,
	COORDINATOR OF INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
	Office for Emergency Management
	Washington, D. C.
NO.	SI-T-2	RESEARCH DIVISION
DATE: 2/15/44	
MOISES SAENZ: ,THE PERUVIAN INDIAN
Translated by the Staff of
THE. STRATEGIC INDEX OF THE AMERICAS
FOREWORD
Preliminary to the-classification and filing of basic information on the peoples and regions>Of Latin America, the staff of the Strategic Index of the Americas prepared complete trans-. lations of some 300 foreign-language books and articles. For the benefit of those who may not have access to the notes in the Strategic Index files, a number of the more important translated sources are being made available in mimeographed'form.
Moises Saenz' The Peruvian Indian (Sobre el indio peruanoey su incorporaciOn al medio nacional. Publicaciones de la Secretaria de EducaciOn PlIblica, Mexico, 1933.) is pertinent both to program planning and to academic research.. Based on first hand observation and on extensive Indianist literature, the book is indispensable in understanding the life and problems of the vast majority of the Peruvian population--the millions of Aymara and Quechua-speaking Indians of the highlands. Saenz surveys their history, their economic, cultural, and social institutions, their role in the land and labor systems of Perul and the government's-educational and legislative efforts in their behalf. An eminent student of Indian problems and a man of sympathetic insight, Saenz travelled through the highlands of Peru, talking with Indians, Cholos and Mestizos, visiting their homes and farms, watching them at work, listening to their conversations, asking questions and observing their attitudes toward each other and toward their landowning employers. His intimate accounts of individuals, communities and schools impart life and' vigor to the general descriptions.
1T
he Strategic Index of the Americas is a project established at Yale University under authorization of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs. The purpose of this project is to assemble and to classify systematically basic data on the other American republics, As material is incorporated in the files of the Strategic Index it becomes available in the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, Duplicate copies of this translation, as well as glossaries, maps, bibliographies, and reports based on material in the• files of the Strategic Index, may be obtained for official use by applying to the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, Research Division, Republic 7500, Extension 5573.
ii
Born in Monterrey on the 16th of February, 1888 of middle class parents, Sdenz attended normal school at Jalapa,. received his bachelor's degree at Jefferson College, his master's and doctoral degrees at Columbia University, and continued his formal education at the Sorbonne. As Subsecretary of Public Education in Mexico he vas responsible for the creation of new systems of rural and secondary schools, and of the famous cultural missions in the Indian regions. He also drew up the project for the establishment of the Office of Indian Affairs. In 1931 he founded the first experimental Indian station.. in Michoacan. He was president of the Comnittee for Indian Investigation, and vas commissioned by his government to make studies of the Indian problem in Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia. His reports of these investigations were embodied in two volumes, one on the Indian of Ecuador, the other on the Indian of Peru. Sttenz served as Yexican Yinister to Ecuador,
to Denmark, and	Peru. He .:was serving as the first Ambassador to Peru at the time" of his death which came suddenly. on October 24, 1941, the very day that saw the permanent establishment of the Inter-American Indian Institute and tfle realization-of one of his most ardent and important labors 2
_
For more complete biographical.informatien,csee articles.in
Boletin Indigenisa, Vol. I., No. 2. Mexico, 19141.
2
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter		Page
		
EXPLANATORY NOTE 	 '1
y	•	' 7.7
I. GENERAL REMARKS, PHYSICAL AND HUMAN GEOGRAPHY,	
HISTORY 	• 	 ..... . - .	•	
1. The COUntry-and.Its.Inhabitants
Populatia.:Troportion.of the Constituent
Groups, 5.- 'Economy, 6, Regionalism, _7.
Peruvian "Duality," -8.:
2.	Prehistoric Cultures 	. • •	• • •
Two Theories on the DevelapMeht. -of-Prar1WM%	.
Cultures,„ 11. .Development of Andean Culture 4 According-tO-Telle,1 12.. The Cultural Develop.-ment According tollans, 13.
3. The Inca Empire 	
The Origins of the Inca	'14. The
Imperial Dynasty„15, The Four Regions of
theEmpire, 15, The Imperial Politics, 16.
How the Empire Vas Consolidated, 17. Insti-
tutions of the Empire: Social Hierarchies,-18.
Incan Collectivism, 19. The Yitimaes, 20.
Regulation of Labor .and Socialization of
Wealth, 20. Censuses, Roads, Post Houses, and Irrigation Projects, 21. Incan "Communism," 23. The Incaic and Aztec Civilizations Compared, 25,
II. THE PERUVIAN INDIAN IN MODERN TIES  	26
1. The Indian Comunidad   	•	
Towns around Cuzco, 26. Tbwns along the:. Oroya Railroad: Lima, Cerro de Pasco, Jauja and Buna, 27, The Town of Chupaoa, 27. The TaWn'of La Punta, 28. ,Types of Comunidades, according to Castro Poz;'28.' Comunidad Types according to Valdez de la Torre, 29. Political and Administrative Organization of the Comunidades, 30.; Historic Evolution of the Indian Camunidad, 31. The Ayllu: Its Bonds and Characteristics, 31. Colonial Policy and the'Camunidades,,32. Government of the Reducciones, 32. Comnarion between Colonial and Pre-Hispanic Indian Comunidades, 33. Indian Comunidades during the'Republic, 34.
2. Houses, Furniture and Household .Utensils-,- e• 16
A House in La Punta, 36. Houses of HUancan,
in the Vicinity of Huancayo, 37. Houses in
Huanta, 37. Houses around Cuzco, 38.
iii
B-1132-P3-BU
•	•	26..
iv	'Page	
Chapter		
3. Nutrition.		
		38
Diet of the Huancayo Indians, 38. Indian Diet in Huanta, 39. Indian Diet in Cuzco, 39. Diet during the Empire, 40. General Observations Concerning Diet, 40.
Dress and -Ornaments  ' •
Wearing Apparel in the Jauja Valley, 41. Clothes in the Huanta Valley, 41. Clothes in the Department of Cuzco, 42. Clothes of the Cholo Indian Women of the Jauja Valley, 42.
5. The Family	 143
Typical Cases, 10. Marriage Practices, 45. Wedding Gifts, 46. The Woman's Role, 147. Sexual Norms and Marriage Ethics, 47. The Family Problem, 48. Child Donation and Servitude, 48.
6. The Indian and the Land	 49	•
The Rural Scone in Jauja, 49. La Puna, 50. Farming Implements and Methods of Cultivation, 50. The Animistic Attitude of the Indian toward the Land, 51. Property Ownership in Pre-Hispanic Times, 52-. The Land System-in-the Vice.regal Epoch; Evolution of the Concept of Private Property, 52.
7. Domestic Industries and Occupations	 55
Cases Observed in the JaujaV'alley,.55. Household Industries in Huanta, 55, General Observations .on, Indian Industry, 59.
8. Decorative Arts and Crafts'    ..e 59 Textile Technique 60.
9. Commerce and FairS'   61
Cattle Merchants in Euancan, 61. The Huancayo Fair, 61. Pricesof-Articles of Prime,Neces-sity, 62. The Indian and Trade, 63. The Unbusinesslike Indian, 63.
10. Their Emotional Life	 614
Religion, 64. Music and the Dance, 65,
11. Intoxication and the Use of Coca	 66
141
V
Chapter	Page
III. THE INDIAN AND TEE NATION  	69
1. The Indian and Agricultural Economy 	69
Colonial Feudalism id Republican Liberalism, 69. The Evolution of. Indian Rural Property During the Republic, 71. Modern Feudalism; Latifundia and Gamonalismo, 71. The Latifundia on the Coast, 72. The Latifundia 'in the Sierra, 72. Gamonalismo, 74. How the Indian is Despoiled of His Land, 78. Cases of Gamonalism Cited by the "The Patrons of the Indian Race," 76-. The Laranarca Case, An Instance of Ganoralist Excesses,' 7'6. The Hacienda vs. the-Comuniaag, 77. Comuneros and Colonos, 78. Indian Uprisings, O. The Solutions Proposed for the Agrarian Problem, 81. Protection of the Comunidades, 82. The Breaking up of the Latifundia, 83. Division of Pasacancha, 83. An Opinion. on the Policy of Apportionment, BI.. Another T'ethod, of Reform: The Return to Communism, PR
-4.
2. The Indian-and the, State, 	85
Outline of the Political Organization of the Country, 85. The Public Duties of the
Indians, 85. The Juridical-Legal Situation, 87. An Outline of Peruvian Legislation Concerning the Indians, 88. Three Civil Instruments for the Protection and Betterment of the Indian: The Bureau of Indian Affairs, 91; El Patronato de La Raza Indl:gena, 92; The Office of Indian Education, 92,
3. The Indian and the School 	.93.
Observations of,a-GeneralCharacter on the School System, 93. The School Situation.in Huancayo, 94. Random rotes ori the Schools, 95. The Schools and the Indian Masses, 97. A Noteworthy Case of Working with the Conunidad: The School at Chumo, 97. The Indian School Movement and the Bureau of Indian Education, 100. Three Special Schools for Indians, 101. The Rural School of Soccoscocha, 101. The Cuzco School in Xcaira, 105. Yucay Boarding School, .106. General Criticism of Educational.Activities, 107.
4. The Indian and the Church 	109
The Ecclesiastical Taxes, 109. Religion is not Gratuitous in Peru, 110. How the Comuni-dades are Freeing Themselves from the Ecclesiastical Tax, 111. The 7ork of the Church, 112. Religious Intolerance in 1916, 113. The Pretensions of the Catholics in 1931, 113. The
B-1132-P5-BU
vi
Chapter	Page
Official Attitude in. 1929,, 114.— The. SchnOls Founded by the Protestant Missionaries, 115. A Protestant Missi.on. among. the Chunchos,
IV. UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF.TEE.IUDIAN PROBLEM: GENERAL
INFERENCES AND CRITICISMS 	 117
1. The Process of Yestizaje-   	• .117
Colonial Rule and Yestizaje; 117. Factors that Contribute to Race-Crossing, 117. Integrating" and Disintegrating Forces of the Indian" Group, 119. Indianism vs. Peruvianism, 121. The Cholos: Mestizo Fentality; the New Indian, 123.
2. Attitudes and InterestS ...of -t1Ethnic-,Social
Groups  	126
Ideological Trends, 127. The Indian Attitude, 129.
3. Aims and Attempts at Solution,  	130
A Summary of the Means.	Sollition, Put. into. Practice, 130. Some General Plans for a Solution, 131. Plan for a Law Protecting the Indian, 131. Investigation Of the Indian- Problem, 134. Ideas on the Economic Solution, 134.
L. General Criticism 	 t...  	136
Eariatoguits Criticism of .the Solution of the
Peruvian Indian Problem, 136. ry Ideas on the Attempts at Solution, 137.
BIBLIOGRAPHY	 139
1. Preliminary Note . 	.139
2. List of Works Consulted  	142
B -1132 -P6 -BU
EXPLANATORY NOTE
This foreword is designed to.explain:the-genesis of the book and the author's point of view.
Toward the end of 1931 I was commissioned by the Mexican Department of Public Education* to study the Indian problem in Guatemala, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. ray observations were to include the attitude of the ruling classes, popular sentiment with regard to the Indian, and the reaction of the natives to their national environment and especially to the government's off orbs to make them an integral part of its population. I traveled through these countries from the first of September, 1931, until the middle of the following February, remaining in each country about six weeks. I went first to the capital of a country, and tried to grasp the chief factors of the Indian problem and to learn what had been written on the subject. Then I visited the regions most inhabited by the type of natives I planned to study: those who were no longer merely Indians but were on the may to becoming citizens of the country in which they lived. After that I returned to the metropolis to check my findings, clarify my ideas, and complete the bibliography, From the start I took copious notes, which were really detailed travel memoranda, for I wished to set my first impressions down on paper. I talked with everybody I met who could give me any information and I tried to get in touch with everyone at all concerned about the Indian problem or its solution. I then read as much as possible, although, of course, I can not pretend to have covered all the material on the subject. Later, upon regaining my own country, I wrote three nonographs: one on the Guateralan Indians, the others on the Indians of Ecuador and Peru.
I cannot begin to thank ray' South American friends sufficiently for all their aid. Never did I approach anyone without receiving the heartiest welcome and the most efficacious assistance. In Pcri'l, Jose Antonio Encinas and Jorge Guillermo Legula, Rector and Secretary, respectively, of the 'University of San Marcos; Luis E. Galv6m and Jose Rafael rareja, Director and Ex-Director of the Office of Indian Education in the Ministry of Instruction; Julio C. Tello and Luis 7. Valctircel, founders of Lima's Archeological Museum, and many other educators and writers accorded me intelligent and friendly cooperation. I trust that this simple book which I am dedicating to them will prove sufficiently valuable to repay their kindness and may serve as a tribute to their distinguished and heroic work in behalf of the Peruvian Indians.
In judging these notes, the conditions under which they were written and the method used in their compilation should be borne in mind. One more factor must also be taken into consideration: when I went to these countries to make this survey, I had already had extensive experience with similar questions in Mexico. For a long time I had boon giving thought and effort to such considerations as how the native masses, segments of society still partially or entirely unassimilated, can be brought into our society without losing their natural characteristics; how to bring about :intermarriage and the problems this will entail; how to eeucate the Indian so that he may take his place as an integral element of the country; how to overconio his resistance, evasions and defenses; how to prevent the oppressions to which he has hitherto been subjected; how to assure a national policy that will aid his assimilation, and prepare him for citizenship and an active part in the country's life. My Mexican experience in this field has helped me to see more clearly similar phe-nomem.within the South American countries I visited, Because of their surprising similarity, I was able to form opinions based not merely on six months of observation, but rather on long study of those factors of the Indian problem which are common to all our countries.
*Secretarla de Educaci6n de IMxico.
B-1332-P7-BU
2.
The point of view adopted in this study must be evident to whoever reads it, but it would be just as well to make it clear from the beginning, in order to avoid poesible confusion. This book is not a dissertation on ethnology, nor does it pretend to study the native as an anthro-oological specimen; neither is it a history; and it does not aspire to be a sociological treatise. It is not the first, because I am not an anthropologist nor an ethnologist. Furthermore,.iL is my belief that there are elready too many studies tending to turn the Indian into a curia, a candidate for the display case of a museum, a theme for a mono-raph by scholarly gentlemen or for discussion at a congress of Americon-ists. It was not meant to be a history, for we are already saturated with tales of the noble Indian, and it is high time that the republicans of
America make Indian history of our own.	I realize that I am treading on sociological terrain, but these notes can by no means espre to the stature of a dissertation, especially since I maintain that we still lack the data necessary for anything like a treatise on American Indian sociology. This cook and the others in the series I am writing, assemble and organize some facts which when they have been completed and clarified, may lead to broader sociological conclusions. They are notes for my American colleagues, compilations of data previously in scattered form, a modest contribution to the literature of American Indian sociology, now so scanty and disjointed.
This is in effect a collection of notes, a hastily written report. The data alt accurate but in many cases should probably be supported by additional facts and illustrations. revertlieless, I venture to hope that this book possesses a certain originality and utility. I wish to present the Indian as a social factor subjected to the vicissitudes of national life; as a living force, although he does not "Jive" in the political sense, but as a
vibrating, aspiring, restless spirit; not as'	dead but a thoroughly alive Indian; not like someone from the past, but of the presen..; and the future. "de must consider him as an impending, Inevitable and inescapable factor. "de must not think of him as foreign to us, a vestige from a past for which
we are not responsible, but rather	ar, intirate arid interrel element of
our existence.	want to study the ,Indian objectively and I most certainly do not -.wish to intern him as a national oddity, as an crhibit of prehistoric society, along with arc',,eolo7ical monuments and The ruins of huecos and cacharros. Much less would I corral him in the sterile reservations invented by the Fordic ca'otiom of the Americans of the United States. I intend to mekc him the object of study suitable for a treatise, so as not to fall into the romantic error of believing that the Indian and his problem have disappeared, simply because republican legislation has declared, after the; French conception, the ec,uality of all citizens. But I primarily desire to forget the Indian in order to consider the Mexican, the Peruvian, or the Ecuadordn,, on condition that these citizens of their respective countries assume com)lete responsibility for their ethnic and cultural heritage end their historic o'oligations. We have pampered Creole attitudes long enough'
I believe that despite his i rya ility to express himself and his passive attitude, the Indian will have to fight his way to liberty. He All have to be his own spokesman and ;clamor for his human rights if he wishes to guarantee ultimate politiccl rights. But when this occurs the Indian will no longer be an Indian; he will have mixed his blood with ours; he will be part of ourselves. If :ve wish it, and think it, and feel it, he will be one of us, indeed, he will be us. This is what is meant by "Indian-assimilation". The theory is not metaphysical; it is based on the irresistible. truth of racial mixture, on the perpetuation of our biological and spiritual natures. The sole question confronting us is whether or not we shall formulate, whether or not we shall adopt, , such a policy of assimilation. If we do, this unavoidable factor may well take on momentum and direction, the unconscious and blind forces become intelligent end positive: but if we do not follow this principle, we will have forfeited an epic opportunity to form a nation and retarded the eourse of American progress.
'.Aexico, December 1932.	Mois6s Stenz
B-1132 -P8-BU
CHAPTER I
GENERAL RETaRKS, .47".iysicAL AND HULT.Alq GEOGRAPHY,. III3T01,ZY
1. The Country and Its Inhabitants
Peru is the name given to the extensive territory, which came undser Spanish colOnial rule in the'sixteenth century; Lima, the City of Kings, founded January 18, 1535 by the conqueror, Francisco Pizarro, became its capital. Peru is not the traditional name of the land. It was 1,2l:en from a certain cacique Piru, for it was reports concerning him which led the three. CTnquerors, Francisco Pizarro, Diego do Alma-gro and Fernando de Luqm, to found the Sociedad de Descubridores del Piru and go into the interior of the land ;re:lose sE7res they had already trod at Tumbes. Present-day Peru has an area much smaller than the enormous Viceroyalty. of Uma. According to official statistics it covers 1,789,804 square. kilometers, including the enormous region of the headwaters of the Lmazon, which is in dispute between Peru and Ecuador, where it is referred to as "el Oriente Ecuatoriano." The de Gotl,a Institute of Geography has fixed its size et 1,137,000 square kilometers, not 6ounting the disputed territory:. Impartial geographers generally set the' figure at 1,350,000 square kilometers, To be exact, after the queation of Tacna and Irica was settled between -2eru and Chile, the area of Peru, inch-Jill-7, the territories of Tacata and Tacna which were left 'to her, was 1,37E,392 square kilometers.
From the standpoint of physi'cal c'eozraphy, Peru is divided into three large natural regions:- the Coast, between the Pecific and the western chain of the Andes; the Sierra, which is the Andean region
proper; and the Mont6Has or zone of foreets cod	oast of the Cordillera Oriental. Professor MlLelm Sievers, in his recent Geografia de Bolivia y Per: divided Peruvian territory •into these
three regions; the Sier7777,:ril	m
850,000 square kilos	ohe Hontaffa, with-370,000; and the Coast, with 130,000. Accordins to this division, the first zone includes 635 of Peru's territory; the second, 285; and the last 9,;. Cerlos 'nesse, author of a reography text book for secondary schools, states that the coastal region may comprise c.bout 135 of the' Peruvian soil (180,000 square kilometers). Yetwithstardinfe the natural distinctions between the three zones, it is difficult to make an exact estmato of the territory that each covers, both because of the irregularity of the boun,claries which lie in the strips called coja de costa and ceja de rontalia (intermediate mountainous section between-',7)Cokest and the Sierra on one side and the Sierre:and the Amazonien plF.ins on the other) end because, poll-tically,'the Departments of the Coast and of the Sierra overlap. This makes it difficult to estimate their respective areas and equally difficult to figure thc corresponding, populations.
"The Coast" lies along the Pacific between the ocean and the flanks of the Western Cordillere up to a height of about 1,600 meters. The width of the coastal terrace varies from 70 to 150 kilometers. On the South it borders directly or the Sierra, for here the mountains run into the sot,. The Coast is really a large dceert; south of Lima it never rains, and northward from Lima to nithin sight of the Ecuadoran - boundary, even drizzles. are extremely rare. Vegetable life flourishes only where there is running water--streams which dash from the Cordillera towards the ocean, but never possess great volume and' rarely reach the sea. In the regions where there is flowing %Tater, the land under cultivation becomes luxuriant and farming is profitable. Lare cultural enterorises for sugar, cotton, and rice have been organized: and these constitute Lciportant sources of Peruvian wealth.
*Sievers, Mlhelm. P. 221.	Georrafic do Bolieria y Peru. Barcelone, 1931,
	gm. • '
	•
	
4.
"The Sierra" extends the entire length of the country for about. 1,550 kilometerse It is a :Atli) abrupt and-rtgged regions The structure of the Andes is nowhere simple; on the contrary, the folding of the earth's crust is here very complex. In general, four types of districts may be distinguished: the flanks of the Western chain which face the Pacific above 1,600 meter.s, semiarid and very rugg,ed, vith only small patches of level ground; the Cordillera, a region of perpetual snows; the punas, high tablelands, or paramos, between the two
ordilleras and on their flanks, in the South forming an extensive plain at an average height of about 4,000 meters, which is in reality a prolongation of the tableland; and the region of the inter-Andean Sierra proper, with valleys, gorges and plains below 3,500 meters. The climate of the Sierra, which because of its latitude should be tropical, is greatly modified by the high altitudes 4 In addition to the region of eternal snow, a large part of the Sierra has a cold climate. Sievers states that of all the characteristics of tropical climates, the only ones to be found here are the periodic alternation between dry End rainy seasons and the gentle, uniform changes in tem-
perature at a7 given e)ot.	is Ept, hov:v:r, as abundant
an	rt li-est be tLon&ht. In the center of Peru, around Cerro de Pasco, the rains are extrenely abundant during the wet season. The moisture-laden trade winds which rise in the Atlantic and pass over the Amazonian jungles, here meet the highest part of the Andes, and as a result drop their burdens in the form of torrential rains. In the southern section, however, even the Sierra is almost a desert. The Arequipa basin receives scarcely 147.6 mm. of rain annually; and of this amount 90 mm. fall in February and only four between May and rovember. As a result, the flora of the Sierra is never luxuriant. The coastal desert extends above the ceja of the T.ontana up to the plateau itself. On the Sierra proper, true forests do not exist. There are few trees. The landscape Is characterized by patches of man-made forests of eucalyptus or other species, such as the L-bol del Peru (Schinus molle), which grow along the ravines.
M.1.111...••••••••
To the east, the cordillera, descending abruptly, soon merges into what throughout the Andes is called la montan: a region. of forests and jungles, the enormous Amazonian basin, traversed by huge rivers which sooner or later flow into the Amazon.
Population
As a census has not been taken in Peru since 1876, it is impossible to give any exact figure for the population of the country. The estimates from that time to the present have constantly increased. Sievers calculates that in 1929, counting the inhabitants of Tacna, the population of Peru probably was '6,137,449. The Population is in a very irregular manner distributed throughout the extensive terri-
tory.	The Department of Loreto; which comprises the entire eastern region, including the very large section in dispute with Ecuador, and which has a total area of 422,903 square kilometers, can boast barely 150,000 residents. The density of population is .4 per square kilometer. There are, on the other hand, Departments like La Libertad, Apurimac and Ancash, where the density exceeds 12 persons per square kilometer. 735 of the total population of Peru resides on the Sierra; 2270 on the Coast, and the remaining 55 on the riontaria.* On the Sierra. the density of population is 8.06; on the Coast it is 10. It is im-
portant to study the distribution of- population between the country	-
and the cities. Sievers estimates that 11.55 of the inhabitants live in urban districts; the remaining 88.55 are located insmall settle-. ments scattered throughout the purely rural regions. rine percent live in cities of 20,000 or more. The Coast has been more favorable to the growth of cities than the Sierra. Sixty-one percent.of the
*Ibid., p. l t6
B-1132-P1O-BU
urban population of Peru lives on the Coast, while the Sierra which, as noted above, contains 73% of the total population of the country, has only 3E o of the urban population. Yearly all the coastal cities are in the north. The principal ones are: Lima, the capital; Callaoi
the most thriving port; Chiclayo, Trujillo	Piura. In the. Sierra, on the other hand, the majority of the cities are in the south, the most important being: Areqedpa, second largest in Peru.;. Pun°, on the shore of Titicaca, a connecting port with Polivia; the historically renowned ArAcucho; and Cuzco, the most falapus of all. Peru has the highest cities in the world: Cerro do Pasco, at 4,300 meters; Puno, at 3,840; and Cuzco, at 3,500.
Proportion of the Constituent Groups
From the, ethnic point of view, ihe Peruvian population is composed of Indians, whites and Negroes, and the mixture of these: the mestizos, who, generally speaking, result frole the crossing of whites and Indians; the zambos, who spring from the union of Negroes and Indians; and the mulattoes, who result from the crossing of Negroes and whites. It is ,not at all easy to determine the proportion of the racial groups; first, because very often the differences are subtle, and second, because of the lack of censuses.  Carlos nesse
says in his geographic. work: "The Indians,.descendants of the'	first settlers, belong to the Quechua-Aymarti group of the Andean sub-race, part of the American race. They are men of small stature,: brachy-cephelic head, straight or aquiline nose, yellowish skin and straight hair." The Negroes, who mostly live on the Coast, are descendants of the slaves brought by the Spaniards. There are also some individuals of yellow race,. immigrants who came to Peru in the middle of the past century, during the republican epoch. Again according. to -,`Besse, the ethnic proportion of the Peruvian population Is: 50;10 Indian; 15% white, mostly of Spanish origin; 2 04 Negro; 1% Chincee and Jepan-eae; and the remaining 31% various hybrids.'*Itis my opinion that the distribution made by this author is not correct; it certainly is not insofar as the hybrid groups are concerned, for -7ithout splitting hairs over racial classifications, I believe that they can be estimated at more than 6C%. Consequently, I think that the number of whites, properly speaking, is less than the figure given by -:Tiesse_ who also overestimates the number of pure Indians. Sievers believes that the population of mixed race can be estimated at bet,rcen 60 and 70%. The fact is that the major part of the population of central and northern Peru is composed of cholos, that is, persons of mestizo and Indian parentage. Although the mestizo is certainly preponderant in number, the Indian is undoubtedly an important factor, especially in the Sierra. The Negroes, and especially the offgpring by crossing with Indians, are factors of some importance in Callao and in other cities of the Coast; they and the mestizo-whites give coastal life a quite different rhythm from that imparted to the Sierra by its inhabitants. The contrast in temperament is evident: the dweller on the coast pis lively end somewhat irresponsible, the Sierra dweller is aloof and uncommunicative:1
The population of Oriente, except for the small groups of mestizos and mestizo-whites, is made up of Jibaros, Chunchus and other tribes. Wiesse says that the total number of these semi-savage peoples may be around 150,000. He divides them into two classes, according to their culture:- the first, _using bows and arrows as weapons, and the second, spears .and blow guns. Some go about nude, while others wear cushmas. Thekr main foods are yucca, bananas and corn. Sometimes-they eat the animals that they hunt: They speakk-a great variety of tongues, from the primitive Inje-Inje to the more developed Aguaruna-Campa. The majority of these peoples live by- -
*Carlos wiesse. Geografia del Peri% 3rd ed. Lime, 1921. P. 155.
B-1132-P11-DU
"Ibidg, p. 155.
6.
hunting and fishing and load a nomadic life, although some have reached the agricultural stage and are beginning to farm small patches of land along the river banks. The most <Lmportant groups are: tha.Lguarunas, on the right bank of the MaraVn, who 'erect dwellings and cultivate plots of l'Ind; the Witotos, with numerous sub-tribes on the U-Tar Putumayo and the Yupar6, some of which, according to Messe, are cannibal:;stic; the Conibos On the Upper Ucayali viho know something of farming and arc in contact with whites; the Campas, in the Uruloamba region; the Cas:Ii-bos, of very primitive culture, who use tools and weapons made of stone; end the Sirineires, in the Madre de Dios region, hostile to the whites, who practice a rudimentary farming and live in huts.*
Economy
The differences In topography, climate and population between the three natural regions of Peru, the Coast, the Sierra and the liontaffa, explain the economic disparities that characterize them. The liontaHa„ a region of tropice.1 forests, unpopulated, inaccessible and. repelling, has a very deficient economy... The outlet for its products is by way of thousands of kilometers of navigation on the rivers of the Amazonian system, to the Atlantic. Its exports are woods and natural tropical products, among which rubber holds by far the first place. In the Yungas of the east, that is, between the spurs of the cordillera below the ceja of the Monta?La, coca, quinine, coffee, cocoa and all kinds of fruirraound. But only a small part of these products is exported and their cultivation is, for the most part, unorganized. The Coast produces sugar, cotton, rice and wine. The largest sugar mill in South America is in this region. In 1927 sugar exports exceeded four and a half million Peruvian libras (one libra is worth ten soles and one sol in 1931 was worth 28 cents of a dollar, or some 80. Mexican centavos), and cotton reached a similar figure. IcIore recently) petroleum has come to occupy the first place in exports, and in 1927 more than ten million Peruvian, libras were e:morted. Coastal agriculture is a large-scale capitalistic affair; the workers arc day laborers who make up a proletariat. Up to now, the Peruvian labor " movement has developed almost wholly among the workers on the Coast, both in the agricultural-industrial enterprises of sugar and cotton, and in the Petroleum fields.
In the Sierra only small-scale 'farming prevails; it is4 primarily Indian, end is practised on the chacras of small landowners, as well as on the haciendas of the large landholder. Export products arc scanty, wool being the most important, and the balance is consumed locally. Potatoes, barley, wheat, corn end several vegetables, as well as the old-time Indian plants, quinoa, oca and-011uco, are the favor-, ite products.. Yining ms one of the most important items of Peruvian economy in the Colonial period. This industry declined greatly at the end of the last century, and at present, with the fall in prices of silver and copper, the principal products, it is in a critical condition. In 1927 silver and copper scarcely reached .some six. million Peruvian libras, or 19% of the total exports for that year. The Coast produces the major part of all exports. Of the total exports lb, 11D27, amounting to 31,197,725 Peruvian libras, the three principal products of the Coast--petroleum, cotton and sugar--accounted for 685, or 21,516,672 libras.
In a country with Peru's natural fortunes--a desert coast on one side, the world's most awesome mountain range cutting, through its. eouter, and an, immense plain to the Oriente, isolated by the jungio,
with a soil for the most part still in formation--c.ommunication is not easy; indeed, it entails enormous difficulties. Because Of the topography, it is easier to. travel longitudinally within the-separate
*Ibid., p. 159-60.
B-1132-P12-BU
7.
natural regions than transversally from one to the other. The Coast has en easy communication system along the shore by sea, and
no °ra-
days by airl the Sierra, during the time of the Inces, was crossed by the most wonderful road in the ancient American world, which the Incas built from Cuzco toQuito, in the north, and to Chile 'in the south? But the routes from the'Coast which penetrate to the interior are neither easy nor numerous. The most important of these is the stupendous railroad from Callao and Lima. to Cerro de Pasco, iehich crosses the cordillera where the region of perpetual snow begins (1,834 meters), and runs to Huancayo in the y rich Jauja valley; its extension through the Yiantcro canyon to Ayacucho and Huaneavelica is under consideration. Also important is the line fram Mollendo to :,re quips: and from there to Puno, on the shores of Titicaca, and thence to Cuzco. Yeeans of communication in the Sierra have improved appreciably within she last few years. There is an auto highway which connects lejacoucho with the terminus of the rail line that starts at Huancayo. And in the south it is planned to- build a road which, starting, from Cuzco, would join Ayacoucho to the Incan capital.
Regionalism
Man is everywhere bound to the soil, but the l'eruvian more than' anyone else is influenced by the accidents: of geography. The olLysio-craphy of Peru acquires a social significance not found in other ceun-tries. Regionalism, a historic phenomenon determined by Eeorraphy, and the opposition between the Coast and the Sierra, have given rise to what is called "the Peruvian duality," recognized by sociologists and writers of today. I might say in passing that if the Oriente were truly a part of the Peruvian state, it would e- longer be a mere duality, for -here are really three contrasting regions. let the pre- sent stare of development only two forces are active in the life of the country: that of the Cocet and that of the- Sio rra. There is indeed a duality. Jos4 Marifltegui, in his excellent Si ete Ensayos*,= recognizing this geographic ,fact, explains the fact 6777ionalisre this: "The South is fundamentally mountainous. In the South the coast is narrow, a thin strip of land, on which the reruvian mestizo of the Coast not been able to get a firm hold. In their march on the see the Andes leave but a narrow terrace. Therefore,' cities haVe sprung up not on the Coast, but on the Sierra. On the southern-coast there are only ports and inlets. The South has retained its mountainous ohar-acter, even if it is no longer Indian, despite the Conquest, the Colony and the Republic. Toward the North, the coast widens. It becomes economically and ethnically dominant. Trujillo, Chiclaye, and. Piura are cities Spanish in spirit. and character. Traffic between these cities end Lima is easy and frequent. But what brings them closer to the capital is,the identity of ttadition and sentiment. The reesons for Peruvian regionalism are more easily found on a map. of Peru, than in any abstract or complex theorizinr,."**
No one has put' into words the dual nature of Peru's development, physical characteristics and spirit better than Mari6tegui uhen he says: "Physical geography has divided Peru into three regions: the Coast, the Sierra and the MontAa, (In Peru the, only 'thing well defined is Nature.) and this division is not purely physical. It pervades our entire socials wind economic life. The :Ion-tata, sociologically and economically, is ES yet unimportant. It might be said that the Lontata or, better still, the foreat region, is a colony of the Peruvian state. But the Coast end the Sierra,
) *Mariategui, Jose Carlos. SioteenSaybsde interpretacion de-la •
-	-
realidad peruana.:	1928.	-
** Ibid., p. 153.
B-1132-P13-BU
`. • ''e•	Le'."•
8.
are really two regions into which the population, as well as the territory, arc clearly' divided. - The Sierra is Indian; the Coast is Spanish or mestizo (whichever one may choose to call it, since the words 'Indian' and 'Spanish' in this '-context have a very broad meaning). I repeat what I wrote in en article on a book by 1,ralc6rcell "The present duality of Peruvian history and the Peruvian soul, may be defined as a conflict between: the civilization that has developed on the Coast and the Indian sentiment, deeply rooted in nature, that survives in the Sierra. Present-day Peru has been shaped by the Coast. Peruvian nationality has made its seat in the low lands. Neither the Spaniard nor the Creole-could donquer the Andes. In the Andes, the Spaniard was never more than a pioneer or missionary; the Creole will remain one, too, until the Andean environment extinguishes the conqueror in him and gradually transforms him into aft Indian.'"*
Peruvian "Duality"
The sociologist must interpret physical and economic phenomena in human terms; the artist, in spiritual terms. The facts which I have set forth above must be fitted into the human pattern of the sociologist. It is not enough to enumerate factors; they must be visualized within the scheme which inevittibly determines them. The Indian, despite-the isolation to which he has been condemned, is a human force, a-spiritual identity in Peru, along with the mestizos and creoles and NegroeS and ell the others who inhabit that land; the map provides the background; Ole :::ontana, the Coast and the Sierra are the stage directions in the drama. Coast and Sierra: formula' of Peruvian duality. The Indian was a mountaineer, an Andino; he has become an inseparable, part of the Sicrra. The, Pizcrros in-id their descendants, the white and creole officials, the Negroes brought bz7 the slave traders and the Chinese introduced by the men of the Republic: all are of the coast. The geographic duality is at the same time an ethnic duality. Corollaries of these are the other dualiti:es of economics, politics and the spirit.
inc Coast is arid, a dried-up desert. The rains along the shore stop almost at the Ecuadoran boundary and appear again only far to the south, beyond the nitrous deserts. Lima experiences mists, but no storms. North of the•capital, the desert is foreboding, and to the south it ihspires fear. The Andean range, of prodigious height, captures the moisture borne by the trade winds from the distant Atlantic and the Amazoniall basin: the Coast will notre-ceive a single drop of the rains whioh fall on the sierra and which the sierra returns in torrents to the Amazon, presenting the Coast with a meager gift of small streams which flow toward the coast through fissures and. glens and lower cloWn, led into canals by the skill of the white farmers, form oases whore cotton. and sugareeane flourish. The first Andean chain is the back wall for the littoral. It rises sharply from sea level without any prelude of valleys or any support from counterforts, up to three,, four, six thousand meters, until it receives a crown of perpetual snow, defying the equatorial sun. There is an intrepid train which leaves Lime. at eight in the morning and arrives at 'the line" of. perpetual snow,.about five thousand motors up, around 'three in the afternoon. After passing.the first cordillera, the Cordillera Occidental, the Sierra is reached. This is a high irregular land, with narrow valleys; surrounded by low hills and hillocks; that,is how the-Andes appear at these heights; when-viewed from the Sierra itself. Geographies show up. to three Andean cordilleras in Peru: 'the western, central and eastern. The traveller
*Ibid., P. 151.
B-1132-P14-BU
9.
forgets the map and sees nothing more than a mountainous labyrinth which apparently has respected only the small glen where he is for the moment. In the South, in the Titicaca basin, the cordilleras have opened up and leave free a small tableland, part Peruvian and part Bolivian, four thousand meters high, desolate and frigid. The Indians speak of it as "la Puna"; in textbooks it is called the altiplano. It :is a land of sheoherds--men, women and children-dominated by Illampo, the hi:hest peal: of the continent, and by an incredible chain of snow-cape)ed mo-anteins. It is rainless, a land-of hail and snovr, so high that even corn, native to Indian ..'eacrica, cannot grow there. If we follow sa:y-l-ulet of the high pleteau we will soon come upon the edge of a yi-Ter that grows larger and larger with each league. Flowing swiftly through the passes of the halls that seek to obstruct its path, it gouges out a narrow, steep ravine in whose folds is found the first arable land. The river then continues, always toward the East, seeking the Amazon, and rim-11y enters a gorgo with a tropical backgvound against snow.-capped peaks; a narrow ravine such as the Incas learned to control with walls and terraces in order to increase their tillage.
The Sierra runs parallel to the coast and the Peruvians have not succeeded in building transversal means of communication. There are only two points of penetration: in the center, from Limo. to Cerro de Pasco, by the wonderful railroad which is and will for a long time continue to be tho Lic.-hest railroad in the world and one of the most stupendous mechanical conquests of man: and to the South, from Mollendo through. Arequipa end Lake Titicaca up to Cuzco, the capital of the Empire founded by Mance.,Ctspac. Coast and Sierra, two aspects of Peru: one touchin:T the sea, tine other touching the clouds. They are side by side, but separate, isolated from each other by a slope of five thousand meters. Such is the physical side of Peruvian duality.
The Indians live above. Row many are there? Nobody knolls; perhaps two or three million,, or about half of tLe total population. Some whites and many cholos--Peruvians in the first stage of racial mixture--clao live in thc more important localities. The Indian fills the landscape; the Sierra belongs to the Indian and the Indian belongs to the Sierra; the bond is as old as the race. On the Coast live the creoles, the fortune-seeking mestizos, the leading dignitaries, the capitalist farmers, the Negroes who were brought as slaves and who are now the only Peruvians really free, and the Chinese who came to be day laborers in the fields and who have become merchants. The Indian does not like the Coast; he floes from it forlit destroys his body. Driven by poverty, or under the compulsion of his responsibility for the celebration of some religious fiesta, or beguiled by the wiles of an agent, he.sometimes descends and is lured to the haciendas of the littoral. His stay is brief, for the Indian returns to the Sierra and his people; if by chance he remains, he loses his individuality. The Coast kills the Indian; sometimes materially, with malaria and dysentery; always spiritually, because when ha reaches the shore the man of the highlands must change his apparel, give up his customs, and acquire another language. The Indian does not love the Coast because instinct tells him that the Coast is his enemy and an enemy of his race. Since the creole could not Mfke the Indians come down from the Sierra and become laborers on his agriculturel enterprises,, in colonial times he imported Negroes and after the War for Independence Chinese. They came to the littoral and there they remained because they dread the Sierra as much as the natives fear the Coast. The Spaniards founded Lima on the edge of the sea and then ascended to
xploit the mines and establish cattle ranches in the highlands.
Blow remained the officials and friars; adventurers. and men of
pirit went to the Sierra. Those who ascended to the Sierra dnd
ook root there are now light-skinned bourgeois who boast of a
1:1-1132-P15-BU
10.
lineage that. is in reality somewhat pathetic; they are Andeanized and enterprising mestizos of rather insi2id cPlture. But many whites have adopted the Indian language, customs and way of life; there is a large number of white mestizos, who, after the passing of two or three generations, are conscious-only of their Indian ancestry. "The S:'.erra takes revenge on the Coast; the latter kills the Indians and •the former swallows u-D the white.
Ethnic distinctions and the historic development of the Dcpulation have brought at:out ecoromic opposite2. Trountain agriculture i3 feudal and individualistic, tinged with the zc'raTunistic traditions of. the In-
dian ryllu• cstlre	sit  	a  miGiscrna	l,	rusri,In she
aie the 1,:tif-oniiun, and rd ,	the abs?ntee landlord, and in the more fortunate regions, the smrli Drop,ie'uor. The Irdians live in villages.rnd ccmunidades, and own small plots on their outskirts, or they are-4thejeTT-77-75f them.--celono.3* on the far as of the laniewner, paying the latter with two or thFLC.7's cf work each week for the privilege of occupying and continuing to eijoy the plot of land that has been theirs for hundreds of generations or else they are shepherds on the puna tending the herds of the master as well as their own few animals, near their wretched huts on the open paramo, again paying with services for the right to occupy what in reality is theirs. In the lowlands the latifundium is worked more effectively. Large-scale industrialized agriculture based on irrigation systems has developed; the most important mill in all South America has been established on the Peruvian littoral. In the Sierra there are a few free- Indians who own iAadequate parcels of lond, and many serfs, the yanacones of coloniel days, .subject to the most 'pitiless exploitafiCin and organized oppression by the bosses, the gamonale6. On the coast are day laborers and the proletariat. The' hi7nlanders are still a feudal flock; the lowlanders constitute a. class that has, begun successful attempts at its collective def:_nse.
If	true that no capital is really representative of the country that sit go7erms, this is more than ever true,in the case. of Lima. Founded by the conquistadores near the sea shore, It lacks Indian tradition and foundation, and a Peru without Indians loses its historic significance. If. Pizarro at least had been able to make use of local quarries, the city might have acquired the solidity and dignity of Spanish buildings elsewhere, but the coast has no stone; Lima is made of adobe. Arequipa, largely` colonialSpanish, is well made from stone blocks, but Cuzco, built by the Incas in -6.hemiddle of the Slosrai had a mcTalithic architecture, the remains of which make the walls and cornices of the conqueror seem like doll houses. The men .of the Republic who were in charge of buildings., have. made Lima the victim of their, whims and caprices culminating in Leguiats successful efforts to convert the bity of Kings into' a good bour geois Californian city.. Lima. is the center, but not central. It , was the seat of Spanish colonial power; now it is the seat of the government. Spiritually, the Sierra is not with Lima. ,"They founded, it next to the sea, that it might look out toward Spain; ever since it has looked toward the,outside world, courting foreigners; it is
the sweetheart of the sailors-of the seven seas; it is not ours. They write books about the Indian but only because it 'is fashionable _.r What does Lima really knua about us?" 'Thus speak the men of Cuzco. Their rancorous, angry words, largely unjustified, show the spiritual gulf between the dwellers .of,the Sierra and the Coast dwellars and remind us once again of their tenacious regionalism. Absence of collaboration or-mutual understanding, and an occasional robellion,
*[Trans. notet: Sharecroppers.)
B-1132-P16-BU
11.
are the political aspect of this divergence. Revolutions against Lima are plotted in Arequipa, on the way to the Sierra, and "when revolution reaches Ayacucho—situated in the middle of the Cordili. lera--it is a serious matter," so they sc..y in Peru.
Is Peru condemned to remain eternally divided? 1 do not believe so. Although duality, conflicting opinions, and contrasts exist, there are also alliances and efforts at achieving unity which daily grow in strength: Peruvian nationality is making proosess, do not believe sufficiently in geographic determinism to ielezine that it is etrcnger than the genius of a people. The Incas founded an empire that know no physical barriers; from Ecuador to Chile, througl-out the Sierra and the Coast, they extended their rule and implanted their system. Befere the Incas, races of r.higher culture had already extended their sway over, the country. For the a, the Coast was .pr.;rt of the Sierra, and vice versa. To believe in geographic fatalism is absurd; far better to speak of a vigorous nationalism capable of fusing the traditional ethnic elements and a constructive policy that can impose its will on purely physical accidents.
2. Prehistoric Cultures
Two Theories on the Development of Primitive Cultures.
Archeological evidence and the vague traditions that have come down through the centuries furnish a b .sis for believing that prehistoric Peru dates back to several centuries before the Christian era. Opinions on the subject differ. Posnansky supports the theory of a really amazing' antiquity antedating by tl.eousands of years the Christian era. 'The majority of archeologists, however, do not share this opinion and are .more or less agreed in fixing the beginning of prehistoric culture at from two to six centuries B. C. The source of this culture seems to have been Central America, Maya-Quiche. Archeologists are not in agreement concerning the site of the earliest Peruvian civilization. While some maintain that it began on the littoral, others hold that it was in the Andean region, and a third group, the most numerous; argues that there was a parallel and simultaneous development, on the Coast and on the Andean Sierra. It is believed that both cultures are of Central American origin, but - that they stem from different incursions, one of which reached whet is now the Peruvian littoral proper, while another penetrated' fur thcr north, through Ecuador, entering the Sierra perhaps through the Esmeraldas region. In Peru, Julio C. Tello is the most outstanding exponent of the theory of a single, Andean, culture, -source and origin of 'all thc cultures which spread and flourished throughout the wide Peruvian territory. Max Uhlo, the fierman archeologist who lived for a long time in South -America, and with him the American, Means, and the Peruvian„ Urteaga, are today the principal supporters of the
theory of parallel cultures on the littoral and in the cordillera.	, "Human habitation" says Urtcaga, "is found in historic Peru scattered' through through the Andean and coastal regions, and represented' on the littoral by the existence of bui.Pal grounds with bone utensils, a few primitive ceramic artifacts, many extraordinary reed and net weavings, and human remains of disproportionate size; in the Sierra, by the preexistence of a race of animal-like Indians..."* The same author states that on the Coast, in Acal and Nasca Ica, Valle dcl Rime, Supe, Trujillo, etc., there appearedsmost inexplicably an advanced culture, represented sputh of Lima by a fine polychrome pottery, with paintings of men and animals and wonderful stylizations, and in the north by ceramics in white, pink and black, in which sculptural forms, simple- drawings.jn,___. relief of men, animals and plants predominated.. He mys that the
*Urtoaga, Horacio. El Imperio Incaico. Lima, 1931. P. 6.
B-1132-P17-BU
12.
pearance of this culture without antecedents and with such finished techniques, bespeaks a Torcigh origin. Accprdirtg to him thc presence of a homogeneous culture in the Indean region is a proven fact, end the megalithic remains of this 'culture are found scattered from Tia-huanaco on Titicaca, to northern Ecuelor. Urtoaga elaborates his theory, asscrtinE that. the Andean culture subsequently reached thc Coast as an cpigonous manifestation and at a time Lhen a culture of foreign origin wcs already flourishing on the littorals
Development of Andean Culture According to Tell°
Tell°, who supports the theory ghat the Andean culture was the only one*, diviee Peruvian prehetory into three :'rent phases or epochs which include diverse culi-ao-.es.; t:)(-3 megalithic or Anclean archaic epoch: the epoch during whnh the cultures of the littoral
developed and took on speciel cheracteriaties; end thc epoch of trreel confederations culminating in the. Inca Confederation or Empire of Tawantin-cuyo. The first epoch eeer.s to cover nae.ny more centuries than had the previous periods, beginning perhaps six centuries before' the Christian era and lasting until 400 Ao D. This epoch covers two periods, one represented by the archaic culture of the corridor of Huaylas, of Wari, Pukar6 and the first-period of Tiahuane'co, and tIn-other represented mainly by Chavin and Paraccs. The second epoch, which constitutes the second phase of the archaic Andean culture with special characteristics uniform in all their various manifestations., went from the Sierra down to the plains where it was responsible for a vital floresce-nce, and then exudes up in the cordillera with the
wonderful a Gond ?cried of T_euenaco.	)1rse 1. sted sone ci[.11; centuries, .from 4C0 to 1,200-A. D. The third' prehistoric phacc, probably shorter than the previous ones, from 1,200 to 1533 A. D., is the epoch of development end organization of tribal confederations 'which culminated in the great Inca Confederation. Tello gives a fine resume of the characteristics, of Pe1-uVian civilization during the first pre-. historic epoch. In the A.ndean region: 1.--An architectural type consisting of the'simultaneous use of large and small stones placed clter-nately. 2.--A type of dwelling constructed on stepped t'etraces, almost always with an oratorio or temple on the highest Part. 3.--Pyramidal temples with stepped terraces. 4.-.Underground tombs. 5.--Stone statues of very primitivb technique and statues and other sculptural wontz of advanced technique. Rustic and primitive pottery of purely utilitarian character and fine pottery of white clay made by hand, with the jaguar as the basis or fundamental motif Of the docOrations. On the littoral: 6.--The total absence of certain metals'and alloys and the presence 'of gold only. 7.--The apogee of textile art with the predominance of embroidery and ornamental polychrome symbolic figures, harmoniously combined. 8.--The deformation of the head in the cuneiform typo and in another which resembles the Aymar6. 9.--Surgical incisions in th'e skull made .with obsidian knives. .1'0.--The; use in the' diet of a single variety of corn,' been; string been (speller), sweet potato and yucca: small dark brown or black corn with fine, grains, small black b,cans, and white pallarcs with purple spots; small, spindle-shaped sweet potatoes that contrast with the large tubers of these 'plants found in thc former epochs. 11.--The
ficial mummification of corpses through desiccation by fire'ond the use of certain special substances **
777rlot.	C7-1_ntivo Peru. 1 Epoca.	1C29.
**Ibid., T.
B-1132-P18--BU
13.
The Cultural Development.According to I; Bans
In his recent work, !Icons* notes a cultural development somewhat different from that outlined by Tell°, although fund-1,3ntally in agreement vlith Lin; Ire supports the prehistoric dualit:- of Peruvian cultural development on the littoral and in thc Sierra, pointing out a Mayan and Ceiltral Americen origin for each. These telt ctiltures
developed side by side. On the Coast, they produced the remarkable
evolution of the Proto-Chimu and Proto,..razca cultures; and, on'the Sierra, the Tiahuanaee. The -Ho movements of the first period developed simultaneously, but independently, lasting until near the end of the fifth century A. D. Between the fifth end sixth centuries a conflict begcn and reletions were established -hetween the _Lndean and coastal.regions; the two cultures exerted a reciprocal ir,fluence on each other. The effects of this influence were felt for three centuries afterwards; on the Sierra it continued'uo to the tine of the admirable Tiahuanaco II period which got its initial impulse from the Proto-Chimu end Proto-Yazcan cultures. The coi:st cultures,
in turn, were influenced	ti.„; sierra cultures. Chavin, In the Andean region, belongs toward the end of this period and furnished an unmistakable proof of how the Tiahuanaco culture vas influenced by the civilizations of the coast. About the ninth century, the glory of Tiehuanaco II waned. Although the causes of this decline cannot be determined, its disruption ..eas reflected in the cultures of the littoral which also stagnated and degenerated. The, period of decline lasted from 900 to 1,100 A. D., but et the end of this decedent epoch the cultures gradually revived on the Coast and we see ti-.e beginnings of the Post-Chimu and Post-ITrzcan cultures. Deterten the years 1,100 and 1,/100 the rise of the Inca began in the Andean region, at a time when the two cultures mentioned above were flowering on the littoral. The apogee of the Incas belongs to tlic years 1,400 to 1,530 A. D., extending froel the Andean region and down to the Coast, and was interrupted by the Iberian conquest.
Proto-Chid; art is in Lenorel distinguished by its realism, by *the subordination of color to line, by a formalized and even conventionalized design, that can be considered as symbolic rather than reprecentative. Proto-7,ezcan art does not show the scree characteristic note of realism; the dre-iinrs have very little ideological or representative value, while on the other hand immeginetion end symbolism ere freely used, end color becomes the outstanding feature. Those two styles of coastal art were closely related, and were almost contemporary. The culture that developed in the Sierra during the first six centuries of the Christian are end whose outstanding feature was the style of the'Plahuancco I culture, can be characterized as merely archaic. It finally received the stimulus from the coast (according to the archeologists of the dual theory) and was trensformed into one of the most notable South American cultures. This later development is designated as the Tiahuanaco II culture. In this epoch art expanded tremendously: the materials employed were extremely varied, e.g. stone, ceramics, metal, fabrics, but in all these media the characteristics peculiar to thc style are manifest.
The data, opinions, theories and characteristIc features that I have just noted briefly* will suffice to demonstrate the wealth of Peru's native culture even in remote prehistoric times. 'iThatever the origin of Peruvian civilization, the points of penetration for cultural influences, and even the chronology of its different stages and periods of florescence, the fact is that in the course of con-
*Means, Phillip Ainsworth. Lncient Civilizations of the Andes. Pp. 47-48.
B-11-52-P19-BU
14.
•
tunics a vast cultural empire waJ7, folo1,--,d in Peru, previous to the Incaic, which bears the genevol qoone of. Tiahuanaco. The particular origin of this cultural enrdiro, whether ',,u.t5chu,o or Aynarf!', (Kona), is not clear, but it acquired certain characteristics of.homogeneity; it amal,:amcd the very varied elements of the mosaic of primitive and archaic cultures, and took on a recognized and uniform style. It is logical to suppose that this cultural empire was part of a political empire. This belief is held by the archeologists and historians of today, among them 7rteago. "There existed," he tells us,* "during a long period of time, a political and civil structure and. even if we do not venture to affirm that it was centralized under the direction of a single roVorDmert, Are have good reason to believe that it 7,7.10 at bast chracterized by a vast confederation of great kingdoms. It is beyond dispute that the manifestations o that cvd-tune came from the s' me spirit, the'samc tendency, and was inspired by identical ideals, and those eh, racteristics ore so engraved in the minds of archeologists that we may say through the words of the most responsible ofthem (Uhic), thot-he contemplation of the remains scattered throughout the Andine and Ciarrdincoregion, belonging to the epochs previous to the IncL,s,'Iollow one to infer that in the sierra and on the coast of Peru a gfficiently homogeneous civilization existed, and that its chronological position, with respect to the Tichuanaco, is well cst7'-dished.1" Urteaga colls this taomination of Peru's extensive territory, revealed by its megflithic lool.uments, the First f:Luechua Empire, imputing to it ,;-'‘ durtior, of. four centuries. (300 to 700-A. D.) and a period of decadence-of about five centuries (700 to 1,100 A. D.).
1,1c'ns believes it very rossil-de that n poll4lieal empire dominated by Tiahuanaco,andase:d:ersive as the cltural empire may Lave existed., but according to him there is no proof as to the rerolity, of such ,a state.** One thing is certain; the, all along the-Foruvian. littoral, at the time of the Incan concuest, there existed a. fair number of powerful states organized along almost —21_,L.:1 lines. These 7ere' the natural heirs of the early Chin. and Nazca cultures, and likowlse of the Tiahu-onaco II cpigonous cultures.
3. The :Inca. Empire
The Origins. of the Inca Empire
No one knoloS the causes'for,T.:.. '1.1nr..cols disappearance: the exhaustion of natural resources, some .physical cataclysm, the invasion of the barbarian tribes of.the Southwest: it is impossible to say. But there is no doubt that the eclipse of that plateau civilization produced such disintegration that the peopic8 retrogressed nearly to archaic nbrms. 1 period of Eenerrl depression followed, accompanied by a disruption of that civilization and the settinP, up of coltirely different types of 'provinciol governnent. The .)016chua race left the
Titicaca basin end went toward the Zorthco.st; settling for	time in the Paccritambo valley and from there it later wont to Cuzco. This migration and the beginnings of the rule of this strong racial group are lost in myth and legend. Garcilaso has told the classic talc: "Viracocha, creator of the men of Tiahurnaco, gave birtli to the sun and seeing the sad condition of men: Ordered the toro children of the celestial body, ..rlanco'-C;pac and his siser,amci Ocllo, to descend from the heavens to earth so thattthey might indoctrirkote them with the knowledgb of our lather the Sun and cause them to adore him and
*On. cit., P. 25.
**Iie "-*"nns on. cit	P 177.
•	, P.
B-1132-P2O-BU
15.
consider him as their God, and that they might give them commandments and laws by which they should live as rational and civil men, that they might live in populated houses and towns, loan how to work the earth, cultivate plants and grain fields, raise cattle end enjoy their producta and the fruits of the earth, as rational men and not as beasts.'" The two envoys received from Viracocha a, little bar of gold and the order to roam in search of a land where the bar would sink and there to establish a community which should be the center of an empire under the command of Manco and his successors. The tuo loft Titicaca traveling northward, stopping when they tried to sink the bar of gold; they rested at one smell spot and from there continued until they arrived at the valley of Cuzco, which at that time "had become a raging mountain" and on a nearby hill to the south of the city they attempted to sink the bar of gold "rihich easily sank at the first blow that they gave it, and -Coy sae.: It no more,"*and in accordance with the divine command Cuzco became the scat of the kingdom.
There is no lack of histeriens who attempt to support the,his-toric reality of Lane() Cfpac, while others consider him a m:rthologi-cal and legendary personage. One thing is indisputable: Lanco Capac, reality or legend, marks the beginning of the most wonderful empire that the American land has kne-In. Prescott says and many believe t!eet Yanco C6pao may not have been anythIrs more than r wise ii dividual the strongest and the c.ost intelligent of the chiefs of the reany scattered tribes of Tiahuenace. The legend was probably invented to explain his ascendency and consolidate his position; especially in order to establish the divine origin of his rule, a very important element, fundamental in the Incaic empire: besides being the first Inca, lanco Cpac is the founder of the Incaic theocracy. The legend divulged.by Garcilaso holds many elements of Indian cosmogony: Viracocha, the supreme creator, gives the cowand; t:.,e children of the sun, deities created by the same supreme maker, leave on a trip, end brother and sister marry and found a dynasty; the bar of gold is inserted in the soft ground, the n?.mf Peelle lend, symbol of fecundity.
The Imperial Dynasty
The empire founded by Manco Cfpac in the middle of the tenth century, had fourteen sovereigns; .the next •to the last one, Ata-hualpa, wac-perfideously and cruelly tortured to death b- the garrote of the Spaniards, in Cejemarca, in the year 1333. The first epoch of the dynasty culminates with the Inca PRchacutec (1400 to 1448) who is, in the opinion of soms3;the greatest men that'the American aboriginal produced" and ivho extended his dominions up -Le the Jeuja valley, in_vhat is now the center of Peru, and along the littoral up to Chimil, over an area of some 260,000 square miles. The empire reached .its highest point under the Inca Huayna-Cf-.pac, son of Tupac-Yupanqui; the latter began the conquest of the kingdom of Quito,. and Hucyna-Cpac Oontinued it by completely subjugating Ecuador.--rid e:f-tablishing a second Incaic capital in Quito, the chief city of; the Ceras.
The Four Regions of the Empire
About the beginning • of the XV century, in the reign of the Inca Pachacutec, the Incan empire organized the Tiahuantinsuyo, or Land of the Four Sections, which delimited both the domination and the zone of influence of Incaic civilization. The four regions can
*De la Vega, Ccrcilaso, "El Inca," primera parte de Los Comentarios
Reales.	Libro Primero, Cap. XV.	•••••••••••••••
B -1132 -P21-BU
16.
2roperly be conceived as ethnological and tribal and correspond to the physical outlines of the vast territory ruled by the Incas. The first or_rorthern region included the kinr-,dom of Quito and comprised about 150 square miles from the Lncasmayu up to the Loja Knot; the second, 301110 450 miles long, received the _-u meof Chinchnsuyo, and stretched from the Loja Knot to *the leounteintcrest dividing the watersheds of the Huyaga and Ucayali Rivers; the .lost'ioportant of the regions was she one included in the Ucayali Pasin, designated as the Incaic regior?. ,ar excellence; the fourth region, called Coyasuyo, corresponded 'to the Titicaca basin. During the reign of alaynn C(.pac the enpirecov-ered some 380,000 square miles, an area equal to that of Italy, Sultz-rland, Luxembourgh, Hollend, Belgium and fiance tegether; it was bounded on the north by what is ng7 Colombia and on the south by the= T.Taule RI,Ter in-Chile, it extended the length of the Pacific littoral and exercised an unquestioncble.influonce on some regions of the eastern forests. The population of the empire has been calculated at from 5 to 32 million inhabitants. The Cuzcans 'never mede a complete census of their subjects. The cersus decreed by the Visitador Casca, in the first years of the Colony, gave 0,265,000 inhabitants, not including Chile and some other colonies. Toledo counted 1,067,000 male Indian ta=ayers, that is, from 18 to 50 years of age, without including those
in	Tucuman or Chile. At the rate of five inhabitants per taxpayer, the population voull: be 5,35c,485. !,01--mte fiured the population of the ,empire, at the arrival of the Spaniards, at nearly ten million. Means, on the other hand, considers that the inhabitants of Tahuontisuyo can be estimated at between 16 and '32 mi'lion people.
The imperial Politics
Previous to the formation of the em ire, the Peruvien territory which was later to become a dominion of the Inca, was inhabited by a group of independent tribes, peoples and nations. The 2.yllu, a unified indigenous community, a. group cf individuals linked by blood, by communal land, by some totemic league, and later by simple traditional bonds, was in reality the cellule of the emoire, its eemoonent element. _1 number of such groups ruled over by some chief -ill° et the beginning -7as named only in cases of emergency, made up the !yllusinchi. The
yllus also formed more advanced states with a permanent chieftain, :he curaca, thus establishing the ,yllu-,,unc. At the dawn of Inca ruleTTUFF groups constituted confederated states with an organization :imilar to that of feudal Europe. Such was, for example, the Colla Confederacy, .on the shores of Titicaca, or the Chincha, on the coast. The• our:cs of the confederated states were allies of one another, rather than vassals of the strongest. There also existed in those times true feudal kingdoms; such as nuquimanca on the coast, and Quito in the Andean region of Ecuador. These human groupings--the Celluler lefllu, the Ayllu-Sinche, the Lyllu-Cuna, the confederations'
nd feudal kingdoms--became the fundamental social elements of the
mpire.
The form'ative process of the empire was long. It included a slow, persistent and very clever movement of military conquest,, a policy of pacific and ef:ective domination, and a complete program of material, cultural and spiritual 'integration_. It is certain there existed a traditional basis on which to build: those ceparate,scattered groups had not completely forgotten prehistoric 2dahuoneco; the Incas had only to build up anewwith elements of
n analogous civilization a unity which had been dispersed.. Never-heless, the formation of the empire, was not e mere act of accession nd integration. It also involved creative and inventive forces.
B-1.132-P22-BU
17.
How the Empire was Consolidated
Ondengardo has given us the key to the imperial policy: "more became lords et the beginning through cunning than through force." While we keep this in mind, let us not forget the military character of the Incas. The most subtle cunning, the cleverest policy or the most concentrated religious fervor would not in themselves have been sufficient to subdue, some ef the semi-barbaric nations of their world. The Inca was a warrior. His training and education dealt largely with the art of wer and before coming into power the princes had already taken pert in enterprises aiming at conquest and e7pan-sion. But violent means were only resorted to  as a last recourse. Upon conquering a people or gaining it for the empire by soale pacific means, the Inca proneeded to implant, before anything: else, the worship of the Sun. The local gods were taken as hostages to Cuzco, Temples were constructed to' the celestial god, and the cult put in the care cf a large body e clergy who initiated the people into the mysteries of the new- religion. But the'locargods mre not destroyed, nor were they treated with disrespect: they were carrded to Cuzco with pomp ald ceremony end they were placed in special temples in order to occupy positions aillonr- thc lesser di7inities of the rell-populated Peruvian pantheon. The curacas, nobles and chiefs of the conquered, nation -iere also token C67E-IMperial capital ire order to learn the Quechua tor4fue, and to familiarize themselves with the empire's laws, institutions and manner of government; doubtlessly also in order to impress themswith the glory and po-:er of their new lords. ljhen this period of treining had finished, the curacas .could return to rule their former subordinates for the Inc.a. -But chey left their children. in Cuzco,' es hostages, and also that they "might more completely acquaint themselves with_ Lie life of the empire.
The policy of. consolidation, was also noted in the di:Tusion of Quechua, as the official language of the empire. The curacas and their children were obliged to 'use it as the official lariguarEe; travelling teachers went to the new dominions to teach it. In fact Quechua spread rapidly, aided by a fixed cultural polity end .a tradition favorable to the .language:. The 'people could continue speaking their own tongues, for it vas not the custom of the Cuzcan lords to be excessively ;authoritarian orto deprive the people cT their customs. This attitude resulted in the general implanation of C6uechua as the official language and the survival of the local languages and dialects. These, however, rapidly disappeared, such was the assimilating force of the,Cuzcans. At present Quechua is the universal tongue in the Indian part of tap r Peru, in :cuador and in practically ell the territory that as Incar, with the exception of the region in which Aymara continues to be spoken. I Only traces of other' minor languages remain as uni'nportant local survivals.
The empife was also consolidated by the unified administration policy of _a-king the general population homgeneous through transplanting peoples from one .,region to the t',01, of organizing it hierachicall7 of regulating labor .1:1 t'e most minute detail, of taking over the distribution of wealth, of keeping detailed statistics, ofi opening roads and posts, of personal inspection by the Inca and tl extreme vigilance of the government of this enormous empire, with a iew at all times to the consolidation of power and the welfare of tl peoples, within a system of absolute but rather benevolent des-p ism.
B-1132-P23-PU
18.
Institutions of the Empires Social Hierarchies
The Inca organized the population. He began by.oreating an aristocracy and echieved the most minute clessificetion of men end their activities for the advantage of the empire end for the promotion of the common welfal.e.- The Inca be6ame a noble and master by divine right when he declared hiMself the child of the Sun and invented the fable of the command of Viracocha to establish an empire for the good of mankind. Not only was the Inca an absolute monarch, but he was of divine origin, for he was the-son of the Sun, the seeereme popular divinity, and the child of Viracocha who was the higbee power. No one entered the presence of the sovereign with shoes on, nor with eyes raised, end people could come before him only when carrying upon their shoulders a light weight, as a symbol of tribute, The term Incg designated both the monarch and all the male descendents of the royal family, those of noble blood.
The royal class, the nobility, was educated in special schools. The initiation ceremonies into adult life were very solemn, and were presided over by the m-n-rch himself. After the examinations were passed, the younE. noble would receive the sign end emblem of his class, a large gold disc in each ear, so large and heavy th-t the ear was slowly deformed, giving the lobes disproportionate size (at times they fell up to the shoalder, and because of this the Spaniards called the members of the Inca family big-ears, Ore hones, The raids of royal blood were interned in the great monastery of Cusco, where they lead a rigorous monastic life and had the duty of keeping the altar fires alive. The Inca chose the most beautiful and perfect for his wives: he could have as many es he wished. When the imperial class was at its peak it seems that the Incas adopted the custom of marrying their own sisters: this kept up the legendary tradition of Manco-aleac eni Mam6 Ocllo and helped preserve their purity of blood. The nobility also included persons of merit whom the Inca favored with a title, and the curacas and chiefs of the conquered peoples. A large priestly class was set up and entrusted with the complicated rite of. Sun worship. The aristocratic and ruling cla'ss had as its heed the Inca son of the Sun, who reigned by divine right end under him was a nobility organized on hierarchal lines: the empress, a sister or near relative of the sovereign, the noble concubines of-royal lineage,-:the concubines of other lineages. The class immediately beneath this was made up of nobility of the blOod also called.Incas, and their wives, and-of the unmarried princes Fnd princesses. Then followed the curacas and the principal Indians also counted es nobles, since they were persons of merit whom the emperor rewarded by raising their social rank. The priests did not make up a noble class, properly speaking, but constituted a privileged caste.
Under that nobility of blood end merit was the people, the mar-carunas, farmers, tillers of the soil; the llecterunes, dwellers in
a town; and the 71anecunas, servants end serfs of their curaca masters
_
(who became in the colonial period the yenacones, serfs of the lords and landowners).
The hierarchic organization of the people really began with the family. The social unit was the family and not the individual. As each individual had to serve the State, in accordance with his age and his capacity, the males of the family were classified into ten categories, by age end in conformity with their dependent condition during infancy, or with the work that each could do. The classification is ilLfeeesting: the first caterery was the newly born babe in ems; the se,-ond, the ch±ld who begins to wel.‹; the third, the child between one anc. six years cf age; the fourth, Ttanta-requizi:., bread-receiver, a
B -1132 -P24 --DU			
19.
child six to eight years old; then the category of children who played, from eight to sixteen years; the CucaTallac class, comprising the-youths of from sixteen to twenty years, who were The coca-pickers and could do manual labor; the seventh class -was called the Ima.mhuayna., quasi...youth, assistant to his elders, from twenty. to twenty-.T .7e years; the, ninth . class was ..that of the middle-aged, from fifty to: tixt;:- -rho oul dg .11g ht work; and, lastly, the class of the Punuc ruou, or drowsy old men, nude up of individuals of s-ixty years anc.:-677.--r"Tris classificat:i on reveals the minuteness of the In.ban system of sccial organization, bit it must-have remained quite theoretical, since it is well knoi.vn that much before sixteen years of age, the a'quth, or rather child, had ceased klay-ing and was obliged to do less pleasant work..
The The populations were also divided for militcry and" achainistrative
purposes, according to decimal groatpings	10„ 50, IOC, 1,000 and 10,000 families, each group :.vita its chief accorCir to a perfectl: established and regulated hierarchy.tulents of the Incan social organization have always bE;en intrigued by tl is artificiel grouning of the population which was not entirely consistent with the resp•sct that the empire had for the constituent units, the Ayllus, that is, the original communities.. Nor 1.oes it harmonize with the:!r
known respect for the traditional life of the' origiral grcupc point of territory, local custom, dress, etc., nor is i-b in hal-loony with the general fact,- flowing from the one just mentioned, that the erapire conaistei of a cultural mosaic ;with 11;s .diverse elements united by strong ties, but pre-a-crying the particular characteristics of each
com,-.,onent	The decimal organization of population appecrs to have been established in a rather abstract manner for military, taxation and other -Eurposes, but doea not seem to have i:_plied uprooting individuals from their respective stations.
The relationship between the d.:ffercat classes, castes and groups appear to have, been fixed with exactitude; the s;; stem of stratification was perfect; but 'equal care was exercised in weaving the tales that were to unite them and in opening up the means of communication for bringing the groups closer to one another. The Inca, noteri_thstand-ing his exaltation as a divinity., approached the people on certain occasions, presiding at the inauguration of agricultural labors on the lands of the nobility, initiating his reign with a long aond minute tour of inspection throughout his dominions and .frequently moving from on; part of the king•lom to another. • The merabe-rs of the royal nobility also came in contact with- the people. One of the orders of the Viceroy, of Toledo for the rulers of, the .colony statee:1' "I order and cormard that the Caciques and principal mon., 1cz12.es and Per-idores eat in the squares where the peoples ere accustoa-ther,..becaus7 it is ust that in this v.-oy there be maintained the' ancient custom of the Incas, who took care that the poor Indians should cat with them publicly."
C ollectivism
The Incas did not invent communism, but they did amply to the highest degree, the communistic tradition of the original lyllus, elaborating a system of social organization, such as has never been seen at any othe'r time or place. The lands were considered the property - of the State and were distributed into three parts, one for the Incas another for the Sun and one for the people. Men some region had been conciuered the properties were inventoried and their valuecalcul-ted;'nd then divided according to the regulations; one part for the temples and _.priests of the Sun, for the maintenance of .the cult and the -virgins; another for the emperor and his imperial officials, that is, for 'the Incas; and another .for the people. This last lot was divided among the families according ,to their social category and in proportion
B -1132 -P25 -BU
20.
to the number of children. The noble families received greater shares. than the popular classes. Each married man without children was given a tupu (a unit of 96 varas long by 48 wide, or a total of 2,608 square vanFT and a like porTIO77was added for each male child end a half portion for each daughter.. The people were required to work 'the lands of the Sun first, by turns and with definite assignments at definitely fixed times; the lands of the soldiers in service and ;,he. old and invalid were cultivated next: then the lands of the people were worked under similar regulations; each person worked his own parcel at his own expense and could make such use as he personally desired of the. produce. Finally, also at definitely fixed times, the lands of the Inca would be worked. The days devoted to the, cultivation of the lands of the Sun and of the Inca were holidays and the work was begun with ritual ceremonis and proceeded to the sound of music and chants.
The Litimaes
The mttimaes or transfers of population from one place to another wore of two types, military and agricultural. The first were subdi-vided\into two groups, one consisting of garrisons established along the frontiers; the other, colonies of faithful and well-tested subjects who were transported to recently conquered territories to impose order. In this way they could count on having trained people on the spot to exercise vigilance and to implant the Leperial policies and culture with which they already were acquainted. The second type of mitimees were colonies established in order to spread the population more evenly. These were set up in favorable regions with sparse population where agricultural colonies were created in: order to ob-
tain the products needed by the Inca.	The establishment of the
ndtimaes was carefully studied and regulated; they took into account the climate and other condit'ons,' striving to have the conditions of each colony resemble those which the colonists knew; the age of
those sent was also regulated, young people being preferred. It seems that the colonists were compelled to cut all their ties with the ayilu from which they came and to learn the dialect, of their new location, although they still continued to spread the of-finial language; sometimes it was forbidden the new Lnmigrants to enter, into intimate relationships with the people of the district, although on other occasions the colonists were required to marry in the new locality. The mitimacs were started by the Inca Pacha-Cutec and were originally made up of selected groups of heads of families who were taken to Cuzco and appeared before the Inca before being sent on to the colony; they were entrusted with propaganda, spying-, and acting es representatives of the Inca and ht regime throughout the four kingdoms of Lhe empire. In general, the institution of mitimaes had the following objects: a) .a suitable distribution of the population, so that there should be no places or regions which were inadequately exploited; b) reducing the risks of insurrection and invasion to a minimum; c) dissemination of Incaic culture and aivilization, with special emphasis on the language.
Regulation of Labor and Socialization of jealth
Under Incaic ru13, labor was strictly regulated; in fact it res put' on a military basis. -A census was taken and the people classified according to their productive possibilities, and their skills. The districts were delimited and the work of the whole empire carried out according to a program and a work calendar. An admirable system of statistics made all these arrangements possible. The national wealth, thought of as the absolute property of the Inca, was entirely socialized; to the Inca belonged the land, the rivers, and the fruits. The wool from the herds belonged to him, and he was the owner of the treasure from the mines and the fertilizing guano from the Pacific islands: everything was his to
Bell32-P26-BU
23.
distribute and allocate. The country's economic activity was thus in c certain way a public function. The te.x system imposed by the Inca on his subjects' ms the basis of the empire's finances. The product collected as, tribute and the fruits of the lands of the Sun and of the. Inca more all kept in royal warehouses. Th.ere were three kinds of depots, one for the needy, one for the priests and the royal caste, and another for the royal highways to keep the army supplid. The flocks belonged to the sovereign and the wool was all turned over to him and distributed by him for making royal garments and for the needs of the nobility, aLd so that each weaver might have what ems needed for his use. There more supervisors for the wools, and the fine weavings, who inspected the quantity, quality and artistic value. Yetals more melted in special open-air furnaces, aad used for sacred ornaments and to adorn the Inca. Money was unknown. As theelebor was Collective, so was the enjoyment of the products, in C contain sense, although those coming from the family plot belonged to the in-
The empire sought to make the indivilual's life safe mitLin the group and to satisfy his needs by a system of cooperation and by Dr-ganization of labor. It wasa collective, rather than a communist system. The empire, from an economic point of view, was in reality a collective structure on a big scale, based on the distribution of lend, the sharing of produce, the organization of labor, and on detailed statistics. A strict juridical and cdministrative system suleported the Inca's collective organization. Sanctions applied within the agrarian regime were severe. At the head of each of the four lerge provinces of the empire was a ViCeroy or,Governor. The leers applied to criminal cases more severe; those guilty of robbery, adultery, or assasination were punished by death, as. were also any who blasphemed against the. Sun .or, cursed the Inca, crimes which were really identical in view of the' divine origin of the emperor. Other severely punished crimes wore moving the boundaries of property, changing the course of a stream to irrigate one's own land at the expense of &nether's, etc. In case a state or province rebelled, it, was devastated and its inhcbi-tants wore exterminated. Insurrection against the "son of the Sun" was the' greatest, of all crimes.
Censuses,.Roads .Post Houses, En :Irrigation Projects
In The Socialist Empire of the Incas,* Baudin observes that the' Inccm sy-s-re-m-67777fstics war.te; -%-.77--m=ooraplete,  the most detailed and adequate that has ever existed in the world. Statistics ware the basis of the empire's collectivist organization. They were recorded by means of the'quipu, a sort of,abecus consistirg of intertwined cords with knots of various sizes and colors. TLe 1.1uMber.of knots' and their arrangement indicated the figures, and; the keepers of the quipu wore expert.accountants.
The Incas 'also excelled in the construction of reeds.. They es. tab.lished two principal routes: the coastal road started at Cuzco and went soilth, thrOugh Arequipa, Idoquehua, Hoene, lrica, and as far as the Maule. River in southern Chile; this same roadalso went north from the capital; following the coastal,deserts and. valleys up to Tumbes, on the Gulf of Guayaquil. The mountain road was still more important. It also began at the imperial capital and, crossing the center of present-day Peru, penetrated Ecuador, continuing through the' inter-Andean valley, passing through Quito and up to the Colombian frontier; in the south it ran along the edge of Lake Titicaca and con-
*E1	Socialista de los Incas
41••••••••••••• ••••••••••••
B-1132 -P27 -BU
20.
tinued through the valley of the Desaguadero as far as the Kingdom of Tacna. Supplementary roads united the territory transversely. One of them climbed from Tumbes to the Sierra, another from Chanch(m. to the Jauja Valley, another started in the region near Lima and went to the central valley alluded to above, following a route not very different from that laid out by_ the
Trollo railroad.	One famous road began at Chuqui-apu (La Paz) and ran to the Chuncho district on the eastern montaffar Those roads were five or six meters wide, with law stone or adobe walls along the sides. Wherever possible, they followed a straight lire. Cuts were made t'irough the hills, stairways built on very steep slopes, and stone causeways constructed to span ravines. Bridges of rubble masonry 'crossed the minor streams, and suspension bridges the more important rivers. All along the roads were the huts or inns* used by the imperial messengers,** who were distributed at regular intervals throughout the territory so as to work in relays. These runners were stationed every five kilometers and each had a short distance to cover, so that the communication was rapid, and news and small packages of goods-for the Inca's use could be transported at a speed of 200 kilometers per day.
The Incas' outstanding work, along material lines, was irrigation. The sierra, the empire's most important. region, has narrow valleys and the rains are few and at times irregular. On the other' hand, the ponulation was numerous, and so it was necessary to fashion terraces on the steep, arid mountainsides. The walls were of stone and terraces of variable width followed the sides of the hills for incredible dttances. In rainy sections it was necessary to fill them in with humus. They were irrigated by canals when possible, but frequently water was carried by hand in pitchers. The remains of those remarkable works can still' be seen in many Andean ravines. They are especially well preserved in the Urubamba canyon. In Yucay, the resort capital of the Incas, they were true architecturcl as well-as utilitarian structures; the andenos are still in existence and used' for farming. The Indian School (E1 Internado Indigena) at Yucay, supported by the Salesians by means of a Government subsidy, makes use of some of these very. works. The Incas also built canals and aqueducts, through which the water from the mountains flowed down to the coast to be used in the irrigation of the fields.
710 need look for no signs of any Incan effort towards , systematic tdu-cation of the people; in a despotic and absolutist system such as theirs, formal education was the patrimony of the royal class and the elite. Ger-cilaso cites a saying of the Inca TUpac-Yupanqui which accurately expresses this theory: "It is not proper that.comoners should be taught-the sciences that belong to the noble, and to him alone, lest the lower class should climb a degree higher or become unduly• haughty, mocking or insulting the epublic; it is sufficient,that they learn their ancestral trades, for it- is not for commoners to direct and govern, and to give them this right is to endanger the administrators and also the republic."*** On the other hend, the aristocracy received a careful education. The royal school had.a four-year course of studies: in the first, Quechua was taught to those who did not know it; in tile second, ritual theology, etc.; the third was devoted to the study of the quiff u, and the fourth to history and tradition. The adolescents of the royal family also received a long rigorous training to prepare them for a military career and to fulfill their duties as leaders and statesmen. The people, on the other hand, "learned their ancestral trades," and in this home schooling in trades and industries they were surpassed by no other people, for the work was all under official tutelage. Their true education vas due to the required and regulated participation by each individual in the communal activities, within, a system established by tradition and the orders of the ruling class. The ceremonial life, the official and religious celebrations, the cult ritual, made up a varied and rich educational program.
*tambos
**chasquis
***Garcilaso. "Comentarios Reales." Part I, Book VIII, Chap t. VIII B-1132 -P28-BU
23.
The Incas did not succeed in developing any system of writing, remaining far behind the Aztecs in this respect. The quial was the tool most nearly approaching the expression of words and ideas. The colors of the cords represented tangible objects, as for example, white meant silver; yellow, gold., Sometimes a color indicated abstract ideas; white also meant peace, and red signified war. In addition to their direct representation of simple objects and even of certain elementary abstract ideas, the u3 pus were a very powerful aid to memory. It becalm a kind of mnemonic systems There was a chronicler whose duty it was to record the most important facts within his jurisdictions the Smautas wore functionaries charged with publishing the history of the empire end the feats of the Inca. The Amautc repeated the history to his disciples, and thus the information was transmitted from generation to generation through oral tradition, aided by the aliuus. The. Ineas made few advances in the science of astronomy, which is strange in view of the fact that they were the children of the Sun and his devout worshipers. They -Jere ac.-quainted with some constellations. The Pleiades played an important part in their cosmogony; they divided the year into twelve lunar months, and they, also had weeks, although their length is not definitely kuoara. As the years were lunar, they had to do their checking by moans of ;y1-indrical'coltmns which -were used to take the azimuth. The year began with the winter solstice.
The Incans excelled in the textile art. Thcir fabrics were known for the fineness of their weave, the beauty and variety o2 their iccor-ation. Fibres of aloe, as well as of cotton, llama, vicuna or alpaca wool were used. The vicuna fcbrics were for the sole use of the aristocracy. Incan pottery could not compare with that of the earlier Ch5mU, Naze:: and Tiahuannco cultures, but it is quite adnirable and can be counted among the most beautiful of the Americcn continent.
Incan Communise
'he characteristic of Inca civilization which most attracts sociol-ogists1 attention is its so-called comelunism. The empire was a despotic monarchy of the most drastic kind, even though it vies tactful, benevolent and considerate of its~ subjects. The monarch governea by divine command; more then this, he was God himself.' To criticize or censure the Inca eras blasphemy. But in spite of this absolute despetism, it would be difficult to find a system in which the sovereigns end, rulers had concerned themselves with greater care, intelligence, and more genuine tenderness for the well-being of their subjects. Incan communism has been studied in greet detail_by Luis Baudin and by Trimbrol.*
Some modern Peruvian historiens, sociologists,: and economists have also studied- this subject. Cesar Antonio Ugarte says that the Empire sought the guarantee of individual life within-the group, and the sctisfaction of its needs by a system of coo'reretion and orgrni• zetion of mprk: in the Ayllu there was collectivism, not communism; the empire, from.the economic point of view, was collectivism organized on a ,large scale, but not universal communism.** Baudin, in making a study ,of the Incaic agrarian system, says that in general the land could' be allotted in any one of three forms 1. for cultivation in common, and distribution of its produce according to need, under
* Louis Bau=7"L'Emplre Socialist des Inka." Tnstitut d'ethnol-ogle. Paris, 1926.
Trimbrol "El Colectivismo de los Incas" (in German), published by Antropos, Vienna.
**Ugarte, Cesar Antonio. "Bosquejo de la Eistoric Econemica del Feria." Limla,.1926. P. 194.
B-1132-P29-BU
the supposition that the members of a community have the same needs and therefore have the right to partake of the benefits in an equal manner (a system of true communism followed by early Christian communities and also used in certain regions of northeastern Spain in the XIX century); 2. for the exclusive benefit cf the community, which in turn organized the work and distributed the produce by taking into account the productivity of the individual, his foresight and his right to a greater or lesser share of the product; and, finally, by the periodic distribution of land, with individual cultivation of the tracts for the profit and risk of each individual. The last form is the type of allotment followed by the- Peruvian Indian community. Baudin consequently believes that the Incas practised collectivism rather then communism. Another proof of this fact is the existence of markets with free barter based on supply and demand, sales even being permitted, for although it is true that the Inca wore not acquainted with money, certain articles and objects did, nevertheless, serve in place of money. This has also been proved by the system of taxes and fees, the payment of duties and transport costs, and by the industrial regime which the Inca established and prompted.
The despotic system of government and the social organization created by the Cuzco sovereigns resulted in the crushing of personality and were harmful to the very genius of the people. Incaic art is imitative, rather than creative. The individual was directed by teachers, supervisors, and inspectors who plied him with rules for the most minute detail of his work. He could foil= no trade nor engage in any kind of work or recreation not expressly indicated by lam; neither could he change his place of residence nor work without the government's permission. He could not even choose his own .wife since even marriage was regulated.
Frora the point of view of the sociologist studying the way a nation is built up, there is no aspect of Incan civilization more interesting than the policy of consolidation and cultural and spiritual int gration. The most striking accomplishment of the whole .stupendous Incaic structure was the fusion of the unlimited human elements within the Peruvian world" which they succeeded in dominating: race, religion, language, culture, social ferns, government - all these differed among the various elements which they finally amalgamated, This fusion acquied a degree of perfea-tion that has never been seen since on the continent. In this respect, only the Incaic empire can be compared to the Roman empire. Peru today, with all the advancements of science and the most modern mechanics, has not attained as absolute a control of its territory as was enjoyed by the Inca.
Historians have been interested in whether the Incaic empire had entered a period of decline and ':ecadence ct the time of the arrival of the Spaniards. The dominion, it should be remembered, covered an immonse aree, and it was necessary to found a second capital in Quito for reasons .of policy and administration, and also because of the love that inspired Huayna Capac's last and greatest conquest. The empire uns divided at the death of that great leader, at his express wish, as some believe, so that the Ecuadorian region remained under the government of Atahualpa and the remainder wont to EuLcar. Civil war between the . two ruling brothers began shortly after the death of Huaync Cfqoac. In this fratricidal struggle, Atahualpa of Quito emerged victorious. He came to Cuzco, the true imperial capital, not so much as a descendant of the Inca as in the guise of conqueror. At that moment Pizarro arrived and, the Spanish Conquest interrupted forever the Inca's rule and broke the rhythm of Indian culture.
B -1132 -P30 -BU
25.
The Incric and Aztec Civilizetions Compared
Whoever attempts an interpretive study of the Indian cultures of the American continent will have to deal with the problem of a comparison between the two great contemporary civilizations: the Aztec in the Mexican plates .0 end the Incaic in the Andean regions. This is not the place for it, however. It is sufficient for my purpose to note the utility of such a study and, in addition, to mention William H. Prescott's opinion on the subject, since no one is more competent to pass judgment than this conscientious end fervent admirer of the Incans and ti-e Aztecs. The comparison that I ma including is taken from the last parts Book I, of the History of
the	of Peril. Prescott says that on examining the Aztec and Incaic civilizations one cannot help but be surprised by absolute lack of analogy between their institutions. The military policy of the two races was very different. The Aztecs were ferocious. They made wars 'of extermination, marking their victories by the sacrifice of hecatombs of captives, while the Incas, although they.followed a career of conquest with equal tenacity; preferred e. more lenient policy, substituting negotiations and intrigue 'for violence, and dealing with their antagonists in such a way that their future resources would not be paralyzed and the enemy would come into the, empire as friends and not as adversaries. Their policies mith
respect to conquered nations also presented a noteworthy contrast. Mexican subjects were burdened with excessive taxes, nothing was done for their welfare; they were held in subjection by forts and garrisons, and never came to form part of the nation but always remained a conquered people. The Incas, on the contrary, conceded to their nua subjects all the rights that the rest of the nation. enjoyed. It is true that they mere obliged to conform to the laws and customs of the empire, but the Incas paternally looked after their personal safety and melfarc. The religious s7-stems mere also very different. The Aztec pantheon shared the sanguinary spirit of the terrible god of war that presided over it; the rites of the Peruvian peoples surpassed the Mexicans in the construction of public works—roads, Louaducts, canals-and in all agricultural achievements. The Aztecs by fear surpassed the Incans in intellectual learning, in the science of astronon: and in writing. Prescott makes the observation—farseeing for his time--that the Incans should not be coal-oared with the Aztecs but rather with the Mayans. This is a keen observation, because it has only been in recent years that cultural relationships between the creators of the great Yahun-Toltec-Laya-Quich civilization and the builders of the Peruvian empire have been noticed.
The empire of the Incas crumbled et a sin-le blow by the conquistador. It was too fine an organism, too artificial to endure; by its very nature it could not rut up the warlike resistance of the Aztecs. Oree the Inca had disappeared, the structure collapsel, for the Inca
was the divine leader, the soul and mind of the	empire. But the Incan culture could not be erased. It has remained vigorous ever
its vees- sources	c-; c:	_0(1 ;--,nd	bf: 	t.e
entire three centuries of Spanish ecblonial rule. It still persists. The Incen is a reality in Peru, -;hicli is not true of the Aztec in Mexico. Only the laya of Yucatan offers us a survival comparable to that of the Peruvian Indians. Their language prevails throughout the entire vast territory of ;;toe Tiahuantinsuyo. The connunist spirit ofthe Incaic social organization still permeates their race, and throughout the entire country their customs reflect the remnents of their culture which have not died out in spite of four hundred years of repression.
B-1132-P31-BU
CUTTER II
TI PERUVIAN IHDIAY I1T MODERN TIMES
ITotwithstanding its comprehensive title, this chapter concerns only the Indians of the Sierra. They arc indubitably the most nulaereus and typical of the Peruvian aboriginal population. The infermrtien that I an outlining is necessarily limited: 'IT stay ir. Peru was short and I could rake direct observations only in the central part in the Juaja Wiley, and in the south, around Puno and Cuzco. I shall present the concrete cases that fell under my personal observation, takin17, them as examples of typical phenomena. Then I shall take up broader considerations, on the baSis of data found in books and other publications, and in some cases, I shall attempt to formulate generalizations on the different aspects of Indian life.
1. Tho Indian Cotrunidad
aumaw.••••01
The Indians of the Peruvian dierra live in towns and 11 Ttle
villages; in settlements and in suburbs populated by groups of liustizos and Whites; in parcialidades and oar,:os,. more or less scattered clumps of dwellings; on ranches strewn along the plateau of the Titicaca region, sprinkled throughout the barren plain; or else in isolated dwellings, solitary huts, on the punas and cliffs.
Towns Around Cuzco
The province of Anta, in the Department of Cuzco, extends over the Arita Pampa, which at one time was a lake whose waters forced an outlet through the northeast towards the. 'crubamba River, gouging out R glen with steep sides and abrupt slopes. At present the Pampa is a magnificent table land hemmed in along the distant horizon by. the, sours of the Eastern and Central Cordilleras. During the rainy season when I visited it,' the Pampa masa blanket of verdure, stained hero and there by enormous, lakes of wild mustard plant, in bloom. Hundreds of cows and sheep graze placidly on the ?lain. On the edges of the ParlpE, close to the surrounding hills, many chocolate-colored towns are scattered at random over the landscape; towns of reddish-brurn adobe Idth ninkish o" gray roefs of tile or t.,ctch. Here -nd there gleaming e'lemine roofs,eflec'e the sun's rays. The soil of the ;;rent plain is arlezingly fertile, but the water is so ncerly level with the ground that orly by lcrge-scale driZaTe could it be effectively utilized fcr,eultivation. :iany of the Pampa towns hrve .lready fallen under the control of large estates: the Ayllus, or Indian comunidades,' are now colonies of day laborers who pay the estate owner for the grass that their cattle consume and who rent lands from the estate or hire them-eelves out at twenty cents a day. The comunidades defend their claim egainst the large landholders and will continue to do so throughihe con- ;urics. The land, they Le:3,r, is theirs, and does not belol-z to the hacienda.. There are towns like Kataniray that have kept their liberty, -oossess their own lands and the indisputable title to thelx farms, even though they, pay the estate for pasturage,end serve as day 'laborers when driven to it by-need.
In Ante ihe mounted herses and traveled towcrds the 7e31:,. Arriving
ft the edge of the Prmpa, we climbed the steep hills that bounded it',
and crossing them came upon a region of russet hills and undulating dales
that were beginning to turn green under the stimulus of the s-imaer freshets,
now that December was here.	found Chanchf.n a town of adobe and tiles, 'hickly settled near the church, but s;orinkled about over the plots of ler' 'n the outlying portions. 710 needed an interpreter to make ourselves under-tood, for the comunidad is completely Indian.
B -1132 -P32 -BU
2'7.
In Cuzco we took the auto highway and headed northwest, passing through Anta and then proceeding toward the Urubamba, sacred river of the Incas. In 011ataytainbo ere the ruins of an Incaic village and next to it the modern town with a narrow winding outlook to the east.
The railroad from Arequipa to PuLo does not pass through many
towns, for the region jo mountainous and deserted.	Approaching Titicaca, 1.Jee saw for the first time the Peruvian-Dolivian plateau, level: arid and cold. Juliaca has a large population, but it is scattered throughout the entire stepper' small sYepherd ferms,.rdobe huts with thatched roofs, ell quite unprotected agoinet the vweather. The sLeppe continues from J-liaca to the northeast until it crosses the frigid end hostile Knot of Vilcamota. Up to this point the Indian comuni:ades are scattered over the haciendas or cluster here end there to form adobe end tile towns (Pucare, a town of pottery makors, and others of the same typo). After crossing the Knot, we gm-duchy ertered a large ravine with L gentle but continuous slope. Finary,"nor Sicuany, 71c realized that the lend was levelling out end the surroundings were less rugged, while the tons grew more freluent: Sicu.any, San Pedro, Urcos, Cairo., San JerOnimo, and lastly, Cuzco. The tillable land is nowhere very extensive, but under the stimulus of the sun and the Indians1 care it does possess a concentrated exuberance. Once more towns ore colorful with she russet of clay adobes, the quiet tints of the tiled roofs, and here and there the bluish-white squares of galvanized zinc.
.Towns Along the Oroyn Railroad:
Lima, Cerro de Pasco, Jauja and Huna
First the arid coost and the Rimec, here C. s'orollen streald, running swiftly along the steep slope of the plain, ,and then, as we went up into the mountains, a noisy, tumultuous torrent. F3 towns ore passed during the ascent; the perpendiculer Andes ere bare. From time to time along the rocky flank of the hillsides, abandoned Ineaic terraces catch the eye. Three or four thousand meters further un, near the snowline, arc mining settlements, and then the. Jauja valley a little below, at three thousand meters in altitude, more spacious then most of the Sierra valle7s, strewn with crowded towns, almost all of them Indian. Jauja and Huancayo are cities, rnd around them, through out the valley, a: .rea hundred tovms: Sa2ellarga, Huancan, Chupaca, Eueyucachi.*.
Some of these towns cro anejos* or parcielic'adcs, purely Indian; others have a mestizo center of population with IT:dicn anejos on- the outskirts; still others, like Chupace, are compact and call themselves Indian, and pure Indian at that, although in reality they are pertly mestizo.
The Town of Chupaca
Chupaca is'a district of Huancayo Province, situated some ff...rteen kilometers northeast of Huancayo itself, on the Comas, a nermenent stream, tributary to the Yantaro. It has 2erhaps-seme 8,000 inhabi-te:nts the claim to be ell Indian, although in the center they have a mestizo appearance, and the fact that they are Indians is not evident except by careful observation of their features or from their peer Spanish. The district of Chupaca has five fLiejos; the city t divided into eight wards that were undoubtedly originally Ayllus. At present they no longer have even ilcaldes de vara** but ere governed simply
*[Trc)s. note: outijin: qectio, or .su'elii-b '5.:.. f..
•
Often s2elled anexe.]
**[Trans. note: mayors whose staff of office is a stout carz- with
a silver top.]	B-1132-P33-BU
28.
by the Municipal Council. The material aspect of the city is the same as any casual observer might find in the center of a mestizo city of this size: a central. square with buildings of some importance on the four sides, where stores and saloons, a church, and two schools are located. Most of the people do not differ in dress or behavior from those we would see in any second or third-class city. If from some small elevation we view the outskirts of the city, in the direction of the river flats, we shall see a cluster of adobe and tile houses set on plots of land where the majority of the lower class people live. They are unmistakably Indian.
The Town of La Punta
La Punta is an anexe of Selpallanga, a district of Huancayo Province.. It is divided into six -Wrds that probably correspond to six original Ayllus. The head official of the anexe is called lieutenant governor; there is also a justice of the peace and a municipal agent. In each one of the six wards are two alcaldes de vara, appointed by the lieutenant governor after nomination by the ward merlers. In reality, these alcaldes de vara al.e elected by the. communty. They remain in service for one year and are aided in their duties by two inspectors appointed by them' with the advice of their. leaders. Each ward also has a chief Council made _up of a few of the important elders of the comunidad. This group guides and advises the inhabitants and the authorities of the ward. The wards preserve their identity; each in itself could be considered as a unit or cell. The residents of each ward collaborate in the construction of communal projects. Those of the "upper" ward have juatlealt an axcellent sehciolhouso, a project undoubtedly undertaken out of rivalry with the central ward where the school is now located. When the Mayors order it, the residents repair the roads and carry out any public project within the jurisdiction of their ward.
Types of Comunidades, According to Castro .Pozo
In the first chapter of his work, "Nuestra Comunidad Indigena,"* Hildebrande Castro Pozo describes the characteristics and funotions of the comunidades. He mentions four kinds, basing his classification on the typical activity in which the residents engage: agricultural, stock raising, comunidades of pasturage and water, and comunidades of usufruct. These are not pure types, but at any rate they possess special characteristics. The agricultural comunidad is the most common.  It tends to be united and to thrive. It is made up of people who have succeeded in retaining their land in spite of vicissitude's and the predatory feudal agricultural system which has dominated Pere as well as the other American countries. The stock-raising comunidad is most frequently found in the South. The' herds are made up of sheep, llamas and alpacas, and some have considerable numbers of these animals. A variant of this type of comunidad is that which is exclusively devoted to cattle raising. These are centered in the puna and are composed of poverty-stricken people living almost like animals. The comunidadesrof pasturage ,and water are only nominally comuni-dades. They are rare, and thetie that binds their members are common lands for pasturage and, vexyrarely, the common enjoyment of irrigation water. The usufruct comunidades, according to Castro Pozo, are an interesting type. They ere comunidades of pure-blooded Indians who have lost the title to their lands through the wiles of the gamonales, or the large landholders, or thanks to the brotherhoods, convents, administrations (meyordemias), etc. These comunidades are nearly- all in dispute; in some cases the Indians 
are actually in possession of the lands that they consider their own.
*Castro Pozo, Hildebrande, "Nuestra Comunidad Indgena," Lima, 1924.
P. 498.	• •
B-11.52-P34-BU
Comunilad Types According to Valdez de lo Torre
Carlos. Valdez de la Torre is the author of an.,irrportanL study, "Evolucirm de lac Comunidades Indi:enas".* This ,-Jrner.olossifies
the existing comunidadcs into the.followinc types: 1. The completely agrarian comunidad in which there is no private property.,. (it is doubtful whether there are any such). 2. Llixed comunidc.d: the best lands are held as private property; the others are communal lands for pasturage. hero the custom of the minga or reciprocal aid in the cultivation of the land lo.cr ncis7o.boriErramines still exists. Such comunidddes are found in the deartmeLt of Cuzco, in Cajamr,rca, around Ayacucho, and Hucnaco, and in the departresit cf Junin. 3. TIse., quasi-nominal: the only remaining collective lands are fer.grazing; there arc many such in Puno, in part of Junin and in Piuro.. 4. Com-unidades for the utilization of irrigation lameters; the lands cre all held as private property; the agrarian bond consists of preventing the sale of parcels of land to ortsiders. 5. Th nonincl co-luniJad, limited to the gathering of its mel2bers for Tcrorks of general welfare, the cleaning of drains and the repairing of roads, etc. mary northern comunidades belong to this.,:youp; r number of coolunidades which once
possessed collective grazing 1. rds	ve entered this ertegoiy through. their spoliation by the 1)aciendos. Besides the bonds mentioned and the very strong tic with the 1 ::.rA, there are mr:ny other:, rarer or less vigorous, such as tillinr; the brotherhood lrrds, religious festivcls, popular dances based on legends, traditions, toteus, cto.
The Division cf Indian Affairs of the Peruvian Department of the Interior has published a statistical table of the Indian comunidades of the departrent of Cuzco for the years 1926 to 1927,04* Here the con-unidades are classified according to the typical occupation of their residents into cgriculturrl, agriculture plus stock :cming, and textiles plus agriculture. The data concerning pcnuiation and number of cattle owned are found in the follgwin4 table.
,	m	PO PULL	I r.DN					__							
•	o	--...-	-					•							
.	.,--1						AMOUI1T OF LIVESTOCK THEY: POSSESS							
•	'-'													
	-1													
	0 r--1													
		Yen	-t'Icn				Total•								
		-	•												
		r',i	.1	'CI	'	.'"4		'CI	Shop	Horsos	.	r-a	,	, ,	0 • -	/-
		•	`--,1 -	:i	'-1	M		C-.)			•	C	-	-6 cts,	tLi	- .	P,,
										n	...t,		a	
.	,	585	3661	178712355	346	took Farming 1357 7388 8289	337	2525	50	30	0	19	7913	3
agricultural ,gricuitural - _gricu1ture &	8	2252	1574	615	1143		1855	12826	825	196	42	4'	3528	214
extileS & Ilgriculture	30	2492	i	2283	1.645		2550	15108	722	159	24		3991	l9
,	35													!
TOTAL	,														
	73	5329	t	.	1	37275253		313437534 I	4772	30459a597		385	66	I	23315432	;
								i		1	,				4 4
														,
														t
														.
*:Valcrez, de la Torre, Carlos. "Evoluci6n do los Co.dunidades Indigenas".
Lima, 1921. P. 208.
**Boletin del Ministerio;de Fomento:.. Years 1926-1927. Lima,. 1929.
P. 156.
B -1132 -P35 -BU
70.
Political and Administrative Organization
of the Comunidades
In many localities of the sierra there still persists the institution of mayors (alcaldes), second councilmen (regidores segundos) and
constables or ilacatas, not Withstanding the fact that there have been	'
many legislative777C7Jes prohibiting some of these local officials. In many localities such authorities are given the name envarados, because they carry a stick or cane with a silver handle, the symbol of authority, given to them by the Viceroy Toledo. These communal authorities come under the statutory laws of Peru end frequently also under ecclesiastical laws; they are parts of the more or less effective communal government, intermediaries between the Indian residents and the mestizo political authorities and very frequently, unfortunately, they become the tools of the white man foi- exploiting the community.
The local government of the comunidad and its ri,embers have been so disorganized and upset by events in the histoliy of the settlements and in the remnants of traditional tribal government, and by taxes imposed first under Spcnish colonial, rule end later under the Republic, that it is impossible to make one general statement. The only one that could be made, in fact, is concerning this very diversity and lack of type. The communal meeting-or assembly ispparently
.4fAirly common.. It is made up of Cla adult Indians in the comunidad, men and women, and is a consulting and- deliberating body reflecting the will of the ayllu and imposing' its mandate's and,-decIsions on the very people who are appointed by its members. There is an annual meeting with public discussions; precedent, "the wc':y things have been done before," carries much weight; the vote is generally taken by wards and usually the members of each ward vote' unanimously. Those nersons who have held the communal offices from festival organizer to deputy of the comunidad are held.in special esteem. They form a sort of consulting body within the general assembly. The office, of agent Or de:Duty for the comunidad is honorary end is for one year. There are parcialidades in which all the members are obliged to serve as agent, if tiley fill the requirement of havingeprviouslyoarried. out -other commissions. :.--From the moment that a person receives the communal office, he becomes the object of respect and consideration of all residents.
The officials who mfke up' the communal government appointed:in the assemblies are: the agents-, the-ward treasurers, the attorreY general, the sex-Fin, the chapel or f-3stival attendant and the-town crier or bellman. All those authorities are appointed by the communal assembly, except the agents, who in some cases ere- nominated by the-municipal mayors. The pLrcitlidad is divided into wards, according to the old organization set up by viceregal decrees during colonial times. Each ward has a treasurer, whose duty it is to collect from each family its quota of the funds mcessdry to Meet the `needs of the ward, to guard these'funds and to make expenditures. lie must submit accounts and statements to the attorney general or to the assembly at the end of the year. The funds are used for the Construction or' repair of communal public works, for the .celebration of civil: and religious festivals, and to cover the.fees of the lawyers, clerks and other persons who defend the, riEhts :of the community before the courts of the country. It is not unusual, in some of the more prosperous communities like Jauja, for the•funds to reach considerable amounts -,hich, unfortunately, are squandered on festivals, masses rnd other celebrations. The sexton and the director of the chapel or festivals are ever-present communal authorities: the _former takes care of the church and is treasures, while the latter is entrusted with the custody of the local Saint'. ihe town crier convokes the community by means of a parochial bell, conch,- horn, tinya, drum or cornet.
•	1-
B-2.132-P36-BU
31.
Historic Evolution of the Indian Comunidad
The modern types of communities just described evolved over a long period end are the result of the historic episodes to which fate has subjected the ancient 'peoples of Peru. Originally the ayllu was ,a grouping of individuals brought together by definite and well-established ties. The Peruvian ayllu has been defined as"a group of individuals united by the bond of blood relationship' and the agrarian community". Urteaga* and Valccircel** have made a detailed study of the evolution of the ayllu in.the Incaic and pre-Incaic periods. Both show that the _Mclean ayllu had the same evolutionary development which sociologists have discovered in other primitive societies. The basis of all early human groups was the close maternal, relationship of the members through birth. Endogamy was prevalent in that initial phase of grouping. Later the need of defining their tribal groups and perhaps even a eugenic empiricism produced exogamy and the taboo of sexual union with members of the original group. This first human social group of blood relationship and matriarchial government constituted the clan; in the case of, their own country, Peruvien sociologists Call it the Ayllu7clan. Other ties began to appear: religion was one of the first; the territorial bond, once the group abandoned nomadism,
came later and became ono of the strongest and most persistent;	' totemism gave rise to the concept of authority, leadership and government and constituted the last tic ,of the social group.
The Ayllu: Its Bonds and Characteristics
The Peruvicn ayllu cleerly illustrates this evolution. In its most simple form the ayllu was the grouping of lan indeterminate number of individurls related by blood through the .foncic line and recognizing th,authority Qf the nether or of the grandmother, and also having a totemic bond. The group was later bound .by the agrarian tie. Lally of the nyllus that .had borne the totemic name changed it for names of pieces or for some physical quality: first. thore were the eyllu-cuntur (condor), ayllu-mallcu (eagle), aylluhuaman (hawk),,ayllu-aTT=Tserpent), and later ayllu-tucucaia777ro'e tree) ayllu-collpa (777.7t land), ayllu-umalluirTZTite77erY6'. There 11-77WITUrd distinction beTween Vie777178-hurfn and the hanKn. The Lur'f.n**settled in the lowest and most-fci-tile part of the :valley or re:iiii77 on the soils which had the 'oest comosition and were the best irrigated. These lands were given to or had been-taken by those mho arrived first; they were the' "natives," and therefore the leaders. The hant'ill were settled on the higher lands m'jch were not so good; they were, those who had arrived later, thei:ee sL:ros, This distinction later cave rise to the division of theiari-Eoi-IrIllage cyilus into two words: the lower, Eurinsaya, and the upper, Banan-say.e., each or which was under the leadership of a curaca.
At a time when the Q,uechuas had rlready settled around Cuzco, after the disinterLretion of Tiahuanaco, the ayllus-lineages excelled in their particular occupations--the eyar-cachi were quinoa and salt producers; the ayar-uchu were chile iF77i7T-7Ta the ayar-o.cuy cultivated coca' or co: n. 773re were ayllus which' were known by names derived from the female succession. The Oca-ayllu were those from the. Ayllus of the Oca, that' is, from Mam&-o=6:777.
*Urteaga, Horacio.	Incaioon. Lima, 1931. - **Valcarcel, Luis C. "Del Ayllu al Imperiol.- Lima, 1925.
***(Trense.	"originardos" or 'first settlers.1
B-1132-P37-BU
32.
In the historic outline we mentioned groupings of ayll.s which temporarily or permanently recognized some chief or lord. ,These groups were the ayll s-sinchi and the ayllus-cunn. They were more complete social organisms composed of several units in wT„lich, besides their individual bonds, the superior bonds of governuent existed, more or less clearly defined. The Incaic monarchy was formed, as has been said, by the more or less close knitting together of all these social units, from the simplest ayllus to the most complex. But in spite of the closely knit fabric of the Incaic empire, and its spiritual and material unity, they had not yet arrived at a concept of nationality, so that with the impact of the Conquest and the fall of the. Inca, the Empire crumbled and disintegrated. ,They never returned to their primitive condition because, of course new force* and new factors .were involved. Colonial rUle had a decisive influence on the Indian communities.
Colonial.Policy end the Comunidades
The Colony, had a vigorous policy with regard to the.Indian comunidades. • It issued detailed regulations on all aspects of native life. The reducciones instituted were toms formed by bringing together Indians who lived in isolation, or by the fusion of small villages established in 1546 by the eminent Viceroy, don Francisco de Toledo.' The reducciones were in fact part of the policy of "Esliartimient6s-* they were also created in order to facilitate the education and civilization of the,natives and the levying of taxes. It was part of the effort to put an end to the alarming Indian depopulation, caused, among other things, by the cruelties and abuses committed by the. conquistadores. The reducciones did not turn out as expected; they did not do away :with the depopul7ion nor did they . flourish. In one respect, they insured the servitude of the Indians, organizing_ their Slavery and making it easy to exploit them. • Instead. of being an advantage for the natives, the reducciones were an advantage for the eneomendero, for the State and for the Church. On the other hand the formation of these towns became the most constructive and permanent colonial measure to establish the Indian within a juridical state. These towns wore instrumental in retaining the traditional cyllu, for althoUgh this form of =neighborly organization suffered-serious modifications, it is also true that thanks to Toledois intelligent policy, many of its original features could be kept. The reducciones were more effective than any other colonial measure in regulating the aborigines and another excellent result was their es-tablishment.of Indian property•rights,
Government of the Reducciehes
The government of the reducciones, as established by the orders of Toledo, eras entrusted to two mayors, four councilmen, a solicitor of the cebildo, an agent of the people, a hospital agent, and a constable who was to appoint a jailer, a town crier and a hangman. There vies also a. permanent notary. These officials were elected from among the Indians themselves, by the outgoing cabildo every January. 1st., The office Of mayor or councilmen was incompatible with that of curaca or cacique. Immediate-relatives wore legally barred from being mayors or councilmen at the same time, and it was ordered that the choice should always fell on Indians of different ayllus so that everybody would be satisfied. The colonial law's, regarding the reducciones at tempted to preserve as far as possible the customs of the ayllu. One such custom was the government by curacas or caciques, asithe Indinn chiefs wore called, this name having been imported from Mexico. Juan
* [Trans. note: system of allotting territory and Indians to the conquerors.)
B -1132 -P38-BU
33.
de Matienze* gave an exact description of the role of the curacas as he observed it during the first years of the Viceroyalty: "Caciques, curacas and orincimqes," he says, "are the natural leaders of777rialans and govern with a high degree of cooperation, although with great tyranny. In each division there are two districts, one called nnasaya and the otIler urinscyn.- Each district has a Cacique Principal,who controls the Indian leaders of his own district but does not interfere with the other. The curaca of the Anansaya District is the leader of the entire province andis obeyed by the curaca of the Urinsaya... Each of these curacas has eight ayllus end each ayllu has its Principal." Thc 6777157 had many duties; they hed to look afterthe morality of 71771177ans under their jurisdiction, compel them to render mutual aid in the farm work, and assign Indians for the construction and repair of churches, inns, towns and roads, as well as for the cultivation of the con.: munal farms and the care of the communal cattle. They also collected taxes, tried to persuade the Indians to make their wills, and took care of other matters concerning the public welfare.
The institution of Community Banks (Cajas de Comunidad) was a factor in binding theIndian districts togeTEZr. -Their original purpose was 'to collect taxes, but they later were used as saving banks for the tax balances which by royal declaration belonged to the Indians. These funds were used for relief end for paying the daily wages of Indians employed on public works.. The Census Banks (Cajas de 0enses) also served to consolidate the Indian towns. They made
inVJETory of the wealth of the community, for ,the purpose of preventing the plundering of Indians, and they kept the accounts set up by every reduccion, to learn the economic-condition of the community.
Coirparison Between Colonial and Pre-iiispanic
Indian Comunidades •
Valdez do la Torre makes an interestinl-, comparison between the Colonial and pre-Hispanic communities** which I shall paraphrase: In spite of the attempts at adaptation made by the colonial government in establishing the reducciones, the colonial Indian towns were quite different from the pre-Jiepanic ayllus. Under the Incas, human personality was entirely subordinated to the State, but it never lost its right to exist, for it was always under the beneficent tutelage of the authorities. Under Spanish control, although the people were protected by favorable legislation, they were, as a matter of fact, oppressed and exploited into extermination. From the ethnographic point of view, in spite of the mitimaes and the administrative hierarchies, racial homogeneity was-T77771771ed in every ayllu.  But under colonial rule, in spite of the provisions that tried to isolate the aboriginal, the population gradually lost its ethnic and cultural purity. Croes-braeJing resulted in the adoption of outsiders into the communities; they Lestizo was allied to the Indian by ties of land, but turned against the Indian and aligned himself with outsiders through political and economic ties of another kind. The system of property-end we shall deal with this in due time—was very different iii the Indian ayllu and in the roducciones, The political system, in sPite of the survival of the curacas, changed radically. The land bond, already strong in the' pre-hispanic ayllu, became stronger in colonial days, both because of the institutions created and the evolution of
*Ifiatienze, Juan de. Lic. "Gobierno del Perli." Buenos Aires, 1910.
P. 16. Ch.-6.
**Valdez de-la Torre, Carlos. op. cit. Pp. 139-42.
B-1132-P39-BU
34.
the property concept, and because of the natural tendency of the aboriginal, on finding-himself vanquished by the white man, to cling tenaciously to something that he felt was traditionally his and which he '-new was the very basis of his existence. Aside from any guoss as to bile probable evolution of the institution.if the Spanish influence had not reached Peru, and cs to the relative merits of that probable evolution and the one which really took place,_there remains the fact stated by Valdz de la. Torre, that " the present Indian comunidades Pirst arose throw].) acts of the Colonial government".
Indian Comunidades During the Republic
During the Republic the Indian comunidades suffered all kinds of influences and reverses. They were not recognized by the substantive laws of the country, although in fact secondary ordinances did grant than recognition. The legal condition of the comunidades has indeed been hazy, because of the vagueness of legislation and also because, although fundamentally dissolved by law, they persisted in fact and this de facto existence was recognized somewhat casually by these statutes. Such a condition caused a serious problem: on the one hand it favored control by the garlont.les over the Indirnst land end it left the truly communal properties777ures, public lands, hills, etc.) unregulated.. On the other hend, notwithstanding the provisions of the layers the Indians did not boter to obtain land titles, and in many places periodical distributions took place, so that sinoc the comuni-ad was not legally recognized, property was in a Drecarious position. This condition favored the designs and manipulations of the large land', holder. An important legal study by Dr. Manuel -V. Villarttn, in 1907, established the conclusion that tic comunidades "are not civil persons nor can they, therefore, be a legal party at court". The legal position of the comunidados fin-117 vas clarified in 1920 with the constitutional dechration thet: "The Nation recognizes, the legal existence of the Indian comunidades and the law shall detlere their rights".
The comunidades have suffered from persecution by the large land holder end the-foreman, and far En entire century of independent life they have been thc lobjec.o of various influences that have resulted in undermining the economy of the original groups ts well fs their morals and politics, although in sone cases—and we shall speck of this later-they have been stre-igthened by defensive reactions and by the nositive result of certain integrating influpnces promoted by their com'iontriots..
The present problea of the coell,nida'd is serious; its future is uncertain; it ell depends on e.he Del;oy of fitting the Indien into the, nation and on the aime that will inf],enoc-the philosophic and social attitude of the country. But we yr-1U deal with this when we come to consider the general cu-pects of the Indien problem and the. -,erans pro-DOEled for its se.la'.,ion, It Jeuld net be out of place rt this point,
howevo-e, to descrhe in some deteil the manner in	an Indian com-
unidal or rather a greoe2 of them, comprising the tovin of Chu-oaca,
has selvcd-rn asnece of the 1'	problem that esnecially affected
them, and how they have used their:	nci:hborhood organization by moulding it Into forms of social activities which agree perfectly with the nature of modern societies.
The comunidades of Chupaca, a town whose characteristics were described at the beginning of this section, arc made up of small proprietors who suffer, like other tmtns, from land hunger. An appreciable proportion of the lands which formerly belonged to them had been taken over by the Church under the guise of being brotherhood lands. The Church rented these lands to some influential favor-
B.-1132-14407BU'
35.
ites who exploited	Indicts under fee	ayasten_as. Z.orcelen. The
community resented this situation,711276M177-ent on its attitude became more forceful. The 72 nembers finally decided to organize in order to remedy the situation; they wanted to repossess the brotherhood lands, they wished to stop their exploitation by the ganonales. The latter became alarmed. They brought their burden o fUEFF-and complaints before the authorities of Huancayo. A regiment was sent. The soldiers arrived at a moment when the residents, gathered in assembly, .were deliberating. It was said that they were in rebellion, and they were shot at. Seven people were killed, carelessly thrown into et trench, and covered with earth. * This was the last straw; tit wounded community muld' rio longer hold back. As a result of that incident, the Chupaca communal societies were created in 1921.
.The united societies of Chupaca cbmprise	federation of 'eight groups from an equal number of wards of the city; the residents of each ward are members*of these associations. Each local society appoints five delegates to the central executive committee, the group that really. gives character to. the united societies. The institution, as can be. sden, contains all the roots of the communal association; in it breathes the spirit of, the ancient ayllu. The purpose of the society is to help in the' material, moral and in- tellectual improvement of.the community,:but the case of the extensive 'brotherhood lands was made the subject of'a special appeal to the courts'. At first an agreement was reached by which the Church was to rent these lands to the residents and not to the large land. holders es had previously been the practice; ,but later a plan was formulated for divi(ling them up and selling them. to'the residents. Mcn-thc 'price of the lands had 'been fixed, the Church agreed to take only half of their value,, the other half to be used for ,the benefit
wn
of the to for, any purpose that the residents might choose. The lots were placed on sale for 80;0 of th6ir true value, and 'in this'way the purchaser benefitted to some extent from the fifty'per cent donated by the Church. Each resident could buy only .one plot of irrigated land, one-sixth of a hectare in size, and double this area 'of dry land. In two years all the lands were sold, with the exception of several lots put aside for the purposes which we shall mention below, and some twenty hectares that still remain unsold. The Church received 25,000 soles (one- .sol,-in.DeaLllbar,awaseworth.approp5imately 80 Mexican cents; the dollar exchange was 3.50 soles per dollar) in payment for the lands =chat :zing..., . title by a ,Public _ deed. The price at which, the lots were placed on salty was 600 soles per hectare of irrigable lend and 300 for seasonal land. Up to date 300 hectares of both kinds of land have been sold for'an alount in excess of 88,000 soles. As is seen, the difference in favor of'the society has been considerable.
The society invested the major, part of its profit in the purchase of an electric light plant for the illumination of the city and a grain mill, at a total cost of 40,000 soles. 'These establishments were offered for rent; the society was to receive 160 soles per month as income from the electric plant. The business turned out badly through thc failure of the lessee to fulfill his obligation. In December 1931 the society was receiving an interest, of barely three per cent annually on its investment.
The united societies have donated to the State a plot of land 32 hectares in area for the site of a rural school; they bought a farm of three square leagues for cattle and grazing, intending to use the proceeds for the maintenance of the projected school; they presented the city with a plot of land four hectares in area for a stadium; they donated a piece of land for a cattle market and an-
*Inds story was told to the author by several residents of Chupaca
and by the director of the school.	B-11 32 -P41 -BIT
3GA
other for the erection of a central market, and at their dwn expense they widened .the main irrigation canal which Is how four meters wide along its entire length of two leagile$i
This, sirr.ply told, is the story of the action taken by the united societies of Chupaca. One could hardly ask for greater efficiency and responsibility in- a body of this nature, nnd it seems incredible that a group of Indians has been able by itself to solve so calmly ;.end thoroughly a problem involving land monopolized by the Churdh, and the exploitation and graft hiding behind that institution. Such failures as they have suffered, if the small success of the electric plant can be called a failure, mean lower profits rather than any reel loss. Contrasted with the enthusiasm, success and good will is the apathy of the authorities who have not supported the efforts of the residents nor even profited by them as they might.
The Chupaca case is not unique, but is typical of what is happening with the Indian communities of 'the Jauja Valley, where material progress is bringing about new forms of economic and social organization. Castro Pozo* describes the case of the Muquiyauyo comunidad, which has solved a similar problem and has organized its economy even
more completely and effectively than Chupaca.	"Today 'tho' district of Muquiyauyo has 'started producer, consumer and credit cooperatives with their various functions, to which they are adding others of like nature". I believe it interesting to repeat that here as well as in Chupaca the Indians themselves havo been the ones to promote the new organization.
2. Houses, Furniture and Household' Utensils
A House in La Punta'
The houses. are mostly of adobe with tile. roofs, many with a wall • of the sam mterial, forming. of patio. - They also'haVe.an.orchard'which.
may or may not have adobe walls., tho'orci-1:rd.io	elt--Eh6Parmpr.ot
(oortijo o o.ror').• 7i1n-.: '12	of	1101.130 that I Sa-W.' (See
fig. 1,P. 36.)	fa •
This farmis about one lot in area, that is, about a quarter of, a block. The dwelling is a rectangular room, with ono door that opens into a passageway around two sides of a square. Adjoining the dwelling is' a chicken house mnde of adobe. At the other end of the passageway is the kitchen, also of adobe. Entering through tYo vestibule, there is a little room of the samo'material to the,left. The backyard, formed by the far4lot and the orchard, is separated frum the patio by an adobe wall with a ,communicating, door. At the end near the houses there is a yard for animals, a pig sty, and a
kind of shelter that is used- as a kitchen;	a small space, inside the cornfield, is the haystack; in the rear of tic plot there are two or three little bushes and a tejocote tree. The doors of the awell-ings are of torch pine; the 'walls are faced with mud and straw, but not whitewashed. In the passageway there is a spinning wheal, a corn bin, and a thick straw mat arranged so as to-form a bin and container for grain. In the kitchen there are two* three pots and two irregular smooth stones used as a mortar and pestle for grinding' the grain.
*Castro Pozo, Hildebrande.-op.  cit. P. 63-68.
**farmhouse
B-1132-P12„:Bu
Corridor
Henhouse
Kit -	
`c he n	
Livestock run	//, Kitche4i Pig-i
	•	//',///,/: pe
Maize fields.
Storage;; -.4 .% ,` •	;-
N	\j'?. ' "r/	\/,'
	S-ructur;":	.	• \ ,
for	v
A••	•N "Y	\‘/'
	sfj	s.<
. ‘`,/,
Strawsi.	,•••\r/
-	,s• ",,•*	\I	\Y.	• •
I':	\*	Nfr
, • •
1.475't
•	V
•
\./
sr*
Bushes
- - ;
•	is .	-	•
_	•
•	•
Fig.
•
Main -Room
i
•-•
. for	, .	N . /.
4 M
.„
_-
Straw ..,	,,....., 1.
	_
Livestock runs
•
Cattle Shelter
Fig. 2.
B -1132 -P13 -BU
Gx'anery
He n:r hou:s e ;
Pig peal
Kitchen
•	:
Corri
Patio
7 M
a
pl
of
m
dor
Shelter.
, 1	for
I—.	Sje e p 
Adobe enclosure
,	,•	—
...„.	.1/
•,\
\i/
37.
Almost all houses in this suburb are of a similar nature. The houses of Sapallanga, the district to which La Punta belongs, are of the same type and materials, but usually larger. The La Punta houses are located on their _individual section cr lot, but as the latter is walled in and the rarmhouses.are small, the row of dwellings has the aspect of a somewhat compact town.
Houses of Huancan in the Vicinity of Huancayo
The people living in this region are more prosperous, more industrious and cleaner than the inhabitants of Sapallanga; their houses are really small farmhouses suitable as dwellings for a population of farmers, all surprisinelv uniform in plan, construction
and materials...	S.	l'g. 2, 1. 33.
The buildings are all of adobe, solid and well planned. The entrance portico, is protected by a tile roofing that gives the house a certain air of coquetry. The roofs are of tile. The doors are of wood, most of them plain. There are no windows. The chicken houses and the pigsties are built of cdobe. A bench of this same material runs along the entire, length, of the pessege. The sleeping-shed, occupying a corner of the seam passage; is worthy of note. The platform is constructed of mud spread over ..a mat of interwoven thin sticks, about one meter above the ground, leaving a space underneath where unused pottery is kept. The side facing the patio is almost entirely open. At the door of the house, in the direction of. or rather within the field itself, *are the oxen and cow runs, with two or three head of cattle sin each. Year'.this< yard is a small raised whelter resembling a lnrge hornet's nest, Wader which the cattle stay during the night. Household utensils are scarce: the grinding stone, several vessels, one or two narrow stew pots, a frying pan, some gourds or chocolate bowls. There is no furniture except for the bed and the built-in benches, and occasionally a plain wooden chest. There are several blankets and some sheepskins on the tapanco.
The type described is the same throughout the entire district so that it looks as if it had been planned according to a model. The houses are well thatched and perfectly enclosed. The plots join each other without a break. The aspect of the whole region in the month of December, the beginning of summer, is delightful; the cultivated fields look quite black and appear contiguous, as though they all belonged to the same man. Throughout the landscape;, among the sown fields, rise clean houaes, uniformly built. At the side of the road or along the boundary lines are rows of tall eucalyptus trees: a Normandy landscape could not be neater.
Houses in Huanta •
The houses in the districts around Huanta are of three types: mere huts of branches and straw, others built of stone' and mud with a straw roof, and others of these same materials but with tile roofs. The second is the most common type. The habitations show a marked tendency toward the formation of ". smal.huts ," within the farm, the tilled lend being separated by a law irregular tecorral, by trees, by magueys and even nopals. In a little space next.to the house are decorative plants and almost always some shade tree, usu. ally the piria (molleL or capulin. The units of the house are the main build ni. which contains the living room and vestibule, a little hut that is used as a kitchen, and an arbor or shed that is used for industrial work, or, sometimes, also for cooking. The roof of the main house may havp four, two or only one slope; the first type is the most usual. The dwelling itself is divided into two parts by a partition
B-1132-P414-BU
38.
that does not go as high as the roof. One of these sections, enclosed on four sides o.nd with only one door, comprises the main room; seeds, pots, and utensils are kept there. . The other section has no wall on the patio side and is therefore party open; it is a kind of porch that is used as a, bedroom. Seldom is there a platform or bed; the people lie down on the floor on pelts or sheepskins. Between the flat ceiling of the living room and the raised roof is a platform called "marca," used to store grain, potatoes, and, other objects. The kitchen is very simple; in the center of the floor is the hearth of three stones (tina-maxtles); there are several medium-sized pots, three or four large ones, some gourds that serve as plates, some cups, a wooden spoon and. an ordinary stone, used as a r-;-1-.rate. This last t flat, about half a square meter, and somewhat L.-rv6ular in outline; Corn is crushed and ground upon it by means of anotMr round stone. It is a more primitive metate then that found in Mexico. On one side of the patio, next to the cultivated plot, .one may very frequently see diminutive gardens. The usual plants are alcaraces,sempasuchiles, scabious, carnations, and, less frequently, a rose
Houses Around Cuzco.'
The modern town of 011ataytambo has been built on the ruins of the ancient Incaic town, using stones fashioned in the past ages, which gives it a strong archaic flavor."rhis town iv, TOwever, an exception. The dwellings in the ma.jority 'of the to in 'Of this department are made of adobe and have tile roofv,' althOugh'ileortUnctely, roofs of galvanized sheets Ere sx3en more tn:d'Mor6 fr'e'cfdon'tly on the new houses of the towns along the railroad..—TI]:e:hoUsVs. of the poorest people are roofed with' thatch. Somre't'dobe h'ouse's', others are of a much more primitive constructi.onv made 'of mud', grass—cha rocks, and some, the most humble, are made of potsherds filled with sod, piled up to form a =11. In the town of.ChamhL, at an altitude of morc than three thousand meters, and therefore .very cold, the inhabitants have a sunken floor.' The doers are extremely narrow, so,,thet one does not enter the house but rather goes down into it. In' this same town one already notes the beginnings of windows, probably due to the very narrowness of the doors of the houses; but they are mere holes in the wail', rather than windows.
At the-time of the Incas the dwellings were rectangularlow structures without windows, with doors in the form of an elOngated, trapezoid,_thct is, 'with the lintel narrower'than'the threshold. The
floors were mnde of flattened earth and the roofs had two slope. There were dwellings for no and two families. In the two,family dwellings, the dividing wall followed the line of the tilge, that is, the division of the house was,longitudinal rather than transversal. The cities or towns seem to have had no unifbrm planning, but were made up of clusters of houses connected with no another. by by rough paths or narrow winding passages.
3. Nutrition
Diet =of the Huancayo Indians
. NLhica, a flour made from rosted barley, is probably the most' impoiE7717ticle in thcir diet. It is prepared with water in a cornflour gruel sweetened with chancara;* or in soup with wheat, sweet potatoes and cidca. Cidca is the wild mustard plant so common in the Peruvian fields, a popular food generally used and liked. The stalks and leaves, preferably of plants that have not flowered, are boiled.
*[Transi note: brown sugar.]
B-1132-P45-BU
39.
The water (which is dark brown, and is foci to the pigs) is well drained, because it has a bitter taste. What remains looks like a kind of Chard' and •hes`a very pleasantiteste4. It iS:•enteri with potatoes and :chile. Toasted wheat As aHcommonfood. Corn is • ' eaten boiled., (mote), Or toasted; (oancha) 4 n tilS net, rulk 'rd eggs aro soldoirtexi Their brea="c.6nsiSts-CP mtchica.leorn:•-flour.sgruel'; their itaiCh of a *haat; soup :witht:Lit.Chidtt pe-' tatOCS azid.17ot:sited corn. Supper may., be cid6ft with potatoea; 'when,
in season,or MtIchiCa" corn flour. gruel.	f(	do 'they'''. -%!‘
drink coff:ee. C1-11"Citit.d jora is the daily drink.
Indian .Diet An Hietnta
Corn, 'barley ancle potatoes form the basiS, of the /diet.: T.T.e.at is almost, never date-h," and vegetables seldom,' although .quol ites, 7.• • are not 'unknown..'13reakfaSt, taken' early 1 in the'rnorning-7, 67=ts . . of a potato' :S,oup#, (ohm?) • with some other ' ground Starch, -'such•• a,s -
barley or cpr-i moT itr	few vegetables. -•"The hda-d6y meal is '
very light something-highly0,f.;,‘soned er:.c.1.ear-:brothLwitli-a touch
of onions; at night they eat a meal similar	breakfa.sit.-i•It is
interesting to note that the mien 'of this region, like his Inca
predecessor, oats only two good Meals ri-clay,	region the
prickly pear..i.ssbundent and the Indians eagerly consume them when'
in season'. • .Cnpuiln.:‘"ab',.3unEi's, but	pre,ludi`de
against it, for it is thoutht to be harmtui....' .2There thilve bee-ii.:da..s6Swhere,,,.in Order to protect public hecith; the.-mayOrs 'hero •orderecr:.v, the agents or inspectors to d'estroy all the baskets • o. this fruit that were brought to t hd market to .be s old. .
An In2den married coUple - of Soccosooha, •inthiS  region, WhO-enj,oy an economic position: somewhat better than: average, gave -m.6' their ursual. dc..ily food': budget:
.	..	.•;-	..	-
" Flour	10 tents.
' Meat	• .	.. 	-	I0 ' cents:
.	Salt...:	:• 1 cent -.
, Filt 0; ..  — '.	• 5 Cei-is':.
.Potatobs...:•.: .. '..'.. . -. 	 .6, cents
'Vegetables.,	-:.5 cents,
Coca	. 	.o	10"centd-
dam.ts.;
.	•
This, is more or less equal to thirty-six Ebxican -cents.
Indian net in Cuzco
Corn rl'nd potatoes arc .ehd: basic articles in the diet of this region; wheat probably acdupies thoth5r d place.' 'Barley is hardly used; on the other hand, broad beans are an articld'of common consumption. Corn is eaten stewed or roasted, alsd'ts a'kind. of s'alted, thin corn meal called lahua. A similar food, made from wheat, is called cheque.. But the most notice.able:thing -in this region is the abundan71777Which the Indian makes of bread, which appears almost daily in their diet, On every railroad station d kind 'of smite without,butter, made with whole flour, is sold. There is 7777n, however small, whore Indianstao not appear in the square olli.
broad	It is a Wheat-producing region par excelletcd; c6nseqiientiSp;77' bread is cheap, tvim large -ct.kes, about twenty cdlltimeters in•diniTibter; and quite thicic, can be bolIght for five conts:;' It should 'ad
bored that in other-parts of Peru, ,as in ether Ancri&E;IngE-coun—tries, the Indian: eats 'bread almost exclusively .s.on ,holicrays . The mustard plant, commonly and incorrectly called nabo (turnip), is very abundant. It is a highly valued food by the Is.. . ItIsprepFed.
B-1132-P46-BU
.10.
.s in Huancayo and is called yunu. It seems to me to be an excellent vegetable, whose use might una7inedly be spread among the pooi people of Mexico. This same mustard plant k used raw for feeding cattle. The Indian hcs breakfast at about seven in the morning. If the family is poor, it will drink only a kind of tea made with ordinary herbs; as a general rule it has watery soup laade of corn or wheat with potatoes, beans, etc. The lunch, which is light, is -eaten at' ten o'clock in the morning. In the afternoon they cat a meal similar to their breakfast. The poorest people never drink chicha, except when they are working. When nyne (minga or collective work)iS under way; the meal is bigger, even inc1117777 meat and rice, considered by the natives to be a true luxury, and a groat decl of chicha is drunk. On holidays, the Indian eats equally 'well. The e7.777Ed also the market day are his real feast days. Many of the Indians of Cuzco possess milk cows, but no one drinks milk. Nearly everyone has an equal number of beef cows, and generally there are guinea pigs in the houses, but meat is seldom eaten. I do not believe that poverty is the only ex-planhtion of the Indians' insufficient 'diet; he is thrifty by nature and especially frugal in his daily habits, satisfying his al:;petite fully only on holidays. "Thrift is in the race," says Valcarcel. Lopez Albujar has written somewhbre, "The Indian is temperate in his own house and ravenous in someone else's."
Diet During the E:Ipire
In Incan times the people's diet consisted of jerked beef, dry meat, generally' llama, boiled or roasted corn, baked or boiled potatoes, and chunu„ potatoes dehydrated in the open air. The._ potatoesare first sold  in water in order to remove the non-floury substances, and then dried in the sun until they turn into very hercl pieces of starch. Chunu was then eaten (as it is today) in a watery soup, together vith salt and chili. _The salt was sucked from a lump. Chupo, a watery soup made with salt, chili, and ground potato (as it is today), was a very well-known dish. Quinua loaves were used as vegetables, and the tubers of wood sorrels were Often used in place of potatoes in the soup. They to three kinds of corn bread: the ordinary, corn bread, the huminta; a kind of tamile for special occasions, and the cencu, reserved far important holy days.
It is surprising how little the diet of the Indian of today has varied from the diet of his ancestors. The most important change is really the decrease in amount; the Inian of today probably eats loss than the subject of the Empire, and it appears that normally he consumes loss meat than formerly. Then, as today, the tendency to eat what was produced and no hing .else was very 4irked. With regard to drinks, corn chicha_ ms used then cs it is now. There was one kind, vinapu, which was very like the chicha de jora of cur times, but more
intoxicating and more sought aft77r rind	tea was made from the fruit of the melle as well as from the pulpy 1eaf of the mcguoy.
General Observations Concerning Diet
The following general obsrvations may be made with regard to the present-day diet of the Indians of the Peruvian Sierra: 1. Mth-in certain well-defined characteristics, it shows local variations caused by the relative abundance of any product, depending on the climate. 2. The most important variations result-from the economic condition of the family. 3. In general the Indian diet today is very similar to the old Incaic food. 4. The modern Indian diet in Peru is more varied than that of the Mexican Indians. 5. Starches comprise the basic food of Peruvian meals, although some vegetables are also included. 6. The Peruvian Indians eat meat only on holidays or at fiestas. 7. There is a tendency to consume only what is produced. 8. In spite of the characteristic.frugality of the Indians, the diet
B-1132-1347-BU
41.
seems deficient.
4. Dress and Ornar.ents
"gearing Apparel in the Jauja Valley
The women wear a blue-black cotOn or gabAn* made of wool serge. Many of them make a wide 771=ed s777 ofthe same material, fastening their manta at the waist with embroidered belts. The blouse is of the Sralle cloth, with sleeves. On their shoulders they all wear a square manta** fastened by two ends over the chest, SQ that it falls tom elbows and back
to below the waistline	This is called the lliclla. Over .
the iliclia they usually wear a, thinner manta, which they tie in
front, thus forming a kind of 1.00d over their shoulders which
serves for carrying things. The women of some districts,00ver
their forearms with exquisitely woven or embroidered little -
sleeves which are fastened by strings to their shoulders or to the
sleeve of the dress. They all -wear grayish, rounded low felt hats
with a convex fold on top. The men wear trousers of homespun
serge and a calico shirt. At the waist they have a woven belt,
similar to the women's and their hats are also like the women' s.
Some men wear thin loather sandals. Yost of the people buy serge
for trousers in the markets where it is brought by, the Indians
of certain districts who devote themselves to its manufacture.
The calico for the shirts is factory made. The two articles of
masculine apparel, the shirts end the trousers, are tailored by
the men. 'Many men, especially the older ones, use a serge vest,
exactly as in European dress. Indian dress, throughout this region
varies from district to district, within a general characteristic
style, which is more or less as described above. The color of the
serge runs from black to navy blue; the style of the belts and
little sleeves varies; but the most- distinctive garment of all is
the 111011c,. gaily colored and with fine designs in the fringe,
char'aCre-ristic for each town. The mantilla that the Indian women,
and dsoecielly the cholas, throw over the lliclla is of fine tex-
ture end bri-ht colors, very similar in appearcce and material to
the Saltilleros serenes. The ordinary men's suit costs from five to
six pesos: 1.50 for the trousers, .50 for the shirt, 2.50 for the
hat and 1.00 for the band. The women's drdsa costs about three pesos.
In Hucnca , a district near iluancayo, the men's dress is like the one described, but only about forty years ago the people wore a suit like a Spanish peasant with knee buckles and a short jacket of blue-black serge. The breeches, open on one side and trimmed with yellow buttons, displayed the edge. of.the white hose. The men shaved their heads completely c-:cept for a narrow fringe of hair that came down over the forehead like a toupee and clan:, each side of the free in long locks. Allthis has entirely disappeared.
Clothes in the Eurnta Valley
Almost no typical dross remains. The men use the common trousers and shirt. Some also wear a vest or jacket; the majority cover their feet with a kind of sandal called ojota or usutcm„ or else with a loather slipper called seccoy, 7.77by 15771717t! the • edges of the sole up over the foot.  Sometimes the seccoy has a sole like a real shoe, and here the leather is' sown to- t77 771e and rises around the foot, without touching the instep. hany men use coarse
*[Trans. note: a long tunic.]
"{Trans. note: shawl.]
B-1132-P48-BU
42.
woolen stockings which they weave or purchase in the markets, but which are always homemade. The stockings have black, grey or red circular stripes. The women wear a blouse or waist which is usually ready-made; their petticoat- or smock is made of serge, very wide and pleated, and reaching to their feet. They invariably carry a. colored lliclla over their shoulders; many wear leather shoes with a sole of thick cowhide or goatskin, crude slippers made by the Indians themselves which may be purchased in the markets for sixty cents or a sol. On holidays the Indian women who are well off wear boots like the cholas. The men as well as the women cover their heads with a dark felt hat.
Clothes in the Department of Cuzco
The Indian clothing here is much more characteristic and strange than in other regions of Peru. The local variations are notevorthy. It can be said that each town has its own' dress. The women wear long, pleated serge skirts, fastened at the waist by colorful embroidered belts. The blouse is a kind of velvet bodice with wide pleated sleeves ending in a close-fitting cuff, trimmed with ribbons and beads, and is sometimes bright colored. The most outstanding feature of these women's costumes is the hat or "montera," which is round and large, with a soft velvet crown with flans,of the same material on each side, hanging over the ears. Everything is richly and fantastically decorated with braid and beads. The color of the hat and dres6 and the arrangement of the trimmings constitute the characteristic features of the different towns. The men's wearing apparel is characterized by the poncho, a square serape which is placed on the shoulders like a cotOn and reaches below the waist. Each town has its style, color and 7esign; some are exceptionally beautiful. Underneath the poncho the Indian wears a serge wool shirt. The trousers 'of woolen 'serge are somewhat fitted and barely reach below the knee. The hats are similar to those worn by 'the women. Northeast of `Cuzco, the dress becomes less bizarre. The women's clothing consists of a dark colored blouse and skirt.' 'The hat is less attractive, and only the lliclla adds a touch of color.
Clothes of 'the Choi° Indian women of 'the Jauja Valley
Nany women of the districts of this region no longer vicar' Indian dress, especially when preparing for apecial occasions. The costume of these women or of country Cholo women includes a colored calico blouse with little trimming; the majority wear a short blouse that hardly reaches .the gir,',1e of the loose skirt. The petticoat is wide, finely pleated, and attached to a waistband; it is made of felt or flannel, nearly always vivid in color, though bluish-black remains the dominant shade. The skirt has no seams, but has a wide hcem; it is called a faldellin or smock. The Cholo' women wear a felt or flan-tLel shirt under the .faldellin. All Cholo women and the Indian woman who imitate them, wear shoes. On their shoulders they 'always wear the lliclla or wide, embroidered square shrwl,.hemmed and made of felt or flannel of a soft color. (The Melia of the Indian women,
•	as has been said, is always made of wool and is woven at home, in various colors and designs.) The lliclla is fastened over the chest with a large pin. The mantilla is placed ovdr this shawl, and is really a strip of felt or velvety flannel, about t=aro meters long by one meter wide, with a hem around the edge. Fastencd to the chest and forming a kind 'of hood over the back, is the manta, a large
square piece of cloth made of striped wool in light, bright colors, also woven at home, and used to wrap the 'baby when carried on the back or in some other manner. The Chol s and Indian women who do not carry burdens will still always wear the manta over their back, using it for small objects much as a city woman does with her pocketbook. It is not proper for a woman to go without a manta. She is taken for a coquette or thought to be conceited, or even lazy. These women have hats made
o	B-1132 -13/4 9 -BU
43.
with 
of 	law crown; and a Wideand-,flexible brim with a wide black ribbon.. Those who are 'still ver.f:Indian- continue to wear the felt hat used by the lower classes,
The Peruvian Indian women adorn themselves less than their Ecuadora nor Guatemalan sisters. Some use earrings, rings and breast pins of Indian manufacture; also necklaces of shells or coins . The most common ornament is the tupu or" large breast pin, with which the lliella is fastened on the ')-Feast. The tupu frequently has its traditional Incaic form: a large disc z75rked metal with a colored stone in the center, but there also are pins carved into designs of llamas, huacamayas, turkeys or condors. Among the ornaments, the little717777,777entioned above should also be included. Some of them are embroidered with silk in Chinese style against a black background; others are 'woven with rather characteristic Inca designs.
Many of the present Indian garments are reminiscent of pre-Hispanic times. 1",asculine dress has preserved the native tradition much. less than the feminine, although the pouches, wallets and saddle bags of varied design which the men prefer, end which receive the generic name of chuspas, are doubtlessly almost pure survivals. The poncho is a Soarirs777,ptaion of the ancient Incaic blanket. The dress of the women has changed less. The gab6n or long tunic that some use, or the anaco, a blanket like-UT= used by the Ecuadoran Indian women, are direct C.erivations of the Inca anacu. So are the Melia and the- tupu. The hat, 'the corpino end the petticoat 67-the Cuzco Indins were undoubtedly a colonial innovation.
In conclusion, Tire can make the following statements' on Indian wearing apparel: 1. The material. in the clothing*is generally wool, spun and woven at home: 2. Woments clothes preserve their peculiar Incaic features much more tl-an ments. 3. The regional variation is very apparent in the feminine dress, but' this is not true of ments clothing for the latter have usually adopted a more or less European dress. 4. The poncho is the distinctive note of ments apparel throughout all of Peru, but especially in the Southl the lliclla  is the most distinctive rarment of the women. 5. The dress of the Peruvian Indian is rapidly changing in thc Korth and in the canter of the sierra; wearing apparel, even of the women, is beceminE more and more like the Cholo dress, giving rise to near types end fashions.
5. The Family
Typical Cases	
A family of .Le Punta.; husband-:and wife, four children, two femaleTT7e of the girlS became cross-eyed because of smallpox; .the mother .of tWwife lives in the house with the couple; the husband is a -farmer_and weaver by trade..
A family of Katan_ray (Denart -ent of Cuzeo).., Pedro Castillo lives with his wife and his Trrec sons in =ale hut on the outskirts of the town. He is a poor townsman. His house is of then lowest type, but this does not mean that  it is worse then the, others. The difference lies in the size and' in the roof. Castillo's' house is small:" four meters long by three meters wide and roofed with straw. The others are larger and covered with tile. All are made of adobe, . but Castillo's house is made with irregular clods of earth. The little hut has only one narrow, low door, so that one must stoop to enter. It is clean inside and contains household furniture and utensils: a grinding stone for grain, six pots of various sizes, four earthen pots, five sheepskins, four ponchos and some other small articles.
•
B-11 2 -190 -RTT
44.
We talk to the woman, for her husbarid is absent, working in the iearby hacienda. Her name is Segunda Quispe. She is a strong, tall and somewhat corpulent woman, whose lightish skin is slightly marked )y smallpox. Her hair is jet black, and her eyes are bright and in-`,.elligent. She is not a pure-blooded Indian; in all probability her ausband is also not full-blooded. They and their family are Indians only, in custom, economy and attitude. The woman understands absolutely no Spanish, and I had to talk'vrith her through an interpreter. Ct was not difficult' to make her understand my mission and the object )f my visit, and in less time than it takes to write it down we had won ler confidence and began a lively conversation. She answered the ques-;ions accurately and remarkably quickly, nor did she hesitate. Her speech was rapid and ;yet steady; low but clear. As she was questioned, :he listened attentively, and when the questioning ended she answered rith assurance and fully, looking straight at the interpreter. She lever answered in monosyllables; she was neither vague nor did she say oc) much.
Pedro Castillo and Segunda Quispe are not married, but they have
lived together for some eleven rears judging by the age.of the elder daughter
child of some ten years of agc. The second child is a boy apout two
years old, and _tide last is a	c:irl of ei;ht months. There have
been no deaths in the family. Pedro Castillo is the son of Melchor Castillo and Menchore. Lines. He has two brothers and three sisters. His father is still living, but his mother has already died. One of his brothers and one sister are 'married. The latter is living with her husband on his plot of land; The deceased mother had land which is now, without legal justification, in the possession of one of her
w.O
brothers. The father owns: t. P"ortions, one of cprn about
quarters of a league in arca and. .the o:ther of	covering about a
league and a half; This land is worked by his son, Pedro, in whose house we met. He sows the seed and does all the work, giving his father half of the productS. The woman, Segunda, is the daughter of Fclipa Tumpay and Ru esindo Quispe, and, she has two b rithers and a • sister. The latter live's with her husband. :Segunda's father died, and her mother has coneto live with another man. Her father came from another district and did not 'have any lands. The family possesses-
league and a half of•land from the mother, which the four children utilize by turns, each'one having.it for a year.
This case shows the complicated family relations of these people and the intricate and curious system of land, which, as is seen, ::,orresponds'totheir,type of family property. The family is very poor, for it has no more than two and a quarter leagues of land from the father, who works End uses half of .the land. The husband works as a
laborer for .twenty cents daily, but this w	a
prk is not permanent, because there is not always work at Le Joya, and also because Pedro does not Nish to become a full-time p-c_n, and prefers his liberty even if it means poverty. Every four years the wife contributes the income from the family plot of land, and she also makes chichi and sells it. The
family is on the brink of poverty. The husband has not been able to serve his commission, because of his poverty, end has only been an
juda:tc, with three other townsmen, which cost him only two soles. Be would like to reLlt some land, but the rental at five soles per league and a half seems too high. The wife can spin, but she does not know how to weave. She therefore buys her own and her family's clothes, and has the felt she needs woven for her. The family diet is very limited: a cup of tea in the morning, wheat or corn soup, sweet potatoes and yuno, and sometimes breed. They cat what they produce. They buy sugar only in order to sweeten their tea; they also buy sal: and semetimos, but rarely, lard.
B-1132-P51-BU
45,
A Soccoscocha family. I visited n little shoemaker's she') be-lOnging to a Soccosco67-family, consisting of just the man and his wife. Both husband and wife are mestizos, or at least they ore not full-blooded Indians. But their may of living and all their customs ore purely Indian. They do not understand a word, of Spanish. This shoemaker makes six pairs of.wements shoes every dny and -sells each pair for sixty cents. The cost per pcir is:
Sole
Leather.... Thread
Pegs Wax
oOmmomInvoilme•
Total	0.44
According to this account, he should make 16 cents on each pair, and since he produces six pairs per day, his profit would be 96 cents daily. This would be true, naturally, if he were to sell the six pairs every day, but there are good days end bad ones. Sales are irregular, and usually difficult. Notwithstanding this, these two workers assured me thiat they made enough for their daily food and they even hadsomething left over to keep a "seed" (money saved). The estimate of expenditure that this couple made for me gave 46 cents for food, and to this must be ,added the cost of clothing which, allowing for one complete set of wearing apparel per year, for each person, gives a daily expenditure of some six cents, and this raises ,the amount needed to 52 cents per day. In this home the woman has hired a sewing machine and makes waists, shirts, and vests to be sold in the square. This couple is prospering within their extremely modest living conditions, thanks to their indefatigable industry.
From these examples it can he seen hotsthe Indicn-family of this region completes hits budget by dint of industry and hard work. These people are hardly picturesque, and it seems likely that they are not very addicted to the traditional and costly religious festivities, but devote themselves to the prosaic and heroic task of earning a living in an environmei1t that offers few advantages,. The modest little plot of land -which they cultivate as a natural accompaniment of their life produces more than enough food, and they have found a way of earning a daily income with which to meet their own needs. One is struck by the industry of these people and -the, perfect balance that they have attained in their economy in order to keep from starving and remain independent.
Marriage Practices
The marriage practices vary a great deal in their details from region to region, but they shorty certain characteristically Indian features.. Frequently' marriage is arranged by the parents, even though the children are not particularly fond of each other. The motive for such unions is either economic or the mututl esteem of the two families for each other. The petition for the woman's hand is made by the 'man or by his parents or godparents. It is accompanied by a gift of aguardiente for -the father and some present for the. girl. Lfter the vague and drawn-out 'talks,. so characteristic of the Indian, the prospective relative is invited to take a drink from the bottle of aguu.rdiente. If the future father-in-law accepts, it is tacitly understood that the marriageproposal is also accepted. Z.n the Huan-cayo region, it is a common practice for the boy to abduct the girl end go off to live.with her; a few days after the abduction they return to the parents and ask their forgiveness, and in this, way the union of the young people is sanctioned by their elders. The marriage is ordinarily preceded by a trial period, e period of concubinage,
B-1132 -P52 -BU
0  20
0  20
002
001
001
46.
when the girl lives with the man in his parents' home. In Quechua this period is called."sirvinucuy," mutual services, and refers just to the trial period, when the man and woman serve each other mutually and give each other.a demonstration of their capacity. In many places the parents do not accept sudden unions, that is, without this ti'l,41 period. There is often a certain understanding between the young man and the bride-to-be and even carnal union before the ceremony of asking for the girl's hand. According to one observer,* as soon as the girl's parents agree to the marriage, during the engagement ceremonies, the young man abducts the girl at night and takes her to his home and lives with her for a rather long period. The marriage will later take place with great formality and ceremony and with the intervention of the priest.
In the weddings of those Indians who are beginning to adopt the mestizo way of life, the ceremony of encierro is still practiced after the ecclesiaStical marriage. This ceremony takes place not only in
the case of unions that begin with occlesfestical	marriage, but also, when the couple have already passed through the trial period of con-cubinage or service. After the wedding feast, the godparents take the betrothed to the nuptial room and shut them up, and the key is kept by the godmother.. Meanwhile the guests dance a voluptuous dance to the tune of a flute, harp and guitar, and sing a. song that often is improvised as it proceeds. It is a spicy song that describes the wooings and pleadings that 'they imagine are takinz, place within the nuptial chamber, the audience performing the action in pantomiAe.
The ecclesiastical wedding ordinarily sanctions unions previously established, There are priests who, upon visiting a dietant community, hold a kind of collective marriage. The result of this, according to Castro Pozo's research, is that pairs of adolescents or of people who had not thought of merricge, hiving been included in the universal benediction, feel themselves authorized to und.crteke the carnal union and do so. Civil marriage has recently been instituted by law as a compulsory prerequisite for the religious ceremony, but the fact is that those who marry with any kind of foluality generally do so only in church, and unions without intervention of civil or ecclesiastical authority are still common..
Wadd Inc ifts
When the marriage taked Place, the couple redeives gifts from the
community: personal articles of clothing end adornment, household uten-
sils, foodstuffs, and even money in cash. It is still a very wides-pread
custom for the townspeoobto build the married couple's house, a volun-
tary cooperative practice. These donations are the contribut_on of the
community to the new.faelily and they constitute the couple's dowry,
which is really communal, although they have free use of it. These gifts
and donations imply a moral obligation on the part of the married pair
to give presents in turn and to partake in the construction of houses
for other couples,. 7:-hen the rsn crid woman are from different commun-
ities, each one of the townships makes its contributions. The property
that each one of the married pair owned before marriage is still consi-
dered as his or her private property. ,The woman almost always loses
her rights to communal lands, except when she marries an outsider who
in this way becomes aesociated with the town. The communal house,
that is, the one built for +1-3 couple by the townspeople, is f,n fact
the only property that can lee considered as their common prcrerty as
man and wife. It is a very frequent practice for the Indian to de-
liver to his wife all his assets, the income from sales, etc., and
*Delgado, A.:ju:tio. "Folklore y Apuntes pare la Sociologia Incligena." Devistc de EduoacL6n. Year 2. No. 3. 1931. P. 133-222.
B-1132-P53-BU
47.
for him not to carry out any operation without her advice and consent; but it is also a rather general practice that when selling anything, the article for sale is clearly distingu5shed es to whet-, tler it belongs to the husband, to the wife, or even to the children.
The couple become a kind of cooperative partnership. The economic factors are of paramount concern. It has already been said that marriages are frequently arranged with a view to the material benefit of the persons involved. Every member ofthe family is a source of income; the husband works, the wife also produces, and the children themselves, although small, are obliged to cohtribute materially to the family partnership. Some have said that the economic factor is the ruling one in this partnersbip, to the exclusion of emotional relations and elements of any other character.; I believe that such-an evaluation is exaggerated, but I do not fail to recognize that the economic aspects are more prominent than any others in the domestic life of the Peruvian Indian.
The Woman's Role
The woman. beyond doubt plays t domestic life. The man contributes marriage, and therefore perhaps foe materially by .productive work. • The only must take care ofethahrouse and buy and pi.epare.the food, weave and some work in the field and 'carries he most important part in Indian his prestige and dignity. to-the.. is less obligated to contribute woman, on the other hand, not animals, attend the children, make clothing, but she also does on most of the business activities,
When her husband is engaged for some labor, it is the woman who arranges the centract and defends it, and the cultivation of the farm and the care and responsibility of the house falls to her alone. The Peruvian matriarchial tradition is still alive, although it.is apparently contradicted by the womo.nts state of subjection and •her greater backwardness, compared with the man's. The Indian will try hard and agree to give an' education to his male children, but he neither thinks of nor permits his daughters to go to school. The men liberate themselves from their environment much sooner then the women; this: can be judged from what we said regarding clothes. In spite of everything, the vomen stands out; in her quiet way she is undoubtedly the leader of the Indian family, and when culturally or ethnically "mestizo-ized", she becomes a-Chola. Her personality then increases to such an *extent that she completely dominates the Peruvian social scene. An Indien of Huancf.,n, in answering my question concerning the work done by women, said to me: "There isn't anything they can work at. The fact is that they don't work." HO undoubt ly referred to the fact that the cultivation of the farm really does not consist of much work, and also that in that community
there was no knitting nor chores to	done es of. old. 71thOut agree ing with this Indian with regard to the Huanc6n woman's lack of work, I. am sure that the relatively advanced state of this community has already produced a certain liberation for its women.
Sexual Norms and Marriage Ethics
Family morality seems to be high. Cases where women have been
divorced are rare.	T: principal reasons for divorce are given as sterility end incapacity to -Tort. The Andean native seems to give greater importance to fecundity, than to virginity. Mothers with many children are especially honored, while sterile women are scorned. The girl who yields to love does not suffer any penalties. Tho- man who has no children is censored. The Indie n considers the ability to engender as a divine attribute. Maril-Pachavthe goddess of earth, is ambi-sexual, but she is a mother; she is the. Mother Earth. The
13-1132-P514-BU	
48.
legend makes Masco -Pacha "a wrinkled, old goddess, like the mothers who have so often given birth." According to Pastor, the Indian is antagonistic to European marriage. Indian.marriage is a concubinage generally preceded by certain ragatrpractices, dealing with the.,family. The Quechua-Aymara is not a hyper-sexualist, but a hypo-sexualist; he has no sexual egoism. Fe Considers even adultery as an attack against the moral character of the community, rather than as a personal offense. This, according to Pastor, contributes to a greater stability of the home.
The Family Problem
Theredtre many aspects to the home problem of the Peruvian Indian. I shall mention two that arc related to the legal situation and one resulting from the poverty of the Indian which has repercussions throughout the Peruvian social system.
Victor J. Guevara calls attention to 'the' legal problem brought. about by the native concubinage or custom of living together outside of marriage. Among the Indian population, .common-law mrriagc is a common and widesp-..-ead fact, and is practiced for the perpetuation of the specks and human cooperation, the binding elements of honorable and industrious homes. It is the basis and foundation of a large social group, and is celebrated with all the social solemnity and guarantees prescribed by a respectable and ancient tradition. Civil law, continues Guevara, can not remain ignorant of this common oc-. currence, nor much less should it, be overlooked or condemned. He advises that a letter of naturalization be granted to the de facto unions among the Indians, authorizing their marriage as legal. In another article already cited, the same author refers to the Indian situation in connection with nills. Judged by legal requiremerts, all
the testaments me:'(..	tLe	,r-	for they do not fulfil the
conditions contained 'in the Civil Code for the recognition of such acts. The disorder and confusion for Indian collective society would be serious indeed, if the wills made by Indians according to their circumstances and habits were declared void. The Indian way of making wills should be legally analyzed and regulated according to native ways of life.
Jos4 Antonio Encin_ssays that the Indian is not acquainted with laws regading inheritance. He does not understand the equality of right for children, since the ancient: right of primogeniture through the male line still persists among the natives. With regard to the sharing of wealth, the Indian nearly alwnys acts extra-judicially.* All this, together with many other considerations, induces Enc inns to propose 'the creation of a special tutelary legislation for the Indian.
Child Donction and Servitude
I zhall close this section with the story of a case which was brought to my attentiOn by a school inspector in the district of Cuzco. It clearly shows the ravages of poverty on Ind ian,family life. my informant tells me that on the.Sierra the' terrible practice prevails among the Indians of .delivering their children to well-off Mestizos of a nearby town, so that the children will be maintained in the Mestizo homes in exchange for_a: servitude that, becomes the. worst of child exploitations.. The Indian :gives .his child away., and even sells him. .Generally; this practice is brought about by his.t'er-. rible poverty rnd want, as well-as:by the demands and-threats' of''th'e
*Encinas, Jose Antonio. ContribuciOn a una LegislaciOn Tutelar Indigena." Lima, 1918. P. 35.
B -1132 -P55 -BU
49.
shysters and foremen. A shyster offers to handle a lawsuit or difficulty for the Indian, on the condition that he give him his son or daughter for household services. The foreman requires an Indian workman to give up those children which he wants for servants. There are times when, because of the frost or some other calamity, the poor Indian has nothing to eat; then he goes to town and offers his child in return for two bushels of corn. This phenomenon is observed in the poorest communities, where the communal life of the ayllu has been disintegrated, in communities near some important center of population, or where the Indians have become involved in many lawsuits and wish to take advantage of any means within their reach to defeat their neighbors. It is a very common occurrence. There are foremen who have ten or twelve children, "Cholitos".as they are called, and there is hardly a family in a large town or city which is without several. Generally the children are badly treated "end suffer from the harsh manners and scoldings of thd entire family. ..My informiht told Me of a case which he knew personally,'ef a child who had eighteen scars on his head as -a result of blows-that 'he had received .from the members of the family. These children get scarcely any food and, their clothes are ragged. When they grow up, they usually abandon the' house in which they served, leaving with the ability to speak Spanish, and some even able to .read end,write to a certain degree. They generally be-come insolent and hard with the members of their own race, rebelling against them. This characteristic is so general that there is an expression in Quechua alluding to it. They say to these men: " You are as fierce as a rich man's do; the whip-and:chair_ have made you fierce (lluentum hucsi nilco jinn phirih)." During the first months of servitude,-the parentS of the little'indian will do what they can for him. They will visit 'hith when they come to town, and thd mother
•	will bring him something to eat. But as time: passes, their relations become less frequent until they end completely, with the result that the parents-no longer worry about their son or daughter, nor do the latter know anything' about their parents, even forgetting their home entirely. Sometimes the children cannot tolerate the 'mistreatment in their adopted home and run away, returning -to their parents. But,
then the father, fearful perhaps of cry 'legal repercussions, will	- return the child to the house of his malefactors. Cases are known in which children have run away four or five times to their, home, and were later sent back by their parents to the master's house. The child finally flees, but-he-will support himself instead' of returning to his own home. When the'"Cholitos" definitely leave their master's house, they-are assimilated with the people in the city where they have lived; they are Mestizos in every way,.except perhaps, with respect to blood. They will marry or enter into concubinege with members of their class and become part of the common people. Evidently this practice contributes to 'the ossimilation of the Indian, but it' should be noted at what cost this is taking place; the. Indian family is disintegrating, family ties have disappeared, and the child turns against his uun people and becomes their worst enemy. The white is accustomed to hove slaves at his service, end the children of the house will grow up seeing the ,,ray the servant children are oppressed by their masters, and in this my will believe t} ,se unfortunates arc inferior hum= beings and that they also have the right to humiliate them.
6. The Indian and the Land
The Rural. Scene in Jauja										
The Jauja.Valley is 'one of the most extensive in the Sierras in the middle of the country. Its predominantly Indian countryside is charming. Indian and .h'olo farms cover the entire valley. The Indian dwellings, well-cared-for farmhouses, are scattered throughout the prairie; properties are separated by sparse rows of
B-1132 -P56 -BU
50.
eucalyptus or aloe trees, but most of them have no boundary re-:x.1:s, for the Indian does not need fences to recognize his own properties or to respect his neighborsf. The plots, which are called cherras everywhere, are of small area ranging from one to eight or ten yogadas. A VP  or yuntada is the distance that a, yoke of oxen covers in a day's work, more or less equivalent to a third of a hectare. The rainy season in this zone is from November to l'ay; the altitude is about three thousand meters, and in the winter (June and Jul,A the frosts often damage the crops. The land is well worked and fertilized with manure. The crops of the region are, in order of quantity, corn, potatoes, wheat, "barley, and in a lesser quantity, green peas, quiroc, long beans, kidney beans, ollcos, wood sorrel, mashua, onions, cauliflower and lettuce. Corn is sown in September an7-171aFVested in May; potatoes have the same season, while wheat is planted in November to be harvested in July. Most of the people in this region are small proprietors; nearly all own some domestic animals, such as chickens, hogs, guinea pigs and rabbits. Almost all of them have some sheep; the poorest own about five or ten, while a few wealthy persons possess up to three hundreS. There are heifers and donkeys, and many have ox teaeis. In Euancan and all the districts of southeastern Huancayo, each farm has a shelter for the protection of those vho tend the cattle during the night.
In the Huanta valley the Indian grows corn almost exclusively, and uses the product only for his own consumption. The farms are neatly cultivated. Aloag the boundaries of the farms are some eucalyptus, canulines, American aloe and cactus trees. Many houses have several garden plants; from tiro to time one may see a fig tree and, still more infrequently, a poach tree, The entire valley seams remarkably suitable for fruit trees, brut fruit growing i. decidedly not favored by the Sierra Peruvians. In this valley, which is about 2,500 meters in altitude, sugar cane is beginning to be grown, but it is still of a very poor quality and slow growth, reeuia*.ng three years to ripen. It is used exclusively for the prenaration of aguerdiente, and is grown.by the Mestizos and Whites, but not by the Indians.
In the entire ravine of Vilcatlota, which is in part the center of the department of Cuzco, the agriculture is typical of that usually found in the gorges. The ravine is narrow at the top, but gradually widens, and by the time it reaches the Imperial Capital the valley is broad, although still irregulerc The most common crop of the bottom land is corns wheat and ootatoes vae_with each other for . second place.
La Puna
The La Puna region, which is the highest floral zone of the Sierra, 3,800 meters and higher, is the center of the stock-raising population. The Indians, as has been said, live on small ,farms and are not ordinarily free propaietors but workers on the haciendas. However, all of them, wherever the climate allows, raise as many crops as they can around their houses. They generally gro-f some potatoes, wheat and quiaoa. The crops are very poor because the climate is unfavorable for vegetation.
Farming Implements and Methods of Cultivation
The Indian uses the most primitive kind of farming implements; the foot plough (chaqui-tacila), used to break up the hard ground, is held with theTTEZ-Er37-1757ed by the foot to make the blade or ploughshare dig more deeply: the wooden plough with an iron ploughshare takes the place of the strap plough, which was en imperfect implement that hardly penetrated the ground more than fifteen or twenty centimeters; the racuanax, a short-handled hoe with a small blade at an angle, is used for weeding; the common and standard sickle is used both for euttirr, branches end 'Por reaping, and usually imported from
B-1132-P57-BU
51..
England; the machete, crow bar, pickaxe and shovel are not ,used as much, but theyare also generally known. There are. no wagOns or carts in any towns. The wheel is entirely unknown- in the Indian communities of the Sierra.
All Indians have an ancestral love for the earth and a traditional devotion to agriculture which make them ardent and perfect workers, almost artists. The custom of collective work is general. nwrywhere. In the Puna it is called aine, which means rendering services, services which will be returTe77-in kind under similar circumstances. It is customary, even in the case of the tiny farms of small proprietors, for four or five townspeople to,get together to work on one farm. After they finish, they begin work on another, . until all farms have been taken care of. It seems that there are two kinds of services rendered: the tutapay, which is the service that one Indian renders to another, during the early morning, in farm chores which will be repaid in a-like manner, and the minsay (minca  or minga), which literally means to substitute for someone else in repayment for services owed, the substitute being paid by thedebt-
or.	In Equador, minga generally denotes the mutual render ing of services in the form of collective la'oer.
The AniMistiO AttitUde-of the Indian Toward the Land
Francisco Pastor in his excellent article, -El Indigena del Peril (The Peruvian-Indian), which has been cited, in speaking of the .animistic attitude of the Indian toward the land, says that the agrarianism of the Indian is a kind' of religion. Pe has inherited from his ancestors the concept of the. Maternal Earth. "The autoch--thonous race is bound to the Indes by the umbilical cord of its mria soul." Actually, the concrete and defined divinity is Mother Earth,
Mama-Pacha.	It is not the deification of the physical earth, but rather a spiritualized concept of the cosmic creative principle. The high and inaccessible summit, the slope, the apacheta* or mound al-ioh ray be seen 'rom the town are all divine. The seeds •of some plants and the fetus of certain favorite animals are deified personifications of the fertilizing power, the highest attribute of the earth. Men, tilling begins, the Indiar mumbles a prayer in preparation' for sovang. The earth may be a blessing or a curse; it ennobles or perverts men; it determines the sex of the fetus or punishes women by making them sterile„ The cattle are beloved creatures of Pacha; they deserve
supreme respect and are untouchable.	The Indian community, in fact, religiously preserves its veneration of the fecund valley of the hill, of the somber cordillera. This cult which pays homage to Nature, the valley, the ravine, the boundless and cruel pupa, the sheepfold. (redil), is based on the more or less vague, but transcendent worship or-namfl-Pacha. "The survivals of this very ancient cult," says Castro PozoWare intimately related to thevcneration that is lavishly shown toward the dead, and may be observed at present in their entirety on the holidays of San Juan, Santiago, and the Carnivals. These come at a time when all the flock has brought forth its young, and this must be celebrated. This veneration is also seen in the breaking and clearing of lands, marshes and ponds. The cult of the valleys, of the mountains, of- Nature - in short, of Mam-Pncha herself, lovingly prodigal and full of surprises - finds expression in the ripacheta rites. The spacheta is a mound of stones gradually built up with each offering of travellers on the hilltops and at turns in the road. Men the Indians approach the apacheta, with the utmost reverence, they withdraw several coca loaves -rFFEtheir chuspa or bag, and after praying, cast the leaves of that marvellous c= sacred plant on tl-e, apacheta. This veneration of the earth by the Indian is a rather different bond
*a heap of stones in the hills, used in their worship **C. Pozo Hildebrardn, op. cit., P.
B-1132-P58-:BU
52.
from the one formed with th e earth by other peoples. The earth is the rery life of the Indian, and therefore he does not understand nor has he ever wished to understand the matter of "having title" to the land. The mystic and sentimental agrarianism* of the aboriginal seems to be diametrically opposed to the legal concept of land which Europeans culture has imposed on Peru.
Property Ownership in Pre-Hispanic Times
The land system that the Inca instituted has already been'men-
tioned.	The-Inca divided the lands into three groups: those used for the support of the cult, the lands of the Inca or of the Government, and the people's lands. The theoretical or legal foundation of this system was that the right of eminent domain over the land belonged to the Emptre, represented by the.Inca, Son of the Sun and of God. The distributions were made annually, but by custom the same lots were always given to the same family, so that the uninterrupted possession of the portions constituted a new phase in the evolution of real estate: the family property. As time passed, the family property acquired more' definite boundaries: at' the death pf the head of the
family, the control of the land mrarded by decree was retained and the plot was divided among the heirs. The right of inheritance (the principal characteristic of private property) was now taking shape. The distribution of lands during the Empire brought aboutaelear-eut-dif-ferences and distinctions in favor of the curacas and the elite whom the sovereign rewarded by granting them land that became a kind of private property under family control, enjoyed in common, not divisible by inheritance nor' transferrable, but nevertheless a germ of Private property. The lands of the caciques, curacas .or nobles, becam, therefore, the most distinct forms of family property. From these ancient times on,' the two forces fighting for land in Peru, individualism end feudalism, have clashed over property rights. Quochun feudalism stems from the prerogatives of the Inca and the favors which he granted to the aristocracy. Abelardo Solis* makes an important comparison between the Aztec and Inca land systems ab-out the time that the Spaniards arrived. Among the Aztecs, the prerogatives of the aristocnacy were'or-dinarily the result' of war, a share of the booty; with the Incas the booty factor, allotment, conquest and plunder, also existed, but on a. lesser scale and in a less systematic form. Because of this, when the Spaniards came to nexico the feudal and therefore the private property had already been consolidated, while in Peru, the family property of the caciques was barely in its initial stage. In short, during the Incan period the land system could be summarized in the following my: 1. The use and control by the community of the tillable lands with periodic distribution, often a matter of form. This right _was a concession cethe Emperor. 2. Compulsory tribute in the form of workinc and storing the' products of the lands allotted to the Inca and to the Sun. 3,- Conmon. possession of the pasture, water and forest lands. '4. Cultivetion by mitimaes of plots of land designated within the limits of some locality Tor the benefit.of other towns. 5. Private' property for family use which could not be divided or tr4sferred, assigned to the curacas and the elite.**
The Land'System in the'Vice7Regal Epoch;
Evolution of -the Concept of. Private Property
The papal bull of Alexander VI (May 1493) sanctioned the appropriation by the Spanish _crown of the lands conquered in America. This declaration determined the legal basis of occupation. The crown took over the Indian state de facto and de jurc. The lands that had been considered as belonging f77774 Inca end-the Sun, now came to be considered as unoccupied and belonging to the crown, and therefore,,coulc}
*Solis, Abelardo. Ante el Problena Agrario Peruano. Lima, 1928. P. 228. **Valde&de la Toree Carlos, op. cit., P. 49.
B-11.32-P59-BU
53.
be distributed by the Adelantado (Governor) among the Spaniards and natives, according to his judgment or whim.
During the first years of the Colony, many Indians recovered their titles to lands taken from them by the. Inca or. dedicated .to the Inca and the Sun, and, although these lands had been cleclare, unoocupied Crown property, the lawsuits initiated between the original owners resulted, from the very beginning of the Colonial period, in the conversion of some of these estates into private, individual property. The encomienda came into being as a special kind of private property, though the Crown assigned it only for two' generations and then read judicated it to the debtors of the holder or tC) someone unrelated to him. At any rate, under the protection of the encomienda system, indivival ownership of land expanded greatly,. so that when the cnconiendas disappeared, in the middle of the eight-tcenth century, the truly feudal system of latifund.ios had replaced them.
The regulation, insistently demanded by the Indians. of the land taken from them by the Inca, unproductive as well, as all others, did not fail to bring about a. definite change in the concept of property and in land tenure. The Colonial authorities finally recognized previous "quiet and peaceful possession!! as a_sufficient title forthe donation of communal lands to the inhabitants of a' ro:ucciA. These lands were distributed every threc years. In time the distributions became nominal, and the plots became family properties which could be inherited. Adjustments were made, end Colonial authorities finally recognized the IndianS1 complete control over such lands. In this way, says Solis, those cyllus that had preserved a bond with the soil rather than a family .or totemic tie, :sere established as legal persons, a right granted to the comunidades  by the Colonial government. . In order to give greater importance to the comunidades, the reducciones were instituted, and these were the nuclei of the new settlements. The Indian comunidades of today, es has been said elsewhere, are the result of the reductionist policy of the vice-rayalty. The detailed regulation of the reducciones included the communal use of water and woodlands and^the isolation of the Indians; as has been said, the full rights of the Indians to their former lands were recognized; when it' was impossible for the Indians to keep their original lands, they were allotted others. Ln attempt was made to protect the comunidades from abuses of the large landowning system, and e law was passed allowing the sale of land only by permission from the Real  ILudiencico etc. The comunidades  were granted a legal corporate status, and given full public recognition. : In the communal land system of the reducciones, the Indian group remained the usufructuary of the land, but it was Elso-the owner. Therefore, the rights of eminent domain and of usufruct both. existed. The  comunidad  did not feel that the lands were theirs as charity; it know it owned them.
The same vice-regal policy created the public lands; the ejide and the propie. The  ejido a field near the town, was to be reser777-7s o. base177Tts future growth, so that even when "the population increases, there shall alwnys be enough roon for the people to have recreation and to turn out the cattle without fear of causing. damage." (Lam, XIII. Title VII.) Ls the growth of the towns did not take, place, because of. the decrease in Indian populetion the ejido  lost its original purpose and was converted into common land for cattle grazint.- The prooios were lands for the support of the municipalities. In the reducciones or settlements, besides the public lands already mentioned, lots were distributed for the houses of Spaniards, and for the use of the Catholic. Church to
be devoted to chaplaincies, brotherhoods,"religious	etc.
B-1132-P60-BU
34.
In this way, community farms were created to promote the prosperity of the comunidades; their products mere to be used for the benefit of the towns; they were to be worked by the comilunity; the surplus produce was to be sold Tied the incarae deposited in the Caja Comunal (Communal Bank). In the course of time, these community farms were rented to Spaniards, to religious bodies, or even placed at the disposal of the Church, which kept them 'up at its own expense and gave them to the brotherhoods, etc., to be workcd9 In the long run, these lands came to be thought of as ' Church Troperty, and flake up what is now known as brotherhood lands, chaplaincy lands) etc.
Inebrief, the vice..royal land policy brought into being four kinds of property, individual property periodically distributed communal lande tending to .become individually owned, community farms, and the ejidos  end grazing lands..
During ,the Colonial period, due to the very fact of the conquest and to ti-e institutions created by the vice-regal laws, the concept of land tenure underwent a significent evolution which included the following phases: 1. Establishment of Indian -communal property, in which the right of eminent domain that had belonged to the Quechua State was identified with the right of usufruct. 2. n9 formation and development of individual agrarian property, by distribution to Spaniards of the lends of the Sun and the Inca. Fornation of the large landholdings. 3. Analogous extension of the right of private, undivided ownership to collective property, and the irrevocable allotment of these lands to private individuals by the Spanish monarchy. Similar applieetion of:juri-dical norms to private undivided ownership -of native collective property.. 4. The establishment of public property, such as the• lands of the comunidades, ejidos, propios, Cllurch lands, and pUblic lands of the Crown. 5. Private pr.377-t77 either small agrarian property (infrequent and unstable) or the large expensive estate which grew and absorbed: the latifundia
Ina work already eited, Castro, Valdez* points out six categories or kinds of landed property in the comilnidtdes now existent in Peru. Such categories should be cone idcred in relation to'the differ_ent-ex-isting types of comunided,.listed and described in the pertinent section of this chapter. The categories_ arc: 1. Absolutely private, the owner possessing full title() This lira a-double origin in Colonial settlement:s and distribution during the Republic (Cuzco, Piure, TiCRCO, Puno, Ayacucho, Canta Province, Jeuja, Loeucho), 2. Periodically distributed collective property, with R tendency toward individual ownership by successive allotments to the :Jame person, or by more cr less nominal division. Arable lands generally of inferior quality (Cuzco, Ayacucho, Canta Province, Tarma, Pasco). 3. Collective property of lands still uncultivated because they ere not necessary for the moment or because the comunidados lack the means for their utilization. 4. Collective ownership by the brotherhoods of tillable lands devoted to the celebration of holidays. Usually they have merged with the lands originally allotted to the parishes (Jeujc Province). 5. 'Collective ownership of arable lands, the income from which is deposited in the Community Bank
Pasco). 6. Collective ownership of grazing lends, generally divided (Cuzco, Puno, Ayacucho, Euarochirl, JauL'a Province, Tarima, Piura).
The foregoing is a summary of the relationship, past end present, of the Indian to the land. The summary of the past ends with the Colonial period; the one dealing with the Republican period up to our own day will be completed in the chapter on the problem of the land, the latifundio, and feudalism. In that chapter we shall also speak of the vicissitudes and variations undergone by the concept of property in its century of independent life, and the changes that have come
*Castro ValIf-z. op. cit., P. 164.
B-1132-P61-BU
about in the Indian communities, with respect to their lands, during that important period of national life.
7. .Domestic Industries and Occupations
Cases Observed in the Jauja Valley
The people of La Punta ere not all weavers; some fill orders or manufacture articles for the general market: belts, blankets, woolen serge. There are two types of looms: the foot loom for serge, and the hand loom for ponchos, blankets end belts, on which the warp is stretched over two wooden bars that serve as frames; one bar is fastened to a tree-trunk and the other to the weaverfs Waist. Some people knit with a needle, crochet style, and make stockings and shirts. Sheep, llama, or alpaca wool is generally used for cloth. The finer fabrics are mode of merino, which is a yarn of spun wool. In this community the division'of labor has already gained a foothold; there are masons and carpenters, weavers and tailOrs, a shoemaker, and a blacksmith. In the city of Huencayo, the Mestizo families still devote themselves to weaving their own mantas, or else they prepare the warp, in this way assuring themselves of the arrange-meLt of the stripes and colors and, to some extent, the design, and then they give it to an Indian to finish. Since the mantes have many-colored fringes, the coloring is determined in stringing the warp on the foot loom with threads of different shades, for the waft is white. Besides, it is customary for the person who orders the work to begin the weave in the warp itself,- since resulting design depends on method of interweaving the double sot of threads which constitutes the warp of almost all woolen fabrics.
In Huancan, a district near the capital of the province, the people hardly ever do any weaving. They still spin the wool, but once this is, done it is given out to be woven. The most usual oc. cupation of this district, besides grewing, corn, is the tanning of sole leather.
Many Indians of the Huanceyo Valley work in the mines for more or less long periods of time and with some regularity. Their daily wage this year is two soles. These workers return to their towns faithfully. During the time that they work in the mines, their wives remain at home and take care of tc cultivation of the farms and other domestic duties.
Household Industries in Huanta
In the districts surrounding Euan':.1, the natives are engaged in rather specialized industrial activities for commercial purposes They are all farmers, but they also operate small industries. The most widespread cre tanning, hat-making, weaving and shoemaking.
Fabrics. Wool is bought en fresh pelts, shorn end then washed; the hide is later sold either fresh or after tanning at home. There are not rainy wool-bearing animals in these districts; the textile industry is carried on particularly in the Puna comemnities where large flocks are found- The. people of the valley spin and weave as much for their own use as for sale. They manufacture woolen materials, blankets .and ponchos, mantas and stockings. .Shirts aro knit by hand in some places. In Ayacucho, a city 50 kilometers away from huanta, there is one ward, Cochopata, inhabited almost exclusively by weavers. They make thick blankets of bright colors—pink, green or yellow combined in geometric designs representing animals rnd stylized human figures. These blankets, of megnificent quality and larger than ordinary sizes, arc sold in the market for from 4 to 10 soles. The weavers also make stockings, felt, serge and cashmere.
B-1132-P52-BU
56.
I visited the shop of Maximiliano Gutierrez and was astonished to see the quality and beauty of his cloth, blankets and mantas, all woven on very primitive foot looms. This artisan buys all t-=)-Wol that he needs, dyes it and weaves it. He makes fabrics with a great raricty of designs similar to English materials. Be told me that_ when he sees the suit of some "ninon (gentleman), he studies it well and later, by memory and by counting the threads, reproduces the cashmete on his loom The style and color of some of his mantas are extraordinarily beautiful, and the finish of the fabric could not be improved on. Stockings arc likewise 7roduced in large quantity, some very coarse with a badly-made heel; others could be sold to the most particular golfer. All the stockings are of natural white, with colored needlework in circular stripes or in bands of small geometric designs. Some of the decorations show exquisite taste. In AyacUche there are Cholo women merchants who buy for resale the goods manufactured by the Indians. Almost the entire production is controlled in this way, but natives often sell directly what they have produced. The textile business is one of the most important of this re-, gion, in spite. of the fact thatwool-yielding livestock are not abundant in the Ayacucho region, for llamas and sheep are not suited to this altitude. The wool comes mainly from the pupa, as has been said.
Hat-making;- . The Industry eaists• as a strictly household .eccupa-tion of a single individual, or ,rattier, of a single family;-that carries out the entire manufacturing process, from the purchase, of the fleece
60 the finish of the hat	The woman takes the merchandise to the square to be sold. Then 'the wool is thoroughly washed, by boiling with soap, to remove the fat, it is dried and placed in the sun. Then it is shredded in the process called "floreer" (flowering), by the repeated blows of a rope stretched on a curious primitive instrument called a bow. It is in fact like a great bow, a meter and a half long, with two projecting pieces. Between these end pieces a thick hemp rope is tautly drawn and vibratos repeatedly from the blows of a wooden rod that looks like a regular Indian club. The shredding is done in a corner of the room. Placing the bow on its side, the cord is made to vilo'rate next to the pile of wool', so that when the locks of wool receive the vibrating blow of the little whip, the shredded fibres fly about and pile up in a corner of the wall.  A spongy and light fleece 'is formed, from which the felt is made by adding gummy substances. The felt is made in a small adobe oven with a hearth in the lower part. A copper bowl on a brick grate holds the paste made of fleece, starch, and gummy materials. By the application of steam, pressure and heat, these substances agglutinate to form the felt; The hatmaker performs, the entire operation; he washes the wool, shreds it, makes the felt, shapes-the hat--
laboriously, for lack 'of tools--dries it in the sun, puts Morocco leather on it, any_'. finally soils it. --P. hat worker whom I interviewed told me that he buys fresh lambskin for 2.40 soles, and after the wool is removed, ho sells the leather for 20 cents. He can 'rinks two large hats from tiie flecc'cl of one sheepskin, which hey :rills'ell.et 1.60 soles each =d which take him e day end a half to make. To the cost of the wool must be added the cost -of the gum and starch, the dye, 'coal to heat the iron, and the remaining little items for the hat. I could' not obtain any of these data with accuracy, for the Indians have a very vague idaa about all these things. Nevertheless, I believe that this hat-maker's profit from his two dtyst work is probably not mo:'e than 0.75 cents.
Tanning. This industry is carried on by the man, but generally he receives help from his family. The wife buys the hides, obtains the tanning materials, and sells the tanned hides. Cow hide, for making soles, end lambskin for manufacturing dressed "kUakin", clee the most frequently t-nned. The skins are purchased fresh, placed in ordinary running water to soak, then in lime for depilation, and afterwards are stuffed with tanner's bark while still damp. They are placed in a tank with the tannin, scraped with a stone or piece of bono, washed, and placed in the sun to dry. The process takes about fourteen days for a cow hide. The most frequeatly used tanning material is the bark
57.
of the tara, a member of .the .Leguminoste,family, probably an acacias that abOTELTs in the 'region. :It is a tree with a bright foliage and
a hard trunk, with a tendency-to forM mogote.*	• •
Shoemaking. This occupation is less popular in the Huanta region, but it is characteristic of some parts. The husband is the artisan, the wife the merchant; ordinarily it is she who buys the materials and takes the shoes to be sold in the square. The most fre-
quently manufactured shoes err; t' )s- for	clen, very.. thin calfskin or kidskin slippers, with a low heel end a thick sole. They are made of two pieces, joined on the sides. In some shops I saw the sole sewn; in others, the sole as_*11 as the heel is pegrcd. The entire shoe is made of inferior arterial. The shoes are sold with unpainted soles, and, they have ro linings of any kind. There is a somewhat finer and better-finished shoe for both men and women, such as ccn be seen in the markets, but it is mLnufactured'by the Mestizo rather than by the Indian.
In the 'preceding paragraphs I have giver the isolated observations that I myself gathered on the domestic activities of the Peruvian natives. I now propose to complete the rough sketch by data taken from writings end from other sources of information.
Farming Industries. It is not necesstry to speak bout acti-vitie-7Connec-God rith the cultivation of the soil, for they were already discussed in the section, "The Indian and the Land." But I shall mention some other small agricultural industries: manufacture of chuno; raising cattle for wool, meat and milk; and milling flour.
The chum is- the dry potato that is consumed in large quantities by the. Indian popul-tion of Peru and even by the Mestizos. There cre two kinds, the black and the white. The letter is more valued than the former. To make the black -chuno, selected potatoes are taken to e high,clearing, moistened and left in the open for several days, .taking care at the beginning that the sun does not shine on them during the daytime. When they are sufficiently dried, as indicated by the shrivelled skin and the crystalization ofthd pulp, they are broken by stepping on them, to facilitate dehydration, and then continue drying and airing'in the sun fora few days. ;Then the potato is well dried, it is stored in dry and covered cribs mt-,de of rushes. 7Thitc chuno is made, from special ootctcos that are leftte soak for soma time in the shade, 'then when they have softened, 'are sqmashed under foot in orderto extract the bitter juice from the" pulp. They are then hardened by.takingthem to the top of the mountain on a cold night. The moisture is drained off and they arc left in the open,. .exposed to the night frosts, until the entire pulp is converted into a mass of vihite podder.. Both kinds of chunos are • eaten in broths and soups, and sometimes in sweetmeats. ,Castro Pozo estimates that probably 505 of the extensive chuno production in Peru comes from the-. Indian  cbmunidedes. flood sorrel, elashuas and ollucos,
tubers similar tQ potatoes or to manioc, arc prep	the sane manner.
There is a considerable cattle industiy among the Indians° (The data pertaining to the Cuzco connunities should be noted.) Sheep are the most abundant animals, but in the cold, high regions llamas and alpacas also constitute an important element. TTool, which is, as has been pointed out in the section on geography, an important item in the countryts foreign commerad, is ct the same time the main local business of the -Indian, for clothing, ponchos, mantillas, blankets and, especially, bags and robes and even repos are woven from wool. The
Trans. note: a misprint for  mogate, "varnish" or	laz-e"?] B-1132-P64-BIT ._
58.
vicunas, wild animals of the llama familyi with very fine wool, the viscachas-and chinchillas) small animals of the puna) with extremely delicate fur, else contriblIte their share to the tektile or fur industry of the Sierra Indian. Llamas are shorn every two years; their wool is used for ponchos and for rope. This animal is used mainly as a beast of burden. Although its carrying capacity is limited at about 46 to 50 kilograms, the llama trail packs are the most widespread means of transportation on the Sierra. The llamas not only serve for carrying small merchandise from one town to another, but also to load minerals rt the mines. Llama transport, especially in a. country with poor means of communication and difficult topography like the Peruvian Sierra, constitutes C. very important element in the regional economy of the population, and also assumes importance for the great mining industries. There are two clasSes of animal drivets, the camuncro, who carts minerals or agricultural products, and .the yenacona driver, who works on haciendas.
The Indian also takes part in the meat industry in ae Siorra:s small centers of population. They are the ones who bring to market the quartered animals, or even dried meat, and jerked beef, pork scraps, cracklings, etc.
Idling Industry. This industry as carried on in the Indian communities is hardly worthy of the name, for although it is true that starches form an important article in the diet of Indians and farmers, it is also true that flour is generally produced at home on a small scale. This domestic task is carried out daily. Grinding is nearly always done in the mortars or bateas described when we dealt with home life. Nevertheless, it should he Eientioned that in recent years many of the most prosperous Indian communities, especially those of the Jauja Valley, have installed mills where wholu wheat and all other ground flours are eroduced„ includitg_ corn, barley, and bean flours, etc., so common in the diet of the Sierra people.
Pottery. Pottery-making is an industry that has not progressed very far among the present-day Peruvian Indians, in spite of their very rich Pre -Incaic and Incaic tradition. I found it most developed in Pucare, the region lying along the border between the plateau and the Cuzco .ravine. This region produces utensils for daily use and, in addition, some ornamental pottery: llamas and bulls, flower vases and pots, dolls and other toys. Puc are, is, naturally, not the only place that possesses this art; on the contrary, there ere many communities that manufacture pottery, but production is rather primitive insofar as quality and finish are concerned and is confined to artieIes of everyday use: cooking pots, large earthen pots, cups and pitchers. ,Valcrxcel has remarked that present-day pottery techniques= have changed very little from those of the Incaic period. Almost all of the potter's family takes part in the work. After the earth is extracted, it is broken up and sifted, then moistened and kneaded until the clay is prepared. There are certain_ hinds of black earthenware that are made by tinting the clay with analines or colored earth, before the vessels are farmed. The object is molded directly by hand.or on a mold; pottery turning is practically unknown. When the objects have been fashioned, they are rlaced in the. sun, and --;hen half dry they Ere decorated and then baked in small ovens to finish the drying. It takes from one to three days to fire them. The use of a glazed slip over the earthenware is an imperfect process and not very widespread.
Other Small Industries. Cordmaking is a widespread occupation of the Sierra TEITIns, for which he utilizes, ts the Mexicans do, the fibres of several agaves bearing the generic name of cabuya. The prickly leaves of the maguey ere cut, soaked a little, pounded to remove the pulp, end then the fiber is washed and dried in the sun. Primitive methods are used for twisting the fibres, and often they arc not twisted,
B-1132-P65-BU
59.
but braided. Alpaca wool cords are often used. These are made with true skill and have a perfect finish. Bags, of this material are both useful and artistic. Basieetry is not highly developed, end the product hes no artistic value. Totora rushes (tule) are used for'mats, rafts, chairs and harnesses. The tule is calf dried in the sun end thenwoven.
General Observations on Indian Industry'
The industrial activities of the Sierra Indian are still largely confined to the family, that is, thoy are really small domestic industries. Generally, each home engages in these occupations for private use or for the production of commercial articles of limited regional consumption. However, some communities evidently specialize in certain occupations, doubtless depending on their natural resources, raw materials, climate, etc. Aside from the industrial-agricultural activities found throughout the Sierra, the textile industry is the commonest and best developed, and in it the Indian has reached a high level. There are two aspects to the industry: the artistic and the purely utilitarian and commercial. We shall deal with the first in the next section. ReFardingthe second, there are two motives for production: personal use and commercial supply. The industry hes already reached on anpreeiable degree of specialization; there are certain conmunities in which weaving is the characteristic occupation. On the ether hand, there are individuals within the community who are engaged solely in spinning, and others, more specialized, in dyeing or weaving. Some prepare the thread, others prepare the warp, arranging the threads properly, and still others do the weaving. Selling the product is also specialized, this activity very frequently being carried on by the Chop?, who becomes.an intermediary between the Indian who produces and the buying public.
The Indian hat, tanring, saddlery and shoe industries have developed in accordance with loot-1 needs end in competition with coastal production of these same articles, resulting from the diffieulty in communication between the Coast and the Sierra and also a natural rivalry on the part of the Sierra population.
The hat industry flOurishes due to the widespread use of the article by the entire Peruvian population. Felt hats, the manufacture of which hes been described, ere not the only kind; there are also palm and ilacora hets. But the latter, used by the Cholos and Llestizos and not hey the Indians, are also unusually produced not by the natives, but by workers from other social classes.
8. Decerative Arts and Crafts
The Peruvian Indian is poor in artistic handicrafts and manu-
factures. In the Sierra towns, one seeks_ in vain for 'individual
skill and special genius translated into typical handicrafts, such
as are found in Lexie°. But the absence is perhaps more apparent
than real. The Indian artistic genius is to ,be found not so much
in the purely I'ndian communities as in the Mestizo communities, and
then it becomes apparent at every step. The artisans and craftsmen
of Huancayo, Ayacucho, Cuzco and many other, centers, mainly Mestizo,
can scarcely conceal their Indian parentage; they speak a poor Span-
ish and their manners reveal the aboriginal in every detail. They
ere all humble workers and born artists. Their little stores arc
bazaars for ell kinds of handiwork, simple but wonderful. There are
silversmiths who manufacture silver laces in filigree, weavers of
mantas and fclts,manufacturers of musical instruments, and seamstresses
of showy Chola and Indian costumes. The stores are filled with Indian
rugs, sheepskins and ponchos of varied shades and very intricate de-
signs, felts and mantas like fine old Saltillo serapes, caps and saddle-
bags, woolen 'dolls, and innumerable notions. T7776EFrated gourds
11 2-PS--BU
60.
.	•
seen in the northern and central reions are Indian handiwork of the most refined taste, and reveal an esthetic sense both delicate and rich. There are gourds and calabashes incised so that the figures in the complicated designs and scenes stand out in relief. In many cases the background is yellow, obtained by polishing the outside of the gourd, greasing it with a saltless ointments and then placing it in the sun and rubbing it to bring out the lustre. The figures are left in relief, and dyed with anilines -and sometimes with vegetable matter, according to the artist's decorative plan and fancy. Often the figures are not dyed but burnt, and sometimes they are painted black, red or green. The figures are animals or plants stylized with subtle imagination, as' detailed and curious as a Persian decoration. There are ether styles in which the-design repree.mts stories and traditions, popular legends, and fables. '5e are continually reminded of the Orient; a mate is a kind of condensed and intensified codex, like Chinese rugs embroidered with an infinite number of tiny representative figures. Among the fabrics that are made for personal use, there,are many that are expressions of Indian imagination and emotion and are true artistic productions. The men's poncho and the women's lliclla, the huinchas--head bands--the men's sashes and women's belts, the, woven caps which protect their heads against the cold in the region ' of Puno, their saddle bags and pouches--chuspas--of infinite variety, are almost always objects of obvious artistic value. These articles suffer from standardization required by the manufacturing process, and are subject to certain conventional peculiarities characteristic of a region or a community; but there is also room for individual creation by the caner at his personal whim and so, within the general style of a poncho or lliclla, we encounter lesser variations that give personality to the garment. The chuspas, coca pouches, are not as much affected by the local textile fashion_, and thus become a more. complete
expression of inhvidual	tion.
Textile Technique
The principal Peruvian and Bolivian fabrics, that is, the llicllas, ponchos and mantas, arc made with a double warp, in other words, with a . warp of two or three s.ets_of yarn, one above the other. The warp is colored for the background andfringes, depending on the desired design. The weft is ordinarily white or some neutral color, so that the figures are produced by combinations of the longitudinal warp threads, made by crossing the weft in front of or behind them, in end out, combining them ingeniously. Obviously this process grettly limits the va:•iety of the designs, which take the form of geometric figures, usually triangles or diamonds. This gusanillo technique is a longitudinal interlacing of the warp threads, which produces typical coloring and designs. $tylized figures of men and animals can be produced with consummate skill, but undoubtedly the poverty in design of Peruvian fabrics, when compared with those of Guatemala, is determined by the manufacturing technique itself. In Guatemala, the tarp is simple Cnd white, wile the weft is colored and produces the figures. For that very reason there is a great variety in material, which facilitates the designing of complicated figures.
The decorated masks and ieaaginative costumes used in the traditional dances are also Indian artistic expressions, worthy of note, although not outstanding. The figures cut from tin plate that are placed on the roofs of houses and stables -- crosses, cocks, and turkeys -- like the occasional paintings and carvings on the doors, are practically the only expressions of decorative art that the Indian has in his home.
B-1132-P67-BU
61.
9. Commerce and Fairs
Cattle Merchants in Huancan
•	Many men of 'this community devote themselves to buying and selling cattle and animals in general, They borrow money in Huan-cayo, 300 or 500 soles, signing a promimory note, vdthout needing a guarantor, if they are well known, and pay a monthly intearest rate of 35; then they buy cows On eastern slopea of the Andes and bring them back to sell :in the Huancayo mrket. •This business is profitable, but sometimes, I was told, a loss play be incurred through the theft or killing of the animals. In answer to a quesi-tion, my informant bdded, "Then you are left holding the bag," and must sell your house in order to pay, or to go off to work in the mine and earn money-to make good the Obligation.
The Huancayo Fair	•
, .
On Sundays there is a celebration. Thousands of Indians
assemble, some travelling three and four days from far-off places. But these do not come every Sunday; the people of such towns take turns, some coming one week and others the next. The market
stretches along the highway for a distance of six or seven blocks;..::.: and includes two small market-places, one for grains tubers and food stands, and the other for animals.
This market is interesting, but it does not have the liveliness of the Ecuadorian fairs nor the color of the Guatemalan. The ments dress 'is generally of a conventionr1 type, trousers and shirt or jacket, sometimes covered with a light poncho of neutral colors. The women dress mostly in dark blue, if they wear a gab6n, or else -they have a dark skirt and tight-fitting blouse of' &FR= colors. The llicllas that cover their shoulders and hrng straight down.over the back furnish the most variety and the brightest cclor note. The =men of the puny or from typical Indian cnexos appear llidllrs (oullo-cata) woven from wool with a black or grey background777Tored fringes, plain •or with triangular designs. On top of the lliclle, the less characteristically Indian women or those who come Iran valley towns, and of course all the Chola women, wear a manta, thc 
brightly-fringed serape, vhich forms a pyraMidal hump on the back,	-
generally speaking, it can be said of the merchandise that china and earthenware arc scarce and fragile and of a very poor .quality; that the felt hats provide a nrof ibable industry in the hands of the Mestizos, and that the same type is sold to all Indians, both men and women; that shoes which are manufactured by Mestizos, as a rule, are worn by -the Indians, end shoe stands are spread all along one sidewalk for a distance of a block. Judging from the aspect of the people and from the market stands, the Indirns of this zone are 'rapidly adopting the ordinary European dress (probably 9070 of the men glready use it, and the women are also adopting it, for perhaps jhalf of them aro already wearing it). The weaving of mantas, serapes and blankets comprises one of the most characteristic industries of this' region. The coca business is one 'of the most important lines in the market. There are few toys and ornaments; some roughly made little wooden dolls, worsted dolls, some wooden spoons simply decorated, and, gourds. There is only a small varietv of fruit and that is of mediocre quality. The potatoes are excellent and of various kinds, but the ears of corn are puny and crooked.
7:11e frozen and dried potato, the chuno, is a favorite article of' the Peruvian farmer and is sold in all markets; thcy look like potatoes modeled .out of chalk, in reduced size.' In fact, it is nothing more than
B-1132-68-BU
62.
the starch of the tuber prepared as already described. The chuno is eaten in soup or in stew, and sometimes, particularly for special occasions, in sweetmeats with sugar. For five cents the Indian buys in the market a little plate filled with this sweet food, and you should see him eats
Prices of Articles of Prime Necessity
I believe it not without interest to note the prices of food and some other articles in the Chupaca and Huancayo markets, as well as food prices ..in Cuzco. The prices are given in Peruvian money, in soles and centavos. As has been said in a different section, a Peruvian sol in December, 1931, was equal to 80 Mexican cents,more or less.
PnIcEs IN ria] C2UPACL	;-7.1-cLyp laRKET	
Food	
Elotes	(green corn); .medium;.8 for,	00000	.05
Corn, sma114. 8 for	.05
Onions,	5. fair-sized,for,......	.05
One	large cauliflower 	•	**soot 	 st.ioodieel	.15
Beef,	per	pound	e04,40.04•••••14; 00000 !it **** 0	.25 and .30
Pork,'per pound	0 0000 000'0 oo • oo .44004,0	.40 and .50
Lard,. per pound	go** oo	*** *	.60
Chancaca,	per pound.... 0040••••••••••••••••••••	.10
Potatoes,	per pound..... ....... ***************	.05
M4chica (barley flour), 25 lbs ••••••••••••••00	1.50
Barley, 25 lbs		1.00
Clothes	
One pair of• men's .shoes......... 00000* ***** "POO	3.50 and 4.50
One pair of -woman's shoes....... 00.-00000000000	3.00 and 4,00.
Mameluco (combination overall).. 000000..0000.00	6.00
Monillo (blouse)		2.50 (average)
One yard of manta •(turcullo)	.20 and	.50.
Centro (skirt)		2.00 and 2.60
One yard vichf		.40
Man's shirt, manta		1.20 and 2.50
Man's underdrawers	0000	.85
Lliclla (large square shawl....		2.50
Manta (shawl),		3.00 and 20.00
Felt hat	******	********* ••••••••••	2.50
Straw hat, women's bonnet...		6.00 and 10.00
Sash		.50
Little sleeves		2.00 and 10.00
Blanket	****** *00 ***** 06000,00 ***** *Wm.***	4.00 and 10.00
Poncho ....... ***** 000,4,000 ********* $0410411100160410	10.00 and 30.00
FOOD PRICES IN CUZCO
White corn, first class.(fanega equals 118 ks,) 11.00 fanega
Yellow Oorn. 000*01,0000**0,00,000004100004100,0041	10.00 fanega
Standard corn 	8.00 fanega
Potatoes, first grade	 •04.00••	3.00 quintal
Potatoes, second grade. .. ***** • ********** .....	2.50 quintal
Wheat.. OOOOOO ••••... OOOOO 	 OOOOO .• 11.00 fanega
Lard, per pound •••••••••• OOOOO ttopm, OOOOO goof.. .•	.40 and .60 Salt...........1.70 quintal
	OO . **OW*** OOOOO ***OW**
Salt; retail....	-
••.... OOOOO	OOOO O .	.04 pound
Beef.	.18 pound
........ OOOOOOOO 00.000000***00	.15 pound
Mutton,....,...,
B-1132-P69-BU
63.
The Indian and Trade
In order to understand the Indian's attitude toward trade, it
' is well to touchy b;r5.ely:	;the' Iridit	in. this trespeptc..,
Means points out _that :the :Inca s..hrid 'a concept -1Of value bib not of
money; their 66mmerciol system	was really barter,. 'although certain articles, 1 ik3 corn, were used as a Measure of barter , or exchange more commonly than other materials. The precious metals, gold and silver, were valued for their  ornamental worth, but not as a com-mere ial tool; in the Empire money was not known.; LO.rid was the only material that bad an exchange value in ancient Peru. Taxes were paid in work; 'p.i7operly. speaking, they did not have a material value. The people consumed what they" produced, and the local 'fairs were barter markets whose purpose it' was to equalize or to balance.; what one fami]y lacked by exeha.nging With a family that did, have the necessary goods. Trade was really in a Very early stage for there was no surplus to sell, since each person produced only to satisfy his needs, which were minimum; the markets were. local and- regionally limited.
At present, many of tire—canditiOns flaaorded for the Empire per-
iod by the American 'historian	-exist. ..13-1th .r.egard to tcommerce„
the markets are still local: •and,-	-a .waiy,- -.are barter marts, whichi clpes not mean .t:nc.t today 'marlay .sales do .not occur most frequently; the communiCies continue to ,prodbioe what »is .necess4ry .to satisfy :
the it	needs: ',nth -regard --65 • the .pure ly- agricultural prod aot$ there ore settlements that have trio • e onFiercial . aim. i)',1.11-017.; they: duce food only for. themsnt-ns; • Thererqe, however, certain articles . that must be imported from' otitsidey 6.na1•TItra.ffie in these constitutes true commerce. Coel, salt' aria .2cf?tP.?; are the'79.rc:e :most important.,
They are not producbd	the. nerra; • a•	est04.iskip.d. trade, in. :those
articles has been developed,„.1))46;_it. 'should"	b.abled that th,?,' pdca • business is controlled and iomxted by Mestizos,' although it is '•-the -Indians of. the eastern slopes of the Andes who cultivate the coca• and
bring it to the Sierra	'mule- ID•ao•k•., - o	:
-	I. • t 4,•a	•• • r • •	• -	•
T hel.11.-itrusirres•s4i1 'Indian
The. article .by .Pastdr- *which .I 'hekvecited -state's thot the Indian.. is not conimorciail minddd 'This is done of his outs tanclilig characterr istics: ;-to ..have what is 'necessary • to •live:find ,to .live „frugally,: is his criterion; he:46es not •think of -having 'anything-to ,sell. .According to the writer *horn. I am' citing, one commonly sees 'corn bartered for wool,: weightt-fOr weight, .frith full. knowledge of 'the respective
value of each- article, but without	of% money, one. Y :taking in.:
to accbunt the need' goVmfav	,
ei	tqr3.0 A.etj. en.. . Sucb, tabseppe, of. eco-
nomic sense ifi. the Ind is would' seem: to	contradicted by the. en.o.r•-• mous fairs and the' noisymrrkets. for b•liying and selling; by, :bhp. ?II-• dianiseternai haggling;• his• apparent eagerness to. co,llect his money,. especially when. selling? to• a stranger... - NavortheleP, if the. dphenox =
enon:is examined •mere ciiosel1,1%	ill/ill:be, LIV'served	-
activity is not so much commercial as it is social. Market day is a time for meetings, for getting together, for human contacts, for gres. garianism; it is a .day of feasting and gaiety, of distraction. The Indian bargains not so -much from o' spirit of cupidity and avarice,: but rather for the sake of -sociability, -as -a .pzetext.for .dealings with his fella-man, for conversation. •Fer this very reason_.14e ,asks high prices. He cannot conceivd of on•arid • -transaction-involving-a f ixed price; it would be too cruda, too-brutal. -11Thett-asked•the price of an= article, he names a high pt ice, ' both.- because4he, doe s not a9t1.141-1-Y know, the material value of the figures that, h-e- mentioris,"-and. C•15o because he wants to draw out the transati-on• b.,--•borgaining and-bickering.. It is very common to hear an' Indian- say,' when- -thie• customer. has turned his 'back be-caus e of the exorbitant' price- asked:- !'Make an. _offer,- arc-can. make a deal," or even t'o excuse- himself- if• he is -reprortchenci: beepus_e of his
B-1132-P7O-BU
•
64.
exaggerated price: "I am telling you this so that you will make me an offer; I want tyou to bargain.." Household industry which has already been commercialized, reveals at once the absence of.business sense among the natives. They can hardly give us an idea of the cost of materials; they never know definitely what their .profits are; it is the activity in itself that interests them, the possibility of acquiring materials, of manufacturing them and selling them, of establishing a cycle of production, the satisfaction of which seems to lie in the operation itself, and not in profit.
10. Their Emotional Life
It would be presumptuous on my part to attempt to give a complete view of Indian communal life with respect to the religious or artistic expression of their emotions and their recreational activities. This subject, difficult in itself, because of its very subtle nature, appears only occasionally and in a fragmentary way among the notes which I was able to take during my brief trip through the Sierra., in this section' I shall merely outline very briefly the more important remarks on the subject made by Hildebr„ando Castro Pozo in his already cited work, tUuestra Cemunidad Indrgenatelaa$eral) to 9,under_the headags of "Religion, Ilyths, Superstitions and Beliefs,""Ultehes and ;ditch' Doctors" and "Communal Esthetic xpressionc"'
Religiel
The Pei.uvian Indian_ie no c:zcoption za.long his brethere,of other American countries with respect to the mixture Of beliefs and rites belonging to his ancient paganism with the doctrine and "practices of... the Christian cult introduced by the Spaniards. Persen'ally I could `not grasp the characteristics and outward signs of the orb.ctices and beliefs of the ancient Peruvian religions; but judging from the vigor of the Inca's descendants and their obstinacy in preserving the native ways of life in greater purity than in other countries, we shall have to admit, L. priori, that in the case of religion they alao must preserve more significant and outstanding vestiges and survivals than is the case elsewhere.
Castro Pozo presents an interesting and detailed account.regard-
ing the veneration of the dead, common throughoub Indian and Cholo	• Peru, with its macabre dances and-mournful music, with the blind res-ponscros, with the celebration of All Souls' Day and with the gamertad ceremonies that take place during the wakes and burials. When speaking of the land, we mentioned the Indian pattheism, their vague and constant adoration of mountains and valleys, their totemic respect' for animals, in short, the entire group 'of beliefs and rites that make tie what may properly be called the cult of Yamt-Pacha. Witches and witch doctors, v.,cordint= to Castro Pozo's data, do not.seem to have' the religious function that is observed in Guatcmala;.in Peru they are witch' doctors or curse-invokers rather than priests. Yearly all the conjurers are perverse, seeking to do harm; they have a knowledge of drugs which they use both for medicinal purposes and for carrying out their witchcraft practices. The fundamental aim of their medicine is to prevent "ojo malo" or the evil eyo.
Catholic rites have been effectively implanted among the P-ruvian Indian populction. By viceregal provision, a main church was to be established in each town or reducciOn. The priests and missionaries exceeded the order and established secondary churches or chapels in every ward of the town or reducciOn, which resulted in the erection of the numerous church edifices that are now found throughout Peru. One provision, issued during the first years of the colonial regime,.or-dored that in all towns with more than one hundred Indians there should bo two or three singers whose duty it was to sing the responsios to
B-1132-P71-BU
G5.
mass. The office of castor, the peraon who plays the organ and chants during the mns777'mry widesnread in prescnt-day Indian towns. The cantores start their apprenticeship by entering the parochial. house as domestics, and are taught music, which is, often paid for by the community itself. These individuals become very highly esteemed by the toanspeople, for not only do they engage in their profession, but being learned people, serve as interpreters and readers for the town. Each section has a patron saint that is cared for and honored By the alf4rez, mayordomas and .pa drinos, titles given to those personi-FE7FUTted with prep ring the fiestas and defraying the expenses involved. The wakes are ' fiestas that the devout townspeople of a certain saint must celebrate in their respective homes, with greet pomp and solemnity, for two or three days. There are saints hat have 30 or more pious followers in a valley, and it is customary to carry these saints to their homes, one by one, in order to receive the adoration of the faithful during the wake days.. There are persons entrusted with the custody of these saints and their wanderings, moving them from one chapel to another. The trips and transfers are made to the accompaniment of flute and drum music. When the wake reaches a community, the altar is raised and the fiesta is begun with a pastoral dance'to the accompaniment of music. The pxpenses involved for the Indian are considerable. Castro Pozo says that there are Indians who work the entire year to pay for the fiesta; it is estimated that as a general average each encargado must buy around 50 soles worth of candles and t'_-.at the general expenses amount to some 250 to 300 soles, not counting the daily wage that he has to forego. The alms collectors (limosneros) for saints are different from those who visit the settlements and haciendas with the wakes.. Those limosneros go along; the streets and roads provided with small images encased in diminutive urns,gathering alms from every person who wishes to, kiss the. image. The procession and dramatic performances that take placo throughout the entire South on. Palm Sunday, are among the most important aspects of Indian institutional life. The same is true of the varied, and exceedingly common celebrations for the dead on All Saints? Day.
Music and the Dance
Ever since d'Harcourtls* studies, it hos been recognized that the Peruvian-Indians preserve their musical tradition with greater purity and vigor than is the case in other American countries. Indian music fills the Sierrantmoshcre. Mthin its general oheracter
istio of monotony and repetition, it of	marked variations in* genre. Castro Pozo reMart:s thct Indian music is nob the product of IncaViduals but rather of towns; the names of composers are not known but the compositions of ore town are perfectly distinguishcble from those of another. The' India' ,n musical composition is short; it consists of four or five melodies repeated one after the other, which gives them a certain ronotonous character. According to the rhythm and melody, the compositions czn he grouped into huaynos, danzas, cachaspares and cachuns. On the coast cnd among the Mestizo towns of the Sierra, those types hcvc c:iven. rise to e multitude of musical compositions. Cestro Pozo distinguishes between this musical genus of marked rhythmmeant for the accompaniment of dances and another melodic. and delicate melody that would seem to require song. The yaro-huis have great variety and arc melodious, sentimental Indian songs that have given rise to the yaravles of the South and the ballads or tristes in other parts of the Republic.
*DtHarcourt, R. and. M.	a Musieue dos Incas' Ot'ses Survivances. -PafIs, 1925. .P. EGQ.
B-1132-P72-BU
66.
The primitive musical instruments usod today in all Indian communities are: the tinya or tambouret, the pincullo (or pingulJo, as they say in Ecuador 7:77 kind of reed piccONMT-five holes; the antora (rondador), a kind of Pan-pipe composed of fourteen to twenty little
reeds of	sizes, from one inch to seven erfifteen, joined
together by two transversal reeds; the caracoles,(snails), whose name describes them; the quenas, reed or bamboo flutes with seven holes, and the charangos, EFEFUEents in the shape of a guitar, -evith four.
strings, which according to Castro Pozo, "is even: preserved by thesa-vage tribes of the easternAndeari slopes." According to -d'Harcourt, Besides theedrums and horns, Pre-Colombian America heel no other musical instrument., than the flute.* In the Indian towns they also use musical instruments brought by the Spaniards: violins, harps, guitars, and quirquinchos, a kind of mandolin made from the shell of the arma-dillTrEjeoT3177s, rondines, flutes, cornets, flageolets and clarinet are also common instrumenEs.
The dance • is intimately linked with the music; each one,'in its regional tom, once formed part of the religious rites end ceremonies. Castro pozo groups,the dances of the present-day Indian communities into throe classee:.,nimic dances, religious dances, end rhythmic dances. The dancers' grimaces, gestures and "representative' actions predominate in the first,grOup; it the second, superstition and the veneretion of the gods; end inthe third, mere ypluptuasityof,move ment. The oldest ones arc indubitably the mimic and religious, two of which are described by Castro -23vewhom I'am citing,the Condor end the Turkey Dance; and hc,nlso places, in this group the.funervl dances and those connected: with the .cult of .Yame:Pacht% In this 'same group are included the'Hunchback Dances, in which the" townsmen"are' ridiculed and neighborhood jokes are told and satirized, the Pogue Dance, the Chuncho Dance, Mocking the customs of the savages of the Oriente, the (knee of the Engles, warlike and knightly, and, probably the most important of all, the luquis Dance, which dramatizes the tragedy of the. Incas killed by the Spaniards, in which the entire town is shown 'as taking part, together with the great captains of the Con-auista. In the third class Castro Pozo, includes the dances which, stemming from a certain melodic, andtraditional Indian origin, have been convert.ed into truly popular dances, such as the huaynos, the tonderos andthe marineras. The huayno is danced throTETEUralmost the entire southern part of Peru, to the tune of the harp, or violin, or a band of cachimbos either without a voice accompaniment, or with guitar-ployin7==e-,**.
11. Intoxication. and the Use of Coca
The- Peruvian Indian, like his brothers in Ecuador, becomes intoxicated with chichi and with ao-ue,rdiente on every feast day, and as often as he can during the fairs and oil market days. However, the most noticeable vile is:11.ot alcoholism, but the chewing of coca leaves. It is not necessary for me to describe further. or give information concerning a subject that has been the favorite and, compelling topic of everyone dealing with the Indian. Since Colonial times, missionaries and governors have discoursed at.-,length on the subject. The natives used to get intoxicated before, the Spaniards arrived, but this became worse after the Conquest. The vice has assumed appalling proportions, according to historians, who grave it as one of the causes for the de-
*dfliarcourET-(77-cit., P. 87.
**See Castro Pozo, op. cit., Pp. 309-80. Also a lecture by Atilio Sirivichi, "liacia el117CfEEFlismo Musical," La Sierra, Numbers 16-17, May, 1926, Pp. 19-38, and the d' Harcourt worr'already cited.
B-1132-P73-BU
crease in populction.
67.
The coca is a small tree which grows wild and is also culti-
vated with great care on the eastern slope of the cordillera, where
the hot climate begins. The coca fields are found on the hillsides
and on the flanks of the ravines, on the narrow terraces which give
the planted land its ladderlike appearance. Coca grows in the same
region as coffee and requires a well-irrigated soil. Nursery trees
are grown from seed, and later the little plants are transplanted to
their permanent site. The plant is ligneous, slender and has few
branches; from afar it resembles a small, somewhat leprous gardenia
tree, Its leaf has the same size and form as the azalea, but the
coca leaf is a little smoother and lighter in color. Three years
after being transplanted, the coca is ready for harvest and contin-
ues producing for 25 to 30 years, without requiring fertilizer nor
any cultivation other than keeping the plantation clean. Each four
years the plant should be pruned and left to rest for six months.
During the period of production, the leaves are cut off every four
months, usually in March, June and November (during Holy Week,
Saint Johnss,Dag, and. All ,Srintsl.Day); The leaf is -severed with the
fingernails,_ in an effort not to damage the bud. After each cutting,
the plants are left entirely without foliage. The cut leaves are
left in the sun for three or four hours, until completely dried.
Before being packed and transported, they are moistened for one or
two hours by spreading them out on the damp ground. It is said that
a well-dried leaf can last-fromthree to six months without losing
any of its qualities. The_ drivers ship the coca packed in square
bales, on the back of a mule; the leaf is brought to the Sierra
centers of population where it is distributed to the local markets
for sale to the Indians. Each mule transports four bales of 50
pounds each, and the trade in coca transported by mule is an im-
portant one--one of the most profitable items in the Sierra markets.
One ounce, a heap of leaves.that more than fills both hands, costs
five centavos. The Indian always carries his supply of coca with
him in his chusna, and chews the leaf constantly. The Indian always
chews coca 77-Tirworks; the leaves are a compulsory ration that must
be given to the Indian day laborer. The quantity supplied is from
one to two ounces. The field work is divided into three periods of
nearly two hours each: the first ends at about ten, the second at
twelve and the third at three, After each period there is a short
rest period, during which the Indian puts a handful of leaves into
his mouth, which he will ruminate all the time he is working, until
the next resting period, and so on. This is what is ,known as the
chacchada or mastication of coca.. The coca should be chewed by mix-
ing wYTIT-the leaves a touch of .ashes or of lime, which is supposed
to free the alkaloid, the cocain.. The Indians say that -the ash is
used to "give the coca a flavor." They use quinoa ashes, but any
other may serve; they--could also use quicklime. The lime or ashes
are carried in small leather bags, made from the scrotum of sheep
(pishca). A little stick previously moistened with saliva is in-
serted into the bag and then brought to the mouth. The quinoa ash
is sometimes mixed with potato starch seasoned with aniseed which forms
a dark grey hard paste, bitten into small pieces as the coca is chewed.
This paste beqrs the name of llipta.
The chewing of coca has been more criticized even than alcoholism. The vice, they say, has brutalized the Indian and has degenerated him. It is difficult to determine accurately the harmful effects of coca. Some people believe, and I agree with them, that the use of coca 'by the Indians produces effects very similar to the excessive use of tobacco or coffeet that is, the Indian coca habit is quite comparable to the cigarette habit of the Mestizo and the White. The very small amount of cocain swallowed by the coca chewer serves, it seems, a6 a mild stimulant and is slightly narcotic. This helps the Indian to stand the work and fatigue to which he is subjected working as he must without sufficient nutrition. Some believe that the drug has simply
1-1132-P74-BU
58.
a tonic effect rather than an injurious one, and that coca is for the lydian what the cigarette, coffee and tea are for the White. On the other hand, the harmful effects of the drug are frequently evident, especially with the aged; a stupid and brutish air, the vague look and
n apathetic attitude in general, are well-known symptoms of the excessive use of coca.
B-1132-P75-BU
CHAPTER III
TIT INDIAN AND TEE NATION	
1. -The Indian and Agrieultural.Econumy
In Peru, as in the other American-Indian countries, the Indian problem .is closely tied up with the problems of land. The Indian is a creature of the soil, and his very being depends on the preservation of his bond with the soil; if we break that bond, we destroy the Indian. If the solution of the Indian problem consisted in brutally destroying the aborigines, it would only be necessary to uproot them from the soil. In Peru, moreover, the Indian situation is complicated because the native population is crowded Into the Sierra region, where the land is narrow, irregular, hostile and often insufficient. On the coast, the agrarian problem also affects the natives; agriculture depends on manpower from the sierra, mainly Indians signed up for seasonal work in coastal enterprises. Thus, since the agrarian problem affects the political and administrative regime of the Nation, it dominates all national problems and its bearing on the condition of the Indian is, for the reasons given above, still greater.
Colonial Feudalism and Republican Liberalism
Undoubtedly Colonial rule stimulated the development of the agrarian feudalism which in a certain sense already existed in Amer-ica4-;.einforcing .it•by- the institution. ofiheeeneomibnft
latifundio and by laws covering the servitude to—Wlini- The natives were g737cted as a result. The vice-royalty protected the Indian comunidad, giving it lands and controlling it in every details It ' is true that the colonial Indian comunidad was a creation based on existing social tradition, but it is also evident that in establishing it, the Colony was merely promoting its own feudal policy; the comunidades were created in order to facilitate the assessment and collection of taxes, to simplify the regulation of labor, in short, to subjugate the population to a regime of slavery. The. latifundio appearod with colonial rule. "Neither the far-seeing methods of Toledo," says Cesar S. Ugarte,""nor others attempted at different tires, prevented a large part of the property from passing, legally or  legally, into the hands of the Spaniards or Creoles." The encomiendas favored. hypocritical spoliation. In adcordance with the legal concept of that institution, the encemendero was entrusted with the collection of taxes and with the organizatiETTIL Christianization of his taxpayers; but in reality, "he was a feudal lord, master of lives and haciendas, for he.used the Indians as though they were trees of the forest and when they were killed or absent, he took possession, through one means or another, of their lands..." "The agrarian colonial regime caused many of the Indian agrarian comunidades to be converted into lc.tifundios under individual aunsrshin, cultivated by the Indians, under a feudal organization. These large fiefs, far from being split up, became concentrated and consolidated in a few hands in the course of time, because real estate was subject to innumerable taxes and liens which immobilized it, such as the mayorazgos, capellanias, fundaalo-nes, patronctos and other property ties."*
The famous decree issued 'by General Jos6 de San Mhrtin, August 17th, 1821, at the dawn of Peruvian independence, contained these decisive and noble declarations: "Th3 tax called tributo is hereby abolished... Henceforth the aborigines shall not be called Indians or natives; they are children end citizens of Peru rand they shall be known as Peruvians." Those statements and many others like them mde by the Fathers of Independence and of the Republic, expressions of
*Ugartc, Cesar A. Bosquajo de la Historia EconOmica del Pdru. Lima, 1926. P. 24.
B-1132-1375-1?U
•
7o.
the romantic liberalism of that period, instead of achieving the liber-.ation of the Indian.. forged the chains with which he was fatally bound. The Indians disappeared, metamorph6zed into Peruvians, but Peru existed only in the noble, sentimental and somewhat romantic idealization of the men of that era. Forces that previously had enslaved the Indian were still in existence; feudalism was based on land.end the Creoles Were  their masters, for the colonial policies had not been destroyed. In Peru the revolution for independence; was riot-=nor was it in the other countries of America--a movement of the India n masses, nor did it represent any eagerness on the pert of the Indian for revindicatior, for had this been the case, that revolution from its very beginnings would have had an agrarian tendency. From the evolutionary point of view, the Revolution for Independence brought forth as its contribution to the economic order the appearance and consolidation of private property, both in'small holdings and the lntifundio. With Independence, many of the mythical concepts connected with landed property disappeared, and economic realties based on control of the soil came to, the fore. General San Martin's decree, which has just been cited,. was followed by another which rbolished„ under penalty-of expatriation for, anyone who violated it, the service of mibasi pongos, encomIendad and yanaconcz.i gos and any other class of pere-76-7m1"—s-07.tua.e to which the TriEra7ris—Er TIVilres might be subject. On April 7, 1824, Bol(var.issued, in Trujillo a transcendental decree that contained,the•following provisions: it-the State lands shall be placed on sale; this sale shall note include lands held by the Indians, but on. the contrary, the Indians are, hereby de clared to e the owners of. said lands; the community,lands Shall be,: distributed among those Indians who have n6.1m4j.nrOthq.rcralinoter
shall be sold 	In the distribution, the status of.the.recicient shall be t4en into account, so. that more.shall'be•allotted to married men; measures shall be taken so that no Indian 'will be left without land." Unfortunately, the decree was never carried out. But the Indian cvmuni-dades were dealt a great blow, for they were in fact dissolved before
the law, since libel, _gave ti	-2ersenelity, accor0ii to tle orders of-Toledoand subsequent colonial jurisprudence, nere precisely the lands with which they had been endowed. From the very birth of in-dependence,.there was evident in Bolivar's decree an interest in creating the small Indian pi•operty,, but at the same time that noble intention 17113 brought -to naught bv the expansion or the every existence of iatifundios. The.praCtical consequence of Bolivar's decree was that, as a.rosult of the re-surveys and' distributions that were ordered, the big landholder, took ..over the Indians! land. Neither in its, early years nor later waithe Republic able.tb protect the. Indian communities, or • to promote small proprietorship among the Indians. .Nhat happened was,
as stated-by Mariltegui, that.t!inethe conflict of.interests between	. the liberals and conservatives (which so completely filled nineteenth century Republican life) t:ere was lacking a direct tnd active movement for the restoration of land which might force the liberals to include the redistribution of agrarian property in their program."*
The military caudillos, a phenomenon of the American RepUblics, had no desire nor did they know haw to enter the terrain of agrarian reform. In fact, the caudillos were the strongest supporters of the large estate owner; the' Generalss-although they began as enemies,of the landholders, finally become owners of estates themselves. The militarist revolutions of any size .produced MD change in the agrarian regime of the country, but rather ,a change in latifundia owners.
With the 'promulgation of, the Civil'Codei in 1852, a. period of reorganization was begun in Peru which attempted to free and move agrarian property. Notwithstanding the new epoch inaugurated by the Code, Ugarte, in passing judgment on its effects, says that that statute confirmed the legal abolition of the Indian comunidades and their control by •introducing the foregoing. logislationOt established
Clariategui, op. cit., P. 49.
B-l132-P77-BU
71.
occupation of the land as .one of the ways of acquiring unclaimed, real estate and, finally, in the rules of inheritance, it tried to favor small proprietorship."*
Cesar Ugarte also sums up in the following words the tenor of Republican Peruvian legislation with respect to the land problem:
"an attempt is evident favoring the	emocratization of rural property, but by purely negative means, abolishing the legal obstacles rather than rendering the farmers any positive protection."**
And so, in spite of republican liberalism, the agrarian problem. continues. The regrettable polarity of the latifundio versus the defenseless Indian communal property still exists. Solis speaking of thy, says: "The latifundio has been strengthened and extended, while Indian property has shrunk.
The Evolution of Indian Rural Property During the Republic
In Colonial times the title to property was derived from the adjustment of lands and was held under tutelage, for the Indian was considered a minor, ...During the 'Republic; it was based on the distributions, and at first illiterate persons wore not permitted to sell, This restriction was, 'of course, not enforced and as a result the Indian suffered, In the course of time a curious reversion to collectivism has been noted, especially on lands of inferior quality, for in spite of the full titles that many individuals once possessed, the comunidad does not in fact recognize the right of sale, and consequently, the owners may transfer the plot to their heirs, but they cannot sell it (the survival of family property). The phenomenon of communal survival can be clearly seen and, therefore, also the phenorn-enor aef. collective property.in those isolated., poor• and. abandoned regions that have no _schools nor means of communication. ,On the other • hand, in places differently situated, the community is becoming modern-ize'd and property is becoming frankly private in character... Another interesting phenomenon is that the best land is more quickly brought, into the syitem of full individual title than is the poorer. land, Unfortunately, the best land is also coveted ley the foremen and es tate owners, so that haciendas with good valley lands are pornm5n; while the  comunidades  are left in possession of inferior lands located in the highest regions,
_Modern Feudalism; Latifundios sand •Gamonalismo.
Feudalism still exists, Even in regions unfavorable for large-scale agriculture.. such as Iluanta and Ayacucho, the institution of the latifundio or its dytiamic expression, gamonalismo, is everywhere evident. Anco is a small town situated on the road 'between Mejorada and Ayac mho, inhabited by -the workers of two haciendas adjacent to this town and merely separated by a street. I have never been so reminded of medieval times as by this place. It is quite archaic and monastic; all the people seem to belong to a .brotherhOod; "in fact, they forma brotherhood of serfs. We mot one strapping young fellow who, in appearance, might have taken the part of Manelick in Tierra Baja to perfection. We inquired about his occupatiori; he could barely
71771 to us, but a woman iold us in Quechua that -he was a trusted •	• worker of the master. 'allow much does' he earn?" ere asked her. -."1-10 doesn't earn anything," she answered, "His parents were also 5.r3. the service of the master,,," On the road we met an Indian,who..v,ras walking with his daughter, a girl of sometwenty'. years.. Her. hat was
wr 
covered with yellow floe
s which she had cut 4ongth'e road;. she *, •
looked like a shepherdess o the Middle Agi5s,	asked them:from '
*Ugarte, op. cit.,-P. 57.
.—	•.
B-1132-P7-BU
72.
what town they came and they anawered, "We belong to,Guillormo•Pachedo" This gentleman, the wrier of Teeple, is the owner of the Llaccria estate; his- servants,.. according to this,kno* to whom they belong but not where they live.
The Latifundio on the Coast -
Feudalism. has two aspects : the latifundio and:gamonalismo. Lati-fundios exist in Peru; on the coast they have teken,possession of all the oases formed by the waters that flow down from the Sierra, including -1.1 the surrounding desert, wherever it was fit for use. It is said that the letifundio-of-the littoral is the product of the irrigation ,ystem made necessary by the scarcity of water, which must be collected end distributed by means of costly methods beyond the reach of small landholders. These .properties have, moreover, become consolidated. through the use Of foreign caps; al, which has acquired the property and has built it 'up so as to establish indus.trio-agricultural capitalistic enterprises aimed at export. The exploitation of.labor on the coastal lands has been put on a modern basis; the sugar and cotton plantations use machinery for cultivation and processing and take advantage of modern techniques. The sz,stem of work in these greet enterprises is largely based on manpower consisting of laborers under contract, usually from the Sierra. In colonial times, negro slaves were imported; in the .middle of the past oentury„ workmen were brought from
Oriente; neither of these groups have become rooted in the planta-Uons. At present large-scale business depends mainly on the people of the Sierra to carry on the work.
The Latifundio in the Sierra
The Sierra latifundio is entirely different from the one just described. The custom exists throughout the zone, but it is particularly active in the southern part. The haciendas of the Sierra are sometimes properties of enormous area, but the tillage lands are relatively small, irregular and cut up, dun to the topography. The haciendas include huge reas of pupa, and feountain land; the first are good for grazing, while the second are totally useless, since generally 'the mountains are bare, o that these lands have not even forest wealth. The method.of work on -he Sierra hacienda is as primitive as the Indiana the owner is not a farmer; his crops are in the hands of the yanacona and colono
The nature of the land and the lack of ent7FF=5-Torbid the' use; of machinery; the tilled lands are scattered here and there. Stack-raising is the principal item for exploitation. The estate ovner has his ani-,als and the Indian day laborer living on the property also has his. Ale Indian families take charge of pasturing their master's animals, as well as their own. Each family, is in c.arg© of a definite number of animals and lives On c plotof ground et some distance from his neigh-tor. The hacienda therefore appears to be cut up into small parts. In reality, the hacienda is a latifundio on which small breeding and farming units are operated by primitive methods under the control of the cArner or his.representative. The system of labor on the hacienda is based on the resident serfs, the yanaconas, who enjoy the use of a plot of land within the' master's property, and who have the right to graze f%eir animals, giving the master in return more or less specified ser-, vices, 'usually -gratuiteuely.
The yanacona and his.family are rooted to the hacKenda. The bond-
;o has its beginning in the indebtedness which the laborer may incur with
land holder, in the sale of his own land to the estate ovmer, in the d)spoliation that the Indian suffered at the hands of the foreman, in ahich cases he passed from the condition of free proprietor to tenant f:rmer or, finally, in the bondage begun long before by the parents or ,rand2arents of the worker. The yanaconas are obliged to take care of
B-112-P79-BU
73.
the master's cattle. AU certain periods the agents of the estate owner will come to count the animals and to ask the Indian to account for them. Many cases are known where the 'Indian has been . forced to replace from his own stock any animals missing because of death, loss or any other accident. These -aorkers must also act as burden bearers at the order of the estate owner or his employees, and they must do this at .their awn expense; they are also obliged to serve as "pongos; that'is„ to render personal services by turns at the homes of their masters, sometimes on the estate and sometimes in the city. This service corresponds exactly to the huasicamla in Ecuador. The yanacona must work on the master's lands . for a fixed number of days. Ordinarily he does not receive any wage for this work; in those cases where sore payment is stipulated, it is always less than the usual. daily-wage rate in the region. The farmer yanaconas enjoy the use of small plots that they ern cultivate as thei73777EFF at their own expense,. for their private benefit. The area of these plots of land varies considerably and often does not exceed the size of the typical plot of a communal Indian, which is small. The lands are generally of poor quality. These peons also have the grazing right for their animals, and enjoy the use of the humble home which they have usually built for themselves. The .estate owners also employ paid day laborers with a stipulated salary varying with the region and with the season. Last year (1931), the daily wage paid in Ayacucho; in Puno and in Cuzco was from 40 to 50 cents.
On the estates in the Department of Cuzco, leasing is still
practiced, although on a smaller scale, the estate owners renting
lands to the townspeople. Francisco Ponce de Leon has made a study
of the system of renting lands for cultivation in the D'enartment of Cuzco
and points out the following formt: Money rentals, work rentals,
crop rentals, partnership or company rentals, and mitred rentals. In
the first, the proprietor concedes the use of his land to the tenant
during a fixed time and at a certain agreed rate, which is paid in
money. This form of rental is rare and the rate of payment is vari-
able, 
depending, of eourse, on the kind of lands and other conditions. According to Ponce de Leon, when he made his study the average rent was about 10.50 soles. • Last year the average seemed lower, perhaps 8 soles. In the work lease, the tenant pays with labor; this is a
very conmon form. Payment assumes four forms:	An indefinite number
of days' work without wages ; a fixed number of dayel w o rc without
wages; for so many soles per year, payable in labor at the cur-
rent daily wage rate; .and -forso nidny 'soles per, year, payable in.
labor for a daily. wage or salary agreed upon. The first and
second forms of lease include the conditions to Which the yanaconas
are subject. Ponce do Leon states: "In the province of Prucartambo,
the owner grants the use of the lands to a group of Indians, on the con-
dition that they do all the; work required for cultIrrtinc7 the -estate
lands, which the owner or foreman' has reserved.	for,himself. They generally work three alternating days per week, during the entire year. The tenants or yenaconas, as they aro called in this province, must moreover transport the owner's crop to the city, without remuneration, using their own aimals, and they must serve as, pongos on the ranch itself End usually in. Cuzcb, where the proprietors prefer to live. They render the service as ponces by taking weekly or monthy turns with or without remunerctio75-77s depends on the area of land that they hold, and also on the number of tenants and the goodwill of the landlord. There are properties so vast and extensive that they hold within their borders up to a dozen settlements or little towns of Indians, whose constituents, though they possess some communel lands, largely live as tenants of surrounding or nearby estates. One of these estates contains within its boundaries seven ayllus, each composed of from 20 to 70 families. This hacienda always supplies 14 pongos at a time to be distributed in the service of several "Society families."
B-1152-P80-BU
74.
"The lands-are not divided equally among the tenants, but each one utilizes what he can (this is called his manay) without any variation in conditions, whether he cultivates more oiTaT, My informants assure me that they never cultivate the entire area granted them, which is so extensive that each tenant possesses five or six sections or suertes, as they are usually called, and of these only one is cultival7757h year, the others remaining fallow, until at the end of three or four years -of rest, their turn for tillage is reached. This gives an idea of the nature of the rented lands, utilized once in three or four years and so that each time its ._cultivation involves fresh plowing.
"Widows and old women who are tenants and find it impossible to pay in the form of hard farm work furnish a substitute wrorker or take turns on the hacienda in the capacity of servants, called mittanes."*
Apparently the tenants who secure lands under these conditions enjoy an advantage;' because.it is a general rule that they be left free to cultivate all the land.that they can, provided'that they work for the owner. whenever he so.requests; but this liberty is more apparent than real, for although the land is unlimited in area, its quality is decidedly inferior. The lands are generally situated on the Puna.. They are not very fertile and have a very inconvenient topography; the part that can be cultivated profitably is extremely small, and as Ponce de Leon says, it can be cultivated only every three or four years. With respect to the labor of ligation, most of the best days in the year are used :or the lork-of the estate owner; there remain for-the Indian thd holidays or rainy .days, or else the.cuItivation can be left to the care of the wife or the minor' mombdrs of the family.
Serving as ponces is one of the most humiliating forms of human subjugation. Any service in the master's house is sufficiently onerous, but the pongo can be donated or sold to friends during his turn of service. Mien the Indian begins his service, he even loses his name; he is called simply "pongo," and is considered as a small and inoffensive but at the same time useful' domestic animal. In Pune. and La Paz (Bolivia), the pongo is made to wear a cap, different from the other Indians; with-this distinctive emblem, the unfortunate servant becomes subject to mistreatment by everyone, in the streets and markets.
There are many cases where the rental is paid in work, at a stipu-latede4ily wage; but in these cages it is a general rule that the daily wage is less than the prevailing one in the region. The free tenants-if those who pay rent by stipulated daily wages can be called free--are at liberty to dispose of the products of the lands that they have leased, selling those products or using them es they see fit; but it frequently happens that they are in fact forced by special circumstances to sell ell their products to the landholder; in this case, the selling price is almost always lower than the prevailing one in the markets. This phenomenon is mostly found in the montdha lands where coca is grown.
Gamonalismo
Gamonalismo is the second aspect -of agrarian feudalism in present-day Peru. It is a term denoting the spoliation, oppression, and extortion suffered by the Indian rt the hands of the monopolistic owners and even their own authorities. Gamonalismo is an order of things, a social
state, an attitude; it means the condition of inequality in which the Indian finds himself, the extra-social condition of which Narittegui spoke; it is the colonial rule and the clericalism which have' spanned
*eerie° de Leon, Francisco. Systeme. de Arrendamiento de Terrenos do Cultivo, en el DepErtmento del Cuzco, y el Problema do -17. Distribution.19'7,P. 14.
B-1132-P21-BU •
75.
the century since Independence; it means spoliation, nee-feudalism;..
. 
itmecms the cennivanoe bf-thoesociya:Classes, authorities, clergy,-
and land-owners in exploiting the Indian, without scruples tnd
-•	•
with-
Alarmed by the uprisings of the Indians, the land-owners promoted n'campaign of defense and propaganda. Pedro Irigoyen, speaking for the estate-owners, wrote several articles in El Comercio, of Lima, Which he lcter reproduced in pamphlet form uiiTer the title
*The Conflict end the Indian Problem.	No one can accuse Mr. Iri-goyen of animosity towards ti177:771Undista  and the estate-owner, but rather the contrary; therefore, what he says about the gemonales has particular wdights
"It is well known, of course," he writes; "and nobody will at- tempt to deny it, that the so-called gamonales exist, and that they. have built-up huge latifuidios, by the gradual acquisition, one after another, of the plots .of lcnd belonging to the ayllus or to the Indian eomunidades, usurping them through violenbe or deceit, often taking advantage of the complacency of the political authorities or the venality of curt in. judicial. functionaries. They are the great enemies of the aboriginal race and of national life. They arc not only an insult to our country, but taso a constant threat to, the existi.nc, social order and the most effective collaborators in the mistakes by which the' Indianproblem is universally judged and which have changed this problem into a national conflict."*
How the Indian is Despoiled of ills Land
A favorite activity, of, the gamonales which has become a veritable system,' is to deprive :'the Indians of their lands.
a	The follow.. ing tale is 'taken from typical case in the book Cuestiones Inds- - genasiby Luis F. Aguilai'.' "The  gamonal  seeks out a member 67757-
ccmunidad becomes his	i
chum or makes up a story n order to lead him . on, inducing him to grant a power of attorney for his 'defense, because there is no Indin property that is not in the courts or threatened by them...and after some bime, the pretended agent comes before the, e, judge, csking for possession of the lands, for the "power' of attorney" was really an authority' to sell, legali4ed in collusion with the notary public, witnesses and shyster: lawyers. After the judicial proceedings for ownership, the sale is legally completed and the purchaser liven. full title. When the legal' terms have expired, and the necessaivcan
nouncements have been m-ade	'the newspapers, when the rightb-pve' been established and proved,,the now owner requests the dispossession of the "usurper" from his farm... Since the attachment to his hut and to his land is deep-rooted, the Indian in mast case8,refuses stubbornly to abandon them and prefers to submit to slavery, from them on remaining in the capacity of share-cropper on his own seil,'1,-.hile'the pretended agent, becomes the owner and master."** •
The incredible procedure depicted by Aguilar is true and altogether too common. Alberto A. Soles, secretary of the Junta del Pa-troncto Indiczena*** of the Department of Cuzco, states in an official report sent io Lima that about two-thirds of the complaints of the Indian before the Junta 'concern fraudulent purchases of their secular property, carried out by the gamenalcs as described.****
*Pedro Irigoyen. El Conflicto y el Problema Indigene. Lima, 1922.
P..8..	.
.	P.
**Aguilar, Luis F.' Cuestiones Indigenas. Cuzco,- 1922. P.
32.
*** [Trans. notes' Comittee-cof Indian ."ettrons.] • - .	. ****Boletin del Ministerio de Fomontot.op..cit., P: 402.
out conscience.
B-1132-12-BU
76.
Cases of Grmonalism Cited by "The Patrons of the Indian Race"
Gamonalismo, as an evil against the Indian which permeates all the social system, is fully revealed by the following unprejudiced account, slightly condensed from the original, of matters which were brought to the attention of the Indian Guardianship Council in the Department of Banuco, in the year 1927:
1. Accusation of the townspeople of Umari, against the subprefect of the province because of abuses _and exactions,
2. Complaint of peon Francisco Mondieta, of the Jabonerla ;T
Diems-,	owner of the land, Er. X.
3. Report of the towns,)eople of Pachitea, denouncing the abuses of the subprefect and his police, with regard to Road Conscription.
4. Complaint of Indians X and Y, of the section of Tambillo, Z' province, against Mr. G,, who bad arbitrarily deprived them, of 12 cowhides and 2 beasts of burden.
5. Report of the townspeople of Raccha, complaining of the unspeakable abuses committed by Sergeant X and his subordinates, on the person and property of several Indians.
6. Complaint of the townspeople of lallpo, because of arbitrary acts committed by the justice of peace, ILr. Y.
7. Complaint of the Indians of Churubamba, because of the abuses
committed by Covernor X.	,
#%,
8. Accusation b7 Felipe Eartinez, peon from the montana property
of Er. X., complaining of being kidnapped by the latte7.
9. Petition of the Indians of San Jose, requesting guarantees for the peaceful possession of their montana lands,
10. Accusation by. Faust() Gumarr7.7F7rnst Lr. Luis Follegatti, because of kidnapping.Indian Gregorio Gumarra, on the montana property, "San Francisco."
11.	Petition signed by the -townspeople of. Town X„ demand;ng the lands of which Mr. Victor Funegra, employee of the Cala de Depositos Consignaciones (Savings and Trust Bank), is attempting to cheat them.
12. Complaint of the Indians of Malconea, against the governor of the valley and his follomrs.*
The Lauramarca Case, An.Instance of Gamonalist Excesses-
The following notes were Taken from the minutes of the sessions of the Junta del Patronato IndiTena of the Department of Cuzco, with, respect to the Lauramarca case, involving a cattle ranch which is the largest latifundio of the Department of Cuzco. Due to the insufferable oppressions of which they wore victims, the Indian colonos of this property have shown a rebellious attitude and at present, 'ince efforts to solve the conflict did not succeed, the colonos have taken possession of the lands :where they were settled, mcdr17775Trig a rebellious attitude against the landlord. "Session of Saturday, 11, 1926. Petitions: I'r. Frisancho pleads the seriousness of the desperate situation of the numerous Indians who inhabit wsrious parts of the Laura-mrrca ranch because of extortions committed by the forces therein quartered, abuses committed by these authorities and the excessive and bold demands of the proprietor, Mr. Ernesto Saldivar, who, having recourse to the High Decree of May 11, 1923, is trying to collect accrued pasturage fees of four and five years back, taking away the cattle from thoso debtors who find it'impoesible to settle in cash..." "Session of September 18, 1926. The report of the commission investigatinP., the Lauramarca affair is introduced for discussion. Mr. Frisancho pleads: that by the report of the investigating' commission, the tenor of the petitions presented to the Junta by many Indians who came to this city
*Doletin del 'ATETEUerio de Fomento. Years 1926-1927. Section of Indian Affairs, P. 367-72.
B-1132-13-BU
77.
(Cuzco) to demonstrate their poverty and the evils that oppress them, by the accounts which they gave personally and, finally, by the words of the departmental authority itself, the series of unheard-of and unspeakable abuses to which the Indians of Laurainarca are victims is herewith conclusively proved. These Indians have been forced by abuses, taxes, and nefarious practices into a situation which is so disastrous that they can only consider themselves as outside the Law and Constitution. Their rights to liberty have been violated by deportation to the unhealthful regions of the Ccos'ilipata; they have suddenly been forced to pay pasturage fees for 5 years back, and all those who could not make such heavy and unusual payment were deprived of their cattle; they have been molested and outraged, and even the purity of the women has not been respected; the soldiers quartered there are maintained on the food, domestic animals and ,cattle of the Indians," "Session of September 25, 1926. Canon Rodriguez said that during his stay in the Quispicanchi Province, he had opportunity to acquaint himself with officially verified facts which had 'been reported by the Indians of Lauramarca and other places, and recorded for the' most part, by the Junte, adding many other details still unknown to the public, but nonetheless horrifying..." "Melchor Tepunn, an Indian woman of Tinqui, who is the wife of Juan Villagrpo comes in person to complain that the night of Friday the_ 17th of the present month, 12 mounted regular army soldiers came to her house without any superior nor accompanied by any civilian, and in the midst of the greatest outrages preceded to violate her; stifling her desperate
outcries for assistance, end then'they carried off a cow, a horse,	•
five llamas, eleven sheep, domestic 'aninels, foodstuffs, ropes,
sacks, cattle bells and whatTier they could lay their hands on.
All this occurred during the absence of her husband in this city;
she also complains that the same parties, in her presence, also.
violated her daughter Anastasia Villagra, a minor 16 years of age,
leaving her unconscious as a result.	In view of the situation, the Patronate drew up an energetic petition for the Government,, proclaiming the facts, protesting against the inaction of thc local authorities, asking a halt to the situation and threatening to protest en masse, in case it is not remedied. As a matter of fact, the matt777=Feen pigeonholed and the Indians have assumed en attitude of civil disobedience."
The Hacienda vs. the Comunidnd
"Peruvian letifundism is an historic creation of Spanish rule and its original and authentic title is based on usurpation..." "The latifuhdio was created by dint of despoiling the Indians of their lands, sometimes by dissolving the tyllus, and at other times driving them away,, or restraining them and subjecting them to servi-.tude in the majority of cases."*-
Theso clear words of Abelardo Solis state succinctly the historic
struggle waged between the letifundio or estate on the one hand, and
the Indian comunidad on the other. It has been a. conflict in which
material values were at stake, but in which moral velues especially
were involved. In this conflict, the desire of the slave-holding land owner
to preserve colonial feudal traditions has been pitted against the even
more ancient tendency of the Indian to maintain his status as a free
man occupying his own land. In Peru there was an attempt to institute
private property at the expense of the communal lands, but this--as we
have already seen--far from producing small individual property as a
characteristic feature, gave rise to the formation of lctifundios on
large scale end the retention of many Indians in a regime of vir-
tuel servitude and slavery. The Indian, dispossessed of his land,
*Solis, Abelardo, op. cit., P. 77-80.
1-1132-P`4-BU
78,'
rather than leave the family plot, prefers to submit to servitude 6n the estate, provided he can remain where he is. Entire comunidades  have been swallowed up by an estate... - The-estancias'- of today were the communal lands of yesterday. The Indian, whether yallacona or co-lono, pays with non-remunerated work for the privilege of continuing
to	on the land, that had been his home and his ancestors' from time immemorial. Usually the impact of the estate destroys the comu-nidad, shnttering it or annihilating it. This phenomenon is well known in Peru.. The members- of the dissolved comunidades either join the estate as. permanent peons, or they become unattached workmen who hire themselves out here and there, Therever they can; some become miners, while others seek shelter in the centers of population and make up the lower proletariat, or the most rebellious ones take to the roads, and become'bandits. The coastal estate destroys the Indian in a certain wty, but it absorbs him or transforms him into what usually be-comds a valuable element; the` hacienda of the Sierra destroys the nnmunidad and converts the free Indian into a servant irretrievably lost,, or else casts him into the pathless desert of, social, maladjtst-ment, , Unfortunately. there are no statistics, either in Peru or in, other countries--for "the phenomenon is general in all the American-Indian lands--which reveal numerically tho results of this tragic struggle between the eStato and the comunidad; the engulf.nent of the small property lost to the Indian and taken over by the estate, the slow and brutal destruction of the men until they are subdued by hunger, converting them into outcasts and slaves, or the rebellion of the strongest and their withdrawal or wrathful uprising, placing Ccm in either case in a still'mpre extra--social Situation than that from. which they sought to,escape. .,But the lack of statistics does not succeed in hiding the reality of the phenomenon. In Peru, as elsewhere, the hacienda has groWn tt the expense of the ce,munidad, and free men have been made slaves. "In Peru," Carlos Valdez de la Torre tells us, "the number ,of estates has grown at an astonishing rate. In Puno, for example,,it had increased .a hundredfold between 1860 and 1915,"*
Jos4 Antonio Encinas,'in his study on Indian criminality, demonstrates that crime is greater on the Sierra than on the Coast and that nearly all crimes are dictated by hatred, vengeance and repression. In his opinion, Indian criminality is intimately linked to despair and, generally, to economic conditions. The presence of the lntifundio determines the ascending curve of crime, according to the. distinguished ex-rector of San Marcos; there is more:crime,on the Sierra, where the letifundio and ramonnlismo are most acute,than on the Coast. Parti-. cularly in, those regions where gamonalismo is more severe,,crime is also greater:**'
•
Comuneros.and colonos
There is an enormous difference betmen the members of thc present Indian comunidades and the colono peons on the haciendas. The comuncro preserves his property and is statusas a free human cgent. 7:11bn speaking of the Indian  comunidades V.T noted the different classes into which-they fa„11, according to the land system undor which thcy come; but it is characteristic of ell that their continued., existence. depends on the retention of their land and their bond with the earth. The comlinero is a member of c'group and clings to many trditions and customs of that group. The colono is a conquered man, tnd his, economic arid cultural condition is inferior to that of the comunero. The difference stands out most.in their persOnalities; the coIndian is duller, more conservative, more sullen, and less adnptagle than the
*;a1Sez de la Torre, op'. cit.:, 17,:a86',-:,..K	, ,
**Encinas Jose!	77uscs de lt-Criminalidad en,e1 Peru Limn
,	•	• 	. 	. •	,
1919. P. 19.	..	,.: _	4
B-1132-P85-BU
79.
free Indian. It is a well known fact that the colones rebel less than the comunoros, the majority of the complaints that come to the atteriTTOE-61-1e Indian patronatos ate not from colonos but from comuneros, and this is not, because,the-former 1777-1757sons for eETIaint, for they have too many, but'because thgy'are so subdued that they no longer even.know'haw to protest. After all, even in order to fight for emancipation one must still enjoy a little liberty.
From the economic point of view, the Sierra estate does not influence the progress of the small Indian proprietor very ji_lch; its methods of cultiiration are also backward, and yield 'h equally small crop. The total area of communal lands is not kroan, and I
would scy that even the area of the estate lands is doubtful.	e Consequently, it is_ impossible to compare the amounts they' yield.: Castro Pozo has estimated their comparative production of wheat.' and gives us the following data; (1) The Indian comunidades were a contributing factor in 49 out.. of 53 provinces on whkil data were obtained with regard to the area and production of wheat. (2) The total of wheat lands in these provinces amounts to' 88,396.60 hectares, end of this sum, 20,694.07 hectares belong to,the Indian comunidades of the Andean Departments and the remainder to the large and small proprietots. (3) The r,verage crop-yield for the communal and individual Properties is between 450 'and 580 kilos per hectare rrpectively. Castro Pozo observes that the lands of, the comuneros are 'generally not as good as those of the estates and small proprietors; which in itself would explain the difference in the yield per hectare as unfavorable to the 6ember°. It-should be taken into accounts-moreover, that the Indians conceal the data or in fact find it diffieult to furnish precise information.*
Me-comparison ,otheloOmuhidad and, the latifundio as, under=, takings of agricultul prOduction,says MariAegui,Yis unfavorable'
to the latifundium.**	•
Indian. Uprisings
Indian insurrections in Peru have been frequent throughdtit the entire history of the Republic; but they broke out again" after 1920 to such a degree as to greetly alarm the larld holders. "All the Indian uprisingsor revelts," says Aguilar, "are due solely .to the retention, invasion, arid robbery of their properties; but this occurs only in the case of ccimunidades, for in individual-cases 'the crime is quietly covered up...'***
Pedro Irigoyen, the apologist of the estate-.owners has nv.ex- - planation of his own, for the Indian insurrections: "From this it will readily be understood that the colon° is not discontented of his own_ accord, nor is he the-promoter. of the latest disorders. _These. upheavals have .not been due to his, protests, and much less to his ac.-tion. They have been entirely the work of the Indians c4"thosg ayl-lus, comunidades or parcialidades which are economically in -a le-57 "gri-antageous situation and, lanfortunatelY. are within easier reach of the exploiters. These are the,Indians who, urged and incited by anarchist elements, as they, might beterme.d„have attacked: the es their tates and have instigated among_thr fellow Indians a,_pla,torecon-Struct the empire of Tahuanli-suytivof which;:for tb.e most:part, they-n-,ithcr revs mber nor, kno,:::anything. They have become enemies of the
*Castrci, Pozo, Hildebrando, op. cit. P. 433.
**Mariategui.,.-op. cit.., P. 7r.
***Aguilar, Luis F., op.-cit., .Pi.B41-
B-1132-P75-BU
1state owners, whom they accuse of intruding on their property and to rhom they would like to attribute the state'-of decadence and degeneration in which they find themselvOs. They'have been made to believe .';fiat, once the haciendas have easily-b6en eliminated, they could again
luminate the entire torritorY."*	'
In a pamphlet published in 1922"by thl Ligede Ha',cendados (League )f Estate Owners), La Verdad en la-Cuestion IndifTena (The Truth of ,he Indian Question), there is a report on-the Indian disturbances from 'he 24th of September, 1921, to the 18th of October, 1922. Thirty-Three cases are noted. The majority of thesc are recorded in the De-)artments of Puno and Cuzco. I shall cite a few of them taken at ran-lom:
September 24,.1921._ Attach on the Pinaya, Culine and Ichocollo ,states, fires, 'thefts and several deaths of owners and employees:
October 13, The Indians of Yauri, Ocoruro, Copra'que, Pichigua and Chuquibambilla attempt to attack this town, led by the Indians of Puno.
November 15. The JAI(' ns take over the town of Cepachica and, force the govtrnor to read a proclamation to the effect that they are putting an end td,the.republican authority and are establishing Indian authorities. •
Februa.ny 10. Revoltof the Indians, in the "Comunidad" Hacienda in the district of Asillo, propert7 of N. Romero, The subprefoct of Azngaro, who attempted• to put 'down the uprising, was stoned and fired at. Several deaths resulted from the conflict between* the Indians and
the troops.	"
May 5. Today it is learned that on the occasion of the inauguration of a Protestant church fnd school, established in the avliu of Saitaccota, Santiago District, Az6ngaro Province, near the station of Laro, a largo number of Indians came together, bringing their cattle. along, thinking that the evangelists would distribute the neighboring estates which they have invaded: Laro, belonging to the heirs of Victor Manuel Delon; Ccoa, the property of ljrs. Romero de Quevado; and Pichacani,' the estate .of Er. Serapio Calder6n. It was necessary forthe subprefect of Lampa to establish his authority there, in order to enforce respect of property rights.
October 16. The employees of the Caracara estate accompanied by a gendarme supplied by the subprefect of Lampa, while investigating several thefts of cattle committed by the Indians of Achaya (such thefts frequently take place throughout the region by armed Indians), came upon part of the stolen cattle and tried to recover them, but they were attacked by numerous bonds of Indians, who clubbed and,gravely wounded the guard and the mane-ger Escobedo, killing an Otazu employee whose body it hogs not been possible to locate.
I have purposely taken the data from this.publication, which is partial to the estate owner; the object of this pamphlet was to demonstrate, on the one hand, the dangerous situation of the country becaulie of the insurrectionist attitude of the Indians, on the other hand, that the revolts were due to the saver-sive suggestions and propaganda of people adverse to the Government or to foreigners, and, finally, it was an attempt to mak::..the revolting Indians appear as more malefactors.. The situation is rather serious and almost chronic; but the writer of the pamphlet, hoping that the Government would use an iron hand end become more severe, exaggerated and, above all, twisted the facts. At that period there were frequent' uprisings of Indians, just as there still are uprisings today; they are dUe, in part, to-definito-agita-
tions, not properly speaking by Anarchists, as the author says, or by •
*•113•773r7M, fF,dro,op. cit., L-J. 14.
. •
B-1132-P87-BU
81.
Protestants, but by some elements without any parti'ular political or religious creed, who 'simply are concerned with the: lib rationeofthe masses and the social progress of Peru. The uprisings are, in this sense, merely an indication of the awakening of the Peruvian masses. On the other hand, the revolts are a direct answer to ga-monalismo; wherever this is stronger, the revolts have been more frequent. Aguilar cite; a gamonal who naively said, "The Indians are already too corrupted; one can no longer snatch a lamb from theiraock nor give them a kick without insulting them."*
The uprisings have usually been violent acts of protest, and have not been prompted at the start by any desire to rob or to commit vandalism. It is worth emphasizing one thing, that the majority of the disturbances actually begin in the comunidades, as Irigoyen says, not because the colonos would not like to protest, brit because they are no longer capable of such an act.
Rather than hunt down the phantom anarchists and communist agitators with which the gamonales and conservatives have been tormenting their imagination, these men might better consider the fol-lowIng declaration of the Junta Central del Patronato de la Reza  Indigene, presided over by the /rchbishap of Lima, for such testimony will help them to understand the real cause of Indian uprisings. "The complaints that the Indians have been making for a year or more are of such character that it is horrifying to read them. It might seem like an exaggeration, but experience has shown us that it is not. It may be that because of their lack of culture they do not express themselves with sufficient clarity and that they sometimes even say things that are' different from what they mean; but behind their words can be seen the cruelty of the oppressors and the sad plight of those who suffer... Arr effort must be made so that we may all together secure, as soon as possible, an improvement in-the Indian situation. Let us not forgot that oppression always produces regrettable reactions."**
The Solutions Proposed for the Agrarian Problem
No one denies that the agrarian problem is acute in Peru. .It is strongly linked with the other national problems, especially with the Indian,problem, as everybody knows. It is also evident that a social reform cannot be undertaken without solving the basic problem, land, but the manner of solving the problem itself is not very clear and, of_ course, there is no consensus of opinion on the matter. There" is deep concern over the land question in Peru. Ugarte, who deals with the economic development of the country in the book that -we have often cited, Bosquejo de la Historia Econ6mf.ca del Peru; Castro Valdez, who describes the devenPment of the Inds.
757t em	in his important work La Evoluci6n do las Comunidades Indigenes, and Castro Pozo, who has objectivalyst-GaTed the various phases of present-day Indian comunidad.-all come to the same conclusion from different angles, that immediate action is needed-to protect the  comunidad  and save it from destruction.
Abelardo Solis, after studying the Peruvian agricultural problem, offers his program. In Pcru, the problem of the land, he says, is an equation whose terms arc the comunidad and the latifundio. In the preceding pages we have soon how in this fatal entanglement the comt-nidad  has been losing ground before the artfully conceived and prc-
*Aguilar, Luis '., 22. cit., P. 64.	,
**Boleti4. d4.1 Einisf6r19 14- Fomento„ op. cit., P. 415.
•
B-1132-P38.
32.
.totted onslaughts of the latifundiStr. Solis says that many have attempted to solve the question from the point of view of the comu-nidad alone, by protection of the comunidadeq, division of the communal lands in order to form small properties, the reht.bilitation of the congregaciones, and even cal attempt to Lamobilize communal property, v;hich is a kind.of homestead. 3ut the problem cannot be solved until both basic terms are dealt with, until the reformers decide to -fade the question of the latifundio. It is the latifundio that must be dissolved, if it-is desired to set up small properties, if it is desired to protect cnd .to rehabilitate the comunidades....It is evident that everything posSile must be done for the comunidad itself; we can easily-see, rfter tracing their evolution throughout. the long history of Peru,-tbet the comunidades are not artificial organisms born yesterday, and that they cannot bo suppressed by le-oislative. order, For the same retson, it will be impossible to transform them by restoring them in a manner contrary to the-cPllective
interest thrt they represent :and to the tradition from which they	, have sprung. - The comunidades ore the only bulwarks serving .to dcf6nd the Inditn and protect his spiritual life, '.in the face of the 8 flares and assaults of letifundismo and the depressing rnd.destructive influences of an iftcomprehensible and hostile environment: BUt the agrarian problem, Solis insists, will not be solved by maintainingthe status ' quo.pf the comunidades, because in the 'long run the condition of the Indian would thus become untenable, since no protection is possible as long as the thre-t of the lftifundiSta continues for exist. The mord and economic improvement of the cemunidades is*possible only when, the latifundio no longer exists. These two points of view, one -relative to the lctifundio Lnd.the other to the comunid.rd, arc summar4cd in the following rords of Solls:itwould be neither feasible, beneficial, nor 1rSting "to rehabilitateethe.comunidad or to create the homester:d within it," unless gt the stme.time the unproductive latifundios are divided up, and the-orgarized.latifundios (ere socialized.*. "The .1*(7:habi-litation' of the comunidades can-.be consiciered. as a rforal -process; the old system of aomunidades is not an agrariLn ideal suitable to our_ times."** "The main step is to de. away with land manipulatio-ns and. Indian servitude. The solution of our agrurian problem lies not.with the agrarian Cemunidados, but with the powerful landholders."***
Nearly all Peruvians of the present generation who concern them selves with the social reform of the country agree with the point of view held by Solis, which I have-just outlined. There are, variations it the amount of emphasis laid on' one aspect or another of the problem; either on the breaking up of the latifunotO or on the rehabilitation of the comunidad, but in general, everybody, including Government representatives, sees the necessity of dealing with both aspects of the problem. '
Protection of the Comunidades
legislative action is, of course, one of the measures used for the protection of the comunidades. The Indian congregaciones, as we have said "elsewhere, were- left, when the Republic began, without any, legal basis and although they were recognized de facto, juridical*. they had no legal existence., This situation was modified in the Constitution of 1920, which recognized tJac legal existence of the Indian, comunidades  and establish©d the need for the authorities to. confirm their rights'. The same Sundamcn41 charter 'declares the property of the Indian comunidades  to be inalienable. A great many ,administrative measures, some of which we have already mentioned, and others -with whicl ---45757op,.. cit. "P. 73.
. **Ibis
*** Ibid., 1. 7(i.	.	).
B-1132-19-BU
sz.
we shall deal in the course of this study, clearly reveal the. Lrovernment's.desire to protect the comunidad. The Bureau of Indian Affairs, set up under the Ministry of the Interior, and entrust-, ed with the interests of the natives and the protection of the comuni-dades, is tangible proof'OTofficial -desire to help the Indians. The' creation of the Patronatos Indigenes, which we shall describe in' detail in another part 'of this, study, are. organizations whose duty it is to listen-to the 'complaints of the Indians and to arbitrate in questions that come Up between the natives themselves or between Indians and landed gentry, was also proof of the Government's interest in behalf of the Indian racer The protection of, the comunidades has been interpreted very' concretely as the protection of the lands of the eomunidad and has' become an effort to create small Indian-owned properties. Toward the end of 1927, the Patronato of the Indian Race in the Department of Hu6nuco raised the question with the Ministry of the Interior .as to "whether the comunidades or their members had the right to transfer their lands"; the department answered the question by indicating that the. Patronato should prevent, wherever possible "the execution, of contracts of purchase and sale.of lands which affect Indian interests; since the aim of the Crovernment is to make the Indians true proprietors, providing lands for farms and houses, even to those who lack such property."*
The Breaking Up of the Latifundio
livith regard to the latifundio,action has been weaker, less frequent. The agitation of the agrarian group is vigorous, but the vested interests have been consolidated for centuries, and nothing. less than a veritable political' and socialrevolution could bring, about an appreciable change insofar as' the breaking up of the.large properties is 'ooncerned. .'he. Bureau of Indian Affeirs of the. Ministry_ of the Interior has' as one' of its functions, in order to promete small propriet6rship by: Indians, the breaking up- of the latifundios through' administrative juridioal. process. The bulletin which I have before me, containing a report for the years 1926-1927, mentions seven cases of appropriation of land for distribution among the Indians. Each of these operations, according to published documents, began with d' proposal to sell the land in question submitted by the large landholder
to- the Government.	this proposition was accepted in. principle, the Einistry of the interior proceeded to send its engineers to map, survey and evaluate the lands; totako a census of the Indian popula: tion there and set .up a project for lot distribution. The prcyprietor was paid for the, land according to 'the appraisal made by the engineers of the Ministry of the Interior.
Division of Psacancha
Let us examine in detail one of the operations of land division, the case of the Pasacancha property.* This progerty'is on the Sierra, in the northern part in the district of Siccibamba, some 3,450 meters above sea level, two days by horseback from a railroad station. The land is so irregularIthat,it' is difficult- even to estimate its area. There are 510 Indians on the-property, including men,` women end minors., The total area -of'this land is 4,994,543 hectares, of which 2,900, in round numbers, are arable; 675 can be irrigated, and 1,405 hectares are natural pasture lands. The-methods of cultivation employed on this hacienda, according to the` engineer's report, are exceedingly primitive; ther;e is not even 'uniformity 'in measuring, for they still use the old yugada, almudes, etc. ihe farm production is divided into two parts:
,
*Boletin del Ministerio, de Fomento. rears 1926-1927. Section de
Asuntos-Indigenas. P. '373. •	_
** Boletin del Ministerio de Fomento. op. cit. Pp.94-95-130-263 to 290.
B-1152-Pr:'0-BU
84.
that which the estate carries out on its own account, and Indian production. In both cases only one-tenth of the arable lands is ut)lized. 87 hectares of land are sown by the hacienda; the Indians cultivete 203. Both the hacienda and the ,Indian lends produce wheat, be.rley, potatoes, corn and the common vetch. .The^appiaising engineer estimated the total value, of the property at 20,702 Peruvian pounds, or in other terms 207,020 soles. This was the p-fice paid to the owner, according to the _report cited. The plan of distributiOn proposed by the engineer was to give lots of 15 hectares of arable lands to the heads of families, bachelors, widowers and wi'dows, granting each individual, men or woman one-fifth of the lot, that is, 3 hectares for each person; so that a family with five children should have the option on another lot. The uncultivated lands or those to be irrigated are divided into equal lots, about 5 hectares each, which will be given to each couple,widower or widow, and bachelor, withbut giving 'a share to the children.
An Opinion on the -Policy of Apportionment
The Pasacancha case exactly illustrates the policy that the Government has been following with regard to the apportionment of the latifandio. The, comment that might be made on ,this policy is that it is in the very_ first stages, that the juridical-administrative method for handling the_ cases is slow and costly, that the amount paid for the land is high, according to present economic standards, that the apportionment seems to-have, been carried out to please the hacenCe.do rather than to help the comunidades. Ilere would be no objection to this progrem, in spite of the shortcomings indicated,. if it were being carried out on-a large scale, so that there would be assurance of 'appreciably affectirg before long the latifundist system in- Peru.. Such a condition? however, is; not being fulfilled; it is certain that: at the rate the remedy is being applied,
decades, if not centuries, wift be necessary for. its solution.
.	.
.e.
Another Wethod of Reform: The-Aetuim to Communism
An interesting method has been proposed by those reformers who. wish to solve the agrarian probleth on the basis, of course, of the.apportion7 ment of the latifunaio, but with a view to the rehabilitation of theIndian comunidad as ,such.. This ideological prcgram may be ChEracterized as ..a return to. Incaic communism,.or to express it Better, the promotion of a communistic organization, utilizing surviving tradition to create a social organization for our day,,within the general pattern of, communism: ,Cg,rlos Mariategui, who has described the efforts to,areate small proprietorship, as the,product of an individualist ideology of the middleciess, says, "ID conformity with my ideological position,.I,belieVe that'the hour.for
initiating tho individual method, t	individ-ualist' formula, in-Peru, has already passe'd. Putting aside the technical reasons, I consider the survival of the  comunidad and the elements of practical sOcialism in agriculture and in Indian life to be basically an undeniable and concrete factor in our agrarian problem."*
According to 'the ill-fated seer from Lima, Incaic communism is a Pact that can not be denied or contradicted, because it develoPed'under an autocratic system. "The destruction of Incaic communism, and therefore, of the culture that it nourished, is almest indisputably a responsibility of the colonial system, not so ,much because it meant the destruction of the native patterns, but because it brought with it no better patt6rns to take their place."1**
85.
.Mariategui, nevertheless, does not cling to the communist solution as the only possibility. He is broad-minded enough to conceive of the possibility of less radical methods, and in this respect says, "But• those who continue to believe firmly in the semi-libercl doctrine -if they are really seeking a solution to the Indian prc.blem, especially one which shall redeem him from his bondage -- can lock to the Czech or
Rumanian experience, *since the Mexican example, because of its inspiration and its method, seems dangerous to them. For them there is still time to defend the liberal program. If-.they should do it, they would at least see to it that in the debate on the agrarian problem brought" up by the new generation there should not be a total lack of liberal thought, for historical records show that such thought has ruled Peru's existence since the foundation of the Republic."*
2.7 The Indian and the State
Outline of the Political Organization of the Country
. The Republic of Peru has a centralized administrative system. Its territory is divided into 20 departmontssand 3 coastal provinces. The departments are, in turn, divided into provinces, and these into districts, the districts into anexos and the anexos into wards. The departments and coastal provinces are governed by prefects, while the heads of-the provincial governments are subprefects; in the-dis-. tricts there are governors who appoint lieutenant, governors for the anexos and alcaldes [mayors] de vara to govern the wards. Peru is divided into districts for ,-;judi.clal.purposes, each. one of whlch includes several departments. The seat of a judicial district must be the capital of a. department. In each judicial department there is a supreme court; in the -provinces there are judges of the primary court of claims for criminal and civil matters, and in the districts there •.. is a justice of the peace for each 400 inhabitants. Each province - has a provincial council made up of twelve elected members. Elected councils are also found in the capital of each district, made up of 5 members - a mayor, two trustees and two councilmen. The anexos  have a municipal mayor, who is appointed by the mayor of the provincial council. Ecclesiastically, the country is ruled by the Archbishop of Lima, who has the` bishops of the various departments as suffragans. The Roman Catholic apostolic religion is the only one recognized and protected by the State; it is, in other words, the State religion, but, up to a certain point, the Peruvians who pro
fess other religious creeds enjoythe liberty to do so.	The' State exercises the Patronato Vac ional, that is,.the prerogative of appointing priests for certain posts and exercising other privileges related to church affairs.
frith regard to the Indian comunidades mentioned in the preceding chapter, the traditional forms of government which they preserve and their relationship to the political life of the country have already been described.
The Public Duties of the Indians
The Indians, like the rest of the Peruvians, are subject to the payment of taxes. In the anexo of La Punta, in Huancayo Province, the majority of the heads of families are land-owners; they number approximately 500, but there are only 50 taxpayers, for the real estate tax is not collected from very small owners. On the other .hand, the assessors make exceptions depending on their personal favor and whim,.
•
*Mariltegui, Jose Carlos. Ibid.'4.P.-35,
86.
not collecting from some and assessing others excessively. A justice of the peace of the anexo said tome: "Those who should pay do not, while on the other hand some suffer from too large taxes to make up for those who go free." The property tax is 270'on profits, and the difficulty in determining such profits makes the application of the tax even more corrupt. The method of tax assessment, on country property as well as on the city lots, has become odious to the people, because of the injustice in its administration. On the other hand, the unreasonable way in which the Indian's property is registered for tax purpose, has served marvelous:-ly tothe advantage of the land-grabbing gamonal. Lncinas says that merely to look at the registers of Catastro is enough to convince one that the influence of large landholders on the one hand, and the negligence of the authorities on the other, has been at work there. He believes that at least 807 of the lands registered at present (1918) should not be subject to taxation, since the income from them does not amount to 50 soles annually.*
Immediately after the 1930 revolution which resulted in the fall of President Leguia, the population went en masse to the Huancayo tax registers and destroyed them. At present the taxes are collected according to the assessments of 1912. The evils and abuses pointed out for La Punta are quite general, and irregularities in tax collection include exceptions contrary to Indian interests and in favor of the big landholders, according to pertinent articles in sociological literature by those interested in the Indian question.
The:na4.an is obliged tc, ror.e.cr personal services for public works.
Basadre says that the tributF!,	continued up to 1824, fnally was abolished, hat it still exists, in 1), rt, in the form of personal service.**
The Indian collectivist tradition leads them to carry out voluntarily all public urdertakings decided on by the comuridad within the limits of the parcialidad. Many tasks are performed by means of this neighborly cooperation: communal roads, highways, churches, schools. In the case of public works outside cf the communal boundaries, the authorities order their execution and the lieutenant governors of the anexos then have to
send out as many men as	needed for the purpose.' The Indians receive no pay for their labor.
Road conscription has been one of the most strenuous and obnoxious obligations, of personal labor imposed on the Indian. In 1920, the Congress passed a law requiring all adults to contribute their services, for a fixed number of days in the construction of departmental or provincial roads. Later, the law was amended so that the services -were to be rendered only within provincial boundaries. The law was supposed to rest on the traditional Incaic custom, established by the zmpire,.according to which the people were obliged to serve in the execution of all kinds of public works. The law was entirely unfair, because as a matter of fact, it applied ex-clusiVely to the natives, and because the authorities went too far with regard to the servioes that they demanded, so that an Indian had to abandon his family and his affairs for many days at a time, and at the same time he had to meet his own expenses, for he received no salary nor ration. The Indians were also compelled to serve in regions at a great distance from their homes, and had to walk a long way to reach the place of work. The law became odious because of the abuses committed by the authorities Linder its protection. mach man was forced to work twelve days a year or pay 12 soles into the public treasury; but the amourt of service was doubled as a fine if the Indian failed to show up on time. Often the
*bncinas, Jose Antonio. Contribucionva una LegislaciOn Tutelar In-
dgena. Lima, 1918, P. 70.	.	.	.
**Basadre, Jorge. Peru:, ProblemaIPosibilidad. Lima. 1931. P. 119.
B-1132 -P93 -BU
87.
certificate given to.the Indian in return for services rendered was not recognized 'or was destroyed, and he was forced to take another turn. Various people have told me' that the road from Jejorada to Ayacucho.was made not only with the sweat of. the Indians, but with their very blood. Such were the abuses which the military leaders in charge of the work committed against the Indian workers, such the criminal mistreatment to which they were subjected, that when the . road reached Ayacucho, the population, far from appearing overjoyed, received the construction chief with obvibus signs of hostility and censure. Right after the revolution of 1930, the-people of the Province of Huancayo threw themselves upon the offices of the road agents and destroyed all the registers. -
One condition exists which can well be-called political gamonalismo. The minor local authorities exploit 'the Indian at every atep.,.Personal.work is exacted from him not only for public works, but often for work for the private benefit of the petty. - officials or, their friends. The union of the Church and the' State nowhere.functions better nor has more tragic significance than in the small towns of the Sierra, where the governors and the parochial priests have established an indissoluble alliance for the exploitatiOn and oppression of the Indian.
The Juridical-Legal Situation
The Indian is forever in the courts. It has been estimated that 98 percent of his lawsuits are concerned with property: Delays have been great; the obstinacy of the Indian is invincible, and his patience in reclaiming his title infinite. The deficiencies of the administra-tion'of justice in regard to the claims of the Indian have been dis- ` cussed--repeated in every publication on the subject--until it has become tiresome. Delgado says "that .although the Penal Code has precepts which are advanced and many of whiCh were written on behalf of the Indian, they are not complied with ihhei-p'he is concerned. The correctional courts, on the other hand, have so many'` cases for judgment that they cannot fulfil their obligations. According to report of the President of the Cuzco Court, in 1926 it had more than 4,000 actions of which scarcely some 300 had been decided."*
The lawyer Jose Frisancho, in his capacity as assistant attorney of the Province of Az‘ngaro, comments on some legal aspects of the Indian problem which show clearly the partial attitude of the justices of the peace, against the Indian and in favor of the gamonales. "If the vicious actions which have just been pointed out," he writes, "were not enough to' shom up the obvious partiality of the justice of the peace who acted in this trial, 'there is -still another. fact more signgicant, which makes evident the partisan attitude of the justices of the peace, in all the judgments they have drawn up about the, occasion of the insurrection of the Indians of SamAn. 'That fact consists in that the authorities who formulated these, indictments have confined themselves solely to.-reconstructing the criminal aspect for which the rebellious masses can be held responsible; but the other aspect, equally criminal, whose responsibility weighs upon the class of landholders, this latter, your Honor, • •no authority has so far wished to look at 'or consider."**
In discussing the nature of the crime of Indian rebellion, the same lawyer Frisancho made statements before a judge of the primary court which have been published in the pamphlet cited in the preceding paragraph, and from which I take the following extracts: "The alarming
*Delgado, Julie A. M. Folklore Apuntes Para la 8ocioloFia Indigena. Revista de Educaci6n. Year II, Number 3. Lima, 1931. P. 171.
*4Trisanchg, Jose. Algunas vistas fiscales concernientes al Problema Indigena, del A,'ente Fiscal de AzAngaro. 1914. P. 27.
B-l132-P';4-BU
88.
and endemic Indian revolts, whiCh have been stirring up the towns of AzEIngaro Province during recent years, are but the inevitable result of the slavery to which the Indians are shackled. Theoretically, in the text of the Peruvian Constitution and laws, one finds that the Indians are protected by the sane individual guarantees and equal civil rights es the ruling and favored social *classes, but in view of the real facts and reports 'cf how the law is practiced in those towns, these legal precepts are mere empty formulae, useless codes which have lost all meaning. Plainly stated, the Indians, atleast in this province,:find themselves despoiled not only-of their legal rights, but even of the most elementary human rights, never denied even to actual slaves or-serfs in the worst periods of history.".*
According to Mr. Frisancho himself, the situation has improved since
he wrote the above in 1922. Ho admitted this, but also stated that assist-.
ance and guarantees are still lacking for the Indians; legal-proceiaures. 
are complicated'ilnd eostly„ and	is constantly made clear that judges are prejudiced in favor .of the Lestizo. A proof that this. situation still` continues, he told me, is the reaction to" 'themassacre.of Indians in the province of Espinar, a crime for which practicallyethe entire:(iestito)-eiec-torate was. r.esppnsible.. The congressmn of the province, an influential mm, promoted end succeeded in-passing a law through Congress by which amnesty was granted to all those involved. Evidence of atteMpted improvement in the-administration of justice f)r the. Indian is7ound-in the-testimony of the Director of the Patrohato de la- Raze Indigene., who says in his report for 1927: "Fortunately, these serious abuses, by Some unscrupulous magistrate& have been halted by giving the Supreee Court power to veto the magistrates of the lower courts' when it considers such action proper. And in 1925, when this veto power was applied for the second time, the action taken by the judges in Indian affairs 11,els given first consideration."
An Outline of Peruvianlegislation Concerning the Indians
Jorge Basadre, making a comparative study of kepubli&an and Colonial - rule, with regard to the Indian policy, states, "Civil legislation ignored : the comunidad and the Indian. Thus Republican Peru was inferior to.the Colonial zovernment, which had a number of laws creating, at least theoretically, social protectign for the natives. Meanwhile there were no limits to the right to acquire land, nor sanctions for refusing o-r neglecting to cultivate it, not.even the indirect sanction of taxation."***
have considered most of the republican legislation relative to the comunidd, and especially laws concerning the communal properties. After 1839 there were, scarcely any important regulations until the Civil Code of 1852, and this,'Aes we have seen, had nogatiVe nether than positive results for the Indian:—After Legula's second advent. to. power, in 1919, there was a notiCeable legislative concern for the Indian, favoring his protection and improvemente The outline that follows is taken from Del-gado's article mentioned aboVe, from the works of Valdez de la Torre-, from . Cesar A. Ugarte, and some other secondary sources. The comments are own, except when another author is cited.
1. Decree by San MartinYAUgust 27, 1821.. _Tribute was aboliehed; the aborigine's wore .hencofdrth'no longer to be-called Indians 'or'-.'natives, but rather Peruvians.
2. Decree by San kartin, August 28, 1821. Abolition of personal service.
**boletin del ministerio de k'onento...2g. cit. P. 402.
*** Basadre, Jorge, a. cit. P. 118.
B-1132-P95-BU
89.
3. Decree by Bolivar, idarch 1824.. Banned tribute, Indians being put on the same level as other inhabitants of the State with regard to rights and obligations.
4. The same equalization of taxes was established by the resolution of July 4, 1325. All this was incorporated in the article 139 of the 1823 Constitution. Valdez de la Torre points out that although tribute was abolished, the "Indian tax" was instituted, and was used to pay the salaries of the authorities. This tax did not entirely disappear until the dictatorial decree of Marshall G. RamOn, June 5, 1854.
In the very first years of the Republic, the inequality of the 'Prd system was already keenly felt. The Commission appointed to draw up a Constitution called attention to the "unequal distribution of the land," and declared itself powerless to formulate legislative measures
to remedy it.	t
5. Decree by DOlivar, xpril 8,.1624. a)	The national lands shall
be sold for olte.third-less than their legal assessment; 1?) the lands of the Indiane, who are declared:fthe legal owners having the right of sale or transfer, shall not be included in the sale; e) the communal lands shall be distributed among the Indians who have no land, and a
greater area shall.be allotted to married men; d)	the surplus commun-
al lands 'shall also be sold; e)	the haciendas belonging to the State shall be sold for the purpose of promoting the foundation of towns on those lands (this measure directly benefited the yanaconas, whose homes belonged to the hacienda5),e It should be noted about this decree, (1) t.hat nefienel property is distinEUshed from communal property, which means that the royal theory of the divine right of the crown over all lands was being abandoned; (2) the comunidades were in fact dissolved, since their status as legal persons, according to the laws of Toledo and "colonial  jurisprudence, depended on the lands with which the re-ducciones had been endowed.,
6. Decree by Bolivar, July 4, 1825. a). Paftially'amends the previous decrees, it the sense that the Indians -are not allowed *to transfer the:r Land:s until 1850 and never in 'favor of mortmain, under penalty of defeasance; 1:,) among the lands to be distributed are in-elu(i.ed those acquired by the caciques and land officers by reason of their position; c) the hereditary. caciques in possession or able to prove .legal title are declared full owners of lands allotted 'to' them, or they will- be given land, in-case theylovenene. This decree, as can be seen, is somewhat of a reaction against theradical nature of the previous one-, and shows a certain partiality. in favor of the hereditary caciques.
7. Circular by Bolivar, December, 1826. In the distribution of lanos, preference is given to the "native" Indians over "foreign" Indiaa; which is not in accordance with democratic theory and gives the comunidades certain privileges.
84 Law of march 31, 1828. This is an important ordinance that had great influence' on the national economy. a) Indians and Mestizos are recognized as owners with full title to the lands that had been. distributed among them, if not in dispute; b) lands are to be allotted to those Indians and Mestizos who haw) none, according to a census'to be taken; c)Only those owners who kn.w how t read and write are allowed to transfer their lands; d) :then the distribution has taken place, the remaining lands are tQ be used for the educational funds of these towns. Note: (1) recognition of the full right of property; (2) the mention of liestizos; (3) the restriction of sale before 1850 was replaced by a literacy test; (4) the distribution is subject to a census, which never r9q neclel () rothi_rcr hag been said about the communal pasture lands.
13-1132-P96-BU
90.
9. ,The Constitutin :.f 1828. Lo.4twithstf'n.iir.6 the fact that the above legislation destroyed or failed to recognize the comunidades; the Constitution tacitly recognizes them, since in one article it orders certain income ,from Indian comunidades to be used for their benefit.
10. The Constitution of 1839. Article 8, Clause 2. It excepts Indians from the literacy test for citizenship,until the year 1844. ALaking the Indian equal in this way did not help him; it removed any juridical obstacle to his'disPossession from the land, for although tiler'-the-formtr'requirement (literacy) it was legally possible to simulate. sales; the,disposessed, illiterate' Indian retained.the right to reclait hip land.. It should be :noted' that this law has the 'effect of repealing the.18281aw, although in many alleation's-thiS has not been recognized.
11. The Law of November 19, 1839. It reenfOrced the tendency in Bolivar's statute of 1824 toward the liberation of the hacienda peons, freeing the towns surrounded-by haciendas and starting new settlements.. It declared that the inhabitants of towns so surrounded (mostly yanaconas) enjoyed-the rights of citizenship and ownership of the lands after paying the proprietors what they claimed the land had cost. The law is not radical nor very liberal, especially if one remembers that those so situated had been the true proprietors of the land in many cases. Other • later laws (1853 and 1877) had the same object. Castro Valdez rightly affirms that to put any one of these laws into practice would liberate a good many settlements, and thirVinhabitant's. 4
12. Law 2285. October 16, 1916. On Indian servicos and salaries:
a).	Indian labor is to be remunerated in cash; the natives may. not be forced to- work against their wish; b). the daily 'wage on the Sierra is to be not less than 20 centavos, even though the Indians be granted the use of pastures, irrigated lands, etc.; c). a residence contract shall be for 'Doti more than one year; d) attachment or sequestration in forcing payment of debts is forbidden; e) ,the Ministry of Justice may intervene in questions involving. landlords and Indians, with regard to services rendered: This law is of groat importance. The clauses directing its execution, added on kay 11, 1923, recognized the fact that the law had not been enforced. One of these later provisions stated that the daily. wage rate should be fixed every six months.
13. The Constitution of January, 1920. Article 58. "The State
shall protect the Indian race and issue special and appropriate laws needed for its advancement and culture. The Nation recognizes the
legal existence of the Indian comunidades and the law shall state the rights which they enjoy." Article 41 establishes that the "landed property of the State, of public institutions and of Indian comunidades is inal-imable and may only be transferred through public title, in the cases and
in the manner prescribed by law."	•
14. The Decite of September 12, 1921, creates the  SecciOn de Azuntos Indigenas,* and delegates to it the following duties: a). to study and investigate the Indian situation; b). to see to it that the laws dealing with their protection are enforced; 0) to take care of complaints; d). to propose measures tending to prevent abuses against the natives, and others for their education and economic progress.
15. The Decree of May 29, 1922, creates the Indian Patronatos,
with the object of defending the Indians, stimulating their cultural
and economic advancement, and avoiding conflicts between persons holding
*Trans, note: BureAli of Indian Affairs.]
B-1132-P)7-BU
91e
contiguous lands. In addition, ;there are concrete regulations-for: a) investigating causes of disturbances between persons holding adjacent properties; b). devising a wage scale and requiring equitable Wages; c). protecting individual guarantees. Its functions are to supply incentives, educate in hygienic matters,urgc home and town improvement, ane promote pride in the conurelead.
16. The Decree of July 24, 1925. This law creates a commission of-
errinccrs to !,lan	c,nce:	r co-eunidades, to bc uoodsin
issuing titles. The expenses are to rye a6T-Fayed by the State, although twenty Inuian comunidees (in the province of Canchis,.Ccuis-picanchi, Pareartambe ard the provincial district of Cuzco) themselves requested permiesion to entribute one thousand soles each in order to have the work carried out. To date the census has not been made.
17. The Decree of August 25, 1925, 'provides-fer the- recognition" and registration of the cemunidaJos.
18. The Decree of July 22, 1929, declares the intention of the Government to establish special schools for the Indianpopula-
.
tion and creates within-"the.Liinistry of Instruction, the Dire.ccion de.Educacien Indigene. *
19.: 'The Decree of October 5, 1929. In the provinces having a predominantly aboriginal population, Comisiones Oficlales de Lnsenanza indIlLena ** are created by this decree, presided over by the municipal mayers. It defines and regulatvs the functions of
the Lireccin de :unsenanza Indieena.
_ee
20. The Decree of June 28, 1930. "It c.ontains," according to Lelgad'o, "a broad program for the political assimilation of the Indian.'" Its chief purposes  e to promote literacy among Indian children and adults, knowledge of Opanish,vivic-cuature, a hygieni& campaign, popularizatien of agricultural practices, etc. In- this decree the autonomY of the Lirecci,Sn de lense-fianza. Indigena was :Imde clear. Thee decree was-not put into effect owing to the political change thich.,occurted ,in August of that year.
Three Civil Instruments for the Protection and Betterment of the Indian
eeY
The Bureau of 'Indian Affairs
The Decree of September, 1921, created the Bureau of Indian Af--fairs in the lilinistry.of the Interior. The object of this Bureau was to investigate all questions related to the Indians, to supervise the enforcement of the laws for their protection,and to make a scientific analysis of the property census and Indian farm surveys. Luring the first years of its existence, it gathered a large amount of data and information which, after being analyzed, should give an accurate idea
of present-day Indian life. Hildebrando Castro Po:so head of the	- Bureau-.for some tine, obtained the data and we'd it in his
valuable monograph Luestra Comunidad. Inditena; which has been cited~ repeatedly in the course of this study. During the years' 1926 and 1927, according to the latest report that I have before Me, plahs-of'_ more than 80 communaLtracts of land were drawn up, and complete studies were made for the purchase and division of the haciendas and latifundios• acquired by the Government during this period. The Patronatos de -la
*Prra,lc. not,c: Office of Indian Education.1
4"[Tr-7,ns. note: Official Conmissibn	Indian Education.]
B-1132-P03-BU
92.
Raza Indigene, and also administratively subordinate to the Bureau of -radian Affairs. A possible fusion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Office 'of Indian.Education, which belongs to the Ministry of Instruction, has been suggested; this step seems to have been postponed for the moment.. If it were taken, the creation of a Ministry of Indian Affairs, as proposed by some'people interested in the Indian question, would be near realization.
Patronato De La Raza Indigena
The Decree of May 29, 1922, created the Patronatos de la Raza Indflena. At-the head of these Patronatos was the Junta Central, established in Lima, presided over by the Archbishop, with local committees in the various Departments of the country. The regional juntas were presided over by their respective bishops, and were• made up of members chosen from among the prominent local people who had shown a keen interest in Indian welfare. Every two years the President of the Republic chose the members of the Central Junta and appointed the members of the local _juntas, after nomination by the Lima Junta. The general object of the Patronatos was to protect the Indians; to promote everything that might contribute to their greater economic advancementlto prevent,wherever possible, the oppression to which the Indian-is subjected;.and above all, to serve as a court of arbitration in questions that.might arise among the Indians or between them and the estate owners—The Indian Patronatos were decisively supported by the Government of the Republic, but %no -law was passed to define their functions and duties exactly. It was decreed that the civil authorities should execute the decisions adopted by the Patronatos; the status of the Patronatos as legal persons acting on behalf of the Indian was also established. One, of the weak points of the rules governing these Juntas was that neither the Indians nor the estate owners were obliged to submit their questions for consideration or arbitration by the Patronato, so that the parties complained to it or not, as best suited them, and similarly-accepted or rejected its decision. The Patronatos de la Raza Indiuna were abolished de facto, without any law to this effect, after the coup d'etat of 1930, perhaps because they were considered ineffective, but perhaps also_because they had been a personal creation of the ousted dictator-president.
The Office of Indian Education.
The DirecciOn de EducaciOn Indio.eha was created in a somewhat inciden--tal manner by the Decree of Jure 22, 1929, which peremptorily established the teaching of the Catholic religion in the schools of the Republic and prohibited the teaching of any other religion in either private or official establishments. The following statute was incidentally, included in Article. 6; "There is hereby created in the :Ministry of Instruction the Office of Indian Education, whose administration and organization shall be determined by the Central Government."
In the following section we shall discuss this organization as well as the achievements of this important.body.
An important provision, related to the welfare of the Indian comunidades, was the creation of the Commission of engineers that was to draw up the property-census project for the Indian comunidades; of,equal Importance-were the provisions ordering the recognition and registration of the comuni-dades and the setting up of an agrarian census.
Official concern for the Indian is seen in the abundant legislation of the last decade and in executive bodies created within the Central Government to assure the protection of the Indians and to promote everything that could possibly contribute to their culture and improvement. The three principal organizations created, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Patronato de la Raza Indigena, and the Office of Indian Education,
B.,1 1 7C) —pc,c) --RTT
93.
attempt to solve the Indian .question Y three ways,the Oministrative, the persuasive and sentimental,.and the educational. lie shall not, at' this point, pass judgment on the, merits of these attempts at an answer, but it is indeed worth-while to stress the fact that the Peruviari Gov- , ernment, in recent-years, has endeavored to compensate for half a centt4ry of national ne;1.e.ct by starting a broad and Well-planned brogram.aimed, at the solution of the Indian problem.
ua	The Indian and 'the School
Osuservations of a General Character on the School System
The, l'eruvian scholastic scene is wide andvaried." From the administrative point of view, it embraces all the educational institutions of modern systems, from the kindergarten to the university. The grades are: .kindergartens, almost all privately supported'ethe primary schools, with a five-year course:, the intermediate, covering five more years; and the ,professional schools and university. Normal schools are included in the professional group, and the university includes the general courses and the various specialties: letters, sciences, medicine, etc.. secondary or intermediate education is given in ,the national colegios, of which 29 were operating in 1926; of this number, 26 were for boys, . and the others for dr15.* In that same year 6 normal schools were, open, from which 118 teachers were graduated, 48 men and 70 women. There 'are two kinds of normal schools: the elementary schools, which receive punils who have completed five years of primary instruction and require them =to complete a three .year course and the advanced schools, :which require broth a primary education and five years of intermediate education, .and which offer the students a three-year pro7 gram of normal studies. 411 the national colegios and the majority of the normal schools have an associated section for primary. education. In this respect, 2eruvian secondary schools show a certain similarity to the French lyc€es and colleges, which include sections for primary .education as is.well-known. ;In Peru, as in France, not only those pupils who have passed through .thZ-Jir elementary studies in such sections, but also those who come from other establishments, may enter, the secondary schools. in 1926, 3,357 institutions of primary instruction, with 5,537 teachers, were in operation. The schools are divided into two groups: the centers, which are the main ones, with a complete five-year course; and those that are simply called schools, which: can be subdivided into boys',.girlstj, coeducational, and special institutions. in 1926, there were 410 centers; in this sane year, 1,338 coe4-ucational and 1,476 ilon-coeducational schools were operating. The 27_ special institutions include vocationLa, rural and traveling schools. The group of coeducational schools is of, interest for o-ur purpose, for they are the schools in towns with a,small population, that is, in the districts, anexos and wards, and therefore, the ones .concerned with the Indian population. I wish especially to point out that the. rural school is considered a "special intitutioft,",and that only a few exist. The registration in the official primary schools in 1926 was 262,267 and the average attendance was 165,723; of which 104,722 were boys and 61,001 girls. According to the statistics which L ex-. amined for that year, there were 238 private institutions for primary education with some 28,000 pupils. registered; 5,203 pupils enrolled-for secondary instruction in the national colegios, and of this number 4,695 were boys and 508 were girls. Private secondary institutions are also four.d in Peru; in 1926 there were 54 of them, with a registration of 3,000 pupils, in round numbers.
*These and the following statistical data are taken from the Extract° de Ebtadistico Escolar de 1926 [Extract of School Statistics . Ministry of instruction. Lima.
B-1132 -P100-BU
94.
When the Office ,of .Indian, Education was created, it was given charge of the special schools meant for the native population; later, in 1930, some 1,300 schools were placed under its jurisdiction, so that they might be incorporated into the rural pattern. This plan did not last, and the institutions were again .put under the Ministry. The Office of Iniian Education, as in 1,3 beginning, was left in charge of only the special schools for Indians. At present there is some idea of again placing the coeducational instituticms.u0er the jurisdiction of tint Bureau. although we shall refer to the matter later, it would be just as well to note at chis point that there aressemq,200.private schools in the Indian towns founded by the comun-lades- themselves or by the religious Missions, especially by the Protestant.
The School Situation in Huancayo
The general data that I have presented will acquire significarce if we consider them-in the li,;ht:ofthe Huancayo school situation, which will serve as an illustration lending reality to the statistics. -.13oth this province and Jauja Province in the 1,epartmnt or' uuhin, it the-center of Peru, are well known for their eagerness for education, Even their smallest towns have schools. The farm population, yOu will remember, -is dense and: well establishod,,•.made up of. Indians .who are ,rapidly blending into the social life and becoming laestizos. Yorth of Huancayo, Most of the.Indians already speak Spanish; in the South it is less well knoLn. i''early all the comunidades have built school houses at their awn expense, and some on their own initiative. In these small villages the* institutions are of coeducational type, but there are always more boys than girls. --Illiteracy in these regions is less than in .other sections. I was informed that in proportion to its population of some 15,000 inhabitants, Huancayo buys and subscribes to more newspapers than Lima. I believe it; judging by the .avidity with which the people grab up the newspapers night after night upon the arrival of the train and at:the numerous news :stands on the streets, as well as by the large number of persons who stop there to read the headlines. The- 'following are some statistical data for the year 1931, covering the schools of the eLuancay?.Province,,sUpplied to me by the Zone Inspector:
•	Schools in the Province of Huancayo
Central schools for boys (5 grades) 	 9
Central schools for girls (5 grades)	 2
Elementary schools, boys (3 grades) 	 19
Elementary schools, girls 3 grades)	 15
Elementary schools, coeducational	 22
Total 	V	 .67
Teachers
Men 	 66
women	 57
Total	123
Graduates from advanced normal school	 24
Graduates from. elementarynorma1 school	 38
idlith teaching diplomas	 56
.Viithout diplomas.     5.
Total	123
Registered male pupils, official schools	6,967
Registered female pupils, official schools	2,025
Total	8,992
Students in primary schools attached to the ColeLio
and normal schools	 600
Total	9,592
B-1132-P101-BU
95.
Private Schools:
In the city of Huancayo	 8
In other parts of the Province.	 2
Total	10
Registered male students, private schools	224
Registered female students, private schools	733
Total	957
Goly_Eio Nacional de Santa Isabel, for boys,
•
Intermediate education, with a primary annex:
Primary section, annex	300
secondary or intermediate section	400 ,
Total	700
Elementary Normal  School for Girls:
Primary sections, annex  	300
Normal section	 99
Total	399
According to a census made by the teachers cf Huancayo, the urban population in 1928 was 12,000.
flere are some typical facts shown in these data:
a) A large number of teachers who have not been graduated from normal schools.
b) A preponderance of boys over girls in the registration of official schools.
c) A preponderance of girls over boys in the registration of denominational schools.
d) Private schools (almost all are denominational) are established for the most part in the cities.
item (b) is explained in part by the reluctance of the Indian population to send girls to school; (c) means that the people have greater confidence in the private schools for the education of girls than in the official. In Huancayo, girls make up 22.5;0 of the total registration in the tax-supported schools, and 76.5 in private schools.
Random Notes on the Schools
It is more Aifficult to speak about the prevailing spirit in
Peruvian schools, especially since it was vacation tiim end I could
not visit the institutions. The random notes that 1 shall present
are partial impressions that may lack significance:_, for they are merely
incomplete entries in my travel diary.
Centralized control of Peruvian schools seems to be excessive. The detailed programs of the primary schools are drawn-up in Lima, and are uniform throughout the country, for urban schools with a complete organization as well as for coeducationsl schools. These programs are laid out for all grades-by weeks for the entire year, with programs like the following (taken at random): "i'irst year, first semester, 13th week. National Language, reading: lessons 35, 36, 37, and 39, dramatizing the games which they contain ... brawing: drawing branches of heart-shaped leaves from nature. leourth year , first quarter, 3rd week. National Language, writing and dictation: letters of congratulation and invitations, exercise on capital letters ... History: the rebellion of Pumacachua, Battle of Humashiri ...Physical
B-1132 -P102-BU	7
96.
Education: forward elevation of one outstretched foot and the arm on • the opposite side; side elevation of one. leg and the arm on the opposite side... "*
In visiting the exhibition of manual arts given by the Huancayo Central. School for Boys at the closing exercises, I was impressed by the manual dexterity shown by even the youngest children, their manifest .desire to make useful articles, although sometimes the use did not seem to suit the medium; and the very evident tendency to apply Indian art motifs in decoration and even in the form of soe articles, with results that, although often grotesque or affected, were sometimes very successful. In a newspaper article written by one of the most eaathusiastic teachers of the  Centro, who was l'argely responsible for the success of the exhibition, the writer repeatedly states that the school should make provision for 'Choi°. as well as for "Indian" talent.
I talked with many teachers in the Department of Junin. All appear to me to be extremely ignorant of the Indian nature of their country, even its mo-loutstanding features, and have little or no sympathy for the Indian problem. "There are no Indians here," I was told at each step. "Nothing that Castro Pozo speaks about is found here." (many of the observations of Castro Pozo were made in this very region.) vihen they wanted to tell me that such and such a parcialidad is very Indian, they would always say "it is very backward." One teacher, referring to the Huancayo fair, said to me, "It is frightful to see so many Indians in these streets on Sundays."
The Cuzco teachers are more concerned about the Indian than those in Huancayo, but even the latter, except for a few, suffer from the social _blindness so common among the urban ruling classes. Those teachers who take an interest in Indian questions, do so from the point of view of history, and archaeology and especially folklore, but I can net perceive, even in the latter, a sincere social zeal,.
Teacher unions are rapidly spreading throughout Peru. Properly speaking, they are in their initial stage, for they are only just being established. In Huancayo Province, all the teachers are members of the union, a kind of Teachers' Association. The aim of the union is to organize for protection, cooperation, and professional improvement.
The union of the Church and State in Peru has brought about an un-
fortunate collaboration between the ecclesiastical and civil bodies in
school affairs. In Lima, the Girls' normal School which is the only in-
stitution offering a complete normal education in the entire country, and
must therefore prepare' the advanced group of women.primary school teachers,
is controlled by nuns. it is easy to guess the spirit that these nuns
will instill in future Peruvian teachers. In Cuzco, the Girls' Colegio
(for intermediate education), which has a normal Section tc prepare teachers
for the' official schools, is also in the hands of nuns. In several places
the convent schools receive a subsidy for the establishment of vocational
schools; this is true of Ayacucho. As though the poor nuns had ever, shown
any other vocational ability than to make useless articles of doubtful
taste and tidbits for gifts to sweeten the palate of the priests: I have
been informed that in these institutions, although supported by• the State, the
school authorities of the Ninistry of Education are not the ones who are
in control, but rather the bishops and priests. If the inspector atterpts
to make his orders felt, the clergy will wage war on him. The Cuzco school
inspector wanted to correct an error caused by an omission in the copy of
thecurriculum of studies in the normal course, presided over by the nuns,
*Programas analiticos de instrucci6n primaria dictados por la Direction  General de i.nsellanzd. 1931.
B-1132-P103-BU
97.
which had resulted in failure to teach arithmetic to the-pupils. ' nen the inspector noticed the error at the end of the year, he called it to the attention of.the Mother Superior, who Made the matter a personal question and finally refused to make the correction requested. hhen the inspector insisted, she took refuge behind the Bishop, The matter even reached Lima, and the result is that two years have passed and the error has not been rectified, so that this YeAr the students of the normal course will be graduated without having studied any arithmetic.
The Schools and the Indian Masses
In La Punta, with a' population of some 2,500 inhabitants of which about 2,300 are Indians, there is a government coeducational school. It is attended by about 45.children, 35 boys and 10 girls; only four pupils are Indians, The Case is quite typical. La Punta is a few kilometers from Huancayo. The popi)lation is predominantly Indian and-yet the school is attended almost ee:clusively by Mestizos. The same thing happens in fact in all the rural settlementa of Peru. There :Ls still another fact to be noted in the case we are considering, In this same anexo of La Punta, one of the wards, wishing to establish a school of its own,' recently built a school building by communal effort. It seems that their action was spontaneous, that is, it was not promoted by either the civil or school authorities. The 'case, which is not unique--since there are many comunidades which have built their own schools--reveals three important facts: The desire of the Indian for schools, his reluctance to send his children to established educational institutions, and the apparent apathy of the authorities.
The country schools, that is, the thousand and one coeducational schools which are functioning in the small towns of Peru, correspond to the well known type of urban school of inferior a;rade--crippled urban schools, as I have often called them; schools "worse than nothing!, schools for learning to read and write badly, in spite of the detailed programs which officials in the capital think up at their desks. There are no indications in these educational institutions of active education or of functional education; nor are they characterized by teaching or activities related to the rurail life, much less--the idea does not even exist--do they bear any relation to the Indian comunidad. The transfer of this group of institutions to the Office of Indian Education would undoubtedly modify their aims and methods a great deal, but apparently the Peruvian authorities have not reached a decision on this point, as the fact, that these institutions were assiuned to that office and then withdrawn from it proves. Instead, the school authorities have the idea that the rural schools, and particularly the Indian schools, should be special institutions, and that the other units of the school system-those, therefore, which are functioning in the small towns, principally in the country and often in the midst of these concentrations of Indians-have nothing to do with them.
A Notable Case of Work with the Comunidad:
The School of Chumo
I learned of only one case, which I am inclined to believe is
exceptional, of the effort to convert the government coeducational
schools into centers of .socialization and communal improVement, This
movement has been promoted in the Department of Cuzco by the Zone Inspector,
Professor ,Julio C. Acurio. It has been named extension escolar, re—
ferring to the work which the women teachers are able to do in the
neighborhood. I understand that Professor Acurio, the prompter, of
the idea, obtained permission. from ,the ...Ministry to-try out-his plan
of extensidn escolar. I transcribe below extracts from, the report
B-1132-P]Oh-BIJ
98.
of a woman teacher who carried out the experiment in the parcialidad  of Chu= in Sicuani district, Department of Cuzco. The report speaks eloquently for itself, and in my opinion, the facts give ample proof of the ways in which the schools can develop a social program in Peru's communities. I wish to state beforehand, and this is my only' criticism of Professor Acurio's project, that the name "school extension program" which hes been given to his experiment, in itself connotes a certain limitation of the idea. fhc program should not properly be considered as school extension, but rather as the work of the school itself, the school being considered the center of the comunidadD as a communal organism.
ft. report by	Maria Judith .tries, on her school extension program,
carried out in 1931, demonstrating- the feasibility of its use.
"I am giving here a brief account of the school extension work that I carried out during the year now ending.
"I am the head teacher in School Number 7,904 in jhumo, a parcialidad of the district of Sicuani, in the province of k;enchis. I work five and a half hours daily with 140 male students who attend regularly, out of 180 who are enrolled. I am incharge of the first and second years of instruction, while 70 children from six to eight years of age who do not know a single word of Spanish are taken care of by the assistant. I receive a salary of 59.37 soles; my assistant receives 49.87 soles.
"The School is open from nine to eleven-thirty in the morning and from one-thirty to half-past-four in the afternoon. 'vie use a building for which twenty-four soles are paid annually. The furniture and fixtures consist of eight double desks, a small table, two wall blackboards and one table desk. tie had to contrive adobe seats so that the children should not sit on the ground or remain standing.
"bince I was one of trios- in favor of the 't Home School,' and had written the program of school eictension approved by the Teachers' Institute In February of this year, I decided to transfer to the experimental field everything which the educator, idr. Julio Cesar Lcurio, had suggested, for
can but contribute my modest share to his fine work. The results speak very highly for the value of such a project.
"In order not to miss my daily scnool work, I chose suitable hours
between 5	9 in the morning en .V.ednesdays. I left my house at dawn, carrying so- :mall vane,- with a sufficient supply of sewing send weaving thread, needles, scissoze, ag:icultural magazines, a little tin of salve, a comb and two cakes of mercury soap.
"When I appeared for the first time in a house where the morning fire had just been lit, the inhabitants were surprised.; but after talking with them a little the:,/ aeere no longer suspicious, as the Indian always is when a white parsed cores into his home. When 4-he frierdship had been sealed, I would elcrA.ain ey purpose to the parents or to several families wird inhabited huts clus:;cred around the grandfather's home. Then I would give suggestions as to the location of the chicken coops, rabbit warrens and stables; I would next enter the dwellings, conversing about the best arrangement for the kitchen, the dormitory, the store room, and about taking better care of their clothes. In the majority of homes I found the people cooking lunch, giving no an opportunity to leave some suggestions on the best way to .prepare their broths, which often suffer from an excess of aromatic herbs, from insufficient cooking and, generally, I am sorry to say, from a lack of cleanliness of the utensils. used, and on the part of the person: who, prepares the. meal. Once in a while I helped in the preparation of these lunches, which are reduced to a single course of two or three helpings. I especially fought against the bad habit of holding
B-1132-P105-BU
99..
such food as meat and potatoes with the fingers, and the other. equally deplorable habit' of feeding the dog or cat from the same plates as the people.
"I would take one or two children, generally the youngest, and making • use of the comb end the soap, clean them with the utmost care. Almost immediately the parents took over the cleaning of the other children.. In many- cases, when I found children and even adults with scrofula, mange, or running sores, I would treat .them with iodine, peroxide or .salve,_ and cotton or-gauze. I:even took the 'liberty of leaving prescriptions. for their treatment. I put special stress on-hygiene, and in response to this campaign the parents and children would: await me all Cleaned up and with their houses swept, upon my return from these long tripe. 'i4hen there was not much to do,. I preached on the pernielous•effects of alcoholism -and the abuse of coca,* and ',had necessarily to touch on the question of undertaking , religious obligatians which provoke disgusting bacchanalia dnd impoverish those who assume them.
"In this way I campaigned for vaccination, for the adoption of more rational methods of curing endemic diseases, and I pointed out
the convenience of some improvements in the	llu, which the _entire comunidad could utilize, such as the improvement of the' roads or the construction of a common bathing pool. I kept teaching the women how .to design and sew dresSes, to weave coats from the yarn which they spin, to wash and repair the clothing, as well as how to bring • up their children. I urged the improvement of domestic industries, such 4s the manufacture of hats and the weaving of personal articles, and the best way to prepare the clay for tiles and earthen pots.
"Between April and the end of, uctober I was able quietly and patiently to carry on the work of visiting more than one thousand five hundred homes in the pa rcialida.des of Chumo,. Chumo43 uyo and  6uyo. . In October I was forced to interrupt my work, because I was bitten by a dog on my last visit, which made it impossible for me to travel long distances, and the Educational Inspector learned about this misfortune. However, I.-visited homes near the school repeatedly, and naturally it was in ;them• that' the influence of my WD rk was most evident.
eI sometimes travelled seven kilometors,which is as for as I could go and ret;..n in time for school at nine oiclock iri the morning, accripanied, most of the time, by the assistant, who cheerfully shared the fatigue of these morning journeys.
"The results were indeed encouraging. When I passed by homes
where I had	made friends, the inhabitants would joyfully greet me, p..oud to appear clean, and show us the. 'little chilcirm who were equally neat. I was continually: visited at the school by these at-trac :,ive> little ones, who would travel a kilometer or -two to tell me how clean they were.
vi'.any parents insistently asked for special schools for girls, for they do not look very favorably on the. coeducational schools. I.-believe that we must heed this request, because such schools would be very useful in .the preparation of future mothers, who now lack any idea of home management. What took place during one visit gives an idea of the need for the work; I called the mother to teach her how to cut and sew a shirt; the husband objected, alleging that he should be taught instead because his wife was very huanoji  (a person who does not know how to do anything or who does everything poorly).
B-1132-P106-BU
100.
"If such fruitful results-can be obtained from one or-two visits per year, it is easy to see what could be accomplished by daily or even weekly visits to each home.
"for the July 28th holiday, all the houses of the  ayllu appeared spruced up with white paint, which was one of the greatest surprises for the authorities and residents of )icuani. Scattered along the fields or climbing up the hillside, they looked like white daisies challenging the glacial frost of the season, growing there as definite proof of what could be done by bringing the school into the home. And to think that this was all-due to just a hint: leloreovor, the neighboring alrllus were inspired by rhat they saw inChum and Suyo and also painted a great many of their homes.
"Eighty percent of the inhabitants have built cots for themselves four sturdy stakes supportin; a platform. This is an improveMent in itself, for these beds at least take them off the ground."
The Indian School Movement and. the Bureau of Indian Education
The Indian school movement recognizes the Bureau of Indian Education as its center of organization a: d encouragement. As has been said, this Bureau was created within the M: nistry of Instruction in 1929. Its Charter, which it received later, charge e. it with the duty of promoting everything that might contribute through c eucation to the culture and improvement of the Indian race. its staff .-t p-esent consists of a Director, one Inspector, an assistant and an offic( lerk. The activities of this important body can be summarized as folle,ws: > 1. Unified control of the educational institutions that have to do w.th Ildian children, Indian boarding schools, Farm , schools, etc. 23 The c -eation of two Indian normal schools, one in Cuzco and the other in Tingua; these schools have been planned, and the one
in Cuzco is soon to be opened	as an annex of the Kcaira agricultural school. 3. The creation of th, Tuyo rural school and the enlargement of the Soccoscocha school. 4; The prOmotion of a National Congress of
Indian Education to take plat.: early in 1932. 5. The creation of a department for scientific studies o a the Peruvian aborigines. 6. Publication of the organ of the Bureau, the aonthly magazine C,uipus, which' is designed to popularize educational knowl:>ige about the Indian, attempts to increase
crease social interest in	'problem. 7. aegulation,of Indian, private schools. 8. The study of the' !:,,uechua alphabet, for which the Bureau convoked an assembly of intelle(tuals,and distinguished linguists of the country, who submitted to the. Government models for use in writing that alphabet.
The Bureau of Indian Edlcation-has>passed the stage of trial and. error, and could now enterAne phase of .fruitful organized labor if the general situation .of the'colntxy permitted. The Yinistry of Instruction was studying a project of organization for tl-e- Bureau, setting up three
sections: one for a technicti, vocational study of the Indian problem, another for administration; and the third for cultural extension and a campaign against illiteracy. The first section woula require four'aub-sections; 1) psycho-sociological' studies; 2) teachers; 3) artistic cul-
ture; 4) statistics. It has already been stated elsewhere in this book that there was some thought of conbining the Bureau of Indian Affairs (Section de Asuntos indirer.as] with the Bureau of Indian Education, and I have also mentioned several, 'times the possibility of the Coeducational schools going over to the )preau of Indian hducation. ..At present the latter Bureau is A motor wf.thout aLj means of transmission. It is true that it is in charge of a lumber of schools, but these are very few and many more cannot be founded because of the generalV poor economic Situation. The schools in its tlharge have still not become effective, because they have been enclosed in' an entirely Indian universe, that is, they are t.
B-1132-P1W-BI
•
101.
conceived as institutions sui gneris for the improvement of thy; Indians, considering tie latt(r as a particular class or the nation..
On the other hand, the Bureau is losing an excellent opportunity for a broad program in behalf of the Indian and in general of the farming classes, which are preponderantly Indian, by nOt taking charge of all the coeducational :schools in the small centers of population throughout •Peru.
Three Special Schools for Indians
I visited the three met important Indian educational institU
.the'
Yucay	_functioning in. Peru: the Soccoscochd rural'school and the Yucay boarding school, both urler',-;11.e control of the Bureau of 'Indian Education, and the icaira farm school, located in the predominantly, Indian department 'of Cuzco. The last is responsible to the Secretary of Agriculture; and,althbugh not exclusively designed for the Indian, is in fact one of the• institutions promoting the improvemeni; of the natives. In addition, an Indian normal school Will shortly be bunt in the same Department. 'no following is a trodiscription of the
notes that I took on these tire institutions, after my visit:
,The Rural School of SOcCoscocha:
Two kiloMeterS-soUtheaSt of HUttnta is found One of the special schools for Indians, directed and 'promoted by the BUrea4 of Indian Education in the,Ministry of Education.
The school uses and owns lands 42 hcictates in area, which at one. time belonged to the former convent of 6an Agustin de Ayacucho and which, later, passed into the handa of the University of San CristObal, also of Ayacucho. Vihen this University was closed; the lands were as.-signed to the  ColeTio Lacional of that city. In 1930. these lands were placed at the -disposal of the kanistry of Education and the latter founded this rural school.. .The ''lands were leased to several Indian tenants, in irregular portions:, according to, the Ailly topography of the soil, each lot having about one-quarter to one-third of a hectare. The school received the lands,, recognized the obligatiohs of these leases, and took possession of about-7 hoetares only, which it cunt vates; the= rest is distributud among some 52 tenants, who pay a rent of 6 to .:7 soles per month for each plot of one yugada, which in this. region is about equivalent to one-quarter of a hectare.
The institution is situated on the rocky and irregular flank, of the hills, that bound Huanta Valley on the southeast. Several Indian comunidades are scattered along these same mountains, with settlements made up of huts and cabins, each one within its yard and separated from the others by stone fences, by lines of agave plants or rows of eucalyptus or capulin trees. The features of the region shuw a remarkable similarity to the counterforts of Ajusco, en the edge of the Valley of Mexico, near Milta Alta, Topilejo or ban Indr6s Tezontepec, if one eliminates the evergreens from the landscape and puts Camphor trees in their plade, lhe climate is very similar to, that of our Actopan Valley. ';iithin e radius of some five kilometers, with` the school as center, are the settlements or pagos;, as they are called here, of Huallhuayocc, Hlayubirca, Apochaca, Casacancha, Pultunchara, Pucarajay and Hurungoyocc, which, together with Soccoscocha-itself, where the school-is located, form a'population of approximately 4000 souls. These people are all Indians, in customs sand language,. if not entirely so by blood. Indeed; they speak no other tongue than
cuechua,,and their way of life, their ,social condition' and their	.g attitude .are typically Indian; although Many of them a'ee undOubtedly,
B-1132-1710$7-BIT
102.
Mestizos and there has been racial intermarriage for one,..creeven two generations. The population is made up entirely of small farmers; those near the school are tenants, while the others are owners of their little strips of land. Corn is the predominant crop;' alfalfa is sometimes grown, =kieither potatces nor wheat nor barley is ,satisfactorily produced i'r this sheltered reljon, which he:s-a temperate,.-climate in spite of being 2,500 meters in altitudb.., The fig trees and the: grape-vines. yield wonderfully, but a fig tree {or any other fruit tree,..with the ex-: ception of the .capulin) is rarely seen on the plot of lan(1 of any of. th-cse. Indians:
•,	••
Dearly all these Indian,Tarnilies'areengaged in•some.domestic-.J.m,-dustry. The' Mast'widespread-is-weavihg; and following in. order of, frequency are tanning- Of.hide'S:.(especially sole leather), hat makinz and.. .
shoe making.	•.
In brief, the school is foUnded'in the center of a large population of small Indian farmers, each one estathshed on his own plot o2 land,-a tiny, crude ranch; besides farming, which is the main occupation, all of
them are engaged in some small	specialty.- The people, although Mestizo in part, are completely Iledian, socially, economically and cul--turally speaking; probably-not even 20`0 of them understand Spanish.
The Soccoscocha rural school vas founded a little over a year ago.
It has just finished its first regle.]er year of work. As the classes'
were closed but a few days ago, at the end of school year, I could not
see the student body nor• wit;_;ss any of the pupils' activities.- I EMI
told that the registration bordered on 2u0 and that the average attend-
ance was about /60; the attendance was never regular, for some children .
would come on some days, and other ch4ldren on others. Two spacious
rooms pf suitably rustic construction have been bUiltl'utilizing the matrial
and following the style of the region. Two more large rooms are being com-
pleted; they are more solid-and bettor finished than theothers,being
made of adobe blocks and pos-issing a galvanized iron roof. -There is a
rustic stable, which,sheiters'a fine` cowAnd two, -calves.- .There,is also a
shed for the blacksmith shop and, on one side of the campus under the
trees, a magnificent open air classroom has been set up, and another is
under construction. A swimming pool Ls-also being built; the water Ails
come from some marshland; and. after being used in the pool, will: be employed
for irrigation. There area few plots of land 'for experimental purposes;
and a larger section for': vegetables, both well cultivated with tomatoes,
cauliflower, lettuce and other plants. The other farms in charge of the
school are planted with alfalfa or corn. The school has a carpenter shop,
where chairs and beds are made with :woca Inlaid to form Incaic :designs..-
It has a good Chevrolet truck and a sufficiently complete steck'of ordinary
farming implements. Besides,there are a good number of bench tables.
-	.	-
The institution's staff of teachers and employees is as follows-:
Eonthly Salary '	
A director 	Soles	250.00
An assistant, graduate 		90.00
A teacher,	carpenter.	. 44•-••	80.00 .-
A female teacherf,-:zraduate...:4,		80:00
A teacher,	blaoksmith • • .. • .-;	• . . • •	80.00
A teacher, foreman (agriculturist)		80.00
Three assistants, at ,:i60 each 		180.00
Two teachers, assistants at 162.50 eaeh:	-125.00
_A teacher, weaver	....... . .....	60.00
For materials and unforeseen expenses		170.00
Total  	1,195.00 monthly
103.
The school has three sources of income for its support; the
rent from the plots of lend, a share of the Department's budget,
and 0.80 sof the tax of 1.50 that is collected for each 25 lbs. of
coca leaves sold within the province. In 1930, the rented lands.
produced 803.80, soles; the part of tne budget allotted to the school
was 1,000 soles monthly. In turn, the school must pay to the Colegib.
bacional de San RamOn, liyacucho, the annual sum of 824 soles, which
is approximately equal to the total of the income from the farm lands"
that belong to the said Jolegio, as was stated at the beginning.
Such are the data that I was able to gather, and the observations
I was able to make personally during my visit to the, school and my stay in the Huanta region. The following are some personal opinions and inferences, based on thel?. data I have presented or upon other facts I-have gathered to which I have not yet referred. .
1. 'The school.isonderfully,located,, both as to site and lands, and because a-group of_ Indian comuni,,lades surround it.
2. The material plant and t:le equipment' with whiCi . the institution -has been supplied are excellent; in some cases; they are even excessive, for certain tools cannot. be used in the region.
3. Since there ar, fifty families established as tenants on lands belonging to the school, the latter is in a highly favorable position to carry out a project. of improvem-i-nt and socialization with these very people. The school, however, has not initiated any work of this Lature; it does not appear to see its opportunity and has ,confined itse.:.f to its role as lessor-proprietor.
4. ilvo'teachers- live in. the school.
5.	r' or the reason just given, the school seems to lack any. permanent internal life. The labor is entirely in the hands of peons and paid workers, especially during 'vacation periods. The teachers, moreover, appear to have no attachment to. the school.,
6. The Director is an enthusiastic, active and competent man, ready to work and completely dedicated to his job, except foi the matter .of not residing in the school. He himself recognizes this as a deficiency, and is. trying to remedy the situation by moving into the institution.
7. The school, -I repeat, has not begun any social work or any efforts to improve and elevate the life of the neighborhood.
8. The fact that, notwithstanding the institution's facilities and the large child population of the region, the school has not obtained a greater or more regular attendance, would seem to indicate that it has not succeeded in winning the sympathy or confidence of the Indian populace.
9. The inhabitants of Huanta do nOtlookfavorably on this school, which has deprived them of a hoped-for intermediate school that would benefit the few children who can afford the luxury of a secondary education,
10. Up to now the institution has had very little success in overcoming the resistance of the Indian comunidades; the attendance is low and irregular, and they have not managed to get even one girl to attend.
•
104.
11. The industries or saops that have been established -• (carpentry and smithery) • have, because of the prevailing circumstances and condi-
tions, very little relation to the environment.	On the other hand, those activities that are indeed of importance within that region (tanning, weaving, shoemakingy hat-making), have not yet been initiated in the school.
12. No work has been done tending toward the acculturation of the adults.
13. The establishment is too costly, not only when one considers that up to date it has been nothing more than a mere rural day school for boys, but even taking into account the complete program of action that it could carry out. In fact, if one considers only the present monthly expense, according to the budget noted above, and estimates an average attendance of 60 pupils, it turns out that the instruction of each pupil costs .66 soles per day, that is 240 soles p‘r year, which is extremely high. The annual . expense for each student who attends school in Peru was 36 soles in 1926. In Mexico, a rural school pupil costs the public treasury around c':<10 annually, or in other terms, 45 soles.
14. Apparently the institution has not yet found the right path; this must be well blazed and the school must become a success, both because of its magnificent opportunity, thanks to its location and to the equipment that has been given it, and because of the urgency for proving the value of the program.of Indian improvement and assiLilation planned by the Bureau of Indian Education.
On this point I shall make the following general reflections:
1. The object or purpose of this school must be exactly defined. Is it an attempt to set up a type of model school to demonstrate the kind of work that must be carried out among the Indian masses in order to attain their emancipation, their rehabilitation and their assimilation into national life? Is the establis],ment of a boarding school desired? With what purpose? .tor what reason? Is it desirable to found a center for the preparation of rural teachers for the Indian schools? Is it proposed to establish an industrial, agricultural institution for, the purpose of production and for training workers?
I believe that the following aims might be stated for this school:
a). To form a center that would specifically promote and carry out the improvement. of the. surrounding Indian comunidades, in: the material (hygienic-economic) aspect,' as well as culturally and socially.
b)	To supply instruction to the boys and girls of the neighbor-hood.
c),	To develop a program of social action among'' the adults.
d)	To prepare teachers for the Indian rural schools.
e), ' To serve occasionally- as a center of demonstration. and instruction. for the- teachers of the coeducational schools already in existence throughout the region, in a comprcilensive program of rural education for an Indian comunidad.
2. Here is the way that the proposed aims would be interpreted practically:
a), A program of action, suitable for the comunidades (adults), and in accordance with suggestions to be given later.
3-1132-P111-3U
105.
b). The establishment of a.small. boarding scr!ool for those young jpeople only.. (boys and, 11 desired, girls) who wish to prepare themselves for rural teaching.
c). The estab]!shrent of courses .designed to prepare such teachers: 15 or 16 year eld pupils pith as much primary instruction as can possibly be required;.a eeurrieulum of no more. than three. years nor less than two; a program that devotes about half the time to learning and practice of rural occupations -- farming, care and breeding of animals, weaving, tanning, hat-making, etc. - and tae
-
othar.ha4 to acquiaition of acader_Lc and professional knowledge, including the theory and practice of social work in the comuniades, and as much hygiene, health, and home medicine es poesiblo.
•	d). An .associated primary se: aol, of the rurcl tipe, .for the. children of the naig'ilborhood.
e). The_ organization of brief courses and institutes .for rural teachers with attendance re,uiced of teachers in the coeducational schools already eAablished.
3. The program of acticm to which section (a) of the preceding ,paragraph refers, can be outlined in a general way as fellows:
a). The work of agrielltural extension, carried out by- the school's teacher of agriculture and by the best and most mature students, first with the tenants of the school and then with the whole neighborhood;_ metl,eds of :!.-Itensive cultivation; fertilizers; selection of seeds; rotation of crope. everything is done on the land, with the people of the vicinity themselves, on their respective farms.
b). The establishment in the school of shops concerned with the four principal induAries:' tanning, weaving, shoemaking . and hat-making, for teaching t1 ! students ued for the imProverent of the already established domestic industry. The shops should not to r'ade to daliiate too much from the conditions of the home: industry, nor should they form centers of competition for the surrounding populEle.
c). The formation of cooperatives on the basis of the home industries, linking them with the school.
d). Social work in the homes, tending toward the improvement of home conditions: hygiene, prevention and cure, nu,rition,' child care, emancipation of women.
e). Spreading culture: teaching Spanisn, night classes, talks, lectures and recreational programs.
f)	Functional organization of the comunidades: besides the formation of cooperatives, the organization of committees and clubs for various purposes: school, recreation, temperance, health, etc.
The Cuzco Ferm School in Kcaira
The school is-situEted in Kcaira, about 5 kilometers from Cuzco, along the railroad 1 onone side of the fertile valley opposite the Indian town of an jerCnimo. It has more than 1,000 hectares of land, the greater part of which is mou-tainous, although man: hillsides can
be cultivated and the rest.is.excellent_for dattle'grazing:: At	' the present time the school has some 100 hectares under cultivation.
33-1132-P112-1317
106.
There are three kinds of arable land:"orchard", "pampa" and "slope".. An analysis of the soil shows that the first is of very good agricultural quality, while the other two are rather poor.
The land cost about 7 000 soles. Simple but highly adequate dwellings have been-put up: don1Lory, classrooms, warehouses, the director's home, and a stable. The purpose of the school is to prepare rural foremen and to serve as an agricultural experimental station and a meteorological station.
The institution acJepts young scholarship students (16-20 years) from the thirteen provinces of the Department, with the requirement that they shall have finished five years of primary school. In 1931, it had cnly 25 students.. It is planned to increase the student body to, B0' in 1932. The course of studies is given in five se-r.sters. The general:education includes mathematics, botany,physics, chemistry, anatomy,.ph'zio]pgy and geography. Professional training covers agriculture, horticalture,zoo-technics, practical cattle raising, .fruit culture, and forec:try. ,The education is in charge of .resident teachels. une of the teachers is a normal school graduate. There is pl nty of practice, but the regular hacienda work is given over to peons and paid laborers. Board is inclusive; the: student receives clothes as well as food, lodging; and a moderate .weekly payment for his work.
The school has accomplished a great deal in the two years.that'it has been in existence. Its-e,s.,perLauatation seems to be broad and directed toward immediate application. Several kinds of corn, wheat and potato seeds have been tried out. The pr3::agation of good breeds of animals has been begun.
The school is supported by an ap,.7opriation of 3,470 soles per month for salaries and expenses,, besides what it receives for buildings and other purposes; it also has an income from the hacienda, which is invested in buildings, special acquisita,ms, etc.
The entire school gives an impression of order, efficiency and good administration. It: is. one of the best institutions that I have seen in Peru. The only criticism that occurs to me is that perhaps it is too large a school for such a small student body, that is, that the yield with regard to the number of students is not in keeping with its facilities. It could also be mentioned that the institution has not done any appreciable extension work. -he peons on the hacienda, though they receive a wage somewhat higher than that paid in the region, are nothing more -than peons,
that is, the school apparently has not	done any' social work with them.
In extenuation I.should remark that the airector realizes the need for doing extension work and proposes to carry it out; besides, the., school has.. . not been established very long.
Yucay Boarding School
In the delightful gorge of the Urubamba, the sacred nilcanota River of the Inca's, at the edge of the town of Yucay, the ancient pleasure capital of the Cuzco emperors, the Indian boarding school of Yucay has
been established under the direction of the Salesian FatLc.rs	supported by a substantial Government subsidy. The school has some 20 hectares of excellent land, level and supported by wide, solid terraces and platforms that date from the Imperial Era. This land was donated to the Church by a private individual, for the establ ishment of an institution of this nature. The Archbishop put it into the hands of the Salesians, who have been administering it since 1923. In. 1927 the Government undertook the support of the institution, making an appropriation of 300,000 soles for buildings and granting a subsidy which this year has been three thousand three hundred soles per month. The school must accept children of primary
B-113 2—P113-3U
107.
school age, four from each one of the thirteen provinces of the Department. The requirements, Lesides age, are Indian parentage and an application supported by a certificate of baptism and a medical certificate of good health. The children remain in the school for five years of .primary instruction, without ever going to their homes during this period, although they are permitted.to receive visits from members of their faedly. The school's program includes, besides primary instruction, farming practice and the teaching of a trade (tailoring, shoemaking, carpentry). During the first three years the children do farming only, but later they learn the trade that they prefer, still continuing some field work. The school has an excellent' two-story building, with a genere: shop on the ground floor and a dormitory above. The hygienic equipment, waich is being completed, is good and .even_ .o stentatious. There is a 'modern stable with' fine
cows, several modern 'c'lickenhouses, sheepfolds, pig. sties, and,	. • warrens- for rabbits anc ,uinea pigs. The fields are well cultivated with alfalfa and vegetee es. The dining room and the kitchen are quite different, for they are small, dirty, and inadequate. The' group of students gives a disagreeable impression. Uii-ty, ragged, some of them with long hairi they look fike ,inmates of some charite- orphanage. Besides the boarding students,,,df wiaom this year there were 'mo more than 45, there are about 100 town .s..;tidents, who look even worse than the boarding students. I had the impressionthat in this establishment
the animals are better cared for than the children.	There are ten. teachers, eight Salesians and two she teachers . Theoretica-lly the State has control of- the instite,eio,,, but actually the Inspector can do nothing or almost nothing to bring about 'necessary changes. The Government grants a subsidy alMost equal to tne sum spent-monthly-in, the Kcaira form school and here, as there, it has -lade special appropriations for buildings, equipment, etc. Both schools have extensive property; one has obtained it by legacy, and .the other by e Government purchase, but the difference between the-institutions is enormous, with respect to character, results and social value.- I believe that it is not far from the truth to assort that the 'results' at Kcaira are ten times as great as at Yucay.
Aside from the scheol's defects as an institution, the imperfections in its program ehould be mentioned. The applications for admission must be accompanied by' two certificates,' one of baptism and the other of good health. These are difficult for the Indian to secure, and also .expensive, t'le first costing one sole, the Other four or five. As a result the schbol is used not by. the Indians but
by the Mestizos. horeover,.under,	the present organization the
children finish their course at about the age of thirteen or fourteen-, and one wonders what IheLl become b.f.' a child of this age -who haS been - out of contact with his home for five years or more, who has no relationship with the economic environment, and whb now leaves presumably prepared to earn a living. I do .not believe that under such conditions success- will be easy; on the contrary, failure may almost be predictbd. Another serious defect -is that it keeps the students gut_ of touch with their homes during the entire school course. What is attumpted,. in fact, is to detach them frOm the home. It would not be so bred if the school retained them until-theyattained an age iiihere they could effectively .faCe ,the world alone, but as has been seen, this is not the case.
General Criticism of Educational Ictivities
One of the greatest concerns of Peruvian educators dealing with Indian education is the problem-of language. Quechua could almost
claim to be :.the national tongue ,	Lxtended by the Incas throughout Tiahuantinsuyo, it persists into our time in the Andean region of
B-1132-P114-BU
108.
Peru and Ecuador and on the Bolivian plateau, except for the restricted Aymar6 zone around Titicaca and - La Paz . From the purely linguistic point of view, Quechua also has a degree of respectability;.':it might be a finished cultural tool if its' writing and grammar were systematized, which would not be so very difficult if a concerted attempt were made. Quechua is not only the' languago of the Indians, :it is the language of the Sierra. It is far from my desire to give the impression 'that in . this extensive Peruvian region Spanish is not spoken. The language of Spain is spoken fluently in all the centers of population of any-importance, and there .are Indian towns where it is also generally used, but the Indians, 801;; of the Peruvian population of the Sierra; speak mostly Quechua, and the majorhy of thet are not acquainted with Spanish; 20% of the Nestizos are almost completely bilingual.' The -Sierra Spanish is adulterated with Quechua: the "s" has the pronunciation of the French "chn; the predicate and the object are habitually placed before the verb. They constantly say ''many desires he has," "to see me he is coming", "early it is"; the "on and the nu" are transposed, the "u" ' is pronounced like "o" and the "i" is changed to "en and vice versa; the syntax, in, general,is somewhat topsy-turvy. The teachers use Spanish in school, but they, make excessive use of Quechua, and .I have.often heard tea3hers speak 'in .Quechua to audiences who  understood Spanish
There are persons who dream of an Indian renaissance that will include even the language and who believe that, at least in the Indian schools, kccuechua and not Spanish should be the official tongue. ThoBureau of Indian Education has not been indifferent to the linguistic problem; it has begun the task of making a uniform alphabet, and although it does not support the theory of making Quechua official in Peru's Indian schools, its prOpaganda constantly encourages the 'use of the Incaic language. Ibilwn Dr. Rafael Pareja vas Lirector of Indian Education, he published an important monograph on schools for Indian education, wherein he points out ,the two imp6rtant aims of the Indian school: the unification of the national 'language for greaten cultural development, and the agricultural education of the Indian. The first of these objectives. makes it necessary for the Indian schools to teach the national language (Spanish), but also to keep up 'and improve the mother tongue - (Quechua). Dr. fareja' s point of view is probably very sound, although I do not understand by exactly what Means the teacher is to improVe the Quechua language; the most that' he could do, I believe, -would be to , encourage its preservation.
Probably the most vulnerable point of the Peruvian program, with regard to Indian education, is the insistence on the creation of special Indian schools and, on top of this, the, propensity to start the work with high schools, boarding schools' and normal schools. The idea is to form a group of Indian teachers who can, in tire, establish and direct a popular movement for the 'education of the Indian 'masses. From the purely theoretical point of view, the plan- seems plausible; practically, it is somewhat absurd, and gives me_ the impression of-beginning by forming,a class of master shoemakers so that they may later. establish shoemakers' shops whore in time shoes will be made, which, finally, the Indian populace which now goes about barefoot will wear. This is creating directors of a business that does not yet
the last analysis, 'it	a survival of the theory of-aristocratic administration that social wealth falls like beneficent rain' from above. The idea of creating 'special schools for the Indian savors of a social.., distinction which, I arc' sure, is unconscious' on the part of the leaders of the present-klay Peruvian Indian Movement, but which is entirely haim, ful. The Indian continues to be considered an extra-Social. cla'ss;. consequently, if he is to be aided, special Indian schools must be created. It would* be easier and more practical. to adapt the schools already established in the Indian ,parcialidades, so that they should serve the resident Indiant 'as well as the Mestizos. The solution lies, I believe,
B-.1.132-P45-B7.
109.
not in special Scilools, bUtin'socialiied rural schools,-which
serve the farmer class in general. 'Care.should be taken that they
be sufficiently-flexible aid responsible.to the" dominant needs,
so as to be'effective for the town or camunidad where they are .es;:,
according to its Indian, Liestizo, agriCultural-farming,
industrial-farming, or other characteristics.
Dr: Paraja mentions another important aim of the Indian schools, the "agricultural edubation of the Indian." By 'this he means enabling the Indian to' utilize his land better, and stimulating the incipient home and communal industries. -e can not argue with this. purpose in anyway. provided thatit is not limited to the pedagogie,a1 framework, but linked to the real life of the neighborhood as well. In other.words, it should be planned in relation to.the'adults• as well as children, or at ke4st include more than the children. I at not sure
that the Peruvian educators have realized this relationship. They	• speak, on tho ond hand, of vocational training in the schooI,.tut:on' the other hand, they nake'no allusion to the adults; when they do re. member the•adults, it is only to suggest evening sessions in reading f and writing, or the so-called talks on kgiene and civics; the tradi tional recipe for all rural adult pedagogical programs. The insistence : of some of our pedagogues on the creation of a utilitarian school of production; based on small children has‘always-seemed to ma a little:
strange.	' . • • •
Putting to one side the•criticisms'that might be made' against the program for the improvement 'of the 'Indian masses whidh the leaders'of Peruvian education are mapping 'out; I want to express my unqualified • admiration for the 'efforts now beinr:e made.- The Bureau of Indian Education within the Ministry of Instruction, in charge first of Dr. Rafael Pareja, and more. re-cently of Professor Luis I. Galvtin', is a very live center of enthusiasm ove-rflowing with ideas;"the.d.overnment's desire to improve the Indian by means of the school, evident at all times, is Worthy of the warmst praise. Appreciable advances have been made. The only danger that we might forsee, would not be so nuch' one of mistakes'in theory'or procedure, for these are inanycase matters of judgment, and experience alone •can'Correct'them; the danger is simply, that the Government may relax the efforts which :it has initiated with such vigor and determination.
4. The Indian and the Church.•
T'he Ecclesiastical Taxes
The chapter-describing the Indian comunidad of today deals ih general with the religious activities, the ecclesiastical Customs and the organizations that the Catholic ritual 'has impoSed on the, settlements. To make 'the situation therein deseribed more real, I shall refer once again tothe anexo of La Punta, hear huancayo, inhabited mostly by Indians. The priostazgos, hayerdomlas'or cofradias are composed of a steward and a variable number of majordomos -- from 5. to 24 -- and an equal number of women, the mayorrlas.'' Each one o.f the saints ,celebrated in the fiestas mentioned below has a priostazgo entrUsted'With his custody, rites -and feasts. ' The stew- • ard is appointed by the parochial priest, the leaders and the alcaldes  de vara; he, in turn, appoints the majordomos and the latter, ,the • may7Tas. The steward arrangeS to-have nasseS' said during the year. San Jacinto, the towns patron saint, has at least 50 masses each year. In 'ea 'mass the mayoralab erect an-altar 'in 'the church nave. On the saint's dafrthe great Tiesta -takes place, with a splendid,*-bountiful'repait and the usual colcbriltiolls.wih_ fireworks, music, dances dances and a procession.' The steward has previously appointed  
B-11 32-P116-BU
110.
on swift front of money'into masses alone Indian is de-Pasco
lso sometimes over the ex-calendar of
IIcaptains0, who go through the streets in fancy dress, mounted horses, singing and making a great deal of noise, stopping -in the leaders' houses and galloping through the plaza, throwing the air. A steward's expenses-are considerable; the item for Is very high, "for each une costs :12 soles. Frequently when an appointed steward, he will go to work in the mines near Cerro in order -to earn enough to meet such expenses. Stewards may a have to sell their land or mortgage their houses in order to c penses which they must incur by virtue of their position. The fiestas in this town is as follows:
I. Now Year
January 20,:San Sebastian
3.	Palm 'Sunday
4. .May 3, Holy' Cross Day
5. June 18, the Holy Sacrament, celebrated by the Indians with the greatest pomp
6. June:24, Saint John
7. July 25, Saint James-
8.• kuguSte16i San Jacinto (patron saint
9. August 30, Santa. kosa
10. Sep'betber 8, nativity
11. November 2, All Saintst Day
12. • December- 2	Christmas
Religion .18 not Gratuitous in Peru
Religion is very far from being supplied gratis in i'eru; ecclesiastical tariffs, duly authorized by both the ecclesiastical and civil Government, are rigorously applied, and ordinarily, the taxes are collected before the service is performee., Tariffs are imposed as follow-s: per mass sung, very special, up to 50 soles; ordinary, 12 soles; per baptism, 2 soles;. for responbories, 50 centavos; ftr marriages, 12 soles; for burials, 6 soles. Frequently the priests increase the tariffs or- otherwise misuse their-power to collect money. A "White" marriage costs 60 soles, and an Indian one 12; but often the priest will declare an Indian to be liYhito in order to-assess the higher tariff. Nobody escapes from the burial tax which- is 6 soles. ' Even in the most out-of-the way-  punas, where a few shepherd families live in miserable rock and grass huts and where there is nothing- that remotely resembles a cettetery, the dead being buried in any hole, the priest collects the tax. Some priests periodically send their tQxgatherers and inspectors-to find out where deaths have occurred and collect the corresponding quota. The "high funerals", those requiring the priest's attendance at'the ,cemetery and responsories at the street corners, cost 60 soles. Besides the payment to the priest for the funeral, the.  Municipio  or the elfare Society must be paid 50 centavos for the right to break ground,. The acona parochiql priest used to chant mass on the Day of the Cross; and when'he had finished, he would stop at the door of the church to bless the crosses,-collecting from 20 centavos to one sole for this, according to the size of the cros_ses. Castro Pozo describes the condition of the Indian  comunidades with respect to the ecclesiastical costs th:Bt they must bear,.and,the. excessive costs
B-1132—P117-in
of the customs whichCatholic ritual has imposed on them. "it is estimated," he says, "that of the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year, the comunero Indian only made use of about two thirds, losing the others in the benediction of crosses, in wakes, funerals, mayordomlas of the patron saint of the parcialidad, All boulsiDa,5 or, holy lieek. On these and other occasions they imbibe large amounts of alcohol, spend everything they have saved,and finally resort to loans, contracts, or mortgages which reduce them to the most complete misery and slavery. The priest is 'part and parcel of these excesses.. His action is proven by the collection of 20 to 40 centavos for each responsory, two or five soles for the benediction of the cross of each chapel and wayside shrine, by his promotion of all the cuperstitions and fiestas on the calendar. i'or money he will bless the stones, sticks, or sites where some fanatic perceives or imagines the apparition of a Christian divinity, and will consecrate a fiesta in commemoration, whereby each year a mass must be sung or said at the rate of from ten to fifteen '-eruvian pounds each. The comunidad must piously deliver
this sum before any feasting is begun.	en nano, chivato en .2ampai, is a saying of the Yunganos of the Department of Piura, referring to the chanters who first receive the peseta OT the 'half peso' to get a soul out of purgatory."*
How the Comunidades are Freeing Themselves from the Ecclesiast,ical Tax
There is a certain relation between the degree of progress of an Indian comunidad and its liberation from ecclesiastical custom. The more prosperous, more advanced, cultured and socialized a- comunidad is, the fewer religious celebrations it has and the weaker is the force of custom. Huanc4m, a wealthy, progressive parcialidad, now has but few religious fiestas,only celebrating two during the year; on the other hand, Sapallanga, a comunidad of poor and backward people, is burdened with fiestas; it celebrates about thirty a year.
Still more significant is the phenomenon of liberation of the brotherhood lands, which many comunidades are recovering. As is known,. these lands, since colonial times, have been used for ecclesiastical purposes; they werecoleaunal, brotherhood, or chaplaincy farts. The Church has held onto these lands; in some cases their area is considerable. There are places where the brotherhoods work the lands, using the products for the honor of the saint; in others, as in the Chupaca case, related in Chapter 3, the priest would rent such lands to neighboring families, collecting the rents directly. In Chupaca, a city of 6,000 inhabitants, there were 17 brotherhoods that had lands assigned to them with an area of more than 300 hectares, including the-Brotherhoods of the Lord, of the Master, of San Judn, of the Rosary, of Santa Rosa, of the Holy Ghost, of San Jacinto, of the Mercus, of the Lora of the Garden, of San Pedro, of the Sorrows, of Santa Catalina, of. Carmen,
ofLaria Magdalena, of the nativity,' of San 'v	of the.Boly Trinity and the Brotherhood of the Senr of the Columna.b- The tame thing is true in other towns. For several years, the _Indian commidadea have wanted to .get rid .of the slavery imposed by the brotherhood lands, and to benefit from them directly. In many towns of the Huancayo. region, societies have been organized for renting these lands or sub-letting them to the, residents; in other towns, the soc-iet,ie,s have purchased them from the'Church and have divided them into lots and placed them en sale in the town. Chongos Ba joss is a comunidad where the first course has been followed. Sicaila, like Chupaca, has adopted the second. In each case 25,000 soles have been paid to -the bishop for the lands. In Sapallanga, 'where the brotherhood lands of
*Castro Pozo, off. cit. P. 57.
B-1132-P11 s-BtT
112.
earl Pablo alone measure more than 12 hectares, the resident6 are nugo-tiating to remove this Lund from tho C hurch and make it over in favor of the Board of laducation, for the foundation and support of a ,rural school. The teachers are connected with this movement for the regaining of lands by the comunidades. Juan Valle, e teacher of Chorgos .Bc,jos, is the president of the society that .has leased the ecclesiastical lands; Juan Castro, a private school tachcr of L'hupaca, is 'the secretary-general of the town's combined societies. Since in most cases the Church,has no title to the brotherhood lands, I am told that legally nothing can pre dent a comunidad from recovering them. Some teachers are advising the towns to recover these lands &rid give them to the school.
ihe..1ork of the Church
It is useless to repeat what I have so often said in the course of. these monographs on the spirit that actuated the first missionaries; on the enlightened work, of Fray Bartolome de las Casas and on the endeavor of the Jesuit missionaries-to control the physical environment and effect a spiritual conquest of the. A-azon regions. All these are historic, well knownland evaluated facts. linfoatunately, the missionary zeal of the early Colonial era became weaker an-1 more corrupt as the temporal power of the Church took root and the Croon consolidated its interests in the American countries.
Castro Vald'ez de la Torre sumarizes the action of the Church on the Indian comunZ_dades, conceding that it had three effects: first, the foundation of reducciones and, therefore, of comunidades, fusing the former settlements; second, the 'consolidation in several large reducciones of the nansaya and hurinsaya comunidades 'ehich had been Lndependent in their internal relations; third, the creation of towns in distant regions or in those inhabited by savages.*
The Jesuit, Dominican, Franciscan, and Augustinian missionaries played a very important role in the formation of towns. About the time that the Jesuits were driven out of the country, by order of C harles III, in 1617, they owned 203 haciendas, large and small, on each one of which they had settled a group of Indians.**
During the first century of the Vice-Royalty, ecclesiastical power in Peru became solidly and completely organized. The old bishopric of Cuzco was divided up into the bishoprics of Lime, Quito, La Plata, La Paz, Arequipa, Truji114:),and others. Lack bishopric was divided into vicarages and these into parishes. We nave already talked about the erection of churches ih towns and wards and of the organization of the ccmunidad for ecclesiastical purposes, all of which was planned in the viceregal statutes. There is no doubt that this organization contributed appreciably to the :onsolidation of the Indian comunidades. The chapels and churches became the physical nucleus of the t. wn. The patron saints and the celebrations in their honor gave each_comunida,d_a theme around which to. rally their collective religious emotion. The ccfradias, priostazgos, etc. became true functional organizations within the neighborhood; the system of fiestas and rituals peculiar to each town became part of its characteristic features. hot only was there a consolidation of tne comunidadj but there was also an internal organization, a kind of socialization within the group itself. More recently we have -re'alize'd that the relationship between the towns was such that it not only prevented intercommunication, eut even made them hostile to each other. The rivalries between towns over church questions are well known.
*Valdez de	Tdrre .op, cit., P. 120.
**ibid.
B-1132-P119-BU
113.
The educational activity )f the Catholic Church, with respect to the Indians, is insirgnificant. Sometimes there is a special school for the Indians; like that of Yucay (the only case as far as my information goes), but the latter, as we have already stated, has a considerable subsidy from the state and does not fare very well, judging it from the educational and social point of view. There are quite a number of private schools, the majority of which are managed by religious bodies,.but nearly all of them are urban institutions-for the education of the upper middle and aristoCratic classes, particularly for the education' of girls. l'ho educational work that the Church could carry on with the Indians and in general with the masses
outside of the schools, that is, in S'n::ey	rnd similar activities, as well as the religious teaching that is given to the natives in the haciendas, is limited entirely to the teaching of dogma and can hardly, if at all, be considered educational or cultural work, properly speaking.
The Catholic Church, protected by its union with the State, is unresponsive to popular needs, suprem6ly satisfied with its privileged positidn, and positive that the work that it is doing for. the propagation of the Christian doctrine, -making use of civil organizations, completely fulfills its social responsibilities. Se-e)orted by its strong position as the official clergy, the Catholic ,3riest-clas6 dominates Peru with even greater intolerance and arrogance than in other countries.
Religious Intolerance in. 1916
The newspapur El Siglo, a Puno publication (dune 26, 1916), contains this news item:connection with the crimes committed in the Province of Chucuito. The sca-idalous events that have just taken place in one of the_avllus of the Yunguyu district are profoundly ex-. asperating to every thinking person.
"The priests, julio Tomfls and Fermin Manrique, met in quenuahi-dn
the 5-t(h of this month	with a dozen residents and at the head of a large crowd of Indians, and celebrated a Mass in the chapel; they preached.to- the unwary crowd the extermination of the infidel; they incited it to fall upon Mr. Fernando Stahl and his wife, who are engaged in setting up a school for Indian children, in the home- of Clemente Condori. The mob broke into the residence, attempted ,to .set fire to it, threw stones, screamed and broke the skull of the protestant missionary, althouz,h his life was saved miraculously. They stabbed his horses and cet them to pieces, preventing an escape
The Pretensions of the Catholics in 1931
Toward the end ref 1931, when Congress was discus. sing a, new constitution for Peru, the Catnolic society Of Arequipa sent a report .to the Representatives; presenting their views on the separation,of the Church and State. El Comercio, a Lima newspaper, published the following report on' thu.subject: "Arequipa, December 29. La Sociedad Action CatOlica of this city has sent a lengthy report to the Arequipa Representatives in the Constitutional Congress, which is now mooting. in the Capital, clarifyihg its views on the important question of the separation of the Church .and State, which 'apparently is soon to be discussed in Congress.
. s
"In this memorandum, the Sociedad Accion Catolica opposes the
separation of the Church and S-ate, asserting that from a Catholic point of view it is inadmissible, that nationally it is disadvan:
*4.4uotation from ;.ho book EL111. Pais do lbs Inbas by-Stiall. P.201.
B -112 -P120 -BU
114i
tageous, and that disagreements with the Government, .which constitute the only argument brought forth in favor of the separation, could be settled in council.
"The Socie_dad Acci6n Get/Lica adds that if worst -,00es to worst, and the separation should be approved, this reform should not be allowed to turn into a persecution of religious bodies, and there should be recogi, nition of the rights of public worship, of religious instruction in the national colegios, and of freedom to function for national and foreign Catholic congregations established in the country.
"Likewise, says this petition, the political rights of the clergy and the titles of church properties should be recognised; nor should the cemeteries, the hospital services, or the charity asylums be sectaariad.:.
"Finally, the Sociedad,AcciOn CatSlica indicates in its petition that the appropriation for Church expenses should be continued, at least for a reasonable period of time;; and, lastly, that religious marriage should take precedence over any other kind of union."
The Official Attitude in 1929
The presidentikl decree of June 22, 1929, already mentioned, dealt fundamentally with the teaching of religion in the public schools. This document'is of great interest in connection with the point under consideration, and I reproduce it in full:
"The President of the Republic, -uihereas:
"Although the Constitution guarantees the freedom of religion, this should not be practiced so that the schools become centers of sectarian propaganda, opposed to the religion professed throughout the country;
"Educational establishments where religions opposed to the State religion are taught, are doing a work destructive of that national unity which the Government must preserve and strengthen;
"Such propaganda is most harmful when it acts on the Indian school population, which should be especially protected by the State;
AO
"In articles 50,33,79, and 191 of the Ley OrL4nica de Enseranza,
religious instruction is prescribed in conformity with the State religion;
"Pursuant to clause 7 of article 121 of the Constitution and making use of the power granted to the President by Law umber 6520 to reform primary and secondary education and for the administrative reorganization of the Ministry of Education;
It is decreed:
"Art. 1. In the educational establishments in operation throughout the Republic, both official and private, doctrines that in any way are opposed to the State religion may not be taught.
"Art. 2. The private educational institutions where this provision is infringed shall be closed. The Government may, in such cases, in accordance with the Law, expropriate the buildings and school equipment.
"Art. 3. Moraland religious education shall be given in all the colegios and schools of the Repubi,e, official as well as private, subject to the plans, programs and provisions that the Government may issue, and in accordance with textbooks approved by the Ministry of Instruction.
B-1132-P1211.-BU
135.
"Art. 4. The children.of parents who belong to different faiths may be exempted from the religious instruction prescribed in the preceding articles, provided that exemption is requested of theMinistry of Instruction by the respective parents or guardians.
"Art. 5. The Government shall establish, when,	deems proper, special schools for the Indian population, and in the Departments of Puno, Loreto and Ayacucho, pedagogical institutes for men and women teachers of Indians.
"Art. 6. There is hereby created in the Ministry of Instruction, the Bureau of Indian Education, whose organization and duties shall be determined by the State. •
"Art. 7. The present decree shall form an integral part of the reform to be adopted. in accordance withL aw Number 6520
"Issued in the Government House; in Lima, the twenty-second day
of the month of Juno, nineteen hundred, and twenty-ninec-4.B.Leguia.--•
j.]atias Le6n."
The Schools Founded by the Protestant Missionaries
This decree, inspired by the Catholic clergy, was undoubtedly meant to obstruct or impede the educational work established on a considerable scale by evangelical missionaries in the Indian comunidades of the Department:, of Puno, near Lake Titicaca. The work of these mis-
sionaries had resulted in the	of a large-number of schools in the towns of that region, as well as the improvement of conditions in many homes and the medical attention given to the people. Persons like Luis E. Valc‘trcel and Jose Antonio Encinas, rector of the Univer-; sity of San Marcos, have given full testimony, in magazines, and boolcs, as to the value of this work, its spirit of self-denial, and its liberal character.*
The effect of this decree and of other Government actions, instigated by the Archbishopric, was the withdrawal of the schools established by protestant missionaries to the other side of the international line, into Bolivia, where they have become an important contributida to the education and improvement of the Indian masses.
A Protestant Mission Among the Chunchos
Some of the Protestant missionaries who have worked in Puno attempt-
ed to evanColize the Indians of the Oriente, the Chunchos, a generic
name given _to tribes of savage Indians who inhabit the extensive
forests of the Auazonian basin, on the other side of the Eastern
Cordillera. The account of Pastor Stahl that I am transcribing refers
to an important undertaking of the Adventist missionaries, reminiscent
of an enterprise of the sixteenth century missionaries, and also
gives some facts with respect to the cultural status of the Indians
of the Oriente, whom I have hardly mentioned in the course of this -
study. Mr. Stahl went inland to the eastern part of the Department
of Junin, situated in the center of Peru, going down the Perene River
toward the hot region, as fare as the town of Pichanaqui, inhabited by
the Chunchos.. Pastor Stahl says that he visited many Indian homes,
meeting the young people who were manufacturing bows and arrows, and,
the adults, who were building canoes from tree trunks; that all were
cordial, though at first someWhat' surprised at the visit; that he
*Valc6rcel, Luis E. Telplestad en.loq Andes.., report. El Herman() Adventista 1927. Lima.
3-1132-P122-BU
116.
cured many sick people and noticed that many youths were interested in learning to read and write. There were many Indians in this place, :and they presented "a very strange.scene. They paint their faces in the most fantastic manner, for some have red stripes on the face, or alternate red and black stripes, while others have red stripes with blue dots, and still others paint their entire face with a vivid red color, which makes them look as if they had a fever. All the men wear
feathers stuck into a band wort& around the	head. Both the men and
the women wear a one-piece garment called coshma.	It is a sort of tunic, dyed a bright shade of brown. To complete  their apparel, they wear a monkey-skin belt, into which they tuck up their garments when they wish; With these garments they wear ornaments of brightly colored seeds and skins of beautiful birds. The men as well as the women wear their haif long, letting' it fall loosely over their shoulders. The women have ear tangs and some wear' nese rings. I:lany men also wear ornaments hanging from the nose and picceS bone through the lower lip or cheek, which gives them a truly savage appearance. For weapons, the men carry bows and arrows, and a few have firearms. The majority of the houses consist only of a palm roof laid across sticks. All sleep on the, ground, with only a thin grass mat underneath. Their food consists mainly of the yuca root (n'Lnioc), a plant that grows al=t without cultivation and is called 'the bread of the tropics'. Their diet varies somewhat, -according to what they con Obtain by fishing and hunting to supplement the manioc. I have also seen them eat insects and large butterflies. They worship the sun and the noon, and during their religious feasts they drink large amounts of chicha, a drink . which they obtain by fermenting =lee root. They begin this fernenta-tion by masticating a'certain amount of this root and spitting the Chewed matter into the mass. They also chow the coca leaf, and this, together with their fondness for chicha dulls their senses." *
Concerning the intentions and good aims of the loaders of the Church in Peru, with respect to the protection and dnprovement of the Indian, there remains no doubt. The Indian Patronatos, it should be remembered, were presided ovar by the high ecclesiastical authorities of the Departments. The workof the bishops has not been limited to their good' offices within the patronatos; in the ecclesiastical assemblies they have also awakened an interest in thu improvement of the Indian. The episcopal assembly of .19,25 passedimportant resolutions on the matter, and appointed an executive commission for the purpose of carrying into practice their pre-Indian provisions. The archbishopric of Lima brought to the Eucharistic ,3ongress which met in Chicago in June, 1926, a message concerning the Indians of the entire continent. As a result of this step there was an enthusiastic vete for the member,groups throughout the Oontinent to carry on the 'work of Las Casas. The Hispano-Latin Section of,that Congress also approved a resolution creating in Chicago a Pan-American Committee, entrusted with guiding and directing the movement in behalf of the Indians in Allierica and with organizing committees for this purpose in all the American' countries. In the provincial council of Lima of 1026, another resolution of importance was passed; the establishment of "Cour'il Schools" for Indians, to be supported by funds Of-the ecclesiastical provinces, under the immediate protection and supervision of the bishops.
It should be noted that these provisions of the ecclesiastical bodies have really been nothing more then fine proposals; they have remained in the terrain of goed'intentions. The .eatronato Indna itself, according to testimony from persons who belong to it, was not very effective; the sentimental and somewhat lyrical provisions of the Congress of Chicago-have "gone with.the wind," and not a single
school planned by the Lima council has yet been established.	.
*Stahl, F. A. .En el Pais de los Incas.			OD. cit., •p. 245-6. ------- ..		
					
					
B-1132-P123:-3311
C9AFTER IV
UNIVERSAL ASPECTS OF TEE INDIAN PROELEM
GENERAL T.CTERENCES AND CRITICISMS
. The Process of Mestizaje
If it is true that the Peruvian Sierra and its Indians are facts PS conspicuous as the Andes theaselves, and,that the Indian appears everywhere, in the realm of matter and spirit alilre, i isequ lly. certain that the Mestizo is an even more important factor and that the crossing of the two races (or mestizaje),including the racial, cultural, economic ll and spiritual connotations of the term, is the very cornerstone of the nation. Peru is, indeed, a country of .Mestizos.
Colonial Rule and l'estizaje
There is no foint in sayinz that colonial, rule resulted in mestizajop.but it is well to bets in mind two or three facts relative to that phenemcnon for which eoloniLl rule, is responsible. When the Inca Empire was crushed by the brutal impact of the Conquest, the Indians took refuge in the Andes and scattered over the land. The Conquistadores quickly lured them back; they wanted servants, they wanted laborers, and they wanted settlers. The Viceroy of Toledo's reducciones were towns .in which only Indians were to live, but in. time the town's lost their purity and the liestizo appeared. The Indians who adjusted to the new way of life were the Mestizos, and the
Whites who took,f.roo'ejn the Indian soil were Mestizos.	T3oth formed the nucleus of these viceregal settle .tints and gave rise to other centers not planned by Toledo, the towns of present-:ay Peru. The viceregal reducciones served the Indian in a way, for they restored► in
part the ancient comunidad when they established their bond	the
land, but the new unit, the new cell, after allis. said and done, has becoMe Mestizo* "The' Most-17p children of a Spaniard and Indian womant" said ono of the lews,* ta-hether illegitimate or not, pre considered as Indians." The Ine.ians were confined to their own land; they were not allowed to move to cnother reducciOn. If an encomienda made them leave the territory-c- their cacieue, they had to return there when it was over. Spaniards, regrocs, Mulattoes or Mestizos could not live in the redacciones, but Mestizo or. Zambayge, children of Indian women could, because "the=y were to inherit their houses and haciendas, and itwould be, cruel to separate them from their parents." In this way the Mestizo gained entrance to the reducciones. Later, at all times, the 1:iestizos allied themselves wlth the Indig,ns, through' their interest in the land. In the regions with fertile lands, race-crossing was more rapid. Speaking of Zuixos, a tun situated on the bank of the Misagua, a report in 1754 says that '"Its population is composed of Mestizos; there are nine houses in which thirteen families dwell, and only two of them arc Indicn.: The Mestizos no longer differ from the In:lian in color nor in mode. of living, for although they are a mixture of - White and Indian, they have retrogressed, because the Mestizos have married Indian women and the Indians have married Mestizo women."**
Factors that Contribute to Race-Crossing
In the brief course	my Peruvian study, T-:could_nqtdetermlne
precisely what factors contribute to mestizaje, that is, what elements
CecupilaciOn. Ley X. Titulo II, Libro VI.
**Inform° del.Governador do Cuixos don Joan Bcsnle z Urquiata,,Sobre.-61.--,—
territorio de su jahl-iSdiccion en Co.rnejo Osmo.. t. III. PC
B-1132-P124-BU
118.
and forces today tend to induce, strengthen, or retard the process.of racial and cultural blending which we call mestizajomebody will have . to make a series of studies on this subject, such as should have been undertaken long ago in Peru and in all the other Indihn-American countries. These studies should be object.ive, accurate and statistical. Then we shall know the rhythm, the tempo and the intensity of this cross-breeding. In my monograph on Guatemala, I made a quantitative estimate of two of its contributing factors in that country: compulsory military service and racial intermarriage. There the case was simpler, because the country was small and because a census had suppled the data. In Peru the problem is more complex; the country is larger, and there is no population census. I shall mention only a few of the most obvious factors, and perhaps include some passing observations gathered personally or from bock s.
The process of race-crossing runs parallel to the development of
nationality; moreover, Lestizaje and 2eruvianization are, in one respect,
synonymous. UrielGarcia extends the concept still further, to make
mestizaje equivalent to Americanization. Such being the case, everything
that facilitates the material, cultural, and spiritual progress of the
country, the increase of wealth, opening new means of communication,
spreading education, integrating the national spirit -- all these con-
tribute to race-crossing*and help, establish A.t; in other words, all
these contribute to the assimilation of the Indian into national life.
The effect of communications on race-crossing is evident. The Indian
preserves his Indian ways by withdrawing to the forests and isolating himself
from civilization. 'Place him in contact 'with his fellcwmen, especially his
fellow Peruvians, and he .becomes Telaxed, his habits changer; and he-becomes assim-
ilable.	In this -respect the asTimilation of the Indian is a problem for.engineers, whether five, like it or not; it is a. problem of the pickaXe, the shovel, and asphalt. Since colonial times, work in the mines has been an efficacious instrument for changing the Indian. It still is. In such mining regions As Cerro de Pasco and Oroya, and.in :general throuhout the entire northern part of the wide Jauja Valley, (all in the Department of Junin), -the typical Indian has disappeared. The Mestizo laborer has taken his place. Le have already spoken of the effect of the hacienda on the Indian population. ':/e now repeat: The haciendas of the littoral change the Indian into a Mestizo, while the Sierra haciendas preserve his original status. The explanation of these apparently contradictory phenomenon, already outlined in another part of this study, lies in the system of 'work. In reality the agrarian system, the Indian cultivation of the land, is such a part of the Indian nature that it keeps him as he 'is. .Destroy this system.,-which is synonymous with changing his economy, and you transform the Indian. On the coastal haciendas the Indian continues working on the land, but the system, the regine, no longer conforms to his traditions. In consequence, the aboriginal disappears, and the bracer() comes on the scene; the laborer, the field
worker is created. For the same reason, the mine modifies the Indian, but. more drastically, as the change in economy is more marked. uompalsory, military service is. in Peru, as in other countries, an influentidl factor in the amestizamiento of the aboriginal: It takes him out of his.environ-ment; it implants now customs in his life, at least temporarily; his pace,
materially and spiritually speaking, 'changes	He is forced into a new
system and disciplined 'in it'. The effect is inevitable. It is not important to consider the value of the result here. Much can be said about tee defects of barrack life and more about the deficiencies,of military service as an' adequate medium of assimilation; perhaps we will add some, thing gbout this later. Here we Shall merely, point out an indisputable
fact: CompUlso•ry military service is an important factor	mestizaje.'
Communications play an equal part in the assimilation of the Indian, because, amofig their -other effects, they permit him to move around. 13y reason of its function, the highway is not,a static entity; it is going somewhere and suggests movement. The highway is the place along which
' •	'
B-1132-P125-BU
•	119.
one travels; it is also a 'force that impels one-ta.travel.. The migrations of population, whether made necessary by economic conditions, by the social system or by any other cause, have identical
results:,	a T•he destructio of the Indian and his transformation into a different Indian --'we say a Mestizo, while Uriel Garcia would say "a now Indian". Since the times of Tiahuantinsuyo, the Coast hes been fatal to the highlanders. It absorbed whatever filtered down from the Andes, sucking up the rivers and swallowing up the men. Chinchaysuyu, the coastal region, one of the four regions under Incaic rule, was a land that even in those ancient times transformed the Sierra character. Uriel Garcia calls it "a zone_ of many influentes Which, in order to amount to something, must keep in contact with the slopes where they originate."* In the desert littoral, the past vanishes; man is of today, modern, ready for any transformation, ready to. follow any destiny. After the arrival of foreign influenoes and the founding oflima,the Coast, besides being the colonial center, was a me1t-4,ng pot for new arrivals and the highlanders who wandered or were dragged down to the coast. There these highlanders and foreigners came into cantact; it was the Liestizo area, a crucible suitable for casting VusConcelos' cosmic race. On the littoral, the highlander mingled not anly with Spaniards, but also with the other immigrants: the Negro slaves, and later the Chinese. Coastal race-crossing has many aspects.
In speaking of the school as a factor in mestizaje, we include
its ability to diffuse knowledge, information and culture, an'intel-
lectual comprehension and spiritual understanding of tl inhabitants
of a country. Understood in this way, the label "school" includes
many and varied elements; the teaching .aspect is probably the least
impoetant. All of the Tactors in. educational activity together, bcwerel) have
contributed in too small a deree towaye! . e.king the population homo-
geneous, attracting the Indian,and 'promoting his assimilation. The
Indian who speaks Spanish, although he may preserve all his ties with
Indian life, is within a step of being a Peruvian. The Indian who
not only speaks our language but can also read•it has taken that step:
He is a Peruvian.
Integrating and Disintegrating Forces of the Indian Group'
Hefore' the Spanish Conquest, human development in Peru. revolved about the cellular nucleus of thecomunidad; the conflict between the latifundia and the'Indian comUnidad started with colonial rule. History records phases of this struggle. Under Independence, the same conflict has continued as it did in the 300 'years of Vice-Regency. Jowever, in a broader sense, it is not Merely a struggle between the latifundio.and the comunidad; the fate of the coMunidad itself is 'at stake, for the comunidad resists all the forces and factors external to it, in more or leSs legitimatei more or less open battle. From this point of view, the fate of the Indian is in' the balance.
Let us attempt a list of the forces and factors tending toward the preservation of the'comunidad and the preservation of an Indian way of life in the literal sense'of the term. First, the traditional and older ties: blood, lineage, totems, religion. These were the bonds that held the ayllu together,' and even today constitute ties which,, for all their vagueness, still are valid. To these add the bond with-the land, the strongest of all, the most persistent, which: stemmed from the beginnings of their social life and endures to our times.' Their union with the land is tied up with their .attitudes and their 'special work habits, that is, with‘Indian agrarianism. '11 those features of Indian social lifa which are governed by
*Garcia, J. Uriel. 'El Nuevo Indio	Cuzco, 1930. P. 53. B-1132-P126-BU
120.
tradition, by collective habit, by custom, by the rule of the elders, by the unwritten but implacable law oft 'e community, which in short constitute their rhythm of life, have bean the strongest bonds of union within the Indian social group. among their customs is included area Bing apparel: "The poncho brands the man," says Uriel Garcia. It is a brand which has an effect in the social and spiritual sense more than in the physical. The Indian's clothes have been a class label in Peru as elsewhere; whoever wears them is marked as an -Indian. This label becomes odious if the dress
is.	servant's orb or uniforei a has oftee bkmee	Such eae
the dress imposed on the aboriginal by the conuistador. The colonial political system respected the -feattern of Incaic government, some features tf-Veieh; surviv:tele by inertia to our ee.ratim,-., 'rev s_ vii;to iA-
tegratc the Comunidad.	his was equally true of all the ecclesiastical regulations, the organization of the populace for paying honor to the saint and for performing the rites of the cult, the embellishment or reinterpretation of their formcr teliefs within Christian.moulds, the feasts and celebrations Connected with the particular patron saints of the towns, the collective work instituted by the Church; all these are bonds of union within the Indian group. The language; an expression closely related to culture or way of life, is one of the strongest ties in the comunidad. In this case we are referring to the Quechua language, which is used by nearly all Peruvian conunidades. the law of the viceroys invested the Indian comunidades with a legal entity; the regulation of property placed the ancient bond with the soil on a written basis. The isolation forced by the Colony on the reducciones also increased their sense of solidarity, their unity. To sum up, the forces that have preserved the character of the Indian comunidades, which have integrated them, or at least have'encouraged their persistence have teen: ribal trrdition, the ' property tie; the agrarian system, dress, the political system, the religious organization, language; legal entity, material isolation, and all the defensive reactions and mechanisms of the Indian against a hostile social environment. '
The forces that have been undermining the Indian comunidades can also be enumerated. More effective, more Persistent and more implacable than any has been the latifundio.. VJe have already spoken a great deal about the opposition between the latifundio.and the conunidadi, so we shall no longe.r dwell on it. "The Andes turned Mestizo when the -ehite man came," said Jniel. Garcia; Ile means that the land was no lonTer purely Indian, but changed owners, and the world opened up. The small closed universes of the Indian were destroyed. The steep, almost vertical land, with mystical aspirations fashioned from the very soul of the Indian, changed its position. It now spread'out, became horizontal, if not in fact, at least in aspiration. The aim was no longer Merely communication between the human being on his small tract of land and the supernatural poWers above,Thut communication between men whote arms grasped far and wide on either hand, who rushed over the roads, highways,' and along lines of steel to make contact with their fellowmen. And when the Andes became Mestizo, the comunidades those cells boUnd to the traditional ayllu had to break up. I Mean that the story fact of the Waite invasion, of the introduCtion of a strange system, was a blow at the comunidad and a force that proceeded to destroy it. The method of work was changed; it became necessary to dislodge the Indians from their communal plots of ground and bring them in groups to the mines. laork in the mines was terrible, not so much for the physical effort that it required, as because it severed the Indian from the land. The mine killed the Indian spiritually, rather than physically. The despoliation of lands is not the only source of conflict between the latifundia and the comunidadle above all, there is the change in the method of work. The encomiendawas the first to dislodge men from .their land; it carried them off, not as the result of policy that was daily becoming more national, like the Incan mitimaes, but in order to turn free mph, into serfs of a foreign lord. The present-day hacienda does what
B -1132 -P127 -DU
121.
the oncomienda of yesterday did, as we have said repeatedly; it converts the Indian into al:estizo. This is especially true on the Coast. To create a Idestizo means, in a way, killing an Indian.
The schools, as they have functioned up to thespresent, contribute to the disintegration of the Indian comunidad rather.. than to its preservation. The educational center is Lima, but even if Cuzco were the center, the result would be the samelomfor as the comwril-dad is concerned. The school is a unifying agency inimical to individual cultures and customs. Thought of in this general way, it becomes even the enemy of the comunidad. But the school necessarily goes further; it eliminates the language or relegates it to a secondary position; in place of Quechua, it puts Spanish. I do not wish to refer here to the tendency of certain ±eruvian educators to make Quechniathe official language; I am judging the school in its general aspect. Its function, in 9D Jr as language is concerned, is to make the Indian acquire Spanish. If there were no other reason, this. would be sufficient to unite the educational institutions in a conspiracy to let the traditional comunidad die out. For somewhat the same reasons, the roads are also iniroical to the ayllu. The ayllu. was unitary, unicellular; the entire 400 years of Incaic policies did not result in the dissolution of the original units. l'yhen the E-mpire fell, the comunidad, taking advantage of the protective provisions of the' Viceroy, stood up for its rights within the new order of things as far as possible. The comunidad exists in isolation. Its internal bonds are strong; teis is true likewise of the participation of its members within the group. But the communication between different groups was always weak. Communication tends to erase disparities; to associate with one's neighbor is to become a little like him. As more paths connected one town with another, the communal integration became weaker and weaker. The scattered examples of political and ecclesiastical oppression and land-grabbing, that is, the thousand forms of exploitation suffered by the Indian from all those around him, have also contributed appreciably to the disintegration of tIT towns.
Indianism vs. Peruvianism
lo express simply the fact that two groups 'of forces -- the preservers of the comunidad and its destroyers -- are locked in combat on Peruvian soil, I may say that a conflict has arisen between Indianism and Peruvianism. In the term "Peruvian tendency" or "Peruvianism," I do not wish to include the vices that have inevitably accompanied it, the unpleasant dregs of old vices not yet washed away by the national vigor. Among these dregs may be found some aspects of latifundism and nearly every kind of gamonalism. Although these have unfortunately accompanied the development of nationalism, they can not, should not, be considered as permanent aspects of it. But even leaving such factors to one side, an examination of the forces and elements listed in the preceding section confirms our use of this epigram: A struggle has indeed begun between traditional Indianism and the forces of Peruvian nationalization.
The Indians of the Jauja Valley, and likewise those of most of the central and almost all those of the northern part of the Peruvian Sierra, are hastening along the path of mestizaje. They are more mixed and assimilated than, those of other regions of the country. In the north of this valley, progress has been greater than south of the city of Huancayo. This is undoubtedly due to the influence of the mines. The stages from Indian to jholo are almost imperceptible in these sections. The men, as soon as they pick up Spanish, become good Cholos, especially if they know how to read and write. The women also
B-1132-P128-DU
122.
easily pass over the line, for the Cholo farm woman preserves. many of:
her Indian characteristics.-••••: Thei•e• -I.s'	zone where externally the Indian woman is no different in her behavior 'from the Chol-o woman. here the Spanish language seems to be -the sign of the distinction. The Cho-la Speaks Quechua, but she,•alSo 'Speaks • Spanish, in her way; the Indian • • roman, even .when -:dreSsed as a Chol a; as .Often happens, :will continue to be` an Indian. if .she does not'-spealb Spani&h.T.he  ground: is favorable -fer. a study of the phenomena of me'S•tilaje in all .itsaspects:,-,ethnic,--economic, Cultural, and .social. 'The' entire' region is in. a state. of. flux.. There is
moments when_ one does not-knew- whether the ground he: is treading on is .
Indian or Cholo..- -I am sure that -in ten more years there, will no longer
be any Indians, properly-- speaking,-	Jauja:
In livanta I :saw. unmistakable- cases of Tdestizos who have' been absorbed • or imprisoned by...the•.Ine.Lian' way 'of life. They are unquestionably Mestizos: The color-of-.their-skin, sometimes very pale, their brown.: eyes, the men's beards -proclaim 'it. But • they are also Indian, in their *whole • way of life;._ They .speak•(;euechua only; dress like the natives, eat like them, live in• identicale•houSes,and are governed. by the- same economy. Furthermore, .they .do not realize' they are not Indians;. _they. consider
themselves I nd ns .	The phenomenon is interesting: It indicates, on the one hand, the vigor of \the Indian envirOnraent and tradition and, on the other, the wealmess of • the influences which can properly be called Peruvian. In other sections the Indians become latiedzed,- become , • • Mestizos a.nd emancipate themselves; here the contrary. seems-to take. place; The 1._e:stizos become- IndianiZed. There the racial mixture, mestizaje, is most of the time sufficient in itself to dislodge the: individual- from his Indian way-.of life, .-certs-!_nly not because there. is any quality of superiority in the -mixed- blood, but rather because of the _fact that the mixture. of blood ordinarily is accompanied by other factors which,'
in conjunction with .race-crossing,	-in_ the emancipation of the individual. . In Huanta, however,• that is not true; it seems that it does not happen there -- the people intermarry, become ...LestiZos in blood, • but continue being Indians in their way of life. The case is not isolated; it is common enough. In Cangallo, 'ten leagUeS frone :,ya.clichp',_ lives a group of white-skinned people with' Palo eyes and thick -Oe-ax•d (korochucos), Europeans- in appearance but entirely Indian in culture and in:bearing. They speak. nothing but -'....uechua; their entire way of life followseIndian custom; they themselves. believe that they are Indian.
I sought the opinion of se.Veral Peruvians *on this phenomenon.
GalvEln* says that the bond that ties these people. to Indianism is ,Liechua,- a language sufficient.. for the coiamuli cation of thought and for the' current-expression of every-day-living, and which; in .the long run, 'produces both a culture and a psychology. Julio C. Tello explains the phenomenon of the persistence of Indian custom by the land element, by the economy that governs all these peoples alike. The. land and the agrarian economy mark the rhythm of their life. he who lives among the Indians and subjectse-' himself to. the accompanying economic system Will also be forced to -adopt' their way of life. Uriel Garcia; and with him. many other Indianists and- -
•
* Dr. Luis E. Galvg.n, .ieirector, of Indian Education.
Indianophiles, see in the phenomenon a proof of the inflexible persibte'nce' of the Andean Indian. .dhatever explanations 'are given for the phenomenon;' they are merely contributing' factors of a fundamental cause; the fact to which they add up is simply the persistency of Indianism. Mean's says, "Long years of observant wandering and diligent study in Peru have convinced me that of all the presont-day primitive peoples,. none is more tenacious in its past and, given favorable circumstances, none is more • capable of some day giving the world the surprise of a splendid renaissance
B-1132 -P12 9 -BU
123.
of its ancient genius, than this venerable race which today makes up more than half of the Andean population."*
The question of Indianism versus Peruvianism is therefore no fiction. In Peru the problem has its. roots, not in the fantasy of artists or of lyric sociologists, but in the hard grourd of objective reality. Indianism and Peruvianism, however, need not necessarily be contradictory terms. Unfortunately, in many respects they have been considered so/ When the Fathers of Independence erased the word Indian from the official books, simply calling the natives Peruvians, with all good intentions, Peru hoped to kill the Indian. But neither the hundred years of lyricism or of . hational. blindness, nor the three hundred preceding years, have succeeded in destroying Indianism in
.Thinkers of this generation are convinced that there will be no strong Peruvianism .,if Indianism is not included; that the concept of nationalism, .on .the other hand, 'must reflect all the historical legacies, Indian, colonials and republican, and also must adjust itself in some measure to the canons of international law and to the requirements, of the socialism which permeates our era and will undoubtedly pattern the future.
•
'
C1.0 12) S	estizo ..entality
In Peru, the- term Cholo has a broader and- more profound connota tion than in Ecuador'. There, the Cholos form a restricted class; they are really the Indianizod rural -..restizos, and at best, the urban lower class. in Peru, the Choi() is really a national class. Ethnically they are individuals pro(2,uced by the crossing of Indians with Mestizos; they are Eest.izos with a variable proportion of Indian blood, bUt in which the native current is stronger than the.white. In Ecuador, the term Cholo is somewhat deprecatory; in -Peru, it not only is quite taken for granted, but in Lima, .for example, it constitutes a term of endearment. It will be said of a charming girl that 'she is "an adorable Cholita", and of an individual whom we esteem and admire, that he is "a fine Cholo". And the fact is that in Peru ethnic fusion has reached the point where the Mestizos are the predominant class in all the country's activities related to ordinary life, save the leading political, businessyand, to a lesser degree, cultural positions, which are still for the most part in the hands of the ..bites. Peru is already
in many respects a Cholo country.	.
It is interesting to observe the degree of transformation of the
ethnic-cultural groups to be'seen everywhere	Peru, to see haw the Indians melt into the Chololjwhile the latter preserve featureS of the Indians. Their language and dress are: both proof and results of the Cholo influence. How often one remembers and reverses the-proverb-that the habit does not make the monk. Clothes do' indeed make the individual. In Indian-America there is an Indian costume and there is also a Cholo or Mestizo Costume. life have not given enough thought to the force and influence of this outward appearance. Dress, we should reflect, is,' after all, nothing more than an indeX.of stages of culture,,of economyyand of socialization. Often dress reflects our inner state; at other times it attracts us or automatically takes us to a level that we would not consider ours unless we dressed the part; He who wishes to make a vital study of the 'sociology of dress will find a very rich and almost .Virgin field in the Indian-ilmerican countries.
The passage of the men along the ethnic social scale -- Indian, Indianized Cholos, Mestizo-ized Cholos, Mestizos, etc., with their corresponding characteristics of culture and economy -- is less
* Means, a. cit. P. 538
B -1132 -P130 -BU
124.
spectacular than the women's. The' male Indians in Andean l'era adopt rural or Cholo dress. The Indian woman begins with more exotic costumes. Her first step shown by, her change of dress is easily noticed, but there are more significant changes'which for me are still inexplicable. The woman is a submissive person; less cultured than the man; as you know, the Indians will agree. to send their boys to' school, but they still will not permit their girls to enter edeleational institutions. The Indian woman certainly plays an extremely important part ,in the domestic economy. In the squares and the markets it is unquestionably she and not her husband who appears to be of Greater importance, and yet even this early leadership does not completely explain the very narked superiority of the Cholo woman over the male, the truly surprising leap ahead which the Indian woman takes as soon as she is placed on the next rung of the ethnoesbeial ladder. Thee:superiority of the Cholo woman over the Indian woman is beyond dispute. Sae is more spirited, more active. She walks erect along the roads, greets her acquaintances in a carefree way, speaking in a loud, somewhat rough manner, although her
inflecti.on is 'never unpleasant. In chance conversations she takes the	"'
initiative. Her physical appearance is also excellent: tall end robust, never obese .or masculine, well developed„and sure of herself. The Chola travels along all the roads of the Sierra. She carries her products and merchandise to the Sunday market, singing softly half in 6panish and half in Quechua, in high spirits, with her tight bodice and wide skirts of clashing colors. She claims her share in the social gaiety ofthe fiesta; to the tune of guitars and bandurrias she'sings, dances and becomes intoxicated. If she reaches' a higher social category, her behavior has a dignity, poise and sobriety that any blue-blood might covet. The. caste of mama senoras is well known. They are the distinguished women of the comunidad; they own real estate, and bave a monopoly on serving as godmothers. They dress in black, wear velvet llicllas and embroidered mantas. All of them are' great ladies. Both in the country and in the city, the Cholb women, whether in El Salvador or in LCuador, in Peru or Bolivia, form a powerful class. They are the merchants and the politicians. In Peru, they dominate the human scene. In the extraordinary Huancayo and Ayacucho markets, the Cholas swarm,sure'of themselves, defiant. Uriel Garcia gives us.a superb description of the urban Ghola: "'La gatera', who sells meat, fruit, and proviSions in the market, is foul-tongued, aggressive and ironic; and impudent in dispute. From this region came the famous Cholas of Republican history, Pacha-Anka, Huallpacaldo, gilera Melchora, Orko-Asno, women leaders in the trade union uprising, bearers of the andas* of the Virgin of Bethlehem, leilders of fanatical mobs, stewardesses of parochial saint's, enthusiastic folldwers of the political caudillos, initiators of stone fights' leaders among hired bandits of the Chicha taverns, the mole accomplices of,thieves and highwaymen, and the first to respond-to77toll of the Igaria Angola,.! the great noisy Cholo bell of Republican Cuzco, of-the Cuzco that with cries of 1Long live the Virgin of Bethlehem,t or iDown with seLand-so'.' stoned a newspaper office, or set'fire to the houSe of the fallen enemy,or beat the hangmen to. death and left their 'bodies dangling from.the balconies."**
The Cholo woman is the visible•symbol of recent assiaglation., She represents the organic force of a rejuvenated'race eagerly anticipating
what is to come. She is an Indian, but-she is 'even more .a Peruvian.
•
Peruvians have come to define their mestizaje in more subtle terms than in other, Indian-Lnerican countries. Of course they recognize ethnic mestizaje,. but they also talk about spiritual mestizaje and the Mestizo mentality. Jose de la Riva Aguero,' writing the preface for
*A board which, supported by two parallel and horizontal poles, is'
used to carry effigies, persons or things.-
**Garcia, J.Uriel, 22,.. cit. P. 210.
B-11.32-P131-BU
125.
Urt agat s,. book; Ltl Imperio Incalco, says that "the 'Spaniard did.'
not feel the aversion to. Indian blood-	that he, did to Jewish or Moorish. As a result, hispanic colonization produced new Mestizo nations which did not merely represent Europe -reproduced on a huge scale, as occurred in English  .A-merica,. but boldly, 'slowly, and patiently worked out their own ethnic blendings." I am agreed as to the outcome of the'mixture, although I have my reservations with .•respect to any planning. by the Spaniards in this experiment; in other words, I. do not think that, they had any idea of carrying out .such an experiment; it just came, about of itself. "The white people: of. Peru," continues de la diva Aguero, "beyond the slightest doubt have a
Mestizo mentality as a' consequence'	livinr. among these traditions and cur. genuine • desire for assimilation.il- This same thesis is sup-. ported by.Uriel Garcia in his Nuevo Indio. lie .states,- "More than the-product of ,.the physiological mating between the Spaniard'and the Indian, ho: (the Mestizo), is' a result or characteristic of;tb.e• special spiritual .quality expressed through the every-day life of our people, through the, desires, sentiments, and ideas of our,masses." But 'Oriel Garc.la. goes further.. "The Mestizo soul, " he adds, "is in reality the germ 'of the composite American; it is the .spirit that gave vitality to present-day America', out it is still the spirit of the Andes, which is ,equivalent to. saying of the entire Continent.." The invader, that is, the White, in America becomes slightly. Indian; perhaps we , should call him a neo-Indian. The. influence of the physical environment is _undeniable; great spir.i;t.ual -changes do .take place-. The Mestizo is the germ of a personality, the creator .of a new Anerican barbarism, or of the chaos of which Waldo Frank speaks: •A way of escape for the Indian, who is at the same, time both the creator of a new world and the child of this new world. On the_ other hard, the blending of races in •America, as Uriel GerCia says, brings with it the serious problem of transforming. the Indian, •of infusing him with a' youthful
spirit and. making .him .a "new Indian."*
•
It is worth while calling attention to, this. important 'berm in
Peruvian Indianist 'theught. "The new Indian." is not ~Merely a
literary. phrase. It 'contains . an entire theory of racial fusion, of
cultural amalgamation and the creation of a nation. In a. general:
way, "the new Indian" means the Mestizo, but it also means the .sin-
cere Mestizo, faithful to his traditional, cultural obligations,
faithful to the historic, inevitable destiny of Paerica,,•faithful
to his ideal for his nation and the continent of which it is a part.
The name is important. It shows that the Peruvians are ready to
assume the responsibility for, their Indian. Moreover, , they-.stand,;
ready to bring him into. the group, not as a dead weight ••whie,-...h we
are condemned to bear by a destiny that werepudiate,-but vellintarily;
knowing full well that what we are carrying is. not a, dead 'body blit.:41
germ of miraculous _potency and, of undeniable possibilities; It has
been asserted that. Valc!ircel has Sometimes limited. his concept•of •
the new 'Indian, attributing: his 'traditions 'solely to. Incaic, times. -
This is not true. In his Tempe-stad_ en los Andes, .he states that the
new Indian is neat a rebirth of the ,Empire but ,of the race, and the •
race, we know, preceded the.Empire. The Sierra is heavy with child,
and from it will emerge the ancient' folk,-, he says, and I. add, together
with Maritittogui, Garcia, and all the rest, that they are born into a
new world., not into the. world of the Incas, but one which resulted from'
the impact of Spain on aboriginal AMerica. They are born•into the 'new
present-day America, and therefore the child of the Sier.ral:	•
who	also . the child of. Andean traditions, . if he is to -live.; can do so only by changing himself into a "new Indian". Valatiree.1 •
*Garcia, J. Urica op. cit. P. 126.
B-11327P1.52-Bu
126.
, -
extends the concept, of the new Indian a little further, in order to make' it include all those who labcr for the cultural and rpkritual rehabilitation and reconstruction of—Peru. The missionary, the school teacher,. the engineer survving the comunidades, the sincere town attorney, all these forgers of the fatherland, rho; must at the same time work for the redemption of the Indian, they too, ty virtue of their position, are likewise new Indians.
2. Attitudes and Interests of the Ethnic-SocAl Groups 
Probably there is no other, country in America where concern for the Indian, or at least, for Indian problems, is more profvund and more widespread than in Peru. The increased literary activity 'reveals this anxiety; historians, sociolegists,jurists,writers, for the past twenty years, have been showing an interest in the Indian. The painters and sculptors have not trailed behind, but are on a par with the writers in their exploitation of the Indian theme,' expressing the native emotion in 'plastic form. -The- - interest of the common man, 'of the man of the street, has alio awakened. Proof of this is ,the growing appreciation of the subjects of national art, as well as theyepeated 'references to Indian life in magazines .and newspapers. One could undertake ""a classification of the intellectuals,' the leaders of public opinion, and the backers of national undertakings, based on the degree to which they are interested in the Indian. Oiie group would be made up of the "Indianists," who more or less represent the classic, tendency to study the Indian .and make him the object of'scientific research. The Indianists.are, therefore, the historians, archeologists, and ethnog—raphers, and to use a more general term,.the-anthieepologists.. Included in this group are the sociological historians, who.have attempted a historical evolutionary study of Indian institutions, or rather the:political regimes to which the Indian has been subject at different stages of his historic development. The Indianophiles form a second category comprising almost all the artists: publicists, essayists, poets; painters;and-musicians. In Peru, those who delve in Indian subjects'or-are-engaged in promoting an appreciation of the Indian, or those who are forginp- an Indian or Andean art-- all different expressions.ef the are aim-- belong to this school...of. thought. The third group can be given the somewhat barbarous name of indigenists. They promote a political policy related to the Indian, or are entrusted with carrying out the -programs that seek his "redemption." These three groups are not strictly exclusive; the. Indigenist is almost always an Indianophile and may. be an Indianist, and the latter may sometimes possess' the characteristic qualities., of:
the other groups	They do not exclude one another, but:they do differ : from one another. It is sUperfldous to say that there are. Indianophiles__ weak in Indianism, Indianists entirely lacking in the emotion which is an essential element_of the Indigeni-sts, and. Indigenists who are ignorant of the science of the Indian and only slightly appreciative of the values of Indian life. :flie three classes are amply represented in-' Peru. In the bibliographic section of this monograph I shall list some of the more outstanding names among the IAdianists of yesterday. Present-day Indianists are: Julio C..Tello, in the first rank, and Horacio Urteaga, Jose de.. La_ Riva Aguero,, Carles,Romere, Carlos -vdetse, and Luis R. Valc4.rce1,thon Uhld, lieckns, and Kroeber among the foreigners,'and more exclusively in the,field of soclology, Jose Carlos Mariategui, • hildebrando bastroPoze; Carlos Valdez de la Tor-re, Abelardo Solis, Jos& Manual °sores. Almost all those named should' be classified among the - Indianophiles, much to the honor of Peruvian ihtelligenee. Still others who should be mentioned are Jose Sabosal and Julia Codesido, in the first rank among the painters. Among' the musicians are Roberto Ojeda of Cuzco, who headed, the. Mission of Peruvian Art which visited Argentina in 1923, Daniel 4lomia lObles, and many othe'rs whose names would form a long list,.butwhich I 'dare not give Tor fear-of emissions:-Elena Izcue has done a magnificent .work; ET Arto Peruano'en la Escuela, in behalf of the use 6f Indian motifs in art. Per=151 Baca, School •
B -1132 -P133 -DU
127.
Inspector in Cuzdo, has been working for many years on the preparation of an album of decorative motifs taken from Indian ceramics, a noteworthy work' which, if published, would be a rich source for applied art. In the bibliographic section I give credit to some of the writers. Lany more should have been mentioned. There is a multitude of Indigenists, 'both promoters and executives. The charter members of the Uonzales Prada popular universities- deserve credit for having been the first exponents of Indian redemption. Later there followed many missionaries, administrators, teachers and experienced sociologists.
The Peruvian Indigenist movement (and I now wish' to include in the term everything that implies the idea and the.emotion'and the action of the 'groups that I have attempted to characteri'ze and represent in the preceding paragraph) is relatively new. It had repreSentatives in the preceding generation -- many, of these
activities started with Gonzales	-- but it ,is primarily' a creation of the present generation. In no other period has there been seen so pronounced and, so deep-seated an anxiety' as that which now is concerned with the Indian. The thinkers and the doers, often occupied with superficial aspects, sometimes affiliated with different groups, are really pursuing the same end. /hey treat the Indian problem objectively, focus national attention on the Indian' situation; and plan or stir up a program for his-transformation. These forgers of opinion and of national concepts have already created their organs of expression. I do not wish to speak of specialized publications like, the Historical Review, but refer rather to publications like Amauta and La Sierra, -which sum up the Indianist spirit of the present generation, clear-sighted in their analysis of the Peruvian Indian, and tinged with a national idealism, bred en tradition itself, and fortified with a lefty vision of an all-embracing culture. La Sierra appeared in 1927. Let us examine an issue taken at random. It covers these subjects: "The Sierra Movement" [L1 Movimiento Serranista];"The Indian en Horseback", "Coca, Alcohol, and heat", "Indian Voters"; prologue to "Tempest in the Andes", "The INational Art". The illustrationS fol low the Indian theme: "Andean Dawn", "Indian Dancers",' "The Roadside Chicha Tavern".' After La Sierra the following magazines appeared, having- the same pro-Indian nationalist character, echoing the same sympathy: Alluspana, in Huartts; Serrania, in Hullnaco;' Editorial Titikaka, in Puno; Lditorial KUntur, in Sicuani;
Chirapu, Ilit777g71.7d Sillar, in Arequipa; La Puna, in Ayavini;
La Region, in Lima; Inti, in Huancayo;and Quipus, in Lima. Interest in Indian matters is not limited to specialized, groups:. The principal newspaper of Peru, El Comercio, conservative and insensible to current national sentiment, nevertheless contained, in its issue of January 3, 1932, in a Sunday issue of 24 pages, the following material which alludes to or has some bearing on the Indian: 1.- "Appointnent of the Judges for the Indian School Exposition," announcing the names .of th9se chosen by the Ministry of Education; 2. "Distribution of Scholarship Students for the Indian Rural Normal School of the South," announcing the Ministry's decision; 34 "QueChuan Etymologies," a study by Jose. Maria Hernando of Ayacucho; 4. "Agriculture and the Natibnal Economy,". a study that takes up a good part of one page and which concerns, ,among other things, the Indian situation in respect to land.
Ideological Trends,
Carlos Valdez de la Torre, who has studied the evolution of the Indian comunidades thoroughly, and Hildebrando Castro Pozo, who has Studied their present characteristic features, head the
group of those who claim	be in favor of fostering and supporting
BI-1132 -P134 -DU
128.
the Indian comunidad as such. -In the last chapter of his book,' Vald‘z de la Torre gives a summary noting the arguments against promoting the comunidades on the one hand, and on the other, the arguments in their favor. Among the first he mentions the following: the corunidades require State tutelage, the Indian being considered as a minor; communal property encourages idleness; comemnal property is an inheritance unsuitable to these times; the, comun5dad is opposed to that form of prp-perty (mobility of lAndowhership) which is reco,riized as 'bst.by the. most advanced societies; the ccmunidades are an obstacle to good government and are politically dangerouS; the comunidades 'tend to exclude the Indian from Pe'ruvian bitizenship'and moreover, to increase legislation.* The same author evaluates and cements on these arguments and reaches the conclusion that within u' certain interpretation suited to the natioLal life, the Indiancomuniaad should be protected and preserved. Castro Pozo not only discovered that-the Indian conunidad, in spite of all the attacks to which it has been subjected, is still a living organism, but that notwithstanding the hostile environment which stifles and deforms it, it voluntarily manifests distinct possibilities of evolution and development. This author also declares hileself in favor 'of the conservation of the comunidad. -In the following section of this chapter we refer to One of the ways-in which Castro Pozo thinks that the comunidades might be utilized by making them an integral part of the country's eco-
nomic life.
Almost all Peruvian thinkers concerned with the Indian problem and the future of the Indian, in Peru can be classified into three groups, according. to the systeias that they envision or propose. Some show themselves in favor of reviving, in a specific way, certain features of Indian life, particularly those connected with the communist regime, native to the Indian and embodied in a national social system by the Incan emperors; others are on the watch for the possibility of a'conplete Indian renaissance. "The return to the Incan regime," "the return to Incaic rule,." "the revival of the Sierra," "the rule of the Andes," are expressions of
this idea. The last group, the neo-Indianists, believe in an Indian renaissance 'on. Mestizo soil, in an Indian spirit within a nestizo body. Vihat they contemplate is not so much a renaissance as a reconstruct ion, or better said, a re-creation. The American world has changed. Ire can not turn back the clock of history; the events of the American world in.. elude the Indian just as much as the western contributions and the Span ish migration; the Indian has not died, should not die, and even if we wanted to destroy him,he would not die. But the Indian has a new world.. The Andes became :Lestizo with the coming -of the White man; a new man must be created, fusing all the elements, lord of the new scene, the American man. Uriel Garcia well expresses this last group's point of view when he says; "What is the 'm;arcing of this eagerness to redeem the Indian from his present situation? Briefly, it is to raise him td the level of an American consciousness of the present; to invigorate the simplicity Of his spirit, reinforcing it by every means, even those taken from his teaditions and the land; as-long as they are*suited to the spiritual wealth of present-day humanity. To redeem the Indian will be to engender in his soul a new American consciousness, to make his tradition bear bruit as every tradition does, but not to attempt to give him a valuable historic life merely by keeping him within the old traditions. To redeem him will be to 'give him sentiments 'and ideas differ-
-ent from and even contrary to his own (for-example, to remove him'from his secular agrarianism, which has rooted him to the soil liko-a plant). The emblem of Indian redemption, it seems to me, should not be land. His agrarianism was due to his simplicity and his thousand year old traditions, but it only wears him out and takes -a machine of him.
*Valdez de la Torrel a. cit. P.'189.
B-1132-P135-DU
129.
Agrarianism is what has always made him a. serf. The agrarian problem in its modern sense is an entirely different matter.' It bespeaks equal human rights to own land. If the Indian has the ability to redeem himself -- since all redemption is fundamentally a personal struggle within the individual or the nation -- he will embody those ideas and, sentiments and will rise up_again by his own motive power. For every energetic personality makes his own selection among conflicting and contrasting aims. This problem must be solved in conformity with the general progress of culture and with the lapse of American "barbarise-- of that neo-Indian elemental spirit in whichAs included tnelridlAbis self-reliance. It is the crossroad, not of Incaism but of neo-Indianism. When the Indian is really a "new Indian," he will be able to free ,himself, that is, when he has become a different man. Only then will he produce his true leaders. The "Indian problem" will be, for the masses as well as for the new generations called upon to solve it, either a state of rebellion, or nothing but a lyrical exaltation confined to books. The American culture which shall destroy the remnants of tradition and advance the neo-Indian spirit will be the product of both an inward rebellion and a revolt against the external forces which cling to the past. And then the "Indian problem" will be not only a solution. for the Indian, but also the solution of the entire problem of the "new Indian".*
The Indian Attitude
. The every-day attitude of the Peruvian Indian, like that of the majority of his American brothers, is hidden behind the dignity and passivity characteristic of them all. Although he is apparently apathetic, nothing escapes his animosity, sharpened by mistreatment or repression. His innermost reactions toward theWhites are nearly always so hidden beneath the mask-of indifference .that it is impossible to tell whether they are apathetic or supremely contemptuous. My statements concerning the Guatemalan and Ecuadorian Indian in this respect apply equally well to the Peruvian Indian. In the sections dealing with schools, we saw that the aborigine. remains on the fringe of the State's educational activities, as a natural result of a total situation characterized by abandonment and a lack of concern which is due to a variety of circumstances. In my opinion, this is not a result of any resistance on the part of the Ehit9 to exclude them, but merely of an unfortunate combination of pas eve elements which result in the Indian's :withdrawal. In Guatemala, the natives refrain from going to school wben the L.adinos attend, and in Ecuador, the Indian is simply outside of the scheoll s; sphere; in Peru he also remains, as we have seen, outside of the official school, but he frequently shows_a sudden interest which results- in the establishment, on the part of the comunidades,
of centers	education for their own children.. Tne Incan pc:Lronatos
testify to the insistence with which the Indians requeet schools. It would seem, therefore, tat there is a more' ac-:_f,ve and general desire on their part for education. The Indian is more fundamentally interested in land; for this he will keep on litigating forever, even venturing into the white man's court. Around this supreme interest tiere has gathered an entire semi-juridic class of shysters, pettifoggers and attorneys. The, Bureau of Indian Affairs had its hands full with all the questions that the Indians used to bring in f.or its consideration, always about lands. The Peruvian Indian surpasses his brothers in other countries in the vigor of his silent personality, his resistance to change, and his eagerness to work out
*Garcia, J. Uriell op, cit. Pp. 125-126.
B -1132 -P136 -DU
130.	
his own salvation, which cor.irms our belief that he Las within him the capacity for self-redemption. Cr.:IsLed and inhibited by four hundred years of adversity, tile Indin.n of the Peruvian Highlands remains a worthy descendant of the Incas.
Carlos Marfategui sons	a .eat truth when he said, "Indian hope is absolutely revolutionary.' %.e• i.-amediately recall the Indian uprisings, constantly recurring during ''olonial history. The Rebellion of Tupac Amauro of 1780 gave a first limpse of an independent Indian Peru, but the revolts of this generation which have broken out since 1920 are still more significant. The Indian masses are awakening, they are shaking off their torpor. Carlos 1 ari6t(gui, cci_.ied away perhaps by ois Socialist revolutionary fervor, asserte, "The affinity of the j_rdif,n moiument with the world revolutionary currents is all too evident ... I have already stated that I have reached rl understanding and a fair appraisal of everything Indian by following t - path of se3ialism." It does not seem to me that: the Indian awakening is a direct repercussion of the movement for world revolution, and less still of the Russian moveaent undoubtedly referred to by Mari6tegui;tb believe this would imply the existence of specific links:Which do not exist. The Indian is awakenii in reru-v]an, Andean, and .,.merican fashion. Lot mere7.y those communist theories which happen to reach him, nor the propaganda of social reformers in the few cases where they affect him, have contributed to his restlessness; ell the factors in his country's evolution :Ave payed their part. The dic-
tatorial policy itself should not be	y uismissed as a m:nor factor
in this ebullition, since it nas pro%;-oaceu defensive reactions which,,
though negative in themselves, in the aggregate become positive attitudes.
3. Aims and Attei.ipts at .,o-t.ution
A Summary of theLeens for Solution Put into Practice
A solution of the Peruvian Indian's situation has been attempted along. four lines: the'legal, educational, vdmin_strative-economic, and ecclesiastical. There is an abundance of indiianist1 legislation in Peru, if such a title can be used to designa-to.the group of laws issued by the Republic which contain •Some reference to the natives. But slach legislation might have followed a better polio: if thellepublic had patterned them more, .closely to colonial decrees.This.it failed to do'. hevertheless, the
jurists have made an admirable attempt on behalf of the .Indian.	have
educational methods been neglected.	or a long time there-n7s been talk
of schools. for the Indian, and to some degree the native population has
been affected by-the educational program wnich was laid out. In the
field of administration, the Bureau of Indian Affairs is becoming one
of the most earnest. projects in.; settingthe Indian problem; it
deMarcates bOundaries, artitL-ates and set'eles disputes, and.is
be.ginning the breakinc up of the latifundia. From the ecclesias-
tical approach,, the Indian in viceregal times benefited from the
heroic efforts and good .intentions of the missionaries; si.ce then
the Church has tried to help him; and re.;ently certain evangelical mis- •
sions have established some undertakings that should certainly be worthy
of consideration, along the line of improving the Indian Comlihidades,
The Ronan Catholic Church, too, seems to have awakened to a sense of its
responsibility in connection with-the Ind	Lroblem. These. activities have already been discussed and some Of them have •been in the other seietions of .this study.
B-1132-P137-13U
131.
Some General Plans for a Solution
•	The most important Leneral outlines for a solution of the problem come from the jurists. In 1918, Jose Antonio Encinas wrote his doctor's thesis on "A C-.retribution to Indian Protective Legislation". After making an analysiti of the Indian problem and the living conditions of the Peruvian Indian with regard to property and general cultural status, he sets-forth the most urgent, indispensable reforms for improving the condition of the native race, from the juridical point of view. Such reforms, radical for their day, are based on observations and experierices with the ineffiscacy of laws to
1Di-inc justice to the Irian. The plan is founded on
colonial legal history . ad affirms oubstantially the need for a protective legislation, iiportant points being laws on property, labor, and court procedure, both civil and criminal. luith retard t'' property,. At' advises regulations which would start from the princip'e of keeping the Indian out of litigation, and which viro-qd protect Indian property fully, and radically restrain the latifundios. It also advises the creation, within -Lie Ministry of Justice, of a° special section for the defense and protection of the Indians. It recommends a recognition of the Indian comu/lidad as a legal person. (live h6,ve already seen that the 1:,20 c nstitution .established this protection). Lastly, it sets Ili _e&Alutions for purchase and sale, and advises the establishment 'of native homesteads. Li;h-respect to labor, Encinas advises written coitracts-.supervised by the Ministry 'of the Interior, a required 1,:aximum term for rendering services, invalidation of so-calLA enganche contracts, stipulation of a salary inn-the contract, and previsien of food and lodging by the proprietor. The colonos are not to be respohsibln for the livestock, implements, toolsland materials entrusted to them, when their deterioration or loss results from an act of God or c.7.nce. hotice is to be given at least thirty days before dismissal. Lawsuits growing out of • hacienda contracts are to be subject to arbitration. Provisions are included in connectf.on with wages, establishing the minimum", salary, ordering that p:rment be made in money, and that it take place on the hacienda i,self. Benefits for workers, in the case of sickness and pensions for those who have served' for thirty years, are likewise recommended.*
Plan for a Law Protecting the Indian
In 1928, Drs. H.	tia and h. P-)cL** presented an interesting Plan for Indian Protect,n, which is not only aimed at the legal solution of the Indian problem, but is likewise a revelation of the nature of this problem. The authors base their law on a general consideration of the "mental, inferiority and, consequently, the limited legal, capacity of the indian," in order that ''said law may serve as an effective guarantee for his life and interests." The` proposed law will cover the period during which Indians are raised to the cultural level of other members of tie nation. Inspired, Loreeiver, an ideal of national unity, the authors try, according to their statement of aims of the law, tc. 2:u it into the ordinary legislation, as far as possible, by restricting the provisions or broadening them wherever necessary. On the other htilid, the proposed bill stands by itself, because only thus, by viewing the Indian problem
*Lncinas, Jose-Antonio,op. cit. Pp.71 and following.
**Drs. Luna, H. Lind Roca, L. Provecto de Ley Tutelar Indigena.
Lima, 1928.. Mimeographed copy, 1.eovided by the authors.
B-1132-P138-BU
132.
•
in its different aspects, cal ‘ oomplee.;  Sc: 'al regeneration be aC30Mr" plished. The law is orwlized on the following plan: a) T lc legal aspect, which includes civil and penal legislation, both substantivo and derivative; b) soeio-economic aepect, including trade, ind'Istries, taxes, education, hygiene,heclth, the religious question, military service, alcoholism, use of Coe..., etc.; c). political aspect, includ3,ng administrative protection; iLdisp,:arable changes in the political brgan-ization with respect to the lndian,and the necessity for his participation as a political factor il the progress` of th, country; special administrative organization to watch over -ad protect the Indian race.
The section which concerns tae Indian's legal' situation deals first with the Indian comuniriades e,nd attempts to determine what roquirt,ments they should ne et in order t'..lumo..urftler Article 58 of the Politice,1 Constitution of the State,. ihhich.reCognizes their legal exiptience. ' The criteria for this recognition take 'into account the number of inhebitants,
their relationships, ,the conerol	lards, and certaix traditional characteristics. To be a member of the comunidad. under this projected law, the individual- muet• own lana acquired by collective or mixed ap- propriation and included xi in boundaries of the comunidcd..
lades are recognized. as legs persons	teleir registration is provided
for, as are also the causes	Trfanner of the ii disS-oution. • .
Chapter II of the law establiehes the general civil rights of-Indians. It begins by. considering Lie Indians as minors. , rd, tnere.i:orc, subject to the guardienship of the otate, until they attain. "a certfein individual autonomy which allows-them zo exercise fully the rights ih.lerent' in their civil capacit:;," in which case they will remain subject to. the ordinary legislation. .1n interesting section of this chapter 1:efers to
the condition of Indian children in 'tit '	Js of .IVieStiZOS or in order to avoid the abuses that se frequently are committed_ in this
respect. Another impurtart heading concerns conru	property. Thi
homestead is established for the purpose of protecting faleily rights_ over Indian rural property, prmitting disposal et Will o2 only thoSe lands in excess of the estab ...shed minimum; the sale of plots smaller than the minimum must be reaee to ;her members of the comunidad. The law' does not establish the area or the homastead, leaving this to future
statutes; it does establish -C,e indivisibility	of such a family plot. •
Another interesting section has to .do wit_ the transfer of Indian properties, regulating, restricting, and •,eroteeting them from the abuses of. those who try to get a monopoly of land. Chapter IV of this section refers to labor contracts wh:ch may .not be executed except through_the
Inspector of Indian Affairs	the. case of public documents, end 5..n the case of private documents, either through him or the local political authority. The lobar contract, in general, fifes a minimum salary of
fifty centavos, an eight-hour working .lay,'and arbitnation	oases. of
conflict between the ewerker and employer. With regard to special labor contracts, these are classified as tenant, domestic service, and .engarche 
contracts.	Gratuitous se ry ces rendered to tho authorities and private
individuals under many guis j are absoeut.:ly .prohibited; the office of envarado is abolished. The .berth chapter of this first section CQ7Qrs legal procedures. special procedures arc here established for the Indian, and special courts are created for the solution of the conflicts in which he becomes involved. Such courts will be established at t:,e judgment, of the Chief Executive in regions where they are most heeded. The section concerning the Indian's economic and social situation prohibits the taxes usually placed on Indian trade to the advantage of minor offioiels. To encourage and promote, Indian industry, cooperatiVe. organization. of the comunidades, utilizing practices a2ree-- r existing in the Lidian towns, is encouraged. j-,n attempt is made to protoct the lndien from arbitrary and excessive assessment, as well as the obligation to render personal services on public works projects without' due corlearsation.
B - 1132-y139-BU
133.
The use of alcohol and trade in alcohol is absolutely prohibited
among the Indians. liith respect to religious festivities, the sec-
vices required of the Indian are to be without any eipense on his
part; The 'performance of cargos during religious festivities is
positively forbidden. In matters of education, the law prescribes
that the Indian should be directed toward learning a trade, bearing
in mind his psychological and social conditions. It asks for a
revision of the law of compulsory mi':tary service and the statutes
relative to this which apply to the natives Concernin; .the polit-
ic al function of the Indian, which u2 to now has not existed, since
the enormous Indian population has been excluded -from citizenship,
the authors believe that the Indians should at least take part in
their mu:nici-pal or local governments, in order to learn "to be
voters, by practicing this frnction of every democracy." In the
section relating to polibical organization and special administra-
tion for the. Indian, 'ths; Ind,iLn political authorities establishA
ih the comunidades are to be called 'Indian lieutenant governors."
No public authority who has b 'en dismissed from office because of
abuses committed against the 'Indians may again hold office. The
administrative orp;anizaLi,on will be in charge of an Indian bureau
and of Indian oatronato,. The iireccj_OnGeneral Indiuna, depend-
ent on the Ministry, of Justice, besides the administrative functions
incumbent on it, will area, according to this law, fulfilla techni-
cal function, directing and developing the small commeree end trade
of the natives; it will also exercise a protectivedon for which
purpose Indian Inspectors are to bd appointed. These, besides suriervising
the natives for culture' purposes, will, at the expense of the State,
defend their rights wit out pay frc_i t'faem, protecting them at all
times from the abuses t,:ab are committed against them. The Indian
_Eltronatos are social bodies of semi-private character, which will
collaborate witle.the State for the protection of the Indian race.
In Julio Delgado's study, "Folklore and Notes for Indian Sociology," which we have already cited,* the author reaches some conclusions, and then makes certain recommendations that throw light on the Indian question. I am transcribing the essence of some of the most important conclusions, and then the recommendations eroposed by this writer. Delgado is not in favor of upsetting the Indian social system by legal provisions which do not consider the e;:vironment and character of the Indian and of the misti; the problem is not solved by the mere issuance of lavvs. The Indian aut'leorities now in existence are servants of public administration, and therefore should not be eliminated. A classification must be made of the Indians according to the type of comunidad in which they live. The comunidades must be preserved. Delgadois most important recommendations are: 1. The formation of a co.:lete set of Indian laws based on his physical environment, end bearing in mind the anthropological factor and, above all, the Indian mentality. 2. Increase in the number of Indian traveling and vocational schools, with assurance that they shall not remLn under religious direction. 3. Supervision by the State, through the unieersities, of the ecclesiastical seminaries, so that they shall act jointly in the education of priests, since the latter have a decisive influence on Indian mentality. 4. Taking inventonyof convent and monastery property which should be turned over to the State. Such properties may be sold to the Indians who live on. the property in question. 5. The education of the neo-Indian (1ihite, iviestizo, Cholo) by adequate means, with a view to social, moral, and intellectual levelling, encouraging marriages of the Indian to the neo-Indian, making it clear that such equalization implies the formation of a true nationalism
*Delgado A., Julio, M, Folklore y Apuptes Para la Poc_ip),o.gia Revista de EducaciOn. Second year, No.3, 1931. Lima. Pp. 133 and 222.
B-1132-P140-BU
134.
.and the advanCement of Peru, 6,...,A chair of. Indian Sociology in all universities
•
Investigation-of the Indian Problem
The newspaper La*Sierras organ of the Juventud Renovadora Andina, so well directed by J. Liuillermo Guevara throughout its enligntening but unfortunately brief period of publication,. in 1028 started an inquiry into the Indian problem which brings out the most important aspects of the question. The investigation deals with two subjects, the Indian problem and the agrarian problem. The following are the proposed.. inquiries:
"that is the nature of the Indian: problem in Peru?,
•
"How many problems. are included under.. this title?
"How should each.of them be::so.lved?..
%hat part should the State.and the. Municipalities play in their solution?
"'hat should be the role of the thinkers, the students, and the working clasS?i
%hat kind of instruction snd education should b used?
"How should intermarriage be encouraged?
m4ould mitimaes or migration to colonies be desirable?
°116optis the influence of roads on the Indian problem?
"Is the Indian problem similar to the Russian-or to' others?
'What is.the basis for the .preeminence of 'agricultural industry in Peru?
%hat is the present general nature of coastal agriculture?
"''hat is the present general nature of Sierra Agriculture? Of Montana agriculture?
"What agrarian system should preferably be adopted in each of these regions? -
%hat should be the basis for dividing and breaking up the large estates?
"-what should be the'legal position and the work of the State, the Mnnicipalities,and the 'Administrative Bodies, in the solution of the agrarian problem?"
Ideas on 'the Economic Solution
The so-called economic solution, that is to say, the attempt to solve the Indian problem by regulating the material aspects of his life, has given rise to excellent ideas on the part of the thinkers and sociologists of the present generation. "All theses on-the Indian problem, which in treating it' avoid the sociot- economic problem," said Mariltegui, "are mere sterile, theoretical, and sometimes only verbal
exercises, condemned to absolute discredit	The Indian question arises from our economy... Indian-rehabilitation lacks concreteness
B-1132-P141-BU
135.
as long as it is kept on a philosophic, cultural plane., To acquire
it, that is, to acquire reality, it must be converted into economic
and political rehabilitation."* GonzLes Prada, one of the most
outstanding symbols of free thought of Perul.in the chapter on
Nuestros Indios included in Horas de-Lucha, makes this jilOgment:
"Nothing changes the psychology of man more rapidly or more
radically than property: Throwing off the slavery of ,the
he grows a hundred spans‘ Merely by acquiring something the
individual rises some"rungs in the social scale, because classes
are merely groups classified by the amount of their wealth.
Unlike the air balloon, he.rises higher who weighs more. To one
who may say: 'the school; one should reply: the school and bread.
The question of the Indian, more than pedagogical, is economic,
is social." In his turn, Jose Antonio Encinas, Rector of
the Universidad Mayor de San Marcos from 1931 until very recently,
a man of crusading spirit and social vision who' in 1913 wrote-
his bachelor's thesis on "Education; its social function in Peru
in the problem of nationalization" (speaking of the Indian), and
who in 1918 published his doctoral dissertation on "A Contribution
to Indian Protective Legislation", said--and his judgment so
far in the past is a sign of'clear vision--"to sustain the
economic condition of the Indian is the best means of improving
his social condition. His economic strength is found in the land;
there all his activity will be concentrated. To withdraw him from
the land is to sweep away ancestral tendencies of the race in a .
drastic and dangerous way, There is nothing like working the land to
improve his economic condition: Nowhere else, nor in any other way,
can he find greater power for abundance than in: the land,"*-*
If ideologists have spoken in terms which leave no 'room ' for doubt about the necessity for attacking the problem of the Indian by way of his economy, executives have scarcely begun-their work in this direction. The effort of the Office of Indian Affairs in the Ministry• of Development was in response, undoubtedly, to this eagerness for an economic solution, and, in a much more incipient fashion, the school which attempts to become vocational and practical follows a similar path. Hildebrando Castro Pozo, in an article for La Sierra describing the Indian comunidades, shows how easy it would be to invigorate the economy of the vicinities, utilizing the forms of organization already existing:
"If, then, we add to this that the communal assembly, including all who are of sound mind and capable of satisfying the wants of the ayllu, led, by its agents and deputies, is the absolute authority to whose decision and judgment the communal destiny has to be left; and, furthermore, that the contemporary avllu is an ethnologic,grouping, whose traditions, customs; and religious bent have made it into a truly familial, endogamic group; that it is the owner not alone of the hill slope sheltering
the town, but of many other tracts cultivated communally or	' individually, and of numerous flocks with their pasture l'ands;if we do not forget this, and then consider the artificial conditions which cooperativists have tried to generate in social groupings in order to introduce that type of organization, we shall logically conclude that our Indian comunidades possess all the requisite economic, political, and• social conditions. for founding and establishing them as large cooperatives for production and consumption.'! 8',*
*MariAeguii,24. cit. •P.-25.
**Encinas,-Jose Antonio,
***La Sierra, Second-Year, Number, 2. February, 1927.—LiMa. P. 33.
B-1132-P142-BU
136.
General C r ic ism
Margteguit s, Criticism of i-d'he bolution 'of the Peruvian. Indian Problea
In insisting on the need for an economic solution, Dr. Lncinas inzei-ated a criticism of the attempts to solve ' the problem 'of the Indian, but it was Josh Carlos Lag rig.tegui who, with acute clarity, analyzed the question andeevaluated the methods of seIutidn that have -been- applied in Peru. I am paraphra4ng: below the basic •ideas of his won.derful' chapter.-"Lie Indian Problem," in the. Siete Lns:vos de interpretaciOn. de la realidad
peruana, which I have, 'already cited.	.2re sent socio-econoAidexamina-tion of then-Indian question,: he tells. us,- repudietes and diE,,Lua..1.1.fies the various theses- that co.-2-isider the vestior.. from a.,y" el' the. fell-owl-L-,-; uni-
lateral and exclusive criteria; --admi.distrativo,-	:5e.2 c,.	•
educational, and eaclesiastic'.•• The oldest and most -e.Vident. failure belongs
to those who reduce	pro-'ection of -the Indian to a' matte-r ofe ordine.ry
administration: • Spanish :colonial lezisln.tion was vase and wordy; the. • Republic also brouzht :forth elany laws and. decrees and,' nevertheless; the' modern gamonaj like yesterd' y' s- encpmen 'To,- has prospered within the- ' shelter of the. law, Palo-Wing that .th.e writ.c.,en- word was one thing and practice anobher. Failure I., all ',no -evident.'
J.
The supposition that. ti i Indian problem is an ethnic problem rests upon the' most :outworn. reper-. ire .of imperialist ideas,- continues ItiariaL. tegui. The idea• of...inferior races served the White'man 'of the liest 'in his work of expansion and conquest: The "degen ration of t's-e-1 Peruvian t. •
Indian is a cheap invention	.the t...,cksters on the feuda.,- directorate.
The tendency to: consider the India/11 p-roblem as a moral problem is based on an enlightened htirr itarian •liber'-.1isth conceived eight centuries ago, which in Inestern polit.es -inspires an,' guides, "the LeSigueS for the
Rights of Man." .."Gonzh.les	hiriself," writes the 'author whos-e- idea;
I am paraphrasing, "was= not- fret- from .a belief in the moral 'sense •of civilization, hoping that the imp-revement of the Indian- -would '-(!p.at-., 'ebo‘A.-t from the melting, of -the heart of the oppressors." The -"kesccic-CiOn Indigena" (1909-1917) expressed- the same hope . The experiment- has been
given a thorough trial- in Peru end in the res!..;: of the	concludes'
Mariategui. In- Europe the hume.,nitaTian doctrine has riot halted_ nor im:-peded imperialism:. in Europe, nor -1-ias it imoroved its. methods. The .hoPe
..
of an' ecclesiastical solution is= also ':-	d; on reason and :la-locality.;
but today, the hope. of such a solUtion is beyond quest ion	mot-, dis-
credited and anti-historic of, all'. The I.:resent -_rietrch. leaders 'do nc.t concern themselves, as did their ear...y focerenners, with eecurfng a new declaration of the rights of the Indian, 'with ac2.c.:quate offiCials 'and laws, but rather, with entru,ing =the missionary with:the duty' of '
mediating between: the indian and ehe cramonal., me 'work that-'the
Church was not able to carry-out. under a.' medieval.	- continues lvlarittegui, whemits spi-ritut.i. and ,inter.lectual capacity could' be measured by such _friars aseFether 11:as CosaS, could-hardly be eXpected
to prosper today.. The Adven Ast	ssions, in this respect, have-'gone • ahead of the Catholic clergy, whose cloisters daily arouse -fe:Iwer -and -
fewer attempts at evang•elizt ;ion. •	•
The idea that the Indian .prob.lem. is "'m• problem of education does •• not find support, even .according.-to::a strictly pedagogical eriteriOri. The modern teacher 'well *now:, that e.ucation-  is not a mere quo stiOn of • schools and didactiC•methods. In. our 'times-, the socio-economic environ- • ment inexorably.  determines :the • teacher's work. • Gamonalism is fundamen- • tally contrary. to- Indian: ade.cation. To survive, • it must' keep the Indian • iu ignorance and encourage his addiction t0 alcohol. The modern schools, even supposing that we could increase their number in proportion to the rural school population, are incompatible• with the feudal latifundio. •
B-1132-P143-BU
137.
The pedagogical solution,defended by many in perfectly good faith, is now even officially :'ejected.- ilariAtegui concludes by saying that the new ideal is to connect the Indian problem with the problem of the land.
My Ideas on the L.t'eelpts at Solution
Lly own criticism will bezin.by remarks on Maritttegui's criticism. In his eagerness. to emphasize the need for an ecororaic solution, it seems to me that he con emns the other approaches too severely. The economic solution mould fail were it without the support, the backingland the light that can be given to it by those means which he so peremptorily condDmns. TI-_.re can be no economy erthout schools, that is to say, the worker must be shown the way. It will be impossible to solve the land problem without the aid of the legislator and the courts, even i' we should first resort to arms in order to
gain our ends.. The so	attitude, whether benevolent or paternalistic, is not useless; the mistake would be in thinking=; that it
. alone could solve the question, or in allowing ourselves to become the victims of an unproductive sentimentalism. No factor is insignificant; each has a significant contribution to make, indispensable to a complete solution of the problem. Carried away by his enthusiasm, and doubtless wishing to throw off the complacnt prejudices of his environment, viaridtegui is on the point of falling into the error that has victimized the proponents of the other methods, that is, the belief that th(ir procedure is the only one and is sufficient in itself. The evil lies precisely in.adopting this attitude. The proposed protective laws that I hale outlined and many of, the laws now in operation seem to be inspired by the belief that laws can solve the question alone. The infantile complacency of .-the educators who present a pedagogical, pedantic remedy, -in their attempo to solve the Indian problem by means of the alphabet, would be annoying if we did not know their good intentions. Ahd it is not even necessary to give the school the credit that Liarigtegui does, when he says that modern pedagogy, that is the schools of today, founded upon reality, are aware that their fortune must develop side by side with the socio-economic
fate 'of the towns.	'	Even if theoretically such a conviction
should occur to the teacher, in practice the best of• our realistic. and socialized schools 'has not freed itself from the ,cobwebs of pedagogy, nor is it completely free from a certain puerile spirit in considering asocial questions and economic reality.
On the other hand, my critical remarks should begin by recording the restlessness of the present Peruvian generation in regard to the Indian question; the acute, the clear-sighted vision with which they view the problem; the appreciative concensus of opinion concerning traditional Indian values; the conviction, of the invalu.,-able contribution .that'- such native factors can make to feruvian nationalism; the bravery. of those who are fighting for the redemption of the Indian; the unquestionable fervor of the leaders and the prophets, seers, apostles, and builders, all of whom are ready to bring to a happy conclusion the work for the redemption and nationalization of the Indian.' This attitude, this concern, is the most positive guarantee that Peru now offers to the modern Indian. The, work itself, both in methods and execution, is insignificant, fluctuating, and not always as consistent or coordinated as it should be. These defects are to be expected in the present stage. They are not even worth the trouble of criticism. that is important is the active development of ideas, some of which have alreadybben 7)ut to'use. The path will gradually be cleared and the technique become more and more perfect.
B-1132-PJJ
138.
A fundamental criticism may be ;jade of the widespread tendency to continue considering the Indian as an extra-social, clitss. The jurist designs laws that declare the Indian, if not a poor wretch, at least mentalr ly incapable and a social minor; the educators wish to. create a special system of Indian schools, as though the usual country schools were, not good for him; even the economists speak of a cooperative system among the Indians, or for the Indians, as though it had *essentially different features from those that it. shoUld have in dealing-with. others. I sh9uld be the first to recognize the teed for considering the Indian objectively in order to deal with him mere effcctively; we gain nothing by the vagueness ofthe national att,itudelthich assumes that there_ are no, lon,:;er any Indians, that we are all citizens, bUt it is necessary.thatonce and for ail we,
rid ourselves of the remffant	a. ciolonial sense of superiority of the. White ,over the autochthonous race, a myth of the, encomendero of yesterday still spread by western science . for the benefit of the promoter of slavery;: and at the same time it is necessary te tie our. Indianist thought to a higher ,norm, a national one, bearing in mind at all times that each step talcen to .solve the Indian problem, to deal with the Indian, should be a step that leads us to, the common 'ground of an, integrated nationality..
Perhaps Peruvians idealize Indian tradition too much. A genuine Incaic renaissance is not seriously considered by Peruvian intellectuals,
but a somewhat mystic and vague Indian revival does seem to inspire	many of the loaders of thought throughou,t the country. After reading. Uriel Garcia thoroughly, I find myself"in perfect agreement with him, with his interpretation of the future Character of the nation and of
the Peruvian-American man, but the terminology of his essays	already forming a school of thought -r' is not only obscure, but can be deceiving. The "new. Indian" and "neo-Indianism" seem to me unnecessary terms when one'can simply say "Peruvian" or "American" if we desire to generalize, and TAmericanism" when we wish to express everything that contributes to the conversion of our ancient world-r.Indians, Sierra, littoral, and altiplano -- plus bpain's rich contribution to our destiny, into a new world wfiere a new race shall dwell.
B-1132-P145-BTJ
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Preliminary Note
It is necessary to distinguish between the literature which merely deals with the Indian and that which is truly Indi4nist; between that which describes and registers and that which has a normative attitude and an emotional quality; between that which studies the objective and discrete reality and that which endeavors to interpret that reality and to lead it in a course and a direction toward the attainment of a recognized or proposed goal. The Indian literature is abundant and covers four centuries; the Indianist literature is scarce and belongs to the twentieth century. The shelves of libraries are stocked with volumes of historical chronicles, documented history, ethnology, and archaeology, but if one turns one's eyes toward the sociological section, that which treats the Indian as a problem and a promise, of the human reality of the Indian and of his rights, one will see some thin and disarranged volumes whose ambiguous titles are in keeping with the hybrid nature of their contents. Scarcity, dispersion, disorganization--such are the characteristics of the books published in the Indian-American countries which deal with the greatest problem confronting these countries: That of the Indian.
Amidst this general poverty. Peru is the country which offers the most abundant yield. The Mexican publications, though rich in the first category, do not show in the second the integrated feeling and unified vision which those of Peru do, despite the more than three thousand titles which are contained in the Mexican bibliography on our Revolution. This deficiency of Indianist publications in Mexico is explained by the disordered abundance of writings related to our great social movement and also by the fact that there has been no desire to see the problem of the Indian as a specific question which is amenable to special treatment. Withal, Peru and Mexico together are the countries which have produced the greatest number of Indianist books; those of Bolivia could be counted on the fingers of one hand and those of Ecuador and Guatemala together on those of the other; in both cases some fingers might still be left over.
When the captains and the friars arrived in the New World, history was recorded descriptively; the Chronicles depicted the scene. Those of Peru are very rich; in them are the only treatises (and excellent) on the Indian; usually a phenomenological description which is wordy, ingenuous, patient, and wise. Are cannot absolve the friars of the crime of having burned the documents of the Indians, but they have earned many years of indulgence by having written patiently at such length about the Indians. The Chronicles have been and will continue to be the most, abundant source of our information on the Indian. Father Bernabe Cobo, who was in America from 1599 to 1657, wrote the Historia del Nuevo Mundo  (four volumes, edited in Seville by don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, 1890), an indispensable treatise for those who study ancient Peru. Pedro Cieza de Leon preceded Cobo by half a century, the first and second parts of his CrOnica del Peru are fundamental for Prehispanic history; his Guerras  (of Peru and of Quito) have the same importance for the Conquest. Father Acosta (Peru 1569-1583, Jesuit), wrote the most delightful natural
history which I have read (Historia Natural z Moral de las Indias). Garcilaso de la Vega, a direct descendant of the Incas of Cuzco, the greatest of the chroniclers, enriched the world with his Comentarios  Reales. The first part (Lisbon, 1609, Madrid, 1726) is, of all the sources which those first scholars provided, the most abundant and lucid on Inca life.
B-1132-P146-BU
140.
In contrast to the group of chroniclers represented by the four illustrious names which I have just mentioned, are those who revolve about the figure of the famous don Francisco de Toledo, sixth Viceroy of Peru, whom someone has called "the chroniclers of the defamatory school." They are characterized by their eagerness to justify Spain, for which reason they resorted to the expedient of defaming the Inca. Notwithstanding this, there are here three fundamental works on the aborigines which are indispensable to anyone who wishes to arrive at an evaluation of the stupendous enterprise of political construction which the "Colony" was. Sarmiento de Gamboa heads the list of the Toledan group, with his Historia de los Incas, written in 1572 (Berlin, 1906); with him are SolOrzano Pereyra, Poi3tica Indiana, and Juan de Matie.azo, Gobierno del Peru (Buenos Aires, 19107
The phenomenological study of the Indian, from Independence to the present, must be sought in historical treatises, archaeological memoirs, and ethnographic notes. The output was not voluminous during the nineteenth century, and has barely reached abundance and quality in the last twenty years. Yost of the Iriters before the present period do not recall the Indian, perhaps because he disappeared from political terminology when San Martin decreed, in 1821, that henceforth the aborigines were not to be designated as Indians or natives, "inasmuch as they are sons and citizens of Peru, and should be known by the name of Peruvians." The history written in recent years belongs in the category of sociological or interpretive history which, through its very nature, is not so much occupied with the objective reality of the Indian as with his role as amoral entity.
Archaeology and ethnology have much to tell us about the Indian, but publications in these realms do not correspond in volume to the immeasurable wealth of the Peruvian field. Julio C. Tello, the soundest-Peruvian archaeologist, has written numerous studies and memoirs about his investigations. He has an Introduccicim to the ancient history of Peru and, more recent, a small volume, El Perli Antiguo, which organizes the archaeological contribution to Peruvian prehistory and describes the first stage of that prehistory. Max Uhle is German, but his long residence in America makes him a citizen; his investigations are most important and provide data of the highest order for the historian and the sociologist. Peruvian ethnography, apart from what the archaeologists go on elaborating, is in its infancy. Hildebrando Castro Pozo, without attempting it,,has produced the most integrated work to date
(Nuestra Comunidad In.digena, Lima, 1924).- Information on ethnological material is dispersed in a multitude of studies, memoirs, notes, and essays: It is not easy to find.
The historians of this generation, when writing about,the Indian, are
still using the Chronicles. There has not appeared a GonzAlez Suarez, as
in Ecuador, who profits from the harvest of the Chronicles, gathers the
data from archives and Oocuments, and elaborates on the archaeological
reports to produce a fundamental history. The "North American," Means,
has endeavored to do it for Prehispanic Peru; his work "Ancient Civilizations
of the Andes" (New York, 1931) is based on the Chronicles and archaeology;
at present it' is the best rounded work which has been written on the period
it covers.* Horatio Urteaga has just, published El Imnerio Incaico and
Riva Aguero, in his Historia del Peru (1910), says much about Peruvian
antiquity although each of the authors differs in the emotion which
restrains him.
*More recently,- Means has published another volume "The Fall of the Inca -Empire" (New York, 1932), which deals with the Colonial period. He proposes a third volume on the Republic later.
B-1132-P147-BU
141.
The most important modern publications belong not so much to specialists as to interpreters and synthesizers. The works of this kind are based on historical, economic, and ethnological data; they are tinted with national idealism and are preoccupied with patriotic ideas: They respond to a peculiar normative tenooncy rather than to academic specialization, they are subjective reconstructions of a more or less known reality, personal creations; in this sense, works of art, Some of them have a genuine literary quality, others, lacking artifice, unpolished and-even slovenly in language, are nevertheless the production of artists, and there are some which achieve absolute artistic stature because of their method as well as their style and depth. To this type belong the indigenist works, properly called, inasmuch as all which are mentioned previously form part of a-merely informative, documentary, and objective group.
In this class are included the works of Urteaga, who attempts a •
historic 'proof of the cultural unity of ancient Peru and m5kes a human
interpretation of the great empire of the Incas, Luis Valcaricel (Del
ayllu al imnerio, 1925), Carlos Valdez de la Torre (Fvolucion de las
comunidades indip;enas, 1922), Cesar Antonio Ugarte (Bosquejo de la
historf_a economica del Perd, 1926),. and Jose M. Osores (El -1edio y la
legislacic7,71F)177, which trace the traditional indigenous organization
through the Colonial period and the first century of the Republic, and
present the problematic plans for the present. / There are also Jorge Basadre,
Luis Alberto Sanchez, and Jorge Guillermo Leguia, who understand history
in order to formulate national syntheses. Also belonging in this
category are the ideologists of strugg;e, those who propose remedies
and indicate concrete objectives; Gonzalez Prada who definitely with-
draws from colonialism, begins to see Peru, and in it, the Indian. In
this, generation are many who follow and who oppoSe him. Adalberto
Solis considers the agrarian problem (Ante el zoblema agrario peruano)
from a dynamic point of view and Jos Antonio Eacinas,•Rector of the
Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, suffused with a deep and active social
emotion, analyzes the juridical position of the Indian and formulates
a complete program of social reform in his favor. With them are all
the'promising university students, whose doctoral dissertations are
being developed in the field of national sociology and which touch the
problem cf the Indian at every step.
The work of the artists is transcenderit. The new Peruvian literature is colored with Indianism, and the sculptors ofl the period shape the life of the Indians in their discourses. Valcarcel,in Termestad en los Andes, and Enrique Lopez AlbUjar, in Cuentos Andinos, draw the emotion of the sierra with sharp lines. Uriel Garcia (El nuevo indio) finds in the mestizo the new Indian who is "more spirit than' blood", a moral entity rather than an ethnic group, a product of the America which the Indians engendered and the Spaniards for,7ed. Josh Sabogali and Julia Codesido, painters, and Carmen Saco, sculptress and painter, are also among the interpreters of the Indian and are contributing to the creation of a new awareness as well as to a new aesthetics.
Among those of this generation and this group, one outstanding artist remains to be named, Jose Carlos Hari&terrui, a lofty spirit, a brilliant mind, who saw in his short thirty-five years' of life the reality of his country as few have been able to contemplate it: The guardian angels of Peru gave him transcendent eyes and God gave him the pen: What he wrote will not be forgotten for many years. Many of those 'who now write and guide others from their chairs of learning, drank of his spirit; those who are not writing, because they have entered the field of open struggle to make their dream of a new homeland a reality, derive their inspiration in appreciable measure from the noble Limeno.
B-11132-P1.48-BU
142..
Aguilar, Luis F. 1922. 184 PP.	.List :of Works, Consulted			
	Cuestiones Indigenas. Published by "El Comercio," Cuzco,			
				
Basadre, Jorge. Peru: Problema y posibilidad. (Ensayo de una sintesis de la evoluciOn hist6rica del Peril,) Librera Francesa Cientifica, Lima, 1931. 254 pp.
Baudin, Louis. Liempiiesocialiste des-Inka. -Institut dtethndlogie. 'Paris. 294 pp.
Bowman, Isaiah. "The Andes of Southern Peru""(GeOgraphicar reconnaissance along the 73d meridian.) 'Published for the Amer. Geog. Soc. by Henry. Holt and C°1916. 336.pp.-
Castro Pozo, Hildebrando. Nuestra comunidad. indigena, Published by "El Lucer011 of Lima, 1924. 497 pp.
Censo General de la Republica del Peru (1876). ,Lima1.1878. 7 vols. .Tables.
•
Delgado A., Julio M. Folklore y Apuntes Para la Sociologla Indigena. Revista de Education, 110 (1921):133-222.
D'Harcourtl.R. y k. 'La MUSicE2 des Incas et ses Survivances, Paris. 569 pp. Direction General de Ens07,anza Programas analiticos de instruccion primaria,
Lima, 1931. 170 pp.
/	/	/	/
Encinas, Jose Antonio. La educacion; su funcion social en el Peru en el
problema de la nacionalizacion. Lima, 1913. 42 PP._
Encinas, Jose Antonio. Contribution a una legislacin tutelar indigena. (Doctoral dissertation). Universidad Mayor de San Marcos,. Lima, 1918. 109 pp.
Encinas, Jose Antonio. Causas de la Friminalidad indigena en el Peru. Lima, 1919. 109 pp.
'Garcia, J. Uriel. El nuevo indio. Ensayos indianistas sobre la sierra  surperuana. Cuzco, 1930. 230 pp.
Geographical and Statistical Synopsis of Peru (1895-1898). Government Printing.Office, Lima, 1899.
Gonzalez Prada Manuel. Horas de Lucha. Lima.
Irigoyen, Pedro. El Conflicto 2.- el Problema Indigenas. (Articles published
in "El -Comercio" of Lima.) Lima, 1927. 51 pp.	'
Izcue, Elena. El arte peruano en la escuela. Editorial "Excelsior" Paris, 1927. .
Karsten, Rafael. !!The Civilization of South American Indians.". New York,
•
La Sierra. Revista sensual, "Organo de la Juventud renovadora andina." 1927.
Legislation de Trabaj6 y Prevision Social. Comments and annotations by Mariano N. Echegaray y Ram6n Silva S. Lima, 1925. 246 PP.
Lehmann, Walther. Historia del Arte del Antiguo Peru- (Profusely illustrated.)
.	-
B-1132-P149-BTJ
.1926. 540 PP. .
Berlin, 1926. 128 pp.
•	.	-	•	•
Liga de Hacendados. La verdad*en la cuestiOn4n4)gena. (Anonymous pamphlet distributed by the Liga .d6 FaCendadoS-..) Arequipa, 1922. 30 pp.
Luna H. y Roca E. Proyecto de Ley Tutelar del-Indio. (Unedited) Lima, 1928. 70 pp.
••
41arkhamiSir CieMents_Robel	!Th :Incas Of. PerU."- NOW:York, 1910. 443 pp.
Mariategui, Jose Carlos. Siete ensayos.de interpretacion de la realidad
_
peruana. _Biblioteca•Amauta, Lima, 1928.. 264:129. •
Martin, Noel S. Contribution a la Historia de la arquitectura hispano-
americana., Buenos Aires 1926. .181 pp.	•
•
•
Martin, Noel S. Fundamentos Para la estetica national.... Buenos Aires, 238 pp.
Means, Philip Ainsworth. "Ancient Civilizations of the Andes." New• York, 1931. 586 pp.
Ministerio de fnstiiudcin, x.'-racto de Estadntica 6scolar de 1926. Lima, 1928. 36 'pp..
Nordenskibld, Erland. "Comparative Ethnographical Studies." (8 volS. studies on the Indians of South America), Vol. 2. Oxford University Press, England, 1930.
Pareja, Jose Rafael-. Esctelas bard la education del in io. (Unedited) Lima, 1930. 62 pp.
Pastor, Francisco. El Indena del Pert'. Revista de la Universidad de Arequipa. November 1931, pp. 5-29.
Ponce,de Leon, Francisco Sistema de arrendaffiento de terrenos de cultivo en' el departnIllento del Cuzco, i el problema de la distribucion. (Bachelor's dissertation, University of Cuzco, 1917.77 Printed by "El
Trabajo," 1918. 26 pp.	_	_
Prescott, 'William H. "History of the. Conquest of Peru with a Preliminary View of the Civilization of the Incas." :New York; 1847.
Quipus. Monthly, review,. published by. tho,DirecciA de EducaciOn Indigena of the Ministerio de InstrucciOn Publica del Peed. Director, L. E. Gallia. (Publication was begun in October 101; in 1932 it appears as an unofficial publication with Dr. Galvin continuing as Director.) Lima.
Resuman del Censo General de Habitantes del Peri; (1876). Introduction by Manuel A. FuenteS. Government Printing Office: Lima, 1878. 854 pp. Tables.
Revista de Educacidn. Publication *Of the Mlnitterio'dd'In truccion, Lima.
Revista Historica. Publication of the Institut° Historic°• del-Peru, Lima.
Sievers Wilhelm.. GeoPrafia de Bolivia hy Peru (translated from the German).- Barcelona,* 1931.- 221 pp.
•	•	,
Solis Abelardo.Ante el problema •agrario perUano:
,	.
Lima, 1928. 228 pp.
•	_
Stahl; F. A. En el 3c;ais de los Incas. BUen6S. Aires,, no date., 287 ,pp;. B,12,32-P150-BU
144.
Statistical Abstract of Peru, Bureau of Statistics, 1228. La eDiniL
aci	Lima, 1929. 224 Dp.
Toll°, Julio C. Antiguo Peru, edited by the Comision Crganizadora del Segundo Congreso Sudamerica.lo de Turismo. Lima, 1929. 168 pp.
Trimbrol, El colectivismo de los Incas (in German). Published by Anthropos, Vienna.
Ugarte, Cesar Antonio. Boscuejo de la Historia Economica del Peru. Lima, 1926. 214 pp.
•	Uhle, Max. El Ayllu, Congr so de Americanistas. Buenos Aires.
Urteaga, Horacio. El Imp: rio Incaico, with an introduction by Jose de la Riva AgUero. Lima, 1931. 269 pp.
Valearcel, Luis E, Del Ayllu al Iiiinerio. (The socio-political evolution in ancient Peru and other studies. Monograph written in 1916.) Lima, 1925. 202 pp.
Valcarcel Luis E. Tempestad en los			Lima, 1927.
			
Valdez de la Torre, Carlos. .La evolution de las comnidades indigenas. Lima, 1921. 208 pp.
Villar Cordova, Anibal S.	_storia de la educacion peruaria: educacion incaica. Huancayo, 1929. 74 pp.
Vinas y ley, Carmelo. El estatuto del 1---)ro indj/._gena en la colonization espanola. Madrid, 1929. 368 pp.
Whitbeck, R. H. "Economic Geography of South America." New York, 2d edition, 1931.. 430 pp.
nesse, Carlos. Geokrafi'n del Peru. Lima, 3d edition, 1921. 260 pp.
nesse, Carlos. _Historia del Peru (3 vols.). Prohispanico, 6th edition, 1930, 132 pp.; Colonial, 4th edition, 1931, 231 pp.; Independiente, 3d edition, 1930, 283 pp. Lima.
B-1132-P151-NOBU-Final
1111111111111111M111111111118