at tne polls and } | * }" — | ] _ i | 7 : have 1t retiectea lJ arllamen Lhose who held with Rocking- ? | + | ‘1 % 7’ ' + . * 4 \ i+] ? ] sy} i hy . Yr) yi 7 e tT cy 17 +} Q Stanitid AMOUTL! oF yy ' LiiXs . ‘ ‘ Vv We L( LWalt itd 6b i 4 ] \ ‘ - 4 1 responsibilities of governmel either to procure a seat 1n parli ment Dy DuUrel sf POU boroug!} proprietol or eise to 4 hy | | : + + — ANMPrAl ) .4 , Yr) PSTADLISI nimse@! ()I a U i] i we { i) teu \ cist i it) Oppo! 1 : 3 an ' + tunity oftered r doing it 7 marriag and st n time, to 14 ‘ 7 + | 2 1) ’ wT Bit eo 1O TL 1; 1? rQq ODvDta qT) ACLILTLISS Of J Lit iaVvVULeCU { ubiier PLil a rie yy (lad \ Was ] —— —& 4 , fan ahi aT heoinninge to aawn | | vas to interrup his ecomtortabie ar- 5 1% ' } 7 —— . vs Hn thi nad Jj Nounes qa rTnose who. eOmne Py one ea) ie Wei ith r Asia without connections, witnout any } \ NACK iT] Tri Pn {) af natul | nterest I} the soll. rne mportelrs or trorei¢gn sold have | } + | 11 ‘ } } | } V 1] 7 ) T rrey)) r rivate rorcea neir Way nto parilamed vy SUCH a LOLICI OL 3 lV< 1 | \ | i417 yy | y*7 ) ’ wa raciat 17 av: T (*{) rupt On as rnd) DP ri ePTed \ \ Q)T| 1Ti¢ COLL reSISL. t : wh i oe ker ot tThiS Curious sentiment Was himselt 9 small fortune trom the Orient, f of all the so-called ‘‘rotten’’ borough The point was that property other than that in land was be- ginning to de mand a voice 1n parliament and was making 1tsTHE FAILURE OF THE KING 903 influence felt in what manner it could, the manner conventional for all classes at the time. Having obtained power in this way, however, those who held it seem to have behaved on political questions in much the same manner as those in a later day who spend proportionate sums in propaganda to procure favorable votes from more widely enfranchised constituencies. The differ- ence 1s, that, in the earlier time, patriotic appeals had to be made only to the comparatively small part of the population who sat in parliament or who were instrumental in the actual designation of those who did so sit. It was because George III was astute enough to fortify himself with a majority in parliament, ob- tained in the ways familiar in his time, that his political oppo- nents found it difficult to prevail against him. In desperation, they now undertook to arouse opposition to his policies, not only among members of parliament, where they had hitherto spent their efforts, but in the shires and larger towns as well. Political agitation of this type had not hitherto been conducted in England on the scale now proposed by the opponents of the King. Their experience in the case of the arrest of Wilkes and of the disputed Middlesex election had disclosed several handi- caps which called for remedy before they could go forward safely against an opponent as determined as George III. For example, the law of libel, as then applied by the courts, referred to the jury simply the question of whether the accused was guilty of publishing the offending statement, reserving to the court the decision as to whether the statement was in fact a libel under the given circumstances. Chatham insisted that this was bad law, and would not join with the Rockingham eroup in replacing it with a statute leaving to the jury the determina- tion of the intent of the writer; not until 1792 was such a statute finally passed. According to an old law, passed in parliament’s youth, it was ‘‘highly criminal’’ to publish without the consent of the speaker what went on in the legislative houses. This law had long fallen into disuse, though those, like Dr. Johnson in the Gentlemen’s Magazine, who reported debates for the press usu- ally represented them in some fictitious form. It was important that this law, in practice at least, be abrogated almost entirely, if persons outside were to influence or to be influenced by what went on in parliament. The question came to an issue over the case of Wilkes, in 1771, in a way that made London city magis- trates abettors of the publication of debates. The offending officials were sent to the Tower, but the case caused so much504 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS ado that little objection was later made to the publication of the debates in the press. The remarkable memory of Henry Sampson Woodfall, the conductor of the Public Advertiser, helped much to make. the publication of the debates customary. He conducted his journal for a generation, and he had the ability to listen to speeches and then reproduce them with remarkable accuracy. Lhe partizans ot Wilkes had also adopted the policy f having the county authorities call meetings to petition parlia- Ol ment for action in his case. This expedient the opponents of the King now proceeded to use again. The movement began in Yorkshire under the leadership ot Christopher Wyvill, a local clergyman of independent means. Yorkshire was a strategic point for the purpose, both because of the large number of freeholders in the county and because t of them were amenable to the influence of Rockingham and f Chatham. A petition against the King’s | a vor ol a progpralit ot economy Was obtained with little difficulty. The question of the reform ol parliament was left in abevance. Other counties followed suit. In Westminster, er at the meeting Was Charles James Fox, the . f Lord Holland, who had been dismissed from the King’s service in 1774 for refusing to support a bill regulat- f the royal family, and who had th the k ekingham Proup, though he did not ‘ wel +) . th ne ; ae AIWwWAVS Se@ée @' QO f i 1) nem on the American quest1on, and was destined to LK , ditferent view Irom tnelrs Ov parliamen- tary retorm After the pevtitvlons were formulated, an organiza- tion was perfected among the counties. somewhat like the American committees of correspondence, for the purpose of communication on questions of common interest. A convention of these OTOUDPS Was held in the winter ot 1780, attended by men from some eighteen counties and towns. The immediate net result was to carry to a ‘avorable vote in the in that same year the resolution of John Dunning. a member of the Chathamite group, that ‘the influ- ence of the crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished.’? That was common ground on which both the Chathamites. now led by Shelburne, and the followers of Rock- } ine! am could stand. But the county associations soon interested themselves in the question of reforming parliament, and most of le Supporters of Rockingham participated less in their activ- ‘es. Their timidity was emphasized by a riot in London, led by Lord George Gordon, against a bill designed to relieve Roman } t] if CS.THE FAILURE OF THE KING O00 Catholics of some of the disabilities under which they had labored since the Revolution. This illustration of the violent results that might follow a departure from traditional practices caused some fearful souls to prefer the existing ills to a venture into the unknown. But the more convinced of the reformers persisted in their views and laid foundations in program and doctrine for future generations. Various schemes were suggested, the most radical being a proposal that representation be based on population, that parliaments be elected annually, and that all males of proper age have a right to the suffrage. 7 Many pamphlets, some of them widely circulated, appeared in support of these projects. Among the more notable were those by Major John Cartwright, brother of the inventor of textile machinery; by Dr. Richard Price, the philosopher and Unitarian divine; by Dr. John Jebb, Capel Lofft, Granville Sharp, and others who need not be mentioned. Both Fox and the Duke of Richmond adopted the views of the reformers, as did Richard Brinsley Sheridan, the dramatist and orator, who now came into parliament. Richmond for the moment adopted the most radical of the programs. =" - ne le ca et a 520 IBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the company. The opponents of the ministers naturally criticized these proposals as violations of the charter of the company. Similarly, in 1773, the opponents of the covernment, including Rurke and Fox, had criticized North’s measure of that year. he bill would naturally be further evidence of the rt If passed, t power of parliament, and, when put into effect, it could scarcely help adding somewhat to the streneth of the party in power. The defenders of the proposals alleged that the affairs of the company had reached a stage when less heroic measures would not suffice. The proprietors became alarmed for the safety of their invest- ments and at the prospect that their privileges might be re- stricted. They torgot the differences that had formerly divided them and united in a determination to do something to preserve what they regarded as their rights. They tried to stimulate in other commercial and financial companies the fears they felt. But desperate action was necessary if the day was to be saved, for the bills introduced by Fox passed the House of Commons by a vote of two to one. Atkinson came forward as a leader of the proprietors and was elected a director. He found a n Charles Jenkinson, who had access to the King and 4 student of commerce and of commercial eolaborer who was known as The King’s dislike of his ministers could be taken for Rut immediate and resolute action was necessary, for treaties. oranted. — the bills would soon be on their way through the House of Lords, and there was no reason to assume that their reception in that body would be unfavorable. Pitt had returned to attend parlia- ment and was opposing the bills in exaggerated language, but what Atkinson and Jenkinson needed was action that would hinder their progress and votes to prevent their final passage. They took counsel with John Robinson, who showed them without difficulty that if the King would dismiss his ministers and dis- solve parliament a new ministry under Pitt, supported by the ‘nterests involved in the company, by the old Chathamite group, and by the faction controlled by the Kine, could easily obtain a majority in the House of Commons. The evidence offered by Robinson convinced Pitt that he could now obtain the support in parliament of which he had despaired in the spring, and he acreed to enlist in the undertaking. The King used his personal ‘nfluence. and authorized its use by others, to bring every pos- sible pressure on peers to induce them to vote against his min- ‘tars Since noblemen depended on the King for their hopes of favors in the future, only the more courageous and deter-; — etl ee ae eee a AAR RP Ta a ac - = - = NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE o21 mined were likely to resist this pressure. The proposals were easily defeated in the upper house, and, after waiting a day for their resignations, the King dismissed his ministers. According to the first scheme, the next step was to dissolve parhament. The House of Commons took many occasions to vote censorial resolutions on the new administration under Pitt. In later generations all parties would have united in calling for a dissolution. But that prospect was little relished by Fox and North, who knew that many of their supporters, who sat for constituencies where the election was in the hands of the govern- ment of the day, would lose their seats.: Not for decades had a parliament been elected hostile to the ministry in control of the government at the time of the election. Robinson’s figures, which had constituted the basis of Pitt’s action, were grounded on the assumption that the new parliament would be elected with the new ministers in office. Nevertheless, they hesitated to take at once a step so unusual. It partook somewhat of the Stuart method of dealing with parliaments that did not please the monarch, and more than once in the previous twenty years of opposition to George III his opponents had accused him of dallying with this, as they alleged, unconstitutional procedure. It was well known that a parliamentary election was simply a season of arranging interests, many of which were vested in a few hands, and the custom was to let parliaments run their allotted time and so save the expense of elections. Another rea- son why the new ministers were willing to delay an election that they could not long postpone was that they might have time to perfect their own arrangements. In many cases delay would gain the support of members who recognized that, under the new arrangements, the constituencies for which they sat would go to the administration. But the proprietors of the company were frightened and were unwilling to take chances. The ex- penses of the election fell largely on them, since the King had not yet finished paying the debts contracted in 1780, and they showed themselves more lavish than George III had ever been. Robinson himself, knowing that some of these expenditures were unnecessary, felt them to be improper. But Atkinson and his kind were not as familiar with the location of the seats of power as was the past master in the art of parliamentary manipula- *'The conventions by which later cabinets are governed would, of course, have permitted Fox and North to dissolve parliament before retiring from office. But that would have defeated the whole project on which the com- pany and the King had embarked.“99 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tion. and their minds. were more uneasy as to the result. The outcome more than justified Robinson’s estimate. It also demonstrated to the business magnates that they could use their wealth on occasion to obtain a portion of political power, a lesson likely to forget themselves or to let ministers they were not forget in the future. Pitt had agreed with the representatives of the company on the substance of a bill while they were econeertine action against the previous administration. This bill was now reintroduced and passed with some amendment. The actual management of the affairs of the company was left with the directors, but they were themselves placed under the supervision of a board otf eontrol nominated by the crown from the members of the Privy Council. The board had a veto on t In the long run, the board assumed many ol the functions that Hox had assioned LO his eOMMISSIONS. ‘nfluential member and later its chairman. The result was that a steady stream 0! needy Scots went to the Orient to seek the < fortune it was not easy to make at home and to play a large part in building up the organization that developed the ter- 9 trading company into a unique empire. as wovernor general, with the } ! he action OL the directors. lyundas became its most ritorial dominion Oj Lord ( ‘ornwallis was sen O bill SO modified as tO permit him to act contrary to the wishes of his council if he thought it necessary. When Hastings re- » received him with favor. He was turned to England, the King re scarcely in favor with parhament, though he was represented in that body by a member. He wished his record cleared of the accusations against him. His efforts in that direction resulted impeachment for high crimes and misdemeanors on ; S erowlneg out ot t | e Rohilla War and the LWO oeeasions when he violated the proprieties in raising funds. The first charee failed in the House of Commons. Pitt and some of his eolleacues voted for the other two, and the next seven years were spent in trying the Case. »V 1 e end ot that period much eloquence had been wasted. spleen vented, and money spent. He was finally acquitted, though at the cost of most of the fortune in India. In later times he has taken a > sritish power he had accumulated place among those who counted most in building | in the East. In the meantime. the new administration that the ‘ busy with other things, and the King felt that he was once East India Company helped so materially to bring into office was again on his throne.NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE CHANGE AND REFORM Many important questions soon claimed the attention of the youthful Minister, who was destined to be so busy with practical polities for the rest of his days that his mind was never matured ne reading or reflective observation. Though he lived in a gen- eration that was leaving behind many of the conditions with which his father was familiar, the son, nevertheless, found his chief inspiration in the lessons he had learned at the paternal knee. As far as he may be said to have had a conscious purpose at all, it was to restore the country to the position of power and prestige it had attained under the leadership of the elder statesman. His first budget (1784), however, revealed the in- fluence of the allies who had assisted him to power. The duties on tea were reduced from the current rate of 119% to 1214 %, both as a method of preventing smugeline and as an act of ma- terial profit to the company of traders with the East. To re- place the revenue thus lost, the Minister had recourse to excise taxes on windows,. hats, silk, cotton manutactures, and like commodities. The last item rose to plague him in a little while. The investigation of the compheated and antiquated sys- tem of taxation and finance then in vogue, which North had in- stigated and which Shelburne had pushed ageressively, now resulted in a body of information which served as a basis for action. In 1787 Pitt carried througn parliament a measure con- solidating into one fund all internal revenues and those derived from the customs, so that thereafter the proposed expenditures for the year might be more easily adjusted to the income avail- able and the budget more easily understood. Then Dr. Richard Price, who was by way of being a mathematician as well as a philosopher and divine, interested Pitt in the see mingly marvel- ous accumulation of money placed at compound interest. The additions that had accrued to the national debt as a result of the American war made the debt so burdensome as to seem almost unendurable. In 1786. therefore, the young Minister induced parliament to begin to put aside a million pounds a year at interest, in the hope that in a few decades the debt would be obliterated. Crities of the project pointed out the fallacy of the scheme at the time. but Pitt persisted, even after the country went to war again, in borrowing money at a high rate of interest and applying it to the fund at a lower rate, and refused to be eonvinced of his mistakes even to the end of his political career594 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Minister felt that his past record had committed him on the subject of a reform of parliament. ‘This was, we recall, one of the issues that had divided the followers of his father from those of Rockingham. Pitt himself sponsored a bill for reform in the administration of Fox and North, knowing that these two ministers differed on that subject. He now pledged to the cause all of his influence as a ‘‘man and a min- ister’? and spent some of the enthusiasm natural in one of his ‘n effort to enlist the support of his colleagues in the enterprist y the bill he pro- posed, which contemplated the transfer of te Sie nie of some of the more ‘‘rotten’’ boroughs to the more populous counties and the unrepresented urban centers. The property rights of [ the disfranchised boroughs were to be recognized The young years 1n : >. a mm . . . : Robinson oave assistance 10 ¢ sae the patrons 0 and compensation granted. Even this the vested eee involved failed to enlist the support of the persons most int ‘aeted or of the Mange, Hox had already reached the Eateiee: which he announced as a part of his declaration in favor of rerorm, that 1 of the people, and that it was indefensible to remunerate those ravention of the interests of the public vertheless. as did others among tender consideration of ‘epresentation was a right who held this right in cont He voted ror the proposal, a his friends who favored reform. Not so, many of those on whom Pitt depended for his normal majorities. This proposal came fate as that for the abolition of the slave trade, 4 measure behind which there was a crowing publie conscience led by Pitt’s personal friend, William Wilberforce. On this question a Fox voted with Pitt and Wilberforce and against a major ’ Pitt’s normal supporters In eatin excise on cotton goods and in the inquis itive methods provided for its eollection, Pitt revealed that he was “unaware of a growing power in the co intry that it was indiscreet loneer to disregard. New textile machinery was coming into veneral use, especially in Laneashire, which employed men by the thousands. When the Minister treated with seant notice respect- ful petitions for an adjustment of their grievances, the manu- facturers began to organize themselves and to enlist assistance manufacturing interests, notably the potters and the workers of iron. ‘The power of the organization played against a measure which Pitt pro- ’ 7 from other prosperous that resulted was dis posed in 1785 to promote more harmonious relations with Ire- land. The ferment aroused in that country in the course of the American war was not allayed by repeated grants of politicalNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE O20 autonomy made in response to demands supported by a show of force. It had long been the policy of Great Britain to exclude the Irish from free participation in trade or manufacturing except in the item of linen. Pitt’s proposal, made on the sug- gestion of the Lord Lieutenant, his personal friend, involved the admission of the Irish on the same terms with the British to certain branches of trade, including that in cottons. He was careful to make exceptions in the case of agricultural products and wool. He took care also to protect the interests of the Kast India Company, though the West India merchants felt that they had not received similar consideration. In consequence, the interests involved organized a widespread campaign of prop- aganda. ‘Taking the lead in this propaganda was the recently instituted General Chamber of Manufacturers, with Wedgewood, the potter, at its head. The Irish were introducing a system of bounties for the manufacture of cotton, and it was suggested that this fact, added to less burdensome taxation and the cheaper labor that Ireland could offer, would result in the destruction of the cotton industry in England. The West India merchants supported the campaign, and Pitt was obliged both to abandon the excise on cotton goods and so to modify the Irish propositions that they were unlikely to serve the purpose for which they were intended. As a result, they were never adopted. Another undertaking in which the support of the ministry was enlisted in this early period of his career was destined to bear fruit, though not in his time. Captain James Cook, the explorer, made his last voyage (1779) before Pitt entered parliament. On his first famous voyage (1768) to conduct a company of scien- tists, sent out by the Royal Society to observe the transit of Venus, he was accompanied by Joseph Banks, a young botanist and later long president of the society. On this voyage Cook charted the coast of New Zealand, the eastern coast of Australia, and a part of that of New Guinea. Now since the revolt of the American colonies there had been no British settlement to which to send felons to save them from the hard fate of the inhuman criminal code which prevailed in England. A few had been sent to the coast of Africa, a curious exchange in population for the African natives, who were systematically collected and sold into slavery. At the suggestion of Banks, who contrived to be a friend of Pitt and of most politicians with influence, a settle- ment of convicts was made under the leadership of Captain Arthur Phillip. The first transports sailed in the spring of 1787 and reached Botany Bay, Australia, in January, 1788,ee ad a - od a ~~ vf 596 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS preceding by only a few days a French expedition to the same quarter. The first settlement was called Sidney, in honor of Thomas Townshend, Lord Sidney, the Secretary of State for Home Affairs. Perhaps the changes of greatest importance taking place in England at this juncture were in matters concerning which neither Pitt nor his associates ever had much knowledge or understanding. The great universities were founded in the middle ages as centers for training men, frequently from the humbler social classes, as leaders in the Chureh, though the craduates sometimes achieved a certain prominence in the state These institutions had now entirely departed from their original character. To them resorted only those who looked for- ward to membership in the group dominant in society. As they : lost their character as centers 01 learning’, the Universities became also. eenters where these favored youths congregated and acquired, by association with each other and by sharing in the accumulat- ing traditions of the places, the habits of life they were to perpetuate. The schools trom which young men went to the niversities developed a similar exclusiveness. In the indus- trial and commercial towns were other endowed schools where the scions of tradesmen were trained to go on with the work their forbears had begun. Nowhere was there any considerable evidence that the state felt a corporate responsibility for the education of the mass of its members. Only in the writings of economists like Adam Smith and Thomas Malthus were sugges- tions so revolutionary beginning to make their appearance. oe The efforts that were making to give a modicum of learning to those who were known as the ‘‘lower orders’’ were increasingly inspired by religious motives, perhaps in part as a result of the Wesleyan movement. Robert Raikes, a Gloucester printer, opened his first Sunday School in 1780. Soon Andrew Bell, and later Joseph Lancaster, would enlist in a work somewhat similar. Hitherto. the nearest to organized instruction had been under the auspices of the Society tor Promoting Christian Knowledge various Dissenting chapels. in the national Church and otf There were. nevertheless, many evidences that rural lite was undergoing changes that profoundly affected its character. Robert Bakewell in Lancashire was demonstrating the feasibility of improving the breeds of sheep and eattle and was introducing methods effective for that purpose. Arthur Young had already made a failure as a practical farmer and had begun his more syecessful career in instructing others in the art at which heNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE oat had himself failed. He was the first secretary to the board of agriculture, when it was organized in 1793. Incessantly, he preached the doctrines of better methods of cultivation and of a rotation and diversification of crops. In the same generation a number of men of wealth were following the examples of Jethro Tull and ‘‘Turnip’’? Townshend and were demonstrating in ue practice that agricultural methods could be improved. Most notable among this group of successful farmers was Thomas Wiliam Coke of Norfolk, now in the prime of his long and useful life. From 1778 to 1821, at sheep-shearing time each year, he summoned a meeting of farmers for a conference on matters pertaining to agriculture. These conferences became so famous that men attended from distant foreign lands. No | fewer than seven thousand persons attended the last meeting. “| Improvement in agriculture made inevitable an improvement in the methods and facilities of transportation. It profited little for Bakewell to breed a variety of sheep with small bones and a maximum of meat for food, unless means could be devised for sending the meat to market. As yet, the sheep, cattle, and fowls that went to satisfy the appetites of the inhabitants of a city like London had all to be driven in on foot. In most parts of the kingdom freight had still to be conveyed in packs on the backs of men or horses, though some roads were beginning to be improved. A material step in this undertaking was the estab- lishment of a system of turnpikes maintained by tolls. These were makeshifts at best, but they helped to put transportation on wheels to a greater extent than had been the ease before. There was need for haste in developing facilities for trans- portation. The population was already in a process of shifting, such as no country had ever witnessed before. It was not wholly because the growing industrial towns attracted from the rural districts men ambitious to achieve for themselves a better eco- nomic station. The rural districts themselves were undergo- ing a transformation that ejected the humbler people from their holdings almost by foree and turned them adrift. This was especially true in districts where the village community and the open field system had been the typical form of agricultural organization. It profited little to turn livestock of an improved breed into a common pasture to mingle with those of a non- deseript blood. Thus the open field system made the improve- ment of agricultural methods difficult if not impossible. Added to these reasons for abandoning the system of rural life familiar in England for centuries, was the pressure of the new typesPe a ee ee 598 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS of landlords. who, emulating the methods of men in commerce and industry, wished to make their investments in land more luerative. Before George Ill came to the throne, experience had conventionalized the methods of transforming an old village community into enclosed units of a new type, most of them 0. considerable size and in the possession of men of wealth or of substantial farmers. < As though looking forward to the time when this difficult task of social reorganization would be undertaken, the local govern- ment in the counties had gradually drifted into the hands of the same substantial classes of landlords who sat in parlament. As the offices of sheriff and lord lieutenant lost some of their active functions, the justices of peace came forward as the important men in the shires, They served without pay and were usuallv nominated to the king by the lord lieutenant. They were, — therefore, likely to be men of substanee and not wholly out of sympathy with things as they existed. The justice of peace held his quarter sessions concurrently with the assizes of the king’s justices, and to his court local offenders against the peace were brought for trial. Like the sheriff of old, the justice of peace was called on to attend to local matters as parliament saw fit to prescribe. Before him came the violators of the game laws and the other intractors of the conventions of rural life. For the less important Cases, he held petty sesslons between the quar- terly meetings, when he acted without the assistance of a jury. The tone of rural life was thus in a large measure determined by the justice Or peace and by the eircle in which he moved. To the justice, who not infrequently shared in the profits of the change. the humbler members of an old village had to bring their complaints, if they felt aggrieved at the treatment they received in the process of its dissolution. The dissolution of some villages was by agreement, but in most eases of which we have knowledge the new system was inaugu- rated by act of parliament. Some two thousand of these acts were passed in the period from the accession of George III to the end of the eighteenth century, enclosing approximately three million acres of land. The question was usually first brought to the attention of parliament by the old method of petition, and the petition had to represent the holders of a large part of the area involved. That was not a difficult matter, since the en- elosure was likely to be initiated by the lord of the manor, who usually represented in his own person a sufficient area to comply with any reasonable requirement on that basis. Once beforeNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE O29 parliament, unless some formidable rival intervened to object, the proposal was referred to a special committee, on which the petitioner himself might sit, and sometimes did, and was then passed as a matter of routine. As a further method of procedure alter its passage, the act provided for the appointment of a commission, in which was vested the responsibility of reallotting the land of the old village so that all parties concerned would recelve some approximate compensation for their rights. The manorial courts of older times—ealled variously court leet, court baron, view of frank pledge, ete—became functionless as a result of the enclosure. Those who had been wont to par- ticipate in them in adjusting the codperative work of the village had now, in one proceeding, to present their claims to the com- missioners, who sat as representatives of the state in the capacity of arbiters, and usually had to accept the award as final. Service on these commissions became a profession while the enclosure movement was in progress. An appeal to the court of quarter sessions usually brought little satisfaction, and only those sub- stantial persons whose interests were likely to receive respectful consideration by the commissioners in the first place could afford the expense of an appeal to the courts of the king. The en- closure of the new tracts by fences or hedges became the com- mon burden of those who received allotments. Sometimes, when the right of the Church to a tithe was compounded by the grant of a definite area of land, the others concerned accepted the responsibility of enclosing that area. The lord of the manor and those who received the larger allotments could afford to pay the expenses of enclosure and of the commission, since they might reasonably expect to profit by the new arrangement. But the cottagers and lesser tenants in general found themselves without the accustomed pastures for their cows and pigs, without sources of supply of fuel and timber, and without compensation for these losses, except an area of land too small in many cases to afford them a livelihood. Frequently they had not the means to enclose these small areas, as they were required to do under the terms of the act. Accordingly, they were reduced to the necessity of becoming laborers for wages on the estates of the larger proprietors, if they remained in their old surroundings at all. For a time, many of them found work helping to build the many fences and roads and to set the hedges made necessary by the enclosure. Later, they poured in steady streams into the growing industrial towns. For the time being, their migration from one community to another was made difficult by the old. Sa Re ees ee 530 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS law making each parish responsible for the care of its own indigent. Specific permission was required before removal could take place. Parish authorities that would otherwise have been clad to pass on a share of a burden likely to fall on them made less haste to consent to removals to distant places, since they had to face the prospect of later bearing the expenses of bring- ing back and caring tor a family that found no supporting haven of refuge. This shifting of population afforded materials ready at hand for poets, such as Goldsmith, who were eapable of sentimentality. More than one village was deserted in his time to make way for the more efficient agriculture of the landlords of the new day. Not many of these landlords as yet foresaw the time when their siecessors would withdraw trom cultivation large areas of the land in which they took pride and reserve them as fields for sport and as aids to coejal standing. The eighteenth-century landlords coveted the higher rents that would accrue from more efficient agriculture as well as the accompanying prestige. If hardships were incidentally ‘nflicted on the lesser folk, who had rested on their age-long privileges and had not thriven, perhaps ‘t was unavoidable. Burke, who saw clearly the merits of the this case demonstrated his ability, existing order of society, 1n a philosophy that would as he did in so many others, to suggest comfort. if it could not remedy or eonsole. ‘‘The body of the people,’’ he said, “must nol find the natural principles of sub- ordination by art rooted out of their minds. They must respect that property of which they cannot partake. They must labor to obtain what by labor can be obtained; and when they find, as they commonly do, the success disproportioned LO the en- + their consolation in the final pro- ‘> Doubtless the more successful deavor, they must be taug! portions of eternal justice. leaders of the evangelical movement reflected unconsciously the same philosophy when they directed the attention of those among whom they labored to hopes of bliss in a world to come rather than to the feasibility of remedying conditions in the one in which they were unfortunately tor the time being obliged to live. At any rate, they did more than the more eminent polit- ical philosopher and orator to help a multitude of Englishmen of this age to bear the ills which the social changes 1n progress entailed upon them. As 1s not infrequently the case, the gainers by the process were tor the most part those who already enjoyed established positions in society. Perhaps the economic strength of the nation at large was increased, though that is still a mootedNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUER dol question and one not easy to answer with authority. The one thing certain was the change in rural society. A CHIP FROM THE OxLp Brock It would be incorrect to attribute to William Pitt personal responsibility for the foreign policy adopted by Great Britain after he had established himself as chief minister. Any govern- ment partaking of the spirit of the time would at that juncture have made it a primary aim to restore to the country the power and prestige among the nations it had formerly boasted and had now admittedly lost. Much the more was this policy natural for a government under the leadership of Chatham’s son, who could not forget that Britain’s greatness in the past was asso- clated with his father’s name. However, it was soon apparent to a thoughtful observer that the losses suffered were not as Serlous as they seemed on a first impression. In the ease of the American states, Great Britain had exchanged a chronic dis- pute, which her statesmen had not yet developed the genius to settle, for a more peaceful relationship, in which most of the advantages of the old arrangement were retained, with none of its responsibilities and only a few of its difficulties. Although the commercial treaty for which the settlement of 1783 provided was not negotiated until a later threat stimulated the fcovern- ment to action, the Privy Council permitted the trade inter- rupted by the war to be renewed in most of its aspects. America was still the best single customer for goods of British manu- facture, and Great Britain purchased a large proportion of what the Americans had to sell. The duties paid in America on the goods imported from England constituted the most luerative source of revenue from which the new federal government drew, when it was inaugurated. There were obvious reasons, therefore, why both countries should continue the intimate commercial relations that had existed since the foundation of the colonies. Commercially, the assistance lent by France to obtain the independence of the British colonies in America was an unprofitable investment. From its very outset, Pitt’s ministry gave evidence that one of its aims was to raise Great Britain again to its former place among the nations. In 1784, £2,400,000, a large sum in that period, was appropriated to strengthen the navy, and the naval personnel was maintained in greater force than had ever before529 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS heen the custom in time of peace. Feelers were put out to see whether the old King of Prussia was not willing to renew rela- 1 in Chatham’s time been the tions with the country that ha whether the house ot Hapsburg partner of his greatness, and had not perchance tired of its unnatural alliance with France. These preliminary ‘nvestigations accomplished little, since the Great Britain had been reduced to impression was abroad that ut a field for action soon ) the rank of a second-rate power. B appeared. lecided views though of some- Joseph If of Austria, a man Of ¢ what uncertain judgment, concluded that the conditions on which he held Belgium ought to be improved. He got rid of the old barrier fortresses between Belgium and Holland while Great Britain was engaged in the war with her colonies. He now (1784 repudiated as ‘‘ynnatural’’ the arrangement whereby ication and Antwerp shut out the River Scheldt was closed TO NaVvlge rade. Since this action might be from participation in ocean the Dutch, Joseph claimed expected to arouse opposition from also the territory around . . \laestricht and sent a military force to the Dutch forts. By participating In ital Dutch had largely dissolved the old friendship hetween the two countries. But there were still two fi +jions among the Dutch burghers. One, Favorable LO the British. 1p) eld the Prince ot Orange (| William V) as stad holder: the other was inclined to abandon the Stadt- holder and to cultivate a eloser alliance with France. To give tc this latter party, Hrance now intervened as 1; +e with Joseph. The British govern- \ tne aiIspul' a4 very active minister, take possesslon ot some Ol the American war ag — + —s =— — — ad — > — — pond. — —+ encouragement mediator to adjust ment had at the Hacue at this time 1 his utmost powers to prevent the Tames Harris, who exerted 3 he} fuence 1n Holland. ‘The Stadt- Wrench from extending their in holder’s wife was niece of the Kine of Prussia, and Harris and terest Hrederick in the situation. But that cerned about another ot Joseph’s project Ss namely, the f the whole ot Belgium tor elector of Bavaria to acquire the title of King exc! ATivwe « Bavaria, the of Burgundy and the 4 to the rest of his possessions. \ustrian ruler to receive territory nearer To prevent this scheme, 'rederick rate with his fellow princes in the Was willine enough LO eooper: old empire, even ‘neludinge George III, elector of Hanover. For therefore. Harris failed in Holland, and France h to leave the Scheldt closed and to withdraw his of a sum of money, which the moment, induced Josep elaims to Maestricht in considerationNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUER O09 the French helped the Dutch to pay in the hope of destroying permanently their friendship with Eneland. Thus, in 1785, France seemed to be on the point of cementing a maritime alliance against Great Britain and one lone regarded as dangerous to the safety of the country. But Harris did not despair, and time preved to be on his side. Frederick Il of Prussia died in the summer of 1786 and left his crown to his characterless nephew, Frederick Wilham, perhaps the least capable of all the scions of his house who have occupied .the throne. In February of the following year Vergennes died also. Two weeks after his death the French Minister of Finance was explaining to an assembly of notables that the eovernment was 1n Straits with no relief in sight. By this time Harris had rallied a Stadtholder’s party in the Netherlands under Van der Spiegel, the Grand Pensionary of Zealand. In May, 1787, this group took steps to rescue the government from the hands of the French party, and the King of Prussia was persuaded to send troops under the Duke of Brunswick to help regain the prestige lost by the Stadtholder. Harris had intervened in person to persuade the King to act. The British supphed Harris with ample funds. Pitt let it be known that if France wished to maintain a predominance in Holland she would have to ficht, while his government busied itself increasing the forces of the nation both on sea and on land. In the end, the Stadtholder was restored to a position of nominal power under the Grand Pensionary and as an ally of Great Britain. The next year Prussia became the third member of the alliance. Thus, at a time when France was beginning to discover the embarrassments that had resulted from her past policies, the British were again on their way to their former position in Europe. The next crisis that threatened war and gave the British Minister occasion to display the reviving power of his nation concerned Spain; by a curious coincidence, the same country that the elder Pitt’s desire to fight enabled George III to dis- pense with his services. In January, 1790, a Spanish vessel captured a British ship in Nootka Sound off Vancouver Island, and the Spanish government laid claim to the island and to the continental territory in that region, though it was north of any settlements that the Spanish had made up to that time. The British forthwith demanded that the Spanish restore the ship and make reparation for its capture, declining, at the same time, to admit the validity of the Spanish claims to ¢] le territory. Neither side would yield. The ] sritish ministers made ready for534 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS war, and the Prussian King agree .d to live up to the terms of his . alliance. War seemed inev ‘table until the Spanish ministers discovered that domestic conditions in France would prevent that country from fulfilling the terms of the ‘‘family compact.’ Both parties to the dispute tried to enlist the sympathy of the United States, then just embarking on its career aS a nation. In the end, Spain had to yield, to make restitution to the injured | party, and to vive up claims to the territory north of the existing | settlements. This episode was additional evidence that the coy of Great Britain was sufficiently restored to make it Im} OSS] ble for her wishes LO be ignored in the Huropean ch sical r1es. One reason why the King of Prussia had readily agreed to cooperate with Great Britain against Spain was that he had plans of his own In which he desired British assistance. He still looked with longing eyes on Poland, though ae ally gave him little encouragement in that quarter. Catharine II of Russia was already looking with a similar eagerness toward nti sa as the ultimate outlet for her empire. Even (Consta Il were engaged in a joint war with the now, she and Joseph Turks, by oi ch ne hoped to make some progress toward this fnal goal while her ally extended the boundaries of his empire at the expense of the common enemy. France had a traditional policy of friendship with the Turks, and the original scheme had heen that France should occupy Egypt as a . bribe to induce her to be quiescent. But France now had troubles sadual at home and needed not to be considered. Except for intrigues when the war involved Qweden and Russia and Denmark in the north, the British did not for a time intervene. But the restless King of nee had used his army with success 1n the ease of Holland. and he was in search of a promising adventure in it seemed imprudent as yet to - | which to use it again. Since an attack on the ee of Poland that remained intact, ‘dered the feasibility of taking at least a part of Galicia he COTISICE from Austria. Though wit oe British assistance, he finally allied himself with the Turks in order to be in a position to share in the seftlement of the war. Then Joseph died, in 1/9U, - Leopold, who at once expressed begin Se ei i ae ee ee and Wads succeeded by his brothe I to the British representative at his court a desire for peace and 4 willingness to withdraw from the conflict without territorial gains. Prussia acreed to a peace with Austria, stipulating that, should Turkey give Austria anything, Austria must also give She Prussia something. Catharine was not so easy to manage.t NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUER 535 had captured and insisted on keeping the fortress of Oezakoff, while the King of Prussia felt obligated to help Turkey make peace with Russia on terms as favorable as those agreed upon with Austria. After some hesitation, the British government enlisted with Prussia to oblige Russia to give up the fortress. The ministry believed that a show of force would be sufficient, but a vote of parliament was necessary to provide the where- withal for this demonstration. The debates resounded with arguments destined afterward to be repeated many times in dis- cussions of the ‘‘Eastern Question.’’ When Pitt moved the vote in the House of Commons, he discovered to his chagrin that, should he proceed with it, he would meet with defeat. He was, therefore, obliged to abandon the project, and the alliance with Prussia ceased to exist except in name. Prussia and Austria were soon allies. Leopold was already more interested in the safety of his sister, the Queen of Irance, than in other matters of state. After the armament against Russia was abandoned, the Duke of Leeds, Pitt’s secretary of state for foreign affairs, resigned (June, 1791) and was succeeded by William Grenville, Pitt’s cousin, who had formerly been secretary for home affairs. Dun- das was promoted to the position vacated by Grenville, a man of whom Pitt said ‘‘every act of his is as much mine as his.” Thus, in the memorable days just ahead, the British government was largely under the direction of these three men. But, as yet, they were unaware of what was in store. To them the defeat of the Russian scheme and the loss of the Prussian alliance seemed not a very serious matter. Was not France, Great Britain’s traditional enemy, prostrate? Had not Great Britain, within a decade after the loss of her American empire, retrieved her place as a power of first-rate rank? When Austria and Prussia united in a war against France. in the spring of 1792, the British felt secure in their neutrality, though forces we at work which within a twelve-month brought their Statesmen into a different mood. re already responsible Oxtp IssuEs In New Guiszs Pitt had not been long in office before he had to deal with questions which revealed the inadequacy of the doctrines of trade and empire familiar to his father. The newer views, now be- ginning to find supporters, were foun ded on essentially the samea —. ~~ tie” = bal - ee BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 536 motives as the old, but they called for certain departures from the accustomed national policy. The support civen to these departures is evidence of a change in economic conditions rather than of an abandonment of the traditional economic doctrines. This change in conditions 1s apparent in the circumstances that attended the negotiation of a commercial treaty with France in 1786. The treaty of peace that ended the American war called for the negotiation of such a treaty within a period of three years. This interval drew to a close before Pitt found occasion to take serious action to fulfil the agreement. The French then under- took to enforce their desire for ec ompliance with the terms of the treaty by a threat of suspen ding trade, and the interests affected in England began to urge that something be done. Pitt was wary. The organized manufacturers had contributed much to thwart his Irish policy in 1785, and he did not want to risk the chance of a second humiliation from the same source. He was. in fact, disinclined to deal with that organization, on account of its former activity agi ‘inst him, but he decided that ‘+ would be discreet to ascertain the wishes of the manufacturers hefore embarking on an enterprise he eould not much longer eee Accordingly, he reconstituted the Board of Trade ‘Aneust. 1786), though not quite in ‘ts old form, with Charles Jenkinson as its chairman and most influential member. As an avent to conduct the actual nesotiations, he persuaded William Eden. later Lord Auckland, who had been one of the ablest opponents of his [rish ‘‘ propositions, ’” to desert the party of Lord North, of which he had long been a trusted member, and to enlist under the minister! ‘o] banner. Although Pitt himself lent important assistance ‘n the negotiation, the treaty that resulted was largely the work of Jenkinson and Eden. They made ready for the negol jation by eollecting detailed information eoncerning the wishes i British manufacturers and traders. The General Chamber of Manutacturers lent assistance, despite the Minister’s distrust i the wobantien tie? and Wedgewood was ever ready with counsel and ‘nformation. Manufacturers on a laree scale. of the newer type; that 1s, producers of cotton eoods, hardware, and pottery, had prove their processes and ex- tended their en iterprises un +i] they had reached a stage where they were beginning to fee 1 a pressing need of wider markets. As many of their products, they had no fear of foreign competition. They were anxious Et have these ooods admitted from France at as low a rate of duty as could be obtained, reve. rdsiui bsssdemicleialaaiaes NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUER ool if their products could be admitted to France on the Same terms. Manufacturers of woolens and some other textiles were not so confident of their ability to meet French competition and were unwilling to risk joining in the poley. The proposals of the British were carefully restricted to those commodities of which the producers were confident of their superiority over the French, and these producers disclosed no willingness whatever to give up a monopoly of the home market. But the French were not entirely stupid. Although the minister most active in representing that government in the negotiation was a physio- erat and therefore in theory not in sympathy with the older doc- trines of mercantilism, it is unreasonable to assume that his doe- trines much influenced the terms of the treaty. The French de- sired a market for their wines and brandies and such other sur- plus agricultural products as the British wanted, and the French government was in need of an increased customs revenue. The British representatives hageled to obtain for the concessions they made as favorable a market for manufactures as possible. How careful they were in the choice of goods in the production of which they thus invited foreign competition is evidenced by a multitude of samples of fabrics, with distinguishing descriptions, supplied by manufacturers to the government and still preserved among Pitt’s papers. The treaty, when completed, admitted British hardware, pottery, and many textiles to the French markets at rates low for the time, which were the same as those paid on similar French goods entering Great Britain. French wines and brandies were admitted to Great Britain in a similar manner. The national policy thus began to adjust itself to the demands of the manu- facturing interests, but it was still as thoroughly a national policy as before. There was little talk of ‘‘ free trade’? and no dis- position whatever to act on that maxim. British producers sim- ply desired more customers for their goods, and the other interests having a voice in the government were willing for the nation to become a consumer of French wines and brandies in order to extend the market for manufactures. Fox and Burke and others, who were still thinking in terms of older conditions, might complain that the nation was departing from the beaten path of its hostility to France, but Pitt knew from recent experl- ence that the manufacturers were too powerful to be wholly denied. The temporary insanity of the King in the winter of 1788-89 precipitated a discussion of the several powers of the crown nd538 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and the legislative houses in a form different from any it had hitherto taken. The King’s regular physicians felt that his recovery was doubtful. and Pitt, aiter taking counsel with the Prince of Wales, postponed the meeting of parlhament, appointed to be held at an early date after the illness developed. Fox was absent traveling in Italy, and the Prince confided in Sheridan and sought advice from the somewhat unserupulous Lord Chaneellor, Kdward Thurlow. Apparently, the Prinee feared that an attempt would be made to limit his powers as regent, and, as a means of op posing such an attempt, he promised to retain Thurlow in office. Thereafter, Pitt found the Prince little disposed tO accept his advice. There Was a ceneral under- standing that should the Prince assume untrammeled the duties of his father, pseu the ministers from office and replace them with men accustomed to act under the leader- ship of Fox. Hox returned to England in time to be present at the opening ot parliament, bt ui the ‘Ol und Ol the Prinee’s action ee been Sara: co aihattn A new physician with dealing with insanity, though of questionable experience 10 isters to hope ion in his profession, encouraged the m1 that the oe. recover, and they es a sailateee came. As usually happ*s ‘n an unprecedented situ: ation, most men found arguments to support views that ciel with their interests. Pitt ‘nsisted that the two houses of pal rliament had an absolute right to choose a recent, though he suggested that it would probab ly be expedient to ehoose the Prince, with such limitations on his power as paniaule might see fit to impose. ered with the argument that. since the crown was | and had been so fixed at the Revolution of 1689, the Prince had an inherent right to the regency. It was the function of parliament simply to declare by resolution that a eondition existed ealling for the Prine e’s services a ind to extend the invitation for him to assume the office. All agreed that there was no me thod by which parliament eould enact legislation with- out the participation ot the crow>. To get around this difficulty, Pitt and his advisers adopted the fiction that the king acts in use of his Great Seal, and the concert with par li iment by the Lord Chancellor was authorized by parliament to affix the seal to the measures necessary for the imauguration of the new arrange- had been in an embarrassed state repul 1 Fox count lereditary ment. Burke, whose affairs death of Rockingham and who was already giving eV1- Jtable state of mind that marred his judgment in ‘ament need intervene at all. The since the dence of the 171 later years, denied that par!NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUER O39 ineapacity of the King placed the burden of action on the Prinee, who ought, he said, to have summoned parliament to make known his wishes. In truth, no former British government had ever faced a similar problem, and there was, therefore, no constitutional mode of action. The debates are illuminating, because they indicate that the doctrines urged in discussions of constitutional ques- tions in the eighteenth century were usually determined more by the immediate interests of those taking part in the discussions than by any reference to more fundamental or general principles. Fox and Burke appeared as champions of the royal prerogative, now that the scepter seemed likely to fall into hands that were friendly to them. Pitt, who had come into power as a result of the defiance of parliament by the King, now championed the rights of parliament in a form as extreme as it was stated by seventeenth-century revolutionaries, seeing that his chief source of strength was in that body. Fox and Burke themselves were as far apart as the poles: they both explained their apparent apostacy from their earlier views by the argument that the Prince was a zealous Supporter of the rights of parliament against the unconstitutional encroachments of his father. The depth of that zeal, time would reveal. Meantime, Burke drifted into arguments that were almost fanatical in his support of hereditary right, while Fox extricated himself from his dilemma as best he could with the Lockeian defence, that as lone as the ‘““compact’’ of the Revolution settlement held, the hereditary rule must prevail; should the nation desire to make a change in the ‘‘compact,’’ there was nothing that could prevent it. Pitt had control of the government, never an inconsequential detail in deciding constitutional questions. With Thurlow au- thorized to act for the King, there was, theoretically, nothing to hinder parliament from doing anything it liked. But Pitt understood too well the forces with which he had to deal to undertake to deprive the Prince of the regency or of the right to appoint his own ministers. He adopted a policy far more astute and more likely in the end to serve his purposes. The Prince was invited to assume the regency, with four limitations placed on his powers. (1) He was denied the right to ereate peers. This limitation insured to Pitt and his friends a majority in the House of Lords for the time, since more than forty mem- bers of that body owed their elevation to Pitt, and these, with other friends of himself and the King, would hold at their merey any ministers the Prince might appoint. (2) The regent was540 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS denied the right to bestow pensions or to make any but the most unavoidable appointments to office. None knew better than how helpless a new administration a minister with experience (3) In the management of the would be in this predicament. royal estates, the Prince was limited to the renewal of leases and other routine matters of business. (4) The King himself was to be left entirely in charge of the Queen, who was to have the patronage of the household and was to be assisted by a coun- cil with power to examine the King’s physicians and so to keep in touch with the progress of the royal patient. Hard as these terms were, the Prince felt obliged to accept them. Fortunately for the peace of the kinedom. the King recovered a reasonable desree of his mental health before the bill was finally passed. Affairs of moment on the Continent soon claimed the attention that otherwise might have been given to the interesting questions suggested by this controversy. The stirring events soon taking place in France followed a eourse that was 1n many respects a striking parallel to the na- tional revolt in England against an alien dynasty in the seven- teenth century. There were many divergences in detail in this parallel, but the two movements were similar in the more essen- tia] matters. Under the leadership of the great French ministers and monarchs in the seventeenth century, that country extended its empire and enhanced its prestige, causing the more sub- stantial elements in its population to develop a pride in their country as their prosperity inereased. These able monarchs and ministers were succeeded, in later cenerations, by others, deficient in the personal qualities of leadership, whose adventures ‘n statesmanship cost France most of her empire and most of her prestige and left her treasury bankrupt. Successful par- ticipation in the American war restored a part of the lost pres- tice. but it brought gain in little else. and it cost more than the ‘nefficient government of the country could find funds to pay. Louis XVI himself had admirable qualities of personal character, which some of his predecessors lacked, but he had none of the characteristics of a leader, and he was cursed with a wife who added more to his difficulties by her extravagance and imprudent behavior than the alliance with her family added to his prestige in Europe. Taxes levied in the old manner could now be in- ereased no more, and the capacity of the treasury to borrow without making some arrangement for repayment had almost reached its limit. An assembly of notables had nothing better to advise. in 1787, than a forgathering of the old States Gen-NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE O41 eral, which had not met for generations, in order that the eondi- tion of the country might receive consideration. The nobility, the clergy, and the third estate, accordingly, met with the King at Versailles in the spring of 1789 to determine what ought to be done. The national feeling, which had long been incubating, for the first time found an adequate medium in which to express itself. The situation in France in the eighteenth century differed from that in England in the seventeenth in the very important particular that the property accumulated by the Church in the middle ages was still intact under the control of that organiza- tion. The Church thus participated in the States General as one of the estates of the realm, though much of the revenue of the Church was already used to support persons who served few proper ecclesiastical functions. Moreover, the king, in accumu- lating in his person power over the kingdom, had not permitted the nobility to develop into a well-integrated eroup accustomed to take part as a body in the government. The comparative weight of the three estates that met in 1789 to take stock of the national assets is evident from the fact that the third estate ; that is, the classes other than the clergy and nobility, sent a delegation equal in number to the combined representation of the other two estates. Had the King or his ministers possessed any instinct for leadership, the situation might not have sot out of hand, but it was soon evident that nobody in the group that surrounded Louis XVI was competent to give light or leading. The third estate contained men who had a stake in the country and who were its creditors. After an interval of hesitation in which little was done, they took matters into their own hands, threw off by formal resolution the feudal garb in which they had been summoned to assemble, proclaimed themselves a ‘national assembly,’’ and resolved to labor together at all hazards until they had framed a constitution for the nation. This positive action stirred the Kine and his advisers to a realization of what was upon them, but it was then too late. The National Assembly spent much time formulating a declara- tion of the rights of men to liberty, security, property, and of other doctrinaire principles familiar in the current philosophy, but practical things were done as well. The lands of the Church were confiscated and turned to the account of the nation ; the clergy were henceforth to be servants of the state. on which they depended for remuneration. A little later provisions were made for their election, a scheme it was scarcely reasonable to549 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS slish or the pope to agree to. Ata show acquiesced in the abolition of their ption from much taxation. A mob at the movement (1789) tore down ich the more powerful French a con- expect the Epeets to re of violence, the nobles privileges, inch iding exem Paris in the first summer of the Bastille, the old p1 rison in wh kings had incarcerated their subjects at will. Presently, form, which entrusted the responsibility yosed of men having r fellow-citizens stitution began to take of government to a nat ‘onal legislature comy \1tial amount of property, | elected by the! civine evidence of a considerable though who could qualify by 2 less amount. In other words, the day of a powertul and privi- leved landed Church and landed nobility had passed, to olve place to the day of men with less but yet with substantial wealth and reputation. So radical a change could scarcely be accom- plished without the accompaniment of much violence and much backing and ries on the part of the King and some of the nobles. But th v rulers did not stand much in awe of royalty. When the mob in "Padil crew hungry, in 1789, it journeyed to Versailles and brought the King and Queen and the National Assembly to the larger city. But the devout King balked at the Brus to make the clergy mere civil servants. Many of the nobles fled the country and sought safety and help in other | furtive requests for aid to the lands. The Jueen ‘ath 2 TO Sena ourt of her native country. Indeed. the royal family mustered eourage to flee in June, 1791, but ad not the wit to carry the effort through. They were captured and brought back, and the Kine tried for a while to play the role of constitutional monarch, under the constitution that was proclaimed 1 n September of the as we aay now became so same year. The Queen’s brother, anxious about her situation that he made haste to free himself from difficulties in the Near Kast ‘n order that he might consider what to do. He did not actually live to do anything effective, hunt his suecessor, jointly with the King of Prussia, was at war with France before the summer of 1792. The French Legislative Assembly declared the country to be In danger, and the Duke of Brunswick, in command of the armies of Austria and Prus- laration by a tinceatenine manifesto on 9 substal sla, reenforeed this det July 27. Events now moved rapidly. prisoner, and a republic was ‘naugurated. Since it was neces- the forces that could be gat thered to defend the sary to send all frontier, the provisional government gave short shrift to persons suspected of being out of sy mpathy with the new regime. lier in England, an attempt to settle a matter of ‘ The Kine was made a And so, as earNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE 043 the nation’s revenues in cooperation with an incompetent but obstinate King became involved with an ecclesiastical dispute. Men of business, unacquainted with political affairs, did not have the audacity to ride the storm they had raised, and so they gave place to bolder and less scrupulous doctrinaires, who decapitated the King and imposed their own will on the nation by foree. They gave place, in turn, to a military dictatorship. And before the end of the century Napoleon Bonaparte was playing in France the role of Oliver Cromwell on a vaster seale. The French nation, now self-conscious, adopted the policies of the older kings and demonstrated an ability for achievement that outrivalled by far the dreams of Louis XIV. The democratic doctrines of the small group, who had momentary control in the time of anarchy and disorder, were lost in the spirit of the nation, even as the case had been in England. Between the fate of the Levellers and the Jacobins there was not much to choose. This spectacular departure from the traditional order in France attracted attention across the Channel. Those who thought first of France’s part in the American war were inclined to rejoice at the discomfiture of an enemy. Many who had labored to find a theoretical defence of their sympathy with the Americans now openly rejoiced that France also was to be free. The young and poetically inspired felt the impulse of a new dawn and frankly exulted. For a time, no discordant note was heard. Many substantial persons, especially Dissenters, had. in 1788, revived organizations of earlier decades to celebrate the centennial of the Revolution of 1688. Some of these clubs held meetings in the fall of 1789 as well. Among them was the Revolution Society of London, which listened to a sermon by Dr. Richard Price, now grown old in years. The aged divine and philosopher interpreted the Revolution much after the manner of Locke. He exalted patriotism as a positive virtue and said that among other things the British had maintained in their revolution was ‘‘the right of liberty of conscience in re- higious matters; the right to resist power when abused ; and the right to choose our own eovernors; to cashier them for mis- conduct; and to frame a government for ourselves.’’ This sermon was published and received the honor of a reply which was destined to become the most famous political pamphlet in any language. Kdmund Burke had not been at ease in his mind since the regency debate. He gradually lost consequence in the eroupof we 4 8 ree a “v Set Te |e a ie ee a “ 544 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS he had formerly led. After the death of Rockingham, his was a setting, Fox’s a rising star. In 1790 the Dissenters indulged in a campaign for the repeal of the Test Act and induced Fox to champion the cause, though most of their leaders had rather heen on the side of Pitt. Burke kept to the side of the national Chureh, as did Pitt, after a stir was made. a two orators, life-long political friends, were gradually drifting apart. The House of Commons openly manifested its dislike for Burke’s long speeches. He was brooding over the events taking place in France and gradually working himself into a frenzy of profound indignation. He later undertook to describe in retrospect his state of mind when he wrote his Reflections on the French Kevo- lution. He was irritated at the criticism of Fox by a chance acquaintance, who was a Dissenter. He was still smarting under the treatment he had received from the Prince of Wales and his ‘ntimates on the occasion of the regency controversy. Then he read, late at night, a copy of Price’s discourse, which contra- vened the views he had come to cherish with all the earnestness of his violent nature. The bulky pamphlet he wrote was con- cerned only incidentally with France; its essential parts were elaborations of the conclusions the author had reached in the debates on the regency. He denied that Price had represented the British constitution or the Revolution correctly. He insisted that Enelish institutions were all heritages from the past. “We have.’’ he said ‘‘an inheritable crown, an inheritable peerage; and a House of Commons and a people inheriting privileges, franchises. and liberties from a long line of ancestors.’’ °* rom Maena Carta to the Declaration of Rights,’’ he continued, **it hé Saat the uniform policy of our constitution to claim and issert our liberties as an entailed inheritance, derived to us from our tor rare and transmitted to our posterity; as.an estate specially belonging to the people of this kingdom, without any reference air tever to any general or prior right.’’ Based on these assumptions, he launched out on a defence of the sober order. in all things and in all countries, full of extravagant rhetoric and passionate eloquence. The result 1s AaeEWGrEe for its emotional rather than its intellectual content. It has a permanent interest, because the intuitive genius of Burke made him an opponent of the prevailing doctrines of abstract rights in political study and so the precursor of the historical method. But the pam phlet did little to restore the author to the place in the a of his associates from which he had fallen. His old friends disagreed with his views, and even the wealthierNEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE 045 lords declined to take seriously his efforts to persuade them to break with Fox and Sheridan. The journalistic Supporters of the government ridiculed the publication and described its principles as “‘those of the once happily exploded Filmer.’’ In his despondency the author became a zealot in his efforts to arouse opposition to what he called the ‘‘new Whig’’ principles that were abroad in the world. Though unsought as an ally, he decided to join with the supporters of the King’s government. He made the debate, in 1791, on the belated bill to provide a government for Quebec, to take the place of the act of 1774, the occasion of his open break with Fox. The latter had objected to a proposal to revive titles of nobility in the new country. Burke made this objection the text for a disquisition on the French situation, from which he could not be persuaded to desist. At its conclusion he announced that his friendship with Fox was at an end. This incident came in the midst of Pitt’s embarrassing defeat on the question of the Russian armament, which had disclosed the weakness of the support on which his government rested. Meanwhile, Burke’s Reflections inspired more than the usual number of replies from contemporary pamphleteers. Mary Wollstonecraft, later to achieve fame by her association with men of note and posthumously as an apostle of the feminist movement, published a Vindication of the Rights of Man and then The Rights of Women, in which she replied to the emotional outbursts of Burke with counter sentiments on the other side of the question. James Mackintosh, a promising young man lately come from Scotland, in a more dignified tone and with arguments that reflected the political doctrines then in fashion, replied in his Vindiciae Gallicae. Thomas Paine returned from America puffed up %o an exalted estimate of his own common sense by his successful intervention in the agitation there for independence. He was frankly a republican. Thinking in terms of the recent happenings across the Atlantic, he denied that the British had a constitution and challenged its eulogists to point it out to him. The American states had framed one that a practical man could understand. The French National Assembly was laboring, even while he wrote, to achieve a similar result. Nothing like either existed in Great Britain. He ridiculed the notion of hereditary governors and hereditary legislators. If a verbal attack on the existing form of government was sedition, Paine had little defence to offer. In fact, he made his defence impossible for even so persuasive an advocate as Thomas Erskine,546 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS when, months later, though absent in Paris, he was brought to the bar and tried on the charge. He wrote from Paris to the Attorney-General who was to prosecute him: ‘‘Is it possible that you or I ean believe, or that reason can make any other man believe. that the capacity of such a man as Mr. Guelph [the family name of the English 1) ne] or any of his profligate sons is necessary to the government of a nation : ?? Paine’s pamphlet, The Rights i Man. was written in a simple language and in the same forthright, nervous style that had iia his Common Sense SO Beemives It was unlikely that his revolutionary sentiments would make many disciples in Great Britain, though the work was widely read with a curious interest. In the winter of 1791, the year in which the haghts of Man appeared, the question of a reform of parliament was revived by a class among whom politic al questions had not hitherto been systematically agi a Unfavorable economic conditions, due in part to the int ee of trade by the troubles in France, made un eapibeten rife in the capital and in the more po] pulous industrial towns. mdse eenters thus became fertile fields for acitators. The apostle of the reform agitators among this class was Thomas Hardy. «a shoemaker. He had read and pondered the pamphlets on reform published in the previous decades by Price. Cartwright, Sharp, and others and had witnessed the lapse of the earli ence. He now planned and inaugurated a scheme for organizing artizans and similar classes in support of a campaign for annual parliaments, a reformed re] resentation, and manhood s1 utrage, the extreme platform of the earlier reformers. His method ol procedure was also 1n =aittatton of the earlier movement. ‘There were vo be pe yetit ions LO parliament supported by active expressions of opinion. The organization in and about London was known r This organization had — r agitation among men of substance and ie as ne ert Bee Society counterparts in the larger unrepresented industrial towns. But this was not the only movement in favor of a reform of pa Ln ment that appeared at this juncture. In the spring of 1792 a croup of young men in parliament, of whom Charles Grey was the most cr sie organized a society, which mie called the Friends of the People, in an effort to rescue the cause from the disr pute into which it was too likely to fall if left entirely ‘n the hands of its new friends. This group maintained that the example of France should inspire a voluntary reform of the British constitution. before the pressure oft conditions foreed ehanges more radical and less desirable.a Saas x SE Me a at NEW FORCES TO THE RESCUE D47 The imperative necessity which Pitt felt of acquiring addi- tional strength for his government, the natural fears aroused among men of his class by the events in France, and his uncer- tainty at what might flow from these new movements in Kngland operated together to plunge him into a campaign to rally to him- self as much as possible the support of the landed and other HOPS interests that had formerly opposed him. Newspapers receiving eovernment subsidies no longer ridiculed Burke’s Reflections, 4 and the author was received at court. When Grey gave notice, in April, 1792, of a motion for the reform of parliament, Pitt took occasion to make an alarmist speech. He repudiated the views he had formerly held on the subject of reform, on the plea that circumstances now made agitation of the question inopportune, and accused Grey and his associates of sympathiz- ing with and actually corresponding with those who held the views published by Paine. Fox had not joined Grey’s club, and he had no relish for the proposed discussion, but he elected to east in his lot with the younger generation and so to lay the foundation for a tradition that was subsequently to be powerful in British polities. Pitt and his intimates now began to labor in their own way, in cooperation with Burke, to wean the more conservative members of Fox’s party from their magnetic leader and to rally around his own government all the influential persons who had considerable stakes in maintaining society as it was then organized. He and these new supporters he was | soon able to count on became increasingly frightened at the prospects stimulated in their imaginations both by the actual uncertainties of the time and by the agitation that they labored to make more widespread, as events in FE'rance took a more violent turn. Thus an atmosphere was created for action, when revolutionary France, aroused to a sense of its power as a nation, began to adopt the ambitious policies of the older kings. The struggle thereby renewed was unlike any the world had ever witnessed before, in that a recently aroused nation strove against one long self-conscious in its national feeling. ‘The stake was the same, the old objective of empire, but the struggle was on a new scale. FOR FURTHER STUDY The Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, I. ch. 1; W. H. R. Curtler, A Short History of English Agriculture, ch. xvi; A. D. Innes, 4 History of England and the British Empire, I1l. ch. 1x; A. Lyall, The Rise and Expansion of British Dominion in India, chs. xi-xi1; John Morley,7 Se ee Mee FAQ BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Burke. chs. vii-viii; Ramsay Muir, The Making of British India, ch. v; R. Prothero (Lord Kirnle |e 1D ug lish Farm LIL Past and P) esent, chs. \ lil- X] : ( e G. Robertson, England Unde r the Ha noverians (4 reorge | | | ie chs. iii-iv: Gilbert Slater, The Making of Modern England, ech. 114; G. M. Trevelyan, British History in the Nineteenth Century, CHS s-10 A, Williamson, A Short History of British Expansion, Part IV. ch. vi. FOR WIDER READING a + Tr ee a 71. . _ : * 6 \ 7 \ Tn 4 > wy ] - ] 4 ? ¥ Se S FEF. Bemis, Jau’s Treaty, ehs. 11-1V; YV111 Bowden. /ndustrial Society wm ,* England toward the ind of the Fiagqhteenth Century: ‘* The Knolish Manufacturers and the Commercial Treaty of 17 86.°? American Historical Review. XXV. 18-35; ‘‘The Influence of the Manufacturers on the Ea1 Policy of William Pitt,’’ America Historical Review, XXIX, 655-674; Ca mb rid }¢ Mi ydern H ISTO ry, VII . Cs. x Xx] : \\ . . Enclosure and Dedistribution of Our Land, chs. x1iV-xvll: Edmund F itz- maurice, The Life of William Earl f Shelburne. Il. ch.: vni: J. lu. Hammond. Charles James Foz, chs. ili-iv: J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer, chs. 11-v; William Hunt, Zhe History of England 1¥60-1801. chs. xiv-xvi; W. T. Laprade, England a d the French Revo- W. E. H. Lecky, A History of Eng d the Eighteenth Century, V; A. Lyall, Warrew Hastings; J. H. Rose. William Pitt and National Revival, chs. vii-xxvii: E. S. Smith, The Life of Sir Joseph Banks, chs, i, xi; (+. ». Veiteh ) GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE Muir. f. 61a, contains a map of India in the time of Hastings: see also Shepherd, p. 137. Th partitions of Poland are indicated in Shepherd, 138 13Y. Shepherd, pp. 146-149, contains maps illustrating nditions in France ot the time of the Revolution. For a map illustrating the Russian arma- ment erisis in 179 » sce Camo 1dg' Modern Hist ry Atlas, No. 61,CHAPTER XXII THE LAST PHASE OF THE STRUGGQGLE WITH FRANCE THE NATION AROUSED From the early months of 1792, the British ministers, without intending it, were drifting into a war with France. Their fears were constantly growing, and it was becoming ever easier to act on their impulses to strengthen their position against any day of reckoning that might come. They indulged in a series of frantic efforts to assure themselves of the cooperation of as many as possible of those persons whose consequence entitled them to participate in the government. ‘They also encouraged a campaign of propaganda for the inculeation of loyalty to the existing institutions of the established order, repressing at the Same time every suggested motion that could be twisted into a threat of change. By the very success of these efforts, both the ministers and the growine multitude who shared their fears made themselves more fearful. A panic of patriotism soon possessed the land and held suspect any deviation from tl channel in which the current of t] bringing injustices to individuals tolerated in a calmer time. The forces that found expression in this flood of emotion were too many, too complex, and too para- doxical to be susceptible of an easy explanation. But they are the constituent elements of the mood that brought Great Britain into the war soon to begin and earried her through to its end, and they must have some consideration here. Following Pitt’s unexpected response to Gr motion for the reform of le le prevailing spirit flowed, that would not have been ey’s notice of a parliament, came, on May 31, 1792. a proclamation against seditious writings, which tl mitted in advance of its issue to the Duke of Portland and tried in vain to induce that nobleman to endorse. This proclamation was used to inspire loyal addresses from the counties. Pitt’s lieuten- ants, thereafter, redoubled their efforts to members of the opposition to join the 1e Minister sub- persuade prominent ministerial party before the meeting of parliament appointed for the autumn. When 049550 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS they failed in that undertaking, the meeting of parliament was Eee to the early days of January, 1793. But late in No- vember, 1792, news reached ees that gave the ministers far more concern than had the deposition of the French King and the inauguration of a republic Hl the previous September. — = JAD SZ "ae" | ANN Cardigan ZNVEICESTERN fnOE A . a ed N eo eds co) \ ., < ; —Leice ater) } “~~ 4 ss S vl . “, S ‘ ‘ AI ¢ x c ‘ . g gm 0D i é } a a - STE Z en Py OS Iii “HE Reto S o Ba} S y 00 FRANCE 4 Longitude West 2 from Greenwich 5 EMGRAVED BY BORMAY & CO., H.Y.LAST PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 975 This phenomenal growth in industry called for new means of transportation. Since the time of the Romans, the roads in Eng- land had been indeseribably bad. By 1759 James Brindley, a self-educated engineer, had built a canal for the Duke of Bridgewater from his coal mines at Worsley to Manchester. Sub- sequently he supervised the construction of over three hundred and sixty-five miles of canals, including one from Manchester to Liverpool. The turnpike companies did something to improve the conditions of the roads. Before the end of the eighteenth eentury Thomas Telford and John London McAdam began to build roads of crushed stone, which helped to make communica- tion easier. In the same period Richard Trivithick was making experiments, not wholly unsuccessful, looking to the use of the noncondensing type of engine for locomotion. George Stephen- son patented his locomotive in 1815, and in a few years it was in successful operation. A few years earlier Robert Fulton, in America, applied steam successfully to water navigation. The introduction of these new machines and processes in- fluenced profoundly the national life of Great Britain. The population was steadily increasing, and, a matter of more im- portance, it was also steadily shifting from rural to urban dis- tricts and from the southern to the more central parts of the country. A new social stratification was under way. The spin- ning machines were too expensive to be owned by the operator and required other power than the human hand. Before the steam engine reached its improved stage, new mills were built along streams that afforded the necessary power. After the use of steam became general, some of these older mills were deserted, and the industry moved to the towns. Those who owned the mills became the employers of those who operated them, and the system of capitalism began to be general in industry. Not that the system of capitalism awaited the coming of the more expensive machines. It had been growing in the woolen industry for generations. The demand for larger quan- tities of goods for the trade led the merchants to furnish the raw material and to pay spinners and weavers for their work, sometimes, in fact, to furnish the machine to the laborer in his home. The increase in this ‘‘domestic’’ or ‘‘putting-out’’ system of manufacture gradually broke down the old apprentice- ship in the craft, and the new capitalists were willing to employ anybody who could practice the trade, regardless of whether he had served his allotted time. The organized weavers applied to parliament for a law to protect their privileges against this<< a ia 576 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS infraction, but t old legislation was repealed by the end of the There were still many weavers W who purchased the ; ber were employees of t hecame the rule in the weaving industry. it diminished competit ‘n that it tended to increase the Napoleon’s troops went to battle in clothing produced in Great Britain. resulting trade that enabled the burdens of the war. marshaling the spirit common cause. ‘It which had been conducted by Canning and some of his friends, = ie el A a he commercial influence was too strong, and the Napoleonic Wars. ho worked their own looms and varn and resold the cloth, but a larger num- he capitalists long before the factory litated this rapid development in industry, in that ion from the Continental countries and . demand for goods. Many of The war fael o made from fabrics It was these new industries and the British to bear the financial The statesmen simply had the task of and the resources of the nation in the The discontinuance in 1798 of the Anti-Jacobim, ‘s indicative of a new phase in the national mood. The emphasis henceforth was on the danger from Napoleon rather than trom Aiter the renewal the radicalism of the earlier revolutionaries. of the war, in 1803, no terms were too strong for anathemas on the French Emperor. He was accused of every imaginable villainy against both men and women. One proposed war song, not so violent as others, ureed that: Britons rouse; with speed advance; Seize the musket rasp the lance; — pee the Hell-born Sons of Franc ! Now murder, lust, and rapine reign; Hark! the shriek o’er infants slain! See the d lated nilain! i - inh} Now’s the day, and now’s the hour, See the front of battle lower! see eursed Buonaparte S pom er! And so on to the final huzza that ‘‘Britons ever will be free.’’ The people of the countryside were affrighted at the possible Specific accounts were elr- il accomplishments of French spies. culated of the terrible things that would happen should Napoleon In short, the nation was held to its succeed with an invasion. uestion the necessity task by suppressing every disposition to q for the exertion that was required, partly by force and partly by stimulating dire fears of what might happen should the war not be pushed to a successful eonclusion._ cae, oh ee, le ae a a ce ’ ena cai diene . I Nae acta Sal en TL ELT centie LAST PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 577 But those who were responsible for the conduct of the oovern- ment were not always agreed among themselves. The death of Pitt and Fox left vacancies that were not filled. They were the last of a school of statesmen who thrived in a time when you could meet most of the men who counted in the government of the kingdom at Brooks’s or White’s, the two social clubs patron- ized by members of the governing class. Since most of those who played a prominent part were either landlords or commer- i). cial magnates or their intimates, the issues of the moment could usually be clothed in the philosophical terminology of the day and debated as general principles, however the specific actions taken might depart from the questions debated. But the STow- ing importance of the men who were becoming wealthy in indus- try and those who more recently had grown rich in trade made necessary more specific and pertinent discussions of the action proposed to be taken. Parliaments in the future would contain men as eloquent as Pitt or Fox, and vastly better informed than elther of them on matters with which they had to deal. But these leaders in the future would not be able to master parlia- ment as Pitt and Fox had done, because parliament was now filling up with men having a real interest in practical affairs and with little disposition to be moved by declamations on personal or theoretical questions. The mantle of these two parhamentary giants fell in the next decade on the shoulders of the pedantic Hakwesbury, the brilliant if erratic Canning, the plodding, able : Castlereagh, and the abler Spencer Perceval, whose life was ended by an assassin all too soon for his country’s good in May, 1812. There were some who held over from Pitt’s day, such as Grenville; Eldon, the perennial Lord Chaneellor, who began as a conservative and waxed in that attitude as his age increased; the pious William Wilberforce, a representative of the financial power of industry, who expended so much of his humanitarianism on the African slaves that he had little or none left for the children who suffered from hard conditions at home ; and, finally, Sheridan, now little better than a sot. George III, until he became blind and permanently insane in 1811, continued to thwart Catholic emancipation and so to forbid a settlement of the Irish question while there was yet time. When his son became regent, he demonstrated anew his lack of the qualities Burke had attributed to him by acting with all of the obstinacy and little of the ability of his father. In fact, aside from a few brave spirits, like William Cobbett, who now started his Weekly Register and began to gather and print the- ie el oy de « ee ee! 6 ee, ee 578 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS debates of parliament, and Francis Place and Sir Francis Bur- dett, who aroused the electors in Westminster, the country was apparently of the Great Manufacturers wn Great Britain; G. C. Broderick and yor. F otheringham The History of England 1801-150: chs. i-vi: P. A. Brown, The French Revolution y English History, chs, V-Vill; Cambridge Modern History, VIII. chs. xv, xx; IX. chs. 1, 1), Vili, Xlll, XV; J. S. Corbett, The Campaign of Trafalgar, Pa VOB hos ie Chapma in, The Lancashire Cotton Industry, hs. i-v:; G. W. Daniels, The Early English Cotton Industry, chs. ll1-V1; R. P. Dorman, A History of the British Empire wn the NineteenthLAST PHASE OF THE STRUGGLE WITH FRANCE 579 Century, I; Il. chs. xxi-xxix; J. W. Fortescue, British Statesmen in the Great War; W. F. Galpin, The Grain Supply of England During the Napoleonic Period; A. S. Green, Irish Nationality, chs. vi-xii; J. L. Ham- mond, Charles James Fox; William Hunt, The History of England, 1760-1801, chs. xvii-xx; W. T. Laprade, England and the French Revolu- tion, chs. iv-vii; J. K. Laughton, Nelson; W. E. H. Lecky, History of Ireland wm the Highteenth Century, 4 Vols.; History of England in the Kighteenth Century, VI-VIII; A. T. Mahan, The Influence of Sea Power Upon the French Revolution and the Empire, 2 Vols.; Sea Power and Its Relation to the War of 1812, 2 Vols.; Sir Herbert Maxwell, A Century of Empire, I. chs. i-vni; H. W. Meikle, Scotland in the French Revolution; W. O. Morris, Wellington, chs. ii-ix; Alice E. Murray, 4 History of the Commercial and Financial Relations Between Ireland and England, chs. i-xv; C. Oman, The History of the Peninsular War; Wellington’s Army; J. H: Rose, William Pitt and the Great War; G. M. Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the Reform Bill, Book I. chs. ii-v; Book II. chs. 1-1; KE. R. Turner, Ireland and England, chs. i-vi; G. S. Veitch, The Genesis of Parliamentary Reform, chs. ix-xiv; Spencer Wilkinson, The French Army Before Napoleon. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For military and naval campaigns and treaty adjustments in the Revo- lutionary and Napoleonic Wars, see Shepherd, pp. 150-156; Muir, ff. 11, 26b; Cambridge Modern History Atlas, Nos. 81-99. A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, III. appendix, contains a map of the war area in the Netherlands, 1790-1815; III. 450, one illustrating the Battle of the Nile; IV. 14, the Spanish Peninsula; IV. 60, Waterloo; IV. 415, Egypt; IV. 564, Trafalgar. C. Grant Robertson, England Under the Hanoverians, pp. 337, 338, contains maps contrasting the distribution of population in England in 1701 and 1801; p. 435 contains a map illustrating the Peninsular War. The distribution of population in England in 1701 may be seen in Muir, f. 44a, where it is shown in contrast with conditions in 1911 (f. 44b). A simpler map in Shepherd, p. 162, illustrates the changing distribution of the population due to the growth of industry in the period from 1750 to the present day.CHAPTER XX#tIT AFTERMATH OF WAR PracE AFTER WAR The character of the peace of 1814-lo was largely determined by the circumstances of ‘ts negotiation immediately after the had risen to power in the midst of the war, whose chief successes were achieved in the conduct of the war, and whose thoughts and emotions reflected experiences gained In This influence of the war mood in wal, by men who the atmosphere of the war. peace negotiations was not a new phenomenon, and certainly not one that could have been avoided. Nations act only through eonstituted authorities, whether in war or peace. Those who 1 in makine war now simply turned their hands They brought to the new task, without mean- fears. ambitions, resolutions, and limita- had been engage‘ to making peace. ing to do it, the same tions that had characterized them in the old. Looking back at their work, it is easy to see now how little they understood the questions with which they undertook to deal. But they could use only such capacities as they possessed, and they had grown up in a school not likely to ‘neuleate in them an understanding of the forces they had been trying, as it proved, in vain to destroy. Moreover, on former occasions when the diplomats t iffairs of the European world, the problems were much simpler than those that now had to be foced. In the former times the ambassadors extraordinary and , forgathered LO settle the ‘ ministers plenipotentiary were responsible to influential ministers or directly to their kings. Great Britain, it is true, had, through- out the eighteenth century, been an exception to that rule, and there was sometimes an uncertainty in that country until parlia- ment acted. Not so in the other countries. But British interests were largely on the sea or in foreign plantations, as long as the Continental coast opposite the English littoral was not absorbed by some threatening power. The British having been appeased, other matters could be compromised to suit the prevailing bal- 580EUROPE AN rn et ea => W. 5 | P L.Chann nglis! 4 o i AUST R Awd er V AR] ich sta ~ iéina® ‘ M 7 > i rt an ow $9 burg Gai Base | sO dy’ Mun rn i \ a ‘ { fag RB 7 , » fe Aw I f ss 6 o AN De a Imiusbruch he PZER L riesth teT r COM nti a rade x (ic Ll Scutarl | ‘or faci J&Ccio ’ A BD SO Of Sf} hi TTA 2 DIN +t Ca | ie NGD OF ns ae K SQ MIN OR, uadalqu y G R- liar] — 7 | Ville “ Sa MALTAs t (To Great Britain) LongitudeAFTERMATH OF WAR O81 ances of power, after which the diplomats could return to their normal tasks of waiting, watching, and intriguing until some ambitious or fearful prince precipitated another war. The dip- lomats that met at Vienna in 1814 had to deal with a more complex situation. But, while they were aware of additional complications, they lacked insight as to their nature. Hostilities ceased, following the preliminary treaty signed at Paris in May, 1814, after the abdication of Napoleon. The rep- resentatives of the powers involved assembled at Vienna in the following September to complete the settlement of peace. Talleyrand, the old servant of the Republie and the Empire, was at hand to represent the restored French monarchy. By January, 1815, Great Britain, Austria, and France, temporarily joined in an alliance, were threatening the other members of the congress, who were objecting to the principles of settlement on which they had mutually agreed. Napoleon took advantage of this division among the negotiators to return from Elba to France, where he was again acclaimed emperor and was soon at the head of a strong French army. Wellington was ordered to Brussels and took practical command of the allied forces. Following a campaign that ended with the battle of Waterloo, a hundred days after he landed in France, Napoleon surrendered to the British and was later isolated on the island of St. Helena. There he spent the rest of his days in impotent ouarrels with his tactless custodian and, to occupy his leisure moments, in compil- ing memoirs based on recollections that suited his purpose, in an effort, destined to attain a measure of success, to retrieve for his family what he had lost for himself. The negotiations at Vienna suffered little interruption. France was penalized for the ad- ditional trouble and expense, and the allies were drawn together somewhat by their scare and so found a compromise of their differences less difficult than it had seemed to be before. The ends for which Castlereagh, and later Weilingeton, strove at Vienna were formulated almost wholly in terms of traditional British policy and of fears generated by the war. Perhaps the thing uppermost in their minds was their weariness of the war and their resolution to provide some assurance against its repeti- tion. The long hard years of fighting left little relish for military ambition among the British ruling class. Wellington, who monopolized most of the glory of its later years and whose mind naturally retained to the end of his life a military bias, was glad to don again the costume of a civilian. Despite Wellingeton’s influence in public life, the army at home was soon so small that,582 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS u when the Duke of York died in 1827, the great General reported that a military funeral was out of the question, since there were not enough troops in England to bury a field marshal. A large navy was essential, but a large army was € xpensive and unneces- sary 1f peace could be kept. The war just ended had cost Great ritain more than three times as much as all the other wars in the eighteenth century combined. Though more than three Gfths of the cost had been paid by taxes while the war was 1n progress, the additional national debt due to the war was more than double all the other war debts taken together that had been contracted since the inauguration of tnat convenient finan- ejal device. These were eloquent reasons why the men who hore the burdens of taxation in Great Britain were anxious to avoid further wars. Of the genuineness of that desire there is no doubt. Since ee was the arch-enemy against which the British had fought all of their important wars for a century, the desire for peace ae the provision of a sure detence against that power a cardinal point in the policy of their statesmen. Nobody suggested that K'rance had Same ably shot her bolt tor a time and that the next danger would preven? be from another quarter. Had it been made. that suggestion would not have been taken seriously by men who had ei a generation sub- duing the youthful exuberance of the French nation. Some evi spirit must have animated France, they felt, to make her*a perpetual threat to the peace of the world. Consequently, H'rance herself must be crushed and her animating sp! yirit broken. So they felt and said. Just what this animating spirit was, none of the statesmen so hostile to it and fearful of it unde ee or made much effort to find out. They called it by the convenient name ‘‘Jacobinism’’ and pen ae that it must be destroyed. nd in this generation, Jacobinism soon became a bad name given to an departure from the e ‘xisting social or political order. Statesmen who opposed Jacobinism correspondingly devoted to things as + By a process easy to unde became, in consequence, they were and hostile to change. The most promising agency tor spirit and for keeping the peace of the world seemed to be an association of the great powers of Europe, including Great Bri- ‘n concert. Pitt and the Tsar Alexander discussed erushine this revolutionary tain. acting h an arrangement in weneral terms in the negotiations attend- SUC ation of the coalition against Napoleon after the a, ing the organ Pitt, of whose reat Castlereagh renewal ol he war in 1804.AFTERMATH OF WAR 083 was then a member, wrote in response to a previous suggestion of the 'l'sar: It seems necessary at the period of a general pacification to form a treaty, to which all the principal powers of Europe should be parties, by which their respective rights and possessions, as they shall then have been established, shall be fixed and recognized. And they should all bind themselves mutually to protect and support each other against any attempt to infringe them. It should reéstablish a general and comprehensive system of public law in Europe and provide as far as possible for repressing future attempts to disturb the future tran- quillity; and above all for restraining any projects of aggrandizement and ambition similar to those which have produced all the calamities inflicted on Europe since the disastrous era of the French Revolution. Castlereagh suggested to his colleagues at Vienna something in the nature of a league of this type to enforce peace. The Tsar was quick to take up the suggestion, and he formulated a proposal that the ruling powers of Europe pledge themselves to act according to the benevolent principles of the Christian religion. ‘To please Alexander, this pious resolution was duly signed by all the rulers except the British Prince Regent. He expressed his approval of the measure, while confessing his lack of authority to commit his kingdom by his personal signature. A more important item was the sixth article of the treaty itself, which contained the substance of Castlereagh’s proposal. It provided that, in order to ‘‘faciliate and to secure the execution of the present treaty and to consolidate the connexions which at present so closely unite the four sovereigns for the happiness of the world, the high contracting parties have agreed to renew their meetings at fixed periods, either under the immediate aus- pices of the sovereigns themselves or by their respective ministers, for the purpose of consulting upon their common interests, and for the consideration of the measures which at each of these periods shall be considered the most salutary for the repose and prosperity of nations and for the maintenance of the peace of Kurope.’’? Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia thus undertook to constitute themselves the permanent guarantors of the peace of Europe. During the period when Napoleon dominated the Continent, Great Britain had lost contact with the Continental intrigues, and she now found herself without the staff of trained diplomatists who had been wont to provide in- formation and advice in former times. Castlereagh hoped that the new arrangement might in a measure supply the British lack of skilled diplomatists and that many dangerous schemesa ae ~~ 584 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Pc el ie aie a a a “or might be thwarted by informal conferences between the states- men really responsible for action, an indication of greater good will than understanding. To render France less dangerous in the future, Castlereagh desired a buffer state on the French border, and this was finally effected by combining Belgium and Holland under the rule of the Prince of Orange. As another guaranty of peace, he pro- posed the traditional scheme of strens othening Austria and Prus- sia. so as to create what was now called an ‘Cequilibrium’’ of power. This project demanded skilful diplomacy, for Castle- reagh feared the ambitions of Russia in the East only less than he did those of France in the West. In some respects, the ‘T'sar Alexander understood the realities of the situation better than any of his colleagues. Without pervious consultation with his allies. he had arranged for the restored Bourbons in KH rance to have a constitution and parliament, and he showed in other ways his appreciation of the limitations of absolutist power. But he was also zealous in taking care of his own interests, and one of the projects he had at heart was to make himself the constitutional head of the kingdom of Warsaw, into which Napoleon had incorporated most ot what was formerly Poland. Neither Austria nor Prussia relished this project, wishing to retain for themselves the portions they had formerly annexed. It was as little pleasing to Castlereagh, who, as we have said, preferred to strengthen the central powers. But, should the ambitions of Alexander in Poland be thwarted, he would prob- ably seek compensation in southeastern Europe, which neither Great Britain nor Austria wanted to encourage. In the end, Alexander got most, though not all, of what he wanted in Poland, and Austria found consolation in taking most of the northern part of the Italian peninsula. The old Bourbon King was restored in Naples, though not without difficulty, since the Brit- ish had ie busy for some years intriguing with the people in Sicily and Naples to induce them to rebel against the French and to establish a somewhat liberal constitution. Nominally, the diplomats at the congress acted on the principle of restoring elsewhere, as France. the legitimate sovereigns; that 1s, the eamilies that had ruled before the war began. On that theory, the Spanish Bourbons were restored to their throne. But the necessity that compensations be found when adjustments were necessary caused the principle of lezitimacy to be honored almost more in its breach than in its observance. Great Britain had promised, before the end of the war, to help Sweden obtainAFTERMATH OF WAR O89 Norway, and it was finally necessary to send a naval force to compel the union. On one point the British would tolerate no discussion. Their supremacy on the seas was to be taken for granted. The question of maritime rights must simply be left alone. Great Britain was willing to restore the colonies she had captured, except those strategically located, if thereby she could procure concessions likely to make the peace more secure. The places ultimately retained were Malta, the Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon, Heligoland, Mauritius, Demerara, Essequibo, Berbice, Trinidad, St. Lueia, and Tobago. France was eliminated almost entirely from Amer- ica and retained only a few trading posts in India. From the time of the Nootka Sound dispute until Wellington went to the assistance of Spain, British statesmen had dallied intermittently with incipient revolts in the Spanish colonies in America. Meanwhile, British commercial interests had come to dominate the trade in those regions, and it was now an important item of policy that this trade should not be disturbed. The British were little interested in the success or failure of the revolt, as long as Spain did not seek again to interrupt the commerce. There was another less selfish matter upon which the British parlhament insisted, sometimes in a way that was embarrassing to Castlereagh. The British had abolished the slave trade as far as it pertained to themselves. They now demanded that the rest of Europe do likewise. France and Spain had the greatest stake in the question, so Castlereagh obtained the sup- port of the eastern countries, who saw in this question a chance for diplomatic trading without any sacrifice on their part. Napoleon, on his return, abolished the trade and settled the question for France. Spain finally agreed to a resolution that the trade should cease and consented to abolish it at the end of five years. Thus the great powers, having Suppressed Napoleon, under- took to reéstablish Europe. The settlement reflected the char- acter of the men who made it. The abolition of the slave trade was almost the only point regarding which national emotion was a determining factor. On other matters, Castlereagh was left largely to his own devices. But he had labored so long at the task of averting dangers both at home and abroad, that his boldest constructive suggestions looked toward defence. He was incapable of understanding the forces at work underneath the surface, either in Great Britain or on the Continent. He aspired only to make the world a safer and a more peaceful586 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERIC AN STUDENTS ee — - Pe sll ee place. He could offer little help on other questions. He had slight interest in the internal governme nt of France or of the other European states, so long as they were stable and peaceably ‘nclined. He announced in the beginning of the negotiations that, while he preferred the Bourbons in France and felt that they were the only alternative rulers to Napoleon, his country was not prepared to intervene to restore the old house and was ready to make peace with any stable government that the French might set up. On that point, he had more vision than some of his fellow diplomats. Indeed, there was a strong sentiment in Great Britain, after the negotiations beean and before the abdica- tion of Napoleon, for dethroning and punishing the defeated Emperor. With this sentiment ‘ Castlereagh did not sympathize. Perhaps it was untortunate that the Tsar. who brought scme imagination to his task, granting, aS was allezed at the time, that he was not entirely disinterested or even wholly sane, was on the opposite side from Castlereagh on many important questions. This fact gave Metternich a chance to take the lead both in the peace negotiations and in the diplomacy of the period ait erward. Of all the important statesmen who participated in the Congress, Metternich understood least the forces that were at work in Europe. The Prussian, Stein, who had probably taught Alexander cen in the period when he was an exile in Russia. could have taught him much. He m1 oht also have learned something one Sanoitier Prussian. Hardenberg, who was not wholly unaware of the national stirrings that abeokipatieel the War of the Liberation. Had there been somebody present to speak adequately for the Spain that made Wellington’s cam- paign possible, some of the mistakes made might have been avoided. But Castlereagh distrusted the activities that had inspired Great Britain for the war. and he was more likely to still popular clamor than to appeal to it while he was seeking to make peace. Metternich ae ae no personal knowledge of or experience with an aroused 1 ional feeling. Having no understanding of its nature, ens de aware of its terrible he now made it the chief aim of his life to stamp out this mysterious force wherever ‘t made its appearance. On that account, Prussia was grouped in a confederation of the old German states, in which Austria under Metternich became the dominating power, intolerant a any suggestion of improvement or change. His Kine had suffered the humiliation of becoming Napoleon’s ally and of aedg him a daughter for wife, a fate which Metternich never forgot and was resolved not to risk power,AFTERMATH OF WAR 087 again. He soon became obsessed with the idea that things must be maintained as they were and that the settlement made at Vienna must be kept intact. The first congress of the leagued powers, which soon came to be called the Holy Alliance, met at Aix la Chapelle in the fall of 1818, to relieve France of the burden of the army of occupation that had been maintained since Waterloo. Welling- ton now advised that the army might be withdrawn ‘‘ without danger to France herself and to the peace of Europe.’’ British banking houses lent the credit that enabled the defeated coun- try to liquidate the remaining sums owed to the allies for the ~ Hundred Days,’’ and by the end of the year France was free of foreign troops and had been accepted as the fifth mem- ber of the Holy Alliance. The quadruple alliance of 1815 thus became the ‘‘Moral Pentarchy’’ of 1818. But Castler eagh was beginning to discover that he had been too hasty in pledging Great Britain to act in concert with the great Continental powers. His chief, Liverpool, reminded him that the sentiments of parliament would have to be taken into consideration before embarking on projects for settling the internal governments of other countries. Nevertheless, the four allies of 1815 pledged themselves secretly again in 1818 to take counsel together ‘‘on the most effective means of arresting the fatal effects of a new revolutionary convulsion with which France may be threatened.’’ The Tsar, by this time, was enthusiastic in his Support of a general concert of Europe to guarantee the existing system. Metternich saw the advantages to be gained by this guaranty. For one thing, it would curb the ambitions of Alexander him- self, Prussia also had endangered interests for which she desired protection. But the British hesitated. They discouraged now the thought of holding regular meetings at stipulated times and suggested the alternative of meetings called to consider special questions as they arose. When the French 2overnment demon- strated its ability and disposition to maintain peace, there would be no need for further meetings at all. Castlereagh began to ponder the wisdom of taking part in a system that might limit the power of a sovereign state and ultimately run the risk of placing Europe under the control of a huge Continental police organization. The war had emphasized rather than lessened the confidence of the British in their own national interests and power, and they were in no mood to subject themselves to any- thing resembling restriction from without. Liberty, not restraint by force, was the shibboleth of the strong. If the British claimed= 588 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS this independence of action for themselves, they could not deny it to other peoples. So, as time went on, Castlereagh insisted emphatically that his government would not undertake to ‘ntervene to settle ‘‘internal eccentricities’? in France or in any other country. He was the more committed to this view aiter the repressive measures adopted by Metternich and the Prus- sians to suppress discussion, which followed the revolutionary agitation in the latter country in 1819. The system of the allies, which became increasingly the sys- tem of Metternich, soon had to face even more difficult problems. The Bourbon rulers in both Naples and Spain were so entirely devoid of statesmanship and tact that their peoples rose in revolt. Early in 1820 they proclaimed constitutions that bor- rowed much from the precedents of the earlier experiments in France. The allies assembled at Troppau in October to con- sider the question of intervention in Naples. Great Britain was represented only by a spectator. The congress decided to an- nounce and to embark on a policy of intervening to restore the established governments in countries where they were over- thrown by revolution. The British government refused to joi in this policy. Great Britain made the point that she would tolerate no interference by foreigners in her own government, and, therefore, it would be unwise to adopt a policy of interfer- ing with the governments of other eountries. The French Revo- lution was an exceptional ease, because of its ‘‘overbearing and conquering character.’? Though the British adhered to this view at an adjourned meeting of the congress held at Laibach, ‘yn 1821. Austria was given a mandate to intervene In Naples, and the British made no objection. The case of Spain was different. The Bourbon monarch had been restored in that country as a result of British intervention, though the restoration was in a sense “unintentional. More 1m- portant, from a British point of view, was the trade with the Spanish colonies in America, now practically suecessful in their strugeles for independence. To complicate matters further, a revolt which threatened to reach serious proportions broke out against Turkey in Greece, and an influential element in Great Britain manifested a sentimental interest in its success. On the other hand. British statesmen had a traditional friendship for Turkey and a fear of Russia in that quarter that normally shaped the national policy. The Tsar, because of his hostility to the Turks and of his relations with the Greek Church, might be tempted to intervene. Before the next and the last of the con-AFTERMATH OF WAR 089 gresses of the European powers met at Verona, in 1822, Castle- reagh, after preparing a memorandum of the poley he meant to support, collapsed and committed suicide. He was succeeded in the conduct of British foreign relations by the more brilliant Canning, who earried out essentially similar policies in a more vivacious and telling manner. To quote the most recent writer on the subject:+ ‘‘his differences with the Castlereagh policy were rather of shade and of emphasis than in fundamentals, and of method and exception rather than of princeiple.’’ As regards Spain, finding that intervention was unavoidable, the British succeeded in making it a matter between France and Spain separately and not a joint action by the powers. This had the appearance of a revival of the old family compact, and Canning began to take steps, as he said, to insure that if Spain was to be united to France, it would be a Spain without the Indies. The United States had already recognized the inde- pendence of the Spanish American States, and Canning sug- gested to the American minister at London the possibility of joint action between Kngland and the United States. More. over, the expansion of Russia on the Pacife coast of North America began to touch territory claimed by both Great Britain and the United States, a further matter in which the two Ene- lish-speaking nations had a common interest. British consuls were appointed and sent to strategic points in South America, and Canning told the French Minister bluntly that he meant to recognize the independence of the Spanish colonies and that intervention by France to regain them for Spain would not be tolerated. This step was effective in itself, as far as the inter- vention of France was concerned. But, in the meantime, Presi- dent Monroe of the United States had offered Canning support in a manner not altogether pleasing to him and different in some respects from what had been desired. The President’s message to Congress in December, 1823, announced that the United States would not interfere with the existing colonies of Kuropean powers in America, but stipulated that the American continents should not henceforth be considered fields for colonization by JZuropean powers. Furthermore, any intervention by European powers to oppress the states whose independence the United States had recognized would be regarded as a manifestation of an “‘unfriendly disposition toward the United States.’? The extension of the ‘‘political system of the allied powers’’ to any part of the American continents would end anger the peace and * Harold Temperley, The Foreign Policy of O anning, p. 48,590 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS happiness of the United States, By this pronunciamento the American President closed the door to the British as well as to other European powers and threatened to build up an American system that bade fair to rival the Continental System of the old 1e it one of his aims in the next few years to oppose this project. He succeeded in letting it be known to the new South American states that the British opposition to French intervention, which that country was ready to support by armed roree, had been a more effective protection for them than the declaration by Monroe, which, the American statesman had earefully said, involved no necessary willingness to lend He sent a representative to attend a congress 1e very time when world. Canning mat active support. of the South American states at Panama at t] he was refusing to participate in Kuropean congresses. In the 1 fairly well in advertising himself and his end. he succeeder yrotectors of the new states in their country as the effective } time of need. In the Near East, too, he adopted a policy of opportunist action without engaging in a Huropean concert. After the death of Alexander, he succeeded in enlisting the ecodperation of both Russia and France in a scheme to intervene for settling the questions between the Greek rebels and the Turks. The war had produced unusual examples of savagery on both sides. The Turks finally obtained the assistance of Ibrahim Pasha, the Egyptian ruler, who threatened to exterminate the inhabitants of the peninsula of Morea and to transport Moslem settlers to replace them. The agreement that Canning negotiated with France and Russia proposed to enforce a settlement of their difficulties on the Greeks and the Turks ‘without taking any part in the hostilities hetween them.’’? In the end, a British naval officer, with these none too clear instructions, found him- self with a combined British, French, and Russian fleet at the port of Navarino. A dispute among some boats’ erews pre- cipitated a battle that did not end until the entire Turkish fleet had been destroyed 1820). Before this scarcely authorized battle took place, Canning died and left the conduct of British foreign relations to the Duke of Wellington, whose immense prestige had been used to cood effect by both of his abler predecessors. The Duke was brave enouch in battle, but he was afraid of change both at home and abroad. The result was a break-down of Canning’s Russia was soon at war with Turkey, and by eombination. Greece 1829 her general was making peace at Adrianople.AFTERMATH OF WAR 591 became an independent kingdom under a Bavarian prince. In other respects, Russian power in the Balkans was strengthened. But the settlement was not concluded until after Wellington had been replaced by a man more capable of dealing with foreign questions. A British frigate took the new King to his adopted country in January, 1833. Metternich still reigned on the Con- tinent and was as fearful as ever of departing from the order he | had helped to establish. But the concert of Europe was not able ultimately to survive the blows inflicted on it, first by Castlereagh and later by Canning. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that, through those ministers, the British nation spoke according to its new mood, a mood of which it cradually became conscious as it emerged from the shadows into which it had fallen in the course of the struggle with Napoleon. In this mood it was jealous of its sovereign independence, BRITAIN IN A CHANGING Moop A superficial outline of the state of mind generated among the ruling classes in Great Britain by the fear of the French spirit and by the war against Napoleon is easy to trace and not difficult to understand. In what seemed to be a welter of de- struction that threatened to overwhelm the world and all the cherished institutions that in their experience made life enjoyable | or even tolerable, they clove together in a joint determination to protect the measure of good they enjoyed against the destructive changes they feared. Unconsciously, they tended to enlarge on the merits of the existing order and to manufacture imaginary horrors in order to make the danger of change seem more terri- ble. These very real fears, frequently amounting to panic, inevitably begat repression and frequent injustices to individ- uals. The braver spirits who were repressed fought back, sometimes in a rebellious mood. So much is easily discernible. It is a more difficult matter to disentangle the modes in which this spirit of rebellion found expression and the sophistries in which the timid clothed their fears and to combine them in a tout ensemble representing accurately and adequately the prevailing spirit of the time. It is well to bear in mind that this oeneration, which seems, in some of its aspects, so wholly given over to fears and repression, in others, witnessed a remarkable response to humanitarian and philanthropic impulses which resulted in substantial achievements. As is usually the case, it is not easy592 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS to say how far the indiv iduals who took the lead in these achieve- ments were moved by a spirit preva lent in their time and how much they contributed themselves to create the social pressure that made their achievements possible. At any rate, there were notable men to take the lead, and their achievements were noteworthy. A. distinction that explains some of the apparent paradoxes, which abound more in th is than in eet cenerations, is that the changes most feared were organic or constitutional in character, while those actually achieved were in the less permanent fields of social organization, not yet enmeshed in so large a body of traditional doctrines. To reform parliament meant to shift power permanently into different hands and to introduce dit- ferent forces nto the government. The plans of the more radical reformers involved a res! haping of the House of Com- ative of men as human beings ‘nstead of men as possessors of one Or another variety oI prop- erty or privilege. ‘The more conservative reformers made no such revolutionary proposals, but, OnCEe the process began of stead of on his accumulated placing emphasis on the man nterests, there seemed to be no logical stopping-place. Any doctrine based on the rights of man was agers to the whole spirit of the British representative system 1n the eighteenth cen- tury. It was not merely a desire on the part of th ose who were entrenched in a position of power LO preserve their privileges. They felt a genuine responsibility for the safety and government of the country, and they knew from observation and practical sritish pop ulation at that time mons so as to en e it represent experience that the bulk of the | lacked the education and the habit of participating in group action essential for the success ot anythin lg approximating The fears of the traditional ruling class at the prospect of an ‘mmediate, radical change in the character were. thus, not wholly groundless. Having no vthing else to guide them, they took refuge in panegyries on the arrangemen| with which they were familiar and became fe hesitant at the prospect of popular covernment. of parliament experience with any a change. The reforms cena achieved were due in part to a crowing of humanitarianism an id philar ithropy, now inculeated systematically by nth uential ee of the established Church as well as by Dissenters. In part also, they were the of the economic changes that followed result of the pressure the introduction of the new processes in industry. But many Sp iritAFTERMATH OF WAR o93 ov individuals apparently moved by impulses traceable to neither of these sources lent a hand in the work. Most persons who felt the need of a parlamentary reform Supported the changes that were made in the narrower field. On the other hand, many who were enthusiasts on some of the lesser questions felt that it was almost treason to change the basis of parliamentary rep- resentation in the least degree. William Wilberforce, Zachary Macaulay, Foxwell Buxton, Granville Sharp, Charles Simeon, and their kind were later representatives within the national Church of the spirit which the Wesleys earlier exhibited. They felt a call to missionary activity and responded to appeals for sympathy with human suffering, provided the remedy proposed did not involve a departure from the established social order. Thomas Clarkson felt that the abolition of the slave trade was a more divine work than any he could perform as a routine clergyman, and he devoted his life and his means to the cause which Wilberforce in the House of Commons supported with the ardor of a zealot. In the end, they aroused a feeling of horror at the traffic, which made it detestable, though, in the same society, conditions nearer at hand that seem to a later een- eration quite as abhorrent were tolerated with few qualms of conscience. The slave trade was abolished despite its long establishment as a vested interest. Its abolition in 1806 was a triumph of sentiment over materia] profit and over the fears of the ultra-timid. Burke, who supported the movement in its earlier phase, in his later days of hysteria pronounced it a ‘shred of Jacobinism.’’ This same generation saw the erimin of its severities. There were more than two hundred offences for which capital punishment might be imposed, though, thanks to the lenieney of juries and the courts, no large proportion of the guilty actually suffered the penalty. The work on crimes and punishments by the Italian philosopher, Becearia, was pub- lished in English translation in 1764 and attracted the interest of many. Nevertheless, the multiplication of capital offences went on. Of the two hundred and twenty-three such offences on the statute book in 1819, it was said that two thirds had been placed there since 1714, and one third of them in the reign of George III, Sir Samuel Romilly and Sir James Mackintosh took the lead in advocating reform and were supported by Buxton and Wilberforce. Romilly was able to procure the abolition of the penalty for pocket-pickine ag early as 1808, and for several other offences in succeeding years, but not until 1819, after Romilly’s al code divested of some594 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS death by his own hand, was Mackintosh able to procure re- moval of thirty capital felonies from the list. In 1827 the eriminal law was eet fied and the death penalty confined to a comparatively narrow range. Another anomaly in the prosecu- tion of felons was not remedied until 1836, though there was a growing sentiment against It. Persons accused of felony previous to that time were denied the right to see a copy of the indictment, to have a list of the witnesses to appear against them, or to have their eounsel address the jury, though the prosecuting a might do so. Many humane lawyers now advocated that felonies be placed on the same basis in these particulars as treason a ind misdemeanors. There were some appeals to humanity, however, to which the timid members of parliament were yet afraid to listen. For decades responsible persons had urged the regulation, if not the prohibition, of the employment of children of tender years in sweeping the soot from the chimneys of the great houses of the well-to-do, The nature of the work required that the child begin wh ile «mall enough to climb the flues. He was not hkely to grow rapidly in size as he grew in age afterward. The use of these ‘‘sweeps’’ came ‘nto vogue in the eighteenth century, as the use of coal for fuel became common, ‘As early as 1788 a committee ot gentlemen, assemble d | VY the efforts of a humane master sweep, petitioned parliament for remedial action, after an investigation which they felt were better ~ ‘suppressed than nade public in a country renowned for its humanity.’’ The énal result was an act, with no machinery for its entorcement, requiring that a sweep be washed of his soot and dirt at least once a week and sent to church and that he be treated in other respects with “‘as much humanity and care as the nature of the employment of a chimney sweeper will admit of.’’ Mechanical devices for cleaning chimneys were available, and could be used in all cases except In com aie flues in the houses of the classes able to afford the expense of changes. In 1817-1818 and 1819 Henry Grey Bennet, wit the assistance of Wilberforce and the rest of the philanthropic croup, who did not hesitate to make the conditions public, was able to eee the House of Commons to pass remedial bills. The House 01 Lords, in which sat many of the owners of the houses with the more troublesome flues, de- fonded its refusal to accept the measure with the arguments that the conditions complained of did not exist or were ex ageerated, that if they did exist they were necessary, that 1£ they were abolished greater evils would follow, and that in any ease reforms Ai ae ii an nr AFTERMATH OF WAR 595 of this sort should be left ‘‘entirely to the moral feelings of per- haps the most moral people on the face of the earth.’’ The practice was not finally abolished until after the middle of the century. In another field of employment, the children found defenders among the class that had profited from their labors, and a start was made on the long journey toward a better day. The manu- facturers proved less hardhearted than London aristocrats. The introduction of machinery in the cotton industry made possible the employment of very young children as operatives. The parish authorities in the crowded districts of London and Liver- pool had the burden of supporting many foundlings and orphans. A practice developed of sending these children to work as apprentices in the mills in Lancashire, thus relieving the parish of the burden of their support and at the same time supplying the mills with cheap labor. The death rate among these children was fearfully high, and the conditions amid which they lived were frightful, though perhaps no worse than had been the case before the practice began. A series of epidemics in the mills led the city of Manchester to set up a board of health to have supervision of the matter. Finally, in 1802, Sir Robert Peel, who had grown rich from the industry and whose mills had been among the worst offenders, informed parliament that he had been too busy to visit the factories frequently, but that when he did visit them he was ‘‘struck with the uniform appear- ance of bad health and in many eases, stunted growth of the children; the hours of labor were regulated by the interest of the overseer, whose remuneration depending on the quantity of work done, he was often induced to make the poor children work excessive hours.’’ The result was the passage of an act ‘for the preservation of the health and morals of apprentices,’’ to be enforced by the justices of peace, which provided for whitewashing and better ventilating the mills and forbade chil- dren to work before six in the morning or after nine at night or for more than twelve hours a day exclusive of meals. Peel later endeavored to extend the provisions of this act to children other than apprentices. But many manufacturers brought evidence to support their opposition to this measure, alleging that conditions in the mills did not justify it. The bill which they opposed was introduced in 1815 and finally passed in 1819 and is by its very terms indicative of the weight that should be attributed to the arguments of its opponents. It pro- hibited entirely the labor of children under the age of nine596 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and forbade the employment of persons under sixteen for longer than twelve hours a day exclusive of meal-times. But the enforcement of this act, as of the other, was left to the justices of peace, and it is, teenie more important as indicating the humanitarian spirit in parliament than it was as an actual remedy for prevailing grievances. Labor of children under worse conditions, already wi sa prevalent in coal mines, awaited another generation for ameliorating legislation, since its eruelties were not brought earlier to the attention of those in power in a way to stir their emotions. This humanitarian movement stopped short of eneouTAe ne the workers to combine for the purpose of bettering their own eonditions. When. in 1799, the millwrights ee London petit tioned that their journeymen, who had organized to procure an advance in wages, be prohibited therefrom by law, it was William Wilberforce himself who suggested to Pitt and the House that the act against such combinations aS be made ceneral. Accordingly, a general act was rushed through parlia- nent empowering a single ma gistrate, who might eo one of the employers, to impose its penalties on any workman who combined with another workman to procure aD eae in wages. The petitions against this act were so numerous in the following year, and the opportunities ror injustice it offered so apparent, that it Was amended tO a the cooperation ot two mao'is- trates. The amended measures contained also a scheme to settle a wage dispute by arbitration, a aa te being appointed as the third member of the arbitral committee. Not until 1824 did Joseph Hume, with the very efficient assistance ol Hrancis Place, procure the repeal of these laws by stealing a march on the manufacturers. Even so, they were in part reénacted in the following Vear, though with a provi ion permitting collective bargaining; however, as the courts led: the use of the means necessary to make it effective was forbidden. But this que stion did not arouse the sympathy or stir the indignation of Wilber- foree and his kind. Furthermore, to permit workmen to organ- ize was to run the risk of having them challenge some of the decisions of established society. The ipostle of the abolition of the slave trade was a genuinely pious man, but, as he put it him- self. “he SGD uld reat 1] ly econcelve hi OW th c low ei orders. that valu- able portion of the community whose labour was so essential to the social system under which we live, might be tempted by the delusive and wicked principles instilled into their minds to direct their streneth to the destruction of their government and to theAFTERMATH OF WAR O97 overthrow of every civil and religious establishment.’’ His benevolent character made him sympathetic with any effort of the government to substitute humanity for cruelty, but he was afraid that the existence of the constitution might be endangered should the sufferers be encouraged to unite for enforcing a remedy for the evils from which they suffered. This same spirit, carried almost to sentimentalism, is seen in the organization of the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, founded in 1824 largely by the influence of Richard Martin (Humanity Martin), who, assisted by Thomas Erskine, the advocate, procured in 1822 the passage of an act of parlia- ment forbidding ‘‘wilful and wanton cruelty.’’ In fact, this act began its slow course through parliament a score of years earlier as a measure to suppress bull-baiting. It was defeated when first introduced by the fears of members intimidated by the prevailing war panic. As one speaker put it, to interfere with this ancient sport would impair among the ignorant and illiterate the “‘respect for antiquity,’’ which was one of the best safeguards against innovation. Similar arguments were used by many influential members of the ruling class to defend their opposition to the education of the less fortunate members of society. Sunday Schools and charity schools, of which Bell became the apostle in the national Chureh and Lancaster among the Dissenters, lone based their appeals for support primarily on the ground that they taught their pupils how to read the Scriptures. In the panic of 1793 even the limited work they were doing was held suspect. WAIN * AN ANS R QUES © 54+ SN coin So Newcast] e- Boston, a BA SN ‘ Pe x SNGrinthen : “ SAS Z nght m\ : Castio Ria ing NSTA RRORD AN x S XS Sc “Dy poke — SN ye bichti leldy Ore KH RU T= oan { PSN ¥ \O R FO K ~ ¥ mouth < RR SNR RR CSL SO NS Norwich*Ar Q Ss S VY NA ese ae! 5 WA . 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He Hompharas SS Ry OOYY ¥ R “ TRUER ster@> = H S Péte rabdldta dial’ urst SUSSEX ‘ Ww “ye WY New ommey ‘ Tiverton ~S ey BSHithonn Bore} sbouthuueted Se ulbg } . Swi h : ; kehy a mptob’ Honiton! ~ ARN NY SB Levta 2 tinea elsea C \ aS \ . So >, WARS, on S 3 Has Z forte RRP DEVON PE SESS NO rig Ca a sas Oy : . sun cestoh\s ; - . . . Dit tone YA av istobk XS S @ 2 e 4 SS, Qi Yo», da i renlstop Ashburton Oe oe Y Ys my bo 4 “i Kaluagk Sy eo &@ % ay Mig ae 2 . 2, ot P o at . _ ¢ % e, 7 xs \ etn oath Gi), Oe G. %, oO ov, & 1 o I. O° Countics returning 1 member each yA ics returni oe a Counties returning 2 members each. County of Forkshire returning 4 members of whom 2 were returned by the West Riding__ LLL. Boroughs returning 1 member each____ 5 paige Boroughs returning 2 members each... Berwick The city of London returned 4 members and the Oniver - ities of Oxford and Cambridge 2 members each, In Wales, the Qounty towns returned their 1 member each « tn conjunction with other smaller boroughs of the same —~66) county, with the exception of (a) Merioncth, which had been disfranchised in favor of Haverfordwest, (6) Beaumaris and Montgomery, which had severed themselves from their contributory boroughs. rough a WE ~ Soa Wh White Sturek: jaitbin RAN e ° Greenwich; ; :THE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY combination of Fox and North against the King in 1783. Econ- omy is ever a popular slogan, especially after a great war, but the tendency of the government now was to acquire new functions and thus to become increasingly expensive. Retrenchment, therefore, occupied little of the time of the new ministers. Their achievements in promoting peace and reform make this one of the notable administrations in British history. Palmerston, a disciple of Canning, became the new secretary of state for foreign affairs. As he had foreseen, the new French King was willing to sacrifice his pretensions in Belgium in order to secure the friendship of Great Britain. There were many trying circumstances in the long negotiation that attended the settle- . ment of the new government in Belgium and of the boundaries and relations between Belgium and Holland. ‘The five powers, Great Britain, France, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, united in cuaranteeing to Belgium ‘‘perpetual neutrality as well as the integrity and inviolability of its territory.’’ A suitable king for the new state was found, after some dispute, in Leopold of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, husband of the late Princess Charlotte, daughter of George IV. Grey and Palmerston felt that they had safeguarded the traditional policy of Great Britain in the Low Countries, and at the same time were cultivating friendly relations with France and avoiding a renewal of too intimate relations with the other Continental powers. Grey entrusted the actual work of drafting the reform bill to Lord John Russell, a younger son of the wealthy Duke of Bedford and an heir of the Foxite tradition, and to his own son- in-law, John George Lambton, Lord Durham, who had acquired a reputation for radicalism beyond that of most men in his elass. Grey himself helped with the work. He had long felt that no measure of parliamentary reform would be worth while until it could command the support of an overwhelming popular senti- ment, and that to allay the agitation of the reformers would require a more comprehensive measure than most reformers in his own class meditated. When the bill, hitherto kept secret, was ready for presentation to parliament, it surprised many among the supporters of the ministry as much as it did its opponents. For the moment, it seemed hopeless to expect men to destroy voluntarily by their own action privileges they had long enjoyed. | The methods adopted by the ministers to suppress disorders, due to the distress among the people, were so much like those used by the former ministers that the agitators for reform had624 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS expected little. Place was almost bitter in his comment. Cobbett was under arrest, accused of sedition. ‘These agitators found little reason to expect more from this than from any other min- istry composed of peers and landlords. This distrust of the oreater when the terms of the bill were made public. All forces united to keep the enthusiasm of the people of all classes at fever heat. Buta long, hard fight was ahead, before even a determined body of peers could actually Bee a reform bill on the statute | book. For one thing, the existing House of Commons had been chosen with Wellington in office, which meant that the parlia- mentary seats to which the government of the day nominated were held by members opposed to reform. Whe sn the ministers ministry by the agitators made the surprise all the found themselves in a minority in the House of Commons, while the bill was under consideration, Grey asked the King to dissolve parliament. With the interests whose support he had enlisted acting together and with the government influence in his own hands, like all other prime ministers for a century, he was sure of a majority in the new House of Commons. Just as Fox and North opposed a dissolution in 1783, the opponents of Grey now made ready to dwell on the point. Without giving time for this discussion, he induced the King to come person and prorogue parliament, in preparation for its dissolution. In announcing the measure to the assembled lords and commoners, the King used a statement that was to serve as a precedent and was to have a different significance in future generations from any it could have had hithe 4 have been induced to resort to this measure for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people.’’ But it was not yet a true statement, except in a very limited degree. Grey was as sure of his majority as was Pitt in 1784. The men who had enlisted under him had put their hands to the plow, and the spirit of the country had reached a stage where they could not turn back, had they so desired. Electioneering had grown increasingly expensive, as the industrial capitalists began to bid for a voice in the goy- ernment, and this election was no exception to the rule. In fact. there were more men of wealth vitally interested in its outcome than had ever been the ease before. After the bill finally passed the House of Commons, it was rejected by the House of Lords. Most of the bishops voted avainst it, as did the numerous peers created by Pitt and his successors aS a means of establishing their own power. ‘The bishops were afraid that a parliament chosen in part by manu-- a aes te aie x i LT c THK TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 625 facturers, many of whom were Dissenters, would deprive the Church of some of its privileges. Many of Pitt’s peers were borough magnates and naturally had no enthusiasm for a meas- ure that would deprive them of so much property and power. Faced with this new difficulty, the King, who had agreed to dissolve parliament with reluctance, now hesitated even more to take the only step that would assuredly overcome the oppo- sition in the upper house. He had earlier promised Grey that he would create additional peers if they were necessary to carry the bill, but, now that the time approached for action, he drew back. The people out’of doors, however, had their feelings in- tensified by the action of the House of Lords. Hitherto, the leaders who excited them had kept them in remarkable control. Now they began to talk of and to make definite plans for a revolt, should the Lords not yield. The ministers announced to the King that they must resign unless he adopted the measure they advised. Wiailliam conceived the fantastic scheme of making Wellington prime minister in the hope that, though he had frankly opposed the bill, he might use his influence to carry it through the House of Lords. The Duke agreed to the scheme, and for a time the notion was abroad that Grey had been dis- missed in favor of Wellington to kill reform. The mob became bitter. At the instigation of Attwood and Place, a run was begun on the banks to withdraw gold. There were no troops in the kingdom to suppress a rebellion, if one should take place, and there seemed to be a real danger that acceptance of office by Wellington would lead to revolt, so high did the popular spirit rise against the King and the Lords. Peel, the leader of the opposition in the House of Commons, would not embark on a scheme so fantastic, and the King was ultimately obliged to yield to the wishes of Grey. When the hostile peers recognized that they were powerless, they too yielded, and the bill was passed. The act disfranchised entirely fifty-six of the older boroughs and deprived more of one of their two members. Suffrage in the counties was extended to include, in addition to the custom- ary forty-shilling freeholders, copy-holders and _ lease-holders for long terms with tenements of ten pounds annual value, and tenants for a short time paying an annual rental of fifty pounds. After the enclosures, there was not a large number of copy- holders or lease-holders, and the extension of the suffrage to the tenants of the larger landlords tended to strengthen rather than to weaken the landed interest. In the boroughs, the new voters626 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS were to be those who occupied houses of at least ten pounds lue, as determine ed by the amounts paid in local rates Existing voters in constituencies such as Westminster rental va or taxes. where all householders were forme rly = hie) ble, were to kee p het franchise until their death; the new qualifications would not become uniform in those places tor a ceneration or more. K1- nally, for the first time in English history, machinery was pro- vided for the registration of voters. Previously, the eligibility of a voter had been determined when he off re d himself to poll at an election. AS: actu a Bs Were infrequent and were iy Bese or never held in a. majority of the constituencies, there had been no pressl Ing need mi a diftel en arrangement. Now that the voters would actually par ‘ipate in the election, it was essential that evidence of pee ahi acation: be offered in advance. It is O bvious trom the terms of the bill that the bulk of the ' Great Britain were left without a right to vote. The ‘he number of voters was only a little more than Lt people Oj net increase in two hi indi os thousand. Many of the smaller boroughs were still easily controlled by the influential landlords in their vicinity. In the larger ones, the suffrage was chiefly restricted to the Wy 1-4 0-do and to those with interests similar tO those of the well-to-do. The landlords remained, as formerly, the predom1- croup in the government ; their power had in a sense been ‘nereased by the bestowal of a larger Bsa on the shires and by an extension of the suffrage to their tenants. But y had to share their privileged aitiGn with those who had established interests in industry and trade. Moreover, the changes made 1n representation were based on a consideration of the population of the constituencies, and the franchise in for householders all over nant the boroughs was on a uniform seale the kingdom. The next step in the struggle would inevitably he to extend the application of these principles. And neither the landlords nor the industrial magnates eould soon forget to be ready to use toree to that the kingdom had seemed the enactment of secure its point, which was, for the moment ‘the bill. the whole bre Here WwaS d power, whether en- franchised or not, which no future covernment of the kingdom lly to ignore. Politicians had to practice new methods, to improvise new machinery, and to ee a new ter- minology. The bill was an even more revolutionary measure ht it to be. when they accused Grey of Henceforth, the king and would dare who than its opponents thoug treason to his class for bringing it mm.ees T 6° d ENGLAND AND WALES PARLIAMENTARY REPRESENTATION IN 1832, AFTER THE REFORM BILL Scale of miles 20 40 60 80 t i 1 4 ot £N ORTHUMBE R K SO Preston It {foray . Blackburn NER? 7 \ SN SS _ . Wewastics \Tyncmouth ; SY ; qsouth Shiclds a rlitle a “A SS aX ate 4K ’} \ % NIN be A , ~ Cockermowt sCUMBER RAND) . | ye st Whitehave n iy i 4 nes | \ Yi ty 1 Whitby We WESTMORUANOWRichibond A WKY nat ny } He Vanier in| Alter rton . t HTT ety ? Uy TNA p Scarborough He | ALT Ree Zarek it) ne : Aas |e AR UL hs | SRT NTR an stl N9fatatton |)" | . 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NY Winthe AE NG NS Rete s/ RIN RY Dy SIN f Le yo QO" 2 Counties, (including one division of a county, the I. of Wight) returning 1 member each______] Countics returning 2 members each_-- Countics returning 3 members each Countics subdivided into 2 constituencies and returning 4 members cach _____§_____ County of Yorkshire subdivided into $ constituencies and returning 6 members____ IE TL) Boroughs returning 1 member each____ —_—_——Morpeth o Boroughs returning 2 membera cach. _Durham 56> The city of London returned 4 membere and the Uni- versities of Oxford and Cambridge 2 members each, In Wales, the boroughs marked, with the exception of Brecon and Merthyr Tydfil, returned their 1 member in conjunction with other smaller boroughs of the same county, The boroughs of New Shoreham, East Retford, Cricklade, and Aylesbury included the surrou nding districts, which are shown thus jagston op Hull ) | eGreat Grimaby Hy efit frac ak efi rf ; raielah } Los \ } /f f c¢ hoffe Ic 0 UR Pt fordy . “Line Sh oy SEN S . Ewatk Ss UR oSTrént AS ‘Grantham : . & hh a Eda YAS ee ges AS U RON OX . BEOFORD IN SHR . EDFO 1 N 8 RES Qox MUeZZ NG Vik, A S MLE Harwich V66d9 Ufee WSS igen CBRE EST PAE rN WIRE Lys \ SS, Sw S Wu SA Ani dover. pSou EN mm BRAN Longitude 4° West on 1 from Greenwich , . a i ee lal Te ee ee ee el a a i a il il ao ei aa ei a ee wsi ‘ ee—— celia P a= a a ake eee SERRE yee Se Bd . eR ee ae - vd : “ ba . a Rs ed THE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 627 the peers must learn how to watch their steps with more care than had been needful hitherto. The failure of the first reformed parliament to repeal the Corn Laws is proof conclusive that the landlords retained a large portion of their power. That the new rulers of the nation had not forgotten the latent powers of the disfranchised classes, how- ever, 1S evident in the passage of an act to regulate the labor of women and children. The second act, which the elder Peel sponsored, we remember, applied only to children between nine and twelve working in cotton mills, and provided for them only a maximum day of twelve hours, with no adequate machin- ery for its enforcement. John Cam Hobhouse, a member of parliament for Westminster, tried, in 1825, to get the hours reduced from twelve to eleven. He returned to the subject in 1831 and sought to have the measure extended to include other textile trades, but with little result. Then an agitation among laborers in the textile districts aroused feeling com- parable to that stirred by parhamentary reform. To take up the question in parliament were men like the Manchester manu- facturer, John Fielden, and, a little later, Anthony Ashley Cooper, subsequently, as Lord Shaftesbury, to achieve fame in the cause. But the most active member for the time was Michael Sadler, who, after the defeat of Hobhouse’s bill in 1831, procured the appointment of a committee of which he was chairman, to investigate conditions among the textile laborers. The report of this committee revealed conditions that stirred the hearts of all people with humanitarian impulses. Sadler was not returned to the first reformed parliament, and the agitators for action en- listed the cooperation of Ashley. The question became so urgent, by reason of the agitation of the laborers on one side and the opposition of the more timid manufacturers on the other, that the government took over the measure, appointed, much to the disgust of the laborers, a commission to make further in- vestigations, and finally, in 1833, passed a bill. This bill pro- hibited entirely the labor of children under nine years in all textile factories, limited to forty-eight hours per week and nine for a single day that of those under twelve, and limited to sixty-nine hours per week and twelve for a single day the labor of those between thirteen and eighteen. Children of the protected age were to attend school two hours daily, and inspectors were provided to see that the provisions of the act were enforced. This act was a disappointment for the laborers, who demanded a ten-hour day for all under eighteen, and to Sta ca he628 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 10 did not like government interference in their manufacturers, w! 2ut it was a humanitarian step in a direc- business 1n any way. tion from which the interests of the manufacturers and the theories of the doctrinaires were never able to foree a retreat. The economist and friend of Bentham, Edwin Chadwick, had parliamentary commission that investi- heen a member of the He and another economist, gated conditions in the factories. William Nassau Senior, were now associated with another com- mission to investigate the conditions that had arisen among the poor as a result of the Speenhamland system of outdoor relief. The conditions revealed touched both landlords and The widespread pauperization manufacturers at a tender spot. increase in the rates to take of laborers made necessary an The remedy proposed and carried was the Poor eare ot them. withdrew outdoor relief and substituted Law of 1833. which public workhouses, to which all were to be sent who were unable to support themselves. To deter those who might be tempted to eo to the workhouse as an alternative easier than the hard labor of the fields, a policy was adopted ot making conditions in the workhouse less desirable than those of the worst-paid inde- The administration of the act was placed pendent laborers. having jurisdiction over the entire under three eommissioners., In the loeal districts, a new area was substituted for kingdom. each area was placed under a board of ouardians the parish; elected by owners and occupiers ot ratable property. A single man might have as many as twelve votes, 1f he was both owner and occupant of premises having a ratable value of two hundred and fifty pounds per annum. Outdoor relief was to be limited tc eases of destitution and “under no circumstances was to be ‘ siven to able-bodied persons with no other claim but poverty. It was hoped that this measure would relieve ratepayers of a srowing burden, which already amounted to millions of pounds * annually. Another commission, appointed by the reformed parhament to investigate the diversity of governments prevalent in the incorporated towns of the kingdom, made strong recommenda- tions. though perhaps more on the basis of the preconceived notions of the commissioners than as a result of actual investi- gation. They found that: There prevails amongst the great majority of the incorporated towns a general, and, 1n our opinion, a just dissatisfaction with their munici- pal institutions: ye | are subject to no popular control and whose acts and proceed- A distrust of self-elected municipal eouncils, whose powersTHE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 629 ings, being secret, are unchecked by the influence of public opinion; a distrust of the municipal magistracy; a discontent under the burthens of local taxation; while revenues which ought to be applied to the public advantage are sometimes wastefully bestowed upon individuals, sometimes squandered for objects injurious to the character and morals of the people. We therefore feel it to be our duty to represent to your Majesty that the existing municipal corporations neither possess nor deserve the confidence or respect of your Majesty’s subjects, and that a thorough reform must be effected before they can become; what we humbly submit to your Majesty they ought to be, useful and efficient instruments of local government. This judgment was not too harsh on organizations that, in many cases, had been perpetuated more to serve the interests of those who controlled them than with any regard for the good oOV- ernment of the localities. The enfranchisement of ten-pound householders for the election of members of the House of Com- mons made inevitable a reorganization of the municipal gov- ernment itself, though in some eases the old corporations had Shown a disposition to provide for the welfare of the population they governed. By the act passed in 1835, the administration of justice was taken from the hands of the municipalities and given to the national government. Otherwise, the rights of the old corporations were to be exercised by municipal councils elected by the ratepaying householders. For two generations longer the government of the counties was left in the hands of the landlords, who had so long dominated them. DoctTRINES To Suit THE TIMES The forces which had caused and were causing these creat changes in the fabrie of British social life were accompanied by and found their defence in new shibboleths and doctrines in harmony with the new conditions. These new doctrines were usually popularized by writers who did not originate them go much as they clothed them in the language of the time. In the form in which these doctrines became current, they do not always reflect the carefulness of statement that may have char- acterized the works of the men with whose names they are associated. But it is the current doctrine rather than the guarded statement of the individual philosopher that is of primary interest here. Only those doctrinal assumptions that achieved an acceptance sufficiently widespread to make them arguments for defending existing conditions or for agitating change were likely to result in social action, or lack of action.630 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS We may well leave to students of history of philosophical doc- trines the task of ascribing credit for the origin of given notions and of making clear the carefulness of a given thinker to avoid loose generalizations. Nor are we much interested in why a particular writer arrived at a given conclusion. The im- portant matter is, that a doctrine, when it was expressed, was attuned to the mood of a considerable number of people of the time. In the same year in which the American colonies declared their independence of Great Britain, and perhaps not wholly unre- lated to that event, there appeared two works destined to bear a larger fruit than most publications of their kind. One was published anonymously by a comparatively young lawyer of means, Jeremy Bentham, and was called a Fragment on Govern- ment: the other was a more voluminous treatise by a retired Seottish university professor, Adam Smith, and has since come to be commonly called The Wealth of Nations. Both men real- ized that many of the shibboleths of their time were outworn, and both helped to popularize new ones. Bentham's pamphlet was a reply to the fulsome Commentaries on the Laws of England, published in four volumes by Sir William Blackstone in the years 1765-1769. Blackstone accepted the current doe- trines of the supremacy of law and the desirability of liberty. For him the sovereign was the law-maker, which, in Great Britain. he discovered in parliament. He was little troubled by inconsistency. He is rather an example of the seli-com- placency with which most Britons of that generation, encour- aged by Montesquieu and De Lolme on the Continent, regarded their own institutions. He says with enthusiastic optimism: ‘Of a constitution so wisely contrived, so strongly raised, and so highly finished, it is hard to speak with that praise which is justly and seriously its due; the thorough and attentive con- templation of it will furnish its best panegyric.’’ He was as well satisfied with the hands to which was entrusted the per- petuation of the constitution as he was with the fabric itself: ‘To sustain, to repair, to beautify this noble pile is a charge intrusted principally to the nobility, and such centlemen of the kinedom as are delegated by their country to parliament. The protection of The Liberty of Britaim 1s a duty which they owe to themselves who enjoy it; to their ancestors who trans- mitted it down: and to their posterity, who will claim at their hands this. the best birthright, and the noblest inheritance of mankind. ’’— + ST a at a a aa PT Serr se pete ———————— en THE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 631 Imagine the impression made on the mind of the young Bentham by this exaggerated adulation. Though trained in the law, he was slow to engage in its practice. In a pamphlet by Dr. Joseph Priestley, he found a suggestion of an aim in life, which he might have discovered in several other sourees—the : promotion of ‘‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number.’’ A Pee This discovery affected him in much the same emotional way that | conversion affected the members of the evangelical group. At the sight of it, he said, he cried out “‘‘ Kureka in inward eestasy.’’ It was the universal remedying principle for which he had been searching as a basis for the legal reforms which. as he perceived, were badly needed. In much the same spirit of religious fervor, he decided that he had a sort of divine eall or genius for legis- lation. ‘‘And have I indeed a genius for legislation? I gave myself the answer, fearfully and tremblingly, ‘yes.’’’ So he consecrated himself to his task. Not until some forty years later did he discover that the existing ageney for law-making in Great Britain was unsuitable for his purposes. Meanwhile, with a supreme confidence in his own ability and his own mission, he was busy pounding away at the tasks he had set for himself. He dismissed the doctrine of natural rights and the whole apparatus of the social contract. The antiquity of an institu- tion did not impress him. He thought in the terms of science rather than of history, and science in his day meant chiefly mathematics and physics. Legislation, he decided, was a science. Laws ought to be designed to produce the greatest happiness for the greatest number. To complete the foundation of his pro- eram, he added another assumption, which does not necessarily follow from the first, but which made the practical application of his scheme infinitely simpler. Every individual is likely to be the best judge of his own happiness. Consequently, a primary aim of legislation ought to be to remove all restrictions on the action of individuals not necessary to secure a like freedom of action for their neighbors. Then, too, the promotion of pleasure had a negative side, the diminution of pain; and it was to this negative side of the proposition that Bentham and his associates gave most of their attention. They avoided the difficult task of defining positively what pleasure is. So many aspects of the social life of their day were calculated to entail discomfort on a large number of people that their time was fully oceupied in promoting remedial measures. Bentham gathered about him a band of disciples who spread his doctrines abroad and who busied themselves in practical at-632 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tempts to procure the action he advocated. Many persons who admitted no discipleship with the master lent a hand in pro- moting these causes, but his doctrines oradually became current among them all. Place, James Mull, Joseph Hume, Romilly, and others were glad to acknowledge their allegiance. He sur- vived himself to the eve of the passage of the reform bill in 1832. which was to do so much to facilitate the achievement of his program. But he did no little by his own efforts to make ‘ts achievement possible. He taught a timid generation that reform did not necessarily imply an entire overturn of the ac- cepted order, and he fixed in the publie mind a definite prin- ciple on which to base changes, without reference to any sup- posed rights of man. Set individuals free from their restric- tions. and let them, with a minimum of regulations for the sake of protection, become the artificers ot their own happiness. Extend the freedom of contract. Simplify legal processes ; make more efficient the machinery for protecting such practical rights of men as liberty and property; and promote education, and security would take care of itself. Bentham, by spreading these ideas, helped practical Britons to overcome their fears of revolu- tion and to turn their attention to the task, too long neglected, of settine their legal and constitutional house in order. He set 4 utilitarian rather than an ideal goal, and the elass then in charge ot the covernment were enabled to econcelve of the com- mon pleasure in terms of their own and were thus inspired to embark on changes with a feeling that they were serving the com- mon good. The effect of the frequent use of the law-making machinery, in the end, was to develop a concept of law itself somewhat different from that which had previously prevailed. As Bentham’s disciple, John Austin, came to define it, law is a ‘Cagmmand of the state.’?’ The command was now more fre- quently made in the shape of a formal statute than had previ- . ously been the CaSe. But the influence of the utilitarian doctrines was felt in the Feld of economics as well as in law and politics. As long as England was predominantly an aggregation of agricultural com- munities. with a social and political organization built on the foundations laid by the Anglo-Saxon and Norman conquests, conditions were not propitious for the formulation of theories on economic questions. The rise of traders on a large scale, who coveted monopolistic and other privileges, led to the wide- spread acceptance of the doctrine that the wealth of the king- dom increased or diminished according to the varying balance ofTHE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 633 trade. This doctrine was a convenient justification of the claims of the merchants, and involved, for the most part, no serious clash with the interests of the larger landlords, who still regarded themselves as a class apart, whose privileged position was not open to challenge. Action on economic questions was usually agitated by those interested in the colonies or in trade, and the mercantile doctrines had a clear field. As France saw her chance at a colonial empire slipping and felt herself out of the race for foreign trade of the sort favor- able to the merecantilist view, the advocates of a rival doctrine of national wealth began to find favor. Men like Turgot and (Juesnay, who urged that wealth is a gift of nature and so not dependent on a favorable balance of trade, found many ready to accept their views. Even in Great Britain, the difficulty of enforcing the trade and navigation laws on the colonies, the progress of the enclosures, and the growing importance of manufactures made a reconsideration of the accepted economic theories imperative. New methods and new processes were com- ing into vogue in both agriculture and manutacturing, and new conditions were emerging in consequence. These new conditions. more than anything else, attracted attention to Smith’s Wealth of Nations and gained for it immediate acceptance as a notable work on its field. Perhaps they had something to do with shap- ing its contents. Smith had already achieved a European reputation as the author of a Theory of Moral Sentiments. He had traveled widely and knew personally the more prominent of the expo- nents of the physiocratic doctrines in France, as well as men of note in Great Britain. He was interested in men as human beings, and he had reached definite conclusions on philosophical questions before he undertook to formulate his views on economic subjects. He was also a student of history and an observer of the current conditions amid which he lived. Consequently, while his work contains many statements of theories and doc- trines, he so hedged them about with qualifications and elab- orated them with illustrations, taken from both the present and the past, that almost every economic doctrine which has had a vogue since his time was suggested by isolated passages in his work. In the same way, he protected himself against the pitfall of a rash enthusiasm for doctrinaire theories into which so many of his followers and successors fell. These qualities made his work an admirable starting point for the study of economic questions, a study that could not much longer be634 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS postponed in Great Britain. He criticized both the mercantil- ists and the physiocrats. He rejected the notion that the wealth of a nation is dependent on its favorable balance of trade and thus provided a doctrinal basis to defend the removal of restric- tions on trade and consolation for the loss of the colonies. He saw, what the physiocrats in the different atmosphere of France were unable to see, that the use of capital increased the volume of wealth produced, a fact which he attributed to the division of labor that the use of capital facilitated. His work was so patently a reflection of conditions that had come to exist in Great Britain that members of parliament sometimes quoted his words in support of practical measures which they advocated. These quotations did not have and were not really expected to have pactical weight in formulating or in procuring the passage of legislation; they were rather displays of learning on the part of the speakers, as well as evidence of the growing interest taken by statesmen in economic questions and of the success of Smith in interpreting the conditions of his time. The growth and the shifting of population that accompanied ‘he transition of agriculture from a somewhat feudal to a more lefinitely economic basis and the rise of industrial towns caused actual hardships among large numbers of the laboring classes, which were intensified by the disorganization resulting from the war with France. These hardships were rather increased than lessened by the hasty methods of relief adopted at Speenhamland and later extended over a large part of England. No remedy a for these conditions was at hand, and there was pressing need of explanatory doctrines to enable persons with humanitarian ‘nstinets. who were in comfortable circumstances, to justify and endure that which they seemed unable to help. Thomas Robert Malthus. a Surrey curate, had no intention of supplying this needed explanatory doctrine when he published his Essay on Population in 1798. He addressed himself rather to the more academic task of controverting William Godwin’s theory of the nerfectibility of human nature and the probability that ideal conditions would tend to result if human beings were left to work out their destiny practically free from restraint. Malthus areued that no such conditions would come to pass, because population tends to increase, at a minimum, according to a eeometric ratio, while the production of food could increase, at a maximum, only at an arithmetical ratio. Time, therefore, seemed to doom people in society, at any rate a portion of them, inexorably to suffering and despair. War, poverty, vice, mis-= er ate a aalin aoa Nee te ——— ' a allele line THE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 635 ery, and the lke were checks that prevented ultimate disaster. Having made this terrible discovery, Malthus busied himself in the thankless task of advocating prudential restraints on nor- - mal human inclinations, in order that the natural rate of in- | crease In the population might be diminished in a more humane t manner. But he could not prevent the doctrine which he had ) i: helped to make current from serving as a consoling soporifie to the ruling class, who went on with their enclosures and their (s defences of the existing régime in all good conscience and steeled themselves to endure the sight of the sufferine which ereeted them daily. If that which they saw was a part of the divine or natural law, inherent in the constitution of society, there was little use to worry about what could not be helped. Malthus was in part a disciple of both Smith and Bentham. He gradually discovered a defence for the increasing rents that accrued to the landlords in the midst of the misery of so large a percentage of the population of the countryside. Smith had been inclined to accept the view that landlords were monopolists and that, in taking rents, they gathered where they had not sown. By combining the assumption of free competition among individuals, actuated by utilitarian motives, with his theory of population, Malthus easily concluded that the wages of laborers would tend to decrease until they reached the basis of subsistence. Landlords could not be expected to pay more than the market price for labor, and the natural tendency of laborers to be too | numerous made it improbable that they would get more than a wage barely sufficient to keep them at work. Rent was thus not wages withheld from needy laborers by harsh landlords: it was a bounty of nature. Capital also received its w ages, fixed in a competitive market. The variable bounty of nature went to the lords of the land. But industry was rapidly outstripping agriculture in the rivalry for supremacy in the economic world, and there was, in consequence, a need that the subject of the distribution of we ealth receive further consideration. If the supremacy of the land- lords was to be challenged in the political realm, it was not easy to maintain that nature had stacked the ecards entir ely in favor of the landlords in the realm of economies. The theory of dis- tribution that was formulated as a result of this reconsideration, Is associated with the name of David Ricardo. Ricardo was a retired stock broker of Hebrew descent and a disciple in some respects of both Bentham and Smith, though he is worthy to be named with them among the masters who helped to make636 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS current the doctrines that were soon to constitute the orthodox economic creed among British men of affairs. A man of Ricardo’s environment and antecedents, with no practical ex- perience in the organization of agriculture, was admirably fitted to undertake to reduce the forces determining rent and wages to statements as laws or principles. If that could be done; that is. if it could be established that rents and wages were deter- mined by fixed laws, profits would be left as the only variable share. In the common use of the term, profits included inter- est, since little distinction was yet made between the function of the capitalist and the entrepreneur. Aceording to the theory that emerged from the discussion, rent results from the constant necessity, as the population increases, ot cultivating less and less fertile land. Ina perfect system of competition land will mani- festly not be cultivated unless the produce repays the expendl- ture. But conditions which enable the least productive units of land to repay cultivation must enable more productive areas to yield a still greater return. The difference between the yield from the least productive unit and the more productive areas ‘< rent. Of course, additional labor might be spent on the same areas of land, but the product does not increase in direct propor- tion to the amount of labor, and a point is reached when the add1- tional labor no longer pays for itself, and so is not employed. Rent thus has some of the elements of a constant quantity, since it depends on the difference in fruitfulness between the area of marginal productivity and that which yields better returns. Since the overabundance of labor tended to reduce wages to a level of subsistence, the only share in the joint product of land, labor, and capital left with much elasticity was that allotted to capital as profits. These supposed laws had two important applications, if ac- cepted as the normal principles inherent in society, which tend to prevail in a state of approximate freedom. For one thing, land. or natural resources, was a secondary matter in the con- duct of industry. When wages were determined by laws, there- fore. the bulk of the rest of the product of industry was left for the capitalists. Moreover, since there were too many labor- ers for the available employment, and since capital was necessary if further employment was to be provided, interference in these alleced economic laws in an effort to remedy the situation, was an unmixed evil. in that it might deter capital from extending ‘tc activities and thus diminish the employment that might other- wise be provided for idle laborers. Individual laborers mightTHE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY aspire to rise from their class, and some of them might be suc- cessful in their attempts to do it, but any permanent elevation of the lot of their whole number seemed to be hopeless. Another respect in which these economic laws received a practical appli- cation was in the ease of the Corn Laws. If rent was determined by the marginal principle, clearly any artificial addition to the price of grain, entailed by a tariff, could not add to rent, though it did increase the subsistence cost of labor and so made wages considerably higher and profits considerably less. The tariff on grain was thus a burden on capital, without in the long run bringing any return to either labor or land. Thus the utilitarian political doctrines of Bentham were mar- ried to the economic doctrines of Malthus and Ricardo. Their disciples, among whom were James Mill, John Ramsay MacCul- loch, George Grote, the historian of Greece, John Arthur Roe- buck, and, later with modifications, John Stuart Mill and others, elaborated and simplified these doctrines and applied them to the questions of the day as they arose. The result was the elimination of many outworn methods and customs that could not survive under a régime of liberty and competition. But there was another side to the picture. Though most of these men personally had humanitarian sympathies and generous im- pulses and were active in promoting specific measures of social amelioration, nevertheless, as theorists, they spread abroad doc- trines that soon came to be the orthodox defences of the strong, who entrenched themselves in the seats of power by the exercise of their strength and who came to feel that they had almost as divine a right to their privileges as had the landlords and commercial magnates who had preceded them and with whom they now divided power. Indeed, these industrial magnates soon seemed to be the major partners in the national enterprise. THE New QUEEN AND Her MINISTERS Both parliament and the monarchy were making ready for a new start in the decade that saw the passing of the reform bill. Once that task was completed, Grey’s party had little co- herence. The other measures of reform that preceded and fol lowed the constitutional act were supported by men in the opposi- tion as well as from the government of the day, and there was little attempt to preserve party lines. The utilitarian doctrines had not yet been translated into a party creed. When Grey re-~~ ae a ee : _ 688 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS sioned on an Irish question (July, 1834), he was succeeded by William Lamb. Viscount Melbourne, his Home Secretary. Grey was a survivor from a previous oeneration, who had by a piece oood fortune lived to achieve in age a task to which he had -_ ‘ of devoted himself in youth. While Melbourne was younger, he too was a survivor from the preceding generation. He belonged to the passing atmosphere of the eighteenth century rather than to the new mood of the nineteenth. ‘The strengt th of his government tended to wane, and soon members of his ministry vexed the King, with the result that he was dismissed from office in Novem- her. 1834. in favor of Wellington. The Duke said that Peel would be preferable as a prime minister, but he undertook th n of the government until that minister, then travel- could return and organize an administration. persone al organ of O’Connor. There was sharp rivalry among the leaders of the movement, which spread rapidly among the laborers, who saw no relief in sight from the hard conditions under which they lived. These rivalries were compromised for a time in an effort to present a united front in favor of the cause. The sovernment became alarmed at both the size and the form of the agitation. Wild stories were circulated, and a military force assembled under the command of Sir Charles James Napier. Fortunately, Napier had better Judgment than most military men and a larger endowment of insight than most mem- bers of his social class. tle kept his troops in the baekeround. He attended one of the large meetings himself and reported to a friend that he found the opinions expressed by the orators ‘‘orderly, legal, . . . pretty much—don’t tell this !—very like my own.’’ He could not bear the thought of sending ~ grapeshot from Our 2UDS into a helpless mass ot fellow eltizens: a ede ne the streets with fire and charging with cavalry, destroying poor people whose only erime is that they have been legieaneen and reduced to such straits that they seek redress by arms, 1gnor- ant that of all ways that is the most certain to increase the ley complain of.’’ The petitions caused no action in parliament. Some of the more violent-minded of the agitators talked of appeals to force. A few weapons were discovered here and there. Ultimately, the leaders of the movement were arrested, tried for sedition, and sentenced to short terms of imprisonment, The interlude caused by these repressive measures gave a chance for the more intellectual leaders of the movement, likeTHE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 647 Lovett, to direct their attention to schemes for the spread of education among laborers. O’Connor came to the front. He seems to have been a mixture of mountebank and demagogue, with a genuine disposition at heart to do something to improve the lot of his fellows, but with no very practical notion of what could be done. He launched a movement for settling labor- ers on the land as small proprietors and actually collected money enough to embark several hundred persons in the enterprise. Another group at Rochdale began a movement for cooperative distribution that was destined later to develop on a large scale and that has lasted until the present day. Another group in- terested themselves in foreign affairs and in the promotion of peace. By this time Friedrich Engels and his pupil and asso- ciate, Karl Marx, were in England and were learning with O’Brien to think in terms of economic action through the state as an agency. O’Connor capitalized his influence and was elected to parliament in 1847. The last impressive gesture of the Chartists was the fruit of the hard economic conditions of that year and the year previous. It was in the form of a monster petition for the points of the Charter, which it was proposed to present in a great procession to parliament in 1848. Events taking place on the Continent in that year helped to give currency to all manner of wild rumors as to the plots and plans of the agitators. The Duke of Wellington, now in his dotage, suddenly discovered that England was defenceless and in danger of an invasion and called on the government to strengthen the army. As was the case on former occasions, the ministers in authority, once having become frightened, easily found reasons for magnifying their panic. As April 10, the day set for presenting the petition, approached, thousands of special constables were qualified, among them Louis Napoleon, soon to become emperor of the French. The defence of London was entrusted to Wellington. The Queen went to the Isle of Wight for safety. The windows of the government offices were barricaded with piles of newspapers and _ books. Everybody expected the worst. Fortunately, Wellington kept his head and decided not to forbid the meeting that had been planned, but to close the bridges and make impossible the procession to Parliament House. O’Connor agreed to abandon the procession. The meeting was held, and the petition was loaded into three cabs and sent to the House of Commons, after which the crowd dispersed. O’Connor, as was his custom, had exaggerated the number of648 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS names the petition contained, mentioning a figure larger than the total number of adult males of voting age in the kingdom. Nearly two million names were actually on the lists, if we accept as correct the count of clerks employed by a hostile parla- ment, though many of them were fictitious or forged. By two o’clock in the afternoon of April 10, Lord John Russell, the Prime Minister, wrote to the Queen that ‘‘the Kensington Com- mon meeting has proved a complete failure.’’ It had certainly failed to justify the fears of those in authority. What might have happened had they not taken precautionary measures In advance, it is useless to imagine. The agitation of the Chartists on a large scale was at an end. The influence of their leaders was spent. O’Connor’s mind became unbalanced, as his affairs became involved. But it would be a mistake to regard the Chartist movement as a failure because its immediate results were small. For the first time, the bulk of the laborers of the kingdom had united as a class and had acted in support of a common cause. Their action was the result of hard conditions and was inspired by leaders who sometimes had uncertain notions. They adopted a political program as a panacea, instead of trying to formulate practical remedies for the conditions that furnished the dynamic of the movement. Several additional generations of organiza- tion were necessary before the laborers would be able to act together on so extensive a scale again. Meanwhile, they had beoun to think in common of the grievances they felt. More important for the time, perhaps, was the fact that those in power were not again able to forget that these millions of their fellow-countrymen were capable of action if pressed too far. At any rate, they might be aroused to action that would endan- cer the existence of the established order in society. ‘To what extent the ameliorating policies, gradually adopted by the gov- ernment in the next succeeding generation, were due to fears more or less consciously generated by knowledge of this latent power ot the laborers is not CaSY LO determine. But these fears were not wholly absent from the minds of those responsible for the government of the kingdom. Mor the time being. other more articulate if less numerous croups agitated changes with more immediate results. An illus- tration is the movement among the City financiers to regulate the issue of notes by the banks, which resulted in the Bank Act of 1844. Previous to 1774 both silver and gold were mediums of exchange in England. A statute of that year pro— a ee ea sii cease THE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 649 vided that henceforth lawful contracts involving larger sums than twenty-five pounds must be discharged in gold. ‘The stress of the war caused Pitt’s ministry in 1797 to suspend the require- ment that bank notes be convertible into specie at will and to attempt to make the notes a legal tender. The notes depre- ciated in gold value as they increased in quantity and empha- | 5 sized the general tendency toward inflated prices. In 1310 a parliamentary Bullion Committee, acting on the advice ot . Ricardo, recommended the resumption of the payment of specie at par for the notes. The measure was not finally adopted until 1819, when Peel sponsored an act for the purpose. ‘This act left to the Bank of England and to the country banks of issue the responsibility of adjusting the amount of notes issued to the current demands for credit. But the rise of the theory that prices were in part determined by the available quantity of the circulating medium, for which Ricardo was in some meas- ure responsible, led to a demand by city bankers that the amount of notes issued be arbitrarily limited, so that price levels might fluctuate less and business conditions be rendered more stable. The project found a convincing advocate in Samuel Jones Lloyd, who reduced his arguments to terms that carried conviction to the ministers, most of whom understood few of the wider implications of the question. Peel adopted the project as an official measure and procured its passage through a parliament, most of whose members appreciated little of what it was all about. Like most acts of legislation, it was a compromise. The ‘ country banks were not, as Lloyd desired, denied entirely the right to issue notes, but no new country banks were to be given the privilege, and the older banks were to lose it as they changed their form of organization. The Bank of England was gradu- ally to acquire a monopoly of issuing notes in England and Wales, and this institution was limited in the amount of its issue. An amount definitely fixed could be issued on the basis of securities held by the bank; further issue was to vary accord- ine to the amount of bullion held by the bank. The result of the act was to deprive note issue of its elasticity to such an extent that it was not sufficient to serve the needs of business. The financial crisis that resulted a few years afterward made it necessary to suspend the operation of the act. Gradually busi- ness found relief by the use of other devices. New gold fields were discovered. Bills of exchange were multipled. Checks and similar instruments were introduced on a large scale, and bank notes came to play a correspondingly minor role as a cireu-650 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS lating medium. The proverbial necessity afforded the required inventions. In the meantime, the cotton manufacturers were sponsoring a movement calling for a change in the economic organization of the country that involved a break with the past almost as violent as the reform bill itself. The Anti-Corn Law League, of which Richard Cobden and John Bright were the apostles, challenged the attention of laborers in the earlier period of the Chartist agitation. It offered an economic panacea, free trade, instead of a political panacea, parliamentary reform. Both movements flourished on the chronic economic and social dis- tress. The agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws came to a more practical fruition in immediate achievement than that for parliamentary reform, because it enlisted support from the manufacturers as well as from many of their laborers. The paraphernalia of propaganda, now grown familiar from frequent usage, was further elaborated and brought into play. It was the first real trial of strength between the ancient wielders of power in England, the landlords, and the new industrial groups. As we know. so securely were the older rulers entrenched, that, had they acted solely from the point of view of their immediate interests, they might for a time have had their will. But wiser heads among them were gradually learning by experience that in the long run this purely selfish policy did not pay. Con- sequently, they were again ready to save much of their posi- tion by compromise. Their feeling was expressed by Lord John Russell in 1845. when, after supporting for a period a small fixed duty on grain, he announced his conversion to free trade. ‘“The struggle to make bread scarce and dear, when it is clear that part, at least, of the additional price goes to increase rent, is a struggle deeply injurious to an aristocracy which is strong in property, strong in the construction of our legislature, strong in opinion, strong in ancient associations and in the memory of immortal services.’? Even so, the task of repealing the Corn Laws fell to the lot of Peel, who came into office in 1841 at the head of a ministry distinctly committed against the step. Peel was himself interested in the cotton industry and had be- come a free trader in theory. He was chiefly concerned about the expediency of adopting free trade as a practical policy in a world in which protective tariffs were the rule. The agitation was gradually having effect, and it was becoming increasingly difficult to reply, on the one hand, to manufacturers who saw in dear food a hindrance to their profits and, on the other, toTHE TRIUMPH OF INDUSTRY 691 laborers who hoped that cheaper food might alleviate their lot and make life more endurable, if not comfortable. The matter was brought to an issue by the failure of the potato crop in Ireland in 1845 and the necessity that the government import food to relieve the distress of famine. Peel realized that if the duties were temporarily removed they would be difficult to restore. Russell announced his conversion to free trade as an immediate policy, and Peel, when his cabinet would not follow him in the measure he saw was necessary, resigned. Russell was unable to form an administration, and Peel took office again to carry the proposed measure, with the support of most of Russell’s party and against the opposition of a large part of his own. Among his most effective critics in his own party was a young man of Hebrew descent, Benjamin Disraeli, who was destined to be heard from again as leader of the unconverted landlords. But by this measure Great Britain recognized that the supremacy of the landed classes was on the wane, while the new industrial society was waxing in influence. In a sharp conflict of interests, the landed group had had to give way. To be sure, all men did not act on the question according to purely personal interests. With many, the pull of tradition was stronger than that of interest; others acted according to theo- retical doctrines that seemed to them valid. Perhaps it would be possible to find almost as many diverse justifications of the action as there were individuals participating in it. But that does not invalidate the fact of the predominance of the indus- trial interests, which the act revealed. The abandonment of protection, however, was a more far-reaching step than was at once manifest. It marked the beginning of a new attitude toward the outlying portions of the empire as well as toward the world at large. FOR FURTHER STUDY O. F. Boucke, The Development of Economics, chs. iii-iv; Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, II. ch. iii; Cambridge Modern History, X. chs. xx, xxii; XI. ch.i; A. V. Dicey, Law and Public Opinion in England, Lectures v-vi; A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, IV. ch. iv; J. A. R. Marriott, England Since Waterloo, chs. v-ix; G. H. Perris, The Industrial History of Modern England, chs. iv, v; J. F. Rees, A Social and Industrial History of England, chs. iii-v; Gilbert Slater, The Making of Modern England, chs. vi-xi; G. M. Trevelyan, British His- tory in the Nineteenth Century, chs. xiv, xv, xvii; A. P. Usher, The Indus- trial History of England, ch. xx.* © as, "> < 652 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS a ee a FOR WIDER READING Sir William Anson, The Law and Custom of the Constitution, II. Part 1; Walter Bagehot, The English Constitution; H. R. F. Bourne, English News- papers, Il. chs. xv-xvi: G. C. Broderick and J. K. Fotherimgham, The History of England 1801-1837, ehs. xiv-xvu; G. D. H. Cole, The Life of William Cobbett, chs. xxiii, xiv; obert Owen; W. A. Dunning, Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer, chs. 11, V1; J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Village Labourer, ehs. x-xii; L. H. Haney, History of Economic Thought, chs. X-xll; Bernard Holland, The Fall of Protection; Mark Hovell, The Chartist Movement; Henry Jephson, The Platform, Il. chs. xiv-xix: Sidney Low and L. C Sanders, The History of England 1837-1901, chs. Lili: Sir Herbert Maxwell, A Century of Empvre, [, ch, xiv; Ll. ehs: l, 1x° Simon Patten, The De ve lopme nt of English Thought, ch. V5 Charles Seymour, Electoral Reform in England and Wales, ehs. i-v; J. R. Thurs- field, Peel; Lytton Strachey, Queen Victoria, chs. i-iv; G. M. Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the Reform Bull, 300k III: Graham Wallas, Life of Francis Place, chs. vi-xiv; Spencer Walpole, The History of England from the Conclusion of the Great War, III. chs. xi-xili: I1V; V. chs, xvili-xix; Sidney and Beatrice Webb, The History of Trade Unionism, ch, iti; Julius West, ; The History of the Chartist Movement, chs. 11-1x. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE Cambridge Modern History Atlas, Nos. 113, 114, shows the distribution House of Commons before and after the reform A of seats in the Eng bill of 1832. J. A. R. Marriott, Enaland Since Waterloo, appendix, contains two maps lilustrating the same points and eovering Seotland and [Ireland as well as England and Wales. Shepherd, p. 163, indicates the same points for England and Wales on a single map. Muir, f. 43, indicates the same points for all the British Isles on a single map.CHAPTHR XXV THE SECOND EMPIRE Tue Last PHASE oF THE East INDIA CoMPANY As was the case with every other aspect of the national life, the relations of Great Britain with India were profoundly influ- enced by the growth of industry. The foundations of British dominion in India, as we know, were laid by a trading company, whose ambitions and methods conformed to mereantilist ideals. The privileges which were the foundation of the early prosperity of the company were gradually withdrawn, until the reformed parhament in 1833 had nothing more to withdraw except the monopoly of the trade with China and the trade in tea. After these were taken away, the company ceased to be a commercial organization and retained only the function of governing British India in codperation with the Board of Control. The renewal of the charter for this purpose, in 1833, was preceded by a report based on a parliamentary investigation, which reflected the influence of the political and economic ideals then becoming prevalent. It was recognized ‘‘as an indisputable principle that the interests of the native subjects are to be consulted in preference to those of Europeans, wherever the two come in competition; and that therefore the laws ought to be adapted rather to the feelings and habits of the natives than to those of the Europeans.’’ The report further recognized that, while British laws could be assimilated into the native system, yet ‘‘the principles of British law could never be made the basis of an Indian code.’’ But these principles were not easy of appli- cation, and British governors frequently departed from them in the midst of the difficult conditions that cireumstanced their labors. These difficulties were not lessened by the fact that the rise of British textile manufacture by machines meant the de- struction of the corresponding industry as practiced by hand in India. Whereas the Indian hand industry had in former times exported its products to other countries, British cotton goods were now imported in increasing volume into India. 653654 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS The methods adopted by those who had the responsibility in India for spreading the principles of the new Western culture were not always as tactful as they might have been had the task heen entrusted to less cocksure hands. Thomas Babington Macaulay, a member of the council sent out under the act of 1833, procured the adoption of English as the language to be used in the education of the natives, on the eround that the lan- ouages of India or any other Oriental country were little worth knowing. There was something to be said for the use of the lan- guage of the ruling power, since there was no vernacular com- mon to all the people of the Indian empire, but the statement by which Macaulay supported his point was not calculated to win the sympathy and codperation of a people with many ancient traditions and philosophies. The application of the new principles in the government of India was made difficult by the very conditions that had at- tended the growth of the empire and by the methods by which ‘+ was held together. The British had established themselves in India by intrigue and force. There was now no native cen- tral power there strong enough to be compared with that of the 2yitish. Had the British withdrawn at this juncture, the coun- try would have been given over to chaotie rivalries among the native chieftains. But a continuous application of force was necessary to maintain their power. And if the British should elect to maintain their power by force, it was almost inevitable that they would extend their dominion by the use of the same methods. No matter how pacific might be the intentions of a British governor in India, the practical conditions he faced over- bore his benevolent purposes and intentions. He found it expe- dient to unite with his utilitarian aspirations the somewhat older doctrine that any means are justifiable 11 necessary to achieve desired ends. A governor inclined to respond to the humani- tarian and liberal aspirations in Great Britain, and so to refrain from adopting violent measures to strengthen the position of the British in India, was apt to be succeeded by one who felt it necessary to regain, by a display of force, the ground lost by his predecessor. Once a territory was occupied, it could not thereafter be abandoned without loss of prestige. But its de- fence might involve strife with the people on its frontier, the consequent occupation of still wider regions, and so on indefi- nitely. There was little or no premeditated conquest. The ex- tensions of the dominion resulted from measures adopted to de- fend obligations already assumed.THE SECOND EMPIRE 69 O7 Lord Cornwallis, the first governor general sent out under Pitt’s regulatory act of 1784, was specifically instructed not to declare hostilities or enter into a treaty for making war against a native state or guaranteeing it against an enemy, except when necessary to defend the company’s territories or that of its allies from imminent attack. Cornwallis was in hearty symp- pathy with these instructions, and the parliament of the time emphasized its views by stipulating, in 17938, that: ‘* Forasmuch as to pursue schemes of conquest and extension of dominion in India are measures repugnant to the wish, the honour, and the policy of this nation, it shall not be lawful for the government in council to declare war, to enter into any treaty for making war, or for guaranteeing the possessions of any country, princes, or states (except when hostilities against the British nation in India have been actually commenced or prepared), without ex- press command and authority from the home government.’’ Yet Cornwallis spent the years from 1790 to 1792 in a war with Tippu, the Sultan of Mysore. A successor of Cornwallis, Richard Wellesley, Marquis Wellesley, elder brother of the Duke of Wellington, who was governor general from 1798 to 1805, re- newed the war with Tippu and humbled that chieftain as the beginning of a career of conquest and expansion that Clive and Hastines did not rival. The contemporary war with France made this ambitious pro- gram possible. It oceupied the attention of the ministers at home and procured for Wellesley a free hand in India, where the fear of French inroads served as an excuse for his under- takings. He annexed the Carnatic district and then negotiated treaties with native princes in other regions on terms that made them subsidiary to British rule. The general arrangement usu- ally provided that definite land revenues should be paid to the British, on condition that they maintain the troops necessary to protect the prince in his power. Having made terms in this way with the more important Mohammedan princes, Wellesley turned his attention to the Mahrattas. The renewal of the war with Napoleon in Kurope found Wellesley engaged in a struggle with those Hindu chieftains in India. The French possessions in India, that were to have been given back under the terms of the Treaty of Amiens, were never restored. Wellesley disregarded almost entirely the wishes of the directors of the company, whom he characterized as a ‘‘ pack of narrow-minded old women.’’ He took seriously the French threat against British dominion, and he exerted himself to lay strong foundations to resist it.A ee ee A - a 656 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Ultimately, even his friends, Castlereagh, Dundas, and Pitt, felt that he had gone too far, and they decided, in 1805, to recall him. But he left the British in possession of the entire eastern coast of the peninsula and of a considerable portion of the western coast. To the northward, he had extended British supremacy to the west of Delhi. The Punjab to the further west, Sinde to the south, and the interior of the peninsula remained under native rule. Elsewhere, British influence was dominant, and his suc- cessors were to add to the territory he had acquired. Cornwallis, now approaching the end of his life, went out as Wellesley’s successor, committed to a more pacific policy, even to the extent of withdrawing, where possible, from the more hazardous enterprises of his predecessor. Lord Minto, who took up the task that Cornwallis did not live to perform, had been one of the harshest erities of Warren Hastings, and so was even more thoroughly committed to a less ambitious policy. But his administration fell in the time when Napoleon was in alliance with Russia, and, in spite of his contrary intentions, he found himself negotiating with Persia, Punjab, and Afghanistan on land and seizing Java and Mauritius and other neighboring islands on the sea. Lord Moira, later Marquis of Hastings, whose period of service was from 1813 to 1823, completed the subjuga- tion of the Mahrattas in the interior and extended the bounds of the British dominion to the northward to China by the con- quest of the Gurkhas in Nepal. Lord Amherst began the con- quest of Burmah in 1826. Then followed an interval (1828- 1834) in which Lord William Bentinck attempted to organize according to the prevailing notions this conglomerate Oriental population. Lord Auckland, who followed him in 1836, had to face the current fear of Russia, which led to an unsuccessful expedition into Afghanistan. Lord Ellenborough, who suc- eeeded Auckland (1841), undertook to redeem this failure by a blatant success in the same region, which led to his recall in 1844. not. however, until after he had forced the annexation of Sinde by methods perhaps the least defensible of all British activities in India. Sir Henry Hardinge, who followed, became ‘nvolved in a war with the Sikhs in the Punjab, which was revived under his successor (1848), James Ramsay, Lord Dal- housie. and earried to a conclusion that placed the district under the British. The war with the Burmese on the east was re- newed also, and by the end of Dalhousie’s administration the British were in control of the coast on both sides of the Bay of Jengeal. Thus Great Britain, still acting through the skeletonTHE SECOND EMPIRE 657 organization of the old trading company, became by far the strongest power in southern Asia. But Dalhousie was not primarily occupied with extending the bounds of the empire. He had the prejudice of a Scot against waste and inefficiency. He felt that it would be to the mutual advantage of the people affected and of the British government in India if he could eliminate, wherever possible, the native princes, who had been maintained in their positions by treaties made by Wellesley and some of his successors. According to the prevailing custom of the country, a prince without an heir might adopt one. Dalhousie began to disallow this privilege and to assume that, where there was no heir of the blood, the rights of the house concerned would lapse and fall into the hands of the government. He annexed Oudh outright, alleging that the Vizier had not lived up to his undertakings and that in con- sequence his government was inefficient and unendurable. He promoted the building of roads, railroads, canals, and telegraphs, the extension of the system of education, and, in general, the organization of the country for the conservation and exploitation of its material resources. Most of these ventures involved a break with the traditional life of the Indian people and the de- privation of many of them of privileges formerly enjoyed. Mis- sionaries of the Church had been coming to preach Christianity since 1833, though their work was hedged in by an understand- ing that they would not antagonize native religions. Some prac- tical things of that type had been done by the government itself. For example, the custom of immolating widows on the funeral pyres of their husbands had been abolished where it formerly prevailed. All of these changes had the cumulative effect of making the more thoughtful and imaginative natives feel that the India of their people was in the process of destruction. In whatever direction they looked, they seemed to see evidence to confirm this view. Dalhousie was laboring, in all good conscience, to effect changes which he felt were for the welfare of the native population, but the natives had not yet learned to appreciate or to relish the improvements he was introducing. They were asked to adopt new customs, and they saw ancient houses de- prived of former power and privileges. The feeling spread that the foreign power might intend a change of religion as well as of other aspects of the customary social life. Moreover, the centennial year of the battle of Plassey was approaching, and the superstitious cherished a tradition that this anniversary was658 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS destined to mark the end of the British dominion. Then Great Britain became involved in the war with Russia, which led to a withdrawal of troops from India for service in the Crimea. A war with China ealled for others, and still others had to be sent to the Afghan frontier, when trouble with Persia followed the Russian war. India was thus denuded of white troops to a point where the native Sepoys, whom they had trained, out- numbered them five to one (233,000 to 45,000 in 1856). Charles John Canning, Earl Canning, son of George Canning, who succeeded Dalhousie as vrovernor oeneral (1856), soon tound the power of the British in India threatened by a rising of the native troops in the central districts. The mutiny or revolt cen- tered in Delhi, Cawnpore, and Lucknow, all in the Oudh region. Many British officers and their families lost their lives, though many were saved through the loyalty of native friends. The Sikhs in the Punjab remained loyal to their recent conquerors. The British at Cawnpore were massacred before relief could be sent. Delhi was soon regained, and Lucknow was saved by a thrilling expedition. The revolt was unorganized and lacked leadership, else it might have threatened the very existence of British dominion. As it was, it served to direct the immediate and emphatic attention of the British people to the difficulties of the enterprise on which they had long ago thoughtlessly em- barked. There was a loud demand for vengeance on those re- sponsible for the disaster at Cawnpore. But cooler-headed states- men realized that it would be more prudent to make haste slowly. The Governor General achieved the soubriquet, ‘*Clem- * ency Canning,’’ a title of which the ruler of an alien subject _ » people in a trying time had no reason to be ashamed. Though the suppression of the revolt was not accomplished without some stubborn fighting, accompanied by heroic exploits, in the end, it subsided, and the country was restored to as much quiet as was likely to prevail. The government at home made the mutiny the occasion for passing final sentence of execution on the company that had laid the foundation for British empire in the Hast. The Government of India Act of 1858, providing for a direct assumption of the government of India by the crown and parla- ment, was followed by an amnesty proclamation, in which the Queen announced once more that Great Britain desired no exten- abide by her treaty agreements, and declared it to be her “royal will and pleasure that none be in anywise favored, none molested or disquieted by reason of their religious faith or observances,vinta Sa ae elie . THE SECOND EMPIRE 699 but that all shall alike enjoy the equal and impartial protection of the law.’’ The good intentions of the Queen’s government were un- doubted. But the chain of events which the British East India Company had started under the imperious leadership of Clive united Great Britain and India by bonds that could not be broken, unless the country that had taken the initial step was willing to withdraw from a task which was now regarded as more of a responsibility than as an enterprise for national profit and agegrandizement. British wars and conquests in the East were not yet at anend. British foreign policy had of necessity to take cognizance of the Indian dominions. British statesmen continued to find in India one of their most difficult problems. To withdraw from a responsibility, assumed without much pre- meditation, seemed impossible; to go on with it seemed increas- ingly difficult. PouIcrEs FoR NEw CoNnpITIONS The loss of the American colonies brought to British states- men no immediate realization of failure. They were as little convinced as ever on the underlying questions raised in the course of the revolt that resulted in the independence of the United States. They were as unready as ever to devise a solution for the seeming paradox of the supremacy of the mother country over a colony that insisted on attending to most of its own affairs. The repeal of the Corn Laws was followed, a little later (1849), by the repeal of the last of the Navigation Acts. ‘The maugura- tion of practical free trade left the old colonial system without defence, but the colonies remained on hand to vex statesmen who saw no profit in their retention. Their administration and their defence were burdens on the home government, which seemed to bring no adequate return. As early as 1790 Sir John Sin- clair had estimated that the North American colonies had cost the country forty million pounds and had involved it in wars costing two hundred and forty million pounds. Nevertheless, he complained, ‘‘the rage for colonization has not yet been driven from the councils of this country. We have fortunately lost New England, but a New Wales has since started up. How many millions it may cost may be the subject of the calculations of succeeding financiers unless by the exertions of some able statesman that source of future waste and extravagance is pre- vented.’’ Unmindful alike of this warning and of the challenge we Snaon . st “= e660 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS to the supremacy of parliament in the colonies, that body passed, in 1791, a statute setting up a government in Canada. But the notion gradually gained currency that colonies were expensive luxuries, that they would ultimately demand their independence, and that the example of the American states proved that trade with independent countries was as profitable as trade with col- onies still held in subjection. As time went on, the colonial administration became even more inefficient and incompetent than it had been in the pre- vious century. For a time after the American Revolution, the secretary for home affairs managed the colonies; a little later (1794), the same member of the cabinet was secretary for war and managed the colonies from that office. In 1801 the depart- ments of war and the colonies were united. The little attention the colonies received was given by permanent secretaries, who seldom made a stir in the political world. ‘The colonies counted for so little that one of the first acts of the reformed parliament in 1833 was to abolish slavery throughout the empire; since the last decades of the eighteenth century the courts had held it to be illegal in Great Britain. The prosperity of the West India sugar islands was founded on slave labor. The planters now found themselves, within the space of a few years, deprived without recourse of this labor and faced with the task of employ- ince as freemen those who had formerly worked under compul- sion. As compensation for this loss, parliament appropriated twenty million pounds, which it was estimated covered something like fifty per cent. of the market value of the slaves freed. The coming of free trade a little later and the admission to British markets of sugar grown by the slave labor of other countries on the same terms as colonial sugar no doubt had the eftect of reducing the cost of the commodity to British consumers, but it was fatal to the prosperity of the colonies. ‘To prevent a sur- reptitious enforcement of the labor of the freedmen, the Liberals and evangelicals, whose philanthropie sentiments had carried abolition, were now able to insist, as one of the cardinal doc- trines of British policy, that it was a primary function of the mother country to serve as a trustee of the backward peoples in its dominions. This doctrine became one of the foundation stones of the new empire that was soon to arise, though its application often involved friction with the colonies themselves. The more constructive part of the creed of the new imperial- ists, who after a while began to make their appearance, was formulated by Edward Gibbon Wakefield, working with LordTHE SECOND EMPIRE 661 Durham, Charles Buller, Sir William Molesworth, and others, who were in part influenced by the traditions of Charles James Fox, but more largely perhaps by Jeremy Bentham and his circle. ‘They criticized and satirized the existing machinery for colonial administration. Accepting the Malthusian hypothesis of an overabundant population, they suggested emigration to the colonies as a practicable measure of relief and organized, in 1830, a colonization society to promote the undertaking. Wake- field, in his younger days, eloped with an heiress, whom he ab- ducted from school, and thereby incurred the disgrace of three years imprisonment. While in prison, he read avidly all the literature on the colonies he could find, with the thought of starting life anew in one of them. Instead, he began to publish his views on the prevailing lack of system in colonization and to suggest that the government sell land to settlers and use the proceeds to encourage emigration and to assist emigrants with capital, though obligating them to serve for a period as laborers before obtaining land of their own. The new colonies, he argued, were further worthy of encouragement, in that they would pro- duce the food and some of the raw materials needed by a grow- ing population at home and would become at the same time markets for British goods. Not that they would be under compulsion so to be; it was a part of the new doctrine that the colonies should largely have the responsibility of their own gov- ernment. But they would be new communities in the world, and Great Britain would have the same access to their markets as other nations. When Durham and his brother-in-law, Grey, later came to apply these doctrines in practical administration, they began with the assumption that the autonomy of the colonies ought not to extend to matters of foreign trade, foreign policy, or to the oppression of backward races. On the second and third points, they met with little opposition for the time being. But when the mother country refused longer to give the colonies special favors in her own markets, it was scarcely reasonable to expect that they would willingly give her favors in their markets. The most that could be obtained were as favorable terms as were eranted to any other nation; anything else was left to the disere- tion of the colonies. Furthermore, it became apparent before long that autonomous colonies might not find free trade as profitable, at their stage of economic development, as did the mother country, in the full stature of her industrial growth. Meanwhile, British statesmen were beginning to discover that662 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the new forees abroad in the world made imperative some depar- tures from the traditional relations of their nation with other countries. That policy in this field did not more rapidly con- form to the new conditions was due, in part, to the retention of the old machinery for the conduct of foreign relations and, in part, to the Ee eharacter of the men in whom was vested the responsibility for them. Attitudes toward both countries and Pints were likely to become habitual, and later tradi- tional. The permanent employees of the foreign office acquired these attitudes as an unconscious part of their training. Con- sequently, the responsible secretaries derived the bulk of their ‘nformation and technical advice from sources that reflected more of the past than they were frequently aware. Cann ing wor- shipped at the shrine of Pitt, who had learned foreign policy at his father’s knee. Palmerston was trained in the school of Cannine and had now come to be regarded as a leading figure in the diplomatic world. He began to participate actively in the discussion of foreign affairs in 1829, and for the next genera- tion no single 1 pla eed a more influential role than he. His service as pik oat secretary began in 1830 and lasted, with an ‘ntermission of a few months, for more than a decade, and during that t] Ime he became so sure ot his posit on th AT he was almost autocratic in both his measures and his methods. After five years out of office 1841-1846 ) he took the same place again, holding it until finally dismissed from it in 1851, in part, because he had arrogated too much power to himself. Though he was never to hold that office again, he did serve later as home seecre- tary and as prime minister, and his unique knowledge of world eonditions was utilized by his colleagues. The policies which he formulated and promoted, in a manner which sometimes won by an audacity that seemed to court disaster, became themselves British traditions. His rivals and colleagues, who followed him at the foreign office, adopted in substance these traditions, h they sometimes supported them by different methods cy from those used by the master. These policies were formulated in the language of the ruling elass then dominant in Great Britain, whose mood Palmerston was admirably suited to express. He had a gift for stating world policies in the insular terms of British class interests. He was able to identify British needs with world needs so completely in his own mind, that he was genuinely surprised when states- men in other countries did not recognize the validity of views that seemed to him unquestionable. His primary concern on theTHE SECOND EMPIRE 663 continent of Europe was that peace be maintained. He had little inclination to meddle with the internal affairs of other countries, and he was ready to recognize any government that seemed for the time to speak with authority. But he was so certain of the superlative qualities of the British government, that he did not hesitate to advise the more absolute rulers, who had troublesome subjects, that to yield a point was better 1 han to lose all. He was still skeptical about the good disposition of France, though he brought himself to act in conjunction with her rulers under more than one régime. He had grown up in an atmosphere in which France was thought to be the arch enemy of Europe, and it was not easy for him to free himself from emotions which had become habitual in his youth. Russia, how- ever, had now come forward as the power of which British states- men were most afraid. Russia was pressing toward Constanti- nople in southeastern Europe and toward India in western and central Asia. The British in India, as we have observed, were not totally lacking in aggressiveness; perhaps that helps to ex- plain why they saw in Russia a power with which they would sooner or later have to reckon. Not everybody could phrase the situation as jJauntily as Sidney Herbert. The Russian ‘‘relations with Circassia, Georgia, Persia,’’ he said, ‘‘are the same as ours with Rangoon, Scinde, the Sikhs and Oudh. ... The publie here are right in thinking of Russian aggression, but wrong in attributing it to a wonderful foresight, skill and design. The Russians are just as great fools as other people; but they en- croach as we encroach in India, Africa, and everywhere—because we can’t help it.’’ In addition to peace in Kurope and protec- tion for India, the other chief considerations of British poley in the gener ration after the reform bill were open markets for British goods and protection for the colonies. The character of these aims makes it clear that, while the actual administration of foreign affairs might still be in the hands of men cast in the mould of the old ruling class and trained in the old school of diplomacy, nevertheless, the responsible offi- clals could not ignore the changing interests of the nation. The pressure of industrial and financial interests and the clamor of the multitude, sometimes aroused by causes more humanitarian than selfish, had their weight and were in fact irresistible when they had adequate support. A successful foreion minister now needed to know how to attune himself to the mood of the country if he hoped to wield the strength of the nation in international discussions. No small part of the explanation of Palmerston’sees led ots I — it a | 664 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS prestige lies in his gift for saying 1n loud tones what a multitude of his countrymen felt. He knew also somewhat of how feelings might be aroused by a skilful use of propaganda. The prestige of Palmerston was at its height in 1848, when an imperious national feeling, too long represse d, stirred among the European peoples and, by eruptions in divers places, prepared the way for changes that were to come In Re veneration fol- lowing. For some years there had been warnings of what was in process. The Hapsburg Emperor, in 1846, absorbed the re- publie of Cracow in violation of the settlement of Vienna, which Metternich had made it his chief mission to uphold. In the same year Pope Pius [X. on his aecession to office, began to take steps to ameliorate somewhat the governments of the Italian states. in which he was the responsible ruler. Metter- nich protested at this step and, when his protest was unavail- ino. ordered troops to occupy the papal city of Ferrara. Other rulers of Italian states soon had to deal with demands of thi subjects for a share in the government. Palmerston sent repre- sentatives to make investigations and to emphasize the advice he did not hesitate to give, urging the expediency of adopting a con- stitutiona! ae ‘n order to avoid revolution. The Brit- ish Minister interp! reted the ferment that he saw working in Europe as a rising of the people to seek a more liberal govern- ment. As a matter of fact, it was only secondarily that. Pri- marily, it was a drawing together of contiguous peoples with common interests and common traditions into units that would enable them to utilize their strength in freeing themselves trom outside domination and in maintaining a separate existence. Of this. Palmerston understood little. He still thought of the unification of Italy as an impracticable aspiration. He was ‘nterested in maintaining a strong Hapsburg empire in central Europe, as a buffer against Russia, and he felt that the Haps- bure interests in Italy were a source of weakness rather than of streneth to that power. When the Italan states revolted, he advised against an attempt to subjugate them. Palmerston had granted permission to Louis Philippe to bring the bones of Napoleon back to France, and he had a glimmer ot insight concerning the latent strength of the Bonaps irtist party in that country. When the office-holding parhamentary oligar- ehy, which Guizot and the French Kine had organized as the foundation of their power, was overthrown by a combination which included the industrial laborers under the socialist, Louis Blane, the republicans under Lamartine, and other factions,THE SECOND EMPIRE 665 Palmerston acted in codperation with the de facto government as soon as it was inaugurated, but he was not sorry when Louis Napoleon took it in hand and made himself emperor. His ambi- tion was to see that the ferment subsided without involving Ku- rope in a general war. The last such war had brought too many difficulties in its train for a British statesman to welcome an- other, if it could be avoided. This fear of a renewal of a gen- eral war, as much as anything else, caused Palmerston to advise the rulers of the troubled countries to make terms with the revolutionists, and it is arguable that, but for the large infiu- ence he undoubtedly exerted, the trouble might have become more widespread than was actually the ease. As a matter of fact, though Guizot and his royal master soon found themselves exiles in London, their days of power ended, Napoleon in France and the young Emperor Francis Joseph in Austria, in a little while, had their peoples in as quiet a frame as before. It looked like most of the pother had gone for naught. As the unrest subsided, Palmerston was dismissed from the office he had held so long. The Queen and her consort had not agreed with many of his policies, and she complained that he neglected both to abide by her advice and to advise her of his action, so that she was never certain herself of what she was doing. His colleagues in the cabinet began to have similar feelings, and his own tolerant chief, Lord John Russell, finally advised the Queen to dispense with his services, though her Majesty, in later years, came to recognize that, objectionable as she found some of his methods to be, Palmerston had merits that some of her other statesmen lacked. The desire of British manufacturers for more extensive mar- kets led British statesmen to watch suspiciously the rise of the Zoliverein, which Prussia promoted among the German states. The same motive, in part, led Palmerston, in 1848, contrary to the views of the Queen and her husband, to take the side of Den- mark, in the dispute with Prussia concerning Schleswig and Hol- stein, a dispute of which more was to be heard later. Palmer- ston was not hostile to Prussia; in fact, he said frankly that he desired a strong Germany as a protection against the expan- sion of Russia in the north, just as he desired a strong Austria in the south. He did not like the Zollverein because, as he said, it “‘maintained a system of prohibitory duties against English manufacturers, which were thereby put at a great disadvantage. ”’ The Western Hemisphere was in this generation acquiring an importance which could no longer be regarded as secondary.666 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS The population of the United States was rapidly coming to equal, as it was soon to outstrip, that of Great Britain, and there were a number of matters at issue between the two countries, some of which had been unsettled since the end of the Revolutionary War. Moreover, a somewhat bumptious spirit, natural in a young nation increasingly aware of its growing power, made the Americans as little regardful of British feelings as Palmerstonian Britain was of the feelings of other peoples. Fortunately, the Treaty of Ghent, which ended the War of 1812, was followed by an agreement, negotiated by Richard Rush and Charles Bagot in 1817, which provided for mutual disarmament of the two countries on the Great Lakes and set a precedent for an un- fortified frontier on a boundary, which in time came to be too long to defend at all adequately. But the unsettled question of the right of search left troublesome obstacles in the way of put- ting an end to the slave trade, when the vessel engaged in it used the American flag. A revolt of Canadians against the mother country in 1837 found support among inhabitants of some of the northern states of the Union, and a small steamer engaged in taking supplies to the insurgents was captured and burnt by the British on the New York side of the Niagara river. Sev- eral years later one Alexander McLeod, a British subject, was arrested in New York State and accused of murder for his par- ticipation in the destruction of that boat. This question was coupled with an unsettled boundary dispute between Maine and New Brunswick. ‘The British ministers, recognizing the serious dangers that might develop, sent Lord Ashburton, who had mar- ried an American woman, as a special envoy to negotiate a set- tlement in America. The Webster-Ashburton Treaty, which re- sulted (1842), finally settled the northeastern boundary between Canada and the United States. The question of the northwestern boundary on the Pacific coast in the Oregon territory and the relations between the United States and Mexico remained as vexing matters. British manufacturers were largely dependent on American cotton orowers for raw material, and Texas afforded a chance of a rival souree of supply. Again, the sentiment of the British people against slavery was very real, and it was hoped that Texas might be made free territory. Then, too, British investors held Mexican bonds, and they were certainly not made more secure by the separation of Texas and the likelihood of the separation of the even more extensive territories to the north - and west. which it was understood the United States coveted.THE SECOND EMPIRE 667 British activities in Texas stirred both the Americans and the British Hudson’s Bay Company to make haste to occupy the Oregon territory along the Columbia River on the Pacifie Coast. James K. Polk was elected president of the United States, in 1848, on a platform that called for the annexation of Texas and for an extreme line (54° 40’) as the Oregon boundary. Texas was annexed, and the Oregon boundary was compromised. The war between Mexico and the United States, that followed the annexation of Texas, led to the cession to the United States of California and a large area that now constitutes the south- western part of the country. Thus Great Britain was shut into Canada in the northern region of North America. The discovery of gold in California and a little later in Australia soon brought another question to the fore. The long and dangerous maritime journey around South America made an isthmian canal a tempting project. The Americans began to negotiate with New Granada for the Panama route, and both Great Britain and the United States began to spar for ad- vantage in Nicaragua. The negotiation was long and tortuous, and, as we know, was finally renewed in the twentieth century. It was compromised for the moment in the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty of 1850, in which an agreement, somewhat vaguely worded, was reached that the canal, if constructed, should not be fortified and should be free to all nations. When Great Britain adopted free trade after the repeal of the Corn Laws, Canada was left without the preferential duty that had previously enabled her to sell her grain in British markets on a more favorable basis than the United States. A handicap was thus imposed on Canadian producers, and they now desired to make terms with the United States. A treaty providing for a measure of reciprocity of trade was negotiated to afford relief to Canada, the United States finding compensa- tion in being admitted to certain fishing privileges, from which its citizens had hitherto been excluded. A few years later the British gave way on the question of the right of search, and the United States undertook to codperate in suppressing the slave trade. The two English-speaking nations were thus learn- ing how to settle their differences peacefully, though this period was characterized by a belligerent spirit on both sides, a spirit which was not moderated by the presence in America of several million Irishmen, who brought with them grievances stored up against the British government for several centuries. assumed the responsibility of their protection. But the imperial] Chinese government refused to deal with foreign governments as equals. Moreover, the Chinese government wished to prevent the importation of opium from India. As a result of the war, which began in 1838 and was eoncluded in 1842. Hong Kong was ceded to Great Britain, and five additional Chinese ports were opened to trade. The next war developed out of frictions that were continuous from the first. Its immediate occasion was the lowering of a British flag by the Chinese on a Chinese boat on which it had no right to be flown. In the end, Great Britain, Wrance. Russia. and the United States jointly demanded of China the right to have their representatives received at Peking and to have freedom of trade with the interior of the country, and they succeeded in having these demands granted. Another harrier that hedged in the limits of British trade was thus broken down. Of the British contact with Russia in Persia no more need he said. The latter country was the unhappy meeting ground of these two expanding empires in Asia, both of which were con- sciously endeavoring to protect territory already gained rather . +o sain more. Each was impelled to extend its outposts by rear that the other would SECUTIC a position ot vantage. And so the process went on. But it was in the region with which all Europe was becoming increasingly familiar as the ‘* Near East’’ that the most serious elash between the two powers came. The Treaty of Adrianople, which settled the question of Greek independence in 1829, meant another encroachment of Russia on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, an encroachment that had now been in process ror more than a century. (;reat Britain under Palmerston and France under Louis Philippe set them- selves the common task of hindering the further extension of Russian power in that region. Metternich was in sympathy with their views. as far as these plans meant the maintenance of the status quo. The policy of France, as interpreted by Guizot, was to keep the Ottoman Empire intact in order to prevent Rus-THE SECOND EMPIRE sia from obtaining a preponderant power. Recognizing, however, that dismemberment of Turkish territory was likely to occur, Guizot favored the organization of the detached provinces into independent sovereignties rather than their incorporation in existing states. Palmerston was more optimistic than Guizot as to the ability of the Turks to maintain their position, and he was, on that account, the more inclined to insist on the in- tegrity of the Ottoman Empire. The first crisis after the great war came in 1832, when Ibrahim, son of the Egyptian Pasha, Mehemet, invaded the territory of his suzerain, the Sultan of Turkey. The Sultan appealed first to Great Britain and then to France. Obtaining no encouragement from either quarter, he sought help from Russia. Russia brought the desired assis- tance, but on terms that would have made Turkey a semi-depen- dent ally. Thereupon, Great Britain and France, though still distrustful of each other, acted in concert to thwart the Russian plans. One reason why Palmerston sought to act with France was to prevent that power from making terms and a common cause with Russia. Russia, on the other hand, was seeking to keep Great Britain and Mranee at odds. In the end, France adopted an independent line, and the question was compromised in 1840 by Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and Prussia acting in concert on a basis that left Mehemet hereditary Pasha of Kgypt, thus putting an end to the relations between Russia and ‘Turkey which had stimulated Palmerston to action. The next crisis on this question did not come until after Napoleon III was on the imperial throne of France and Palmer- ston had been dismissed from the British foreign office. The French Emperor, seeking to curry favor with the Roman Church and to strengthen his hold on his Catholic subjects, obtained from the Sultan of Turkey in 1850 an acquiescence in obsolescent claims, dating from the Crusades, which made the French the protectors of the holy places of the Church. Meanwhile, in the interval, while French interest in the matter was qu:z jeseent, this position had fallen into the hands of the Tsar of Russia, as patron of the Orthodox Greek Church, whose members mani- fested a more genuine interest in pilenimaoes to the sacred Shrines than did the Catholics. A natural outcome in time was a clash between the two powers, which the British oovern- ment watched with anxiety, though not with the aggressive in- terest that Palmerston would have manifested. By the be- ginning of 1853, the position of the Turkish ruler seemed to be eritical. He was hemmed in on the one hand by the French and670 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS on the other by the Russians, and his own subjects were in revolt in Montenegro and on the opposite borders of the empire in the Black Mountains. Tsar Nicholas I felt that the time had come for a final settlement of the Turkish question. The eccle- siastical color of the dispute insured the active support of his own subjects, and he felt that Great Britain could now be econciliated into acquiescence. He did not fear the outcome of a struggle with France acting alone. Accordingly, he assembled his troops on the frontier of the Danubian principalities of the Turkish empire and made a specific proposal to Great Britain. He suggested that the Turkish empire was moribund and no longer served a useful purpose. The European provinces ought, therefore, to be emancipated and organized as independent prin- cipalities under Russian protection. Great Britain, if she liked, might take Egypt and Crete. [It chanced that these proposals were made to Lord John Rus- sell, who was occupying the British foreign office as a stop-gap minister, being more interested in domestic questions. Never- theless, he refused to consider the offer and suggested that Great Britain desired rather to preserve the integrity than to promote the dissolution of the Turkish empire. He suggested, further, that a conference of all the powers, and not a secret Anglo- Russian agreement, was the proper way to deal with the question. To insure that Great Britain would preserve her traditional attitude, Russell induced Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, a Rus- sophobe, who by long experience at Constantinople had acquired much influence with the Sultan’s government, to return to the post he had lately resigned of ambassador of Great Britain to the Ottoman court. When the proposals of the Tsar leaked out, as they inevitably did, France, Austria, and Turkey were all aroused to action. Austria persuaded the Sultan to withdraw his troops from Montenegro and so to avoid the danger of a Russian attack in that quarter. The Tsar now formulated his claims in terms of the religious question. He demanded a restoration of the care of the holy places to the Orthodox Church and put forward his own claim, supported by treaty and custom, to be regarded as protector of Greek Christians in Turkish do- minions, The dispute finally turned on the second point. It was regarded by the opponents of Russia as a step toward mak- ing Turkey practically a protectorate of the Tsar. In May, 1853, the Russian ruler supported his demands by sending an army to occupy Moldavia and Wallachia. Meanwhile, Great Britain did not speak with Palmerstonian certainty. | . A+ the —t Li Lit i Be i ~ a | but they soon claimed for themselves a privileged position. Inited Empire Loyalists, they became the aris- oo a be bene wa - ~ Pentland —+> uf — = Organized as | toeracv of the new colony. It was essentially a new colony, thouch. since it was within the territory covered by the Quebec Act as delineated by the treaty in 1783, 1t was subject to the eovernment of Quebec. Old Quebec now had a population of hundred thousand, of whom all but a few The British minority In Quebee were already dissatisfied with the eovernment provided under the Quebec Act. The influx of the loyalists made it necessary to cive further attention to pro- covernment of the colony. The over- hrow rbon monarchy and the old régime in France ‘coved in the lone run a factor in attaching the French Cana- di at Britain. but, in the first years of the French Revolution. this outcome was not foreseen. Therefore. condi- | | -eombined with the clamor of the British element in the colony and their friends at home to induce Pitt’s ministry to consider the question in 1791. Carleton, now Lord Dorchester, had been sent oul acain in 1/56 and discovered in his declining years that the scheme ot his earlier imagining had not been entirely successful and had now outlived any useful purpose it may have served. But the situation had some embarrassing aspects. A ministry that was unwilling to repeal the Test ActTHE SECOND EMPIRE 675 at home naturally hesitated to enfranchise an overwhelmingly Catholic people in a frontier district, yet it was unthinkable that the privileges granted to the French Canadians in the earlier act should be withdrawn. Moreover. the undoubted patriotism of the loyalists did not make them less regardtful of their own accustomed right to participate in the government of themselves by means of a representative assembly. With upper and lower Canada united, the colony would still be predominantly French, a condition intolerable to the hewcomers, who had taken part in the colonial assemblies in their old homes, and who were proud of the tradition of self-government as a British heritage. The French settlers had no experience with representative eovern- ment, but, if the colony was divided, it would be difficult to establish an assembly among the newcomers and at the same time withhold it from the old settlement. The final decision was to divide the colony, in the hope that. living as neighbors, the two peoples would in the course of time unite of their own accord. The constitution that was im- provised, as might be anticipated from the character of its framers and the atmosphere in which they labored, was a replica of the British government as they conceived it. There was to be an established Protestant Church, supported by one seventh of the lands granted by the crown in the colony. The executive government was placed in the hands of a governor and a council appointed from London. The legislature consisted of a lecisla- tive council of limited membership, appointed for life, and an assembly, elected by the people of the province. In Quebec, now called Lower Canada, the privileged position of the Roman Church, including the right to tithe its communicants, was con- tinued, though that did not interfere with the proposed organi- zation of the new established Church. To one at all conversant with the previous experience of colonial assemblies, in perpetual conflict with royal governors and their councils, of which the history of the late southern colonies was full, it ought to have been clear that the Quebec Act of 1791 was doomed to ultimate failure by its very nature. The attempt to inaugurate a state Church among a population of which a large number were members of other Protestant bodies made its failure more certain. A further complication was the existence in Lower Canada of an ancient society with a language, laws, and traditions of its own, and different from any that were likely to arise. among a British frontier people. The two provinces traveled to discontent by different roads,676 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS which cannot be traced here in detail, and before the end of the fourth decade of the nineteenth century a considerable portion of the people in both of them were on the point of open re- bellion. In Lower Canada, as might have been foreseen, the popular assembly, dominated by the French Canadians, soon found itself at odds with the British governor and his council of advisers and with the legislative council, the members of which he nominated. A sort of national feeling on a small scale developed, finding irresponsible leadership in Louis Joseph Papineau and other demagogues, who naturally came to the front when there was no chance for them to participate in the responsibility of government. The popular branch of the as- sembly first demanded eontrol of the revenue, both as to its provision and as to its appropriation, and later that the upper house of the legislature be made an elective body. Asa method of obtaining its wishes, the lower house refused to grant the revenue, and finally there was open revolt. Conditions in Upper Canada were a little more complicated. The government gradually got into the hands of a clique, re- eruited largely from the members of the United Empire Loyal- and their descendents, that showed little tolerance toward the later and more numerous settlers. Codperating with this clique was the established Church. Since the popular assembly was representative of those who were denied an actual share ‘n the conduct of the government, it came into conflict with the executive and with the upper house of the legislature. Here, too, a revolt was the outcome. Ministers at home could postpone no lonever the consideration of a question of which they had little knowledee and even less understanding. The information they had was inevitably colored, in that it reached them through interested persons with causes ot their own to serve, whether ‘+ was a self-righteous governor retailing his difficulties or the discontented appealing for a redress of grievances. Many of the eovernors and other officials who were sent out were ne ’er-do- wells and other hangers-on of persons in authority. Under- standing was a commodity in which they seldom dealt. When it was clear that the situation needed eareful manage- ment by able hands (1837), by a sort of lucky accident, Lord Durham. who had served with Lord John Russell in framing the reform bill of 1832, happened to return to London, unem- ployed, just after two other persons declined the difficult ap- pointment. Durham was both an able man and a somewhat recalcitrant supporter of a ministry that was none too strongTHE SECOND EMPIRE 677 at best. Perhaps both of these facts help to explain his appoint- ment. He was empowered to act almost as a dictator in suppress- ing the rebellion and was requested to submit recommendations for a more permanent settlement of the government of the colonies. The methods he adopted for restoring quiet, including the banishment from the country without trial of more than a score of persons, whom he regarded as in part responsible for its difficulties, made trouble for him at home and led to his resignation in hot-tempered disgust. But, in the few months that he remained in Canada, he compiled, with the assistance of Charles Buller and others, a report that has become a classic among documents relating to British imperial affairs. This re- port contained much information concerning conditions in Ca- nada and recommended definitely that Upper and Lower Canada be united into a single province, looking toward a federation of all the provinces when it should become feasible, and that the executive of the united colony be made responsible to the provincial legislature. When this report was finally submitted to the House of Commons, in 1839, it had far from a favorable reception. Even Lord John Russell, who within a few months was to undertake the administration of the colonial office in the hope of retrieving the situation, could not yet escape from the logic of the Austinian doctrine. He was unable to see how the colonial executive could act in the same relation to the colonial legislature as the British cabinet eid to the British parliament. The governor of Canada, he said, ‘‘received instructions from the crown on the responsibility of a secretary of state. Here then at once is an obvious and complete difference between the executive of this country and the executive of a colony.’’ It was an inescapable dilemma as long as the royal governor claimed an active share in the task of administration. But that was the real point that Durham wished to have abandoned. Action was delayed until a less thorough-goine radical, Charles Poulett Thompson, later Baron Sydenham, could journey to Canada and submit a report. He reached the colony in October, 1839. He agreed with Durham that the solution of the difficulty lay in a union of the provinces, so that the French element would be overwhelmed by the British, but he did not go to the length of recommending a responsible eovernment. After the act of union was passed, it was his task to procure acceptance for it in the colony. = ‘ te par Pel ee sn eee = : ~ » amaiormnet ; THE VICTORIAN COMPROMISE 701 who, in the earlier part of his career, was a sort of prophet of the beautiful. He first met Turner in 1840. In 1843 he pub- lished the first volume of his Modern Painters. Other volumes soon followed, as well as other works on esthetic subjects. In 1851 Ruskin took up the cudgels in behalf of a younger school of artists, including Holman Hunt, Dante Gabriel Rosetti, and John Everett Millais, who called themselves the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood. They took this name because a study of the works fs of painters just previous to Raphael had inspired them to econ- secrate themselves to an attempt to paint things just as they actually saw them. It was this purpose that Ruskin praised. The artists of the group later departed from it and indulged in other forms and manners of expression. Neither Turner nor the Pre-Raphaelites had the vogue with the average purchaser of pictures that was the fortune of Sir Edwin Landseer, whose paintings of animals attracted the patronage of Queen Victoria, or of Frederick Leighton and Edward John Poynter, painters of the more conventional type. Perhaps even more suggestive of the mood of the age was the work of George Frederick Watts, who was frankly less interested in pleasing the eye than he was in suggesting “thoughts that will appeal to the imagination and the heart and kindle all that is best and noblest in humanity.’’ Ruskin soon despaired of making a love of the beautiful uni- versally prevalent in England as he knew it. Observing what he felt to be the hideous ugliness of the industrial towns, as | compared with the greater beauty of the older commercial cities of the Italian peninsula, he found an explanation of the un- pleasant contrast in the conditions of labor existing in the British factories. He believed that no worker at tasks so wholly mechanical could experience a pride of craftsmanship. There- fore, he concluded, unless they had a sufficient leisure, there was no possibility that British laborers could eultivate an esthetic sense. But leisure for this purpose was impossible under the long hours then customary. The more Ruskin pondered upon these conditions, the more indignant he became at what he saw. He began to write articles, speaking in bitter terms of a society that tolerated what he regarded as injustices, and of a philoso- phy that contained even a formal defence of such positive wrongs. Of the utilitarian economics he said: ‘‘I neither impugn nor doubt the conclusions of the science if its terms are accepted. I am simply non-interested in them, as I should be in a science of gymnastics which assumed that men had no skeleton.’’? ‘‘The beginning of art,’’ he said, ‘‘is in getting our country clean anda A Ln =. ee ere ee! ow ne ee 702 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS our people beautiful.’’ And again, ‘* Beautiful art can only be produced by people who have beautiful things around them and leisure to look at them; and unless you provide some elements of beauty for your workmen to be surrounded by, you will find that no element of beauty can be invented by them.’’ But Rus- kin soon discovered that his harsh criticisms of the existing eco- nomic and social system won little favor from the public that had welcomed his works on art. It was not possible, as he frankly admitted, to live with an easy mind and at the same time see through the eyes he was trying to open in his followers. He asked his readers to ponder whether it is better to produce an abundance of material goods or ‘‘ whether, among national manu- factures. that of souls of good quality may not at last turn out a quite leadingly lucrative one.’’ ‘‘That country is the richest, ”’ he concluded. ‘‘which nourishes the greatest number of noble and happy human beings; that man is richest who, having per- fected the functions of his own life to the utmost, has also the widest helpful influence, both personal and by means of his possessions over the lives of others.’’ But many other men, both before and after Ruskin, found it easier, as he did, to point out injustices than to suggest a practicable remedy for them. Such a man was Thomas Carlyle, of whom Ruskin was a sue- eessor and. in a sense, a disciple. ‘‘There must be a new world, if there is to be any world at all,’’ he wrote in 1850, and it was but a repetition of a theme on which he had dwelt since he published Sartor Resartus in 1831. He felt that the world was erying aloud with injustice that needed remedy. But neither he nor Ruskin had much faith in the ability of the people at large to find or apply a remedy for their own ills. Carlyle was impatient with slow processes ‘and called for supermen to take charge and make short shift of the conditions that cursed the earth. At one time, he thought the British nobility might be the proper ones to undertake the task. Again, he turned his at- tention to a study of history and discovered in such heroes as Oliver Cromwell and Frederick the Great better types of the apostles that were needed. The notion that relief might come from the nobility was ex- ploited by Disraeli in his two novels, Conningsby and Sybel, pub- lished in 1844 and 1845, in which he undertook to demonstrate to the landlords and to the more orthodox supporters of the established Church that only by an alliance with the industrial laborers would they be able to stand against the growing power of the industrial and commercial magnates and free the country i, 5THE VICTORIAN COMPROMISE 103 from the injustices which the industrial development had brought in its train. y thus cs ng to the Amert1- can view in large part, the British made a bid for American support of an interpretation of the aan of neutrals that would operate in their own favor should Great Britain become a belligerent, and the situation in Europe at that juncture seemed to make that event not unlikely. No responsible group er British statesmen had an aggressive as compensation for the damage. Bb attitude toward any Continental power. In the popular view, Russia, to be sure, was stl ‘ll a aac enemy, but the British fear of Russia had an Asiatic rather than a European founda- tion. Gladstone stated with essential accuracy the British atti- tude toward Continental powers in this period: ‘I do not believe that England ever will or can be unfaithful to her great tra- dition, or can forswear her interest in the common transactions of the general interests of Europe. But her credit and her power torm a ft 7 which, in order that they may be made the most of, iedlaal riftily used.’’ Disraeli was in substantial agreement with ao ai and he explained it by the growing interests of the nation in the outlying parts of the empire. ‘The abstention of England from any unnecessary interference in the affairs of Europe,’’ he said, “‘is the consequence not of her decline of power but of her increased strength. England is longer a mere Kuropean power; she is the metropolis of ereat maritime empire, extending to the boundaries of the furthest ocean. It is not because England has taken refuge in a state of apathy that she now almost systematically declines to interfere in the affairs of the Continent of Europe. England Is as ready and as willing to 1 nteriere as in the old days when the necessity of her position requires it.’’ Perhaps one reason why sritish statesmen, for the time, intervened in Continental matters with little effect was their comparative lack of understanding of the forces then at work in European affairs. While Cavour was busy with the intrigues and war with Austria that marked the beginning of the realization of Italian national ambitions, the British attitude was chiefly a desire to preserve peace. Some British statesmen sympathized with the introduction of a liberal constitutional government in the adTHE VICTORIAN COMPROMISE 123 Itahan states, but they at first regarded the unification of these states aS impracticable and undesirable. Not until events dis- closed the reality of the national feeling in Italy were they reconciled to the ambitions of patriotic Italians. The same disposition to preserve peace and a reluctance to use force for that purpose characterized British participation in the long and intricate negotiations on the question of Schleswig and Holstein, which were the prelude to the war between Austria and Prussia and Denmark in 1864, that between Austria and Prussia in 1866, and that between Prussia and France in 1870. In the last case, the British government intervened before the out- break of hostilities to reassert its determination to maintain the integrity of Belgium and procured from both France and Prussia agreements to hold that country inviolate. But the new Europe that was rapidly emerging was in many respects so different from the old Europe, with which the elder statesmen still in power in Great Britain had been familiar from their youth, that they welcomed it as little as they understood it. When a united and triumphant national Germany annexed the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine, Gladstone foretold ‘‘that this violent laceration and transfer is to lead us from bad to worse, and to be the beginning of a new series of European complica- tions,’’ but no British protest was made against the cession. Less than a decade later, true to his interpretation of British pohey, Disrael purchased the interest of the Khedive of Egypt in the Suez Canal and began the long story of active British inter- vention in northeast Africa. Meanwhile the British Minister found himself engaged against Russia both in the Balkans and in the Afghan region of Asia. In Asia there was actual war, though it reflected little credit on the British minister responsible for its precipitation and con- tributed less to the settlement of the questions at issue in that region. On January 1, 1877, Queen Victoria was proclaimed at Delhi Empress of India, and the propaganda of imperialism was revived in a new form. While this was going on, the sub- jects of the Sultan of Turkey in Bosnia and Herzegovina rose in revolt in the summer of 1875 and by that act gave the signal for a reopening of the general Balkan question. The negotiations that ensued were as tortuous as is usually the case with disputes in that region. Stratford Canning’s counterpart in this oven- eration was Henry Elliott, who had the confidence of the Turkish leaders and was pronounced in his hostility to Russia. At first. Great Britain, France, and Italy, the active participants in724 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the Crimean War, were left out of the negotiations. Russia tried to make terms with Austria against a possible day of reckoning with the Turks. Bismarck used his immense prestige in an effort to effect a settlement. Before anything was accomplished, instead of econciliatine his discontented subjects in Bulgaria, Elliot advised, the Sultan adopted the method that he was to apply so many times afterward of subjecting the rebels to mas- sacre, pillage, and terror. Elliott’s sympathy with the Turks led him to misjudge the situation and to furnish the govern- ment at home with inadequate ini ation, which misled Dis- raeli into committing himself catiels to the view that there Was little foundation tor the reports that the opposition press was beginning to circulate. Gladstone, who had retired from political leadership after his defeat in 1874. now came forward with a pamphlet on Bulgarian atrocities, in which he denounced the ‘‘unspeakable’’ Turks and demanded their removal ** bag and bageage’’ from the ‘* province ilies have devastated and pro- faned.’’ A wave of indignant emotion swept over the nation and made it nece sSary ror the government to modity somewhat its policy of supporting Turkey. A econterenece, held at Con- stantinople in the last days of 1876 and the first of 1877, at which Great Britain was represented by Lord Salisbury, one of the ablest of her younger statesmen, failed to arrange a tlement of the question. War between Russia and Turkey followed in 1877. which ended with the Treaty of San Stefano, dictated by the victorious Russians, in 1878, after the British covernment finally, though not without much hesitation and seeming uncertainty of policy, gave the Turks to understand that no actual help would be forthcoming. This treaty would have established a much enlarge tection and an independent Serbia and Montenegro with enlarged territories. Austnian ambitions in Bosnia and Herzegovina were Bulgaria under Russian pro- disregarded, and the aspirations of Greece and Roumania were little heeded. Turkish territory in Europe was reduced to a comparatively small area around Constantinople. Both Great eritaan and =e ae ungary protested against the settlement and demanded t if eae ee made by a congress of a powers were to be disregarded, the questions involved must again be faa rv tHe same method. A congress was held, accordingly, at Berlin in 1878. The Queen had by that time become an insistent convert to the policy of aggressive action against the Turks and demanded the adoption of measures with which Disraeli and his cabinet did notTHE VICTORIAN COMPROMISE (29 agree. The wily Prime Minister had overplayed his hand of flattery and persuasion, and it was now difficult to dislodge from the royal mind feelings for which he was himself largely re- sponsible. Probably he at no time seriously contemplated a resort to force, though it was natural that a threat of war should be in the air as he and Lord Salisbury made ready to go to 3erlin. The more serious preparations for the congress, however, were in the nature of secret preliminary agreements with Turkey, Russia, and Austria, some of them in conflict with the others, but intended as a whole to obtain for Great Britain a measure of favor no matter which side chanced to be in the ascendancy. In the congress that resulted, the methods of nineteenth century diplomacy are seen at their worst. It was the last attempt, in that century of congresses, of a few statesmen from the great powers to meet and arbitrarily to apportion territories and draw boundaries in Kurope, having primary regard to their own views and the interests of the governments they repre- sented, giving little or no consideration to the peoples whose destinies were at stake. The Russian proposals were largely repudiated. Bulgaria was divided and left under Turkish suzerainty. Bosnia and Herzegovina became Austrian protec- torates. Serbia became independent, but with no outlet to the sea. An enlarged Montenegro became independent also. Rou- mania was likewise declared independent, but Russia received compensating territory at the expense of the aspirations of the smaller countries. The Turkish government promised again that it would ameliorate the condition of its Christian subjects. Disraeli returned home and announced that he brought ‘‘ Peace with Honour.’’ Probably it was not'the part he played in these negotiations, but rather the aggressive imperial policy manifest in so many directions that led to the final defeat and retire- ment of the old Minister in 1880. He did not long survive this defeat. He died April 19, 1881. FOR FURTHER STUDY Ernest Barker, Political Thought in England from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day, chs. i-viii; O. F. Boucke, The Development of Economics, chs. vi-vill; Cambridge Modern History, XI. ch. xii; XII. ch. xxiv: A. D. Innes, A History of England and the British Empire, IV. ch. vil; Edward Jenks, A Short History of English Law, chs. xv-xix; J. A. R. Marriott, England Since Waterloo, chs. xvi-xviii; Sir William Orpen, The Outline of Art, Il. chs. xv, xviii; G. H. Perris, The Industrial History of Modern England, chs. vi-vii; Vida D. Seudder, Social Ideals in English Letters (1922 Edition), Part II. chs. ii-xii; W. T. Sidgwick and H. W. Tyler,St Ade ea ee 726 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS A Short History of Scte I1LCe, ehs. XV1-XV1l; Lytton, Strachey, Queen Victoria, ehs. vi-vili; G. M. Trevelyan, The British Empire in the Nineteenth Cen- tury, chs, Xvili, Xx1-xx111. FOR WIDER READING KH. D. Adams, Great Britain a id the American Cwl War, 2 Vols. : H. R. FE. Bourne, English Newspapers, 11, ehs. xvli-xxv; G. E. Buckle, The Infe of Be WIGAN Disrae i | V Vi . J ss B. Bury, A H LStOry of Fre ¢ dom of 7 ho ugh i. a 1 ch. vii; Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, Il. chs. x, xil-xiv; 1e History of English IAterature, X11. chs. xi-xni; [II. chs. l1-1v; Cambridae XTII. chs. i-v. ix-xi: XIV. chs. i, 11, iv, vil; HK. Cook, Delane of the Ivmes,; F. W. Cornish, A History of the English Church in the Nineteenth Century, 2 Vols: H. B. Cotterell, A History of Art, II. 484-497; A. V. Dicey, Law and Opinion in England, Lectures VII-X] [; W. A. Dunning, The British Empire and the United States, ch. v; A History of Political Theory from fiousseau to Spenc Cll, Lk. J. L. and Barbara Hammond, Lord Shaftes- bury, chs. x-xvii; L. H. Haney, A History of Economic Thought, chs. xx, KXV. XXVilil, xxxil; Francis Holland, The Constitutional History of England, III. (First two volumes by T. E. May) chs. i-vi; Henry Jephson, The Platform, Il. chs. xx-xxi1; Sidney Low, The Governance of England; Sid- Low and L. GC. Sanders, The History of England 1837-1901, ehs. ix-xiv: V-VII; John Morley, Life of Gladstone, Books 1] B. K. Martin, The Triumph -) ° Lo rd Pal mersto) ‘ W. | i. VM: th leg yn. Ein q lich ( h 7 reh Ri fo r™M I< 15—1 C 40 : Sir Herbert Maxwell, A Century of Empire, II. chs. -xvi; Emery Neff, XV Carlyle and Mill. chs. v-x; Charles Seymour, Electoral Reforms in England and W ales. chs. \V 1-XV1; Lytton Strachey, Eminent Victorians ; ». Ls Wil- ‘ ' 7 ,* ’ ‘ > t ; ‘ ' "i , 7 _* 17 ] c | Wi Ss > Lf i LES it } tL ft ff ait Il 4 Mer € l l iLT ¢ . GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE or the inifieati mn of Italy and Germany, SCC Shenherd., Pp. 160-161. See also Muir, ff. 18, 24, wade In the Cambridg Modern History Atlas, for the Balkans, Nos. 119, 120.CHAPTER XXVIT? THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY NATIONALITY, THE AGITATION FOR REPEAL, AND Home Rue If most British statesmen in the nineteenth century little understood the strange ferment at work in such Continental countries as Italy and Germany, they appreciated even less the reasons for their own failures in the island to the immediate west of Britain. Conscious of their own good intentions toward Ireland, they could not see why their best efforts met with so little favor among the people they were designed to benefit. Not aware that their policy in Ireland was fundamentally different from that which was adopted toward other peoples in the empire, these statesmen perceived dimly, even when they understood it at all, the explanation of the most conspicuous failure of British rule. Nor is it easy for a student unmoved by the partizan agitation which has beclonded the issue with a mass of prejudice to find an explanation for their failure. He will scarcely make progress at all unless he reminds himself at the outset that, by a.series of circumstances in the more remote past, blame for which will always be a subject for fruitless speculation, Great Britain was in the end committed to the task of attempting in Ireland to achieve social and political ends she has undertaken nowhere else. Persistent, if unsuccessful, efforts to achieve these ends, extending over a long period of time, furnished the chief dynamic which made the Irish nation a re ality that could not be ignored. In the first place, in a sense different from any other state among the dominions of the British crown, Ireland was a subject state which its conquerors undertook to rule according to laws they imposed, administered by governors they appointed, and supported by force they directed. Such a régime could succeed only where the conquered people was thoroughly subdued or reconciled to the dominion of the conquerors, and neither was the case in Ireland. To make matters worse, after the final Separation of the English from the Roman Chur eh, the British undertook to impose their own established Church on the Irish 0277928 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and levied tithes for its support. Obliged by this procedure to support institutions they did not desire, the Irish developed a devoted loyalty to the Church of their fathers, and it became a positive force in the country, while the Anglican organiza- tion grew correspondingly in disfavor. ven a greater object of resentment. amon”? the native Be ilation Was the transfer. in the course of the conquest, of the lands to alien landlords, nany of whom did not even reside in the country and so never identi fed its interests with their own. Instead, they regarded these holdings eh as as sources ot income and power and so won the dislike and distrust instead of the loyalty of their enforced dependents. The passage of the Act of Union in 1801 was effected by methods that left unpleasant eo and, the Irish felt, by promises which. for whatever reason, were not KI Ey until action was foreed long afterward by Aes arising in Ireland. _ British power in Ireland was anti aa? to make ie subjeet country tributary to the economic interests of Great Britain. When changing conditions led the governing country part 4 icles, little heed was paid to the results the change might bring about in the subject island. For example, ae ee of machine manufacture in England meant a gradual decay of manufacturing in Ireland. But the increased demand ror fodstu ts ereated by the Napoleonic Walrs and by the growing industrial population in Great Britain con- tributed.to make Ireland even more populous as i) emu Aaa eountry than it had been hitherto. In fact, at just this juncture Ireland had the largest population in all its history. But the repeal of the British Corn Laws, though ostensibly adopted to afford relief for the famine in Ireland, in the end, deprived the Irish farmers of their privileged entrance to British markets. The British demand for cheaper food was supplied from America and other foreign countries, where land was plentiful, and the Irish were left to suffer from a condition for which they were Finally, the planting of English and Scot nonconformist col- onies in the northeastern eounties of the province of Ulster in the seventeenth century introduced another discordant element ‘nto an island already sufficiently distressed. The persistent loyalty of the native Irish to the Roman Chureh operated to make these pronounced Protestants of Ulster intolerant in their fears of their more numerous neighbors. When, in later times, the recions around Belfast developed into a populous industriala ISLE) OF Nrewtlen Bb. | BAGS 45 Butler oa MAN “ge Cy Dundalk 2. AD % zheda Fe eee fe Ton 2 |'S) Sz A 4 Athlone wy Dublin sf Dublin Bay at “i it > «9 | || Se \ TASH SIN, WWexfdrd,o , Nant BN Wa be rforc C 62 | Dingle Bay > Net; 3 / lov | =< he SoS Cork | AY | N 8 JME Mn HT Se | 4] : Pte “ee oy LS X, j Kenmare Fe a | Kinsale ? — Bent; 5 Cork Harbor = — yr | Bantry Bay 2t a o* cal < IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY -2; e* ISCILLY IS, SCALE OF ENGLISH MILES 0 20| © 40) 60)327180))_ 100 6 Greenwich 6 4 BORMAY & CO,,ENGR'S, MY,THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY (29 district and when the British government tended, as the Cath- olics felt, to favor the Protestant Dissenters more than the more ancient religious element in the population, which remained largely agricultural, this segregated colony added much to the difficulty of dealing with a situation already formidable. No- where else has the British government attempted to impose by force of arms on a conquered people (1) a prescribed govern- ment under the control of alien rulers, (2) a prescribed religion with which the people obliged to support it were out of sym- pathy, (3) alien landlords chiefly interested in the rents of their estates, and (4) a subordinate economie position involving the sacrifice of the subject power in the interest of the ruling nation. Until the Irish people were practically exterminated, or their spirit wholly crushed, it was unlikely that they would submit to a policy involving these conditions. There is no better evidence that the British policy in Ireland was not the result of malicious or premeditated design than the habitual refusal of British governments, of whatever political complexion, to adopt the thorough-going measures necessary to enforce it. The explanation of this seeming inconsistency is that the British government was committed to its hopeless program in Ireland by thoughtless acts of ageressive statesmen, who were bent on accomplishing some purpose of the moment and were disregardful of more ultimate issues. Once a measure was adopted as a policy, it was not easy to ignore it without re- flecting discredit on those responsible for its initiation, a step which a conquering power is naturally reluctant to take. Con- sequently, each succeeding British administration in Ireland was lucky if it did not add to the debt of erievances which the population held against their conquerors by the necessity of going forward with undertakings which its predecessors had launched. But to go on with these undertakings meant to build still higher the wall of misunderstanding and prejudice between governors and governed, which was already almost insurmoun- table. In the end, the British were reduced to choosing between undoing much that they had done and subjugating the Irish by overwhelming foree. Once this alternative was clear, the choice of the British was never in doubt. But it was not made clear until the Irish, as a natural result of the agitation against the conditions from which they suffered, developed among them- selves a group consciousness that could not be ignored or easily Suppressed. This feeling was directed largely against the Brit- ish, since it looked to the remedying of specific grievances fori eel Pie Pr oor a ae i 730 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS which the British were held responsible. In the course of time, this prejudice against the British became almost universal and unreasoning. Any time ot trouble ror (yreat Britain seemed to be an opportunity for Ireland; any enemy of Britain, Ire- land’s potential friend. This attitude did not imply the sym- pathy of the Irish with the purposes of the power hostile to Great Britain at any given time, but simply a hope that the Irish might enlist the help of the hostile power in procuring a J remedy for their own orlevances. The first objective of Irish agitators, after the passage of the Act of Union. was the emancipation of the Catholics, which they felt had been a part of the agreement under which the union had been achieved. The leader in this agitation was Daniel ( )’ Connell, whose name 1S inseparable trom the first efforts. to enlist Irishmen aS a £Troup in support ot their elaims aoainst Great Britain. At his suggestion, in 1823, a society of Catholic peasants was organized to obtain a remedy of their grievance against the British. The prohibition by law of the organization oL political societies with a central bos y reflecting any sem- blanee of representation of subordinate groups caused these Irish agitators to utilize the priests and machinery of the Catholic Church as the basis of their organization. The result was that the Church became identified institutionally with the Irish nationalist movement, and the lrish population became, 1n conse- quence, more loyal to the Chureh. The priests of the Church became the natural leaders of the people and the chief heuten- ants of the nationalist agitators. In the end. as has proved tc he the case in other countries. despite this close alliance be- tween the Chureh and the Irish nationalists. it 1s probable that alty. While tew people are more devoted (C‘atholies than the Irish, when, on oceasion, the central organization of the Church AT Rome has he T} Tf mpoted Th) intervene in Ireland in behalf of the Britis! view, it has discovered that § )’*( ‘onnell. a devout patriotism gr w to be a stronger emotion than ecclesiastical loy- churchman, represented the prevailing attitude when he said he would as soon take his politics from Constantinople as trom Rome.’’ Catholic emancipation came in 1829, after O’Connell and his fellow-laborers had so stirred the Irish tenants that they were willing to defy their landlords and elect him to parliament in spite of his ineligibility. In the excited state of the country, with actual disorders in some places and threat- ening eonditions in others, Peel and Wellington decided to yield. But, in yielding, they raised the qualification for the =THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 731 franchise from forty shillings to ten pounds and so made the measure of little effect in pacifying the country. Now that O’Connell was a lawful member of the parliament of the United Kingdom, he cooperated with the government of the day in procuring a reform of the British parliament in 1832. But, in the meantime, sentiment in Ireland erystallized against the further payment of tithes in kind to support the Anglican Church. To suppress the resulting disorders Lord Grey’s govy- ernment had recourse to coercive measures, which inspired O’Connell to advocate repeal of the Act of Union. In the par- liament that met for its first session in 1835, O’Connell and the advocates of repeal held the balance of power and were able to obtain some remedial measures in Ireland as the price of the support they gave to the government of Lord Melbourne. In this interval the agitation for repeal lapsed. Agricultural workers were waxing prosperous, and Ireland subsided into quiet, so that, in the election of 1841, O’Connell himself failed of election in Dublin. He was elected lord mayor of the city, however, and he decided to plunge into the advocacy of a resident parliament for Ireland. At approximately the same time, a group of younger men like Charles Gavan Duffy and John Dillon, the elder, started a newspaper ealled the Nation. and the agitation for repeal blazed forth in a spectacular move- ment. Soon O’Connell was addressing meetings attended by thousands of people. The ‘‘ Young Ireland’’ party announced its intention “‘to create and foster public opinion in Ireland and make it racy of the soil.’’ This work was facilitated by the lyrics of Thomas Moore, whose plaintive regrets for glories departed were admirably adapted for the perpetuation of mem- ories of things that, In many eases, had never existed, save in poetic imagination. When he lamented that The Harp that once through Tara’s halls The soul of music shed, Now hangs as mute on Tara’s walls As if that soul were fled, neither he nor those who took up his strains really desired a return to by-gone times and conditions. They simply adopted the familiar method of appealing to a glorified past for inspira- tion and incentive to present and future effort. The poet and O’Connell spoke to the same purpose. Impressive meetings in the spring of 1843, addressed by the orator, led Peel to announce that the union would, if necessary, be main-732 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS tained by force of arms and to pass a bill through parliament empowering the government to suppress seditious assembles. Before the bill passed, O’Connell held a still larger meeting on Tara’s Hill: after its passage, he made ready to hold another at Clontarf. As a matter of fact, O’Connell later felt, and said, that no political end was worth a drop of blood, but some of his earlier statements gave a different impression. “‘I belong to a nation of 8.000.000,’’ he boasted. ‘‘If Sir Robert Peel has the audacity to cause a contest to take place between the two coun- tries. we will begin no rebellion, but—if he invades the constitu- tional rights of the Irish people—then vae victis between the contending parties.’’ Nevertheless, in view of the military preparations he knew Wellington to be making to suppress the Clontarf meeting. the Irish leader hesitated to subject his fol- lowers to certain slaughter, and, to the disgust of Young Ireland, he took steps at the last minute to prevent the proposed assembly. A week later he and some of his more prominent associates were arrested on the charge of attempting ‘‘by means of intim1- dation and the demonstration of great physical force to procure and effect changes to be made in the government, laws, and By resorting to a carefully selected constitution of this realm.’’ jury, from which every Catholic was excluded, the government was able to procure a conviction, though the House of Lords set the verdict aside on an appeal, and the peer who gave the de- cision pronounced trial by jury under the conditions shown to have existed in this ease ‘‘a mockery, a delusion, and a snare.’’ For all that. the agitation for repeal was stifled for a time and was soon overshadowed by the terrible conditions that attended and followed the great famine and the repeal of the Corn Laws. O’Connell died in 1847 on his way to Rome to seek for himself and his country the intercession of his religion. The younger eroup wasted their spent energy *u a fruitless uprising in the following year. Yet. within a decade, another group of Irishmen, including some who survived from the earlier movement, were busy or- vanizing an Irish Republican Brotherhood, which reached its rreatest strength at the time of the American Civil War and when Great Britain seemed likely to be involved in a conflict over the Schleswig-Holstein controversy. This Fenian move- ment. as it was known in America, where it was largely financed, was composed of members who solemnly swore ‘‘allegiance to the Irish republic now virtually established.’’ This movement was suppressed, like the others, but not until it had resultedTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 733 in acts of violence in England, which helped to econvinee Glad- stone, then coming into power as prime minister, that something ought to be done to pacify a people among whom rebellion and discontent were chronic. Once persuaded that it was his mis- sion to pacify Ireland, Gladstone labored persistently at the task, adopting new methods and measures as he learned new aspects of the difficult undertaking on which he had embarked. He soon discovered that no measures of internal reform which a British parliament could be induced to pass would satisfy a people whose demands grew as they reflected on their erievances and organized themselves to obtain redress. A generation of observation and experience convinced Isaac Butt, a Protestant barrister and member of parliament who had opposed O’Connell’s agitation for repeal, that no settlement of the Irish question was feasible without a measure of self-govern- ment. Accordingly, he helped in 1870 to form the Home Rule Association, which became, two years later, the Home Rule League. In the parliamentary election of 1874. some sixty members, more or less committed to the aims of the league, were returned to Westminster. But the character of Butt little quali- fied him to take the lead in an agitation where quiet and respect- ful methods would accomplish nothing effective. He was soon supplanted by a younger group, of whom Charles Stuart Parnell] was the most prominent member. The Parnellites interested themselves in other matters besides Home Rule, land reform for example, and on some of these matters Gladstone was willing to meet them half way. Nevertheless, when a bad harvest in 1879 led to the inevitable discontent in Ireland, the Chief Seere- tary in Gladstone’s cabinet asked for and obtained from parhia- ment authorization to proceed with coercive measures for the space of three years, the while the Prime Minister himself under- took to deal with the agrarian grievances. Parnell and some of his colleagues were confined in gaol, where they reached a com- promise agreement to codperate with Gladstone in his remedial measures. Scarcely had they been released, when Lord Frederick Cavendish, a new and friendly chief executive, and Thomas Burke, the Under Secretary, were murdered in Phoenix Park, Dublin, by a band of irresponsible irreconcileables. Gradually Ireland was reduced to a state of quiet, and outbreaks of vio- lence by Irish factions in England were reduced to a minimum. Nevertheless, Gladstone though it prudent to ask for an exten- sion of the period of coercion. Parnell’s Supporters voted with Lord Salisbury to defeat Gladstone’s ministry, and for the next734 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS few months a government under Salisbury tried to deal with the land question. Neither of the British parties committed themselves to Home Rule in the general election that followed in 1885. The result was a House of Commons composed of 330 Liberals. 249 Conservatives, and 89 Parnellites. With so large a proportion of the Irish population united on the measure, Gladstone now became a convert. Soon after taking office, (April, 1886), with the support of Parnell, he introduced his frst Home Rule Bill. This bill provided for the institution of a parliament in Ireland to deal with purely local affairs and for the elimination of the Irish members in the parliament of the United Kingdom. The first Home Rule Bill divided Gladstone’s party and so eaused the defeat of his government in the House of Commons within a year after it took office. Mr. Arthur Balfour, the Chief Secretary for Ireland in the administration of f Lord Salis- bury, which succeeded, undertook both to coerce the Irish into quiet and at the same time to ameliorate somewhat the internal orievances, the existence of which no party in Great Britain now had the hardihood to deny—to ‘‘kill Home Rule by kind- ness,’’ as the saying went. Gladstone joined with the Parnellites in opposing the act authorizing coer ‘ive measures, which the covernment now proposed to mak ‘manent. The government retorted by seeking to discredit ine eee of Parnell, using for that purpose forged letters, which the Times published, 1m- plicating him in the murders in Phoenix Park. Although this effort failed to accomplish its aim, and indeed, in the end, seemed to enhance the reputation of the leader against whom it was directed. Parnell discredited himself, when he was unable to offer defence on being named as co-respondent in a divorce ease. Gladstone. in deterence to sritish opinion, forced the Nationalist party to disavow its leader, who died in the fall of 1891. In the general elections held the next year, the advocates Home Rule were returned with a majority in the House of Commons. and Gladstone, now an old man, took office again to redeem the promise he felt that he had made to Ireland. His second bill. which left the Irish members in the imperial parlia- ment, passed safely through the House of Commons, but was rejected by the House of Lords (1893). Before it could have any chance of passing that body, another constitutional battle was necessary in Great Britain itself, and that battle Gladstone was too old to fight. Accordingly, he gave the reins of govern- ment into the impotent hands of Lord Rosebery (March, 1894),ae eeentaeeteecistiate at edna aan see aa Lee ae eens eee a THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 785 whom the Queen selected for the place. The Rosebery ministry was soon (July, 1895) succeeded by one frankly opposed to Home Rule, and the question was shelved for another decade, while efforts to conciliate the Irish by internal reforms were revived. These efforts at conciliation had a measure of success, and when, in 1904, George Wyndham, the Chief Secretary for Ireland in Balfour’s ministry, suggested a tentative compromise on a measure granting in a limited degree local self-eovernment to si the Irish as an experiment, John Redmond, who had succeeded to the leadership of the Irish Nationalists, was inclined to agree. But it transpired that Wyndham did not speak for his colleagues in the ministry, and the whole administration soon broke up. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman’s government, which suc- ceeded, in December, 1905, was in favor of Home Rule, but, as a result of the general election of 1906, it found itself with a majority in the House of Commons without the Irish and with some of its important supporters committed against the consid- eration of Home Rule in that parliament. Accordingly, it pro- ceeded to give attention to overdue measures of reform in Great Britain. The increases in taxation made necessary thereby, and especially the proposal to levy a tax on land, caused the House of Lords, in 1909, to reject the budget proposed by Mr. David Lloyd George, now chancellor of the exchequer under Mr. Herbert Henry Asquith, who became prime minister on the death of Campbell-Bannerman in 1908. After the ensuing eleec- | tion in January, 1910, the Irish Nationalists again held the balance of power, and Mr. Asquith committed his oovernment in favor of limiting the legislative power of the House of Lords and of Home Rule for Ireland. The death of King Edward VII in May, 1910, led to a postponement of action, but another election, in December of that year, revealed the country as of substantially the same opinion it had been in January, and the program agreed on went forward. After the passage of the Parliament Act in 1911, which made it possible for parliament to enact legislation in spite of the opposition of the House of Lords, provided the House of Commons was of the same mind two years after the first consideration of the measure, the third Home Rule Bill began its journey to the statute book, in which it was destined to remain an ineffective ornament. With variations to meet changed conditions and with some differences in detail, it fol- lowed the second bill sponsored by Gladstone. But, while its opponents in Ulster were arming and threatening rebellion if it should be put into effect, the world was plunged into war, andee ne i ne ee i ee a ce . 736 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Ireland, like other nations, found that the new troubles brought new conditions. INTERNAL REFORMS Ireland in the nineteenth century illustrates a phenomenon, frequent in modern times, of a subject people, ST irred to con- se1lousness by practical economic or social orlevances, seeking therefor political or constitutional remedies. The British fol- lowed the normal course of the ruling power in such eases, giving first attention to the practical grievances, in the hope of quieting the demands tor pol this hope, as is usually th political and constitutional program, which originated in part as a meands ot accomplishing praci ical ends. became, as a result tation in its behalf, an end in itself, cherished almost as ‘tical or constitutional change. But . case. was disappointed, since the of the agi a matter of supreme moment, tor which an aroused people were ready to make any sacrifice however great. By the end of the nineteenth century many of the practical social and economic orievances of which the Irish had complained had been remedied o or were on the road to remedy. In fact, scovernment of the United Kinedom undertook to do more for the humbler classes of the Irish population than for the same The Irish were not unappreciative of these in some respects, the classes in England. helated acts. which were usually granted 1n response to more OF less violent demands in Ireland. But the amelioration of the practical economic and social grievances, instead of quieting the demand for constitutional adjustment, seemed rather to open the way for greater concentration in Ireland on the points eoncerning which action had been withheld. The British tended to dwell on what had been, the Irish on what had not been done. An appreciation of this difference between British and Irish statesmen helps to make clear the manifest good intentions of both groups, though neither was ever quite willing to attribute this merit to the other. The trouble was not so much lack of . . rood intentions as lack of understanding on both sides. This difference in emphasis 1s illustrated by the first efforts of Gladstone to reconcile the two eountries. The Fenian out- breaks directed his attention to the pressing need of the situation. There is a story that when, in 1865, the statesman, engaged in his customary avocation of cutting down trees on his country estate. received the message from the Queen, inviting him to form a ministry to succeed that of Disraeli, he put down his ax angTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 137 remarked: ‘My mission is to pacify Ireland!’’ Thus resolved, he gave first attention to a question which it required no little courage for a devout and orthodox churchman to attack. The tithes, which had long made the Protestant establishment in Ire- land a grievance as well as a burden to the population, were reduced somewhat in 1838, by a bill sponsored by Lord John Russell, and were commuted into money payments, which were collected by the landlords as a part of the rents. As a result of this change, many of the Protestant clergy, while they had comparatively few and sometimes no parishioners to accept their religious ministrations, were nevertheless not unpopular members of the communities in which they resided, and, in many eases, they endeared themselves to their neighbors by benevolent activ- ities, for which existing conditions afforded ample opportunity. But a state Church which did not command the allegiance of even a large part of the Protestant population of the island was certainly an anomaly, and its disestablishment was a real step toward better conditions. Gladstone’s measure undertook to give compensation for the vested interests of all persons con- cerned and to reserve a part of the holdings of the establishment for the support of an independent Protestant Episcopal Church, which was set up. The remaining property of the Church was to be used for worthy educational and benevolent purposes in Ireland. After a generation of trial, the clergymen in the Church itself discovered that the disestablishment had operated to stimu- late their legitimate work and to strengthen their organization, but its passage was opposed by much violent language, by dire prophecies, and by actual threats—among the latter that there were two hundred thousand men in Ulster who would resist. This last threat became all too familiar in the succeeding gen- erations and finally became a fanatical obsession, which in the end was a sad reality. The disestablishment of the Church was a measure so long overdue that the Irish had ceased to regard it as a matter of large importance. The Catholic population, from all too inade- quate private means, had provided chapels of that faith to which, perhaps because it was voluntary, was given a large measure both of loyalty and financial support. Gladstone’s first venture, therefore, did little to pacify Ireland. His proposal for fostering higher education by organizing the colleges of all faiths into a national university was not finally passed into law. Each college was to keep its distinguishing characteristics. In the examina- tions for degrees in the proposed university, theology, philosophy,738 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and modern history were to be eliminated from the curriculum as contentious subjects. So truncated a course of study had : | little to recommend it under circumstances where the excluded subjects were inevitably those of widest appeal. As early as 1831 parliament laid the foundation for a system of primary education by setting up at Dublin a central board of which half the members were Catholics. The schools were supported by the state, and only secular subjects were taught. Religious instruction was given at stated times by clergymen of the re- ligious denominations preferred by parents of the children. In these schools. it was found expedient to eliminate the study of modern history in general and of Irish history in particular, | and in later days a complaint arose that the growing use of English operated to discourage the Irish from speaking and echerishing their native Gaelic mother tongue. But the real grievance of the Irish was in the condition of the land system. Protestant landlords, many of them absentees, had been in entire control of the old Irish parhament. The enfranchisement of Catholics meant the enfranchisement of ten- ants, and a parliament elected on that basis offered little prospect of perpetuating the supremacy of the old ruling class in Ireland. The later success of O’Connell and Parnell in organizing the Catholic population as a force in the country is evidence that the landlords faced an actual danger had Catholic emancipation taken place before the union. But the time came before the end of the nineteenth century, when practically all British parties agreed that it was inexpedient, if not unjust to the bulk of the Irish population, longer to maintain the privileged pos!- tion of the landlords. There were, however, two sides to the | question. Landlords of later generations were scarcely to blame for conditions they had inherited and for which it was not easy to find a remedy. They were themselves frequently victims of the same conditions that imposed hardships on their tenants. The Act of Union, coming in the midst of the Napoleonic wars and of the rapid growth of industry in Great Britain, tended to make Irish agriculture more, and Irish industry less, profitable. Landlords subdivided their estates and let them to small farmers. The end of the war brought temporary hardships, but the favored position of Irish farmers in British markets and the continued erowth of British industry made it possible for Ireland to sup- port an extraordinarily large population for an agricultural country. Before the famine of 1846 and the following years, the number of people had reached almost eight millions, theTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY (39 largest figure in the history of the country. Many authorities believed that this was entirely too large a population for so small a country to support by pursuits so largely agricultural. At any rate, we may safely say that the famine was not the only explanation of the disaster which it precipitated on both the Irish landlords and their tenants. Many of the landlords displayed inefficiency, prodigality, and slovenliness in the man- agement of their affairs. They were not by nature hard-hearted or inclined to indulge in oppression. Even before the famine, the estates of many of them were heavily encumbered. These embarrassments of the landlords added to the burdens imposed on their tenants, especially when the landlords were absentees. Rents were raised, prospective tenants bidding against each other for the more desirable places. The result was that, in many places, the tenants reached the point of selling their grain, poultry, pigs, and the like, while they subsisted on potatoes or on potatoes and milk. The pailure of the potato crop, which deprived these tenants of this unsatisfactory diet, did not inter- rupt the process of sending their grains and other foods to market to satisfy the claims of the landlords for rents. Nor did the government for a time stay this normal course of trade, which would have involved compensation of the landlords and other troublesome adjustments. For an interval, therefore, the Irish afforded the spectacle of a starving people exporting food which they had themselves produced. For relief, the government purchased corn (maize) in the United States and sold the meal at nominal prices, while it expended large sums for publie works, always careful to do nothing that would conflict with private enterprise. The result was that much money was wasted, with little to show for it except the small measure of relier afforded to those in want. The more far-reaching effects of the famine were not imme- diately apparent. The repeal of the Corn Laws, proposed as a remedial measure, resulted in the lone run in making Irish agriculture impossible on its former basis. The pestilence which followed the famine helped to rid the country of some of its surplus population, which could no longer be supported, even on a basis of bare subsistence. It was estimated that nearly half a million perished. Thrice as many more emigrated to Australia, Canada, or the United States, by far the larger number going to the last country, where they cherished a hostile feeling toward Great Britain as a part of their attachment to the land of their nativity. As a measure of relief to the creditors of the land-. = ee ~ ea ate ieee ee 140 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS lords, a bill was passed expediting the sale of encumbered estates. In consequence, in many cases, the old landlords were replaced by purchasers who engaged in the venture as a speculation and who had fewer scruples than their predecessors in evicting old tenants when it was possible to obtain higher rents from others. This easy change of tenants discouraged the improvement of lands or buildings, since a tenant who embarked on these under- takings ran the risk, for his trouble, of having to pay a larger rent or else of giving up the fruits of his labor to a higher bidder. Furthermore, the influx of cheap grain from America, after the repeal of the Corn Laws, caused many landlords to evict their tenants and enclose their land for grazing. It is difficult to imagine a gloomier prospect than faced the agricul- tural population of southern Ireland after the middle of the nineteenth century. In such circumstances, a people is lkely to aecept any leade ahi that proposes a way out, and no sug- eestion is too violent to find desperate persons willing to adopt it. Infractions of the peace were chronic, and the repressive measures, which even the best disposed British statesmen felt it necessary to adopt, had a tendency to make more insidious the difficulties they were designed to remedy and more ingrained the suspicion of the Irish of any measure of relief that originated in Great Britan After the Fetahehinend of the Church, Gladstone tried to make a beginning at dealing with the pressing land question. In the province of Ulster tenants had been able, in case of eviction. to assert successful claims to remuneration for 1m- provements made on the land. The land act of 1870 made these claims legal and extended the practice throughout Ireland. But the law left intact the freedom of the tenant to contract against these claims and of the landlord to fix rates of rental and to evict tenants in arrears. The chief significance of the act, there- fore. is that it acknowledged the existence of conditions requiring remedial legislation. Unfortunately, the legislation enacted in this and future eases followed violent agitation in Ireland and tended to create Pe impression that the imperial parliament had time for Irish affairs only when compelled thereto by acts that could not be eine The Land League, organized by Michael Devitt in 1879, won the support of Parnell, and the agitation for better conditions for Irish tenants went hand in hand with that for Home Rule. The method of ° ‘boycotting,’’ so-called from the name of its first principal victim, Captain Boy- eott, was devised as a deterrent for those who would take a farmTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 741 from which the tenants had been evicted. Gladstone’s chief sec- retary for Ireland, W. E. Forster, took steps to suppress violence in Ireland in the parliamentary election of 1880, but the Prime Minister also brought in a bill for inaugurating a system of land courts to adjust differences between tenants and landlords. This act recognized that both tenant and landlord had a right in the land and restricted the right of landlords to raise rents or to evict tenants. The claims agitated by the Land League, and thus recognized by statute, made clear the conflicting interests of the older type of landlords and their tenants and made it difficult to reconcile a majority of the landlords to the prospect of a nationalist Ire- Jand. ‘“‘Tenant right’’ in the land later came to rival and even to exceed in value the interest of the landlord, and it was only a matter of time when statesmen, regardless of theoretical reluc- tance to interfere with established property rights, would adopt measures looking toward the consolidation of the ownership in the hands of the real oceupant, who had to depend on an all too small a unit of land for the sustenance of himself and family. Indeed, the act of 1881 contained a provision by which the state offered to advance to a tenant three fourths of the price neces- sary to purchase his holding, but this offer was rather an indi- cation of what was to come than a practicable arrangement. An act passed in the administration of Lord Salisbury in 1885 ap- propriated five million pounds to be advanced to Irish tenants at something less than five per cent. to purchase the rights of the Jandlords in their holdings, and to be repaid over a period of forty-nine years. While Balfour’s Chief Secretary was busy coercing Ireland in 1891, he piloted through parliament a bill extending the powers of the Land Purchase Act and appropriat- ing an additional thirty million pounds for the purpose. The landlords themselves now recognized the futility of attempting longer to preserve the dual system of ownership in Ireland. A conference between several prominent representatives of the land- lords and the leaders of the Nationalist party recommended, in 1902, a total abolition of the system. Accordingly, Chief Secre- tary Wyndham procured the passage through parliament of a bill appropriating one hundred million pounds for the ecompen- sation of the landlords. By 1920 more than two hundred thou- sand tenants had in this way come into possession of between ten and twelve million acres of land, for which they were paying in annual instalments, less in amount than the prevailing rents for similar units of land. In this way, a large body of small742 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS landowners was created in Ireland, giving a new color and a new hope to Irish agriculture. This process was immensely facili- tated by the movement led by Sir Horace Plunkett for teaching improved methods of cultivation to the farmers and for organiz- ine them into codperative societies for the marketing of their products. In 1918 the Irish Avricultural Organization Society had over a thousand branches with a total membership of one hundred and twenty thousand and transacted a business aggre- eating twelve million pounds. This transfer of actual power from the older landlords to the newer was recognized in 1899 by the institution in Ireland of a system of local government, based on that which had been inaugu- rated in England in the previous decade. Whereas local affairs had previously been managed largely by orand juries dominated by the landlords, they were now placed in the hands of county eouncils elected by the voting populat ion. The result was to de- prive the older landlords of the last vestige of their privileged position and to make them merely one among the other members of the community. In the meantime. 1n the Protestant counties of Ulster, shipbuilding and other industries were growing on a —_— seale that emphasized still further the differences between that colony and the rest of the island. IRELAND IN BRITISH POLITICS The consistent failure of the British to deal successfully with he Irish has had a profound influence on the affairs of Great itain. For one thing, it has developed in many of the British people an apparent inability to regard the Irish as normal human beings. This deep-seated prejudice is largely unconscious and is, perhaps, a natural result of the cenerations of conflict, in which these British remember that some ot their best inten- Honed efforts at reconciliation have been misinterpreted. It 1s not easy for a powerful and, on the whole. a liberal people to sympathize with or to understand the point of view of neigh- hors. whose vision is apparently so distorted that they see malice where a real. if vague and general, good will exists, and who persist in assuming enmity where friendship is meant. This ctate of mind. which the British are unable to understand, many of them attribute to inherent defects in the nature of Irishmen. The notion of inferiority, thus deduced, has tended to become an habitual assumption on the part of the British and has made themTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 148 distrustful of the Irish in Ireland in cases where they have been ready to bestow a large measure of confidence on other peoples in other places. The Irish, on the other hand, not without plausible justifica- tion, have for so long trained themselves to regard England as the national enemy and have cultivated in themselves so assidu- ously the habit of assuming that no proposal arising in England is to be taken at its face value, that it is not easy for even the best-intentioned Irishmen to appreciate the point of view of the British. Both the British and the Irish, therefore, when dealing with the relations between the two countries, are apt to lack the insight and the impartiality they are able to bring to the con- sideration of other questions. No matter how firm a resolution a Student of one or the other nationality makes to deal with the Subject with an open mind, or how diligently or with what meas- ure of good will he applies himself, almost invariably the fruits of his labor reflect a party bias. The partizans of each nation make a plausible case, until it is seen through the eyes of the partizans of the other. Probably neither nation is endowed with the bad disposition and evil intention attributed to it by the other. Rather, the long and many-sided conflict between them has engendered in each an obtuse imagination where the other is concerned which obscures the all too human proportions of good and had characteristic of both and which makes a common eround of agreement exceedingly difficult to attain. This deep- seated prejudice on both sides has in some measure been reflected in British party struggles, especially where questions involving’ Ireland were concerned, and has even been projected into inter- national relations. The relations between Great Britain and the United States, for example, have more than once been influenced by the large Irish element in the American population. Many of the Irish emigrants in the nineteenth century were reluctant exiles. who cultivated in their new homes the ties of loyalty that bound them to the land of their birth. No small proportion of the financial support for the Irish nationalist movement has come from Ameri- cans of Irish descent or nativity, and in some eases these exiled patriots have shown themselves readier to proceed to extreme measures than those who remained in Ireland and who were, therefore, in danger of severe penalties if they embarked on undertakines and failed. American statesmen have not been able wholly to ignore the feelings of so numerous and influential a group in their constituency, and the friendship between the two744 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS largest English-speaking nations has many times been less cordial in consequence. Something of this loyalty to the old country is felt by the population of Irish descent in the British self- eoverning dominions, and both Canada and Australia have, on more than one occasion, expressed to the imperial parhament hope that a more satisfactory adjustment wot uld be made between the two major islands of the United Kingdom. Perhaps a matter of even more serious concern for British statesmen was the knowl- edge that, ‘ase of a war between Great Britain and another nation, Ae was always a danger and usually a probability that the enemy of Great Britain would be accepted as a friend of Ireland. This tendency of the Irish to make common cause with all enemies of Great Britain contributed powerfully to reeénforce the distrust of the Irish felt by responsible British statesmen. They seemed persistently afraid to try in Ireland experiments on which they have ventured in Canada, Australia, and South Africa. They found 11 difficult to have the courage to act on the assumption that Ireland as an autonomous nation w ould behave differently from the Irish as a subject people. Since they could not be sure of the result in advance, the safer plan, from the reat Britain, seemed to be not to take the risk. point of view ni ( ritish statesmen, quite naturally, emphasized This timidit fF | in the Irish the foal 12 that the British were unsympathetic with their national aspirations and so contributed to make an under- standing between the 7 peoples more difficult. An even more serious result of the unpleasant relations be- tween the two countries after the union was the existence in the parliament of the United ingen of more than a hundred mem- bers who seldom felt or acted as other loyal subjects of the British crown. The presence of so large a group of members, who thoueht rather in the narrower terms of Ireland than in the broader spirit of the United Kingdom, afforded a constant temp- tation to rival British parties to make terms, whereby they ac- complished some immediate political purpose in return for the passage of an Irish measure. As a British statesman wrote, after a generation otf Sena with the practice: ‘‘The nineteenth century has witnessed the persistent vengeance of Ireland. We destroyed her aE in the eighteenth century; in the nineteenth she has destroyed our ministries.’’ There was scarcely an important British political leader in the nineteenth century who did not at one time or another depend on the Irish for support. The first parliamentary reform bill was earried with the help of O’Connell. The repeal of the Corn Laws wasTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 745 effected largely with reference to Irish conditions. Both Qlad- stone and Salisbury made terms with Parnell, and Mr. Asquith later had the support of the Irish in passing British measures of far-reaching importance. On all of these occasions, the Irish acted substantially in a group and did not divide after the man- ner of British parties. The question of nationality thus became the dominant note in Irish polities, and most other things were subordinated to it. Even the divisions within Ireland were al- most wholly on that issue—Protestant, industrial Ulster against the Catholic, agricultural south. One faction became in time fanatical patriots, worshipping at the national shrine; the other became equally fanatical in adherence to the union and in fear of the consequences should the program of the Nationalists be adopted. When, in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the Irish question became the chief touchstone of party division in Great Britain, it was natural that the corresponding divisions in Ire- land should be intensified. To those who were converted to the cause of Irish nationalism and who favored a measure of Home Rule, the Ulster Unionists appeared to be a recalcitrant minority that persistently refused to acquiesce in any feasible settlement of an all too troublesome question. It was scarcely to be ex- pected, on the other hand, that British Unionists would resist the temptation to encourage the Protestants of Ulster in their fears. ‘‘Ulster will fight, and Ulster will be right’’ became a standing threat, used to oppose any measure looking toward the bestowal on Ireland of the national autonomy for which so large a part of the population of the island so persistently clamored. Statesmen who did not scruple to indulge in this dangerous form of argument were naturally tempted to take steps to insure that their prophecies should not be unfulfilled. This open en- couragement of an habitual attitude was not without effect on a people long intolerant of the religion of their neighbors. A vio- lent religious prejudice was thus engendered on both sides in Ireland, which no party in Great Britain thought of ignoring. All of the proposed bills for home rule carried provisions de- signed to guarantee a measure of security to Ulster, and the Irish Nationalists recognized that no proposal would find accept- ance in Great Britain from which these euaranties were absent. The insurmountable difficulty was that neither the leaders of the Ulster party in Ireland nor its more extreme partizans in Great Britain would admit the feasibility of providing guaranties that could be depended upon to serve the purpose. They could not be= el eT ee i = ~ * AMERIC 746 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AN STUDENTS econvineed that a Nationalist Ireland would keep faith, and no peaceful settlement of the question was possible as long as they were supported in this view by a substantial British party. That many British statesmen who encouraged a spirit of resist- ance and intolerance in Ulster shared the dire forebodings of Ulster Protestants is undeniable, but there was an ever-present danger that the less scrupulous would use this partizan fanati- cism as a convenient weapon with which to attack political rivals, whom they were opposing On other erounds. Not tor cenerations will impartial historians be able to disentangle the passions aroused in Great Britain in the last decade of the nineteenth century and the first of the twentieth by the inerease 1n taxa- tion for social purposes from the equally violent feelings 1n- spired by the Irish controversy. In few British political strug- oles has the elash ot opposing rorees been SO bitter or the motives so mixed. Under the circumstances, it would have been remark- able had a tendency not developed, nee in a large part un- conscious, to seek in a troubled Ireland relief from a program in Great Britain itself that many British partizans of Ulster re- sented with as strong a pare they did the prospect of 1m- posing a Catholic government on sm p rotestant counties of the Irish province. Once this fanatical spirit was aroused, com- promise with it was difficult, as some of the most provocative of its sympathizers later discovered in a time of national danger, when they were anxious to settle the Irish question. But no ulterior motive is necessary to explain the existence of suspicion between factions that for so long a time had so thor- oughly distrusted one another. Seldom have human beings de- veloped prejudices SO deep-rooted. There was OD each side an emphatic feeling that the other was thoroughly untrustworthy. As early as 1848, a man so liberal in spirit as was Richard Cob- den could look back over his experience in parliament in the preceding seven years and write: ‘‘I found the populace of Ire- land represented in the House by a body of men with O’Connell at their head, with whom I could feel no more sympathy or iden- tity than with people whose language I did not understand. In fact morally I felt a complete antagonism and repulsion toward them. O’Connell always treated me with friendly attention, but I never shook hands with him or faced his smile without a feel- ine of insecurity; and as for trusting him on any public ques- tion where his vanity or passions might interpose, I should have as soon thought of an alliance with an Ashantee chief.’’ John Morley, a half century later, encountered difficulties of his own *THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 147 when he made bold to adopt a sympathetic attitude toward Irish ambitions. The point of view of some of his friends is revealed in his own statement: ‘‘Goldwin Smith hints that I am for Home Rule because I am ignorant of Ireland. His own personal knowl- edge of Ireland seems to have been acquired in a very short visit to a Unionist circle here thirty years ago. What can be more shallow and ill considered than to dismiss O’Connell as a agi- tator, not a statesman? O/’Connell’s noble resolution. insight, persistency in lifting up his Catholic countrymen, in elvine them some confidence in themselves, in preaching the grand doctrine of union among Irishmen, and of toleration between the two creeds, in extorting justice from England and the Knelish almost at the point of the bayonet . . . all this stamps O’Connell as a statesman and a patriot of the first order.’’ But then Morley served in Gladstone’s cabinet when the first Home Rule Bill was introduced. To even so dignified a journal as the London Times, O’Connell was that ‘‘raneorous and foul-mouthed ruffian.”’ Nor were the more polite circles of British society free from the bitter heritage of prejudice that Ireland bequeathed to her conqueror. Morley records in his Life of Gladstone that the de- cision of that minister to advocate the cause of the Irish Nation- alists precipitated feelings so keen that ‘“political differences were turned into social proscription. Whigs who eould not accept the new policy were especially furious with Whigs who could. Great ladies purified their lists of the names of old intimates. Amiable magnates excluded from their dinner-tables and their country houses once familiar friends who had fallen into the guilty heresy, and even harmless portraits of the heresi- arch [Gladstone] were sternly removed from the walls. At some of the political clubs it rained blackballs. It was a painful demonstration how thin after all is our social veneer, even when most highly polished.’’ On even so prosaic a matter as parhamentary procedure in the House of Commons, the Irish question left its mark. Pre- vious to the advent of Parnell business had been transacted in the house by consent. Members retained a large freedom of debate, possible because they habitually restrained themselves from its abuse. The Irish leader elected to use this freedom to obstruct business by filibustering, in the hope thereby of oblig- ing the imperial parliament to give attention to the grievances of his country. The government of the day, in consequence, in order to transact the necessary business, was compelled to intro- duce the closure. The time of the House was thus brought, more748 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS than it had been before, under the control of the responsible ministers of the crown. QINN ERIN AND THE E'REE STATE Along with the agitation for autonomous government and for remedies for specific grievances, there appeared another less tan- sible but none the less potent factor in promoting the growth of Irish nationality. In the same year that Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill was defeated (1893), Dr. Douglas Hyde organ- ‘zed the Gaelic League for the purpose of reviving and perpetu- ating the native Irish language and studying its literature. Ten years later the League was sufficiently power ful to have Gaelie taught in “the aia of Ireland, a nd in 1910 a knowledge of the lancuage was made a requirement for admission to the na- tional university. John MeNeill codperated with Hyde in the work: a later apostle of the movement was Padraic Pearse, a devoted disciple of Hyde. Another literary group, though less narrowly national in its aims and methods, was neve rtheless not without influence in behalf of the patriotic cause. The Irish Literary Theater was established in 1899 and had the support of such writers as William Butle1 Y eats, George Moore, and Lady Gregory. Most of these writers tried their hands in other fields as well as the drama and reflected aspects of the ae Irish mood. Growing out of this Gaelic revival came the beginnings of a political movement, of which Arthur Griffith was the apostle, which took for its motto ‘‘Sinn Féin’’ (we outa tes ). Griffith was inspired | yy the example of the Magyars o ' Hungary, who, as he econcelve .d it. had aequired.autonomous government from Austria by the simple method yi ‘efusing to take part in the Austrian Reichsrat. His scheme was that the Irish should simply ignore the government at Westm inster and organize ior themselves a national assembly, for which he suggested the name Daéil Eireann. At approximately the same time, James Larkin and James Connolly were organizing the laborers 01 * Dublin in a body of still a different character, which was destined to play an important part in later events. The stone on which the third Home Rule Bill broke was the question of Ulster, or rather of the northeastern counties of that province. A majority of the people in these counties adhered in the twentieth ‘nee to a type of Protestantism that has no counterpart elsewhere in the modern world. Since the seven-THE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 149 teenth century they had dwelt on the dangers to themselves should the Catholic majority in the island acquire power and they had cultivated their fears in more recent generations by eele- brating the anniversary of the battle of Boyne and by habitually emphasizing the unpromising rather than the favorable aspects of their relations with their Catholic neighbors. It is not per- tinent here to consider the ground for these fears; their exist- ence was a reality not to be ignored. The question was, whether the members of this minority group were to be obliged, regardless of their own wishes, to cast in their lot with a new Irish government, even though they had to be coerced into obedi- ence to the law if they finally elected to resist. No party in this controversy displayed a state of mind on this subject which was normal to it when considering other questions. British Unionists proclaimed emphatically that it would be an unpar- donable crime to coerce Ulster. Bonar Law, leader of the Union- ist party, announced publicly in July, 1912, that: ‘‘There are things stronger than parlamentary majorities. I can imagine no length of resistance to which Ulster people will go in which I shall not be ready to support them.’’ Sir Edward Carson, himself a native of southern Ireland, who now took upon him- self the leadership of the Ulster group, made bold to declare at the same time, ‘‘ We shall shortly challenge the government to interfere with us if they dare.’’ The impleations of these in- citements to rebellion at the prospect of undesired legislation are not clear unless it is remembered that these statements were made by leaders who spoke for a party that had not hesitated to use all manner of repressive measures in a vain effort to coerce into subjection the Catholic majority in Ireland. Apparently, in their view, it was one thing to coerce Catholics into obedience to the laws of parliament of which they were unwilling econ- stituents, and quite a different thing to coerce Protestants into obedience to another government, the creation of the same parlia- ment and strictly limited in its powers to act contrary to the in- terests of the minority group. As to the moral validity of this view, it is useless to speculate. The point is that it was the sin- cere attitude of most of the influential groups in Great Britain, and they were seemingly unaware that a point of inconsistency was involved. It was not simply the feelings of the Ulster Protes- tants, which are understandable under the circumstances. Dif- ficulties arose, because a large section of British opinion made these feelings their own and adopted as an article in their politi- cal creed the belief that to coerce the Ulster minority would beSe ee ee ; 5 750 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS 4 terrible moral wrong, while to coerce the Catholic majority in the rest of Ireland was accepted as an imperative duty of the British government. This attitude is defensible on the assump- tion, on which it was really founded, that the inhabitants of southern Ireland were an inferior people and so deserving of less consideration than their neighbors in the north. The cor- rectness of this assumption need not concern us here, but we should not expect to find this doctrine popular in southern lre- land. and we are not surprised that Irishmen were found ready to say hard things about statesmen who held this view and let it govern their actions. After the third Home Rule Bill passed the House of Com- mons in 1913. it became clear that, under the provisions of the Parliament Act of 1911, the House of Lords no longer had the power to prevent it from arriving in due time on the statute book. Accordingly, it was necessary for aggressive Unionists, such as Sir Edward Carson and Sir Frederick EK. Smith, to proceed from violent speech to violent action or else leave the Ulster Protes- tants-to their tate. In the spring of 1912, while the bill was yet under consideration, Pearse and MeNeill addressed large erowds in Dublin in behalf of the proposed measure. ‘‘Let us unite and win a good act from the British,’’ said Pearse.: “I think it can be done. But if we are cheated once more, there will be red war in Ireland.’’ A few months later the people of the north, under the leadership of Carson, taking their cue from the seventeenth century, held formal meetings against the bill, accompanied by divers religious ceremonies. Following the example of the Scots of an earlier generation, a ‘*Covenant’’ was promulgated by the Unionist Council and duly signed by the members of the party in Ireland. Many who marched in the procession that accompanied Carson to the hall in which the covenant was promulgated carried dummy rifles. The covenant itself was skilfully drawn to come within the terms of the law. It was not a declaration of treasonable intent, but a threat to commit treason in a future contingency. ‘The text of the docu- ment. however, is evidence of the spirit of those who signed 1t: Being convineed in our conscience that Home Rule would be disas- trous to the material well-being of Ulster as well as of the whole of Ireland. subversive of our civil and religious freedom, destructive of our citizenship, and perilous to the unity of the Empire, we, whose names are underwritten, men of Ulster, loyal subjects of his Gracious Majesty King George V., humbly relying on the God whom our fathers in day s of stress and trial confidently trusted, hereby pledge ourselves in Solemn Covenant throughout this our time of threatenedTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY Tol calamity to stand by one another in defending, for ourselves and our children, our cherished position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom, and in using all means which may be found necessary to defeat the present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule Parliament in Ireland; and, in event of such a parliament being forced upon us, we further solemnly and mutually pledge ourselves to refuse to recognize its authority. In sure confidence that God will defend the right, we hereto subscribe our names, and, further, we individually declare that we have not already signed the Covenant. Suiting action to these formidable words, groups of men in Ulster began in 1918 to drill in military companies and to pur- chase surreptitiously abroad and to smuggle into the country arms and munitions of war. Reluctant to force the issue until the bill was actually passed, the government made no effective effort to interrupt these proceedings. This open preparation for the systematic use of force in Ulster naturally led to similar steps in the south. The National Volunteers were started by a group identified with Sinn Féin, but representatives of Red- mond’s Nationalist party soon lent a hand. As the fruit of an unsuccessful strike of dock laborers in Dublin, in the later months of 1913 and the earlier of 1914, Larkin organized and drilled another body known as the Citizens’ Army, distinet from the National Volunteers, but destined to play an important part at a later juncture. Conferences between leaders of the Oppos- ing groups failed to effect a compromise and only served, as was announced at the time, to ‘‘bring out the difficulties.’? Union- ist leaders began to suggest openly that in ease of civil war it would be for the army to decide whether it would obey the or- ders.of the government. This was a pointed suggestion, since, despite the reforms of Gladstone’s day, the officers of the army were still drawn largely from the social class that tended to sympathize with the Unionists. Lord Roberts announced in the House of Lords that an attempt to coerce Ulster would wreck the army. That there was ground for this announcement was evident when, in the spring of 1914, a brigade of cavalry com- manded by General Herbert Gough was ordered to cooperate with the fleet in preventing the further arming of Ulster. The General and fifty-seven out of seventy officers let it be known that they would resign their commissions rather than serve against their fellow Unionists. To make feeling more bitter, it happened that the Ulsterites were more successful in evad- ing the government patrol than were their Opponents in the south. The interception of a cargo of arms in the latter region was followed by a clash between the V olunteers and the British : ame Ce peace nena ae een ane h_ eee nanan. A = ee 752 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS troops. Later, hostile demonstrations against the soldiers by a mob resulted in a firing on the crowd, killing several and wound- ing some thirty more. Such was the condition of affairs in lre- land when the war began with Germany. The immediate effect of the outbreak of the World War was to bring an announcement from John Redmond that the govern- ment might safely withdraw all troops from Ireland and depend upon the National Volunteers, cooperating with their brethren in Ulster, to defend the country. The time was approaching when. under the terms of the Parliament Act, the Home Rule Rill would become law. Before that time arrived, the Prime Minister announced that a ‘bill would be introduced postponing the putting of the act into effect until after the end of the war; in the meantime, an amending bill dealing with Ulster would be introduced. The Unionist leaders described the passing into law of the Home Rule Bill as a breach of the party truce agreed upon at the beginning of the war; in the south of Ireland, there was dissatisfaction at the prospect of dividing the country when the bill should go into effect. The difficulties of Redmond in en- listing the support of the National Volunteers, already formi- dable by reason of the reluctance of the Sinn Hein element to support an imperial war, were increased, when Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of War, displayed a greater readiness to preserve the identity of the Ulster units than of those trom southern Ire- land. Mr. Lloyd George later said that in this matter the war office displayed ‘‘folly almost amounting to malignancy.’’ Nevertheless. in the early months of the war there was practically no display of party feeling in Ireland. By the early months of 1916 the Sinn Féin group was con- templating the usual attempt to find an opportunity for Ireland ‘n the troubles of Britain. A rising was planned, to take place when the Volunteers should parade on the Monday after Kaster. In the meantime, Sir Roger Casement went to Germany in the hope of procuring assistance. He found that no troops could be spared, but cargoes of arms were sent, which fell into the hands of the British. Sir Roger himself, endeavoring to return to Ireland on board one of the boats laden with arms, was cap- fnred. Learning of these mishaps, the Sinn Féin leaders took steps to call off the prospective uprising. The Citizens’ Army in Dublin. under the leadership of Larkin and Connolly, persisted in the plan. The rebellion was easily suppressed by troops under the command of Sir John Maxwell. Some of the captured lead- ers, among them Connolly and Pearse, were tried by courtTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 753 martial and executed. Casement, in England, met a similar fate. As might have been anticipated, these executions created a fresh quota of martyrs to the cause of Irish nationalism, and the men executed probably served the cause more effectively by their death than they would have by a longer life. Sinn Féin was soon rapidly gaining in strength. In May Mr. Asquith journeyed to Dublin and ordered General Maxwell to 0 no fur- ther with his executions. He also asked Mr. Lloyd George to undertake to negotiate an agreement between the Irish factions that would permit the Home Rule Bill to go into effect immedi- ately. When these negotiations proved fruitless, and Mr. As- quith, in arranging a coalition cabinet for the conduct of the war, designated a Unionist, Mr. Henry Duke, as chief secretary for Ireland and Sir Edward Carson himself as a member of the cabinet, there is little wonder that Redmond and his moderate Nationalists began to lose prestige in Ireland, while Sinn Féin correspondingly gained in strength, When Mr. Lloyd George succeeded Mr. Asquith as prime min- ister in December, 1916, he announced that the eovernment was willing to grant Home Rule to any part of Ireland that desired it, but could not undertake to force it on any to which it was repug- nant. The entrance of the United States into the war, with its large population of sympathizers with Ireland, made expedient a further attempt to settle the question by agreement. Malm 2 ats : Z, tow ee st. — slic Wicklow SS , CL RE hh Eilkece y Loop B™ <3 ~ RS ’ George's | Sy > na? 5 Beorg al hannel 62 | C O \8 TR Al N | | ee Se eee | | R E LA N D I 3 2 3 John Bartholomew & Son, Lia Elin® The six counties of Northern Ireland indicated thus Z4WZTHE PROBLEM OF IRISH NATIONALITY 197 finally ready to submit to parliament, the duty of negotiating its passage through that body fell to Bonar Law, who had by that time succeeded Mr. Lloyd George as prime minister. Thus both Smith and Law, two of the men who had taken the lead in opposing at all costs the experimental Home Rule proposed by the Asquith government, finally officiated in launching a far more thorough dissolution of the union that Pitt had labored to effect in 1801. As the first governor general under the new dispensation, the King designated Timothy Healy, an Irish Na- tionalist of the old school, as if to signify that the British were anxious to be rid of the last vestige of responsibility for the Irish government. With the last Lord Lieutenant sailed the last remnant of British troops in southern Ireland. Thus tragic circumstances finally obliged British statesmen to acknowledged the failure of their centuries of misdirected effort to govern Ireland. The almost insoluble constitutional difficul- ties of the problem were reflected in the three efforts that were made to frame Home Rule Bills. Ought the Irish to have repre- Sentatives in the parliament of the United Kingdom if they were to have a parliament of their own? If the imperial parliament was deprived of its Irish members, but still retained jurisdic- tion over Ireland, there was manifestly room for complaint. If, on the other hand, Ireland should be given a parlhament to regu- late local Irish affairs, and the Irish members of the imperial parliament retained a voice in the determination of local mat- ters in England, Scotland, and Wales, manifestly this arrange- ment, too, was open to objection. It was a difficulty for which John Adams and James Wilson, among others, had tried in vain to suggest a solution to the British statesmen who lost the American colonies, in part, be- cause they were unable to understand it or to admit the feasi- bility of the solution. British statesmen, in a later generation, finally learned the lesson from Canada. Australia, and the other self-governing dominions. There is no satisfactory half-way point between complete subjection and complete autonomy, where two peoples are concerned, each of which is conscious of its Separate interests and traditions. In such cases, 1f a workable arrangement is desired, the implications of the doctrine of sov- erelgnty are better held in abeyance. Whether it was necessary, in the nature of things, for the Irish to develop a separate na- tional consciousness, is an interesting question for fruitless specu- lation, as is the question of whether any of the proposed meas- ures of Home Rule might have furnished the basis of a permanent— ~ + - . a De ae ee ee ce 758 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS settlement had it been administered with good will on both sides. Whether, in the new treaty and constitution, the Irish, who have labored so long at a terrible sacrifice of life, wealth, and spirit, have at last brought their ship of state into a safe harbor. time alone ean tell. Meanwhile, the boundary between northern and southern Ireland remains unadjusted. FOR FURTHER STUDY Cambridge Modern History, XII. ch. 1v; Robert Dunlop, Jreland from thre Earlvest 7 imes to the Prese nt Day, Part LV: Stephen Gwynn, The History of Ireland, chs. xxxvili-xlv; A. D. Innes, A History of & ngland and the British Empire, LV. eh. Vlll: ue A. R. Marriott, England Since W ate rloo, ehs. xx, xxv; G. M. Trevelyan, British History in the Nineteenth Century, chs. XXl1V-XXV. FOR WIDER READING R. H. Gretton, Modern British History, I. chs. iv, xv; Stephen Gwynn, Ireland; Mary Hayden and G. A. Moonan, A Short History of the Irish People, Book VI: Francis Holland, The Constitutional History of England, III. ch. ii; Sidney Low and L. C. Sanders, The History of England 1837- 1901, chs. xi, xvii, xix; Sir Herbert Maxwell, A Century of Empire, Il. ehs. vi-vill: J. H. Morgan, The New Irish Constitution, an Exposition and Some Arguments; John Morley, Life of Gladstone. Book VI. ch. x1; Books [X. X: A. E. Murray, Commercial Relations Between England and Ireland, chs. xvi-xix: P. S. O’Hegarty, The Victory of Sinn Féin; W. Alison Philips, The Revolution in Ireland 1906-1923; E. J. Riordan, Modern Irish Trade and Industry; E. R. Turner, Ireland and England, Part I, ch. viii; Part 1. chs. ii-viil; Part III. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE For maps of Ireland in the nineteenth century, indicating all the British ‘nvasions of the island, see Muir, ff. 41, 4c. For a map of Ireland in 1928, Sel Stephen Uuwynn, l pre History of Ireland, frontispiece.CHAPTER XXVIII THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS THe GrowtH or NATIONALITY IN INDIA The passing of the East India Company as the intermediary for the government of India removed the necessity for a periodi- cal reexamination in parliament of conditions in that country whenever the corporation applied for a renewal of its charter. The government of India, therefore, developed into a bureau- cracy, of which the average member of parliament had little knowledge and less understanding; the details of necessary legis- lation for India were attended to by the few who eared to inform themselves on Indian matters. India was represented in the British cabinet by a secretary of state, who had associated with him a council composed originally of fifteen, but after 1889 of ten members. This council was made up in large part of men who had served in India for a period of ten years or more and who had not, when appointed, been as long as that out of the service. In India the government was entrusted to a covernor general, who was also viceroy. Queen Victoria was made Em- press of India in 1876 and proclaimed at a Durbar in that year. The governor general, with his council, had the immediate re- sponsibility of the government of India under instructions from the government in London. There were, of course, lieutenant governors in the several provinces, with other councils, and there was a diversity of relations between the Indian government and the numerous subject states not directly under British dominion. In the last half of the nineteenth century and in the early years of the twentieth the British government in India was busy internally promoting measures designed to develop the economic resources of the country, such as the building of railroads, the encouragement of more productive methods in agriculture, the promotion of sanitation and education. All the while, there was constant fear of interference from Russia, or of other peoples acting because of pressure from Russia. Actual conflict was frequent. British statesmen in India were esteemed most suc- 759760 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS cessful who were able to promote efficiency in the government and to keep the country in comparative peace and quietude. The last successful governor general of this type was Lord Curzon, who resigned office in the early months of his second term in 1905 on account of a dispute with Lord Kitchener, the commander of the army in India. Before the administration of Lord Curzon, the way was prepared for the storm that was to break in India in the next decades, but he helped to precipitate the trouble by one of his acts. More than nine tenths of the nearly three hundred million people in British India were as yet illiterate. The prevailing system of caste and other social complications made the task of promoting a widespread system of popular education almost unimaginably stupendous. The British plan in the nineteenth century, copied in part trom that in Great Britain, was to estab- lish institutions of higher education of the European type for the education of a comparatively small group, in the hope that this education would somewhat penetrate to all strata of society. Many young men from India went to England and shared the eonventional education of the British ruling class. Both those who went to Europe for education and those who were trained ‘n institutions established in India tended to neglect the sciences and more practical subjects, confining themselves rather to a study of general ideas and literature. The natural result was to send back to India a substantial minority trained in British habits of thought and feeling, with an ambition, imbibed by contacts with Europeans, to govern themselves and to cultivate a pride in their own people and country. These feelings were intensified when the members of this educated class found them- selves. in their own country, subjected to an inferior social status by their alien governors the while they were learning to cherish the achievements of their own peoples reaching back to antiquity. The nationalist aspirations of this minority of Indian intelli- eentsia were organized as early as 1885 in the Indian National Congress, a body which has represented widely different shades of feeline since that time and which still exists. In its annual meetines Indian leaders found a forum for expounding their political hopes. The more conservative group of nationalists, who controlled the body in its early history, was led by the late Gopal Krishna.Gokhak, who represented those desiring a con- stitution of the modern western type. The leader of the more radical nationalists in the same period was the late Bal Gangad- har ‘Tilak, who was several times arrested for sedition. Hisj —— = a na ioe - i i Se bed a EE a eens eo z : ¥ = m si en - eo a < ca a ~ SS on rnot , in the conquest ol ’ 4 ‘ (} iT} Oy (senera! . 12+, ministel But the ‘ ] \ 7 1 } AS ‘ iN¢ VW rie rp * . Oy rie Assembly a oe . LAT QO] support not j } ‘ lo (*(] i) i | VCOPIt } nage Common cause TO} Ths ‘ ne hy rior . : + 4 yee 7 ' | > asSuUrante } 1 } + + P¥X¥eET) ry | led »\ South Africa, con- is a nad | he people at home. ea. and as between lar with the emotions 1? (Fr does not need TO he roverning BritannicTHE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 781 nations there is now near the surface much fuel for kindling many flames. LATER IMPERIAL DOCTRINES AND POLICIES The British people in the nineteenth century were at no time approximately unanimous in their attitude toward their outlying dominions. Nevertheless, perceptible waves of feeling, easily explicable and not difficult to trace, followed each other as conditions changed. The colonies of the second British empire, at the very time when they were growing strong enough to justify some of the hopes of their founders, seemed by their unprece- dented demands for autonomous government likely to defeat any chance that material advantages would accrue to the mother country from them. At this same juncture, responding to the leadership of Cobden, Bright, and others hke them, who consti- tuted what came to be known as the Manchester School, substan- tially all the elements in the ruling class of Great Britain aec- cepted almost as a fetish the doctrines of free trade and free competition. In the eyes of these apostles of laissez faire, any interference with what they regarded as economic laws took almost the form of a moral wrong. The world, they felt, was the proper commercial unit, and trade ought to flow freely to its utmost bounds. The logic of these doctrines made colonies of little account commercially. In fact, the view became cur- rent that colonies were a positive burden from which the nation ought to seek deliverance as early as might be. This view was spread by Goldwin Smith, and by Sir Charles Dilke in his earlier years. Smith’s book, The Empire, was first published in 1863 and Dilke’s Greater Britain in 1868. Wake- field, Durham, and the colonial reformers of the previous gen- eration had sponsored a large measure of autonomous government in the colonies, but they had not foreseen the rise in the domin- ions of separate nationhood, which was already incipient in the sixties. The current political doctrines, inherited from the Benthamites, identified nationality with a political umit conceived, somewhat more simply than it ever actually existed in fact, as a sovereign state. Dilke had a more vivid imagination than Smith, but neither of them was any better able to appre- hend the possibility of including in the same political system two essentially independent communities than were the British statesmen of the cighteenth century. But these writers and182 BRITISH HISTORY . AN STUDENTS many in ) itis] tates . | neteenth centuryCE —— THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 783 whether after all it would be a good policy to push the colonies to the point of separation. The more this question was considered the more reasons there seemed to be not only for postponing separation to a more distant date but even for concluding that separation need not take place at all. An organization which became the Royal Colonial Institute was formed in 1869. A group of writers Irom the dominions themselves began to agitate the feasibility and the mutual advantages of a closer union between Great Britain and the colonies. It began to dawn on some students of the question that other ties than crude self-interest might exist to bind the outlying dominions to the central nation. ‘‘Over them all,’’ said one editorial writer as early as 1869, ‘presides a feel- ing, an emotion, a sentiment, which can neither be weighed nor sold for so much a yard, but which is just as much a real force in the world as family affection or ambition, hatred or love.’’ As British observers watched the progress of other coun- tries, such as Germany and the United States, associated in larger communities on the federal principle, they began to wonder whether the British self-governing states might not be similarly united, though many of them lost sight of the vastly greater difficulties thereby involved. This federal scheme characterized a movement for the main- tenance of the empire which gained in momentum for the next several decades. A Liberal statesman, W. EH. Forster, speaking on the colonial question in 1870, gave voice to a feeling shared by an ever increasing number: Neither in England nor in the colonies do we intend that the English Empire shall be broken up. It may be a dream, but I still believe in its fulfilment. I believe that the time will come when, by some means or another, statesmen will be able to weld a bond together which will unite the English-speaking peoples in our colonies at present—unite them with the mother country in one great confederation. This movement had reached such proportions by 1872 that Disraeli, who had formerly been a separatist along with the rest, thought it good party strategy to commit the Conservatives, of whom he was leader, t® the perpetuation of the empire. ‘“‘In my opinion,’’ he said in a speech in that year, ‘“‘no minister in this country will do his duty who neglects any opportunity of reconstructing as much as possible our colonial Empire, and of responding to those distant sympathies which may become the source of incalculable strength and happiness to this land.”’(384 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS The Conservative party soon acquired the feeling that it was and had ever heen a part ot LS mission LO make the empire permanent, Disraeli himself, having no reasoned convictions , on the subject, soon had recourse to jingoistic declamation and to actions typified by the legal fiat which pleased the vanity ia appt aled LO thi imacination ot her Oriental : cé > sie 1. i } a ai a a . ; term “imperialism ’ made its appearance in current discussion ) y . ‘ 47 and ne Ci pire jee Trié ‘ Las] ()T) 13 | iS ‘ eT iT needed cd , t 4 ’ + ‘ } ‘ ra onal SUDDOrLINne aoecrtrine ] a LDie form ila { (roy - ' | oy ernment, ni ner oO \ | | Pen n ‘ | ’ 4 ] ’ | , \leanw!] n 1869 lohn k “2 ie} ormerlh protessor ; 17 \ , + | | : : + ( | } : l , ry av ¥ ’ ,* {) | 4a i ' i} “ fii i Org Css r (7 Tl Oct wma } i + | | , . 4 ( oT) ry CM ro It was a » | } y * . + + ‘ | ; . . + 4 . Dal () | = f { ' ’ ohiect cea: el 1¢1% 7 Y y cy > 5 + ‘ ‘ Y ; * ¥ ¢ Tr | . . ¥ + . * rit " - ~ } T} i T words. tha i TT 1) 0 } } STO? , } | : ‘ "Ty tT >} 1S TNAaG . 1 ' 7 } 7} 4 ] ’ 4 7 ’ 4 7 he published in 18% ) ; Cambridge I ires under +} ’ + [*] BY ] Ty ++ | “ ly ) T ; . j y j oe if ,) Litit C1 = 7 J 7 . . = ] ] i ‘ » ry } ? | le] T*¢ 14 helned TO ; ’ 4 . 4 ‘ 4 7 + j ‘ Nop vement of England } ] y T 7 } ri? ' T , , t tT . : pial| the ' : rin L oo Ti? j : 4 ‘ : . ate \\ ’ ? } ' fy? y + ‘ max OT ) ml ] + 4 . . ; 4 . ' si 7 ’ | ’ ‘ ~ ! [>i qT) 17 Ons. he ’ 7 ¥ ’ ’ vy } ‘ ' ' 1 ‘ nic wy OT T \ home , ’ } + * + + + + - unti ()) $ and unthinkable » } ‘ 7 ] - ) + : ; + . d + ‘ In or } PUeCTa OT) ‘ j ’ i< } | ‘ i en THat T rder — Li \ in Uitl | . - . ? ’ ’ ' ' . + . ") “ a } > |) i SOME rorm OT , cr 7 j , ] Elar Yr) _ y ’ ; , T) 1SS84 Ti ss 2 / Py - 2 a 77 _ f)7 | y yy ‘ = 4) oe) eee \ , ) fey mperialism in . ro 1 ‘ YJ (} f f ; rs \\ ~ p ih- ) - | 7 ‘ . 1 1yS] y >.>." Y) ra ’ t Tv? r THA mM - | om aaa Lid + _ . — . - y . 7 7 | 4 + : Ls/0 i5/4 to L880 hi $a supporter 4 | ' 1 e +) ' i*{ } y i } ) ] ! 1 | TV a HT, traveled Ty ] ] * } i } } 4 wid n . | h his pi orts at statesman- hy } } . '7 5 7 * - * ‘ ship wer more sucecesstul than were his ventures as areful scholar-THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 780 sidered at closer range. For one thing, it was not easy to unite in the same federation a mother country wedded to free trade and dominions with a partiality for protection. Moreover, the self-governing dominions constituted by no means all of the British empire. What was to be done with the crown colonies and with India? Furthermore, a federation meant a yielding of power to the federation for which neither Great Britain nor the dominions were as yet ready. Indeed, the dominions seemed to be growing in their distinctiveness as separate nations as they grew in wealth and population, even while they drew toward the mother country in a feeling of genuine loyalty. No scheme of zollverein or federation which was suggested seemed quite to suit the conditions that existed. Nevertheless, imperialism became so much the fashion that Tennyson took up his pen in its behalf, and a younger and more vibrant writer, Rudyard Kipling, inspired its many-sided emotions in the multitude. But there was yet no clear way out of the impasse faced by a political theorist when he undertook to reconcile the autonomy of the dominions with their subordina- tion to the mother country. The assistance rendered by the dominions in the South African War and the exaggerated propaganda, stimulated by any war of considerable proportions, helped to commit the country irrevocably to the imperialistic program. A spirit of chauvinistic braggadocio characterized many statements then made. But accompanying this blatant outburst was the growth of a sober conviction, as a result of the unexpected difficulties of the war, that the task of imperial reorganization could not much longer be postponed. Kipling sensed this feeling and said so bluntly: Let us admit it fairly, as a business people should; We have had no end of a lesson; it will do us no end of good. Not on a single issue, or in one direction or twain, But conclusively, comprehensively, and several times again, Were all our most holy illusions knocked higher than Gilderoy’s kite; We have had a jolly good lesson, and it serves us jolly well right. * * * * * * * * It was our fault, and our very great fault—and now we must turn it to use; We have forty million reasons for failure, but not a single excuse! So the more we work and the less we talk the better results we shall get— We have had an Imperial lesson; it may make us an empire yet! The poetic gift of the same author enabled him a few years later to appreciate and express a relationship which the doc-7 =< ee ee 186 BRITISH HISTORY FOR : trinaire logic of AMERICAN STUDENTS political theories still obscured for statesmen. Celebrating the tariff act of 1897, by which Canada voluntarily oranted preferential rates to (Jur Ladu ot Ahh is LOWS : . ~ ‘ 4 ) 2 4 Now, ‘ ‘ i | a 8 I f = ' r , n the ministry. but he « tes is . ' ~ ' ‘ 1 y + +4 } » 4 I ce a ‘ ( ( i rrancy; er 1? } t ’ y i i , + ' + rT Ay ThA f f f 7 | ~ yi ‘ . \ ' + y*y ‘ : + i \ ~ ’ ,\ 7 ' ! ' 1 + o * ’ f » r\7 } 4 + * + . 7 ‘ ' ) {} {} i I | ! ‘ ? rry yy Great Britain, he wrote in his N + y . Throne -ther’s house, T io ce * , Fr. = ~~ [a F , 7 — & ] T on 7% : QO personined rhe lm periai- 2 . ] 7 + 4 | nN) Ii ne late rs Oo Lne nine- iethine or the situation too. m Gladstone's party on the ; , 1 ' ‘ “7 7 . wed made extensive additions | y t ' ++ . 5 ng in the pai On Ol ' ; } Fhe ’ : i ? : - oe ' 4 cLitti J a \ OLice * } * * ‘ T . nié Af f rT {)7 The oi. + » | + ’ A orate tae >in Gre Britain as a | ; ‘ 0 DI ie the mother country Sold y Of the empire.THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 787 theories of empire prevalent in the eighteenth century and earlier. There was no thought of putting pressure on the do- minions to oblige them to give the mother country a favored place in their markets. The theory rather was that it would be unreasonable to expect the dominions to continue favorable commercial relations with’Great Britain unless Great Britain had favors to grant in return. While those who agitated a tariff reform talked much of cementing the unity of the empire, in reality, most of them understood less of the spirit that was binding these dominions in a common loyalty than did others who made less ado on the subject. It was a Liberal ministry, we recall, that granted an audacious measure of responsible, autonomous government to South Africa and so won in some degree the loyalty of that young nation. The work done by Frederick William Maitland and other discriminating students of medieval legal and political institutions helped to open a way for a rational explanation of this unprecedented relation- ship, when they pointed out that European society had existed for centuries without institutions actually exercising the extreme form of sovereignty ordinarily attributed to modern national states; that, indeed, laws may be formulated and enforced with- out the existence of such states. Of course British statesmen trained in the more orthodox schools accepted these views reluc- tantly, when they accepted them at all. In fact, conditions rather than doctrinal logic impelled them to acquiesce in the notion that two nations can exist substantially independent of each other and yet sharing a common loyalty, with the question of sovereignty at least left in abeyance. Attemps have been made to formulate doctrines suitable to these novel relationships. Even before the World War, men like Richard Jebb undertook to teach the British to think of the self-governing dominions as partners in the same com- monwealth. To escape from the odium formerly attaching to the superiority claimed by a majority of British statesmen when thinking of the colonies, they substituted the word ‘‘Britannie’’ for ‘‘British’’? when referring to the entire group of nations. No sooner was the concept in existence than the constituent nations of the commonwealth began to question whether the two realms of policy in which they had not previously partici- pated should not now be opened to them; namely, the questions of defence and foreign relations. The rapid rise of the German naval power inclined the home government to consult the domin- ions and to welcome their assistance: on the question of defence.788 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS After the revival of the imperialistic spirit in the eighties, ‘‘co- lonial conferences’’ for advisory purposes were held at inter- vals until 1902; the next meeting after that year was called the “Imperial Conference.’’ The dominions were represented in these conferences by their prime ministers and Great Britain by her prime minister and colonial secretary. Australia had begun to build the nucleus of a navy before the outbreak of the World War. Canada had manifested her loyalty by proposing a substantial contribution to the British navy, a departure from the notion of imperial partnership caused by local political con- ditions. ‘he proportionately large contributions made by the dominions in the war led to a more intimate association of their governments with that of the mother country. Word comes at this writing (1925) that the British prime minister has recom- mended the establishment of a separate department in the eabinet for dealing with the dominions as distinguished from the colonies. As we have already noted, the treaty that ended the war was s oned by Canada. A istralia. New Zi aland. and south Africa as separate participating nations, and they became constituent members of the Leacue of Nations. Both forelgn relations and defence have thus become matters which the British | } od rovernment scarcely dares to set without regard to the wishes | ’ | OT OT} ’ ) inTyii rS 17) 1! 37 Tan! oa mriry nmwea Lh the fear of Russia. The South African War. as much as anv- ° } ] : } iT 1 | ‘ thing else, made the British public aware that. since the Con- oe ‘ Parlin : ratur alion? — we ly « taliren ] 1a +h o Press O Priln, ad New ali = rie gi Wi iUes iidt dAKeCT DpiadCe ON tLe { T | } 4 i kz +} Te + lor “hat : wHAG Mul I ind indeed ll VOTIQ a Lieve, Hat CONPSTeSS Was ' ‘ + 1 . ils } * TT ‘ > ‘ ‘T ‘ ] ear DY an alllance Detween Urermany ane . . , 4 : ’ . . Anstr 9 Hungary. With (7erm inv aan jmominant partner. le ° | + , elt Vive ‘7 e treaties made a erlin, H'rance seizet Tunis in 1881, and, in May of the following year, Italy was i Ail + tid . and. Lil ‘ic ¥y i} ' ; oa With vYeCar. I y Was In- duced to join the alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary during his term of power, kept the empire to the many friendly with his system. After the retirement marck in 1890, an alliance between France and Russia was con- summated (1894), and further elaborated in 1896. Queen oT Bis-\ - ee ee ee ee ee —_—— - . - a i eee - THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 789 Victoria acquired from her husband a friendly feeling toward Germany, and Lord Salisbury shared with most British states- men a fear of Russia in Asia and a distrust of France in Europe. The participation of both Great Britain and France in the parti- tion of Africa afforded further grounds for suspicion between the two nations. Europe was thus well on the way to division into two armed camps, distrustful and fearful of each other, be- fore British statesmen were fully aware of what was going on. Aside from the fear of Russia in Asia, the chief characteristic of British policy was a self-complacent insularity. This com- placency was interrupted in the winter of 1895-96 by President Cleveland’s sharp message on the question of the Venezuelan boundary. That matter had scarcely been referred to a court of arbitration, when a further explosion was caused by the Kaiser’s letter to President Kruger, after the failure of the ‘“Jameson Raid,’’ congratulating him on ‘‘having succeeded without appealing for help from friendly powers’’ in repelling ‘“the armed hordes which had burst as disturbers of the peace’’ into his land. This episode and the incidents that followed were links in a chain of events fraught with immense significance in both Great Britain and Germany. From that time dates the rapidly ex- panding German naval program, supported and propagated by an agitation based on the fear of British seapower. An Ameri- can naval officer, Admiral A. T. Mahan, published in 1890 The Influence of Sea Power on History, which had a profound infiu- ence on the thinking of influential statesmen in both Great Brit- ain and Germany and which gave to many Germans, the Kaiser included, an exaggerated notion of the part actually played by the navy in the growth of the British empire. Beginning with the British resentment of the attitude of the Kaiser on South Africa, the builders of the German navy used succeeding points of friction between the two countries as arguments for procuring support for their program. British statesmen were not yet ready to take the threat of the land powers too seriously. After the flare up over Venezuela, they cultivated the friendship of the United States and, by a friendly attitude in the Spanish-Amert- can War, overcame many of the obstacles in America to making this disposition mutual. The Anglo-Japanese alliance, as first negotiated in the early weeks of 1902, was in reality inspired by the fear that Russia would make common cause with Germany or with some other Continental power in her plans in eastern Asia. As renewed five years later, it committed Japan to help190 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS reat Britain in the defence of India : The constant push- ing of Kussia toward the south and west in Asia seemed likely Russians into ultimate conflict when The in- tervention l’rance, and other troubles br COUMLMNOT - 7 t * u i a i ‘ ° ’THE BRITANNIC COMMONWEALTH OF NATIONS 791 terms in that region on the understanding that France would, with British acquiescence and support, confine her activities to Morocco, leaving Great Britain free to carry forward its projects ‘n northeast Africa. Similar compromises were made of difficul- ties in other parts of the world. King Edward VII paved the way for good feeling between the peoples, to accompany this dip- lomatiec understanding, by a well-staged visit to Paris and by receiving the French executive in London. Thus these two age- long rivals were drawn together by their common fears of a stronger power. Russia was still merely the ally of France, but the Russo-Japanese War soon made the weakness of that empire apparent and opened the way for the reconciliation that was obliged to come if the Franco-British agreement was to endure. FOR FURTHER. STUDY Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, III. chs. ii-vy Gee Me Dutcher, The Political Awakening of the East, chs. i-ii; A. D. Innes, 4 History of England and the British Empire, IV. chs. vi, ix; Edward Jenks, A History of the Australasian Colomes, ch. xiv; J. A. R. Marriott, England Since Waterloo, chs. xxiv, xxv; Ramsay Muir, A Short History of the British Commonwealth, II. Book XI. chs. i, ii, iv, v, vii-ix; Howard Robin- son, The Development of the British Empire, chs. xx-xxv; V. A. Smith, History of India (2 ed.), Book IX; These Eventful Years, I. ch. xxix; pile chs. liv, lvi, lix, lx; J. A. Wilhamson, A Short History of British Expansion, Part V, chs. vii-vill. FOR WIDER READING G. L. Beer, African Questions at the Peace Conference, Part LV Cia. Bodelsen, Studies in Mid-Victorian Imperialism ; J. G. Bourinot (G. M. Wrong ed.), Canada Under British Kule, chs. viil-ix; Sydney Charles (Earl) Buxton, General Botha; Cambridge Modern History, XII. chs. xv, xvi, xvii, xx; Frank R. Cana, South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union; Sir Valentine Chirol, India Old and New, chs. vi-xvi; Kh. A. Eastwood, The Organization of a Britannic Partnership ; Encyclopedia Britannica, Twelfth Edition, pertinent articles; G. P. Gooch, History of Modern Europe 1878- 1919, chs. i-x; R. H. Gretton, A Modern History of the English People, I. chs. Vi, vil, xix, xx; II. 1-v, 1x, x; Richard Jebb, The Britannic Question; A. B. Keith, Imperial Unity and the Domimoons; Constitution, Administra- tion, and Laws of the Empire; W. P. M. Kennedy, The Constitution of Canada, éhs. xviii-xxv; Sidney Low and L. C. Sanders, The History of England 1837-1901, chs. xiv, xix; Sir Charles Lucas, The Partition and Colonization of Africa, chs. v-xi; C. M. MaclInnes, The British Common- wealh and its Unsolved Problems; Nicol MeNicol, The Making of Modern India; V. R. Markham, The South African Scene; Sir Herbert Maxwell, A Century of Empire, III. chs. iv, v, x-xi11; Viscount Milner, England in Egypt; ©. H. Northcott, Australian Social Development ; A. St. Ledger, Australian Socialism; R. P. Thomson, A National History of Australia,192 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS Ne i) VA (l a nd (1? d thre Adijace nt Isla 4 Ke di ration = (3. H. VanTy ne, India of the Australian Commonwealth. Shy I he ° t and in other Africa, both r) foundland. Hinions of Cana ia G. Trotter. Canadian R. Wise, The Making th gajominion Australia: pp. the world in Pac AtiCHAPTER XXIX THE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY DYNAMICS OF DEMOCRACY The term ‘‘democracy’’ may be thought of as having political, economie, or social implications, though none of these adjectives is an exclusive term. Social democracy would involve a removal of differentiating peculiarities and a shaping of individuals in moulds so similar as to deprive society of much of its human varl- ety. Perhaps no considerable number of thoughtful people feel that it is feasible, or even desirable, except in a limited measure. Economie democracy would involve a distribution of wealth on a basis never yet achieved, and probably not achievable under any scheme of social organization with which the world has yet exper!- mented on a large scale. Political democracy involves a partici- pation of the responsible adult members of society in its govern- ment on substantially equal terms. The democratic movement in Great Britain has involved all of these three aspects in some degree, though the actual achievements are more largely in the field of political democracy. Even in that field, a wholly demo- cratic society is as yet far from attainment. At the bottom of the democratic movement in Great Britain was the extensive growth of urban life that followed the introduc- tion of machine manufacture and the industrialization of a large element in British society. The mid-Victorian constitution, de- scribed so felicitously by Walter Bagehot, was based on a sys- tem characterized by an eminent writer who laments its passing as one ‘‘under which the aristocracy and the plutocracy balanced each. other, and divided all real power between them.’’* We have considered in earlier chapters the methods by which the ‘‘nlutocracy’’ obtained a share of power and the changes in gov- ernmental machinery thereby involved. The grasp of this en- larged ruling class on the reins of government was firm and not easy to loose. This class was in control of the legislature, and so of the executive responsible to it. Quite as important, from 1W. S. McKechnie, The New Democracy and the Constitution, p. T2. 793794 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS sponsible legalTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 7195 liable only to a suit for damages; a workineman wilfully break- ing a contract was guilty of a criminal offence. Among the first indications, after the repeal of the combina- tion acts, of the tendency of the courts, probably for the most part unconscious, to lean toward the side of employers of labor in their interpretation of the law was when, in 1831, it was held that an employer was not hable for damage to an employee for injuries for which he would have been lable had they happened to a third party. At that time the labor organizations that ex- isted were enmeshed in the movements sponsored by Robert Owen and the Chartists. After the failure of these movements to ac- complish their immediate aims, a ‘‘new model’’ of trade union appeared and soon became the prevalent type, though, for a time, it was limited to the more skilled trades. ‘The new model was a combination of a friendly assurance society with a trade union. The officials of these new unions were men of conservative views and cautious ability. By the middle of the century they had begun to form amalgamated societies and to associate the several trades under the leadership of men like Robert Applegarth. Kmployers became frightened. The statute passed in 1825 for- bade an attempt to force a workman to leave his job by violence, threats, or intimidation. A justice of the Queen’s Bench, Sir William Erle, held that for two or more persons to combine to procure a breach of these sections of the law, regardless of any further action, was in itself a ‘‘criminal conspiracy’’ at common law and punishable as such—this in the face of contrary rulings by previous judges. Thus the chief weapon of a trade union, the strike, was made practically illegal by a judicial decision, for which it was not easy to find historical justification in the law. The executive officials of the trade unions at this time were, for the most part, men who were opposed to the use of violence and who were interested in preserving intact the funds of the organi- zations. They thought in the familiar terms of the current liber- alism and sought to appeal to parliament for remedies. A strike of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers against overtime and piece-work in 1851-52, though it failed of its purpose, attracted the sympathy of the public and had the effect of making the union stronger and more influential in society at large. The economic depression which began in 1857 gave rise in the succeeding years to a series of strikes in various trades, and Applegarth, with William Allan, William Newton, and Daniel Guile, and their associates, who became known as the ‘‘Junta,’’ undertook to win for trade unions a recognized social and political status. This796 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS intimate association of the union leaders stimulated the fears of the more conservative members of the ruling class. _The Junta participated in the agitation that led to the passage.of the-parha- mentary reform bill of 1867. The passage of that act naturally tended to make the leaders of labor more conscious of their power, remedy was yeh a a el — yt =. => ¥ _ << ee ee iki oe acannon aTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 797 quence was another statute, passed in 1875 by a Conservative gov- ernment under Disraeli, providing that “‘an agreement or com- bination by two or more persons to do or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute’’ should not be indictable as a ‘‘conspiracy if such an act committed by one person would not be punishable as a erime.’’ The same act undertook to legalize ‘‘peaceful picketing,’’ without which it was difficult to conduct a successful strike. The Master and Servant Act of 1867 was at the same time replaced by an Em- ployer and Workmen’s Act, the very title of which indicates the revolution in the law the laborers had been able to effect. These challenging conditions brought into existence a Trade Union Congress which, though a loose organization, was the nu- cleus for action by labor on a national scale. The real vitality of the movement for the next two decades, however, was in the unions of the several trades. Similarly, the power exerted in parliament by laborers was in the several constituencies. Neither Liberals nor Conservatives were likely to name candidates who were hostile to the demands of the local laborers in constituencies having a large labor vote. Furthermore, no party in parhament dared longer to neglect wholly any organized demand that came from labor. Progress was made, therefore, in promoting sanita- tion in factories, in restricting the labor of women and children, and in the whole round of factory legislation. But the trade unions were still largely restricted to the more skilled trades, and their leadership was conservative. Indeed, so conservative were the organizations that some of the younger and more aggressive members began to fret at the lack of achievement, which they felt ought to have been much greater. Two such men, John Burns and Tom Mann, took the lead in helping Benjamin Tillett to organize a strike of the London dock laborers on a large seale in 1889, a strike which attracted public approval both in England and abroad. Large contributions to the strikers came from as far away as Australia. The success of this strike was facilitated by the growth of humanitarian sym- pathy with classes suffering from privation. This same sympa- thy was effective in two strikes that preceded that of the dock laborers, one by the unorganized girls employed in match fac- tories, another by employees of the London gas companies. A rapid organization of less skilled labor followed these successful strikes. Within a year after the dock strike, two hundred thou- sand members were added to the trade unions. But these new unions differed from the older ones in that their members could798 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS no afford the necessary contributions to establish large insurance Their chiet function. theretor ‘Vv he work- CTs in what Came Some labor leaderTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 199 mitted by a combination of persons which would not be actionable if done without such combination; (2) an act which merely in- duced a breach of contract of employment or interferes with trade, business, or employment, or the right of some other person to dispose of his capital or labor as he wills; (3) any alleged responsibility by a trade union as a body for the tortuous acts of its officials or its members. As a result of the parliamentary elections of January and De- ecember, 1910, the Liberals were without.a majority over all other parties and depended in part on the more than two-score mem- bers of the Labor party for support. In consequence, the two parties cooperated in passing much legislation for which laborers had long agitated. But the Labor party was composed of a di- versity of groups, varying from socialists of one school or another to somewhat conservative trade unionists of the older sort, who had no great enthusiasm for the venture in polities. The Labor members of parliament were supported, and the expenses of their campaigns for election paid for, by contributions levied and col- lected by the trade unions. A lack of interest in the political movement was beginning to be perceptible, when, in 1909, the courts again came forward in the ‘‘Osborne Judgment’’ with a decision prohibiting the expenditure of trade union funds for political purposes, particularly for the support of the Labor party. Again parliament was aroused to action. An act passed in 1911 provided for the payment to members of parliament of a salary of four hundred pounds per annum, thus relieving the unions of this burden. Another act, passed in 1913, permitted the unions to engage in political activities, provided that the funds were managed so that members who wished it might be exempt from contributing to the political funds. What would have been the fate of the Labor party had not the World War occurred at this juncture is, of course, con- jectural. But it is clear that no small part in bringing it to the strength it had achieved was played by the political inepti- tudes of responsible groups in the older ruling classes, of the courts in particular. There were at the same time, however, somewhat less tangible forces that cooperated to stimulate among others than laborers an attitude which, for want of a better term, we may call a democratic spirit. It was from these new alles of labor as well as from the officials of the older trade unions that much of the leadership of the Labor party came when it was eventually given a short lease of power.800 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS THE DEMOCRATIC SPIRIT iat has manifested itself traceable to the toreces e earlier decades of the nine- ~ their olt- regenerate British ‘om Ricardo 7 eet titi Wie Meee a 5 t Uj 4 4 i : ‘ rs “~~ 7 — ’ eeeTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY SOL temperaments to offer at least the first and most hopeful experiment in the direction of social betterment; and the spread of the socialistic spirit in artistic circles, in the Church, in eity polities, and even, through the unmoralized form of the Trust, in industry itself, has been so amazingly rapid that the mention of it has in ten years passed from a heresy to a platitude.* We are not to infer from this that a majority of the British are or at any time have been professed socialists. “The pro- fessed socialist,’’ says another writer, “‘is a rare, perhaps an unnecessary, person, who wishes to instruct and generally suc- ceeds in searing humanity by bringing out into the light of con- scious day the dim principle which is working at the back of the course of events.’’? Whether it came from John Stuart Mull, as some authorities would say, or from the publication in England of Henry George’s Progress and. Poverty and the same writer’s later lectures, as others believe, we know, at any rate, that many individuals of light and leading began in the last two decades of the nineteenth century to agitate definitely for social changes. In 1886 Charles Booth, a man of wealth, began, with the assist- ance of a corps of experts, an investigation of the conditions of the London poor, inspired in part by the thought that the facts, when revealed, would estop some of the loose criticisms of condi- tions already current. The work continued for the following seventeen years, and the published results fill as many volumes. The humanitarian leaven, the presence of which in British society we have noted before, had now worked until a large number of people could not repress a disposition to do something remedial in the face of the many appalling conditions revealed. This same emotional attitude led William Booth in 1878 to establish the Salvation Army. It impelled men in the established Church, like Canon Samuel Barnett, to give a life of labor and care to their less fortunate fellows. The needs of the situation appealed also, as we have noted, to Cardinal Manning, and in fact to ad- herents to all creeds, softened by feelings of human kindness. Social settlements were established in the slums. Toynbee Hall, Whitechapel, was founded in 1885 in memory of Arnold Toyn- bee, who helped much to popularize the term ‘‘ Industrial Revo- lution’’ as.a name for the movement which, 1t was now discov- ered, had brought many disagreeable things in its train as well as a large enhancement of the wealth of the nation. The fact became recognized that substantially a tenth of the people in the 1Vida D. Scudder, Social Ideals in English Letters (1923 ed.), pp. 281-282.802 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the submereed tenth ) were subsisting Tord them a decent minimum of ‘ is metropolitan district under eonditions that did not a physical | the ecomtorts ot Many person Marx andTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 803 nold Bennett deserve honorable mention, to say nothing of Her- bert George Wells. Wells mingles with his criticisms projects for a variety of utopias, in which he undertakes to suggest schemes for improvement as they occur in his fruitful imagination. One of the most widely read writers of fiction in his day, he has also undertaken to translate into the language of the ordinary man a synthesis of the development of mankind and of human institu- tions from prehistoric times to the present, making clear his explanations of the sorry pass to which he feels that the world has in some respects come. Writers on economics and polities, such as Mr. J. A. Hobson and Mr. L. T. Hobhouse, who do not really belong with this group, nevertheless advocated a measure of interference by the state in economic and social matters, which Liberals in an earlier time would have reserved for indi- vidual control. Whether the tone of society was changed more by these criticisms and the positive propaganda which accom- panied them in pulpit and press and on a diversity of platforms, or by the growing realization that, unless something was done to ameliorate the hard conditions brought to light, the whole social fabric was in danger of destruction, is hard to say. Per- haps the conditions and the bringing of them to light both helped to promote the propaganda and afforded a favorable at- mosphere for it to work in. Such men as W. H. Mallock came forward to defend the exist- ing order. Few influential leaders, however, undertook to de- fend things quite as they were. They differed as to the changes that ought to be made. As the eollectivistic program became an actual achievement, both by national legislation and by an exten- sion of the functions of the agencies of local government, ob- servant persons began to distrust the democratic character of the bureaueratie organization which they saw gradually assum- ing greater and greater powers over and responsibilities for the people at large. These observers suggested that no adequate method had yet been devised for making this social engine effi- cient and responsible to those whom it was designed to serve. Mr. Hilaire Belloc, in his Servile State, was among those who dissented sharply from the growing collectivism exemplified in the legislation of the first decades of the twentieth century. Being an adherent of the Roman Catholic Church, Mr. Belloc suggested a new panacea, ‘‘distributivism,’’? which is a sort of return to the social system of the middle ages, with the Church assuming larger functions. Mr. Gilbert Chesterton, though de- lighting in paradoxes and so not easy to place as a proponent of(4 BRITISH tor inspiration. roval of the eondit I + | .% t 7 neories ! iT} ‘ x 4 into Vor ue () NUL ri. + TFT i \ + LULL Y. hey WO] j + | . ; cy siti ts ! sla ' ’ ’ vt ’ 1 ’ Vi i4 ' t) yt I . ¢ ‘ Vell ALIOT ‘ ' . yy \ mieasti ( DS] l | + ~ 1 1 sf fF” fig ‘ ) " ° | OY (y] : * . Q . 1 . e ] {->T | - 4% VP : ‘ ” ; « p i y , T 4 + ta mi | ; Yrpeey | ; ‘ . , ‘ ~ iT) ~ ’ ' 1 | ’ | ' j4 7 ] ‘ ia J ' ‘ c , # 4 ’ f sit i i) ’ ewe (*c)T i | i . , Pulid SVYStel ' | § { im® iT ee ‘ ‘- y* "4 4 if | fill < 1 Ol ry . + | ¢ 7 ? : >t rT} c*c)? ~ | 2 +. ? ry yy * it ee i ; , ~f } 7 ! . ' nerions ‘Bhar } } t , F t ' 4 1 ria? ; | ’ wT . 5 th, ‘, i . I + ; 4 4 ’ ’ — , \ ‘ tvDL1iGG =oVie , tablans. or els | ‘ . * , POLIieP( rid iT cri Voy ¥ Or) 7 ’ , _ ¥ > a % . 1 and prope! ® ¥ ; * with Bit ! sii i HISTORY , . ions tha nreTerenee I * CT as kK", \\ showed t } ’ (idl Pines ¢ + | . . ' } ~~ > ‘ > + i “ ; c+} 1117 1 1 tin ()7 eS : ’ rT} ’ ry | | ’ " | {)T . ;’ 7 ' ' + ‘ T ¢ : , + ‘ y ! * * ’ } 1 ’ i ; 7? i ‘ } ~ ,7 7 . T 4 ’ ’ sae) | ; ' . Ln om Ais Lei ‘ ' 1} ly 7 Y hs ' I ry7 : , ! ' 7 ‘ PyQy : i« ' \ ,* ~ } . (OTINIT { } } an ’ ST 1 ns eC¢ones KHOR 12 1 Lt : ‘i f) i i ‘} + i - Q ry \ ’ 4 ; \ + y a , , , ; ‘ a , } ' | ' ’ : * ’ : ‘ ’ ‘ , } YT } he + + is , “ ' ; ' i i ~*~ } { + * ; | , ' y 7 t { : i , : ' Tr? AMERIC I AN STUDENTS nentioned amMmone those who 1 | who would look backward : ; ) however, implies no ap- : 4 . co » i@CLIVISTS are seeking” to rem- i t 7 rel 1] ~ if TO! thy aisease. i Ll. ya - ri ~ rCUCGI 4.4 Pollock > . © : for a departure in political soverelen state, which came S] n or the nineteentn cen- : COntalins many vero LDS be- . : , 1.4 eres + I — ' —f)T | —_ a WV iJ alit nent characte the latest (4 id uiovement! Sin some | tT} PYAMYD IL {) med eval 4 5 rig rprens ry (lei Mr. A a4 ! rv | | wt } p>] cL LOS -—™ OT ! na | DPrOLeSSION in archi- . | ] noe ; act on socialism and + | ‘ . 7 Ss unreasonable ! Oy ‘ * 1 ST Ve SOCLeTY | : 14 mor? ! 4" cy ’ ~ tf) opuel *y ‘ oreater l ilove Tor the bea itiful as restoration of the | ry ’ ’ cy t rye i evel- Sn i y I I T) \} OTNey] nrocreSS i i tJ i nelusions. bevan with the iis Oo . | t y*y an | \ . r) ; ma Oorilyv | ‘ i i | } ) 1 ¢) popula- 1 ! ry} ? ()] 1] FOUDS in i rc Ohe 1 ff) rv ’ social . + | ~ ' (ya T ()] rye TT APs , ’ + ry nor ) hod t); SCO ()T) } } ‘ } ve necome AcCTIVe 1 > Be A R (oracy editor ' { ea lent wrirTrer on eco » ‘ 1 (4 \ 1 } ed h « ' T iif nee | it } t v } he } ) ' ’ | ; . f ' u riatyvtt re ; 7 y ’ ; : illo T — T ; in ne’ a COLLe@CLIVISLL ' vho | its constituents c° . y ] i ~ Sf PT \\ 4 llas ~ later books. avs and means for stimulat-THE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 805 ing group emotion and so for manipulating the electorate, evi- dence a realization of these difficulties. The opinion seems to be growing that the organization of a democratic government 1s not the simple matter it seemed in the haleyon days when it was assumed that, given the right to vote, men and women would behave as discriminating, rational beings and would know as a matter of course how to take care of their own interests. Another aspect of the agitation for democracy made difficult the achievement of a genuinely democratic spirit. Inevitably, the bulk of the agitation itself was based on the assumption that a large class in society had not yet achieved the portion of goods, material and less tangible, that ought justly to fall to it. While influential groups among the more fortunate classes devel- oped sympathy for their less favored fellows, nevertheless, the latter obtained a gradual amelioration of the conditions from which they suffered by organization and by striving as a body. But this very process of organization and strife helped to erystal- lize in society a stratification essentially undemocratic, since it arose from the disposition of the favored classes to defend for themselves the things of which the less favored were seeking to attain a share. In the end, however, though all individuals lack much of counting for the same in the government, though wealth is yet far from being distributed according to any method that could be deseribed as democratic, and though society in all of its aspects recognizes a thousand distinctions and discriminations among individuals and among the classes into which they are divided, it is nevertheless a fact that much more than formerly there is a general disposition to take account of the needs and wishes of the common man and to make provisions for his wel- fare. Slowly a national conscience has emerged which will not tolerate conditions that in past ages were accepted as a matter of course. If democracy in any extreme sense is still a distant prospect, it is, at any rate, not so far distant as it was before the ferment of the past century did its work. ACHIEVEMENTS ‘TOWARD DEMOCRACY After the enfranchisement of a large number of industrial laborers in 1867, responsible political leaders of the older parties recognized that the wishes of the new voters must be taken into account. Perhaps, indeed, they were more fearful than they806 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTSTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 807 even further concessions must be made to meet the rising de- mands of this powerful group. Although the Liberal govern- ment, after the election of 1906, did not depend for existence on the support of the Labor group, it was manifest none the less that circumstances would not always be thus favorable. Worldly wisdom would have impelled the Liberals, had a genuine disposi- tion been lacking, to cultivate the friendship of these growing factions in parliament. Perhaps the Liberals felt that timely concessions of half-loaves might delay if not postpone indefi- nitely a complete achievement of all that was demanded by those who were sponsoring the venture of Labor in polities. John Burns, who had become a member of the cabinet, helped to formu- late measures that would satisfy the wishes of his fellow trade unionists. The increase in the Labor membership in the House of Commons as a result of the general elections of 1910, and the subsequent necessity that the government have the cooperation of those members if it was to function, hastened still more the achievement of those aims of Labor which Liberals could bring themselves to accept. The impressive volume of legislation that resulted dealt with diverse aspects of the same subject rather than with different subjects. Apparently it was accepted as inevitable that, for a time at any rate, a numerous element in the population of the country must live on an income so small that practically all of it would ordinarily be required to provide a respectable minimum for subsistence. But normal life is beset with unexpected un- certainties. Moreover, three centuries of unsuccessful attempts to relieve the necessities of the poor convinced the thoughtful, not only that the poor would be with them a long time, but that, unless preventative measures could be devised, the burden would wax rather than wane. Furthermore, the development of exten- sive means of communication carried appeals from the unfortu- nate to every sympathetic heart. It was scarcely possible longer to remain in ignorance of conditions that abounded on every hand. Consequently the view became current that the state, representing the total community of the people, had a parental responsibility for the helpless which began at birth and continued into old age. As recently as the accession of Queen Victoria, there was scarcely a British statute evidencing the interest of the state in the welfare of the children that were to grow up to be its future citizens. As the result of a long series of measures passed since that time, culminating in an act passed in 1908, it is now the808 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS duty of the attending physician or midwife to give notice 7 birth within forty eloht , ‘1 | : 7 occurs. and neve if | this world’s fPOOCTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 809 ternity benefit to take care of that inroad on the family purse was also provided. Another act, passed in the same year, provided a similar scheme of insurance against unemployment in seasonal trades and in others in which unemployment was chronic. This act involved also an extension of the work of labor exchanges, previously established, through which the eovernment attempted to bring unemployed laborers into relations with possible employers. Persons thus insured were to receive an allowance while out of work, but they were obliged to accept employment when it was found for them at the normal wage for the trade. The condi- tions caused by the World War made this law unnecessary while the war was going on; in subsequent years unemployment has been one of the most vexing of all national problems. But if the state was to assume this large share of responsi- bility for people whose normal income was close to the margin of subsistence, steps ought to be taken at the same time to imsure that as few as possible should receive an income below that minimum. This question was snvolved in what were called ‘“oweated industries’’; that 1s, ‘ndustries in which conditions made it possible for employers to reduce the amounts paid to laborers below a reasonable minimum. The Trade Boards Act of 1909 set up machinery for making wage adjustments and for establishing minimum wages or rates in the difficult trades of this type. This method was later expanded somewhat and applied to coal miners in order to settle a strike in that industry. Perhaps the more successful achievements of the eollectivist program are to be seen in the smaller governmental units. Municipalities, in a majority of cases, have undertaken not only to supply their inhabitants with water and sewerage but also to furnish gas, electric current, tramways, public baths, libra- ries, museums, and other similar utilities. The municipalities have also undertaken in some cases to deal with one of the most serious of all the problems of community life in Great Britain ; namely, housing. The rapid growth of industrial towns without the provision of adequate facilities for sheltering the population, the failure to keep up the older cottages in the rural districts, poor enough at best, or to construct others to take their places, resulted in the growth of slums and in overcrowding to an ex- tent that made impossible the ordinary decencies of life and hazarded the very existence of life itself, especially for the very young. ‘The investigations, that helped to pave the way for measures designed to improve the eonditions among the poorer -$10 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS classes. revealed that the O ntant mortalitv and the vice. and other pers ; ne adults were intimatelv LO the inadequacy jected by the to completion ployers, such as Geor: at Port Sunlicht. others, Wh irrounde their factories with admirable tenemen or their laborers. The World WarTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY oa only the children of the poor. The modern counterparts of the old ruling class still patronize select institutions that cater to one or another social class. The supporters of the national Church were so well intrenched in the House of Lords that not until the World War revealed what seemed to be some of the deficiencies of English education was a compulsory national scheme provided by law (1918), and the financial difficulties of the post-war period prevented the provisions of this scheme from being wholly carried out. With this persisting stratification of the educational machinery, it 1s not easy for all classes of society to learn by a process of rubbing elbows in childhood the truth, if truth it be, that: The Colonel’s lady and Judy O’Grady Are sisters under their skins. There is, therefore, not much evidence of the growth of a demo- cratic spirit among ‘ndividuals to accompany and support the extensive collectivist undertakings on which the state and the municipalities have embarked, sometimes as a result of contests and sometimes as a result of compromises among the social groups into which the people are still divided. The Prime Minister in whose administration the largest body of this legislation was enacted defended the program advocated by himself and his colleagues with the statement: ‘*Property must be associated in the minds of the masses of the people with ‘deas of reason and justice.’? This pronouncement by Mr. As- quith reveals a conviction that the existing social order must demonstrate its right to exist by showing a capacity to adjust itself to serve popular needs. In several of its proposals, be- sides that relating to public education, Asquith’s administration found its measure blocked by the House of Lords. An example was a bill designed to restrict somewhat the sale of intoxicating beverages. But the measure that finally forced the issue be- tween the ministry and the House of Commons, both now largely responsible to popular feeling, and this last citadel of the older privileged classes was the rejection of the budget proposed by Mr. David Lloyd George as chancellor of the exchequer in 1909. Both the Old Age Pension Act and the naval rivalry with Ger- many, then attaining to extensive proportions, made it impera- tive in that year that the government raise larger sums of money than formerly. The budget proposed went even further than the accomplishment of this purpose. Income and inheritance taxes were largely increased, both because the additional revenue was81? i , 4 (‘ft rT as idl p= SiLiif {> ¥\ if rvs then ‘ * who nro . rig at MQSk tT} ‘ ,* | ; asf Very] " rT) ac ba T | } 4 Lil wl , Tie \ ' ' t ' | A ' rT } « QO * TY T ‘ + a \ . + : \ i ' ’ ‘ ’ | 4 4 1 Alt! , , 3 - ’ uy ’ A nent 3 ; the Hi F ¢ + Hl ‘ + o , \ % ’ + 4 fl 4 i Y , rs] } ; re ' \ ’ ’ " ; ' ’ F . ; y 4 ¥ & en 7 o ‘ T] . tI i b} a , \WV} ¥ , F i , r ¥ rY oy 4 4 Tr) (\7 ~ ’ ' . 4 ' rr »rcr va ' ae ’ ’ 1 Tor 7 i ;y ¥* my T USUPDa 1 qT needed BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS and as a means of ‘ { \ } ‘ * cs | + | | Bu 1 iadra 5 + ()7T" 7 ' iw + ‘ mony i ( | i payee Peels alt ri ~ T f rif is | i? ' TT) ? ‘ ryT y | l if T 7 } j A * , ' d . " * 4 : ’ ’ : ' yy) i A i : ’ y ' , i i ; i a ; | o | * + ’ ’ aat T 4 i ry Ory i ‘ > 7 ‘ * a ie at I see ei reas’ ne , . np Ve ,7 } promoting ‘ibution of \ 1 ‘ lat was represented as been ] ling w a This ith an even more the nation. earlier centuries. the n the hands of > a it Tree trom taxation ex- lt was in this wav pos- m cultivation and to re- saat : ‘3 se person 1n ailuent circumstances ” PC \ ‘ nat micht aGG@l itl Witnout > i . > :+ ‘ i. | \ r Orn) iccount to the SUpPpoOrt oO] 4 : - ‘ | m Lm who ought to he Ocecll- i } ’ i ;)ry* 5 ct ; } » ye? * | aeprivea Of an opportunity _ ‘ : ] Ab, roe r)] portion QO] TS OO ‘he r ipa cissf ~ ne What Was ealled ) nguished from its rental value i 4 1% 7 th, } ¥ } + | + +} Y it was the hope that these taxes ' ta hh] a resp dvie amount OL reve- ’ nd into cultivation ed as good constitutional practice ‘ ? " cl idcetl TRG ODDO- } xi ‘ Tt) 4 7 rT , ' aa iyrrT : Lliti a iii. it in 4 ? + | ; + vy . ] | s particular budget con- + ; . ’ - ] oucnti not To he adopted f 2 ;* : a7 r rT} ' rc ’ i) r’¢ (> ¥ Obs , nuawve TI Pre. j TT I STTy Tf) cl i*; ? TAQT VA th ‘ t . 1} o e been foreseen, really turned : ne ‘i. (ii [Tit | | ca. (zreatl * ’ a y° +r] y* hy ly + ’ y } red) mS | i ‘ i Ne : oe ee I Mould re LT) power To bloek the ° | } sl 7 t ‘TT ' Cot ‘ 4 J «A aill is Lit (iC CISION Orci ION FOR DEMOCRACY 7 , * . \ IS relected The } ldvet of 1909 by de- , consent to 1t until it had been ‘‘sub 4 , ‘ . f COUNTTY. The Ho 1Q¢ 7] { om .: ( 3 . ’ (y? OT Tne Ho Se Of lords LT) reTtus- lancial provision made by the House $ a Dreach of the constitution and a As a matter ofTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 813 fact, this was merely one of many demonstrations that the House of Lords, by its very composition, was unlikely to be in sym- pathy with any contentious proposals made by the Liberal, Labor, and Nationalist groups, which, taken together, then constituted the major parties of the country. That is, for a generation and more, the upper house of the national legislature had been an assembly of partisan complexion with a social composition that made it almost out of sympathy with many things that must be normal planks in a democratic platform. It was unreasonable to expect that the militant groups now in power in the House of Commons would permanently remain at so serious a disad- vantage in contests with their Conservative (now Unionist) op- ponents. The budget of 1909 was, as we have seen, much more than merely a finance measure. Nevertheless, by refusing to ac- cept it, the House of Lords invited the fate it met. [ven so, the act that was passed was not as revolutionary as might have been the case in a land less addicted to hali-measures and compromises. After the general election on the budget in January, 1910, the ministry could not have failed to proceed in dealing with the House of Lords without putting its own existence in Jeop- ardy. The Irish Nationalists demanded a Home Rule Bill as the price of their support, and the last experience of Gladstone had proved that the House of Lords would reject such a bill. The Laborites demanded more social legislation, involving an increase “1 taxation and an encroachment on privileges which the influ- ences dominant in the House of Lords still guarded. Among the rest, Mr. Lloyd George was sponsoring an act for the disestablish- ment of the Anglican Church in Wales, where it no longer com- manded the willing support of a majority of the population. The death of King Edward VII in May, 1910, delayed some- what the settlement of the question. The cooperation of the King was necessary in case the House of Lords refused to acquiesce in the proposals of the ministry. A vain attempt was made to reach an agreement by compromise and so to relieve the new King of the necessity of participating in a constitutional strugele so soon after his accession. Even after another gen- eral election, held in December, 1910, which left the political composition of parliament practically as before, it was neces- sary to make a public statement that the King had authorized the creation of a sufficient number of new peers to insure the enactment into law of the proposals of the ministry. Even so, in the face of certain ultimate defeat, more than a hundred$14 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS VY iser le; actuallyTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 815 lating the holding of property, which had previously diserimi- nated against women, before those in control of the government were willing to grant a right to share in that privilege. The change of heart on the question of suffrage, when it finally came, was effected by much the same methods earlier used by the men. Susan B. Anthony, the American apostle of equal rights for women, visited Great Britain in 1902 and stirred Christabel and Emeline Pankhurst to organize in the next year the Women’s Social and Political Union. ‘‘It is unendurable,’’ said Christa- bel Pankhurst at that time, ‘‘to think of another generation of women wasting their lives begging mon the vote. We must nof lose any more time. We must act.’’ The accession to power of the Liberals, with later a large accretion of Laborites, without any action being taken looking to the eranting Aner wishes, caused the organized women to adopt more militant tactics. Min- isters were harassed whenever they appeared in public. Property was destroyed; for example, mail in pillar boxes and plate glass windows of the shops in Oxford Street, London. When those euilty of these acts of violence were imprisoned, they endangered their lives by abstention from food and thus offered themselves as candidates for martyrdom to the cause they were advocating. When released, they resumed: their annoying behavior. By the outbreak of the World War, the government, in exasperation, was undertaking to deal with the agitators by law. In the pe- riod of the war militant agitation ceased, and, while men were absent at the front, women performed many of the tasks hitherto reserved to members of the other sex. At the close of the war they outnumbered the men and could plead in addition their services in a trying time. It was scarcely reasonable, and cer- tainly not expedient, longer to oppose their wishes. For more than a generation a limited number of women had been voters in municipal elections. The act of 1918 enfranchised for na- tional elections women over thirty years of age who were house- holders, wives of householders, or university graduates. It only remains to enfranchise women on the same terms as men to make the suffrage in England as democratic in extent as the wildest enthusiast hoped a generation ago. But this extension of the right to vote carried with it no guar- antee of a capacity to exercise the right discreetly. Experience seems to reveal that many things may not be settled wisely by an indiscriminate occasional exercise of the right to vote for one of the several candidates who offer in a single constituency. In the smaller towns, where there is some possibility of general$16 BRITISH knowledge of the need municipal « interested in a chil ¥ Ail 4 4 4 | | {) rif | ’ y*; ’ yy? i 1 .F i " ' ' + fe f)\7 x<~ + i \ ‘47 ‘47 + 4 on of sui , (iTePAMeOH ¢ 5 . ‘ + f TIO} f + li j aon . ‘ , i 7 ; y ’ 4 } \ j i ’ ’ ; . ' ’ 4 : \ » at an } ' ’ ’ . 7 t 1 yy ' ’ ' ' t ; - rT) ’ ' ' y iit ryrg sTipa® HISTORY ot the persons otter] a ‘Ommunity has d AMERICAN STUDENTS and ot a direct consciousness ndered, some pride in the ; bringing ad disposition LO he London no such spirit is Lo hinder the development ot uted boundaries, retains the dignity, and more than a nave a separate corporate 2 Y TY | a + ¥ } 7 +] ' it cit a) Lit >» i} rne ' } +] Ty] On ana C means Che ‘ \ ] ] Ce naS made the orvaniza- } +] cr : . 7 ,% ate rhe scope OL anything i4 ’ ¢ 7? y ’ TY > il Cen i y ak ‘ per- ,* : « hie .y* . 5 DOSSIDL L\Or d Hnhuman : 1) cr wl . ‘ : Ken OF earlier orators, put | - + + ‘ [)] ' i} ~ cs eT ETT ey ive j 4} ‘ ] . li e multiplication of 4 + | ” > | { si x? H ~ i ti ‘ cil \ ¥Yt- j ’ ’ ’ } ’ T l xy } i “ eVCOTTLE Lrli@msSt vy PNY ' r 7 + * ~ | may, (] U1] nla urally. ' ments tending to support 7 1 \ > + ' . ‘ ¥ vith whom they habituall: ~ * ary LOTT | + Ss PaaS} 1) sce ? AS a ») large a responsibility for fae = ad COTTeSpDonaIne ty large part \pathize with many of the it has assumed. is s0 O remedy it. In anTHE GROWTH OF DEMOCRACY 817 extensive industrial strike since the World War, the union la- borers employed by the larger metropolitan journals, by a direct threat to stop work unless their striking fellow-laborers in other trades should at least have access to the advertising columns of the larger papers, procured a hearing for the strikers that might otherwise, quite lawfully, have been denied. But, as matters now stand, the national government seems to be vested in a comparatively small body, the cabinet, which is actually respon- sible to the voters in the constituencies that elect the members of the House of Commons. The members of the House of Com- mons, however, are no longer the primary links between the cabinet and the voters in the constituencies, except as they reflect votes actually counted. For the most part, the voters them- selves respond to conditions as interpreted by a widespread propaganda, the manipulation of which has become one of the fundamental arts of politics. It is easy to see, therefore, that the control of the essential implements of propaganda is a prob- lem which must be faced at an early date. In the meantime, the British government, as it operates to-day, is the product of the historical forces that have shaped it. Says a recent writer on the subject, who knows it both from study and from intimate experience as a Statesman: The late Mr. Page, in his letters to President Wilson, emphasized the greenness of the English grass and the complacency and’ sleepiness of the English attitude towards reform. The charges, though in humorous form, are correct. It takes strong miseries and agitations and often the experience of fear of suffering or revolution to effect in these any essential change. Britain has never had an Abbé Sieyes. It has never had an Alexander Hamilton. It has remained quiescent until some plague or famine or corruption—the plague of cholera, the famine made by food taxation, the revelation of municipal corruption has compelled it, almost against its will, to take action. Then it has taken action drastically—crushing through all vested interests and submerging whole classes. And then it has gone to sleep again. . . . the operations [of government] resemble the actual conditions of the countryside and city congestion. Here a narrow lane chokes up a, great avenue of locomotion. There a town consists entirely of winding, irregular labyrinths of tiny streets. Old decayed buildings block up or disfigure the new places of rich residence: and some of the worst slums in the world nestle beneath English Cathedrals or within a stone’s throw of the British Parliament. Occasionally at- tempts are made to ‘‘straighten out’’ these material disorders, just as attempts are made to ‘‘straighten out’’ the constitutional anomalies. But these are never forced through and finished complete. Jagged edges always remain, and around these jagged edges gathers a further accumulation of things which intelligence, were it allowed complete domination, would not endure for a moment.$18 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS And so we leave this governmental system, the product of centuries of continuous experience, still far short of the asplri tions of many who live under it. i Satisly them or tnose who COMme new times are likely to bring new cond change. er wn 9 - her Teddi P a Ta re ca a | i uJ é t s !CHAPTER XXX TIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER WorLD FORCES AND FEARFUL NATIONALITIES International relations during the generation in the immediate past are replete with striking, with almost startling paradoxes. With a vast majority of the leading statesmen in all of the more powerful nations genuinely desirous of peace, and with few, if any, actually wishing for war, they, nevertheless, precipitated the most extensive war of alltime. The bulk of those who finally decided in favor of war did it with unfeigned reluctance ; they decided thus because they were afraid of the consequences should they decide otherwise. They came to this stage of fearful un- certainty largely because, while in the depths of their hearts they longed for peace, all the while they made ready for war. Yet, while making ready for war, at the same time, they con- certed measures looking toward peace, and there is no reason to question the sincerity of the impulses that moved them in either direction. To read the riddle of this paradox is to un- derstand the forces that produced the late ruinous war and the agitation since its close looking to the contrivance of measures for preventing a repetition of so tragic an experience. At the end of the first decade of the twentieth century there were many indications leading to the conclusion that the Western nations would probably never again indulge in war on a large scale. The generation of the French Revolution and Napoleon bulked large in the school histories and was regarded as an heroic time the like of which would probably not be seen again. Few persons of intelligence in Great Britain fifteen years ago dreamed that the next decade would witness events that would overshadow those of the previous century and would lead to a new orientation of modern history. This easy confidence that the future offered prospects of peace was based on a more substantial foundation than we sometimes realize when we remember what actually took place. Familiarity with a world in which the war is an inescapable reality makes us doubtful 819820 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS whethe r was TO ;: more almostLongitude eas Na PVRS aa AE, eens)TIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 821 crude copper to be had in these two countries. Tea, coffee, and cocoa seemed almost indispensable, but none was prodticed in Ku- rope. In the provision of these goods, laborers in distant lands depended for their subsistence on foreign customers, even as the customers depended on these distant thousands, whom they had never seen, to minister to their comfort and pleasure. The existence of commercial, financial, and other business activities on this unprecedented scale both made possible and was made possible by an extension, in ways hitherto scarcely imagined, of means ot travel and communication. Men of affairs could read each morning at breakfast news of the doings of the previous day throughout the world. A journey across the sea was a common experience and could be made in comtort, even in luxury. Travel had become a normal part of every- day life. Information about happenings throughout the whole world was more widely dispersed than was information concern- ine events occurring in Great Britain a century before. Under international agreements, mail was freely interchanged among the peoples of all civilized lands. Among the numerous personal contacts thus formed, the actual acquaintance and the community of interests that de- veloped among scientists and scholars grew into a relationship which it is secareely too much to call a brotherhood of learning. Discoveries in all fields, except in those of the applied sciences where manufacture and sale at a profit was feasible, were the common property of all people as soon as published. Since the learned worked at common tasks, using similar methods, and thus had common problems, they only needed to know each other in person or by reputation to become aware of common interests un- limited by national loyalty. This consciousness of common interests among groups in the western nations extended even to ‘ndustrial laborers. The ideals of the Marxian movement were ‘“international,’’? and some of its protagonists had dreams of the laborers of the world bound together by ties stronger than the bonds that held a patriot loyal to his country. There was another force, perhaps largely subeonscious as yet, that tended to draw the nations together and to make them aware of a common interest. Along with the knowledge that war on a large scale would be destructive of much of this social fabric created at so great an expenditure of wealth and pains, there developed a fear that just such a disaster might overtake the world unless positive steps were taken to prevent it. Thought- fil men in all nations began to call attention to this danger,822 BRITISH to point out the Great L[llatsion. something be possible. HISTORY FOR 1910. done TO Os unprofitablene a Britis] i. , ih make 1tS recul 1S - eellin?’ was @) burdens entailed on all classes of people by ex} tary and naval armaments Lhnis question natu attention of enthusiasts and doctrinaires. but affairs and statesmen gave it attention also. | Ing’ was the fear o Live Dist Phic!( sho | d that tl SLE Welt rey S| Ss! ! ’ 4 lid ni with any proposal that | effectively f only Gut stion Ww is vwnet ! te Dp] realm of the DOSS b] ¥ Lil 3 in the part heritages from the p: one: p proposals began to be n | ne towar organization for a peat | udication of in CLCEs. In ] SIO R I} ed the NDros s. Norman A ngell s The and to urge that a large seale im- e heavy financial nditures for mili- rally attracted th sober students of n tact, so pr rvad- Var take place prevent it I'he rT) a VvaS 1n the or the most nt. w he n actual C1IS amen and ternational ditfter- pect O} replas inoTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 823 the potentialities of maritime prowess, declined even to discuss the subject. When a second conference met at The Hague in 1907, the Tsar did not include in the call the question of a limitation of armaments. German statesmen declined to discuss that question. The British were, by this time, alarmed at the German naval pro- cram, and the change of ministries which brought Campbell- Bannerman into office as prime minister (December, 1905) meant for the moment a more positively pacific foreign policy. The United States shared with Great Britain the desire that a limitation of armaments be discussed. The British were now ready to make some concessions concerning maritime war, but the main point of guaranteeing protection to trade with belliger- ents, the admiralty was unwilling to concede, and so the actual achievements of the conference were on matters of detail. The British representative introduced the question of a limitation of armaments in an eloquent speech. ‘‘I know you will agree with me,’’ he said, ‘‘that the realization of the wish expressed in 1899 would be a great blessing to the whole of humanity. Is this hope capable of realization? I cannot give a categorical reply. I can only say that my government is a convinced adherent of these lofty aspirations, and that it charges me to invite you to co- operate in realizing this noble object. . . . To-day the sentiment of solidarity of the human race is more than ever spread. It is this sentiment which has rendered possible this conference, and it is in its name that I beg you not to separate without asking the governments to devote themselves very seriously to the question.’” Thus much the conference did in reaffirming the resolution of 1899, but no more. The ‘‘sentiment of solidarity of the human race’’ was as real a force as the spokesman int1- mated, but there were also other forces at work which it was as yet unable to overcome. We must seek in these other forees an explanation of the outbreak of the war, in spite of all that operated to prevent it. One of the most fundamental of these divisive forces was the universal assumption that a nation must depend on its own power to guarantee to itself security. Ifa nation must stand alone and accept the full responsibility of self-protection, 1t was unreason- able to expect it to tolerate any thought of limiting its freedom of action for that purpose. Moreover, the experience of the past seemed to indicate that a nation not prepared to defend itself ran the risk of spoliation by rapacious neighbors. Most of the implications of the sovereignty of the national state wereBRITISH HISTORYTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 820 power of the dangerous rival. Statesmen responsible for the safety of a nation could scarcely afford to encourage agitation looking to a diminution of the sentiment on which they had to depend in concerting measures for the common safety. Almost inevitably, the agitation to support measures for national defence was based on a fear of some particular power or group of powers. The natural result was to render suspect +o the populace of the agitated nation every act of the power feared. This power, in turn, began to think of the preparing power aS an enemy and to be suspicious of all its measures. Diplomatic interchange on a basis of friendly confidence between two such nations was almost impossible. Each was suspicious of the other and able to find premeditated hostile designs where no thought of them existed. Once discovered, these unreal hostilities become the basis for eounter-action. Thus, moving in a vicious spiral, hostile feeling between two nations or groups of nations mounted until statesmen knew no longer how to control ‘+ Of such a sort is the explanation of the explosion that took place in the summer of 1914. The understanding reached between Great Britain and France in 1904 indicated eloquently that the British were begin- ning to take the threat of German power seriously. German statesmen did not wait long before testing the reality of the combination which seemed to be, and which was, whether con- sciously or not, directed against their country. The question of Moroceo, in which France had an interest because it was a neighboring territory in both Europe and Africa, had been considered at a congress of the powers held at Madrid in 1880, in which Germany took part. After the occupation of Egypt by the British, Morocco and Tripoli alone of the north African districts remained unclaimed by a European power. After the pact with the British in 1904, the French naturally desired to establish themselves in Morocco. Deleasse obtained the consent of Italy by a recognition of that country ’s previous claims in Tripoli, and of Spain by offering a partition in case a departure from the existing arrangement should prove necessary. With- out consulting Germany, I’rance now proceeded with an extensive project for reforming the eovernment of Morocco, though pro- fessine an intention not to interfere with the independence of the Sultan. The Kaiser paid a visit to Tangier, in the spring of 1905, to emphasize the German interest in the matter, and his government insisted that the question was one of general concern, that the independence of the Sultan and the commercialtRICAN STUDENTSTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 827 rise of a national movement in Persia made this a difficult ar- rangement to maintain, since there was much sympathy with Persia both in Great Britain and in the United States, but the fear of Germany was sufficient to impel the British ministers to adhere to their bargain. In the summer of 1907 the hus- sians and Japanese compromised their interests in eastern Asia. Thus were aligned against the Central Kuropean powers Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan, with Italy and Rumania nominal allies, waiting for a profitable opportunity to change sides. The defeat of Russian ambitions in eastern Asia turned the attention of the statesmen of that country to her ancient aspira- tions in southeastern Europe. Since the time of Peter the Great, Russia had looked forward to the time when she could find an outlet to the Mediterranean through the straits leading into the Black Sea. Great Britain was even now not inclined to sym- pathize with this ambition. For the moment, British statesmen were interested in saving the Macedonians from Turkish mis- rule and anxious to work in concert with other powers for that purpose. Austria-Hungary complicated this arrangement in January, 1908, by procuring from the Sultan of Turkey permission to build a railroad through the Sanjak of Novibazar. Russia complained that this was in violation of previous agree- ments. But, in the summer of 1908, a nationalist movement in Turkey, in which the Young Turks overthrow Abdul Hamid and established a constitutional government, gave the whole question a new turn. The Russian Minister, Izvolsky, now sought to capitalize Aus- tria-Hungarian ambitions in the Balkans to procure the support of that power for Russia’s hope of gaining an outlet through the Straits. Without consulting France or Great Britain, he announced to the Austria-Hungarian minister, Aehrenthal, his readiness to discuss the annexation by Austria of Bosnia, Her- zegovina, and the Sanjak, if the Straits could be opened to Russian ships of war. The annexation of Bosnia and Herzego- vina had been previously opposed by Russia, and Izvolsky’s sug- vestion came now as a pleasant surprise. Aehrenthal decided to take advantage of the offer without delay. The acquiescence of Bulgaria was obtained by providing that the complete indepen- dence of that country should be effected at the same time. After obtaining also the acquiescence of Germany, Aehrenthal pro- ceeded to proclaim at once the annexation of Bosnia and Herze- govina, without waiting for Izvolsky to forward among hisSTUDENTS O reward TT Russia H'ra hiceTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 829 1911. Immediately British party strife, then more than usually violent, was stilled. In fact, British statesmen, being less in the secret, seemed rather more indignant at the expedition of The Panther than were the French. Mr. Lloyd George, who was reputed as among the least bellicose members of the cabinet, announced in a speech in the City that ‘‘Britain should at all hazards maintain her place and prestige amongst the Great Powers of the world. If a situation were to be forced on us in which peace could only be preserved by the surrender of the great and beneficent place Britain has won by centuries of heroism and achievements, by allowing Britain to be treated where her interests were vitally affected, as if she were of no account in the Cabinet of Nations, then I say emphatically that peace at that price would be a humiliation intolerable for a great country like ours to endure.’’ To Germans this speech seemed needlessly violent and provocative. Nevertheless, the German demands were moderated somewhat, and the French were given the right to carry forward their plans in Morocco in return for the cession to Germany of French territory in the Kamerun district on the west coast of Africa. This settlement of the Moroccan question left a sense of dis- appointment and defeat in the German public mind. Tripoli was now the only remnant of the north African coast not under the protection of a European power. Italy decided, therefore, that it would be imprudent to wait longer in carrying out the plans she had long ago made for that district, with the knowl- edge and consent of Deleassé. In the autumn of 1911 a war occurred between Italy and Turkey in which Tripoli was the stake. The result, in a little while, was to draw Turkey closer to the Central powers and to cause them to depend less on the support of Italy. The war between Italy and Turkey encouraged the Balkan States to consider measures for extending their national boun- daries at the expense of the latter power, so long their suzerain. Russia, naturally, in view of her own interest in opening the Straits, did not discourage this movement. In ] arch, 1912, she signed a treaty with Serbia and Bulgaria, cuaranteeing their integrity and promising support should one of the creat powers attempt to annex Balkan territory then under Turkish rule. When Poincaré, the French Minister, saw this pact, he recognized in it the germ of a future war and in alarm said so. Aehrenthal, the Austria-Hunegarian Minister, died at this junc- ture and was succeeded by the less able Count Berehtold. WhileHISTORY ,. AMERICAN STUDENTS suggest ed the recom- lecentralization. and Poin- ~? sSazonot. to agree to the hile Serbia& ag Z Liag j i £ Lye C) | EUROPE, 1914 * ; Scale of Miley A 0 100 200 3800 400 500 608 Cities with over 1,000,000......--- London Cities with 500,000 to 1,000,000... Naples Cities with 200,000 to 500,000. Leipzig Smaller Places -..-_..Venice Capitals with lese than. 200,000_....... BERNB Capitals © Viher Cities o BOE, Reval 9 a ee Peipus Ve, a Frankton s % gt [ee Ekaterinoslav? SF oDebreczin’, \ X jishinev Zo \ \odess@ WiLL teas ENORAVING e0., BLY. from Green wich 60°TIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 831 a compromise was reached on this issue, a Russian military journal announced at the close of 1913: *‘ We all know we are preparing for a war in the West. Not only the troops but the whole nation must accustom itself to the idea that we arm our- selves for a war of annihilation against the Germans; and the German Empire must be annihilated.’’ The whole question was discussed at a Russian Crown Council in the following February, at which it was agreed that should Turkey lose control of the Straits, Russia would not tolerate their coming under the control of another power. The growing feeling on the subject was expressed in an article by a Russian professor, who had studied in Germany: The tension is felt by every one of any intelligence. The signs are not only in the Press. The feeling against the Germans is In every- body’s heart and on everybody’s lips. It has only recently become voeal, but it has long been ripening. The cause is the thwarting of age-long Russian ambitions in the Near East. It is now clear to Rus- sians that if everything remains as at present, the road to Constanti- nople lies through Berlin. We have no desire to attack Germany. We have too much admiration for German civilization to wish for our- selves Attila’s victory. We meet with no recognition of our present situation, and we are resolved to win for ourselves the position due to us. War with Germany would be a misfortune, but we cannot escape from a bitter necessity when it is really necessary. Only the posses- sion of the Straits can end this intolerable situation, in which Russia’s export trade can be stopped at any moment. The southward urge is an historical, political, and economic necessity, and any state which resists it is ipso facto an enemy. Thus Germany’s feeling that other nations were in a conspiracy to strangle her and that the Slavs and Mongols were perils was balanced by the Russian feeling that her national potentialities could never be realized or her safety certain as long as her ex- pansion toward the south was hindered. In the meantime, Great Britain had undertaken to be respon- sible for the security of the French coasts on the Atlantie and the Channel, in order that the French fleet might be concen- trated in the Mediterranean, relieving British ships in that quarter. British and French and British and Belgian military authorities had conferred concerning probable methods of co- operation should an occasion arise to make it necessary, though the British insisted that they reserved entire freedom of action, save in the matter of protecting the French coast from attack. Great Britain and Germany went forward in an attempt to adjust their differences in the East in the matter of the Bagdad rail-832 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS which and KranceTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 833 to isolating Serbia and reducing her size. After the recent terrible event, I am certain you also are eonvineed that agreement between Serbia and us is out of the question, and that the peace policy of all European monarchs is threatened so long as this center of criminal agitation remains unpunished at Belgrad. Once assured of Germany’s support, the Austria-Hungarian eovernment made haste to take action. Although, by the advice of Russia, the Serbian reply to the ultimatum was so largely an acceptance of its terms as to seem, even to the Kaiser, to remove the necessity for the use of force, the Austria-Hungarian authorities felt otherwise, and proceeded with their preparations to dispatch troops before the German statesmen had a chance to change their minds. The British Foreign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, offered his services as mediator, but Austria-Hungary would not listen to compromise. Russia soon let it be known that she would not stand aside should an attack be made on Serbia. By July 27 the situation was so grave that the British fleet, assembled for maneuvers, was not dispersed. The British ministers appealed to Berlin for help in offering mediation. But the matter was rapidly getting beyond the power of states- men to control. Once Austria-Hungary had decided to disci- pline Serbia and Russia had refused to acquiesce in the pro- ceeding, European fears and rivalry were so organized that war on an extensive scale was almost inevitable. A complete realign- ment of the powers would have been the only feasible alterna- tive. But the existing alignment was the fruit of conditions as they had come to be, and a departure from it was easier suggested than brought to pass. When the Germans undertook to use suasion with Austria- Hungary, the latter power was already at war with Serbia. Russia, therefore, determined on mobilization to help the smaller Slav power. But Russian mobilization obliged the German authorities to decide whether to come to the assistance of their ally at once, or, as they feared, to postpone the struggle with Russia to a later date, when that power would be better pre- pared and Germany without her ally. Moreover, there was a possibility that the Russian mobilization might be on such a scale as to threaten Germany as well as Austria-Hungary. Germany sent an ultimatum demanding that Russian mobiliza- tion cease, failing which, war would be declared. But war on this scale would, of necessity, involve Russia’s ally, France, and the German authorities desired to ascertain the attitude of Great Britain. They were willing to guarantee the safety ofBRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS the French coasts, for which the British were responsible, and of French ) )TIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 835 on to help in driving the Germans from that quarter. With the assistance of the British dominions in the same vicinity, the work was done with expedition. All the British dominions, faced with the prospect either of joining in a war which the British statesmen had made without their privity or of under- taking to remain neutral in a war in which the British were belligerents, did not hesitate, of their own volition, to join forces with the mother country. The result was that a feeling of nationality and a consciousness of power was quickened in the dominions by the very measures in which they gave extreme manifestation of loyalty to the Britannic Commonwealth. When Turkey finally threw in her lot with the Central powers (November, 1914), Russian statesmen saw in the situation a chance to achieve their ancient ambitions in that region, and France and Great Britain no longer felt able to oppose their de- sions. After the failure of the first German rush toward Paris and the beginning of the trench warfare, so long to be character- istic of the fighting on the western front, both groups of belliger- ents began to east about for allies. Italy still had territorial am- bitions which could be satisfied only at the expense of Austria- Hungary. Germany was unable to induce her ally to make promises sufficient to win Italian support. The Entente group, trading with territory belonging to an enemy and not yet acquired, made a more liberal offer, and Italy joined the war on that side in May, 1915. After initial successes against both Germany and Austria-Hungary, Russia collapsed. Russia, Ger- many, and Austria-Hungary then vied with each other in making offers to conciliate the support of the Polish nation, now beginning to take form in the midst of the difficulties of the powers that more than a century before had despoiled the land. It was searcely to be expected that Bulgaria would join the Entente after the experience of 1913, and in October, 1910, it came into the war on the side of the Central powers. The war had not been under way for many months before the vital part to be played in it by seapower became manifest. German ships were withdrawn from the seas, and the British soon began to extend the list of contraband and otherwise to ‘nterfere with the trade of the Central powers, which had for- merly been interpreted as legitimate. Since submarine boats were the only naval implements that the Germans had much prospect of using with effect, their government warned neutrals, in February, 1915, that there was danger in traversing the region around the British Isles. The British replied in the following comme ieee emma836 BRITISH HISTORY FOR monthTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 837 use of long range guns, actually threw shells into that city, apparently threatening its capture. This immediate danger effected the organization of a com- munity of effort among the powers opposed to Germany. A French general, Foch, was placed in command of the combined armies. Sinee the beginning of the war, all of the Kuropean covernments had by this time been reorganized. In Great Britain, the Liberal ministry under Mr. Asquith first called in Unionists as members of the cabinet. Lord Kitchener, as a non-political secretary of war, took office soon after the begin- ning of hostilities. Kitchener had by 1918 lost his life on his way to see whether the Russian situation might be retrieved. Mr. Lloyd George had taken advantage of the revelation of the inadequacy of the production of munitions under Kitchener to champion a more vigorous program. He became minister of munitions, secretary of war, and later prime minister, (Decem- ber, 1916), replacing Mr. Asquith. He delegated to other hands the leadership of the House of Commons, which extended its own duration by statutory enactments after 1914 and which did not act during the war as a partizan body. He organized a small group in daily conferences to make the necessary decisions for the conduct of the war, designating representatives from the Labor and Unionist parties to serve with himself. The Prime Minister had a genius for leadership, marked by his ability to give himself with faith and fervor to the efforts of the moment and to abandon them in behalf of others when they did not seem to accomplish the purpose desired. The war was on such a scale that it could not be a secondary matter for any nation involved. Not only were military and naval forces used without stint and more extensively than the world had ever witnessed before, but the economic and financial re- sources of the nations were mobilized as well. Scarcely a civilian but felt the pressure of the test to which his nation was sub- jected. Even social and cultural resources were drafted to serve national ends. So overwhelming was the task, that every- thing else for the time being became secondary. For anyone to question the ultimate utility of such unprecedented sacrifice was to run the risk of ostracism or of actual punishment as a traitor. 3y the beginning of 1918 it was becoming evident to states- men in all European countries that there was danger of a col- lapse, unless their people could be convinced of the imperative merit of the causes for which they were fighting. The national leaders took turns in restating their aims in the war. AmongsRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTSTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 839 ceding any share of this power to a new and untried agency, admitting that one could be created. | Moreover, the conference was held at Paris, a city that had been threatened within the year by an enemy which had laid waste large areas of France. It was no easy matter to devise a euaranty of security that would be satisfactory to Krench leaders, whose country had so recently suffered from fire and sword. They were inclined to think rather in terms of making heavy exactions from the hostile power and of pushing the boun- daries of the vanquished nation back as far as might be. But the Fourteen Points of President Wilson, accepted as a basis of peace, contained a provision for the establishment of a league of nations to keep the peace. On that provision rested the chief hope that the vanquished nations would be reconstituted on a basis that promised much for their future. Because the problem of providing guaranties of security as a basis for keeping the peace was so largely a Continental prob- lem, the interests and fears of the Continental nations were too intimately involved for them to act with much tolerance and foresight, and it fell naturally to Great Britain and the United States to effect the beginning of an international organization. There were statesmen in all countries who long had been and who still were in favor of inaugurating such an experiment, but they were not, for the moment, the statesmen in power, nor was the national mood generated by the war one calculated to encourage their hopes. President Wilson, throughout his war diplomacy, both before and after the entrance of his nation into the war, had kept this end in view. But, even in the United States, it is doubtful whether the growing war spirit had not now outrun the general and more generous ideals of the Presi- dent’s addresses and state papers. Just as the nations had been driven to war, and to the generation of enthusiasm for the war, by a fear of the consequences if they did not use force, so they were now impelled to join in an attempt at international organization by an even larger fear of the consequences should the world be cursed by another such war. War itself seemed, from recent sad experience, to have become a monster of so frightful a character as scarcely to be tolerated if the world was to be kept a suitable place for human habitation. Perhaps the European statesmen in power were not genuine converts to this view, but, when President Wilson journeyed to Hurope as an apostle of this enterprise, his triumphant entry was greeted by the hosannas of multitudes such as had seldom or never SS840 BRITISH HISTORY FOR AMERICAN STUDENTS erreeted a statesman before, and those in power could not wholly ignore his mission. Untort ] . system of periodic elec- . tions, which made him for 1 time secure in his power, was soon to el Ln: him ; ' Kkesmi ( h nat | | emerged tromTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 841 infringement of national sovereignty. On the other hand, na- tions like France, lately in peril of their very existence, were unwilling to depend for protection on an international organiza- tion not endowed with sufficient implements of force to enable it to compel obedience to its will. Since neither Great Britain nor the United States had been sufficiently in peril to be willing to unite in such an organization, the French insisted that other steps be taken to afford the security they desired. The problem of framing actual terms of peace was thereby made more difficult. A novel aspect of the British participation in the negotiations was the presence at the conference of representatives of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. It was soon apparent that the French desired to make exac- tions of Germany that neither Great Britain nor the United States thought wise or just under the terms of the armistice. Points in dispute were the eastern and western boundaries of Germany and the amount of reparations the Germans should be required to pay. None of these points was finally settled. Hn- tente troops were left on German soil at German expense as a means of affording immediate protection to France and of collecting sums that were left indefinitely large until several years after the conference had done its work and adjourned. By adding the cost of pensions as a part of the damage of the war to civilian population, a questionable expedient in which General Smuts persuaded President Wilson to acquiesce as a way out of a difficult dilemma, the debt against Germany was made so large that it is scarcely reasonable to expect that it will ever be paid. The necessity in the east that the new nation, Poland, have an outlet to the sea, led to the creation of Danzig as a free port under the protection of the League of Nations. The League also undertook to adjust the disputed boundary of Silesia. In the west the military authorities in France desired that the Germans be kept to the eastward of the Rhine, and the French industrialists coveted the valley of the Saar. The French were not satisfied with the boundaries as finally drawn. The cry of the Italians was heard also in this scramble for the territorial fruits of victory. The Italians now wanted, in addition to those districts stipulated when they entered the war, Fiume as well, thus bringing themselves into conflict with the new nation, Jugoslavia, one of a group that sprang from the ashes of the old Austria-Hungarian empire. Russia offered an even more perplexing difficulty. Such central government as existed in that vast territory was under the control of aAMERICAN STUDENTS 842 BRITISH HISTORY Oct rines the other Stratum ing— ° { S| ‘ —_ HS | a a 0 ; | o 4 * nen of the older type. And rela- (} ‘ (] a STA . when they sorely . . : 7 : . r Te l ANTNOTITY whnose good disposi- ; ; was no more able than his pre- 7 rT} Tne eR rOomic and social dis- » 7 ° : , S ° ) * , 4 1 “rye + ‘vt < ’ 7 ens ed 1n Wreatl 3) lLaln, I eY- idministration was its demonstra- + ‘ ~ + - — ‘7 + ) ear, no matter what socia , responsibility of government. As 4 } | . ' iT nf com ‘ Oral and KCCD 47 | —_ + ; ro T} fi Wrocess rif nap {)] ; rT Ts ~TS j t T | fiw the VY lead } i ; . ,* 5 4 . I I ived I ne MNalntenance DY] tO whien they are accus- ,* a : 4 7 Yy iepenaed on thi Support } measures they pro- ’ r entire progcram. (on ‘ 4 | s ] : ry 1] Dow r’ 4 AS nor i. ; ’ ‘rT , +} ‘ t (] : ~ f irre Lis cl re bv } means agreed among ’ , ‘ pro) nd second best was no YT fyT rT? 7 ry atl h | OUS | It}- ? i ’ ’ | to challenge the support . , , ] y ; ro “fT rf I ‘ | i ' TT Ltit even cL | the ° \ rm 7 rey m1 Tne torm witnont the i } » - plished a large part of their pur- largerTIES THAT BIND AND FORCES THAT SEVER 801 as a factor in politics. The new leaders of the Conservative party invited the support of the substantial classes on the plea that the return of Labor would imperil the very existence of capitalistic society. It is a tribute to the record of the Labor covernment that, faced with this choice, so large a proportion of the old Liberals elected to cast their lot with Labor. Here we pause in the midst of an unfinished tale to await the new chapter which doubtless to-morrow will unfold. If so be it the story thus far has involved thought about the past, has stimulated a degree of insight as to the circumstances of to-day, and has cast a ray of light on the way ahead, its telling has not been in vain. FOR FURTHER STUDY DeLisle Burns, A Short History of International Intercourse, chs. v-v111; Geoffrey Callender, The Naval Side of British History, chs. xvi-xviii; Cam- bridge History of British Foreign Policy, III. chs. v-vu; Ramsay Muir, The Expansion of Europe, chs. vili-xi; These Eventful Years, I. ch. XXV1. FOR WIDER READING The Annual Register, Passim ; Isaiah Bowman, The New World; Sake Duggan, The League of Natwons; Encyclopedia Britannica, pertinent ar- ticles in the twelfth edition; Sidney B. Fay, ‘(New Light on the Origins of the World War,’’ American Historical Review, July, October, 1920, January, 1921;George Glasgow, McDonald as a Diplomatist; G. P. Gooch, History of Modern Europe, chs. xi-xix; C. J. H. Hayes, A Brief History of the Great War; Sidney Herbert, Nationality and its Problems; Earl Loreburn, How the War Came; G. F. C. Masterman, England After the War; C. E. Playne, The Neurosis of the Nations; A. F. Pollard, Short History of the Great War; E. T. Raymond (Pseud. E. Raymond Thompson), Mr. Lloyd George, chs. xi-xxii; Harold Spender, The Prime Minster ; H. W. V. Temperly (Ed.), A History of the Conference at Paris; These Eventful Years, I. chs. i-vili, xi, xii, xiv, Xv, Xvili, xxi. GEOGRAPHICAL NOTE Muir, f. 13, contains a map of Europe after the Congress of Berlin; f. 52, of the world at the outbreak of the World War in 1914. The Cambridge Modern History Atlas, No. 141, contains a map of Europe in 1910; No. 140, of commercial highways and colonial possessions in 1910; No. 139, ot the Pacifie Ocean in 1910; Nos. 136-138 illustrate the Russo-Japanese War. Shepherd, p. 176, contains a map showing the present distribution of the chief European languages; p. 177, the present. distribution of Europeans, Chinese, Japanese, and Negroes; pp. 178-183 illustrate trade-routes, colonies, and dependencies before and after the World War; pp. 166-167 contain maps of Europe before and after the World War; p. 165 contains a map showing the distribution of nationalities and races in the Balkan Peninsula and Asia Minor.APPENDIX IMPORTANT DATES Caesar’s First Invasion of Britain......---+++++sessesee? August, 55 B.C. Caesar’s Second Invasion AYE IByahhabily Gono a Goo DDT CACO Sof JUNC D4. Conquest of Britain by the Mynehikls o ooo adoD D000 UOUd00000000K 41-69 A.D. Hadriancsimiarthen Wall Tuite nyse oer nobel oiaio di neneiaiancn noe 120-123 Emperor Severus in Britain, builds stone wall......-+++++++e+> 208-211 Evacuation of Britain by the Romans... -.-.-¢-0929-sss 9: ou 411-449 Beginnings of the Germanic Invasions of Britain ore een: c. 449 ahs Wahititiloph hy UE) Goodod ao UODO GUD Ooo CON B OO cD ODN OCGCE OS 063 St. Augustine lands and converts Ethelbert of Kent........---:- 597 Symod eo LAWRIE LD Ya areieieiclololeetescgsieroi solo kc iaciho caches ana ei 664 Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop...-+-----2+2+sssss eset res 669-680 Northmen burnt Buildings on Lona.....2-+2+:-erssste essen 802 Scandinavians attack Southampton and other Places.....-.--+-- 840 Northen Sacks ROME mars clelelolKerctele\eneke eichko onc he) icc) ok ae mean 841 INiéreduthe Great ney as le tn 1483-1485 PAT Llo Of IBOSWOLtDY eicjerieieiliieiicske cK hehe ao tan a August 22, 1489 Borys Walls Kn era ore ctele cls kis ial cence eles On 1485-1509 Marriage of the King to Elizabeth of York....0+--c+:ss+ssersee: 1486 Court of Star Chamber ....----:: es 2.0 ose eiscle nies cxelsisfearbencneces 1487 Marriage Treaty between Prince Arthur and Catharine of Aragon siomadhact\as,< «,ves.s cece aa cn ee ee 1496 John Cabot voyaged to Cape Bretoneontiitl sods ckeebais1s setters oe 1497 Erasmus visited Oxford and Colet lectured at St. Ranlisi. ons «teken 1498 Marriage of Margaret to James IV of Scotland......--++++++:: 1502 Hfonry, Wilko Kings ctis cies aac anac es a cane nn 1509-1547 The King married Catharine of Aragon .....-++.: sss on 1509 Battle Of Mloddenl) .\ely sccyccaneiiee ents eo kook ehemen nena September, 1513856 APPENDIX pe — Wolsey Bishop of Lincoln and Archbishop of York.... Wolsey Cardinal and Ch: Thomas More’s 1 Wolsey Papal Field of Cloth uublishes rae J t | — 2 i o> ee King | King re Wolsey and Campeggi ‘Oommanded to hea ase again atharine Writ of Prae oO] Tyndall’s T 1 S Poteet pt Rt CF “nonene: on .APPENDIX Ralegh’s Expedition sent to AT CLIC re latelel a ale te =seis lee) uc ie es : 1584 Shakespeare went to Wondon ~-%---- 2-2-0 cern ass aa 1586 eeu LiON Of NAT Y) SUUATG cee neces ohcl- nnn eas ee 1587 Defeat of the first Spanish) Axmadae a7 verte hele 1588 Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Polity published....-+--+-+++sr+rre": 1594 Hiormation of the Hast India Company. .--< ~~~) -<--re oss: 1600 Eyes Ue GO rte cee olor) lelo rake ake beie kal” oie ekki a 1603-1625 Eampton) (Court) CONLCreN CO aera oleic oad oles January, 1604 New Translation of Bible ordered (Appeared, 1611)....----- 1604 Gunpowder Plot.....---+++++ee+e eR Bik Stee oes chele Soheletor»hemeress 1695 Plymouth and London Companies chartered....----+++-+++707"* 1606 SEEN tO LE WALT ADLA «6. ole) onle) lel ern tn) Kenn Ohh ac kh cr accra is ea 1607 Death of Shakespeare...... Ss ordain e finn eWe slcieie ecie let kRrsreaene 1616 Gake dismissed, as. Chick Justices ooo. e550 onions he 1616 HOS AC TILIOTINNOL) pA leG llc. 31 <0c1~ oletefole orerel = aKeion ick eee a 1618 Voyare of the Mayfl0wen. «oe. 0-0 oem oot eae 1620 Amboyna ‘‘Massacre’’...... Bee ee eee sais esis nen eke ch eee ne 1623 Charles I King......------ ee ESI Sia ah Sher ev uclibc tet nele eke on 1625-1649 Marriage of the King to Henrietta Maria of France....----- 1625 Parliament grants Customs for one year AN /ootoo sta OgId9b00K 1629 Impeachment of Bucking hana ce lek e ke ect ce ai aca 162 POL tOMMO REACT: siecle creie alefoven dolor -vel l= sorrel" oto tcc cs ccs a 1628 TATdeeArehoishop Hof. Canter OUny/. te) -s-re-kte tn el ae 1633 Ree pRW rit) Lor Ships Money, aSsued si. .-1-5 proc a ci e 1634 John Hampden tried for Refusing to pay Ship Money.....----: 1637 Seottish Covenant ..... < ROAR Starch cc ttate korean et) a Kel o¥eno.c? cnereonee’ oa 1638 Ghotaanvader lung lands src cle wleee coils one te 1640 Meeting of Long Parliament.....--¢+-+++se00s es November, 1640 Arrest of Strafford..... BAe cyecrevercichstaletsLeVvoem chet oe neat ae November, 1640 POO ANGPB ranch euLION «1k creleel elem Ao ac December, 1640 losartan ke Simetil, gaoooogdoodGs DoDD COD INU LaF OO 200% 1641 Permanent Reforms of Long Parliament....-----++-+7*"* 75°" 1641 Civil War began......-+-+eee> PEF oe. Ricucke sedate rice rerer et eee 1642 NiowmiModell eNrmiy) authorized re scr l ls cnr ee 1645 Heads of Proposals.....-++++> © PeWAtis RE Tonle ote et ree 1647 First Agreement of the People....-+-+2s2sssrrr set 1647 eG GuvilesWalte sce occa de ic 9) heads eae 1648 Pride’s Purge.......-- aiclorenehoxexere pfores hei fo eer ee December, 1648 Meee ution Of OHarleswl vert cite\creker sei) = 25 c e January, 1649 The Commonwealth and Protectorate.....--++++s*sr77 777s" 1649-1660 Grommellestu Neva cations PACD ol) c. nase) cn cache ce 1651 Grom wollebxpels) thes Rum pier) lel el: oats a 1653 Apetriment Of, (GOVETMMEN Gn. ci nea e 1653 Humble Petition and Advice.....--: Sea ah rer Pete rons 1657 Monthy of) Cromwellaasasss acme ses so ks nes a 1658 Restoration o£ the luong barliam ens tr eli a ee 1659 Moni. Calls’ Convention Parlament. <7 =r 50 ae 1660 OCHS, JUL NGI, cguecnoacqguDo DU RUN pHOO PIGS IGIH LOSE LON” 1660-1685 Abolition of feudal Dues and military Menuresi a. steers rene oc 1660 Navigation Act ....-+++:: OO an Scan ep toot Oe tec kee ae 1660 Corporation Acti: 7. s--ssseesu er ot) es 1661 Et: ot 1662 Neteon, Unitormityaces da deAl I A he a. N xX fi \ a on , en { ‘= ecret T Milto1 : ee . . . ee as 1667 Dry ryden : 1679 i) . het Phird N 167 167 167 167 167 167 167 16 O8S5—] —1 6 16 16 Wart ’ ' ‘ } . .859 Duke of Newcastle Secretary of SEAT ORE MO siiitietabeteiole, ometerenererereney 1724 Gear a OM n Oe rere clereiete icles Okeke ie oo mea Re Swat 1727-1760 Methodist Society Organized at Oxford by John Wesley....----> 1729 Sbitlemonte Of) «Georgians mace telliecoin 1732 Kaye invents Flying arb le cane ore eaters ot ekerens see ceetes rcs 1733 Walpole’s Excise Billig eo Se a ees Se et re ole Carer rene rae 1733 WATTS ONC UNDE SATS Sieecro) Soe faa re ee cn ca 1733 WalliameLittventersybarliamen tr terse rte cro) as se cae cael 1735 TAT MiG Gaon RinsSiss LAT rs ctor ove lero Oa nat aa 1739 Mat inistrationsofe@arteret yy rar rn 2 ee 1742-1743 Administration of Pelham andu Newcastle accra sae newt ne onc 1743-1754 Gt MN Oe Ghivevat, Madras. .sr oct oo co os eee 1744 Tal tome bellionte sss sce sir t cl kha ee 1745 Pitt Paymaster of the Forces... +<-++sce+s*s0- =) STUY. Sw 1746 Treaty of Aix la Ghapelle cy: eysin te yack en ne 1748 Bolingbroke published The Idea of a Patriot King...--+++++++: 1749 Gregorian substituted for Julian Calendar in England.....-+--: 1752 Treaty of Westminster with -PrUSSia@ee cs see te i rcs January, 1756 Warinisteation: Of» Pittss.47tq.os oo een eee ae 1756-1757 Administration of Pitt and Newcastleas css see ein ere 1757-1762 Ter eno Ease yeas 1 eo ore) ok ee ne June, 1757 Capture of Quebecn tas s5 ens oo ne ae ae September, 1759 Ger rotllil@l dekscemernee OAs 1836 Se ae BAT A Canad At oto.- o1ototore eae ge 1837 Victoria Queen ..----++9°" “spay oilers MLW ele ota kako eens 1837-1901 People’s Charter Flr WUD iy vores 6 ches hosick teh mec, hence rae 1838 Lord Durham’s Report on Gin Ae poe eenies ear coro ohes cosh en eh 1839 Marriage of Victoria and. Alberts. 1ckocttttk © ot Sekhar 1840 Introduction of Penny POSEA GE oxeysyer vc cacnshes Ueno p on ae nae 1840 Second Administration Of Peelers acco ee 1841-1846 New Constitution granted to New South Wales..---::2<-9°°"" 1842 Webster-Ashburton Treaty --+---:> es svore) Seavehehoetcion: coeds eked he terested 1842 Fe We beed patrons se ciostetelnno foelelse tao a ea Ge 1844 SECM n ator PACON os aaaeine ones 2 ao eee 1844 Green ret wen caladin <1 roe istrict) ice 1846 First Administration of Sell crore croc isi lore tron ota en aan aman 1846-1852 Repeal of Navigation Actsaecrao-iertinctien oo a2 nee eee 1849 Gold discovered in FAASEE Ali gy cyevave) aie) vor eecnerchercit hl) cl nolo ee ene 1850 Australian Constitution JIS OE; ox evisu iWcl on 0 oh gh oh usher Pope] scone RTRs amma 1859 Clayton-Bulwer TTA LYeot corso ote: crarered stehe, Poncho oa crores ee 1850 eat Car (Hy del eatin Aol tleiscanec ko: a ne ne ee 1851 First Administration OL OLD Yierel hovel eroienci-ror= oLononcas: February-December, 1852 AGetertren tion of Aberdectnacicncci so ee oe ae 1852-18959 PRE irre ora cayeard ane ool Vergennes Te a ae ea 1853-1859 Convention of WS Toemfontel ne tlic iors ao tk nace 1854 First Administration Rel MP almerstol ysis.) tacts soaks ne 1855-1858 TNO oh Parisaqscnstecdst\-o 7 an ee 1856 Pe net tiny: cr.pe itt sree Taser” ae 1857 Second Administration OGL DOEDY. Ac ier cierto tcke ogee Cae 1858-1859 Powers of East India Company transferred to Crown..-----++"° 1858 Seeond Administration Of PalmersboDey-reieieno = cies ene eae 1859-1865 Soeond Administration of Russell....--++-: Pepa cor sc .cot 220% 1865-1866 First Administration Gf Disbaclinrtscmicteetecke sere ke cna snes 1866-1868 British North America Notices cy oper oeletrosstonssstolel Nolo in aon os 1867 TGnaeholds Guitrace ACU) ferro es mae te Sats actk. 3 eRe 1867 First Administration ef. Gladstone ance ae 1868-1874 1869 Disestablishme t of the Irish Gt UTGhr ve orsvacteteie aren ke rok nar862 APPENDIX Elementary Education Act Purchase of Commissions Alabama Trad Ballot second Supreme Canal SharesAPPENDIX 863 Entrance of United States into War........ 4c ,. April, 1917 Armistice signed ending War........ November 11, 1913 Treaty of Versailles eieiotenelerexer 1919 Administration of Bonar Law...... 1922 First Administration of Mr. Baldwin 1922-1924 Administration of Mr. McDonald Ete 1924 Second Administration of Mr. Baldwin......+-.se+eeeeeeeee:Abacus, method of, 62 Abbott, W. C., Hapansion of Europe, cited, 206, 286, 272, 295, 296, 345, 404, 405, 455, 514 Abdul Hamid, overthrow of, Aboukir Bay, battle of, 56 a Act of Security, 392 Act of Settlement, 377 Acton Burnell, Statute of, 133 Acre, unit of measure, 39 Adam, Robert, 469 Adams, E. D., Great Britain and American Civil War, cited, 726 Adams, G. B., Constitutional Hzis- tory of England, cited, 51, a 96, 118, 285, 295, 318, 404, 430; HAis- tory of Aaland from the ated Conquest to the Death of John, cited, 74, 96, 118; Origin of the English Constitution, cited, 96, 118 Adams, G. B., and Stephens, H. M., Select Documents, cited, 81, 84, 87, 91, 93, 95, 108, 109, 115, 116, 124, 125, 132, 1335 1386) 1415 16250475 178, 202, 228, 231, 282, 241, 302 Wasnt J. Q., Life of Shakespeare, cited, 271 Adams, J. T., Founding of New Eng- land, cited, 295, 296; Revolution- ary New England, cited, 455, 489, 513 Adams, John, 488, 490, 511 Adams, John Couch, 688 Adams, R. G., Political Ideas of American Revolution, cited, 485 Adams, Samuel, 487, 489 Addington, Henry, Viscount Sid- mouth, 566, 613 Addison, Joseph, 403 f., 409 Adela, daughter of William Yr, 58 Adrianople, Treaty of, 668 Adultery, ground for divorce, 719 Achrenthal, Austrian minister, 827 ff. Afghanistan, 656 Africa, route around, 197; criminals ere" c) ioe. sent to, 525; England and, African Company, 285 f. gadir, 828 Agincourt, battle of, 146 INDEX Agitators, in Cromwell’s army, 315 Agreement of the People, 326 Agriculture, after Roman Conquest, 83: in eighteenth century, 527; in Ireland, 742 Aids, nature of, 66, 92 Aislabie, John, 410 Aix la Chapelle, Treaty of, 416, 448, 445: Congress of, 587 Alabama Claims, The, 721 f. Albania, kingdom of, 830 Albemarle, Duke of, see Monk, George Albemarle, Earl of, 448 Albert of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Prince Consort, 640; patron of eae ee 643: and Palmerston, 665; Tenny- son on, 704; power in gov ie mee 714 f. Albigensians, crusade against, 114 Aleuin, 44 Alden, Percy, cited, 818 Alexander I, Tsar of Russia, treaty Democratic England, with Napoleon, 568; league for peace, 582; Holy Alliance, ASot understanding of, 584, 586; and Poland, 584; supports Metternich, 587 Alexander III, of Seotland, 129 Alexander III, Pope, 248 Alfred the Great, 46 Alfred, son of Cnut, oe Algeciras, Congress of, 826 Algoa Bay, founded, 633 Alien Act, 393 Allan of Brittany, 55 Allan, William, 795 Allenby, General, in Egypt, Alsace, acquired by Trance, Germany, 723 Alvord, C. W., Mississippi Valley in British Politics, cited, 485 Amalgamated Societies, 790 ff. Amboyna, massacre of, 337, 369 America, heritage from Mngland, 6ff.: European claims in, 245; England and France in, 445 ff. ; French settlements in, 446ff.; T7795 401; byINDEX ” . U * 1 a a > >INDEX Attenborough, F. L., Laws of ELarli- est English Kings, cited, 51 Attorneys, recognition of, 126 Attwood, Thomas, 620, 625, 646 Auckland, Lord, see: Eden, William Auckland, Lord, in India, 656 Auerstiidt, battle of, 568 Augsburg, League of, 385 Aurangzeb, 441 Austerlitz, battle of, 568 John. disciple of Bentham, Austin, 632: definition of law, 632; doc- trine of sovereignty, 672; influence of, 766 Australia, visited by Cook, 525: set- tlement in, 529; further settle- ment, 680 ff.; land tenure in, 681; 682f.; gold discov- Trish in, 744; nation- 770 ff.; constitution of, Federal Council, ihe-= in. 2: League of Na- mandates, navy of, government, ered, 682; ality in, CONES World War, 77 tions, 7/2; assigned 773: in Boer War, 778; 788 Austria, at war with France, 539; absorbs Cracow, 664: and Cri- mean War, 669 ff. ; and rise of Germany, 723 Austria-Hungary, and Berlin, 725; alliance with Ger- many, 788; annexes Bosnia and Herzegovina, 827; and Balkan wars, 830; fear of Serbia, 832 f.; ultimatum to Serbia, 832: out of War, 838; dissolution of, 841 Avignon, seat of papacy, 167 Aymer, Earl of Pembroke, 142 Azo, work of, 122 Congress of 867 Baines, E., History of Cotton Manu- factures, cited, 578 Baker, G. P., Development of Shake- speare as a Dramatist, cited, 271 Bakewell, Robert, cited, 26 Baldwin, J. F., King’s Council, cited. 118, 144, 184, 206 Baldwin, Stanley, and debt settle- ment, 848; prime minister, 848; and unemployment, 849; out of office, 849; again prime minister, 851 Balfour, Arthur, and Ireland, 734; and land purchase, 741 Balkans, wars in, 830 Ball, John, 180 ff. Balliol, John, candidate for Scot- tish crown, 129; defeated, 130 Baltie region, trade with, 3386 Bank Act of 1844, 648 f. Bank of England, founded, South Sea Company, note issue, 649 Banks, Sir Joseph, 466, 525 Bannockburn, battle of, 181, 142 Bantu, in South Africa, 683 Baptists, in Civil War, 326 Barbadoes, 365 Barbour, Violet, Henry Bennet, Earl of Arlington, cited, 373 Barbone, Praisegod, 329 Barebone Parliament, 328 Baring, Sir Evelyn, Lord Cromer, in Egypt, 774 Barker, Ernest, Political Thought in England, cited, 725, 818 Barnes, H. E., see Merriam, C. HE. Barnet, battle of, 187 Barnett, Canon Samuel, 801 896: and 410; and Azores, discovery of, 196 Bachelors of England, community of, 116 39con, Sir Francis, minister of Elizabeth, 240; philosopher, 269 ; impeached, 299 Bacon, Nicholas, 240 Bacon, Roger, 166 Badby, John, 175 Bagdad Railway, Bagehot, Walter, tion, cited, 652; on Cabinet, on constitution, 793 Bagot, Charles, 666 Bagot, Sir Charles, in Canada, Bailey, John, Dr. Johnson and Circle, cited, 485 790, 831 ff. English Constitu- TiS" 678 Hi ~ Barons, dissatisfied, 102: demand remedy of grievances, 105; meet at Lancaster, 105; unite against John, 105f.; refuse to go to France, 106; meet at Bury St. Edmunds, 107; march to London, 107 ; oppose strong monarchy, 108; supremacy of, 111 ff. ; unite against Henry III, 114; and foreign lords, 115; Provisions of at West- 116: dissatisfied with 117: end of rebellion reconciled with Edward Edward II, 142; de- changing character minster, Montfort, of, 118; II, 140; and cline of, 144; of, 149 ff. Barré, Isaac, 476 fe Barton, Robert, rays) Bastille, destruction of, 542HS INDEX Bastwick, in pillory, 304 ennet, Henry Grey, Basutoland. 779 ennett, Arnold. S80: Basye, A. H., Lords ( nan OVLNMLIARS sone na T'rade. cited. 1D Somerset. * whe ) de VaontINDEX Commercial Treaty, 536; and free trade, 600 Boceaecio, and Chaucer, 195 Bodelsen, C. A., Studies in Mid-Vic- torian Imperialism, eited, T91 Boers, 683 ff. Boleyn, Anne, passion of Henry Vill for, 1220); marries, 220; erowned Queen, 996: beheaded, 220 Boleyn, Sir Thomas, 222 Bologna, university at, 79; Roman law at, 122 Bolshevists, 842 Bolton, H. E., and Marshall, T. M., Colonization of North America, cited, 455 Bombay, acquired, 363 Bonaparte, Napoleon, and Cromwell, 543: Austrian campaign, 569; in Egypt, 566; and Peace of Amiens, 567 ff.; Emperor of French, 568; defeats Prussia, 568: Berlin De- eree, 568; Continental System, 569: in Spain, 569; in Russia, 570: abdicates, 570: clothing of army of, 576; propé ganda against, 576 ff.; return from Elba, 581; at St. Helena, 581; suggested pun- ishment of, 605; removal of re- mains of, 664; study of, 819 Bond, Beverly W., Quit Rent Sys- tem, cited, 295 Book Land, origin of, 43 Booth, Charles, 801 Booth, William, S01 Borden, Sir Robert, 769 ff. Boroughs, in eighteenth 450 Boscawen, Admiral, sent to Amer- ica, 449; failure of, 451; under Pitt, 453 eentury, Bosnia, revolt in, 723: Austrian protectorate, 725: annexed by Austria, 827 f. Boston, mob in, ATS ; 489: port closed, 489 Boswell, James, 465 Bosworth, battle of, 190 Bot, 48 Botany Bay, iles to, 553 Botha, General Louis, 778 ff. Bothmer, adviser of George I, 408 Botticelli, 195 Boucke, O. F., Development of Eco- nomics, 651, 725 Bourdonnais, Bertrand de la, 442 f. “Teg Party,” settlement on, 525; ex- 869 Bourinot, Sir John, Canada under British Rule, cited, 685, 791 Bourne, H. R. F., English Newspa- pers, cited, 318, 404, 431, 485, 515, 578, 615, 652, 726 Bournville, 810 Bouvines, battle of, 106 Bovate, unit of land, 39 Bowden, Witt, articles 548: Industrial by, cited, Society in Eng- land, cited, 548; Great Manufac- turers in Great Britain, cited, 578 Bowman, Isaiah, New World, cited, 851 yoxer movement, 790 Boycott, origin of, 740 Boyne, battle of, 383 Brabant, wool sent to, 158 Bracton, 122, 125 Braddock, General Edward, 449, 451 3radley, A. C., Making of Canada, cited, 685 Bradwardine, Thomas, 167 i Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 217 Brandenburg, Elector of, 340 Bratton, Henry de, see Bracton Breda, Declaration of, 343: Treaty of, 368 f. Bremen, 408 Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of, 836 Brewer, J. S., Reign of Henry VIII, eited, 236 Bribery, in Walpole’s time, 419; after 1832, 707 ff. Bridgewater, Duke of, 575 Bright, John, and Corn Laws, 650; and parliamentary reform, 709; and American Civil War, 721; and colonies, 781 Brindley, James, 575 Briscoe, N. A., Economic Policy of Robert Walpole, cited, 431, 455 2ristol, Lord, 301 Bristol, merchants of, 250 Britigny, Treaty of, 148 British history, relation with Amer- ican, 3f.; problem of teaching, 3 British North America Act, 767 Britons, coming of to England, 30 Broderick, G. C., and Fotheringham, J. K., History of England, cited, 578, 615, 652 Brooke, Lord, 305 Brooke. Oy Hop wk-, Tudor Drama, eited, 271 Brooke, Rupert, 844f. Brook’s Club, 577pam , yx, s{() INDEX Brougham. Henry, rs . 6514 ‘rT iCn Var, ‘ 2° and [reland. Brown, Alexander, Genesis of nited JOL; and slave trade, I93 ms Ttate x. cited. ZOD uUPrRe, I hon as 5 Brown, Alice V.. and fank 1] surnell. Rob N/ ort ‘ i co ’ 7 ell all deeINDEX Calicoes, importation of, 436 California, gold discovered in, 667 Callender, Geoffrey, Naval Side of British History, cited, 235, 271, 245 378. 404, 518, 578, 85l Calvert, Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, 994 Cambray, League of, 199; Treaty of, 993 Cambridge History of British For- eign Policy, cited, 547. 58s 615; 651, 726, 791, 851 650, Cambridge ieee of English Lit- erature, cited, 184, 206, 236, 271, 295. 345, 373, 404, 481, 485, 610, 726 Cambridge Medieval History, cited, 285 Di Cambridge AModern pee cited, 906.235. 21s 290; « 345. 33: 404, 4: 31, 485, 548, aa G15. 685. 725. 758, T91 Cambr ane) Modern History Atlas, cited. 236, 272, 318, 345, 374, 405, 431. 45d, “ASD, 548. 579, 616, 602, 686. 726, 792, 818, 851 eee Duke of. son of George Pee 63 C aes after Norman Conquest, 74: University founded, 16); erowth of, 204; press at, 265; un- der Victoria, 711 f. Camden, Lord, see Pratt, Chief Jus- tice Camden, Lord, in Ireland, 561 Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry, and Ireland, 735; prime minister, 798: foreign policy of, 823 Gatetesio. Cardinal, 224 Camperdown, battle of, 566 Campio Formio, Treaty of, 566 Campion, Jesuit priest, 243 Cana, Frank R., South Africa from the Great Trek, cited, 791 Canada. French settle in, 446 ff. ; overrun by British, 454; acquired, 459: revolt in 1837, 666; boun- daries of, 666f.; and repeal of Corn Laws, 667; and American Revolution, 673 ff.; growth of, 674 ff.: division of, 675; Church in, 675: revolt in, 676; union of, 677: Sydenham in, 677; Bagot in, 677: Metcalfe in, 678; Elgin in, 679: responsible government in, 679: Irish in, 744; failure of un- ion, 767; nationality in, 767 ff. ; federation in, 767; constitution of, 871 768; reciprocity 769; in World (G(t.3) navy n> with United States, War, 769; in League of Nations, 769: in Boer War, 778; Wipling on, 786: and British navy, 788; and Germany, 790 Canadian Pacific Railway, 769 Canals, building of, 575 Canaries, discovery of, 196 Canning, Charles John, Earl Can- ning, in India, 658 Canning, George, disciple of Pitt, 567: secretary of state, 569, 577; and Anti-Jacobin, 576; foreign policy, 589; and Monroe Doctrine, 589: and Eastern Question, 590 : death. 590: and Palmerston, 6238 Canning, Stratford, 723 Canterbury, school at, 44; after Norman Conquest, 74; St. Thomas of, 221 Cape Blanco, Cape Bojador, Cape of Good Hope, discovered, 197 discovered, 197 rounded, 197; retained by England, 585; ac- quired, 683 Cape St. Vincent, battle of, 566 Cape Verde, discovered, 197 Capes, W. W., English Church in Fourteenth and Fifteenth -Centu- ries, cited, 144, 184 Capet, Hugh, king in France, 19 Capitalism, spread of, 575 Carding, process of, 572 ( ‘orleton, Sir Guy, Lord Dorchester, ITC) O15 Carlyle, Carnavon, Carnatic, Thomas, 702, 800 Lord, 776 Nawab of, 442 f. Carolina, settlement of, 364 Caroline of Anspach, Queen of George II, 411 ff.; and Walpole, 411: and Church, 421 Carpenter, Niles, Guild Socialism, cited, S18 Carr, Robert, 279 Carson, Sir Edward, and Ulster, 749 f.: in cabinet, 753 Carstares, William, 390 Carteret. John, Earl of Granville, minister of George I, 410; in Ire- land, 411: out of office, 411; sec- retary of state, 413; resigns, 413 Cartier, Sir George, 767 Cartwright, Edmund, 573 Cartwright, Major John, 505, 610, 613, 645 Cartwright, Thomas, 259INDEXINDEX Chatham, Lord, son of William Pitt, 963 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 168 ff. ; 203 Checks, use of, 649 Chemistry, discoveries in, 689 Chesterton, Gilbert, 803 f. Cheyney, E. P., Industrial and So- cial History of England, cited, 183, 818; Huropean Background of American History, eited, 206, 295: History of England from the Defeat of the Armada, cited, 271 Child Labor, chimney sweeps, 594; in cotton mills, 595; in coal mines, 596: restricted, 627 Child, Sir Josiah, 368, 399 Children, and the state, 807 f. Chimney sweeps, treatment of, H94 China, and English art, 4609; and East India Company, 6593; war with, 658, 668; Boxer movement, 790 China Company, 286 Chippendale, Thomas, 469 Chirol, Sir Valentine, /ndia Old and New, cited, 685, 791 Choiseul, Due de, 498 f. Christianity, in Roman Empire, 16; *n Roman Britain, 31; in Eng- land. 41: and colonization, 282 Christie, M. E., Henry VJ, eited, 154 Church, The, civilizing influence of, 42- influence in society, 42; or- ganized by Theodore, 42- accumu- lates property, 43; and transfer of land, 43; and Anglo-Saxon gov- ernment, 48; and Norman kings, 63 ff.: and Henry I, 69; and Henry II, 79 ff.; under Stephen, 79: and trial by ordeal, 89; and interest on money, 94; and John, 103 f€.: in Wales, 128; and Kid- ward I, 182f.; early discontent with. 170 ff.; relations with Rome, 170 f.: and Wycliffe, 173; and na- tional feeling, 220 ff.; and Henry VIII. 220 ff. ; strength of, 221; re- lations with kings, 221 ff.; grow- ing feeling against, 993: king head of, 224ff.; under Edward VI, 930 ff.: under Mary, 233 ff.; un- der Elizabeth, 241 ff. ; in Scotland, 945 ff.: Elizabethan settlement of, 259: under James I, 275; in Civil War. 308 ff.; Cromwell’s view of, 2997: under Charles II, 350 ff. ; un- der James II, 371 ff.; 1n Scotland, 290 ff.: under Walpole, 421 fhe 873 and education, 526; and enclo- sures, 529; and war propaganda, 554: in early Ireland, 555 ff.; at Irish union, 562; spreads humani- tarianism, 592; and _ education, 598: in India, 657; and Oxford movement, 697-ff.; and Privy Council, 699f.; under Victoria, 716: and education, 717f.; and marriage, 718f.; and education, 810 f.; disestablished in Wales, 813 f. Churchill, John, Duke ough, supports William III, military genius, 388; battles of, 298: character of, 398f.; attempt to make peace, 400; sent to Tower, 4Q1 Civil War, The, 311 ff.; fighting in, of Marlbor- orr*)> . olo, 312: navy in, 336; and Ireland, DO’ Clare, Richard de, in Ireland, 82 Clarendon, Earl of, see Hyde, Kd- ward Clarendon, second Earl of, 376 Clarendon, Assize of, 84, 93 Clarendon, Constitutions of, 81 Clarendon Code, 350 ff. Clark, Champ, 769 Clark. G. N., Dutch Alliance and War against French Trade, cited, 404 Clarke, Samuel, 421 Clarkson, Thomas, 593 Classical civilization, 92: in England, 44 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 667 Cleave, John, 649 Clemency Canning, 658 Clement IV, and Roger Bacon, 166 Olericis Laicos, papal bull, 183 Cleveland, President, 789 Clifford, Thomas, 359 f. Clinton, Sir Henry, 493, 497 Clive. Robert, Lord, in Bengal, 443: and Surajah Dowlah, 444; coun- eilor at Madras, 444; accumulates wealth, 445; revisits India, 472; suicide of, 474 Clontarf, meeting at, Cloth trade, growth of, 200 ff., 252 Clothiers, gild of, 158 Cluny, abbey of, 18 Cnut, King in England, 24, 47; re- lations with Godwine, 25 Coal, used for smelting, HT 4 Coalbrookdale, 574 Coalition, of Fox and North, and Franks, eToOc (32 512 ff.INDECampaign of Trafal- 578 W.,. Engiish Church Century, cited, passage of, 600; agita- repeal, 613; and reform 620: and economic doc- 637: repeal agitate, 650; repeal of, 651; and Ireland, 740 Cornwall, granted to ‘John, 99; devastated by French, 179; repre- sentation in parliament, 501 Cornwallis, Charles, Lord, at York- town, 497; im India, 522; in Ire- land, 561 ff.: and India, 655 f. Coroner, office established, 101 Cort, Henry, 574 cited, 455; gar, cited, Cornish, F. Nineteenth Corn Laws, tion for agitation, trines, in 726 Corwin. E. S., French Policy and the American Alliance, cited, 513 Cosgrove, W. T., 796 Cotterell, H. B., History of Art, eited, 726 Cotton goods, from India, 367; growth of manufacture Of) O24: trade in with France, 536; in- erease in manufacture, 574 Cotton mills, child labor in, 595, 627 G. Chaucer’s England, 184 The, Edward Henry VII, 201 Council of Constance, Council of Trade, Council of Trent, Coupland, R., Quebec Act, 573: Wilberforce, cited, 615 Courthope, W. J., History of EHng- lish Poetry, cited, 485 Court of the king, and Witan, 59; after Norman Conquest, 59 ff. ; 60: unique char- composition of, acter of, 63; under Henry II, Q4 ff. S87 ff: under Henry III, 120 ff.: under Edward I, 121 ff. ; and parliament, 134 ff. Court. of Common Pleas, origin of, 88. 120: reformed, 126; of Chan- cery, 120; of Ecclesiastical Com- mission. 371; of Exchequer, 120; of King’s Bench, 120; reformed, 126; of parliament, 134 ff.: of Pie Powder, 154: of Requests, 202; of Star Chamber, 191, 202 Courts, in hundred, James I, 275f.; under 715 f.: and trade unions, Cracow, absorbed by Austria, Coulton, G., eited, Couneil, under under Edward I, 1389 Ve, 20 ander r 174 366 243, 259 cited, 37: under Victoria, 795 ff. 664 INDEX Cowper, William, 424 Craft gilds, 155 f. Craftsman, The, 411 Crages, James, 410 Craig, Sir James, 755 Craik, Sir Henry, Life of Hdward Earl of Clarendon, cited, 373 Cranmer, Thomas, suggests appeal HQ. on the King’s archbishop of Can- pronounces King’s 226; leader of re- and compilation of PAL 1% Ye) of executed, to universities, HO. hed ii ¢_) ; 296 : kei ded) ig marriage, terbury; marriage formers, Prayer Book, Eucharist, 231 f.; Crécy, battle of, 146 Creed, The, Credit, expansion tion of, 649 Crimean War, 669 ff. ; army in, and public health, 720 Criminal code, severity forms of, 593 f. void, 6)")"7 ail . 2x oD formulation of, 232 of, 397; regula- 720; of, 525: re- Criminals, in Australia, 680 ff. Cromer, Lord, see Baring, Sir Evelyn Crompton, Samuel, 573 Cromwell, Henry, 342 Cromwell. Oliver, opinion of army, SIZ thy with patriotism, 312; sympa- Independents, 315; in- vades Ireland, 319 ff.; invades Seotland, 32 and the Levellers, 295 ff.: and Fifth Monarchy Men, 395 ff.: on Church, disperses Zump, 328; summons Barebone Parliament, 328; proclaims Instru- ment of Goveennent 329: Lord Protector, 329 ff.: refuses title of kine’ ooon denen 8334: foreign policy, 335ff.; and colonies, 335 fi aims of 341 f.: buried, §49- exhumed, 349; and East In- dia Company, 365; and Napoleon, 543: and Ireland, 557; Carlyle on, 702 Cromwell, Cromwell, Thomas, character of, 9992. adviser of Henry VIII, dissolves monasteries, 227 ; 999 Jd et on 6)¢)P7 . oat , Richard, 341 f. HNH9 Lae ff. : attainted, Crusades. and increase of luxury, 94: and trade with Hast, 194 Cumberland, Duke of, 461 Cumberland, Duke of, son of George ies 63: C eae ae W.. Growth of English Industry and Commerce, eited, 74, 144. 206, 296, 373, 405, 685INDEX Act, 544; in Ireland, 560; spread humanitarianism, and edu- eation, 598; and Gladstone, 706; and the universities, 717; and ed- ucation, 715 “Distributivism,” 803 Divoree, provision for, 718 f. Divine right, of James I, 274 Doddridge, Philip, 424 Domesday Book, compilation of, 28; information in, 5d Domestie system, 575 Dominica, acquired, 459 Dominicans, at Oxford, 165 Dorchester, organization of labor at, 645 Dorchester, Lord, see Carleton, Guy Dorman, M. R. P., British Empire in YZ; Nineteenth Century, cited, 978, 615 Dorset, granted to John, 99 Dover, Treaty of, 354 f. Dowden, Edward, French fKevolu- tion and English Literature, cited, 615 Downing, George, 369 Downing Street, 369 Drake. Francis, plunders Spanish, 950: sails around world, 20U; en- couraged by Queen, 207; enters Cadiz. 257; last voyage, 258 Drama. The, and national feeling, 264 ff.: rise of in England, 260 ff. Drapers, gild of, 159 Drayton, Michael, 271, 287 Drogheda, capture of, 32 Dryden, John, 361 f. Dudley, execution of, 216 Dudley, John, Duke of Northumber- land, suppresses revolt, 230; de- poses Somerset, 231; minister of Edward VI, 231 ff.; sympathizes with Protestants, 231; and suc- cession to crown, 232; executed, )99 ft tI) Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, favorite of Elizabeth, 240 Dulany, Daniel, 477 f. Duffy, Charles Gavan, 731 Duggan, Eamon, 759 Duggan, S. P., League of Nations, cited, 851 Duke, Henry, 753 Dunbar, battle of, 821 Dunean, Admiral, 566 Dundas, Henry, Lord Melville, fower in Scotland, 518; and India, 519: on Board of Control, 522; Oaks 17 CO and Pitt. 563: and Wellesley, 656 ; on Egypt, 773 Dundee, Viscount, see Graham, John Dunkild, battle of, 390 Dunkirk, 402 Dunlop, Robert, Ireland from Earl- est Times, cited, 578, 758 Dunning, John, 504 Dunning, W. A., History of Politi- cal Theories Ancient and Modern, cited, 184, 236; Political Theories from Luther to Montesquieu, cited, 345, 382, 404; Political Theories from Rousseau to Spencer, cited, 652. 726: British Hmpire and United States, cited, 615, 685, 726 Dupleix, Joseph Francois, 442 f. Duquesne, Marquis, 448 D’Urban, Sir Benjamin, 684 Durham, Lord, see Lambton, John George Dutch, The, trade of with East, 290; Cromwell’s war with, 336, 339; trade with East, 337; with Amer- ica, 3388: war with Charles LI, 854: and England, 363 ff.; com- mercial rivalry, 384; and _ spice trade, 370; aid invasion of Eng- land, 384f.; decline of, 402; in American Revolution, 496; al- liance with England, 5382 ff.; re- luctance to enter war, 550; make peace with France, 565; in South Africa, 683 Dutcher, G. M., Awakening in the East, eited, 791 Dyarchy, in India, 764 Dyer, General, in India, 763 jo Earldoms, power of, 25 East Anglia, conquered by navians, 46 Eastern Question, 534; under Cas- Scandi- tlereagh, 588, 590; and Welling- ton, 618; later aspects, 668 ff. ; under Victoria, 723 East India Company, organized, 251, 285: profits of, 290; under Crom- well, 365; under Charles II, 365 f. ; under William and Anne, 390 ff. ; and the government, 435; capital of, 440; property of, 440; seeks re- lief, 472; and American Revolu- tion, 488 ff. ; investigated, 518; in- tervenes in election, 520 ff.; and Pitt, 522f.; Board of Control, 522: loss of privileges, 653; Wel- lesley on, 655; dissolved, 658INDEXINDEX 879 tenure under, 251; enclosures, 952 ff.: Statue of Labor and Ap- prentices, 254; Poor Law, 204; seapower under, 206 ff.; war with Spain, 257 ff.; triumph of, 258 fis summary of achievements of, 959 ff.: and Church, 259; foreign policy, 260; succession to crown, 2960; trade, 260f.; constitution under, 261 ff.; national feeling un- der, 264ff.; propaganda under, 9°66 ff.: the stage under, 266 ff. ; and Ireland, 596 Elizabeth. wife of Henry VII, 190 Elizabeth, daughter of James I, 278 Elizabeth, Tsarina of Russia, 450 Ellenborough, Lord, in India, 656 Elliott, Henry, 723 f. Mmma. wife of Ethelred and Cnut, 24 Emmet, Robert, 562 Empire, The, under Cromwell, 295 ff.- under George III, 472 ff. ; changing concept of, 479; pro- posals for government of, 480; disruption of, 486 ff.; revival of, 659 ff.: expansion of, 680 ff.; re- cent growth of 759 ff.; theories of, 766: new interest in, 782 ff.; and foreign policy, 788; and World War, 8d Employer’s Liability Act, 719 Employer and Workman’s Act, T9T Empson, Richard, executed, 216 Enclosures, under Elizabeth, 253; in eighteenth century, 528 ff. Encyclopedia Britannica, eited, 791, 851 Engels, Friedrich, 647 Engineers, Amalgamated Society of, T9D England, Norman laws in, 23; Cnut King in, 24; Edward the Con- fessor King in, 24; Harold Hare- foot King in, 24; Conquered by Normans, 24 ff.; Harthaenut King in, 24: Harold King in, 26; be- fore the Roman invasion, 29f.; Cesar visits, 30; invaded by Ro- mans, 30f.; invaded by Germans, 31 ff.: Roman villas in, 33; after Germanic invasions, 34 ff.; intro- duction. of Christianity, 41; of alphabet, 42; influence of Classi- eal civilization in, 44; invaded by Scandinavians, 45 ff.; Alfred King in, 46: Cnut King in, 47; at Nor- man Conquest, 47 ff.; Edmund Ironsides King in, 47; Ethelred the Redeless King, 47; influence of Scandinavians, 50; of Norman Conquest, 53 ff.; William I King, 56 ff.: William Rufus King, 56 ff. ; Henry I King, 57ff.; Stephen King, 5S ff.; relation with Nor- mandy, 59ff.; Henry II King, 76 ff.: unity of middle ages in, 97: Richard I King, 98 ff. ; John King, 102ff.; under interdict, 104: a fief of the pope, 105; Henry III King, 111 ff.; invaded by French, 111; the pope claims revenues from, 113; Edward Il King, 120 ff.; union with Wales, 129: Edward II King, 140 ff.; Edward III King, 1438 ff.; Henry IV King, 146 ff.; Henry V King, 146 ff.: Henry VI King, 146ff.; war with France, 146 ff.; Richard Il King, 146 ff.; Edward LV King, 186 ff.: Edward V King, 188 f.; Richard III King, 189 ff.; Henry VIL King, 189 ff.; Henry VIII King, 199 ff.; growth of national feeling in, 209ff.; union with Wales completed, 230; Edward VI King, 230 ff.; Mary Tudor Queen, 922 ff.: Elizabeth Queen, 230 ff. ; relations with Scotland, 244; trade with the East, 251; war with Spain, 257 ff.; James I King, 973 ff.: colonies founded, 289 ff. ; Charles I King, 297 ff.; Civil Wars in, 311 ff.; Cromwell Lord Protector, 330 ff. ; rivalry with the Dutch. 337: Charles II Wing, 244 ff.: James II King, 364ff.; struggle with France for empire, 270 ff.: William and Mary joint sovereigns, 375 ff.; Anne Queen, 2987 ff.: union with Scotland, 2998 ff.: George I King, 406 ff.; George II King, 411 ff.; power of in India, 440 ff.; George III King, A56 ff.: loss of American Colonies, 475 ff.: and French Revolution, 543 ff. : union with Ireland, 555 ff.: and Napoleon, 596 ff.; war with United States, 568 f.; rise of industry in, 570ff.; George LV King, 614 ff.; William IV King, 619 ff.: Victoria Queen, 638 ff. ; and India, 653 ff.; and American Civil War, 721f.; and Irish na- tionality, 727 ff.; and Indian na- tionality, 759ff.; and Canada,INDEX Florida, acquired, 459; ceded to Spain, 912 l’oakes-Jackson, F. J., Social Life in England, cited, 619 Foch, General, 837 f. Foreign policy, influence of eolonies on, 295; under Cromwell, 335 ihes: of William III, 383 ff.; of Wal- pole, 414 ff.; of William Pitt the younger, 531 ff.; of Palmerston, 662 f.: of Gladstone and Disraeli, 722 ff.: before 1914, 788 ff.; lead- ing to World War, 823 ff. Forests, Assize of, 95; beasts of, 99; laws of. 95; under Henry II, 99; Charter of, 112; laws of revived by Charles I, 303 Forster, W. E., 741, 783 Fortescue, J. W., History of British Army, cited, 184, 318, 405; Brit- ish Statesmen in the Great War, eited, 579 Fotheringham, J. K., see Broderick, Gi: Four Acts, 609 Fourteen Points, The, 838 f. Fox, Charles James, in Johnson’s circle. 465: advocates reform, 504; member for Westminster, 905; and Burke, 508; secretary of state, 510: quarrels with Shelburne, 510: leader of Rockingham party, 510: unites with North, 512; in- troduces India Bills, 519; dis- missed from office, 521; and par- liamentary reform, 524; and re- gency question, 538 ff.; and repeal of Test Act. 544; Burke breaks with, 545; supports Grey, 547; objects to measures of Pitt, 550 f.: and French war, 553; debarred by the King, 567; in office, 568; dies, 568: influence in parliament, 577 ; patriotism of, 605; and West- minster elections, 612; party of and reform bill, 623; and second empire, 661 Fox, Henry, Lord Holland, 459, 509 Fox. Richard, Bishop of Winchester, Dil ey eie France, Hugh Capet King of, 19; English kings claim throne of, 127. 148: war with England, 146 ff.: and Henry VIII, 216; the Protestants in, 247; Henry IV King of, 247; and Cromwell, 340: supports James II, 376; and Wil- liam Ll, wosonta. enuce with, 881 414 ff.: power of in India, 440; East India Company of, 442; threatens England in America, 446 ff.: and American Revolution, 493 ff.: commercial treaty with, 536 ff.: rise of national feeling in, 540 ff.: war with England, 550 ff. ; and Ireland, 561; at Congress of Vienna, 582 ff.; joins Holy Alli- ance, 587; and Palmerston, 663; Louis Napoleon Emperor, 669; ally of England, 669; allied with Russia. 788; entente with Eng- land. 790; after World War, 841 ff. Francis I, King of France, 217; in- vades Italy, 217, 219; betrothed to Mary, 217, 219; candidate for emperor, 218; at Field of Cloth of Gold, 218; captured by Charles V, 219: compared with Henry WALT 221 Francis Joseph, Emperor of Austria- Hungary, 665, 832 Francis, Philip, 519 Franciseans, at Oxford, 165 Frankalmoin, tenure by, 86 Franklin, Benjamin, and Stamp Act, 476: and taxation of colonies, 475 ; on destruction of tea, 489; at Paris, 495: negotiation for peace, 510 f. Franks. The. and Classical Civiliza- tion, 22: influence of Normans, 23 Frederick Barbarossa, 76 Frederick II, King of Prussia, in- herits crown, 415; claims Silesia, 416: and George II, 450; ally of England, 450; and Pitt, 454; and Bute, 458: and partition of Po- land. 494: and American Revyolu- tion. 496: refuses English alliance, 532: dies, 5383: Carlyle on, 702 Frederick William, King of Prussia, 41 5355 Lb Frederick, Elector of the Palatinate, marries daughter of James I, 278; King of Bohemia, 278; relief pro- posed, 301 Frederick of Saxony, 218 I rederick, Prince of Wales, 456 Free State, The Irish, 755 ff. Free trade, as a panacea, 650 Frere. W. H., History of English Church in Reigns of Elizabeth and James, cited, 271 French Revolution, 540 ff.; study of, 819INDEX Germanic tribes, society among, 39 ff. Germanic society, disputed charac- ter, 35 ff. Germany, and Palmerston, 660 ; rise of. 723: in South Africa, (77; competition with, 786; alliance with Austria-Hungary, 788; and 3ag¢dad railway, 790; and Can- ada, 790: navy of, 790; English fear of, 825 ff.: fears Russia, 831; and Austria-Hungary, 838 f. Geoffrey of Anjou, 58, 76 Geoffrey, Archbishop of York, 99 Gesith, 40 Gibbon, Edward, 465, 470 f. Gibraltar, acquired, 401; desired by Spain, 415; in American Revolu- tion, 496, 511 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 251 Gilds. rise of, 155 ff.; as fraternal organizations, 155: merchant, 155: eraft, 155f.; and govern- ment of towns, 156; become semli- capitalistic, 157; of clothiers, 158 Gillespie, J. E., Influence of Over- seas Expansion in England, cited, 296 Giorgione, 195 Gladstone, W. E., religion of, 697 ; and Peel, 706; as reformer, 706: chancellor of exchequer, 709; and reform bill, 710; and reform of representation, 711'f.: and reform of army, 720f.; foreign policy, 722 £.- on Alsace-Lorraine, (23% and Eastern Question, 724; and Ireland. 733 ff.; and Irish Church, 736 ff.: and Irish land question, 740 f.: and South Africa, ViGE and empire, 782 Glanvill, Ranulf, 83, 88, 98 Glasgow, George, Macdonald Diplomatist, cited, 851 Glencoe, massacre of, 390 Gleneleg, Lord, 684 Gloucester, Earl of, and Henry le 116 Gloucester, see Richard, Duke of Godfrey, Sir Edmund Berry, 35590 ( Godolphin, Sidney, Ear! of, 399, 401 Godwin, William, 608, 634 Godwine, Earl, 25 f. Gokhali. Gopal Krishna, 760 ff. Goldsmith, Oliver, 465, A467 f., 530 Gooch, G. P., History of Modern Europe, cited, 791. 85 Gordon, General Charles U14 as a George, 883 Gordon, Lord George, 504 Gordon, George, Lord Byron, 606 f. Gorham Case, 699 Gorst, Sir Eldon, 774 f. Gough, General Hubert, 751 Government of India Act, 658 Graham, John of Claverhouse, Vis- count Dundee, 389 f. Grafton, Duke of, 462 f., 483 Grand Assize, 86 Grand jury, origin of, 84 Grand Remonstrance, 308 Granville, Earl of, see John Gras, N. S. B., Harly English Cus- toms System, cited, 144 Grasse, Count de, 497, 511 Grattan, Henry, 599 Gravier, Charles, Count de gennes, 494f., 511 Gravitation, law of, 688 Gray, H. L., English Field Systems, eited, SL Gray, Thomas, 468 Gre. H., Reformation Period, cited, 236 Great Carta Great Britain, see England Great Schism, The, healing 174 Great Seal, The, origin of, 61 Greece, revolt in, 588; independence of. 509 f.: Byron in, 607 Greek Church, 669 f. Greek, study of in England, 204 Greeks, early trade with, 30 Green, A. S., Irish Nationality, cited, O19 Green. Mrs. J. R., Town Life in Fif- teenth Century, cited, 206 Green, Thomas Hill, 695 Greene, Robert, 266 jJreenland, 16 Carteret, Ver- The, see Magna Charter, of, Greenwood, Sir Hamar, 755 Gregory the Great, 41 Gregory VII, 18f., 63 Gregory, Lady, 748 Grenada, acquired, 459 Grenville. George, refuses office, 458: prime minister, 459; dis- missed. 461; and colonies, 476 ff. Grenville, Hester, 451 Grenville. William, Lord, secretary of state. 535: and Chauvelin, 551; and Pitt, 563; and Fox, 567 Gresham, Thomas, 250 Gresham’s Law, 250INDEX Haskins, C. H., cited, 18, 23; Nor- mans in Huropean History, cited, 28: Norman Institutions, cited, 75: Studies in History of Medi- eval Science, cited, 75 Hastings, battle of, 27 Hastings, Warren, sent to India, 473: and the council, 474; as governor general, 517 ff.; received by the King, 522; impeached, 522; eriticized by Minto, 656 Hats, manufacture of in 43 Havana, 459 Haverfield, F., Romanization of Ro- man Britain, cited, 51 Hawes, Stephen, 203 Hawkesbury, Baron, see Jenkinson, Robert Banks Hawkins. John, voyages to Guinea, 250: treasurer of navy, 207 Hayden, Mary, and Moonan, G. A., Short History of Irish People, eited, 758 Hayes, C. J. H., British Social Poli- tics, 818: Brief History of Great War, cited, 851 Hayti, Napoleon and, 567 Hazlitt, William, 606 Heads of Proposals, 316 Healy, Timothy, 757 Health, protection of, 719 f. Hearnshaw, F. G. C., Social and Political Ideas of Great Medieval Thinkers, cited, 1838 Heligoland, acquired, 585 Henderson, E. F., Select Historical Documents, cited, 92 Hengist, Germanic chieftain, 32, a0 Henry I, marriage of, 97; colonies, Charter of. 57: King of England, 97 f1.; character of, 5S: and Anselm, 65f.: and sheriff’s ferm, 92; Charter of, 106 f. Henry II, in Anjou, 76; character of, 76: King of England, 76 ff. ; problems of, 76 ff.; achievements of, 77: motives of, 78; pacifies England, 78; and Church, 79 ff. ; conflict with Becket, S80Off.; in- vades Ireland, 82; at tomb of Becket, 82: and keeping peace, 83 ff.: and army, 89 ff.; and sher- iffs. 98: and Jews, 94; and For- work of, 97 f.; and Wil- liam the Lion, 129; and founding Oxford, 164 ests, 99; 889 Henry III, King of England, 111 ff. ; erant Charter of Forests, 112; re- issues Magna Carta, 112; Conti- nental policy of, 118; and Peter des Roches, 113; accepts crown of Sicily, 114; barons unite against, 114: and Simon de Montfort, 114 ff.: accepts Provisions of Ox- ford, 115; and Earl of Gloucester, 116: visits Louis IX, 117; death, 118: and growth of law, 120 Henry IV, King of England, 146 ff. ; dependence on barons, 151; and Chaucer, 170 Henry V, King of England, 146 ff. character of, 151 Henry VI, King of England, 146 ff. Shakespeare’s character of, 151; marries Margaret of Anjou, 185; incapacity of, 186; driven to Seotland, 186; restored to throne, 187: deposed and slain, 187; founds Eton, 204 Henry VII, Earl of Richmond, 189; deposes Richard III, 189; King of England, 189 ff.; title to crown, 190: ancestry, 190; marriage, 190: eulogized by Bishop Fisher, 191: and Court of Star Chamber, od + ~ “ 191: contemporary with Italian artists, 195; collapse of diplo- and Con- and Ire- macy, 199; death, 199; tinental dynasts, 210; land, 556 Henry VIII, King of England, 199 ff.: and cloth trade, 200; and council, 201: and commerce, 201; and Erasmus, 206; and Ferdinand, 915: marriage to Katharine, 215; Wolsey minister, 216ff.; and France, 216; Field of Cloth of Gold. 218: war with France, 219; problem of succession, 219 f.; and Elizabeth Blount, 220; character of. 220: and Church, 2208.; writes against Luther, 222; De- fender of Faith, 222; and Anne Boleyn, 222ff.; and Cranmer, 9°23: and translation of Scriptures, 223 discharges Wolsey, 224; head of Church, 224 ff.; marries Anne Boleyn, 225; dissolves mon- astries. 227; encourages study of Seriptures, 228; marries Jane Seymour, 229; Anne of Cleves, 9°29: death, 229; and Wales, 230; encourages masks, 267; and Ire- land, 556INDEX Preliminaries of cited, 48), 1 H., Revolution, Howard, G. American 514 Hloward, Thomas, Earl of Surrey and Duke of Norfolk, 2195 f. Howard. Thomas, second Duke of Norfolk, 229 Howe. FE. A., see Turberville, A. Sei: Howe, General, 493 Hrolf. see Rollo Hubert de Burgh, 111f., 124 Hugh, Bishop of Durham, 99 Hughes, Dorothy, Study of Social and Constitutional Tendencies in Early Years of Edward IIT, cited, 184 Hulme, E. M., Renaissance, Protes- tant Reformation and Catholic Reformation, cited, 206 Humanitarianism, growth of, 592 ff. ; and colonies, 660 Humble Petition and Advice, 333 Hume, David, 470 Hume, Joseph, 596, 645 Hume. Martin, Two English Queens and Philip, cited, 286, 271; Great Lord Burghley, cited, 271; Treas- ure and Plot, cited, 271 Humphrey, Duke of 204 Hundred, courts of, 37 Hundred Rolls, 1238 Hundred Years’ War, 146 ff. Hudson Bay, acquired, 401 Hudson River, 365 Hudson’s Bay Company, 266. 483: and Oregon 667: disposes of territory, 767 Hunt, Henry, popular orator, 611; agitates reform, 613, 620; ar- rested, 613. Hunt, Holman, 701 Hunt, William, English Church from Foundation, cited, 51, His- tory of England, 1760-1801, cited, A85. 514, 548, 579 Hus Carles, 49 Huskisson, William, Huss, John, 174 Hutcheson, Francis, Hutton, James, 689 Hutton, W. H., English Church from Accession of Charles IT, cited, 373, 405 Hyde, Edward, Earl of Clarendon, lord chancellor, 348; and Church, 350 ff.: and Laud, 380; proposal IOS Om, Gloucester, founded, question, co © eva y 600, 618 4 *) ”) 887 QR). 2 ORD . Om , 3) to impeach, dismissed, 300; and colonies, 3866 Hyde, Dr. Douglas, 748 Hyde Park, exhibition in, 6435 ; meet- a ing in, 710 Hyder Ali, 518 Ibrahim Psha, 590 Ibrahim, son of Mehemet Psha, 669 Iceland, 16 Ilbert, Sir Courtenay, of India, cited, 685 Illness, insurance against, 808 Images, use of, discouraged, 228 Imperial Conference, 788 ff. Imperial Federation League, 784 Immigrants, type of going to Amer- ica. 8. 486; type in colonies, 335 Immigration to Canada, 768 Indemnity and Oblivion, Act of, 348 Independents, 315, 347 India, trade with under Charles pale 867: growth of British dominion in, 440 ff.; War of Austrian suc- Government cession in, 442; under North, A772 ff.- act for government of, 474: Hastings in, 474, 517 ff. ; 2ritish relations with, 653d f.; Macaulay in, 654; Cornwallis in, 655: Tippu war, 655; Wellesley in, 655; Minto in, 6596; Moira in, 656: Amherst in, 656; Bentinck in, 656; Auckland in, 656: Ellen- Hardinge in, borough in, 606; 656: Dalhousie in, 656 f.; Mutiny in, 657 f.; Canning in, 657; act for government of, 658; British methods in, 663; Victoria Em- press of, 723, 1959 ; national feel- ing in, 759 ff.; government of un- der Victoria, education in, 760: Curzon in, 760 ff.; Minto in, 761: Hardinge in, 762; Chelms- ford in. + (62i1k.5 Montagu-Chelms- ford Report, 764; Reading in, 765: and Boer War, 778 India. see also East India Company Indian Councils Act, 761 f. 759 > Indian Ocean, visited by Portu- guese, 197 Indians. and colonists, 475 Industrial Revolution, use of term, SO1 Innes. A. D., History of England and British Empire, cited, 28, 51, 74, 96, 118, 119, 144, 145, 183, 184, 206, 235, 271, 295, 345, 378,INDEX Japan, alliance with, 789; in [sorea, 790: war with Russia, 791; in World War, 834 Jay, John, 511 Jebb, Dr. John, 305, 505 Jebb. Richard, 787; Britannic Ques- tion, cited, T9L Jefferson, Thomas, 492 Jeffrey, Francis, 611 Jeffreys, George, 371, 373 Jena, battle of, 063 Jenkins, Captain, 418, 416 Jenkinson, Anthony, 250 Jenkinson, Charles, refuses office, 509: and election 1784, 520; on Board of Trade, 586; and French treaty, 567 Jenkinson, Robert Banks, Earl of Liverpool, secretary of state, Gls 577; prime minister, 587; and Manchester riot, 613; ministry of, G7? £: Jenks, Edward, Law and Politics im Middle Ages, cited, 19, 28; State and Nation, cited, 28; Hdward Plantagenet, cited, 118, 144; Aus- tralasian Colonies, cited, 68d, 191: Short History of English Law, eited, 725, 815 Jennings, Sarah, Duchess of Marl- borough, 399, 413 Jephson, Henry, The Platform, cited, 514. 615, 652, 726 Jersey, 480 Jervis, Admiral John, 566 Jesuits, organization of, 243; in England, 248; under Charles LI, 252: in France, 354; and Oates, Orr ede) | Jeudwine, J. W., Studies in Empire and Trade, cited, 206, 271 Jevons, W. S., 691 f. Jews, come to England, 94; under Henry II, 94; expelled, 132 Nop! (Op, 10, jut Introduction to Modern Political Theory, cited, S18 Joan of Are, 149 Joan, daughter of John of Gaunt, 185 Joana, daughter Aragon, 198 John. inherits Ireland, 82; marries, 98- relations with Richard, 95 ft. and Philip Augustus, 100, 102 ; King of England, 102 ff. ; alleged slayer of Arthur, 102: barons dissatisfied, 102; levies of Ferdinand of scutage, 889 102; loses Normandy, 102; and the Church, 103 ff.; opposes Lang- ton, 103; excommunicated, 104 ; submits to Pope, 105; barons unite against, 105 f.; absolved by Chureh, 106; sails for France, 106; threatened by Langton, 1060; makes peace with France, 106; threatened by barons, 107; grants Magna Carta, 107; character and death, 111; and foundation of Cambridge, 165; as character in drama, 269 John II, of Portugal, 196 John XXII, condemns poverty, 167 John of Gaunt, marriage, 149; fam- ily connections, 150; death, 151; and Wycliffe, 168; and Chaucer, 168 ff.: and Henry Beaufort, 179; ‘ntluence of, 179; and Scotland, 179: and peasants, 181; house burned, 182; ancestor of War- wick, 185; of Henry VII, 189; daughter Philippa, 196 John de Grey, Bishop of Norwich, 103 Johnson, Dr. Samuel, on William Law, 428; circle of, 465 ff.; pen- sioned by King, 466; writes for magazines, 466; Dictionary, 466 ; and Garrick, 467; concept of art, 469: and Americans, 472; reporter of parliament, 503 Johnston, Sir Harry, of Africa, cited, 685 Jones, Kennedy, Fleet Street and Downing Street, eited, 818 Jonson, Ben, poet, 265; on Shake- speare, 268; tomb of, 268; propa- gandist of colonies, 286 Joseph II, of Austria, 532, Hot Judicial Committee of Privy Coun- cil, see Privy Council. Journeymen, in craft gilds, 156 Jugoslavia, nation of, S41 Junius, 483, 519 “Junta,” The, 790 ff. Jury, trial by, 84f., 87, 93 Jusserand, J. J., English Wayfar- ing Life, cited, 184; Literary His- tory of English People, cited, 271; School for Ambassadors, eited, 271 Justiciar, office of, 61, 112 Justice, under Anglo-Saxons, A9 ff. Justices, itinerant, 938, 121 Justice of peace, under Elizabeth, 255; importance of, 528; and en- evangelical ColonizationINDEX Land tenure, in America and Eng- land. Sff.; influence of Norman Conquest on, 954; on manors, 71 ff.: under Edward I, 124 fr; in later middle ages, 176; under Elizabeth, 252: in New World, 994: in Australia, 681; in Ireland, (38 f. Lancaster, Parl of, 141 ff. Lancaster, Joseph, 526, 597 Laneashire, manufactures child labor in, 595 Lanfrane, Archbishop bury, 64 Langland, William, 168 f., 180 Langton, Stephen, Archbishop of Canterbury, 103; recognized by John, 105: threatens John, 106; mediates between John and barons, 107; suspended from office, 110 Laplace, French astronomer, 688 Laprade, W. T., Lngland and the French Revolution, cited, 9545, 579: Parliamentary Papers of John Robinson, cited, 548 7 in) 52455 of Canter- Larson. L. M., Canute the Great, eited. 51: King’s Household be- fore Norman Conquest, cited, 52 an £ Latin, use of, 163 Laud. William, Archbishop of Can- terbury, 303; refuses to be car- dinal. 304: and Scotland, 3005; sent to Tower, 307; executed, 307 Lauderdale, Duke of, see Maitland, John Laughton, J. K., Nelson, cited, 979 Larkin, James, 748, 751 f. Laurens, Henry, 496 Laurier, Sir Wilfrid, 768 ff. Lavoisier, French chemist, 689 Law. Bonar, and Ulster, 749; and Free State. 757; prime minister, 848 Law, William, 423 Law. and the king, 109f.; srowth of under Henry II, 120; making of in middle ages, 154; nature of under Edward I, 134; merchant, 154: in India, 474; Bentham on, 391- Austin’s definition, 632; re- form under Victoria, 715f. Laws, of Ethelbert of Kent, Ble ao's of Alfred the Great, 46; of KEd- ward the Confessor, 57; of the Forest, 67 Lawyers, rise of, 126; in Peasants’ Revolt, 182; temperament of, 794 391 - { Leadam, I. S., History of England 1702-1760, cited, 405, 4381, 455 League of Augsburg, 389 League of Cambray, 215 League of Nations, Canada member, 769: Australia member, 772; New Zealand member, and Brit- annie Commonwealth, 788; estab- lished, 841 ff. Learning, growth of, 162 ff. Leavitt, A. E., Black Death, cited, 184 Lecky, W. HE. H., History of Eng- land in Eighteenth Century, cited, A405. 431, 455, 485, 514, 548, 979; History of Ireland im Highteenth Century, cited, 579 Lee. Richard Henry, 476 Lee, Sidney, Life of William Shake- 979 ala were) a sities. speare, cited, Leeds, Duke of, 535 Lees. B. A., Alfred the Great, cited, rf «) oe) Legge, A. O., The Unpopular King, eited, 206 Legislative Assembly, of France, p42 Leicester, Earl of, see Dudley, Robert Leicester, founded, 73; meeting of barons at, 105 Leighton, Frederick, TOL Leonardo da Vinci, 195 Leopold, of Austria, 53D Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, 623, 639 Leslie, Cliff, 691 Levellers, views of, 324f.; propose Agreement of People, 326: sup- pressed, 354; and Jacobins, 543 Lever Brothers, 810 Leverrier, French astronomer, 688 Lewes, battle of, 117 Lewis, of Bavaria, 167 Lexington, battle of, 490 Liberal party, origin of, 642 Light Brigade, charge of, 704 Lilburne, John, 324, 327 Lilburne, Robert, 324 Linacre, Thomas, 204 f. Lincoln, borough founded, 73 Lingard, John, History of England, cited, 236, 272, 374 Linglebach, W. E., Merchant Adven- turers, 206 Lippi, Italian artist, 195 Lipson, E., Hconomic History of England, cited, 74, 188, 206 Liverpool, Earl of, see Jenkinson, Robert BanksROY Avery Companies, ivery a Lv]INDEX Macaulay, Zachary, 59¢ MaecCulloch, J. R., 637 Macdonald, Alexander, 390 Macdonald, John A., 767 ff. Macdonald, J. Ramsay, and Labor party, 798; pacifist, 848; prime minister, 849: as foreign secre- tary, 850; out of office, 850 Machiavelli, works of, 195 Machinery and shifting of popula- tion, 644 Mellwaine, C. H., Political Works of James I, cited, 296; American Revolution, cited, 485 MaclInnes, C. M., The British Com- monwealth and Unsolved Prob- lems, cited, T91 s McKechnie, W. S., Magna Carta, cited, 96, 108, 119; New Democ- racy and the Constitution, cited, 793, 818 Mackenzie, D. A., Ancient Man in Britain, cited, 52 Mackinnon, James, History of Hd- ward III, cited, 184; Constitu- tional History of Scotland, cited, 405 Mackintosh, James, 545, 598 f. Mackintosh, John, Scotland, cited, 144. MeLeod, Alexander, 666 MeNeill, John, 748, 750 MeNicol, Nicol, Making Modern India, eited, 791 Macpherson, James, 468 Maecquard, Perey, History of Eng- lish Furniture, cited, 485 Madeira Islands, 196 Madrid, congress at, 827 Magellan, voyage of, 249 Magna Carta, granted by John, 107; character of, 108; becomes a precedent, 108; and trial by jury, 109: and Habeas Corpus, 109; and parliament, 109; significance of, 109: annulled by Pope, 110; weakness of, 110; reissued, 112; and Henry III, 114; appealed to, sere 276 Magnates, The, rebellion of, 151; strife among, 185 ff.; disintegra- tion of, 190; restriction of, 191 Magyars, The, and the Irish, 748 Mahan. A. T., influence of, 789; Influence of Sea Power upon His- tory, cited, 404. 481, 450, 514: Influence of Sea Power wpon the French Revolution, cited, 579; QP72 LW. Maharattas, : a il tl ta ha ai th A RN tL i gl nm mae 893 Sea Power and War of 1812, cited, O19 , 441; under Hastings, 518; under Wellesley, 655; under Moira, 656 Maid of Norway, 129 Maine, Sir Henry, 691 Maine, boundary of, 666 Maitland, EF. W., cited, 15, 88, 126; work of, 766; and empire, 787 ; influence of, 804; Domesday Book and Beyond, cited, 52; Constitu- tional History of England, cited, 295 Maitland, F. W., and Montague, I’. C., Sketches of English Legal History, cited, 96 Maitland, F. W., see Pollock, F. E. Maitland, John, Duke of Lauderdale, 354 Majuba Hill, battle of, 777 Maleolm, King of Scotland, 57 Maletolte, 132 Mallock, W. H., 803 Malory, Thomas, 204 Malplaquet, battle of, 398 Malta, question of, 567; HSS Malthus, T. R., on education, 526; on population, 634; and Smith and Bentham, 635; and rent, 635; and second empire, 661; doctrines of, 691 Manchester, manufactures in, 574; ranal to, 575; board of health, 595: riot at, 613 Manchester Act, 436 Manchester School, and colonies, 781 Mandeville, John, Travels, 168 Mann, Tom, 797 Manning, Henry SO1 Manors, under Norman kings, 69 ff. Manufacturers, growth of, 524 ff.; General Chamber of, 525, 536; and relations with Ireland, 531 ff. ; and treaty with France, 536 ff. ; erowth of, 573 ff.; power of, 577; difficulties of, 613; interest of in sovernment, 620; power after re- form bill. 626; and economic doc- trine, 635 ff. Manufacturing, prohibited in colon- ies, 433; growth of, 609; in Napo- leonie wars, 610; and Indo-British relations, 653; in Ireland, 728 Maori, The, 681 Marches, The, under Edward I, 128 retained, Edward, 697 ff.,Merchants, Statute of, 183; under Edward I, 133; in middle ages, 154: of Italian cities, 159; of Hanseatic League, 159; and war with France, 219; promoters of colonization, 284 ff. ; under Charles Il. 367ff.: and Spanish trade 414: of colonies, 477 Mercia, earldom, 25; kingdom, 49 Merivale, Herman, 782 Merriam, C. E., and Barnes, H. E., History of Political Theories, eited, 818 Metcalfe, Sir Charles, in Canada, 678 Methuen Treaty, 402 Metternich, Austrian minister, 70: at Congress of Vienna, 586 f. ; and Pius IX, 664; and Eastern Ques- tion, 668 Mexico, 666 Meyer, A. O., England and Catholic Ohurch under Elizabeth, cited, PA (P2 Michael de la Pole, minister of Rich- ard II, 150 Middlesex, elections, 482 Milan, as center of trade, 192 Militia, embodiment of, 550 Millais, John Everett, 701 Mill, James, 612, 632, 637 Mill. John Stuart, disciple of Ben- tham and Ricardo, 637; views of, 688: on liberty, 693; influence of, SSO f. Mills, R. C., Colonization of Aus- tralia, 686 Milner, Sir Alfred, Lord Milner, in Egypt, 7d in South Africa, T7177 {.: England in Lgypt, cited, 791 Milton, John, propagandist of Crom- well, 317, 323; Latin secretary of Council of State, 323; advocates toleration, defends liberty, 832: works by, 361 Minorea. desired by Spain, 415; at- tacked by French, 451; retained, 459: ceded to Spain, 512 Minto. Lord, in India, 656 Mir Jafir, 444 f. Mitchell, S. K., Studies in Taxation under John and Henry III, cited, 119 Mogul Empire, 441 Mohammedans, overrun in India, 761 ff. Moira. Lord, Marquis of Hastings, in India, 656 6)'7 « Oual Bast, 192; INDEX Molasses Act, 276, 435, 437 Moldavia, 670 f. Molesworth, Sir William, 661 Molyneaux, William, 559 Monasteries, dissolved, 227 Money, increased use of, 176 ff. Monk, George, Duke of Albemarle, Cromwellian general, 341; in Scot- land, 342: defeats Lambert, 342; restores Long Parliament, 345; re- stores Charles II, 344; aims of, 347: Duke of Albemarle, 348; pro- prietor of Carolina, 364; and Hud- son’s Bay Company, 360; quoted, 368 Monmouth, Duke of, 358, 371 Monmouth’s Rebellion, 371 Monroe Doctrine, 589 Monroe, James, 589 Montagu, Edwin Samuel, 763 Montagu-Chelmsford Report, 763 Montague, Edward, Earl of Sand- wich, brings Charles II to Eng- land, 344; Earl of Sandwich, 348; patron of Pepys, 361 Montague, Elizabeth, 416 Montague, F. C., History of Eng- land 1603-1660, cited, 296, 318, 845: see also, Maitland, Ff. W. Montenegro, in Crimean War, 670; independent, 725; and wer with Turkey, 830 Montesquieu, 630 Montfort, Simon de, see Montfort Montrose, Duke of, 32 Moonan, G. A., see Hayden, Mary Moore, George, 745 Moore. Thomas, 731 Moral Pentarchy, 587 Morality plays, 267 More, Hannah, 466, More, Sir John, 205 More. Sir Thomas, cited, 189: edu- resigns office, 2295; Simon de H97 eation of, 205; executed, 225 Morgan, J. H., New Irish Constitu- tion. cited, 758 Morgan, W. T., Hnglish Political Parties and Leaders, cited, 405 Morley, John, and Irish question, 740 f.: and India, 761 ff.; resigns, 834: Walpole, cited, 431; Burke, cited, 485. 513, 547; Life of Glad- stone. cited, 726, 758 Morocco, question of, 825f., 828 Morris, William, 800 Morris, W. O., Wellington, cited, 579 ci lt tinnyINDEXINDEX New England Company, 286 Newcomen, Thomas, 574 Newfoundland, discovered, 250; fish- eries off, 290, 365; status of, 767 Newfoundland Company, 286 New Granada, 667 New Guinea, 920 New Hebrides Islands, 771 New Jersey, 369 Newman, John Henry, 699 ff. New Model Army, 315 New Orleans, battle of, 569 Newport, Captain Christopher, 286 Newspapers, origin of, 266 ; and the government, 547; promoted by ministers, 551; influence in gov- ernment, 816 f. New Stone Age in England, 29 Newton. A. P., article by, cited, 230; Colonizing Activities of Harly Pur- itans, cited, 296 Newton, A. W., English Elementary School, cited, 818 Newton, Sir Isaac, 361, 398, 688 Newton, William, 799 New York, 369 New Zealand, visited by Cook, 529; settled, 680f.; government of, 683: nationality in, 773; in World War, 773; League of Nations, 773: withdrawal of troops from, 782 Nicaragua, canal route, 667 Nicholas I, Tsar of Russia, 670 Nigel of Ely, 77 Nightingale, Florence, 720 Nile, battle of, 566 Noell, Martin, 366 Nootka Sound, dispute concerning, beans Norfolk, Thomas Norgate, Kate, Hngland under the Angevin Kings, cited, fiay Cle}, GRE Richard the Lion Heart, cited, 119: John Lackland, cited, 119; Minority of Henry ITI, cited, 119 Norman Conquest, influence of, 14, 52 ff.- method of, DS3dff.; and Duke of, see Howard, Church. 63 ff.; and organization of society, 69 ff. Normandy, founded, 15; feudalism in, 22: laws, 23; relations with England, 59 ff.; loss of, 102 Normans. visit Palestine, 17; laze Rome, 18; and Franks, 23 North. Frederick, Lord, 428; prime minister, 463; and empire, 472 ff. ; pil- 897 and India, 472; attempted concili- ation of colonies, 491 f.; difficul- ties of. 506; resigns, 508 f.; unites with Fox, 512; dismissed from of- fice, 521; and Ireland, 559; and Quebee Act, 675 Northampton, after Norman Con- quest, 74; Assize of, 93; spinning mill at, 573 North Carolina, 251 Northeott, C. H., Australian Social Development, cited, 791 Northern Star, The, 646 Northmen, invade Normandy, 10; visit “Spain, 16; social classes among, 16f.; religion of, 17; method of conquest, 22 f.; see also Seandinavians North Sea, fishing in, 339 Northumberland, earldom, 25; king- dom, 45 Northumberland, Duke of, see Dud- ley, John ote issue, privilege of, 649 Notestein, Wallace, Winning of Ini- tiative by House of Commons, cited, 318: Journal of Sir Simonds D’ Ewes, cited, 299 Nottingham, founded, 73 Nova Scotia, acquired, 401; loyalists in, 674 Novel disseisin, assize, 86 + N N Oastler. Richard, 646 Oates, Titus, 357 ff. O’Brien, James, 645, 647 Oceasional Conformity 400 Occleve, Thomas, 203 Ockham. William of, and Marsiglio of Padua, 166; writes against Church. 167; influences Wycliffe, Bill, 378 ) 172: works studied, 227 O’Connell, Daniel, agitates against union, 562; and Catholic Emanci- pation, 618; supports Melbourne, 338: and the Chartists, 645: and United States, 667f.; and Irish nationality, 730 ff.; in parliament, 731: trial, 732; and parliamentary reform, 744; and Cobden, TAG ; Morley on, 747; The Zimes on, PART (47 O’Connor, Feargus, and the Chart- ists, 645; and Northern Star, 646 ; character of, 647; in parliament, G47: decline of influence, 648 Odo of Bayeux, 5dithe ti nl INDEX 899 tation for reform, 645 ff.; reforms under Victoria, 706 ff.; Act of {AOI "Bi fe last sretorm, Sil: see also Long Parliament, Bar- bone Parliament, House of Lords, and House of Commons Parliament Act of 1911, 735, S14 Parnell, Charles Stuart, and Home Rule, 733; supports Salisbury, 133; and Gladstone, 734; the Times and, 234; and Land League, 740 ; and parliamentary procedure, T47 f. Parties, political, indefiniteness of, 403: under Walpole, 420; Pitt on, 460: Burke on, 484; after 1832, 642 f.: organized in constituencies, 712 ff.: state of, 816 f. Parsons. Jesuit priest, 243 Paterson, William, 391 f., 396 Patriotism, in Hundred Years’ War, 147: rise of, 207 ff.; under Eliza- beth, 268 ff.; in drama, 270; as force in army, 312; appealed to by Cromwell, 319 ff.; in American Revolution, 497 ff.; in French Revolutionary war, 549 ff.; in Napoleonic wars, 576 ff. : of poets, 601 ff.: and World War, 819 ff. Patten, S. N., Development of Eng- lish Thought, cited, 405, 602 Paul, Lewis, 573 Pavia, battle of, 219 Peace. desired by Palmerston, 663; desired before World - War, 819; problem of after World War, 838 ff. Peace (1815), character of. 580; league to enforce, 582) £7 nature of, 587 Pearse. Padraic, 748, 750, 752 Peasants’ Revolt, 179 ff. Pecock, Reginald, 205 Peel. Sir Robert the elder, 595 Peel, Sir Robert the younger, estab- lishes London police, 621; and re- form bill, 625; prime minister, 688: Tamworth Manifesto, 638 : and bedchamber question, 640; death. 643; and labor question, 644: and Bullion Act, 649; and repeal of Corn Laws, 650 f.; de- feated at Oxford, 698; tradition of, 706; and Catholic Emancipa- tion, 730; and Ireland, ou Peele, George, 266 Peers, creation of, 401: threatened creation of, 625, 813 Pelham, Henry, prime minister, 413; friend of Pitt, 452 Pelton, Frederick, see Overton, J. H., Pembroke. Earl of, see Aymer, Earl of Pembroke Pembroke. Earl of, see William the Marshal Penal laws, in Ireland, 55% Peninsular War, 5970 Penn. Sir William, 340 Penn, William, 365 Penty, A. J., 804 People’s Charter, The, 645 f: Pepys, Samuel, quoted, 35 of Royal Society, 361 Perceval, Spencer, 9/7, 599 Perey, Thomas, 465 Periodicals, rise of, 403 Perris. G. H., Industrial History of Modern England, cited, 615, 651, 725, 818 Persia. and Minto, 656; trouble with, 658; partition of. 826 f. Peterloo, 613 f. Peter the Great, 402 Peter des Roches, favorite of John, 104: justiciar, 106; minister of flenry III, 112; Bishop of Win- chester, 112; death, 112 Peter of Savoy, 113 Peter’s Pence, 170, 172, 225 Petit-Dutaillis, Charles, Studies and Notes Supplementary to Stubbs, cited, 7d Petitions, in early parliaments, 161 Petition of Right, 302 f. Petty assizes, The, 86 f. Petty jury, 89 Petrarch, 195 Philip Augustus, rival of Henry II, 76: goes on Crusade, 98; and Richard, 99f.; and John, 100, 102: takes Normandy, 102; threatens to invade England, 104 Philip of Hesse, OA Philip II, King of Spain, marries Mary, 2338; proposes to Elizabeth, ) 3: member 233 925: refused by Elizabeth, 240 ; position in Europe, 246; at war with England, 257 ff.; Armada of, DE (eit Philip IIT, and Edward I, 2G Philip IV. King of France, MO Philip V, King of Spain, 414 Philip, John, 684 Philips, W. Alison, Revolution in Ireland, cited, 758INDEXPortugal, and Edward I, 196; ex- ploration from, 196 ff.; colonial elaims of, 248; treaty with, 340; in South Africa, 777 Possessory assizes, 86 Potato famine, in Ireland, 651 Pottery, in eighteenth century, 471 Povey, Thomas, 366 Powder, use of in Hundred Years’ War, 147 f. Powicke, F. M., Loss of Normandy, cited, 96, 119 Poynings, Sir Edward, 556 Poynings’ Law, 556, 560 Poynter, Edward John, 701 Praecipe, writ, 87 109 Praemunire, Statute of, 171, Pragmatie Sanction, 415 Pratt, Chief Justice, Lord Camden, 460 226 Prayer Book, under Edward Vl, 921 .: under Elizabeth, 242; un- der Charles II, 351 Pre-Raphaelites, 701 Presbyterians, beginning of, 259; in sae Seotland, 275; and James 2d ‘n Civil War, 314 ff.; in Crom- well’s parliament, 333 ; in Conven- tion Parliament, 347: under Charles II, 351; in Scotland, 388 ; in Ireland, 557 Press, The, taxed, 611 Pretender, The, birth of, 372: legiti- macy questioned, 2376; expelled from France, 402; and Boling- broke, 407; invades Scotland, 408 Pretoria, Treaty of, 778 Price, David, 289 Price, Dr. Richard, 900, 523, 543 Pride, Colonel Thomas, 316 Priestley, Dr. Joseph, 631, 689 Prime minister, origin of office, 497 f.: in nineteenth century, 641 f. Prinee of Wales, origin of title, 126 Prior, Matthew, 395 Privy Council, rise of, 201 ff.; un- der Tudors, 212f.; under Eliza- beth. 261: under Charles Le 249 ff.: and Popish Plot, 357 ; and eolonies, 367; in Seotland, 388; and colonies, 395; and trade with United States, 531; and govern- ment of Ireland, 596; Court of Tieclesiastical appeal, 699; and Church, 700, 716; and education, Alyy 901 Privy Seal, origin of, 1388; use of, 141 Proclamation, against seditious writ- ings, 049 Propaganda, Elizabeth, under °66 ff.: for colonization, 286 ff. ; under Cromwell, 328 ff.: under Amnes = 40atGe Dy commercial groups, 439; for eolonies, 439; in late eighteenth century, 517; in French Revolutionary war, 551 ff.: in Napoleonic Wars, 576 ff.: for woman’s suffrage, 815; importance of, 816 f. Property, under Charles and suftrage, TO6f., 712 Propositions of Newcastle, Sue We ote Prothero, G. W., Simon de Mont- fort, cited, 119 Prothero, R. E., English Farming, cited. 271, 481, 548, 615 Provisions of the Barons, 116 Provisions of Oxford, 115, 117 Provisors, practice of, 171 Prussia, alliance with, 530° at war with France, 535; abandons war, 565: national feeling in, 5702 at Congress of Vienna, 586 ff.; and Crimean War, 669; see also Ger- many Prynne, John, 304 Public Health and Dwellings Act, 719 Public opinion under Walpole, 412 ff.. 418; Chatham’s view of, 482 £.: in colonies, 487; under younger Pitt, 544 ff. ; and Palmer- ston, 664; in Ireland, 736; influ- ance Ok, SOGiiN LD) avOrid War, 837 f. Pulteney, William, Earl of Bath, 411. 418, 429 Purcell, Henry, 360, 468 . Puritans, The, rise of. 259: coloni- zation of, 293 ff. ; Charles I and, 201: Sabbatarians, 304; and the stage, 467 Pusey, Edward Bouverie, 699 f. Putting-out system, HTD Pym, John, parliamentary leader, 306: political views of, 308, 311; and House of Lords, 809: death, 312 Quarterly Review, 611 Quebec, captured, 454 673: of Quebee Act, 1774, 489 f., | 1791, 545, 660, 675 ff.Robert, son of William I, 56f, Roberts, Lord, 751 Robertston, C. G., England under the Hanoverians, cited, 431, 455, 485, 013, 548, 578, 579 Robertson, William, 465, 471 Robinson, Howard, Development of British Empire, cited, 685 791 Robinson, John, 490, 508, 511, 520 f., O24 Rochambeau, Marquis de, 497 Roches, Peter des, see Peter des Roches Rockingham, Marquis of, prime min- ister, 461; out of office, 462: and Mast India Company, 473; repeals Stamp Act, 477; opposes King, 482; and reform, 498 ff.: and Chatham, 502; favors American independence, 507; prime minis- ter, 509; death, 510 Rockow, Louis, Contemporary Po- litical Thought, cited, 818 Rodney, Admiral, 497, 511 Roebuck, John Arthur, 637, 645 Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, 67, 77 91 Rogers, Sir Frederic, 782 Rohillas, and Hastings, 518 Rollo, Norman chieftain, 15, 23 Roman Catholic Church, see also Chureh; strength of, 226; and Elizabeth, 242 ff.; and coloniza- tion, 248; and James I, 275; and Charles I, 301; and Convention Parliament, 347; under Clarendon, 300; attempt to restore, 354 ff.; under James II, 371 ff.: debarred from throne, 378; in Scotland, o90; in Quebec, 489 f.: relief of proposed, 504 f.; in French Revyo- lution, 541 ff.; in Ireland, 558 ff. : and Irish union, 562; rights of, 600; emancipation in Ireland, 618; and Napoleon III, 669; in Canada, 673 ff.:; and marriage, 718; in Ireland, 721 ff.; and Irish nationality, 730 ff. Roman Empire, Christianity in, 16 Roman law, study of, 79; and Glan- vill, 88 Romans, and Celts, 31; build roads, ol; build walls, 31; and agricul- ture, 33; and towns, 73 Rome, pillaged by Normans, 18 Romilly, Sir Samuel, 593, 632 Root and Branch Petition, 308 } , INDEX 903 Roscoe, BE. S., Growth of English Law, cited, 96 Rose, J. H., William Pitt and Na- tional Revival, cited, 548; Wil- liam and the Great War, cited, O19 Rosebery, Lord, 734 Roses, Wars of, 185 ff. Rosetti, Dante Gabriel, 701 Round, J. H., Feudal England, cited, 96; Commune of London, cited, 99 Rowlatt, Mr. Justice, 763 Royal Academy of Arts, 469 Royal African Society, 366 Royal Colonial Institute, 783 Royal Society, organized, 361; and transit of Venus, 525 tuling class, influence on institu- tions, 4; new type of, 201; under William and Mary, 375, 399; un- der Anne, 408; in Napoleon’s time, 419 ff.; in eighteenth cen- tury; O00 fT in india. 559° changing character of, 577: in French wars, 577; change of, 619 ff.; composition of, 626, 637; after 1832, 648 f. Rump, The, 317 ff.; dispersed by Cromwell, 328; restored, 342 Runie alphabet, 42 Runnymede, 113 Rupert, Prince, 356, 366 Rush, Richard, 666 Rush-Bagot Agreement, 666 Ruskin, John, 700 ff. Russell, John, Duke of Bedford, 458, 461 Russell, Lord John, and repeal of Test Act, 600; and reform bill, 623 ; and Chartists, 648; and Corn Laws, 650; and dismissal of Pal- merston, 665; and Eastern Ques- tion, 670; and Canada, 676 f.;: re- tires, 705 f.; and registration of voters, 708; succeeds Palmerston, 709;. and education, 717: and American Civil War, 721 Russia, trade with, 250; armament against, 9535; ally of England, 066; and America, 589; war with, 658; and Palmerston, 663; and Crimean war, 669 ff.: war with Turkey, 724 ff.; and India, 759 f.; British national enemy, 788; alliance with France, 788: in Asia, 790; war with Japan, 791; and disarmament, 822:305; go to colonies, 391; 128 Scott, John, Lord Eldon, 577 Scott, Sir Walter, 600f., 611 Seott, Sir William, 465 Seotus, John Duns, 166 Seudder, Vida D., Social Ideals in English Letters, cited, 404, 725, SO1, 818 Seriptures, The, Henry VIII and, 223 ff—.: study of encouraged, 228; appealed to by Puritans, 959 ; authorized version of, 265 Scutage, 66f., 102 Seagrave, Stephen, 112 Seals, use of, 61 Seapower, of Scandinavians, 16; be- vinning of, 201; under Elizabeth, 256 ff.;: under William III; 5386; and French wars, 552; in Napo- leonic wars, 569 Search, right of, 568, 666 f. Sebastopol, siege of, 671 Security, Act of, 392 Seebohm, Frederic, Oaford Reform- ers, cited, 236 Seeley, J. R., and the empire, 784; Growth of British Policy, cited, 271, 295, 3874, 405; Hapansion of England, cited, 455 Selborne, Lord, in South Selden, John. 3802, 339 Senegal, acquired, 459 Senior, William Nassau, 628, 644 Senlae, see Hastings Sepoys, 658 Serbia, in Crimean War, 671; inde- pendent, 725; national feeling in, 828 ff.; in Balkan wars, 8380; and Austria Hungary, 8382 ff. Seton-Watson, R. W., Zudor Studies, eited, 206, 2385 Settlement, Act of, 377 Seven Years’ War, 447 ff.; influence on British Empire, 479 Sevres, Treaty of, 843 Seymour, Charles, Hlectoral Reform in England and Wales, 726 Seymour, Edward, regent of Edward Vile 2307 Seymour, Jane, 229 Shaftesbury, Lord, thony Ashley Shah Jehan, 44] Shakespeare, William, Henry V, 151; character of Henry VI, 151: origin of Falstaff of, 175; national feeling in plays of, Africa, 779 692, see Cooper, An- character of INDEX in Ulster, 905 207 f.; lyric poet, 265; in Lon- don, 267; work of, 268; spirit of plays of, 269f.; plays in eight- eenth century, 467; and as 802 Shakespeare’s England, cited, 272 Shantung, question of, 842 Sharp, Granville, 505, 593 Shaw, George Bernard, 802 Shaw, W. A., Hnglish Church dur- ing Civil War, ete., cited, 318, 345 Sheep-raising, increase of, 252; in Australia, 680 Shelburne, Lord, in Johnson’s eirele, 465; leader of Chatham’s party, 004; secretary of state, 510; quar- rels with Fox, 510; prime minis- ter, 910; lack of political ability, 511; negotiates peace, 511 ff. Shelley, Perey Bysshe, 607 ff. Shelley, P. V. D., English and French in England, cited, Shepherd, W. R., Historical Atlas, cited, 135 28. 52) (be Os ish NSE 2065) 2565 aie 296, 318, 374, 405, 4381, 455, 485, 514, 548, 579, 616, 652, 686, 726, 792, 851 Sheraton, Thomas, 469 Sheridan, R. B., 505, 569, 577 Sheriff, The, in Anglo-Saxon times, 49; ferm of, 67, 92; duties under Normans, 67; under Henry II, 92 f.; choice of in London, 360; decline of, 528 Shire court, 49 Shires, qualification for suffrage in, 162 Short Parliament, The, 305 Shuttle, improvement of, 572 Sicily, crown of accepted by Ed- mund, 114 Sidgwick, W. T., and Tyler, H. W.., Short History of Science, cited, 129 founded, 526 war with, 656 Silesia, claimed by Frederick II, 416 Simeon, Charles, 593 Simon de Montfort, the elder, 114 Simon de Montfort, leader of barons, 113 ff.; comes to England, 114; in Poitou, 114; on Crusade, 114; member of rebel ministry, 115; and Edward I, 116; quarrels with Gloucester, 116; ealls knights and burgesses, 117; at head of gov- ernment, 117; defeat and death, 117; ally of Llewelyn, 127 Sidney, Sikhs,906 INDEX Sinclair, John, 6959 Property against Republicans and Sinde, ; Wellesley, HO6 Levellers. 507 Sinking F1 Pitt's, 323 ty f Promoting Sinn Féin } lized, 748 rrowth of, (04 ff. Six Acts, 60Y Six Articles, Seymour Robert {)t)INDEX Spencer, Herbert, 699 ff. Spencer, John George, Earl Spencer, 563 Spender, Harold, ister, cited, 851 Spender, J. A., Life of Campbell- Bannerman, cited, 818 Spiegel, van der, Grand Pensionary of Zealand, 533 Spinning, process of, 572 f. Spinning Jenny, invented, 573 Sport, regulation of, 601 Sports, Declaration of, 304 The Prime Muin- Strafford, Earl of, see Wentworth, ‘Thomas Stamford, founded, 73; cloths of, 158 Stamford Bridge, battle of, 27 Stamp Act, 459, 461, 476 f. Stanhope, James, Earl Stanhope, secretary of state, 408; organizes South Sea Company, 409; death, 410: and retention of Gibraltar, 414 Staple, Ordinance of, 157 Staple, The, location of, 158 Staple, Merchants of, 158 Star Chamber, Court of, origin, 191, 202: under Elizabeth, 262; in bad repute, 304; abolished, 306 State, The, and nation, 214; grow- ing power of, 214; supremacy over church, 248; power of under Elizabeth, 253; under Cromwell, 231: and education, 810 f. States General, of France, 540 f. Stationers Company, 265 Statute of Acton Burnell, 133 Statute de Haeretico Comburendo, 174 Statute 254 Statute of Laborers, 178, 180 Statute of Merchants, 133 Statute of Mortmain, 124, 170 Statute of Provisors, 171 Statute of Rhuddlan, 128 Statute of Westminster, 124 f. Statute of Winchester, 125 Steam engine, improved, 574 Steele, Richard, 403 f., 409 Stein, in Russia, 586 Stenton, F. M., William the Con- queror, cited, 28, 75 Stephen, King of England, 58 ff. ; and the Church, 79 Stephens, H. M., see Adams, G. B. Stephens, Joseph Rayner, 646 of Labor and Apprentices, 907 Stephens, Leslie, History of English Thought in Highteenth Century, cited, 431 Stephens, W. R. W., English Church from Conquest, Ete., cited, 75, 96, 119 - Stephenson, George, 975 Stephenson, HH: TT, & Shakespeare’s London, 272 Stigand, 26, 64 Stone, Gilbert, England from Ear- liest Times, cited, 28, 52, 75, 96 Stonehenge, 29 Stop of Exchequer, 397 Stow, John, 265 Stowell, Lord, see Scott, Sir Wil- liam Strachey, Lytton, Queen Victoria, cited, 652, 726; Eminent Victo- rians, cited, 726 Strongbow, see Clare, Richard de Stuart, Henry, Earl of Darnley, 244 Stuart, John, Lord Bute, tutor of George III, 456; member of cab- inet, 457; prime minister, 458; retires, 459 Stuart, Robert, Viscount Castle- reagh, in Ireland, 562; minister, 577: and war against Napoleon, 578: at Congress of Vienna, 581 ff.; and league for peace, 582 ff.: and Holy Alliance, 583; and slave trade, 585; character of, 585 f.; dislike of clamor, 586; and Eastern Question, 588 f.; sui- cide, 589; Byron on, 607; and Wellesley, 656 Stubbs, William, cited, 220; Con- stitutional History of England, cited, 75, 96, 119, 145; Seventeen Lectures, cited, 235 Submarines, use of, 835 ff. Suecession to the crown, question of, under Henry VIII, 219f.; after Henry VIII, 229; and Northumberland, 232; after Eliza- beth, 260; under Charles II, 2357 ff.: settlement at Revolution, 376: after Anne, 401 ff. Sudan, The, England in, 774 ff. Sudbury, Chancellor, 181 Suez Canal, acquired, 723, 774; and Cape of Good Hope, 776 Suffolk, Duke of, see Brandon, Charles Suffrage, early qualification for, 162: in eighteenth century, 500 f. ; after 1832, 626; changing view of,INDEX Tout, T. F., Chapters in Medieval Administrative History, cited, 119, 145: Place of Edward II in His- tory, cited, 140, 145; History of England from Accession of Henry IIT, cited, 145, 184; Hngland and France in Middle Ages and Now, cited, 183 Tower of London, built, Towns, under Romans, begin- nings of, 73 ff.; growth of, 152 ff. ; characters of, 152 f.; and gilds, 156 Townshend, Townshend, 408; resigns, fice, 410; Townshend, culture, 418 Townshend, Charles, the exchequer, 463, Townshend, ‘Thomas, 526 Toynbee, Arnold, 801 Toynbee Hall, 801 Tracts for the Times, 699 ff. Trade, in early England, 30; growth of, 152 ff.;: with East, 192; spirit of, 193 ff.: growth of; 193 ff.; and Crusades, 194; and accumulation of wealth, 194: and art, 194 ff. ; under Cromwell, 336 ff.; with East, 337: under Elizabeth, 248 ff.: philosophy of, 280 ff.; with Bast, 289 ff.: and Charles II, 363 ff.: under William and le 304 ff: with America, 433 ff.; in Hudson Bay region, 446; with eolonies, 476 ff.; changing doc- trines of, 535 ff.; in Ireland, 560; with Spanish colonies, 570; in French wars, 5D71ff.: changing view of, 600; at end of war, 610 ff.; in Canada, 768; and doc- 6S a, io, Viscount of state, returns to of- 412; Turnip improves agri- Charles, secretary 409 : resigns, ANF. ehancellor of 478 Lord Sidney, trines of empire, 786 fF: of Ger- many, 790; of world, 890 Tee In World War, 836 Trade Boards Act, 809 Trade Disputes Act, 798 Trade unions, legalized, 596; pun- ishment of members of, 645; growth of, 794; funds of, 796 Trade Union Congress, 797 ff. Trafalgar, battle of, 568 Trafalgar Square, 568, 710 Traill, H. D., Social England. cited, 52: Lord Strafford, cited, 318; William ITI, cited, 405 909 Transportation, improved, 5795 Transubstantiation, 174, 378 Transvaal, founded, 684 f.; annexed, 776; recognized, 777 Treason, definition of, 306, 553 Treasurer, early office, 48; remun- eration of, 61 Treasury, seized by Henry I, 957; under Henry II, 91 Trek, of Boers, 684 Trent, Council of, 2438 Trevelyan, G. M., England in Age of Wycliffe, cited, 184; Hngland Under Stuarts, cited, 296, 318, 845, 373, 404, 405; Clio, a Muse, eited, 615: Lord Grey of the Re- form Bi ll. eited, 579, 652: British History in the Nineteenth Cen- tury, cited, 548, 578, 615, 601, 685, 726, 758 Trevisa, John, 168 Trial, by ordeal, 49f.; compurga- tion, 50; jury, 108 f. Trinidad, acquired, 567; retained, OSD Triple Alliance, origin of, 788 Tripoli, acquired by Italy, 829 f. Trivithick, Richard, 575 Tromp, Dutch admiral, 339 Troppau, Congress of, 588 Trotter, R. G., Canadian Federation, eited, 792 Troyes, Treaty of, 148 Tudor, Owen, 190 Tudors, and national feeling, 209 ff. ; and parliament, 212; and Privy Council, 212 f.; and navy, 256 Tull, Jethro, 418, 527 Tin, see village community Turberville, A. S. T., and Howe, I’. A., Great Britain in the Latest Age, cited, 818 Turgot, French minister, 495, 633 Turkey, ally of England, 566; and Crimean War, 668 ff.: war with tussia, 724: and Congress of Ber- lin, 725; and India, 762; revolu- tion in, 827: war with Italy, 829 f.: and Balkan states, 830; in W arid War, 835 Turkey Company, The, 285 Turner, EF. R., articles by, cited, 431; Ireland and England, cited, 579, 758 Turner, J. M. W., 700 f. Turning lathe, improved, 574 Tuscany, in French war, 569 Two Acts, 609INDEX e Sidgwick, W. T. ‘itch. ee an F Parlig- Lingland in America. rentary > 7 513. 548.Wakefield, Edward Gibbon, 680 Wales, conquered 127 ff.; Church to England, 129; England, 230; lished, 818 f. y Edward I, Tesi merged Church Wallace, Alfred Russell, Wallace, William, Wallachia, in Crimean Wallas, Graham, 802; uae of Place, - Social Heri- cited, 615, 652: tage, cited, 818 ) Waller, Edmund, 335 Walls, Roman, 3] Walpole, Robert, 404; broke, 407 f.: sent to minister of George War, and Tower, I, signs, 409; opposes 417 ff.: financial 411 ff.: with character reforms, political methods, 419 ff.; and ecah- inet, 427; prime minister, fear of impeachment, censorship of stage, art, 470 Walpole, Spencer, land, eited, 615, 467 History of Eng- 552. 686 Walsingham, Sir Francis, Walter, Hubert, 88, 101 f. Walter, John, 5d51 War. influence of 580: dislike of, 582: difficulties following, War of Liberation, 570 Wardrobe, keeper Edward I, 138 f.: 141 Wardship, 66 Wars of Roses, 185 ff. ‘ Warsaw, duchy of, Warwick, Earl of, see Dudley, and Neville, Richard Washington, George. 448; at Braddock’s defeat, American 491; in American Revolution, commander of Waterloo, battle of, Watt, James, 574 Watts, G. F., 701 Watts, Isaac, 424 peacemakers 'S eost of, 5 609 62 : controller sent to West, Wealth, accumulation of, 2 tribution of, 811 f. Weaving, process of, ot2 f. ministers, 409; reorganizes government, and Queen Caroline, cise Bill, 412; war 413; Earl of Oxford, 413; policy of, 414 ff.; INDEX 911 Webb, Beatrice, 802 Webb, Sidney, 802 Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, His- tory of Trade Unionism, cited, 615, 652, 818; Industrial Demec- racy, cited, 818 Webster-Ashburton Treaty, 666 Webster, C. K., Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, cited, 615 Wedgewood, Josiah, potter, 471 ff. ; and manufacturers, 525; and treaty with France, 536 Wedgewood, Dr. Thomas, 471 Wellesley, Arthur, Duke of Well- ington, in Spain, 570; in France, o(0; supported by Castlereagh, 918; at Waterloo, 581: at Con- gress of Vienna, 581 ff.; favors re- lief of France, 587; prime min- ister, S90f.; political views of, 618; and Catholic Emancipation, 618: and Near Hast, 618; re- signs, 619; and Belgian question, 621 f.; and reform of parliament, 622; and reform bill, 625: tem- porary prime minister, 63 opinion of royal Dukes, 639; and Chartists, 647; and reform of army, 720; and Catholic Eman- cipation, 730 - eoerces L[reland, 732 Wellesley, Richard, Marquis Wel- lesley, in India, 655 f. Wellington, Duke of, see Wellesley, Arthur Wells, H. G., 808 Wendell, Barrett, Temper of Seven- teenth Century, cited, 271, 345, ‘prere> Otlo Wentworth, Peter, 262 Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Straf- ford, made sheriff, 801; parlia- mentary leader, 302; minister of Charles I, 303; president of Coun- cil of North, 305; in Ireland, 305: impeached, 306; attainted, 306; in Ireland, 557 Wertenbaker, T. J., Planters in Colonial Virginia, cited, 295; Vir- ginia under the Stuarts, cited, 296, 345 Wesley Charles, 422, 424 Wesley, John, type of his time, 417; at Oxford, 422; opinion ot Church, 422; in America, 423: Tory, 424; and Dr. Johnson, 465; influence of, 697 Westminster, Treaty of, 370, 450 Westminster Confession, 390INDEXseeks annulment of King’s mar- riage, 222; failure of diplomacy of, 228; arrested, 224 Woman suffrage, 814 ff. Women’s Social and Political Union, 815 Woodfall, Sampsoh, 504 Woodstock, Assize of, 95 Woodville, Elizabeth, 186 ff. Woodville, John, 186 Wool, duties on, 132; export of, 157 Woolen manufacturers, influence of, 436 Worcester, battle of, 32 Wordsworth, William, 602 ff. World War, and Irish question, (44: f= Canada’ in; (G69) and Egypt, 775; and empire, 788; and education, Sll; and extension of suffrage, 814; and women, 815; and national feeling, 819 ff.; out- break of, 819 ff.; end of, 838 ff. ; effects of, 845 ff. Worsley, coal mines at, 575 Wren, Sir Christopher, 360 f. Writs, use of, 87, 126; of summons to parliament, 136 Wyatt, John, 572 Wycliffe, John, and English lan- guage, 164; at Oxford, 164; and Grossteste, 165; and Bradwardine, 168; and John of Gaunt, 168; op- INDEX 913 and endow- accepts poses claims of Pope, 172; Ockham, 172; attacks ments of Church, 1738; Seriptures as authority, 174; sends out poor preachers, 174; and Peasants’ Revolt, 180; works studied Wylie, J. H., cited, 184 Wyndham, George, 735 Wyndham, William, 741 Wyvill, Christopher, 504 Reign of Henry V, Yeats, William Butler, 748 York, Duke of, son of George III, 638 York, Duke of, see Edward, of, and Richard, Duke of York, school at, 44 Yorkshire, settlement of Scandina- vians in, 46; Norman Conquest in, 54; Glanvill sheriff, 88; birth- place of Wycliffe, 167 Young, Arthur, 526 Young Ireland, 731 Ypres, cloth trade of, 158 Duke Zaglul, Egyptian leader, 775 f. Zollverein, 665 Zulus, 684 Zwingli, 2382ALDERMAN LIBRARY OU] | DUE 75 wpy-2-7-4961