LAW LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON SEATTLE 5, WASHINGTON UNCLASSIFIED COMMUNIST OFFENSES AGAINST THE INTEGRITY OF EDUCATION, SCIENCE, AND CULTURE cs-3.9 March 30, 1951 This report was compiled from readily available material as of March 15, 1951. Limitations of time prevented a systematic selection and analysis of illustrative data, with a resulting imbalance in some sections of the study. Nothing in the report is to be construed as a statement of US or Departmental policy or as a recommendation of any given policy. documents JUL 26 1967 U. OF W. LIBRARY DEPARTMENT OF STATE Coordinator for Psychological Intelligence OFFICE OF INTELLIGENCE RESEARCH UNCLASSIFIED <3' ' - - UNCLASSIFIED W ThBLE of contents Pgge Abstract..................... . ii I, Introduction .......... 2 II. UoSR5r................... 6 ill. eastern European Satellites'"' . . 79 A. Hungary......................... 79 B. Poland ......................... 95 C. Czechoslovakia ................ 109 D. Rumania . . ........ 131 B. Albania . ........ . 146 P. Bulgaria ...... T . . 153 IV. The Far nast157 . China ♦ »..«•.♦»• 157 B. North. Korea ........ 171 i •^Prepared by the Division of Research for the UBoR and eastern r-uropo ^Prepared by the Division of Research for the Par East -1-  UNCLASSIFIED ii ABSTRACT In the Western world the social order is organized on the principle that the free develepment of the individual toward goals of his own choosing is the fundamental objective of society. The Communist world, on the contrary, postulates as its objective a collective in which the individual performs his appointed function in a society moving inexorably toward a fixed end, Variety of goals for the individual is denied. Out of Marxist doctrine has evolved a militant and extremist philosophy that admits of no compromise with a non-Communist viewpoint. The Communist leadership of the Soviet Union has developed and applied this philosophy through the Communist Party, which has extended it to every field of human endeavor. Educational, scientific, and cultural activities, no less than economic and political, have all been pressed into orthodox patterns with the sole objective of hastening the development toward a communist society. Since World War II the countries of Eastern Europe, as well as China and North Korea, under Communist leadership have been rapidly reoriented away from their traditional social organization — in many countries heavily influenced by Western social and cultural patterns — toward the Soviet goal and model. The instrument in this great effort has in each case been the Communist Party. It has utilized the educational system, all media of communication, all cultural media, and has pressed scientific and intellectual activity into its service in effecting its appointed task. In this milieu there is no place for freedom of speech or thought, fer objective inquiry, for free exchange of ideas with the outside world. In the postwar period the drive in the USSR for ideological orthodoxy in education, the arts, and sciences began in 1946, when the late Politburo member A. A. Zhdanov bitterly denounced "demoralized bourgeois culture and art" for trying to distract intellectuals from the problems of political and social struggle, thereby setting the standards of chauvinism and nationalism which have now engulfed the whole of intellectual life not only in the USSR but to a large extent In the Eastern European countries as well. Zhdanov claimed the Soviet culture, as the reflection of a more advanced social order, had the right to teach others a new ’’all-human morality," Media of Communication, Regimentation of public opinion Is • .9*^.P?. j'h© fundamental features of the monolithic Communist state. Communist theory requires that responsibility for and control of the media of communication must be concentrated in the hands of the Communist Party. Regarding ail social institutions as instruments to gain acceptance of class values and goals, Communist theoreticians consider the various media of communication as "tools" in the Lends of the party, as ’’driving belts" between the leaders and the masses to be utilized in carrying the party line to the people. Press, radio, films, and other information>agencies function not as independent media of public expression but as militant instruments for directing and mobilizing public opinion* The press in all Communist countries is subject to varying degrees ©f censorship and governmental (party) control. The Soviet press is the most tightly controlled in the world* According to Communist ideology, the press is the most powerful and easily controllable tool of propaganda. From the Communist point of view, propaganda is identical with enlightenment, and the press is considered the most important means of raising the cultural — i.e. political — level of the nation, a task which can be performed only by the Communist Party* In spite ©f this strict control, Communists claim that their press is free since it is owned by the people* Since the Communist Party claims that it is the people, freedom of press is therefore qualified to mean conformity~with the interests of the working class and the strengthening of the Socialist system, and is conceivable only within the boundaries delimited by the Party. The Soviet Union has instituted a rigid censorship system both for domestic news and for reports sent abroad by foreign correspondents stationed in the USSR. In addition, the Communist Party places its own carefully trained members in strategic editorial and other positions where they can serve unofficially as censors in the performance of their regular duties* All directives to the.press issue from the Party and control cf compliance is assured by Party surveillance at every organizational level. All of the Eastern European countries, as well as China and north Korea, have adopted the same principles for control of the press. Papers that opposed the new regimes that came into pawer at the end of the war were quickly banned or forced to stop publication because they were not allocated sufficient newsprint, writers and journalists opposing the new governments were intimidated to a p@int where they either gave un their professions or went into exile* These who persisted in the face af threats were seon silenced through persecution* Foreign correspondents have been expelled in several instances for reporting events which put the regimes in an unfavorable light* 2. Bducation. Communist philosophy dictates that education must be looked upon from the point of view of dialectical materialism* As a class instrument, the school in a communist society is responsible for indicating these attributes which will insure the power of the working class and the Communist Party. The new internal orientation of the S©viet Union along the intensly nationalistic and chauvinistic lines’’ of the postwar period has required of the Soviet school a corresponding partisanship in line with official party policy. No attempt is made to foster tolerance or understanding of. the outside world. On the contrary, the entire educational process is- slanted to convince the Soviet student of the superiority and infallibility of the USSR and the corresponding degeneracy of the capitalist world. No methods have beenUNCLASSIFIED spared in this effort. Textbooks have been slanted, history has been revised and "where necessary falsified, procurement and dissemination of educational materials from abroad has been curtailed, and students have not been allowed to study abroad except in’ other Communist countries,, Hermetic isolation from the outside world is a sine qua non of the effort to instil a ^Marxist-Leninist world outlook^ in*the~minds of the young. A comprehensive knowledge of Soviet developments, as interpreted by Soviet authors, is stressed, while foreign literature and history are given only a secondary place in the school curriculum® In the satellite countries great importance is attached to the study of Soviet literature and national life. Russian is almost universally required as a foreign language in the public schools. Student exchanges between these countries and the USSR are encouraged, while exchah£fes-With the,Western countries are.almost entirely cut.off. 3» Science and Learning. Freedom of scholars and scholarly research in the Soviet Union and the other Communist countries of Europe and the Far East has become more and more curtailed as the web of , Communist Party control has been extended. The scholar-,has been-forced not only to indicate his personal adherence to Communism but also to find an ideological basis for his own. research work in the teachings of Marxism. In the USSR freedom of investigation is further limited by the State Secrets' Law, which'makes it a treasonable offense to divulge information of a type that in most Western countries is normally ... published; by government planned research; and by official insistence . ; upon work which has practical value in the national economy® postwar criticism of Soviet scholars* reflected in,the. other.Communist countries, has stressed two related themes — excessive objectivity and internationalism. The objectivity under attack is defined as the preoccupation with technical data, neglect of Marxist-Leninist interpretation of the facts, and failure to make attacks on capitalist,, scientific achievements® ’’Objectivity;1 has been redefined to. mean a Marxist interpretation of the facts. Although much stress is laid on scientific • achievements with a practical application, conformance with Marxist theory and method take priority. This Has been illustrated with unmistakable clarity in the genetics controversy in the Soviet Union., which has had'repercussions in other Communist countries .as w.ellc As in the field of education, „ scientists in these countries have been increasingly isolated from the rest of the world?. Free interchange of scientific and other scholarly journals has boon -greatly curtailed if not altogether stopped, few. -..scholars and other professional people are allowed to go abroad to international congresses, and foreigners are not allowed free"contacts with professional .men.in these'countries, RQligion and Social Organizations® The Communist attitude:UNCLASSIFIED v toward religious stems from the teachings of the founders of .Marxism-Leninism that "religion is the opXum- of the people*" Lenin taught that all contemporary religions and churches were "organs of bourgeois reaction serving to defend the exploitation of the working class*" Religion was therefore anathema to the Communists and has been under attack since they seized power in Russia in 1917, While in principle freedom of religious worship is guaranteed in the Soviet Constitution, as well as in the basic laws of other Communist countries, religious freedom has been steadily encroached upon in all these countries and the activities of Church groups have been under constant attack. In the satellite countries of Eastern Europe the main target of this attack has been the Catholic Church* Catholic officials and church dignitaries have been subjected to severe persecution. In some cases they have been falsely accused of treasonable acts and have been tried before Communist courts, and given severe punishments. The aim in all these moves has been to weaken and eventually eradicate the control and influence of the church in areas where it formerly played an important part in the social life of the country. Culture* Considered from the Marxism point of view as important weapons of political propaganda, the arts have been mobilized in the Soviet Union and other Communist Suates for the task of raising the ideological level of the people and of exposing the survivals of capitalism in Socialist society. Literature, the theater, music, and art have all been directed toward this goal. In the USSR writers and musicians were subjected to an ideological "purge" in the postwar period and were instructed to expose the hypocrisy of bourgeois culture and fight foreign influences in the consciousness of the Soviet people, whs were to be portrayed only in a glorified light. These Party ‘ directives established the criteria that have since penetrated virtually all realms of creative activity and have imposed a complete isolation of Soviet artists from the non-Cvmmunist world. In the European satellite countries as in China and North Korea, cultural activities have played a very important role in consolidating the new ragime.s and in building up a feeling of solidarity ig the Communist world, as well as rousing hostility toward other foreign countries, Friendship societies have been established between these countries and the USSR* Soviet literature and films have been disseminated extensively, frequently where there has been little public interest or demand for them. All other cultural media have been enlisted in the task of spreading Soviet culture.COi ITREET OFFJ.SES AGAINST THE EmT^RITT OF EDUC.JTI'DL , SCIENCE, AND CULTURE ”There is grave peril when government usurps control over the myths of the community , especially since government is now armed with powers more formidable than it ever possessed before. Against these democracy is the only safeguard. It is no infallible safeguard, however, for the people can be beguiled by propaganda along specious paths that lead to the end of democracy, "...two broad precepts have emerged, the full acceptance of which is essential if democracy is to endure. One is that government should never be suffered to impose its controls on the cultural life of the community, to curtail the freedom of men to differ in their faiths and opinions, in their ways of thought and their ways of life, save when in the pursuit of these ways they inflict overt and objectively demonstrable hurt on their fellowmen. The second is a corollary of the first. It is that government should not be entrusted with so exclusive a monoply over the economic-utilitarian system that the implementation of these functions conveys with it the effective indirect domination of the cultural life. For if the life-chances, the very livelihood, of individuals and groups are at the disposition of government, then the particular values and ideologies of the particular government will inevitably become absolute and will inflexibly impose themselves on the whole community crushing its free spirit. Only by vigilant adherence to these two precepts can the peoples remain free and still breathe the life-giving air that comes from beyond the realm of government."1 1 Laclver, R. M., The Jeb of Govermenfc, pp.UNCLASSIFIED Introduction All societies operate within a framework of custom and moral principle which imposes upon their members an ethical concept of the nature of social organization and norms for human behavior. The institutional superstructure based on any given philosophy is so conceived and organized as to explain to the members of the society those moral tenets which guide it and to insure not only acceptance but active participation in reinforcing and safeguarding the given social order. In the Western world the social order is organized on the principle that the free development of the individual toward whatever goals and in whatever manner he conceives to be in his best interests is the fundamental objective of society. The individual is primary and he is limited only by the requirement that he not restrict the liberties of other people to develop. Society, as such, is regarded in the West merely as the result of the voluntary efforts and energies of its individual members. It has no predetermined shape and the state imposes only the few behavior patterns necessary to safeguard the individual. The Communist world outlook, on the contrary, envisages human society as evolving according to a series of scientifically determinable laws toward a definite and inflexible goal — a Communist state. "Marxism-Leninism, the only scientific world outlook, not only explains the universe, not only discloses and formulates the- basic laws of the development of human society, the laws of the transition from one social-econom?c system to another, but shows how, relying on these'laws, capitalism can be destroyed and a new Communist society constructed.'' 1 This philosophy of society postulates as its objective not a society of individuals but a collective in which the individual performs his appointed function as a cog in■the m-chinery running inexorably toward a fixed end. The goal and method having been predetermined, the Communist society endeavors to mould the individual into a "new" man in the image of that goal and according to a set pattern. A variety of individual patterns is, in the Communist view, incompatible with the laws according to which society 1 Kommunistlcheskoye Vospitaniyev Sovetskoi Shkole (Communist Education in the Soviet School), Moscow, 1950, p. 274.supposedly operates. The individual finds his fulfillment only within the prescribed mechanism. Tolerance based on a recognition of .fallibility is abjured for a doctrine of infallibility and the value of variety of goals for the individual is denied. Marxism-!enisism has become in the hands of the Soviet regime a militantly intolerant and extremeist philosophy. The other Communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the Far East have religiously followed the Soviet lead. Under the impact of an increasing sense of world insecurity and a growing urgency to buttress the internal order, Soviet Communism has rewired of its followers at home and abroad a blind adherence or partisanship that admits of no compromise with a non-Communist viewpoint. Compounds-, ed of chauvinism and a nationalism that borders on racism, this partisanship identifies a form of internationalism with Soviet patriotism and teaches tha.t the non-Communist world is an irreconcilable enemy of the UeSR. Its propaganda glorifies the "new Soviet society" as the standard-bearer of culture and pictures the non-Communist world as "rotting,..and in a state of full decline, The characteristic elements of the Soviet Weltanschauung are embodied in the following quotation. The author, censuring those Soviet citizens who are proponents of "internationalism" in the Uestern sense, states:' "Humanism, — they say — is. a higher ideal than patriotism. The interests of humanity, it is said, are higher and more worthwhile than the interests of one’s fatherland .... Science is international, — they say — and therefore, it is said, it makes no difference who, when, and in what country a scientific discovery or a technical invention was made. In the epoch of developing international relations and connections any discovery, it is said, will in the end become the general property of all countries... . "All these 'discourses’ are false sophism, concocted for the hypocritical justification of their lack of ideas, their idealogical-political backwardness and ignorance, and of a hardened individualism, of a forgetting of their duty and responsibility before the Soviet people, the Soviet state, and Soviet science. "The reference to humanism would have some meaning if all states in the world were progressive, peac- ./ Pravda, December $, 1948.4 ’ loving, democratic, and socialistic, if there were no imperialistic states which try to place and do place all, the very greatest, achievements of science and technique in the service of militarism and the preparation of new aggressive and bloody wars, transforming them into instruments for the subjugation of peoples. "This abstract 'humanism’ and 'internationalism' are lies through and through which shroud the fact that the world is divided into two camps: the camp of socialism and democracy and the camp of decaying, dying capitalism and imperialism, In these conditions genuine humanism consists first of all in care about the socialist fatherland /the USSA./, which alone is the embodiment of the ideals of humanism, the bulwark of freedom and democracy, the hope •Qf all leading and progressive mankind....... "In our time it is impossible to be a real humanist and internationalist without being found in the position of Soviet, socialist patriotism > • • • "Soviet patriotism and Soviet national pride are a consciousness of the world historical significance of the successes of the building of socialism in our country for the workers of all countries, a consciousness of the leading role of our country and of our people in the world history of mankind." 1 This Communist partisanship, applied with ever increasing rigor in the Soviet Union and the satellite countries in all fields of human endeavor, constitutes the very antithesis of the philo-ophy underlying the United Nations, Mutual respect for all men and their institutions, international cooperation and interchange of persons and ideas, unrestricted search for objective truth — all these are impossible in a system that preaches "implacable struggle with obsequiousness towards the West and foreign learning," that calls "for a struggle against bourgeois objectivism," that teaches "ideological irreconcinability with the enemies of Marxist theory," and dedicates every endeavor to the task of defending Soviet patriotism,, 1 Vyshinski, P. Ye., "Soviet Patriotism — the Moving Force of the Development of Socialist Society^' in 0 Sovetskom Sotsialist-icheskom Qbshchestvo (Concerning the Soviet Socialist Society), Moscow, 1943, pp. 469-471. 2 Komsomol Pravda, May 25, 1948 and Velikaya Sila Idei Leninizma (The Great Strength of the Ideas of Leninism)/ Moscow, 1950, p.15).This situation is by no means peculiar to the Soviet Union. Increasingly the’Kremlin and its local supporters within siStL'-XlikP countries-are propagating .a, Soviet .superpatriotism which.takes precedence over local national a-llegiance, .6. II. USSR 1, Introduction a. of “the Par"fcy in imposing thought- control. Since World War II the Soviet regime has,developed a severely rigid and comprehensive system of thought control. It has surpassed previous despotic regimes because it has at its disposal all the techniques and agencies that modern science and technology have devised. The Kremlin utilizes these agencies — school, press, radio, motion picture, literature, art, and science — with ruth* lessness and singleness ©f purpose to stamp its rigid mould on the entire cultural and intellectual effort of its citizens. A single agent — the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks of the USSR -« is responsible for designing the ’’new image" and forcing Soviet man into that pattern. This centi’al role is in accord with Communist philosophy which considers all institutions — political, cultural, and economic — as weapons of the dominant class for imposing and perpetuating its rule. The Communist Party, as the Party of the working class, is considered history’s instrument for guiding the inevitable march toward Communismo Speaking in th © name of the working class, this self-ordained group of individuals claims for itself a monopoly of all truth and wisdom, and arrogates to itself the unrestricted authority to impose its will on society. "The highest expression of the leading role of the Party here in the Sovi et Union, in the land cf the dictatorship @f the proletariat, for example, is the fact that not a single important political or organizational question is decided by any soviet or other mass organization without guiding directions from the Party. In this sense it could be said that the dictatorship of the proletariat is in essence the "dictatorship” of its vanguard, the "dictator-shiplr"of its Party, as the main guiding force of the proletariat The Communist Party possesses greater means for effecting its appointed task than any previous messianic agent. Monolithically organized, the Party requires of its members selfless devotion to the cause of Communism and iron discipline and subordination in carrying out policy decisions emanating from the top command — Stalin and the Politburo.1 2 Ostensibly operating under the principle of "democratic centralism," which provides for free discussion of policies by rank and file members prior to final decision at the top, the Party has held neither a Congress nor a Conference since 1939 and 1941 respectively at which Party matters might be aired. Since then not even the form of popular participation in policy-making has been adhered t© and all directives governing the life of the Soviet people have come from the Party high command in the form of Central Committee resolutions, which the lower echelons, unquestioning and without appeal, have carried to the people and made effective throughout the land. 1. Stalin, J. V., "On Problems of Leninism” (1926), Problems of Leninism, Fersign Languages Publishing .House, Moscow, 1940, p. 135* 2. By-Laws of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), 1939.b. Party interpretation of “freedom of opinion and discussiofl.” Xh the Party’s monolitic system of thought control, there is no room for divergence of opinion or free play of ideas„ Predisposed by its philosophy and largely uninhibited by popular will, the Party exercises its tremendous power to seize upon ono of a number of possible interpretations of a set of phenomena and make it dogma* Just as in the operation of so-called ’’democratic centralism” vlthin the Party there can bo no further disevssion once an of'.‘icial view on a subject has been adopted, so in the intellectual field a similar decision pieces a topic in the not-to-be questioned, category until reopened with the Party’s sanction. The post’.nr period has witnessed a steady incr nse of the number of fields of intellectual inquiry in which the Party made dogmatic pronouncements. Basic principles were laid down by the Party in literature, drama, cinematography, music, philosophy, economics, biology, physiology, and other fields. Ho largo area of human endeavor was left free to find its own goals; all have been defined 5n terms of Communist Party policy. Freedom to criticize and engage in a clash of ideas is admissible only within the framework of ’’bolshevik criticism” which aims at ” implanting partisanship, strongthenlug Soviet power, nm.nroving our constructive activity, bettering our economic cadres, .and a mJ ng the working class.” Any criticism which fails to advance Party policy is not tolerated^ Objective consideration of ideas, whatever their intrinsic value, is out of the question, and a large realm of ideas remains closed to unhampered investigation vy the fovict intellectual, as indicated by an editorial in Bolshevik June 1950 (Ho. 11), p. Ils ”It is necessary to struggle with all decisiveness against manifestations of hour.g ois views in science, to unmask hostile ideological views. Soviet scientists do not conduct discussions with obscurantism, with the representatives of bourgeois pseudo—science, but exnose them relentlessly and e:rtirp '-te rotten bourgeois philosophy. " Within this framework the Party has developed a unique pattern of control over the exchange of ideas. The pattern consists of three phases: (l) the discovery of the existence of varaous schools oi thougnt regaromg a certain problem; (2) the intensification of the conflict between the views rather than their reconciliation; and (3) the complete victory of the school of thought which can bo labeled Marxist over the opposing views, which are called capitalist. After one of the schools of thought is found to be ’’correct” the others then become the object of a concerted atte.ck, arc smashed, and brought into line. This was clearly demonstrated in the re- 1. Stalin, J. . , “Against Vulgarization of the Slogan of Self-Criticism,” Pravda. Juno 26, 1928, reprinted in Bolshevistskaya Pechat& OGIZ, Moscow, 1945, vol. 2, p. 20$d Stalin’s italics• 2. Perhaps the clearest expos! n of this pattern was made by Yuri Zhdanov in his letter printed in Pra ia on August 7, 1948: “...in science as^in rolitics principles do not reconcile themselves but conquer; the conflict docs not proceed along a path of concealing, but of exposing contradictions. The attempt to reconcile principles on a basis of practicality and narrow pragmatism, and the underestimation ox the theoretical aspect of the controversy ... ^Tead7 to eclecticism. ...”captation of the world famous geneticist, A. H. Zhebraks ’'So long as our Party recognised both tendencies in Soviet genetics and disputes between those tendencies were viewed as creative discussions of theoretical questions in contemporary science, thereby assisting in the discovery of the truth, I steadfastly defended my views which in part differed from the views of Academician Lysenko, Now that it has become clear to me that the basic postulates of the Michurin tendency ./school/ in Soviet genetics have been approved by the Central Committee of the Communist Party, I 9 -rr as a member of the Party do not consider it possible for me to retain a position that has been recognized as erroneous bv the Central Committee »« It is the Party which initiates the discussions, determines which schooL is ’’correct,” and declares the ’’incorrect” schools to be "bourgeois" and:leads off the attack on them. The ultimate source .of authority within the Party is Stalin; characterization of the leader as the fountainhead of all knowledge has now reached cultist proportions: ’’Comrade Staiin is the greatest Marxist, the greatest Leninist, the brilliant continuer of the great cause of Marx-Engels-Lenin ,,, . All,the most important questions, of scientific socialism, political economy, philosophy, law, governmental, economic, and cultural construction^ ..military affairs, literature, and art have received^the ■ utmost development in the works of Comrade Stalin. ic- Pravda, August 15, 1948. Italics* supplied. 2. Scvi13^ State and Law, No. 4, 1950,. p. 79c ,2. The Educational System a. Subservience to Party policy. The entire educational apparatus in the Soviet Union is absolutelysubordinated to the aims of the Communist Party. The interest of the Party in and the.close control which it exercises over education stem from the contention that the ’’tempo «.» of progress ••• toward communism depends to a significant extent on the quality of the educational work carried out in the Soviet school, family, Komsomol and Pioneer organizations.W1 Communist philosophy dictates that education, like all other facets of Soviet life, must be viewed from the point of view of dialectical materialism. As a class instrument, the school in a socialist society is responsible for inculcating attributes that will insure the power of the working class and its vanguard — the Party — and elicit active devotion in the defense of the socialist st^te, According to the Literary Gazette, September 3, 1949: ”lt is in the school, at the desk, in the first class, that the foundations for a Communist outlook are laid in future Soviet citizenso The country entrusts the school with its .most treasured possession — its children — and no one should be allowed to indulge in the slightest deviation froih the principles of Communist materialistic upbringing of the new generation.” Educational policy in the Soviet Union is dictated by the interests of the socialist state and, therefore, reflects .the course of political developments® As a "mighty weapon in the hands of the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government in the struggle for a Communist society,”2 the school must continuously revise the content of its program to meet the current demands of the regime. The ultimate objective of Soviet schools is not merely "to rear educated persons but to instill the ideology of Communism in the minds of the young generation, shape a Marxist-Leninist 'world outlook and inculcate a spirit of Soviet patriotism and Bolshevik ideas,”5 Pravda of September 1, 1949 defined the. task of the Soviet school in the following terms? "To bring up active fighters for the cause of Communism, well-rounded, educated persons, possessing thorough and firmly-based knowledge — such is the main task of our schools, such is the law of its life. Ail must be subordinated to this task; the process of education, extra- __curricular activities, propaganda among parents, work of the Komsomol and Pioneer organizations in the school." 1, Kommunisticheskoye Voepitaniye v Sovetskoi Shkole (Communist Education Tn the Soviet School), Moscow," 1950, p. 5. . 2, Ibid®, p, 16. 3, Culture and Life, August 31, 1947.10. b. Developing the “active and conscious builder of Communism.” The postwar orientation of the Soviet Union along intensely nationalistic and chauvinistic lines was reflected in the increased stress placed on “partiinost” or partisanship in.the Soviet schools. Pravda stated on October 24, 1946 that “in teaching and training youth, it must never be.forgotten that every, science' and its teaching cannot be separated from the policy of the Party which forms the vital basis of the Soviet State.” The entire edu catipnal process ..was slanted in conformity with the Party line to convince the Soviet student of the superiority, invincibility^ and infallibility of the USSK and the corresponding degeneracy and depravity of the capitalist world. Instruction-for. school children was based on the principles that “Soviet patriotism is indissolubly connected with hatred toward the enemies of the Socialist Fatherland. ’It is impossible to conquer- an enemy without having learned to -. hatp him with all,the might of one’s soul ... «’ Hatred fosters vigilance and irreconcilability toward the enemy and leads to, the destruction of everything that prevents . Soviet, peoples from building a happy life. The teaching of hatred toward the enemies of the toilers enriches the conception of Socialistic humanism by distinguishing it from sugary and hypocritical ’philanthropy’.”! Ho avenue of instruction was left unharnessed in the campaign to inculcate “the Marxist-Leninist world outlook.” Textbooks wore revised to fit. shifts in the Party line and teachers were instructed that all subjects must contain high ideological content. Teachers were told that “the objectivism and apolitical character of the work of ... ^/s"ome of them/ must be resolutely overcome" and that they must ”be guided constantly in ... teaching by the Leninist-Stalinist doctrine of the Party character of science and ideology. (O The inculcation of patriotism. The inculcation of patriotism in the student is^the "first ancTToremost‘tasF”of the Soviet teacher. While the; avowed aim of education is to imbue the youth with ‘’Communist morality,” Soviet theoreticians frankly emphasize that “Soviet” patriotism is the fundamental concept in this system of ethics. i* Malaya Sovetskaya. Kntsiklopediya (Small Soviet Encyclopedia), Vol. II, Moscow, 1947, col» 1045. ' • 2» Pravda, November 17, 1948. 3. The most explicit statement to this effect is-.contained in a-pamphlet Vospitaniye Sovetskogo Patriotizma y Shkolnikov (inculcation of Soviet Patriotism in School -Children), Mos'c.ow7'T949, po 30 i ’’The teacher gives moat attention to the inculcation of Soviet patriotism, as the basic feature of Communist morality. Significantly less attention is. given to the inculcation of other elements of Communist morality.** " 'It is clear from Soviet writings that ’’Soviet patriotism” is nothing more than a narrow nationalism which demands fanatical loyalty to the regime and unmitigated antagonism toward the outside worldc Pride in national acccm-plisnmentsf love of country, and deification of the leader are the primary components oi the myth now being developed in the Soviet Union. This patriot®* ism, combining national self-glorification with'elements of messianism and racial superiority, is reflected in the following reference to the task of educations education in the spirit of Soviet patriotism obligatorily assumes the inculcation in our'people, including the young generation, of. a boundless devotion to the socialist system, to the, Soviet state, to'the Bolshevik party and its leaders. This devotion is based first of'all on a consciousness of the superiority of the Soviet system, on the conviction of its superiority in relation to any other non-Soviet system, on a highly developed feeling of Soviet national pride for our socialist fatherland/’ Taking their cue from thi's directive, teachers must show the priority of Soviet science over bourgeois science and the superiority of Soviet art, literature, and culture over Western arts* Supplementing this approach to the outside ■world, the Soviet teacher must inculcate a love and respect for the Great Russian people themselves, as the leading and most progressive among the nationalities forming the Soviet Union,/ The accent on nationalism and Soviet patriotism are openly revealed in the methodology and content of Soviet pedagogy,, All school subjects are expected to contribute to the inculcation of the Communist world outlook. History, literature, geography are regarded as particularly crucial in this task, but such subjects as physics, chemistry, mathematics must also further the building of ’’fiery patriots.”. The ideological orientation of Soviet school courses is obvious from the following directives to school teacherss ' The study of the history of the USSR has exceptional significance for the'Communist indoctrination of the growing generation. Study of the past of his native country will help the student to understand better what an inestimable significance the achievements of the Socialist Revolution la This theme which borders on racism was given emphasis by Stalin, in hifiL , toast at the banquet in honor of Red Army generals .in May 1945 when he said: ”o«o I drink first of all to the health of the Russian people because it is the most outstanding of all the nations forming a part of the Soviet Union It has earned general recognition in this war as the leading force of the Soviet Union among all the peoples of our country oe. Rravda, May 25, 1945©have® The students will understand, also what a heroic struggle their fathers, end uncles carried on for their freedom® they will clearly perceive how vigilantly it is necessary, to'preserve the conquests cf the Revolution, they will be inspired with the desire to give all their strength in order to continue successfully the cause of their fathers -- the building of a Communist society in the Soviet Un-ion®”^- perception of the groat democratic ideas which form the base of our Constitution rouses in students a feeling of just pride for the victory, won by the people of our country on the front for the liberation cf humanity® This fortifies the belief of youth in its strength and mobilizes him in the struggle for winning;ii,ew victories for Communism ”ln literature.lessons it is indispensable *,« to develop and strengthen criticism of capitalism, to show its bestial face, to inculcate in the pupils a hatred for capitalism, a ^atred calling for an active fight against “The acquaintance of students with the life and work of the great native chemists, with the successes £?•« in applying chemistry to/’’ the economy, achieved under the leadership • cf the Communist Party and the Soviet government — this contributes to the indoctrination of Soviet patriotism in students.”4 “Through the study of biology in the school1 it is necessary to lead the student to an understanding that the organic world, which constitutes part of the material world, develops dialectically and to show in accessible forms for the student, the reaction of idealist teachings in the sphere of biology. It is necessary to show to students that suitable conditions for the development of scientific biology are created only in our country®”5 1« Pedagogika (Pedagogy), Moscow, 1948, p. 98. 2® Ibid,, p. 99. , , Literature in the School, No. 3, 1950, p. ,46. . 4® Pedagogy, op. cit®, p, 95. . 5° Communist Education in the Soviet School, op. cit®, p® 278.• A particularly important part of education in patriotism is centered on the inculcation of absolute faith in the Communist leadership and the Great Russian nation, This is achieved by glorifying leaders of the past, identifying present leaders with those of the past, and coloring history to present the impression of the absolute infallibility of the contemporary leadership and the superiority of Russian culture. The student is taught ’’that the establishment of the country*s economy.and its grandiose uplift in the years of the Stalin Rive-Year Plans was realized under the leadership of the Party,” and instructed to love the Bolshevik Party, beo.au.se the Bolshevik Party and the Soviet government, as Comrade Stalin said, have no ether interest or care beside the people®. .. Great Russian chauvinism pervades the instruction of history, literature, and even language® Obligatory instruction of Russian in the schools for national minorities is predicated on the oft repeated statement that ”th§ Russian language is an instrument of the foremost culture in the world”2 and is instrumental in the development of the minority cultures themselves® Narodnoye Obrazovaniye (Popular Education) No, S, 1950, p, 62, stated that? ’’The Russian language is qf much importance in the development of national cultures. To it belongs the great unifying, cultural—iormative role. The language of the Russian people is also the general language for all peoples inhabiting the territory of the Soviet. Union. This language, unifying the ideology, sicence, techniques, and art of the Soviet Union, is the international language of socialist culture and Soviet statehood. All understand that without a knowledge of the Russian language it is impossible to be a well-rounded educated and cultured man and it is impossible to make use of the rich cultural fund of the Great Russian people?' ine older brother role” of the Great Russians is frequently underscored in Soviet instruction. Teachers Gazette, (No® 33, 1950) lauded a history teacher in Kiev for instructing: """The friendship of the Ukrainian people with the great Russian people .„s is of many centuries duration «», 0 At the most diiiicult moments of its life the Ukrainian people always received help from its elder brother the Russian people,” Gloriiication of Stalin as the leader of genius to whom the Soviet people owes all its success is of paramount importance in the educational process. Teachers are instructed that there is no better means of influencing the development cf school child ren than by using the characterization of Stalin given in his Short Biography? ’’Everyone kn 1927)" in Leninism? Cooperative Publishing Society cf Foreign Workers9 1934-? Vol0 13 pe 336 dits efforts to suppress religion^ were inadequate as long as freedom of religious propaganda, in addition to religious worship, was permitted. Thus when the RSFSR Criminal Code was adopted in 1926 it contained an article (122) making religious instruction to minors in public and private institutions liable to punishment by one year of ’* correctional-labor work.” On April. 8, 1929,-the Soviet regime went a step further and prohibited all religious instruction, whether to adults or minors in any '’governmental public, or private educational institutionan The Soviet Constitution of 1936, while continuing the separation of church and state and promising ’’freedom of religious worship,”- did not provide for freedom of religious propaganda nor^the right to give religions instruction to the young. While the child could receive instruction in the home or by the local clergyman, this could not assume a group 'character without violating the law of April 1929. Although the Soviet government found it expedient during the ’war to alter its absolute hostility toward religious groups and temporarily stop the activities, of. anti-religious organizations, there was no modification of the laws regarding religion. Moreover, since 1947 the Soviet populace has been reminded irbclear and candid terms that the Kremlin loaders, despite the wartime surface change of heart, ane still as relentlessly opposed to religion among the masses as everIn the autumn of 1947 it became evident that anti-religious propaganda among tho members cf the Young Communist League was being.intensified, and shortly thereafter the campaign was extended to the people at large. On October 18-, 1947, Komsomol Pravda. organ of the Komsomol Central Committee, categorically prohibited members of the Young Communist League from cattending church services. It. declared? There are cases in which some of the members of the Party occasionally hinder the thorough development of anti-religious propaganda. If such members of the Party are expelled this is very good since there is no room in the ranks of the Party for such ’Communists’ (Stalin)... « It goes without saying that only the Komsomol can correctly clarify the harm in superstition and religious prejudices, who is free of them himself. A young man cannot be a Komsomol unless he is free of religious convictions lc Decree of January 23, 1918, Gsovski, Vo, Soviet Civil Law. Vol„ II, 1949, Ann Arbor, p. 329* 2® Ugolevnyi Kodeks RSFSR, Kommcntarli (Criminal Code of the RSFSR, Commentary}, Moscow, 1946, pp 167□ 3. Gsovski, V., Soviet Civil Law, Vol„ II, Ann Arbor, 1949, p© 129. 4® Cf. Pravda, June 29, 1948.The attack on religious beliefs of Komsomol members was pushed further in 1948 when the anti-religious drive was extended to the non-Party -population -following tho founding of the Society fqr the Dissemination of Political and Scientific Knowledge, 'An article -in the April 1949 issue of Popular Education, monthly' publication of the Ministry of Education, indicated that a campaign was begun to limit the*only reraining log! moans for giving religious instruction, The article revealed that measures were being taken to deter parents from giving religious instruction to their children at home. It ’//as pointed .out that despite the good services which various church leaders and groups?-rendered to the .defense of the USSR, ’’the policy of the Party and the Soviet authorities in respect to religion remains the same and is directed toward the complete emancipation of the masses from religious influence,” The article stipulated that ’’the basic work” in overcoming • ’’the survivals of religion” would be performed by ’’the teachers while giving instruction in scientific principles,” They were to emphasize that although the Stalin Constitution guaranteed freedom of conscience and permitted religious services it also bestowed upon citizens the right to disseminate anti-religious propaganda. ’’Thereby,” o.t was candidly stated, ’’the Constitution stressed the policy of the Party and the Soviet Government to emancipate the masses from religious influence,” Teachers were also told that they must point out to parents tho ’’inadmissibility of exerting religious influence on the children,”. “The great majority” of religious parents, the article alleged, agreed with school authorities when informed that ”it was not in the parents* interest to cripple, the children morally by placing.them in the position of being brought" up in a home with religious prjudices” while receiving ’’scientific” instruction in the schools, Thtis, obviously, intimidation as well as moral suasion" are being used to extend to the home tho provisions of the April 1929 law against religious propaganda.3* The Cultural Weapon Cultural activities in the Soviet Union were the first in the postwar period to feel the tightening' of political controls that have now engulfed virtually every field of creative and intellectual activity. In a series of decrees, issued by the Party Central Committee in mid~19k6, the role of the Soviet theater, literature, cinema and music in ideological education was defined® Considered from the Marxian viewpoint as important weapons of political propaganda, the arts were directed to devote all their energies to raising the ideological level of the people and to exposing ’’survivals of capitalism" in the socialist society. Collectively known as "the ideological decrees," the pronouncements set the pattern and elaborated the themes which.have characterized each subsequent move of the Party to enforce ideological orthodoxy, Eschewing the philosophy of "art for artrs sake," the Party categorically placed the arts in the forefront of its campaign for ideological orthodoxy. Partisanship was the keynote; cultural activities were described as weapons of the working class and said net "to have any interests or tasks ^ther than the interests of the state and the tasks of educating the people, and the youth particularly, in the spirit of the great ideas of Lenin and Stalin."3- Nationalistic and chauvinistic notes were injected as the Party defined the"interests of the state": the decrees condemned everything "bourgeois" and glorified everything Russian or Soviet® Savagely attacking individuals and institution's for apolitical attitudes, the decrees outlined the "social mission" which henceforth was to permeate all creative endeavor; "The writer cannot trudge along at. the tail of events; he must march in the front ranks of the people, pointing out to them the road of their development. Guided by the method of'socialist realism, studying conscientiously and attentively our reality, striving to penetrate more deeply into the essence of the processes of our development, the writer must educate the people and arm them ideologically ... . This means that our literature and journals must not stand aside from the tasks of contemporary life, but must assist the Party and the people in the education of the young in the spirit of supreme devotion to the Soviet social order, in the spirit of supreme service to the interests of the people."2 In the five years since this directive was laid down, these themes, repeated again and again, have been elaborated and extended as new offenses and deviations have been disclosed and excoriated. Pravda, march 8, 19^0, 1. Pravda, September 11, 19u6 2® Literary Gazette, September 21, I9k6»summarized the position of the arts in the ideological struggle as follows* "Our literature .and arts are developing on the basis of the Lenin-Stalin principle of partisanship. They grow and strengthen in an irreconcilable struggle against the lack of high ideals, against political indifference, and against all and sundry manifestations of the rotting bourgeois ideology. ’’Defending everything that is new, the Soviet workers of arts and literature create works which educate the working people in a spirit of ardent Soviet, patriotism and in a spirit of the great ideas of Lenin and Stalin. Our writers and artists in their works are creating the images of the great leaders and teachers, Lenin and Stalin ... t- This noble creative trust dominates the creative activities of our writers, sculptors, painters, ano actors.” a, -Party control of literature. The process of turning the arts into “militant'n_weapons for disseminating Party doctrine began with the decree of the All-Union Central Committee on August 14, 1946, discussing the literary journals Zve&da and Leningrad and which subsequently was elaborated in a speech by the late .Politburo member, A. Zhdanov. This speech represents one of the important pronouncements on culture to come out of the Soviet Union in many years. Together with the several resolutions on ideology, the statement is regarded in the Soviet* Union today as the authoritative guide in the shaping of policy and practice in all cultural departments. Zhdanov made several noteworthy points in defining the new orientation for literary workers and outlining the functions of the Soviet intelligentsia. He stressed that the work of Soviet artists must be subordinated to the policies of the Party by concentrating on well-defined subject matter which would show the Soviet Union and its people only in a glorified light. In discharging their tasks, Zhdanov said, writers must raise their ideological standards by a “profound study of Marxism-Leninism” and by incorporating its principles into their works, He placed upon Soviet artists the responsibility of exposing the venality and hypocrisy of bourgeois culture and fighting foreign influences in the consciousness of the Soviet people. Zhdanov clearly described the role of literature as a political weapon for educating the masses. "Literature must become Party,” he declared, “Down with non-Party writers! Down with supermen writers’ The literary cause must become part of the general proletarian cause ... . * Leninism proceeds from the fact that our literature cannot be politically indifferent, cannot be ’art for art’s sake.’ On the contrary, it is called upon to play an important leading role in social life.” He established the criterion of intolerance and nationalistic chauvinism that has penetrated virtually all realms of creative activity and imposed a complete isolation of Soviet artists from the outside world. Zhdanov bitterly denounced bourgeois culture and art, which he sard was “putrid and baneful in its moral foundations” and was trying to “divert the attention of the advanced strata of society from acute questions of the political and social struggle and to shift the attention into the channel of vulgar and ideologically empty literature and art* crowded with gangsters, chorus girls$ praise of adultery, and the affairs of adventurers and rogues of every kind.” Characterizing Soviet culture as many times higher thanbourgeois culture, he injected the messianic note that the former ’’had the right to teach others this new universal morality.” Ke censured writers in Leningrad for having strayed into ’’non-political channels, deprived of ideology and principle” and for having lost the ’’sense of responsibility to their people, state and Party.” He ended his speech'on a strong note of national self-glorification: ”... we, who represent the new socialist order, the embodiment of all that is best in the history of human civilization and culture, are all the more entitled to create the most advanced literature in the world, which will leave far behind the best models of creative genius of former times.” Consonant with these pronouncements, the x'arty took stringent measures to bring Soviet writers into line and to maintain constant surveillance over them. In its resolution on the literary magazines Zvezda and Leningrad the Central Committee of the Party criticized the editors of both magazines for ignoring the fundamental ,rule that any Soviet publications must be guided by the’’policy of the Soviet order”; they broke this rule by publishing the works of two authors, Akhmatova nd Zoshchenko, whose influence was regarded by the Central Committee as highly pernicious. The penalities imposed by i the Central Committee were heavy? both editors were removed, and publication of beningrad stopped. The Leningrad City Party Committee was censured for having confirmed a new editorial staff that included the excoriated Zoshchenk®, The newspaper Leningrad Pravds, was taken to task for having published in July a review favorable ¥0 Zoshchenko. In order to tighten control over Zvezda, a new editor, the deputy Chief of the Party’s Propaganda and Agitation Adminietrati n, was appointed by the Central Committee. Akhmatova and Zoshchenko were among the most prominent literary figures in the Soviet Union. The flaying they received at the hands ©f Party theoreticians spelled the doom of creative originality in the Soviet Union and revealed the extent to which the rarty » • acknowledgment of the justice of the criticism directed against his opera. The favorite whipping, boy of Soviet critics has become Prokofieff, however, not Muradeli, He is the only one of the criticized composers who is not a product of the Soviet regimen He. left the USSR during the Revolution and returned in 1933 to become a ’’Soviet composer^" In February 1948 Prokofieff wrote: "It is hard for me to realize that I was among those who express a formalistic trend© I understand that this decision will ' provide a resolute turning point in Soviet musical art® I am now'working on a new opera JThe Tale of a Real Man©’ It is dedicated to a heroic Soviet' pilot© In this opera o©o I shall draw upon our folk melodies."^ This new opera was also attacked© The Soviet critics said it showed that Prokofieff had "not learned anything.” On:December 30, 1948 Prokofieff, ill at home, issued another confession saying he was sorry that "bourgeois formalism" had not been eliminated from his art®3 1® Pravda, April 23, 1948 c • 20 TASS, Soviet Monitor, February 1G,:1948« London, No.® 9357© 30 New York Times, December 30, 1948® *. 'The meeting cf the Union of Soviet Composers, which took place December 21-27, 1948 showed the effect of the purge which followed the decree,, hew composers appeared, most of them little known even to the Soviet people. Many new compositions bore such titles as The Flag Above the Vi 1 lag e 'So vi et, C antata About the Fath erland, a So ng About Stalin, et c ® Still the newspaper Sovetskoye Iskusstvo (Soviet Art) comp lained on • February 5, 1949, that ^compositions are still lacking in our repertoire which reveal a full-scale image of the great Lenin and Stalin®" Certain fragments of the new works of composers under criticism were described as showing '‘improvement" and a "oc.0 striving to get on tho path of creative realism/’ but the meeting decided that "the creative reconstruction of these composers is proceeding slowly" and that their' compositions still contain Certain "formalistic elements®" Khrennikov, who had replaced Khachaturyan as secretary-general of the Union of Composers, expounded the program of musical development adopted at the-meeting. This program called for greater utilization of indigenous folk music, creation of "melodic compositions," resurgence of choral singing (as "typically Russian"), and elimination cf music critics who upheld "modern" Western ideals in music® Khrennikov declared'the, willingness of the composers to follow the dictates of the Party, "to continue to struggle against currents ideologically hostile to Soviet art/‘\ By 1949 the campaign against the composers had been reduced to mere policing operations, whereas the attack on the music critics (which was part of a general, campaign against all types of critics) reached a new intensity® . , The campaign against music critics, got under way as early as March 1948, when a book entitled Soviet Musical Culture2 by Igor Seize., musicologist of the Moscow Conservatory, was attacked in Prayda, Manc-h 26. 1948, by David Zaslavsky® Belza !s treatment of Shostako vi.ch’ s latest works, as well as that of other composers under attack, was considered too lenient for the bastes of the moment® Belza emphasized that, owing to the watchfulness of the Party, like everything else in.the USSR, Soviet music was flourishing® Zaslavsky countered these•statements: .Soviet, music was not flourishing, it was rotting away? the Party was hard at work cleansing it® Belza"was a "diligent defender of unpatriotic art®" His yardstick was world fame. This there was fully developed as-time passed, in attacks on music, literary, drama, and motion picture critics® . Singled outwere those who at one time or another in the past had praised the artists who are currently under attack by the Party® . • ■ ■ . * A treatise entitled General History of Musical Culture, by R® Gruber, was taken to task for errors~ln principle/’’ The book, according to Khrennikov, "blindly upheld /the work of/ the Western European bourgeois 2 I® Culture and Life, February 21, 1948 v c Igor Belza, Sovetskaya Muz vital ns. ya Kultura (Soviet Musical Culture), Moscow-Leningrad, 1947®teachers” and '’completely ignored the contribution of Slavonic culture and the culture of the peoples of the Trans-Caucasus and Central Asia,”! The critic* Ogolevets. was castigated for liking Stravinsky. Others had the misfortune of authoring textbooks and articles which did not conform to the present viewpoint* As late as March 1950 reverberations of the campaign against the music critics were still being heard. Soviet Art , March 25, 1950, p. 1, commenting on a recent All-Union Session on Musicology warned: ’’The instructions of the-Party on ideological questions, the unmasking of formalism, the fight against any manifestations of cosmopolitanism in musicology -— all this armed Soviet historians end theoreticians of music, taught them to recognize hostile influences under whatever mask they might hide, and cleared the path for the development of a real truly Marxist science of musicv ’ . "Up to now the vicious and long condemned ’theory’ of the separation of science from criticism has still not actually been outlived^ Some musicologists still limit their creative activity to the study of the music of remote ages or at best of the nineteenth century and only a few of them work in the field of Soviet music. Unquestionably this is one of the main causes of the general backwardness and weakness of Soviet musicology,, It is necessary to attain a situation wherein the basic field of research for historians and theoreticians is Soviet music, Soviet musical culture, problems of the socialistic esthetics of the art of music,.” (2) Art, -while no single artists or other art workers have been subjected to Party Central Committee censure by name, and while official grumblings have been limited to general complaints, Soviet artists nevertheless have felt the impact of the ideological decrees. The tendency to chauvinism characteristic of the early decrees was applied to art in a Pravda statement on June 27, 1957:, ”We may say with confidence that the "center of artistic culture of the world has now moved to Moscow. From here mankind receives the art of the most advanced thought of great feelings, of higher morality and noteworthy artistry.” On August 11, 1947, a Pravda editorial attacked followers of Picasso, Matisse, and other "cubists /'deriding their claims to "leftist" art. In late February 1948 a special meeting of the Presidium of the Organization Committee of the Soviet Painters Union ’was convened and found that the artists were committing the same kind of errors as the musicians3 ’’Cosmopolitans” among Soviet 1. Culture and Life, February 20, 1949.architects were censured in Culture and Life on March 22, 1949, and impressionism was condemned as ^pernicious7* in the same newspaper, Wo, 30 1949.x In 1950 the president of the Academy of Arts of the USSR A, Gerasimov speaking at a session of the Academy, declared: the task of Soviet pictorial arts, artists, and the Academy of Arts of the USSR, which is essentially a scientific and creative center of the socialist state, is not only to defend Soviet painting, sculpture, and drawing, our art criticism and our art schools from the penetration cf decadent bourgeois influences, but also to make 8 bold attack on reactionary bourgeois art,"^ Soviet artists, along with the other workers in the rest of the country’ cultural apparatus are under pressure, to arm themselves with the teachings of the works of Marxism-Leninism on art, and art education as a whole has been ordered to purge itself of everything that would impede the ideological development of young artists, ’’especially eoo such features hostile to /°u£/ philosophy as kowtowing to the bourgeois West and such views inimical to ourselves as cosmopolitanism and bourgeois nationalisme”^ Artistic freedom whether it be in literature, music, the drama, or painting, is therefore circumscribed by the Party controls enumerated aboveo The Soviet attitude toward, artistic freedom is revealed in a curious piece of logic published, in Culture and Life on March 11, 1947: ’’The partisanship of Soviet literature not only does not limit real freedom of art; on the contrary, only it really .guarantees true freedom for the artist« Only that artist is free in his creation who is versed in the laws of the historical development of society and who with all his heart is devoted to his people, to the Communist Party, and to the Socialist Society,,” As the masters of the Kremlin see it, only Soviet Marxists are or can be free ec Soviet Resistance to American Overtures for Cultural Exchange The imposition of thought controls at home has been accompanied by passive and, since the passage of the State Secrets Act in June 1947, even active discouragement of cultural relations between Soviet citizens aud io io Several artists, emong them Yablonskaya, ’were criticized for allowing impressionism to influence their works. On February. 11, 1950 Yablonskaya recanted for '’formalism” in her painting. Culture and Life, February 11, 1950o ’ ““ 2* Soviet Art, No, 8, February 1950® 3<» Ibidpeoples abroad* From the end of the war until mid-1947, the Soviet authorities treated American overtures to establish cultural interchange with obvious coolness, delaying acknowledgment of notes- offering various specious excuses for their inability to respond favorably to American proposals, or completely failing to respond. French and British cultural relations with the Soviet Union.have been similarly unproductive• In October 1945, shortly after the termination of hostilities, the UsSe Department of State manifested its interest in establishing a firm basis for postwar cultural relations with the U.3.SoRo It informed the Embassy at Moscow that the UeS. Government would be interested in knowing the earliest practical date at which the Soviet Union would consider sending the Red Army Chorus or other similar groups to the United States for a tour, possibly in exchange for a visit to the Soviet Union of similar United States groups/ It also expressed the interest of the United States Government in instituting an exchange of ballet groups, theater groups, and orchestras and of holding reciprocal exhibits of art, architecture, and handicraft as means of increasing the mutual understanding of the Soviet and American people* Shortly thereafter, on November 13, 1945, Ambassador Harriman imorined Deputy Foreign Minister. Vyshinsky that the State Department would appreciate a .frank discussion of the possibilities of student exchange and asked the Soviet 'Government whether it had any objection in principle to starting such an exchange in the 1946—47 academic year, A reply was never received t o thi s c vert ure« In 1946 there were a number of offers on the part cf various interested groups and individuals .who hoped to establish cultural interchange with the Soviet Union. The United States Office of Education on behalf of an American university sought to obtain a Soviet professor to lecture on Soviet education for a year, but VOKS, through which the request was made, did not responds Texas, Amherst, and Columbia, among other institutions, were interested in offering tuition scholarships to Soviet- students; the American Council of Learned Societies was interested in sending ten or twelve professors and research workers to the USSR; the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Princeton, among others, expressed their desire t© exchange scientific personnel. Nothing materialized,, An invitation tendered Eugene Mravinsky, of the Leningrad Philharmonic, to bo a guest of the Boston Symphony in Boston on one of several dates kept open for him in October, November, or December was unanswered. In May and again in July 1946, Sergei Koussevitsky and the members -of the Boston Symphony offered to travel to the Soviet Union foi- two weeks in September at their own expense and give a series of performances, the proceeds to be used for whatever local benefits the Soviet Government might select® This offer-was not acknowledged® In August 1943 the Soviet Ministry of Health failed to respond to the proposal of Dr® E. Do Young, representative of Russian War Relief, to provide the Soviet Government with a complete penicillin plant and to work out a mutual exchange of scientists, particularly in the medical field.Following her visit to the Soviet Union, at the invitation of the Soviet Government, Mrs 0 la Fell Dickinson, president of the General ■ Federation of Women’s Clubs in the United States, offered a scholarship to a Soviet girl student, but the Soviet Union failed to display any interest« In July 1946 Mr © 4® Co Ropes and Dr a Lorwin of the Department of Commerce discussed with the. Soviet .Ministry of Higher Education .proposals whicn Cornexl University had submitted for accepting four Soviet students to engage In graduate work and give instruction in the Russian language* The university did not insist upon any reciprocal arrangement,, Failing to elicit any response, Cornell found it necessary^ to abandon the project in Novembere On January 29, 194.7, A, Samarin, Deputy Minister of Higher Education, announced that the Ministry regarded the proposal'favorably but Could not realize its. execution during the current 1946-47 year. He did not suggest that the invitation might be accepted for the next academic year nor did.Soviet authorities even refer to the matter again, A Soviet ballet company 'was invited through VOKS to participate in the International Dance Spring Festival which was held in New" York City in 1947 and then to go on tour, but nothing developed. Certain Soviet institutions were approved under the G® I« Bill of Rights in the hone that American veterans might study in the UsSoS®R, It was impossible/however, to make arrangements for their admittance^ Ihere ~were additional propos als similar to the foregoing, all of which met with the same lack of response from the Soviet Union, • Tnrough ?946, despite the general recalcitrance of the Kremlin in effecting any cultural interchange, some persons did visit the Soviet Uni©nc while a few.Soviet scientists and writers traveled in the United States* The Soviet authorities cordially received playwright Lillian Heilman; John Strohm, president of the Association of United States Agricultural Publications; Edwin Sc Smith/, President of the National Council of American-Soviet .Friendshipj and scientists, including Professors Shapley, of Harvard, Langmuir, of Goner©x Electric, and McBain, of Stanford, who were invited to the 220th anniversary of the Russian Academy of Sciences, The scientists were invited to deliver reports to the Academy, and all visitors were granted extensive latitude in their sight-seeing* However, this spasmodic hospitality, extended also to a few additional oersons not mentioned abqvo, was noc long continued© The following year visas were denied to such distinguished applicants as Dr, George Schadt, Director of the New England Laboratories, who was interested in an interchange of information on clinical pathology; Reeves Lewenthal, representative of the Associated Anericau •ii tist s, who sought to acquire firsthand 5 nformation, about Soviet art; Dpj Elliott Pc Joslin^ world-famous Boston diabetes specialist! and others* . - . ■ ■ • ■ . .;■■■■ ‘ • During the war period American industry had opened wide its portals to Soviet engineers, technicians, apd soholarse This continued in 1946, when leaoing industrial plants and radio corporations provided the limited number of y'oung soviet technicians whom the Soviet Government permitted to visit40, the United States with technical training in machine tooling and radio manufacture^ and some 15 Russian students working for the Ministry of Foreign Trade continued to obtain technical instruction at Columbia University® In 1946 a group of °oviet astronomers, headed by Professor A® A® Mikhailov, Chairman of the Astronomy Council of the Sonnet Academy of Sciences, spent six months in the United States, where they were familiarized with the latest astronomical instruments and research projects in astronomy® For a ten weeks’ period in the early summer of 1946 the prominent Soviet writers, Ilya Bhrenburg, Major Genei’al Galaktionov, and Konstantin Simonov toured the United States as guests of the Department of Statec During their visit they attended the convention of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, which they were invited to address? In a farewell article Ehrenburg, who has frequently attacked the United States in full accordance with the approved Party line, acknowledged the freedom of movement afforded him® He wrote* ,FVt/hen I traveled through the United States I was accompanied by representatives of the State Department, and I not only do not complain about any restriction of freedom, but 1 am sincerely thankful for the attention shown to In November-December 1946, on the invitation of Dr, Thomas Parran.® Surgeon General of the Uo Se Public Health Service, four prominent Soviet doctors, including the eminent Dr0 Vasili Y# Parin, then Secretary General of the Soviet Academy of Medical Sciences, made an extensive inspection tour of United States hospitals and 12 cancer research centers and were shown all the latest scientific developments® By this time, however, the Soviet Government apparently began to look with suspicion upon those having contacts with the free world® Upon his return to Moscow Dr? Parin apparently vanished® Then, possibly as a sequel, the Soviet Minister of Health was dismissed shortly thereafter® , The American Council of Learned Societies, interested in establishing cultural exchange with the Soviet Union and deciding that perhaps a direct approach rather than one through the normal diplomatic channels might be more successful, sent Professor Ernest J, Simmons of Columbia University to Moscow in the summer of 1947« He carried specific proposals concerning cultural exchange® Although the specific proposals which Professor Simons presented offered the UffS®S®Ho greater benefits than were asked in return, he encountered an utter lack of response,. delaying tactics, and outright refusals based upon obviously trivial excuses® Professor Simmons proffered five definite invitations from major universities for Soviet professors of Russian literature and culture, Soviet economics, Soviet jurisprudence, international relations, and Russian history to deliver courses, four in English and one in Russian® An American Embassy ai de-mimoire dealing with these invitations of Columbia^ Yale, Chicago, and Washington Universities was acknowledged but was never satisfactorily answered® 1. New York Times, June 2 6, 194 6Not only was Professor Simmons met with official coolness, and his proposals in effect ignored, but soon after his return to the United States Soviet officialdom deemed it opportune to launch a personal attack on him for his Outline of Modern Russian Literature» In Izvestiya of October 19, Miss To Motyleva termed him 'Rthe learned servant of the ’Yellow Devilc1" (Gorky’s name for the "all powerful" dollar)® This personal attack was undoubtedly the answer to the proposals submitted by Professor Simmons on behalf of the American Council of Learned Societies, Even the cold reception encountered by Dr» Simmons did not stem the flow of proposals from private Institutions. A Soviet delegation was invited to a convention of military surgeons held in Boston/ but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced in November 1947 that those invited would be "unable to attend9" Invitations extended to either the Moscow or Leningrad Ballet and the Moiseyev dance ensemble to participate in an International Dance Festival In the United States in the spring of 1943 elicited no response® In January 1949 Professor Shapley of Harvard submitted a request, which did not bear any fruit, tc the Soviet Ambassador in Washington, for Dr® Ambarzumian, distinguished Soviet astro-physicist, to present a series of lectures at Chicago and Princeton Universities. He also asserted that Harvard would welcome a visit by Dr» Kukarkin or Dr, Parengago of the Sternberg Astronomical Institute in Moscow, and that M«I »T* and Princeton would be pleased to have Professors Alexandrov, Pontrijagin, or others to confer with American mathematicians on specific mathematical problems, and that various universities were interested, in having as guest lecturers in mathematics any one of half a dozen distinguished Soviet mathematicians, such as Professors Komogcrov, Vinogradov, Golfand, Markov, Pontrijagin, Alexandrov, Khintchine, and Kuroschc Several of those invited bad been highly honored by their fellow scientists in the United States* Although the anti-American propaganda campaign had been increasing in momentum during 1947, and although the State Secrets Act of June 1947, a supplementary decree of December 1947, and press attacks upon scientists maintaining Western contacts were indicative of a new Soviet line toward the question of cultural relations with the United States, it was not until early 1943 that the American proposals were vehemently attacked on the ground that they concealed ulterior and evil motives, A Soviet Professor Bernstein bitterly denounced the Institute of International Education of New York and its director, Stephen E’uggan,^ Obviously with official approval, Bernstein described the organization as a "monopoly American institution for international pedagogic relations, for training legal ’pedagogic’ spies and informers, and for establishing an ’Ann rican column’ in every country," la Uchitelskaya Gazeta (Teachers Gazette), January 31, 1948c42. The apprehensiveness regarding espionage which Soviet propaganda had impressed upon the consciousness of Soviet citizens was revealed in Professor Bernstein’s charge of malicious intent in the fact that ’’students sent abroad by the Institute of International Education are advised not to confine themselves to their academic pursuits, but to study the cultural, political and social life of the country to which they are sent, make friends with the local students and visit their homes, and establish friendly relations with the population,” This article placed Soviet actions of the previous three years in proper focus* It verified what seasoned observers of Soviet society had known to be the underlying cause of Soviet coolness to suggestions for cultural exchanges? i»e», feelings of inferiority, lack of confidence that Soviet ideas and ways of life would withstand competition with the capitalist world, and stemming from these, suspicions that Americans intended eventually to undermine the Soviet system,, Professor Bernstein’s views were only a logical development in the increasingly chauvinistic and xenophobic path taken by the Kremlin! The State Secrets Act of June 1947.had provided severe penalties for Soviet citizens divulging information which is regarded in other countries as normal data for publication and free dissemination# , The decree promulgated in December 1947 forbade any Soviet institution other than the Ministry of Foreign Affaihs and the Ministry of Foreign Trade to have any relations with representatives of foreign stateso ' Since 1948 there has been virtually no contact between Soviet and American cultural workers, Brief appearances in this country of A, Fadayev and Shostakovich in March 1949 served only tc emphasize the controls which the Soviet Government exercises over its nationals abroad? entry of Western artists into the Soviet Union is granted only to that small coterie of sympathizers whose political views are acceptable to the Party arbiters#V. Qonti^^J^onc.^^ Thu freedom of scholars and scholarly research in the Soviet Union, as in every other field of human endeavor, has become more and more curtailed as the web of Party control has been extended0 With the increasing emphasis on ideological conformity the scholar has been forced not only to indicate his personal adherence to Communism but to find the ideological basis for his own research work in the teachings of Marxisma Besides these limitations, the government puts other obstacles in the path of the scientist* His freedom of investigation is greatly restricted by the State Secrets law, by government planned research and by official insistence upon work which has practical value in the national economy. ’’Partiinost,” is the guiding principle which determines the activities of learned work. This principle, as it applies to the. scientific field, was defined in a statement from Fravda, December 17, 1949s ’’Soviet science is permeated with a spirit of partisanship. It Is developing most of all In these directions which are indicated as the most urgent by the vanguard of the Soviet people — the Communist Party and our groat leader, Comrade Stalin® The principle of partisanship defines the very content of the sciences, their program, and their important trends.” Further elaboration of this principle was given by A. Va Topchiyev, Main Scientific Secretary of the USSR Academy of Sciences? ’’The Soviet scientist must remember that ho labors not simply to develop spiritual culture in general” ~~ such culture does not exist — but to develop the socialist, Communist culture. This means that in his creative activity he proceeds from the principles of the Marxist-Leninist world outlook and fights implacably all manifestations and survivals of the corrupt bourgeois ideology. This means that the Soviet scientist sees clearly the irreconcilable opposition.between socialist and bourgeois culture and relies upon the Bolshevik Party approach in science, thrusting aside the , reactionary tendencies of the professorial lackeys of imperialism.” Not only does the Party make ideological demands upon Soviet scholars, but It also further limits the field of learned investigation to work which has practical application in the national economy. ’’Pure” research is becoming increasingly impossible. nTo be guided by the spirit of the Bolshevik Party approach means first of all to strive to embody scientific achievements in socialist practice, to arm the people with the achievements l0 Pravda August 25, 1949of science in its struggle for Communism, This is why Soviet scientists sharply criticize those who regard' practical z assistance to the socialist economy as. something secondary.” Z-J This principle finds its .origin in a 1935 statement of Stalin: ’’Science which,has lost touch with practice and with experience — what kind of science:is this?” 2/ The dilemma for the Soviet scholar lies in cases where work of proved practical value.may not be compatible with Marxist theory and method, and where he must either abandon the work or attempt'so to exag -crate its practical value.that its theoretical and methodological. values and implications may be disregarded. Scientific research in the USSR is influenced by two factors'not existing to a comparable degree in non-Soviet countries: control by the Communist Party, combined with governmental organization of scientific training and research., The first influence is the more distinctive and exists in virtually no other country. The' second exists in varying degrees in other countries but is more potentially harmful to science in tho USSR because of the interlocking relationship of Party and state which permits the imposition of Party pressure upon scientists through organizational channels,, - ' . ■■■ The work of Soviet scientists and scientific institutions has been an-object of Party surveillance since 1917 but has been scrutinized more closely since World War II than ever before. Party organizations established in ovary scientific institution are required to introduce measures to raise tho scientific productivity of the institution and also to control and chock the ideological beliefs of the scientists. Party control has become so intensive that a Party-approved scientific theory can be postulated as dogma for all scientists and any opposition severely castigated. The most striking manifestation of this tendency is in the field of genetics, whore only work- conforming to the theories and methods of T. Lysenko is now acceptable to the Party’s Central Committee, although the social sciences have long suffered’under the' dead weight of Soviet Marxism. The impact of the genetics purge is being felt in other sciences, narrowing the freedom of scientific investigation and retarding the advance of scientific research in tho USSR. Preoccupation with the necessity of linking theory and practice received considerable emphasis in 1949? and several bodies existing in the government and in the Academy .of Sciences are charged with the- task of introducing new technical advances into tho economy. This is a problem not only of the natural scientists but also of tho social scientists. Tho Ibid. Stalin, Voprosy Lon ini zma (Questions of Leninism), 11th cd., Moscow, 1945, p. 502* ' *Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences repeatedly was subjected to criticism during 194-9 for failure to produce a definitive work on the political economy of socialism which would bridge the gap between Marxist theory end Soviet practice9 ’’The basic fault in' the scientific work of the Institute of Economics Is that the institute has los t contact with son* nl t at construction and with the Important economic 'and political tasks of the Party and Soviet governments, The Institute is feebly conducting' studios of the Soviet economy and also the economies and politics of Impotialist countries and is hot shewing sufficient initiative in the posing and working out of actual economic problems«, 9 - _ _ *• , ’’The duty of scientific workers-ecenqmists' is to create, in the light of Loninis t-S tai inis t economic theory*, valuable works which-generalize on the most fruitful success for the achievement of Communism in the' USSR,”!/ a« IroPty criticism, Increasing concern over' the output of scientific institutions and the political thinking of scientists has been evident since the end of the war? In a pre-election speech nublished on February 10, 1946, Stalin stressed tho task of Soviet scientists ’’not only to attain but to surpass as soon as possible the attainments of science beyond the borders of our country,” The shortcomings of various institutes, the requirement that every scientist practice Marxism in his work, and the need for control by the Party wore discussed in a Pravda editorial on-August 12, 194-6, with tho beginning of the new campaign to roimpose orthodoxy in all fieldst ’’Party organizations are ordered to see to it persistently that each scientific Institution achieves ’the level of the now demands, keeps in step with life, solves the more repi-problems that are advanced by the gove nment, and cooperates in the scientific and technical advancement of the country, ”..h The most important place in the work of Party organisations must be coupled by the Marxist-Leninist education of scientific cadres. ’,,,there is one'branch of science the knowledge of which is compulsory for Bolsheviks of all branches of science — the Marxist-Leninist science of society, of the laws of the development of society, of- the laws of tho development of tho proletarian revolution, of tho .laws of the development of socialist construction, of tho victory of communisme ’ /stalin’s report to Eighteenth Party . Congress In 1939^/z - ' . " '* v ’’Party organization must have. a comprehensive knowledge of tho situation In scientific institutions, look 'into their needs, dis- -cover their defects, and in every way cooperate in scientific creation and give timely aid,” !♦ Cultiire and Life. August 31, 194-9»46 © Ihs general reorganization and intensification of Comraunist indoctrination of the Soviet public in August 1946 brought a new importance to the work of Party organizations in scientific institutions0 The necessity of maintaining an active Party organization in every scientific establishment and devoting considerable attention to the political indoctrination of scientists was underlined by a raion Party secretary In Moskovski Bolshevik (Moscow Bolshevik) for August 8- 1946: ~------------------- "The level of Party political work in the majority of institutions is, however, still low#,© «" In the majority cf institutions discussions and recommendations of the Party bureau and Party meetings are generally vague and unconvincing* Many Communists in scientific institutions have not been given Party assignments and are therefore falling into the category of passive workers* '’The tasks of Party organizations in scientific institutions are to strengthen Party organizational work and to draw into public life the leading intelligentsia — the directors of sectors, laboratories, etc. The ideological work of Party organizations must be placed on a new footing and the study of Marxism-Leninism restored to its xightiul position® The erroneous point of view of some secretaries cf Party organizations that scientific workers are highly educated and that it is therefore unnecessary to worry about their political development, can only have harmful results#” A large number of scientists are now busy studying Marxism either independently, in study groups and courses, or in regular two-year courses ■offered by the Communist Party© A total of 12,000 scientific workers throughout the USSR is said to be studying in 35 Universities of Marxism-Leninism©- This is over 10 percent of the claimed total number of scientific workers in the USSR and represents only the most intensive of the forms of study* (--) Nature of Party criticisms Postvzar criticism of the work ©f soviet scholars has stressed two related themes — excessive objectivity and internationalism© The objectivity under attack apparently is defined as preoccupation with technical data, neglect of a Marxist-Leninist interpretation of the facts, and failure to make attacks on capitalist scientific achievements^ The term ’’objectivity” has been redefined in typical fashion bo conform to Bolshevik requirements* ’’True” objectivity, according t© Party organs, is identical with the Soviet interpretation of facts, since only Soviet Marxism represents the truth: "Real, truly soUnt££io objectivity is attained only on condition that each manifestation in the antagonistic /Tce*, capitalist/ society is viewed in connection with the class struggle*”^ !•« 1 r ud, May 5, 194 9 © 2t Partiinaya Zhizn (Party Life), No* 1, January 1947, p© 13o’’Partisanship in the proletarian world view does not exclude objectivity in the study of facts but on the contrary presupposes it since the class interests of the proletariat do not contradict but coincide with the objective course of historical development*”1 Although much stress is laid on scientific achievements with a practical application, conformance with Marxist theory and method take pri-orityo This factor poses a knotty problem for scientific administrators who must abandon proven useful scientific discoveries which cannot be reconciled to,Marxist ideology and methods* Hostility to foreign influences on Soviet science increased greatly in 1946,, virtually erasing the internationalism of Soviet scientists which had received considerable encouragement at the 220th Anniversary of the USSR Academy of-Sciences in 1945, attended by scientists from all over the world* The impression of an Australian scientist, Eric Ashby, was exceedingly optimistic regarding the future of Soviet scientific'cooperation with foreign countries* ’’The yoke of communism rests very lightly on a worker in the Academy of Sciences, provided he says what he ought to say, or says nothing at all'about politics; and there is no reason whatever to suppose that the Party interferes seriously with his scientific research, ’’One cannot exaggerate the enthusiasm of Soviet scientists at having foreigners among them. There was no sign of the suspicion so commonly ($.nd wrongly) attributed to Russian scholars. They spoke openly a bout unpublished work. They discussed plans for future research, Some of them were so anxious to give their results away that they copied out tables and sketched graphs to present to the guests, The speech of P« L,.Kapitsa, Soviet physicist, delivered to one of the gatherings of foreign and Soviet scientists in the 1945 anniversary celebration expresses this.spirit of internationalism end underlines by contrast the subsequent change in Party attitude which occurred in 1946} his words border on heresy by current Party standards;, Kapitsa stated that 1« Moskovskii Propagandist (Moscow Propagandist), No, 5, 1947, p, 24, 2O Eric Ashby, Scientist in Russia^ New York, 1947p pp* 29 and 135,43 international science was to be stimulated by the publication in the USSR of more works by both Soviet and foreign scientists, by Soviet participation in international congresses, and by exchange of scientists with foreign countries* He added: . , : ' ’’The USSR appreciates the achievements of> British sciences Our achievements ore not so great because we are younger* But there is really no such thing as Soviet science or British sciencej there is only one science, devoted to the betterment.of human welfare© Science must, therefore be international The limited, exchange of persons and information which did occur during the early postwar period, was reduced by 1947-48 almost to nil as the Party*s ideological campaign gathered momentum© The USSR Minister of Higher Education, Sergei Vo Kaftanov, in May of 1947 and March of 1948 criticized the work' of Soviet scientists, emphasizing that some Soviet scientists still believed in a "world scientific research organization" and resisted the Party’s Ultranationalistic line© Kaftanov stressed four shortcomings of Soviet scientists: . • . (l) He attacked escapism, indicating that some men "try to hide themselves in their laboratories from the burning problems of socialist construction"; • ' (2) Some-research organizations were engaged in two or three times as many projects as they.had workers; (3) Application of scientific discoveries to industry was .too slow; ' (4) Many scientists displayed "subservience to bourgeois sciences," especially in the social sciences^ Yuri Zhdanov in May 1948 outlined the attitude and duties of young Soviet scientists, stressing the need for mastery of old and nevr knowledge, application of it to practical ends, rejection of obsequiousness to bourgeois science, permeation of'their work by Bolshevik ideology and spirit, and development of criticism and self-criticism, "The task of Soviet youth in science is first and foremost to master the factual material at which they will work throughout their life© They must learn all they can from the older generation of 1© Ashby, oo« cit«i, pp© 136-7* 2o Pravda, March 3, 1948; Kultura i Zhizn, May 9, 1947*scientists, making use of its accumulation of knowledge and experience. At the same time, the work of the Soviet scientist must be permeated with profound ideology and the Bolshevik Party spirit. This means, in the first place, that scientific work must be closely bound with practice and practical needs® Knowledge amassed simply for its own sake and with no bearing on the vital questions of the' present day cannot contribute to the development of .real science «, "A Party spirit in science means., too, implacable struggle with obsequiousness towards the West and foreign learning® It was less than two months after making the above statement that Zhdanov himself was reprimanded for his criticism of Lysenkoo He admitted that he had approached the controversy regarding the influence of environment on heredity in a non-Marxist manner and tried to '’reconcile" opposing principles rather than "exposing contradictions so that true principles would triumph®" He had criticized Lysenko for not developing Michurinas teaching sufficiently, and for failing to achieve practical results, and. admitted in the letter to Stalin that this was the wrong form of criticism as it weakened the position of the adherents of Michurin, which allegedly was not Zhdanov's intent* He blamed his errors on inexperience and immaturity®2 Another critic of Lysenko, A« R® Zhebrak, also felt forced z® publish a recantation promising his unswerving allegiance to whatever the Party prescribed as scientific dogmat3 Another import-ant recantation published in the Soviet px-ess was that of Professor Bo Kedrov, former editor of Vo prosy Filcsof.il (Questions of Philosophy), who was the target of considerable criticism in July 1948 for failure to combat bourgeois ideological influences and for ignoring the importance of Soviet scientific priority in all fields® Kedrov was again subject to an attack in early 1949 by G® F = Aleksandrov, former head of the Propaganda and Agitation Section of the Party Central Committee, who himself had been the target of criticism in June 1947 for his un<«Marxist treatment lc Komsomolskaya Pravda (Komsomol Pravda), May 25, 1948® 2,? Pravda, August 7, 1948□ 3r. Cfo Above, Party Interpretation of meaning of "Freedom of Opinion and Discussion*"50. ... . ; ' .f of philosophy*1 In accordance with the terminology current at that time Kedrov -was censured for anti-Marxist and cosmopolitan viewpoint s. Despite his recantation,-Kedrov was demoted to the rank of assistant editor of Questions .of Philosophy <> ■ •< • /' That the pattern of Party controls over intellectual activity remains unchanged was demonstrated anew-in the summer of 1950 following the "lingustics controversy” and Stalin’s rejection of. No Ya. Marr’s . philological doctrine. Although Stalin’s statement at that time that "no science can develop and flourish without a battle of opinions" suggested that true freedom of inquiry was at last being established, a subsequent discussion of physiology followed the previous.. pattern of "Bolshevik i ? criticism.... .. ■ '■ • On June 28, 1950 there opened a* scientific session of .the USSR Academy oi Sciences and the USSR Academy of-Medical Science on problems of physiology. This session and. the following ones were described as an example of "free scientific discussion®"^ ...... . .. • : • ■ v" ’ I5 in typical fashion, Alexandrov •"at the intervention of the Central Committee and Stalin personally," was censured for preaching "toothless vegetarianism with regard to enemy philosophers" and was accused :J of being a "prisoner of bourgeois historians, of philosophy, who .,8 see in each philosopher first of all an ally, by profession and only then an opponent /Tn doctrine?*/' A© Zhda.no/, a3 the Party’s spokesman, then enlarging on his errors, outlined the ideology which has henceforth, become the-guide to Soviet philosophical thoughts "The Marxist-Leninist principle of the Partisanship of philosophy is not'• consistently • ' ''' applied in, it <►«"» /' The author during his examination of the ;■ ; ' philosophical’systems departs from the classical/^rxist/ point of view and strays into an un-Marxist objective conception; he fails to show the historical conditions which bring to 'life the various philosophical tendencies and does not reveal the class-nature of philosophical systems," Pravda, August 24, 1947; Bolshevik, No, 1.6, August 30, 1947, 2O Stalin, "Marxism in Linguistics/' Pravda, June 20, 29, 1950* 3° Krasnaya Ovezda, July 18, ,1950© Unless otherwise indicated the following quotes in the text are from this source.The subject of these discussions was the work of,Ivan Petrovich Pavlov> the noted Russian physiologist„ known principally for his work in the field of condit ioned, ref I exes e The official Party view of Pavlovas work is as fellows: ’’Pavlovas teaching concerning the highest nervous activity, as the greatest achievement of contemporary knowledge of the brain, is.the firmest scientific support of dialectical materialism. Thanks to its clearly expressed materialistic nature.it is a sharp and active weapon in the struggle of the leading and progressive forces of.contemporary society ^Toe., the USSR^Z against the forces of reaction and obscurantismo” The article points out that "quite naturally" bourgeois scientists have attacked Pavlov’s theories. Therefore, "It is perfectly clear that there is a tremendous political sigixif icance attached to the task of smashing Pavlov’s-enemies, of defending his great teaching from their attacks, of raising it to a new’ and still higher degree in accordance with the demands which the interests of building Communism place before Soviet science «" The implication is obvious: Soviet scientists are not free to discuss whether Pavlov’s theories are correct, but only how best to develop his theories in order to advance the interests of building Communism, Since the Communist Party alone is capable of determining what these interests are, only it can determine which theories promote them. As the proceedings continued it was pointed out that: "instead of defending Pavlov’s teaching against the attacks of foreign reactionaries and obscurantists, some ’scientific workers * in the USSR who. lack the feeling of Soviet patriotism and national pride have themselves added their voices to theirs wi thout me© ting due opposition on the part of the majority of the representatives, of Soviet physiology This policy of the Party hinders many scientists from making worthwhile contributions to human knowledge© How serious is its effect in limiting further development in the physical sciences cannot be determined. The fact remains that workers in the physical sciences are being subjected to constant pressure to think and write in their, various fields in accordance with Marxist-Leninist principles. Their hypotheses, must, be definable in. Leninist, terms, A notable example of this pressure occurred in the field of physics: In our Physio-Technical Institute of the Academy of-Sciences of the USSR in Leningrad for a long time idealistic thoughts were openly expressed and the feasibility of a fruitful application of the Marxist method to the natural sciences was denied. The spreader of these idealistic assertions was Professcr Frankel, whohad a negative attitude toward dialectical materialism and in his writings sometimes acted as a loud-speaker for the opinions of the bourgeois physicists ... . Professor Frankel admitted his ideological errors and in his declaration stated that he had come to the conclusion that the Marxist-Leninist theory in natural sciences and particularly in the science of physics is of utmost importance» Professor Frankel has promised to rewrite some of his textbooks in the materialist spirit.1 (2} Organs and media of criticism,, Specialized leadership for Party surveillance and control of science is currently provided by special sectors in the Propaganda and Agitation-Section of the Party Central Committeeo In addition to the leading Party publications Pravda and Bolshevik, the main organs for the dissemination of Party criticism in the scientific field are Kultura i Zhizn and the various scientific journals^ Literaturnaya Gazeta, the paper of the Union of Soviet Writers, is also influential in this field, although it lacks an authoritative position* (a) Party organization in scientific institutes and Vuzes» Groups ?' responsible to 'the Communist 'Party le^erFin^^H^vto^ow~"^H^F~Tn^aTl scientific institutions. Regulations on the formation and structure, of ; ■■ primary Party organizations and Party bureaus in scientific and research institutions and institutions of higher education are set forth in the Party By-Laws adopted at the Eighteenth Party Congress in 1939 (Article 57)e A primary Party organization is formed in institutions having more than three Party members. In practice, this has resulted in the formation of Party organizations in each college of vuzes (higher/educational institutions) and in every scientific research institute. If there are more than 100 Party members in'the institution, primary Party organizations can.be formed at a lower level. In large scientific institutions this condition has resulted in the formation of Party organizations in laboratories, sections, or other subdivisions of the institutions» Party bureaus or secretaries conduct the day-to-day work of the Party -organization* Bureaus are elected in primary organizations having more than 15 Party members; if there are less than 15, a secretary is elected to fulfill this function,, The Party bureau contains from three to five persons in Party organizations of less than 100 members and five to seven persons where the Party membership exceeds 100B " ' The Party bureau is able to control the activities of the director of a scientific or educational institution and of teachers, students, and researchers® By virtu© of the control functions vested in primary Party lo Leningrad Pravda, June 2, 1950«organizations, the Party can interfere directly whenever necessary in the work of scientific organizations,, Non-compliance is reported for action to the nearest territorial Party organization <,the raion or oblast Party committee) 0 Consequently, heads of institutions tend to work in close collaboration with the bureauo Evidence - of the close relationship between the institution head and the Party organization is provided by the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences, which was criticized in August 19-49 for failure to link theory and practice, to publish serious works on Soviet economics, -nd to study more intensively the socialist and imperialist economies» The response to this criticism came in the form of a short announcement in Culture and Life acknowledging the criticism and stating that steps were being taken to correct the shortcomings in the institute’s work,* This item was signed by Ko Ostrovityanov, the director, and M« Lukyanova, deputy secretary of the Party organization of the institute, 1/ Resolutions of both local Party officials and higher.Party organs are frequently directed at institutions demanding that shortcomings be rectified and dictating the measures to be taken0 The secretary of the Saratov Oblast Party Committee in September 1949, basing his action on a decree of the Party Central Committee concerning inferior political-educational work in Saratov vuzes and tekhnikums, demanded that corrective steps be taken by the rector of~Saratov”"University, his social science department heads, and the Party organization of the university,, Similarly, the Ukrainian Gentral Committee demanded that the governmental Administration for Higher School Affairs ’’strengthen the vuz biological department with Michurin scholars2/ A number of methods are used by the Party to assist, correct, and augment administration of the institutions. An open Party meeting convened by the Party organization of an Institution or several institutions frequently is employed to discuss administrative or theoretical problems, Such a.meeting of Communists in scientific research institutions of animal husbandry in the Kirgig SSR ’’demanded that the head of a section on sheep breeding immediately reorganize his work to conform to the tasks of the three—Year Livestock Pi n and the decisions of the August meetings of the Academy of Agricultural Sciences,” 3/ 1/ Culture and Life, September 21, 1949» 2/ Ibid,, September 11, 1949> Vestnik Vysshei Shkoly, No, 1, January 1949, pT37. 3/ Sovetskaya Kirgiziva (Soviet Kirgizia), September 25, 1949•54. Ideological and academic discipline. The Psrty bureaus are constantly exhorted by higher Party organs to improve and extend their ideological work in institutes and vuzes, noting any political shortcomings of both Party members and other teachers, scientists, or students, whether expressed orally or in publications. Instructional programs in Marxism-. Leninism are carried on continually, with special attention to the training of prospective Party members. In addition, lectures, seminars, and excursions may be arranged to augment the academic program and correct pedagogical shortcomings a Party bureaus ensure that Party members taxe a leading lole in the activities of student scientific societies. A check on student discipline is ma?nGained and includes reporting absences and violations of dormitory regulations and noting the progress of a student’s academic work. 1/ Practicability of research. The Party bureau is expected to concern itself with‘the Introduction of scientific advances into the national economy. Theoretical work may suffer thereby since Party workers in all laboratories cf an institution report to the Party bureau any. projects which do not have an industrial or ether practical application, and the Party bureau may bring pressure on the director to drop such projects. 2/ Personal placement. The Party bureau assists in advancing the most promising students and scientists, and attempts to draw them into Party membership. The Party bureau may locate practical jobs for students lacking experience. Higher Party organs have recently demanded that more attention be paid to the assignment of personnel who finish their studies in an institution. The most advanced students are under constant pressure to join the Party, and Party officials frequently stress the number of members in the bureau or the entire organization who have degrees and academic ranks, 3j b. Governmental controls (1) Academic degrees. In addition to Party pressure, the government itself takes steps to bring erring scientists.into line. One procedure is to withhold or revoke academic degrees. According to S. Kaftanov, Chnir— man of the Supreme Certification Commission and Minister of Higher Education, 70 candidates for the degree of doctor of science in 1948 failed.to receive the degree because of ’’insufficient elaboration of certain very important 1/ Kommunist, October 6, 1949* 2/ Pravda, August 12, 194&* x Moskovski Bolshevik, April 16, 1947; October 4, 1949; November 29, 1949.problems of Soviet science and socialist construction,” and the lack of practical value in their work. Seventy-eight scholars, whose candidate degrees had already been approved by the academic councils of institutions were refused their degrees for similar reasons. In some cases the scholar ignored Russian achievements in the field, ’’displayed obsequious servility to foreign work,” or had been examined and approved for his degree by examiners who were ’’inadmissibly apolitical and objective.” 1/ The role of the state in handling degree certification was criticized in the press in 194-8. It was suggested that degrees be granted by special juries, and that public defense of the dissertation be abolished. The decision of the jury apparently would be final, with no supplementary approval by the Ministry of Higher Education. Kaftanov thereupon defended the ’’all-important role of the state,” asserting that the elimination of the present system of public defense of dissertations and any attempt to subsitute special juries for it would weaken state control and ’’encourage non-democratic” procedure. 2/ . ' : State control over not only the applicant for the degree but also the official opponents is well demonstrated by a r eport of the Supreme Certification Commission in July 194-9, censoring two official opponents and the Academic Council of the Institute of Literature, Languages, and Art of the Belorussian Academy of Sciences. The dissertation in question had been defended as long ago as July 194-7 and the degree approved by the Academic Council by a vote of 13 to 1. The Supreme Certification Commission, however, reversed this decision and deprived the official .opponents .of their right to serve in that capacity for one year. 2/ The Party actually participates in the state mechanism for checking the progress of aspirants for degrees. According to instructions issued by the Ministry of Higher Education in April 194-9, a certification commission was to be established in each scientific research institute training aspirants for higher degrees in order to make annual examinations of new progress. A similar function is also performed by college councils in vuzes. A representative of the Party is included on this commission or council; and the 1/ Izvestiya, January 11, 1949. 2/ Ibid. 3/ Vestnik Vysshei Shkoly, No. 7, July 1949, p. 33. The sin of the official opponents was excessive liberalism in approving a dissertation, which treated two reactionary Polish writers as the founders of the new, Belorussian literature and emphasized the influence of Polish colonists* Not enough importance had been attached to the influence of Belorussian folklore and Great Russian literature upon the development of Belorussian literature.56. document which is filled out every year, certifying the progress of the aspirant, requires the signature of the secretary of the Party organization^ under comments on the individual’s '’scientific-pedagogical and ideological-political preparation and social work.” 1/ (2) Appointments. The government also maintains its control over the activities of scientists by appointment of heads of scientific research institutions and vuzes, although the Party apparently makes tne real decisions regarding important posts. Pravda has even boasted of the Party*s influence in appointment of non-Party personnel. ”It is well known what great work is carried on by our Party in advancing non—Party comrades to command posts in the province of governmental, economic, and cultural construction,,” 2/ Party influence on scientific appointments can be exercised through the USSR Council of Ministers. The Academy of Sciences is.directly subordinate to the USSR Council of Ministers, and numerous scientists not only have suffered criticism but have lost their positions m research or teaching.ao a result of criticism. During the Lysenko controversy.three scientists in the Academy of Sciences were removed from their posts: Academicians L. A. Orbeli and" I. I. Shmalgauzen and corresponding member.N. P. Dubinin. 3/.Over 15 other biological, agricultural, and medical scientists also lost their positions as an immediate result of this controversy, Other controversies in recent years have resulted in professional set—bacxs for several social scientists: Ye. Varga, G. F. Aleksandrov, S. M. Kovalev, the late head of the Academy of Social Sciences A. V. Mishulin, his assistant P. A. Cheremnykh, and B. Kedrov,' (3) Patents and Copyrightse The Soviet Government exercises considerable control over the work"of scientists by means of patent laws. The laws virtually limit the use of patents to scientists and inventors who 1/ Byulletin Ministerstva Vysshego Obrazovaniya SSSR (Bulletin of the Ministry of Higher Education), No. 6, June 1949, pp* 6-3. 2/ Pravda, October 9, 1949. 2/ Pravda, August 27, 194&- 4/ Culture and Life, September 11, 1948; Moskovski.Bolshevik, November 23, 1947; Voorosy Filosofii (Questions of Philosophy;, March, 1949; PfLM!12;> October 7, 1947.are working alone or in their spare time at home on patentable subjects and supported by their own funds. Two methods are open to a scientist or inventor to "safeguard” his work: a patent or an "authorship certificate" (avtorskoye svidetelstvo). Patents may be obtained for a term of 15 years., However, the Soviet Government does not allow citizens to patent domestic inventions abroad without special permission from the Council of Ministers. If an invention is of special importance to the USSR, the Council of Ministers may disregard the wishes of the inventor and assign the use of the invention or even ownership of the patent to some responsible agency. Some inventions and new developments resulting from work in governmental institutions or enterprises may not be patented, but may be covered only by authorship certificates o Virtually no scientist's work anywhere but in governmental institutions, so that the right to patent their work is practically meaninglesstl The authorship certificates are the commonest method of protecting inventions and reflect the governmental attitude toward noteworthy individual achievements in a socialist state. The inventor surrenders his personal right to the invention to the government and receives remuneration for it„ Although the existing copyright laws of the USSR provide a theoretically liberal system for the benefit of writers and creative artists, the legal means of reproduction, printing, and publishing are all licensed and controlled by the government. In addition, a work, must pass the test of government censorship before it can ever be printed» Since 1932 printing and mimeographing establishments have been licensed by the government, and may be operated only by governmental, public, or cooperative organizations under the close surveillance of the government^ Similarly, the license to mimeograph or duplicate must be granted by the government, 1/ Thus copyright virtually is reduced to "the right not to publish one’s works" (although the government apparently can even publish the work of a Soviet citizen without his permission), to receive remuneration if a government institution publishes the work, and formally to register the work, thereby providing certification, of the date of publication and fixing the term of copyrights 2/ As in the case of inventions and discoveries, the Individual’s 1/ I. I. Yevtikhiyev, Administrativnoye Fravo SSSR (USSR Administrative Law), Moscow, 194-6, pp. 229-31® 2/ In Literaturnaya Gazeta, published on October 6, 194^, a Soviet pilot, Colonel Pilyutov, complained of the distor tion which had been introduced into his biograohy by the editors. He indicated that the. editing process had gone on without the participation of either him or the author. Major Burov, and the book was then published without being submitted to either of them for approval. Sobraniye Zakonov ««. SSSR (Collection of Laws USSR), 1928, No. 27, Art, 246.58 personal achievements actually become the property of the state; the author receives rumuneration only, not a concrete title of ownership* (4) State secrets and contact with foreigners* The Soviet scientist constantly must be ’careful of what he says and 'writes, especially to foreign, scientists. Restrictions on the dissemination of scientific information which has not been published make the attendance of Soviet scientists at international conferences virtually impossible. The State Secrets Law of .June 1947 classified all unpublished scientific information as secret, and any exchange of such knowledge with foreign scientists subjected the individual to penalties for treason, although he may have acted without treasonable intent. The penalties ranged from 4 to 20 years in a corrective-labor camp. If treasonable intent is proved, the death penalty may be imposed. 1/ Concomitantly with this.law, Po Vishinsky, a writer, in a speech broadcast on July 24, 1947 on the subject ’’Soviet Patriotism” stated: ’’Every Soviet patriot must realize the importance of keeping secret our scientific' discoveries and inventions.” 2/ Censorship of books, correspondence, radio broadcasts, newspapers3 lectures, and exhibits to prevent the revelation of state secrets, Is chiefly the task of'GLAVLIT, the main governmental censorship organ, and an official attached to the USSR Council of Ministers who is responsible ’’for safeguarding state and military secrets in the press." 3/ All publications of the USSR Academy of Sciences must be approved by the government before publication. The government controls contact with foreigners through censorship of mail, the refusal to grant visas for foreign travel to Soviet scientists, and restrictions on relations between foreign representatives and Soviet officials. 4/ ' ■ Secrecy restrictions are also imposed upon written material and publications entering the Soviet Union, Although Soviet agencies abroad avidly, procure all possible information and publications on technical and scientif ic -subjects, such material is processed and. classified upon reaching the USSR, and its dissemination is limited* The ordinary scientist finds it difficult to obtain certain technical journals published abroad, although, copies of 1/ Izvestiya, June 10, 1947; Pravda, January 13, 1950. 2/ Cf. Bolshevik, No. IS, 1947, p. 37*. • • 3/ Yevtikhiyev, I. I., Admlnlstrativnoye Pravo (Administrative Law), Moscow, 1946, pp„ 30, 337-3SS* ‘ . 4/ Ibid., p. 194, 220-221;- Izvestiya, December IS, 1947.them exist in the country, and Party insistence on contempt for foreign achievements has forced most scientists to drop their personal subscriptions to foreign scientific journals. In mid-1947 Soviet policy-makers began to attack those Soviet citizens who favored or engaged in international cultural interchange. For a scientist or artist to maintain any correspondence with foreign colleagues became in Soviet eyes a sin defined as ’’obsequiousness before bourgeois cosmopolitanism,” and took on the connotation of a treasonable act. The crusade against cultural interchange became inextricably interwoven with spy phobia on the one hand and chauvinism in scientific and cultural matters on the other. As a result of this atmosphere, scientists were attacked in he press for having been so ’’unpatriotic” as to publish their works in foreign periodicals. In September, 1947, A. R. Zhebrak, the Soviet geneticist, who had been a delegate to the United Nations at San Francisco and who had established friendships among American scientists, was attacked for criticizing the work of a fellow scientist, Lysenko, in an American magazine. This act was called inconsonant ’’with an elementary understanding of the civil honor of a Soviet man.” 1/ Zhebrak was promptly deposed as president of the Academy of Sciences of the Belorussian SSR. At the same time, Dr. N. P. Dibinin, of the Institute of Experimental Biology of the USSR Academy of Sciences, was blasted for ’’pandering to the West” by publishing articles in foreign periodicals, The action of an obscure Soviet professor in publishing in a French journal material pertaining to Soviet research in perfume chemistry drew a stinging rebuke from a Communist Party magazine. ’’Unfortunately,” wrote the author of the tirade, ’’persons are still to be found among the officials of the machinery of state, in particular among the scientific workers, who indulge In obsequiousness and fawning to bourgeois culturec” ’’Why should any loyal Soviet citizen wish to publish his Ideas or views in the capitalist press,” it was asked, when "to have an article published in Soviet periodicals is not a smaller, but a greater honor than in the foreign periodicals.” 2/ In February 1943, Professor Ye I. Frenkel, a. highly esteemed atomic-physicist, was similarly called to task for having published some of his works abroad, but because of the importance of his work to the government he was not denounced. 1/ Literaturnaya Gazeta (Literary Gazette), August 30, 1947 2/ Pertiinaya Zhizn’ (Party Life), No. 14, 1947.60. The many attacks upon eminent men in the scientific world, and on international-minded scientists in the USSR are motivated by the Soviet Government’s determination to discourage the Soviet citizen from maintaining any contacts with the outside world.5. Control of inedia of communicat!on The Soviet regime is strongly opposed to a free exchange of information and has taken vigorous steps in the postwar period to prevent it. its opposition is based upon a desire not only to have the'official favorable picture of the U3bK reach foreign countries but, perhaps even more important, to maintain undisputed control over the thoughts of Soviet citizens* The regimentation of public opinion within the Soviet Union is one of the fundamental features of the "monolithic” Soviet ideology; this results in a policy of systematic isolation of the Soviet people from contact with the outside world in order to preclude comparison of conditions at home with life abroad and the Party’s official version of Western "reality." This systematic quarantining of Soviet citizens is effected by a strict control of all the channels through which 'information reaches the public; it exp la. ins why the Soviet press, ra,dio, and- films a.re rigidly controlled by the Soviet authorities and convey only the official Ideology. It also partly; explains why the authorities frown upon personal contacts between Soviet citizens and 'foreigners, either at home or abroad. •• Bolshevik-theory manifestly requires that responsibility forand control of tno-media of communication must be concentrated in the hands of the :Communist Party. The Party’s control of information agencies follows from the fact that it has assigned to itself the role of teacher, guide, and leader of the socialist, society, and from the assumption that it must win the masses of the people over to its cause, wol shevik theoreticians, regarding all social institutions as instruments to gain acceptance of class values and.‘goals, consider the various media of communication properly as "tools" in the hands of the Party, as "driving belts" between loader and masses to be utilized in carrying the Party line to the .people. Press, radio, films and other information agencies function, in the Soviet society, not as self-sufficient medio of public expression but as militant instruments for directing and mobilizing public opinion* P*s "collective propagandist, agitator, and organizer" in support of che Party-defined goals, it follows logically tnat oontrol over botn the content of public intelligence and the organization of information dissemination must flow from the Party command. The'Party, in retightening its’grip over the thought of the country, has reasserted and reinforced its controlling power over media of information and has reaffirmed their value as weapons of propaganda in moulding the mass mind. Bon far ol of sue pre s s and pub 1 i pg. t io ns. The Soviet pres sis the most tightly controlled press in the world* The Soviet leaders, in their many theoretical pronouncements, justify this control by affirming the necessity of using the press as a purposeful political weapon whose primary task is to cai ry the tarty line to the people. According to Communist ideology, the press is the most powerful and easily controllable tool of propaganda. From the Communist point of view, propaganda is identical with enlightenment and the press is considered the most important means of raising the cultural — i. e., political — level of the nation, a task which can be performed only by the Party. ’’The press is the only implement which helps the Party to speak daily, hourly, with the working class in its own indispensable language. Po other such means to weave spiritual ties between Party and class, no other such flexible tool is to be found in nature J'1 In spite of the strict control to which it is subjected, the FOviet press, according to the Communists, is the only free press in the world, since it is owned by the people. The criticism that this so-called freedom is actually a fiction, and that the press represents the Communist Party exclusively is countered by the argument that the Communist Party is the people and the enlightened leader of the nation. Freedom of the press is, therefore, qualified to mean conformity with the interests of the working class and with the strengthening of the Socialist system, and is conceivable only within the boundaries delimited by the Party. Furthermore, the concept of the responsibility of the press considerably outweighs the concept of the freedom of the press. The foundation of press organisation and control is provided by the government monopoly of.printing and publishing. Only governmental, Party and cooperative organizations are allowed to have press organs. Which in turn are controlled by the Party.*5 Thus the Soviet press is essentially the Party press, corresponding in its organization to the pyramidal structure of the Party and government. 0n each level the Party committee has its own press, operated and controlled by interaction of lower and higher Party committees in accordance with the rule of hierarchical Party subordination. This le J. V. Stalin, Quoted by X. Omelchenko, Bolshevistskaya Pechat (Bolshevik Press), Moscow, 1939, p. 3. 2. Permission for setting up printing establishments, for possessing and using mineographing equipment is under the control cf the militia. Limitations on the use of printing equipment, etc. are discussed in Yevtikhiyev, I. I. and Vlasov, V. A., Administrative Lav/ in the USofi, Ministry of Justice, Moscow, 1946, pp» 229, 231.constitutes the leading popular press and sets the pattern for the parallel press organs in 'governmental and cooperative institutions. The complex control mechanism is built on the principle of double and triple check, Each controlling agent is checked by a higher, agent, with final authority coming from Stalin and the folitburo. An important feature of this mechanism is the fact that the control of the printed work is only a relatively minor element in it; the control is exercised before the publication is actually printed. b. Censorship) and controls. The Communist Tarty acts as the censor for its own publications and establishes the general ideological line for all writers. Censorship of the none-Party press and publications is the function of GLAVLIT (Glavnoye Upravleniye po_ Delam Literaturi _i Izdatelstv,, Chief Administration of Affairs Pertaining to Literature and Publishing houses). Ahile technically attached to the ministry of Education of the Russian Socialist federated Soviet Republic (RSFSR), GLAVLIT functions throughout Soviet Union. Its authority to review for “politico-ideological” content extends over "products of press, manuscripts, photos, pictures, etc. intended for publication and distribution, also over radio broadcasting, lectures, and exhibits.” Its work is closely supervised by the Party.1 The statute setting up GLAVLIT reveals that Soviet censorship occurs both before and after printing. The preliminary censorship is decentralized: GLAVLIT agents and their deputies are members of every editorial board of a newspaper, journal or publishing house, Thus it is In the editor’s office that manuscripts are either approved orv rejected, Then problems arise, the GLAVLIT deputies themselves do not make final decisions but confer with the central administration bexore issuing a printing permit® A less responsible set of GLAVLIT deputies performs the “final” censoring. These representatives, who are attached to all printing establishments, perform the mechanical duty of carefully checking the approved manuscript against the printed copy. Only after the GLAVLIT censorship stamp is affixed can any publication be released to the public.** Section 5 of the statute, however, provides in effect for the exemption of the Party press from the "political-ideological” control of GLAVLIT since it releases Party publications from preliminary censorship and requires only the final mechanical mark of 1. Sovnarkom decree, -Hooks rublished in the United States 1959-1945, as well as over 2,400 different books published during that period valued at over 113,000. Other institutions forwarded similar gifts to fill out gaps in soviet libraries. These gifts were in addition to the large quantity of cooks, periodicals, newspapers,- and government documents which were sent to the UgcH under established exchange procedures by the Library of Congress, the Smithsonian Institution, the US Department of Agriculture, and many other organizations. However, in contrast to the.attitude of American institutions, Soviet publication institutions were not at all helpful. Lot only were American libraries finding it difficult to acquire desired publications through exchange, but commercial dealings with 7s osoyuznoyeObedineniye Me z hd una r o dnay& Kniga (All-Union Combine for International Books' — the centralized book-export firm of the USSR) were found to be extremely ineffectual because it often was unable to meet requests for material which it claimed to have, and because of the frequent changes in methods which it prescribed for dealing with it* i'or instance, in November 1945 it advised one large purchaser of Soviet materials that all requests should be made directly to it* On the otner hand, in its more widely distributed advertisements, potential purchasers are instructed to place their orders with the Four Continents hook Store. Regardless of which organization handled purchase orders, those submitting them received but a fractional part of the material requested* To remedy the unsatisfactory status of affairs in the purchase and exchange of publications with the Soviet Union, a plan was worked out by the Department of state, the Library of Oongress, and fourteen other" libraries to expedite the acquisition of Soviet materials, and a special representative was sent to the Soviet Union, as an attach^ to the United States Embassy, for the purpose of implementing the program. Ke was instructed not only to investigate ways of enlarging the flow of Soviet materials to American libraries, but to be attentive to Soviet suggestions for improving the flow of material to the USSR* This representative of the Embassy quickly discovered that VOKS, which had been established for the purpose of facilitating cultural relations between foreigners and Soviet institutions, was extremely reluctant'to arrange any contacts for him with individual Soviet libraries; all exchanges were to be effected through the All-Union Lenin Library* At the latter, the American representative learned the reason for the inadequate and delayed flow of publications to the United States* First, the deposit of books in the library for the purpose of exchange is a matter determined by each of the dozens of publishers in the Soviet Union, and consequently many publications are not available to the library for use in exchange. More important, however, is the fact that of these bocks the library receives only three copies, with which it is expected to meet the exchange requests of all foreign libraries. ’ The net result of conducting publications interchange with the Soviet Union under ’’normal” conditions has been that the many interested -American institutions which have forwarded materials to the All-Union Lenin Library for exchange purposes have been competing for the very limited number of desired publications which the Lenin Library has available, when exchange has taken place, it has been made less valuable to the recipient libraries in the United Abates by two facts* On the one hand, the necessary bibliographical material of Loviet publications is lacking or arrives so late that desired books are out of print; on the other,.when selection is left up to the Soviet72. Union the results are unsatisfactory, partly because of the limited choice open to the Soviet librarians. . Most of the Soviet publications consist of periodicals, newspapers, brochures, pamphlets, posters, and theater programs, with the latter two categories predominating. Each of these items is counted separately by Soviet library officials, and the total is cited as the number of publications sent on exchange. The operation of Soviet cooperation under '‘normal” conditions if further illustrated by the refusal of the Lenin Library on more than one occasion after the war to provide American libraries with microfilms of essential out-of-print materials, though the requests included offers to reimburse the library for the costs involved. Lack of resources, due lai'gely to the war, and the traditional inefficiency of the Soviet bureaucracy might have explained in part the early postwar failure of the Soviet Union to cooperate in the matter of publications exchange,,• But eventually it became clear that the refusal to engage in genuine book exchange was a fixed Soviet official policy. It became evident that in book exchange, as in interns.tional politics, it is possible to deal v.ith the Soviet Union only so long as the business is conducted according to the rules established by the Soviet Union, and sc long as the major share of benefits involved accrue to the USSR. As in international politics, too, the basis of the relationship is a deep undercurrent of official Soviet distrust and antipathy toward the bestern world. e. Control of information dissemination by, radio. ' Like the press, the radio is considered in the °oviet Union as an instrument of popular education, a "tool" for the Communist ’’upbringing” of the masses. Conceived of as being primarily a channel of communication between the Party and the people, the radio manifests the same basic patterns of organization and control that are characteristic of the press in the Soviet Union, both the content of its program and its physical structure and organization reflect its utilization by the Party as a weapon in mobilizing the population in support of the-nation’s goals. Control of radio broadcasting and radio reception rests in the government monopoly of broadcasting and control over tecimical equip-’ < went and facilities. Centralized control over all radio work is;: vested in the All-Union Committee for Radio-broadcasting and Radiofication under the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR, while control over all radio transmitting equipment is vested in the USSR Ministry of Communications. A regulation of November 27, 1933 defined the authority and powers of the Radio Committee and charged it with ’’the organization, planning, and operational direction of all radiobroadcasting in the USSR, includin’" radiodiffusion by lower radio-broadcasting exchanges in district centers, Machine-Tractor-Stations, etc.” GLAVLIT, chief censorship agency of the Soviet Government, also exercises a degree of control pro-censoring all radio scripts. This committee also serves as the &tdio Committee for .the RliSR* Each of the remaining 15 union republics of the USSR has its own radio committee, as do lower administrative-territorial divisions including larger cities. The councils of ministers of the union republics appoint their own radio committees in consultation with the All-Union Committee. These union republic radio committees in turn, confirm appointments made on lower levels, thus assuring a high degree oi centralized controle (Cf. above Censorship and Controls of Press.) The Cbmmunist Party exercises control and supervision over the Radio Committee through the same means it utilizes to guide the policies and operations of all other social, economic and governmental agencies, All directives on the course of its activities, as well.as decrees criticizing its operations, emanate from the Party through the Section of Propaganda and Agitation in the Central Committee. The Farty places trusted members in positions of control and responsibility in the Radio Committee and maintains a large number of Party..members among the rank and file employees of the organizations. Supervision of fulfillment of Party directives is realized, as vzith the- press, through the horizontal guidance and review exercised by Party organs; just as the All-Union Radio Committee is,controlled by Agitprop of the central Committee so the local radio committees are supervised by local Party organizations. A striking characteristic of the physical structure of radio broadcasting and reception in the Soviet Union is the use of the wired diffusion of radio programs* The vast majority of radio listeners hear their programs over wired speakers which are directly connected with a local diffusion exchange; instead of receiving programs over the air, the program is ’’piped in” over wires. Since the subscriber to the services of an exchange can tune in only the programs carried by his net, it is possible to control absolutely the listening of the radio audience, completely excluding the possibility of intrusion by foreign radio propaganda# _ . ' , • ■ With respect to short-wave broadcasts, although ’they cannot be censored, the authorities do try to limit their effectiveness. Most wireless radio sets belong to Soviet officials. Receivers requisitioned from private citizens at the outbreak of tne Russo-German war were apparently returned to their original owners, and officially the Soviet Government does not interfere with the free use 1. Cf. above, Censorship and Controls over Press and Publications.of radio receivers by the population* All radios are required to be registered with local post offices, according to a decree of September 14, 1945. This decree might have meant nothing more than a new registration of all radio sets, but under the specific conditions of police regulation in the USSR it could be interpreted by the population as a veiled warning —- a reminder that the authorities are keeping records of all radio sets — and thus induce many people to refrain from listening to American broadcasts at a time when cne official Soviet press and radio are systematically attaching the US. The Soviet Government has other and possibly more effective means of excluding radio information througn-openly interfering with foreign broadcasts beamed to Soviet listeners. Soviet jamming o.f foreign broadcasts beamed to the GSSR began in the winter of 1948 and was intensified in April 1949. The Soviet Government not only openly admits jamming the United States’ Voice of America and Britain’s BBC broadcasts, but it boasts of the effectiveness of this "interference with foreign radio propaganda." It even claims "the right and the duty ... to paralyze the aggressor in this radio war."1 2 In doing so, the Soviet Government implicitly admits tint it considers jamming a legitimate means of tightening thought control, as part of the soviet system of state control of all mass communications 'media. On the basis of available evidence, the number of transmitters used by Soviet authorities for jamming is estimated at 1,COO or more. At least 250 of these transmitters have been specifically identified* As the US delegate to the General, Assembly of the UN, kns. Sampson, stated, this is "a farflung and costly network, indeed." Ai order to penetrate this curtain, even partially foreign transmitters have had to operate on a 24 hour round-the-clock basis.3 1. No accurate figures are available on the number of radios in Soviet Russia. 2. Statement of the Soviet delegate to the General Assembly of the United Nations, Rostchin, November 17, I960 (See Summary of U.u. Jamming Debate, in "Iron Curtain Radio Comment on VGA," Report No. 83). 3. Ibid., text of ^rs. Sampson’s statements.f. Control over the film industry. The motion picture is regarded in the Soviet Union as a means of mass communication as well as an art form. ’’Soviet cinema art has not and cannot have any interests or tasks other than the interests of the state and the tasks of educating the people, and the youth particularly, in the spirit of the great ideas of Lenin and Stalin." 1/ The. effectiveness of the Party in transforming the film into an educational instrument depends primarily on its ability to translate its directives into motion pictures of high ideological content. This in turn requires an elaborate and extensive administrative and technical apparatus, and the Soviet film industry is in fact one of the largest in the world. 2/ . The administration of the Soviet film industry is effected through the Ministry of Cinematography of the USoR, established in 1946. Organized on the union-republic principle, there are corresponding ministries of cinematgoraphy in the constituent union-republics through which the central Ministry maintains its control of local film facilities. The central Ministry directly operates only certain specific aspects of the film industry requiring centralized control, such as the major film studios,the -rental and importation of films, and the production of technical equipment. The measures utilized to insure effective controls over the ideaolo^ical content of Soviet film production follow the well established pattern for supervision over the media of mass communication in the Soviet Union. There is a special sector of the Party Central Committee Propaganda-and Agitation Section which is the Party's chief instrument for controlling the Soviet cinema. Corresponding units within the lower Party apparatus exercise controls within their area of competence. By issuing directives, by calling conferences of film workers and by careful screening and placement of Party personnel in positions of responsibility, the Party insures the correct ideological content of the industry. These measures are supplemented by controls adminstered through the governmental apparatus. The Ministry of Cinematography must submit each year for approval of the Council of Ministers its annual plan for film production. Moreover continuous supervision over the various stages ; of: film*, production is exercised through the’MinislryJ's Art. .’ Council. 3/ In practice, the Soviet program has been to expand the domestic production of films as rapidly as possible and to rigidly control and limit the number of foreign films allowed to' be shown ..to the Soviet audience. l/ Pravda September 11, 1946 2/ Cf. Inkeles, Alex, Public Opinion in Soviet Russia, "The Soviet Film Industry", Cambridge, 1950. 2/ Culture and Life, hoe 12, April 30, 1947»Censorship and control over the importation of foreign films is under the • authority of the Ministry of Cinematography. The same considerations that affect surveillance of other information media in the USSR govern the exercise of censorship of foreign films allowed public showings in the Soviet Unionj they must either show the Soviet Union in a favorable light or at least not influence the audience in the opposite direction nor give the impression that conditions of life abroad are superior to those within the USSR. The number of foreign films' showing in the Soviet Union has steadily decreased, in the years since the end of the war. Foreign films shown in Moscow in 1946 totalled 19, 15 American and 4 British© The number dropped to 14 in 1947, and this was reduced to one, a Czech film ‘’Johan Rohac,*’ in 1948. American films which appeared during these early postwar years were all purchased during the period 1959-45. No new purchases have been made by the Soviet Government in recent years. Negotiations between Eric Johnston, representing the American film industry, and Soviet authorities have been conducted from time to time on the sale of American films to the Soviet Government,' but agreement has been blocked repeatedly by Soviet insistence on purchasing fewer films at a purchase price lower than that originally agreed upon in 1948. The current- reluctance of Soviet authorities to permit foreign showings was reflected in a statement in Komsomol skaya Pravda of October 18, 1947? “ ”Our readers in many cities report that at the same-time the best Soviet films run for only a short period, foreign films are being shown' for 10 to - 15 days in a row ... . How does it happen that vulgar films such as ’The Spring Waltz, ’ ’Enchanted,-’ ’His Butler’s Sister,’ films created in the Hollywood film kitchen with the purpose of making the American and other peoples stupid, do not vanish from Soviet screens for years? How does it happen that the showing of films in Fascist Germany, such as ’Girl of My Dreams,’ ’Where Is My Daughter,’ ’Don’t Forget Me’ and ’You Are My Love,’ designed for the lowest burgher taste, is permitted in the Soviet country?”^ 1. Currently, three American films, “Mr. Deeds Goes to Town,” “Mr. Smith Goes to Washington," and “Pancho Villa,” are appearing in Moscow theaters. Described as “war trophies” captured in Germany, the first-two movies are being shown' In cut and distorted versions wo serve Soviet propaganda purposes. In the Soviet version of ”Mr. Deeds,” the story ends with the hero being taken from his girl and' committed to an insane asylum because he wants to spend his fortune helping-poor farmers. The original Hollywood version ended happily with an acquittal from the judge on the insanity charge. New Tork Times'. January 23, 1951. ........................... 'g® Nature of propaganda content against Western culture in Soviet press and radio. The attitude of the average Soviet citizen toward present-day Western culture is molded almost entirely by propaganda directed at him by the Soviet press and radio, and secondarily by Soviet films. Cut off from viewing foreign films.and paintings,. hearing Western music,and reading most of contemporary European and Western literature, the people of the USSR are dependent upon official Soviet pronouncements and eclectic TASS reports for information cn which to..base their opinions. The Soviet papers and radio receive foreign hews from TASS (Telegrafncye Agentsvo Sovietskogo Soyza, Telegraphic Agency of the Soviet Unio"nJ7 ■'which has representatives inmost foreign countries and receives some 15,000 words daily from its correspondents abroad. Objective treatment of foreign news is, however, the exception rather than the rule. Indeed, the Communists frankly state, that they do not believe in the existence of objective truth.For them objective facts are an arsenal from which individual items may be selected arbitrarily to prove preconceived theses,s Facts are not given by the press to help the reader form his own opinions.News items are removed from their normal background in the day’s events and manipulated for the purpose of conditioning opinion. Thus, when an important Western figure makes a speech TASS at once sends its text to Moscow, but nothing may appear in the press for several days, and then selected quotations only may be published, along with an editorial denunciation covering several columns®5 Characteristic of tho handling of foreign news is the treatment of labor troubles in the US, which are presented * 2 * 4 1„ Except sporadically through the shortwave Voice of America broadcasts. 2, Cf. Kuzmichev in "Problems of Journalism” (quoted' in New fork Times, March 17, 1946)? ’’All dissertations on ’objective and bomplete information1 are liberal hypocrisy. Liberty and objectivity of the press -> these are fictionsc Information is the means of class struggle, not a mirror to reflect events objectively.” 3® "The aim of information consists in organizing news under the exclusive direction of the Party for clearly defined facts.” Ibid. 4, For example? "Very few Russians have any concept of the extent ;.nd quality of American aid furnished Russian armies in form of Lend-Lease supplies «,« ® Often Russians are of the opinion that, ail armament . they used in war was strictly of their own invention and manufactured#” ’’Tour of Russia, Balkans, and Middle East Report by Congressmen,” Department of State, Wireless Bulletin, No* 161, July 6, 1946. 5® Cf. J® B® Phillips, "News of the ’World in Russia,” Newsweek, April 22, 1946. “ ~~by the Soviet press not as an illustration cf the freedom of labor unions to strike but as evidence of a death struggle presaging the collapse of capitalism* In keeping with its generally anti-American approach, Soviet propaganda seeks to impose upon its audience a belief that American culture is undergoing a process of ’’debilitation and spiritual degeneration."^ The Soviet claim is that the "capitalist order” in the US and other "bourgeois” countries, in order to further its alleged reactionary and imperialist aims, must subjugate any creative impulses among its people. Thus, an end product of the "capitalist regime” is a culture whose subject matter and techniques are "decadent” and whose effect is to "drug” the thinking of the masses of people^ Moscow seeks to demonstrate that the economic basis of capitalist society is inimical to creative art. accordingly, Soviet propaganda paints a picture of the US as a country in which "every advanced thought is stifled, any progressive artist is persecuted, and creative art is the hireling cf bourgeois dictates." The Soviet radio accuses Wall Street representatives of having embarked upon the balancing of the American people’s mental activities and the adjustment of their art to the int rests of reactionaries and magnates Soviet propaganda presents the USSR as the "real guardian of universal of poisoning its creative citizens with the "cancer of penury," the Soviet Government claims to allocate tens of millions of rubles annually for payments to students, for the training of youth, and as premiums to artists for their best creations. According to the Soviet line, "in the Soviet Union alone,, man is truly free" and untrammeled as to creative impulses; hence great painters, writers, and composers have sprung up in abundance and occupy honorable places.0 The USSR is thus presented as the bastion of human civilization and culture, where "art flowers in the nurturing atmosphere" of the socialist society. The Soviet citizen is expected to contrast this picture with the portrait of "suppression and subsequent decay" of culture in the 'Western countries, and to view this "suppression" as further evidence of the "reactionary aims of the capitalist order. 1. FBIB Daily Report (Europe), March 5, 1948, p» AA-8. 2. Ibid., March 17, 1948, p. CC-1. 3. Ibid., November 19, 1947, p. AA.-l. Ibid.,HI. WA-T PJ( WHICH ANl.i\TWUJTrS A. Hungary Prior to the Soviet occupation, the S3av-Byzantinc cultural pattern was totally alien to Hungary, Tho Hungarians wore origin lly a Finno-Ugrian people# In tho ninth and tenth centuries, when they becamo converted to Christianity, they joined the Reran Catholic and not tho Greek Orthodox Church, Tho mediaeval relations with Byzantium had no significant or lasting effect on Hungarian culture $ Today the population is almost exclusively Ronan Catholic or Protestant. ince the earl;:' nineteenth century pan—Slavism has been regarded as a ma jor peril threatening Hungary’s political and cultural integrity. Consequently, Hungary is considerably less at homo in the orbit than any of the other satellites; its traditional cultural pattern is not only distinct from, but directly antithetical to, tho Slav-Byzantine cultural forms represented by the USSR. „ a. Cultural and educational iy-tterns_,bofore the_uar0 Gyula Szekfu, the most eminent contemporary Hungarian historian, holds tho thesis that Hungary is ”an integral part of the Christian-Gorman cultural community”; ho also coined the term ’’neo-baroque” to characterize the cultural pattern which was predominant in Hungary between tho tv.e world Wars* By placing Hungary in the ’’Christian-German” cultural category, Szekfu called attention to the historical circumstance that externally Gorman influences have been most instrumental in af acting Hungary !s basic cultural pattern of Latin Christianity; by applying tho term neo-barosue to interwar Hungarian society and culture, he stressed that the social restoration following tho revolutions of 1918-19 produced an ”approved” cultural attitude which was retrospective, bound by traditional form, nationalistic, and hostile to innovation. Had the post-World War I regime been totalitarian instead of merely authoritarian, all typos of artistic and cultural expression might have been frozen into this neo—baroque pattern; the preservation, of intellectual freedom, however, permitted the flourishing of another pattern parallel with the neo—baroque© This was produced by intellectuals and artists unconcerned with official approval or patronage, who continued to look for insp?.ra-tion beyond the limits imnosed by traditional sources, who tried now forms, and ignored nationalistic attitudes. In tho literary field, it was the adherents of this orientation who found a foreign market for their products. The other school produced for an almost exclusively Hungarian audience. Thus, for example, of the two major interwar Hungarian playwrights, the officially recognized Ferenc Hcrczeg (tho greater of the two) had his plays performed in the Budapest National Theater but wa,s and is unknown abroad, while the independent Ferenc Molndr was staged only in Budapest private theaters'but became the best-3mown representative of tho Hungarian drama in the West.While the spirit of the interwar Hungarian educational system was completely neo-barque, it differed from the general cultural'pattern in that here the conservative ecclesiastical influence v/as" considerably stronger. Not counting the four universities, 58 percent of all schools were owned and operated by the churches (most of them by the Roman Catholic hurch), while the remaining hU percent were state, municipal, or private schools. Similarly, 53 percent of the pu-pils attended church schools, while the lay schools catered to only [j.7 percento ihe reason ior this ecclesiastical preponderance lay in the historical circumstance that under the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy the Hungarian state paid special educational attention to the peripheral areas of the Kingdom, where minorities constituted a significant minoiity or an absolute majority, leaving the educational system in the central, Hungarian area predominantly in the hands of the churches, which had entered the educational field prior to the rise of the lay state* As a result, when the Peace Treaty of 1920 detached the peripheral areas from the Hungarian state, the school system cf the new, truncated unganan state appeared as predominantly ecclesiastical and Roman Catholic. n the secondary school level, at least, the church schools were definitely superior to the state gymnasiums and ’’real schoolss” b* ^Atural transformation. Since the advent of the Communist regime strenuous efforts have been made wo replace the basic Christian— German cultural pattern with the Slav-Byzantine scheme and to alter the educational system completely. No special effort was necessary to eradicate the neo-barque; being artificial, it disappeared with the regime which had sponsored it. Today it survives only in the architectural remains of the regency period. ' The attempt to alter the educational.system was successful only after a bitter church-state struggles in June 19h8 the church schools were nationalized, although the Protestants were left in possession of a few’ renowned institutionsc hollowing the long-delayed signing of an agreement between the state and the Roman- Catholic hierarchy in August 1950, eight outstanding -Catholic schools were restored to nominal Catholic control, In attempting to alter the basic cultural pattern, however, the new regime has encountered almost insurmountable obstacles. Only time will°tell whether the new regime will be as successful in changing the cultural environment of an entire nation as it claims to have been in changing social and physical environment. g ° The planning and operational aspects of this program of cultural tranformation have been entrusted to the recently established (June 19U?) Ministry of People’s Culture, now headed by Jc-zsef Revai. the chiei theoretician of the regime* Attempts are already being made to convince the population that, contrary to the evidence presented by bourgeois ethnology and philology, the Hwigarians. are a Turkicized pastor al olav people and tc use Communism as a vehicle for spreading Russian culture and Russian culture as a vehicle for spreading Communism# This Communist-Russian penetration is extended to all of national life: tolanguage* instruction, education, press, literature, art, science, radio, films, and social organizations® The first and most important operational instrument is. the government itself, the leaders of which are Soviet citizens and the members of which are Communists or crypto—Communists. The press, the publishing houses, the radio, the films, the scientific institutes, social institutions as well as the whole local administration and public education are all in the service of substituting the Com-munist-Russian cultural pattern for traditional Hungarian culture© 2• dedia of Communication a® Press and publications (1) Censorship and controls© Taking advantage of a Special-powers authorization to govern by decrees, on September 23, 19U7 the Hungarian Government issued three decrees establishing a licensing system for all publications J The basic decree states that “press products, including books as well as periodic and non-periodic journals, may be printed only with the permission of the Ministry of Informalion2: and further that "the distribution of /above/ press products..©shall be licensed by the Ministry of Interior•“ Thus nothing can be printed or distributed in Hungary today without the permission of the government© The basic decree is supplemented by two others, the first of which reiterates the right of the Minister of the interior2 to license the distribution of all published materials and states the procedure to be followed in applying for distribution permits© Ihe second restates the authority of the Minister of information over the printing of all publications and lists the prerequisites necessary for printing permits? Not satisfied with these sweeping powers, the Hungarian Government has used its nationalization program as a camouflage to bring about the total extinction of a free press in Hungary© Act XXV of May 11, 19h8,3 legalized the nationalization of “all privately owned industrial, communication, mining, and foundry enterprises, as well as electric works of public utility,” in which the number of employees of any branch cf employment reached 100 during the period from August 1, 19u6 up to the time the lav/ entered into force® Included among these enterprises were all privately owned printing shops having more than 100 employees® Sven printing shops with less than 100 employees were nationalized when- 1. Decree No. II.29O/l9h7 KORM©; No. £OO©7OO/l9U7 and No® 326/l9h7 T«M© The latter two supplement the first® 2® The Minister of the Interior Is a member of the Hungarian Honkers* (Communist) Party, and the functions of the former Ministry of Information are now being performed by a bureau in the Communist-controlled Prime Minister’s Office. 3© Passed by Parliament,April 26, 19li8 •ever this was considered by the government to be in the public interest* In accordance with the provisions of the law, such nationalized enterprises were placed .under the management of the "competent-Minister." Consequently, the Hungarian Government now exercises control over press and publication not only through its self-delegated powers of licensing the printing and distribution of all published materials, but also by virtue of its ownership and management of the printing shops* The supreme managerial authority of all nationalized enterprises is the. Ministry of the Interior. As a result, the Communist Minister of Interior, by virtue of his licensing powers and through his management of the nationalized printing shops, has become "the supreme ov/ner of press freedom"! in Hungary. Since the Communist coup of May 19h7, the entire opposition press has been liquidated, either through forced extinction^ or as.a result of "coordination" brought about by irresistible pressure.3 The last opposition journal, Hazlnk, discontinued publication in February 19h9j? after the flight from Hungary of its editor-in-chief, Istvin Barankovics* The chief target of the regime’s restrictive practices has been the Catholic press*. Although before the war there were in Hungary 16 Catholic daily newspapers, no Catholic daily has been.allowed to appear since the establishment of the present regime* Against the existing Catholic press, consisting of one ecclesiastical:weekly, a few periodicals, and — until February 19^9 — one political weekly, the government has employed a variety of discriminatory practices* In the first place, the Minister of the! Interior has constantly availed himself of his right to ban, suspend, or to confiscate Catholic press products. The most prevalent method employed, however, was the recurring Communist-inspired refusal of the Typesetters’ Union to print, and of the .Hews Vendors’ Union to distribute, Catholic journals. Both these Unions are members of the Communist-controlled Trade Union Council. .Ihe weekly Uj Ember has served as the only organ of the Homan Catholic hierarchy since the cessation of hostilities. This journal has been subjected to many discriminatory practices,h- and now allowed to appear in an emasculated- form and has to rl. Hazlnk, March-April, 19h8. 2. For example, the papers Holnap, Ellenzek, and Hazlnk. 3. For example, Magyar Nemzet, Mpszava, and Kis UmsIgT U® It was confiscated and bannecT for one month'on November 8, 19h7; at Christmas 19h7 its annual Almanac was confiscated (although this was subsequently denied); it coul3? not'appear on February 22, 19U8 because of the typesetters’ refusal to print it; the same issue had been banned in advance ibr attempting to carry a complete version of a■speech-by Cardinal Mindszenty; an March 21, 19i|8 it was severely censored under threat of confiscation; on May 1, 19I18 the typesetters refused, to print a declaration by Cardinal Mindszenty; again, on May l£, 19u8 its.publication was delayed because of the typesetters’ refusal to prepare, an edition until an article containing a denial of Communist charges of "church terrorism" was withdrawn; on June 20, 19h8 it could not appear, because of a threat of confiscation; during the latter part of 19ho Its sale in the city of Esztergom was prevented by the Hews Vendors’ Union.compete with the government-sponsored pseudo-Catholic weekly Kereszt. Discriminatory practices are employed against other papers as well as the Catholic press. On January 1, 1948 the satirical weekly Saabaa Sza j was confiscated for ’’having endangered internal order.” in January 1949 the daily Vilag, Was suspended for one week for having failed to carry government-distributed facsimiles of allegedly incriminating letters from US Ministers Schoenfeld and Chapin to Cardinal Mindszenty. On March 6, 1949 Magyar Nemzet was suspended for omitting statistics pertaining to unemployment in Hungaryo Freedom of the press is denied even to trusted Communists; a reporter on the staff of the main Communist daily Szabad No was disciplined and prosecuted for having,given an ’’incorrect” interpretation to a speech delivered on January 27, 1948 by Communist Deputy Premier Matyas Rakosi. The regime does not tolerate journalists who have indulged in the slightest criticism of the government. Such men are faced with the alternative of either fleeing- the country or becoming ’’coordinated,” Newspapermen who are unable or hesitant to take either alternative are arrested and imprisoned.1 (2) Restrictive practices employed against the foreign press. In 1947 a virtual monopoly on the importation of foreign periodicals and journals was granted to the increasingly Communist-controlled Ibusz foreign travel organization. Shortly thereafter, Laszlo Hay, the Communist chief of the Banking Division of the National Bank, established a new system of allocating foreign currency for the purpose of publications from abroad: one-third of the total sum allotted was assigned to Soviet, one- third to satellite, and one-third, to “estern publications. This restrictive measure was followed by a governmental directive to the effect that only those who have a professional need for foreign publications for the purposes of scientific investigation may subscribe to them. The right to determine what constituted "scientific investigation” was reserved I\,r the government. ?he total sum allotted by the National Bank for the importation of Western press products was 100,000 Swiss francs® This amount, however, was considered too high by Gyula Ortutay, a crypto-Communist and at that time Minister of Education, who thereupon issued a strict order to establish the identity of the person responsible for its allocation and to release funds for this purpose in the future only upon his authorization. Since the issuance of this order it has been practically impossible for a private citizen to subscribe to a Western newspaper or periodical, - . ... Thus Bel cX Stirling, a former editor of the extinct opposition weekly Ellenzek, waa arrested on October 15,- 1947, The journalist Gyorgy Bruller was sentenced on December 4, 1947 to one yearTs imprisonment for ’’the despatch of abusive and treasonable articles to the foreign press. ”Parallel with the reduction of the funds for the importation of. Western press products, and the control established over subscriptionsf the government has cancelled the mailing privileges of foreign press products, especially of Hungarian-American newspapers, which criticize the present Budapest regime, Hven such well-known publications as The Christian Seeence Monitor and The Header1s Digest have been excluded from Hungary* (S) Restrictions on the activities of foreign newsmen. A severe reduction in the. number of visas granted to Western newspapermen is indicative of. the government's determination to admit into Hungary only newspapermen who are either too illustrious to bo rejected without international repercussions or are sympathetic with the regime* This determination was particularly manifest at the time of the Mindszenty trial in February 1949, when the foreign correspondents admitted were either Communists, fellow travelers and Hungarian subjects, or individuals who did not know the Hungarian language. The latter were supplied with government interpreters, especially coached for the task. For example, Bdward Kerry, the UP correspondent, was told by a government official that he was free to report the trial as he pleased out that the female interpreter assigned to him would be held responsible for every ’word he filed. Foreign correspondents cannot hope to remain in Hungary if they file reports critical of the regime or of conditions obtaining in the country, Since 1947 three American newspapermen, Daniel Do Luce and Jack Guinn of AP and Homer Bigart of the New York Herald Tribune, have, been expelled from Hungary. .Two other American reporters, Seymour iVeidin of the New York Herald Tribune and John MacCormack of the New York Times, were, subsequent to their" dee torture from Hungary, implicated in so-called treason trials, on dubious evidonoe, b. Radio (l) State,controls. Before, the war the Hungarian Broadcasting Company had a semi-official character. The state owned about 20 percent of the sharesj all technical equipment, real estate, etc., was owned either by the state or by the Post Office Administration. Licenses for the operation of receiving sets were issued to subscribers by the Post Office. The seizure of the Hungarian Broadcasting Company by the Communist-dominated government is best told by Gyula Schoep'flin, ex-member of the Hungarian Workersr (Communist) Party, who was Program Director of the Hungarian Broadcasting Company from 1945 to 1949. In an article published in The Christian Science Monitor (November 7, 1950) Schoepflin stated that following the annihilation of all political opposition, the Hungarian Communists decided to take over the radio. Adversaries were ■/) Hrwn, branded as Fascists, and/or accused cf corruption. The employees of the Hungarian Broadcasting Company were cowed into submission and^ following a Communist drive, the Communist Party cell in the enterprises swelled from 40 to 400 members in two weeks. Next followed the ^committee stage.,r an all-powerful Communist Radio Committee was formed, assuming powers overevery aspect of broadcasting. The target of their most vicious attack was the Listener Research Department, a sort of Gallup Institute tor the radio. Compulsory listening groups, radio seminars, discussion circles were rapidly organized in workshops, schools, clubs, and community centers* Everybody had to listen to broadcasts which the government or party considered important, n cheap ’’people’s radio” set was devised which could be tuned only to the two wave lengths of the Budapest radio. Another method to control the listening audience was the installation of loudspeakers wired to a central receiver that carried only domestic programs. These loudspeakers have been erected in tne centers of industrial districts; fcney enable the Communist authorities to select party-approved transmission material in addition to preventing the public from listening to foreign broadcasts. (2) Extent of propaganda element. as in other satellite countries, people~listuning 'to^dranestic programs in Hungary are subjected to propaganda in various ways. A typical schedule of. the home service, broadcast over five transmitters, contains, aside from music and entertainment, about six news broadcasts, three press reviews, a review of production results, a school broadcast, a broadcast for villages, a women’s or a _ youth broadcast, "Boys and People of the USSR,” Russian Lesson, a broadcast for miners or one for the Greek children, etc. » regular feature is music or some other program transmitted on the basis of the program exchange agreements with other countries in the orbit, particularly the USSR. The Hungarian-language broadcasts from the USSR, Poland, and Bulgaria may be considered supplementary to this effort, (3) Restrictions on listening to foreign broadcasts. The regime is now attempting to eliminate all remaining short-wave listening facilities. The Post Office Department, which handles ail radio licenses, is reported recently to have offered to remove the short-wave bands free cf charge from all sets, basing this step on alleged requests received from subscribers for protection against Western propaganda, More drastic measures involve police action, such as, for example, was taken recently in the case of the employees of a rural telephone central who disseminated VCU broadcasts simultaneously to hundreds of listeners by piping the programs into the local telephone system. The existence of several jamming stations on Hungarian territory has also been claimed by various sources irom time to time. c • Films (l) Censorship. The exhibition of motion pictures is under the control of the Minister of the Interior, who, however, delegates his powers in this regard to the National Committee for Motion Picture Inspection. Even before the war, Hungarian policy in the matter of motion picture imports was aimed at the protection of the domestic film industry against foreign competition. Since the war this policy has been expanded by theCommunist-dominated regime to include the protection of the public against ’’contamination” by Western capitalistic ideology. The anti-Western drive began by offering the existing dollar shortage as the reason for curtailing the importation of American and other Western films. During the season of 1948-49 British films added up to only 11.6 percent; French and American films, to only 10.5 percent each, of all the motion pictures shown in Hungarian cinemas, American films were often banned because of ’’gangster content” or .’’warmongering-,” During January-February 1948 the Minister of the Interior banned all American motion pictures in which any one of nine proscribed i^nerican actors appear, allegedly because of testimony given by these actors before the Congressional Committee investigating anti-Timer ican e - . . . ~ activities. On March 25, 1^48 the National Film Bureau was created, with complete control over censorship, export-import activities, and exhibitors. Shortly thereafter the importation of Western films was forbidden and e. government decree of March 9, 1950 ordered the confiscation of all Western reels in private hands. In mid-April 1950, 75 percent of the first-run movie theaters 'in Budapest and 85 percent of the second-run theaters were showing Russian films. During- the first part of February 1951 all first-run theaters were showing Russian films. (2) Propaganda distortion^ At the time of the World Festival cf Yough and Students in Budapest (august 14-28, 1949), the Paul Robeson film MY NaTIYS LAND was exhibited in local motion picture theaters. The Communist-controlled press informed its readers that Mr. Robeson’s tendentious portrayal of the misery of the working classes in the US, the activities of the Ku Klux Kian, the Bund, the Silver Shirts, and other Fascist-type organizations (which the film presented as financed by American Big Business), as well as the brutal tactics of the American police- in suppressing labor disturbances, were based on actual facts and are typical of life in America today. The Italian"picture BICYCLE THIEF, which was shown in Budapest during the spring of 1950, had an addud ending, showing Togliatti addressing the workers of the world and explaining that under a Communist regime the'events pictured in the-film could never have taken' place. »»hen the Italian Legation protested, the Togliatti speech was deleted but shortly thereafter the film was taken off the local screens, (3) DTsf^ikution of- foreign films. During the period 1948-50 American motion pictures completely disappeared from Hungary. On February 8, 1948, for example, of 40 Budapest motion picture theaters advertising in the daily Nepszava, 50 vzere still showing American pictures. During the season of 1948-49, however, US films formed only 10.5 percent, British films 11*6 percent, and French films 10.5 percent of foreign pictures exhibited in Hungary, while Soviet pictures rose to 55..7 percent. Since early 1950 no US films have been shown in Hungary.3* Education a. Textbooks and teaching aids. The now Hungarian school books are illustrated with pictures and examples taken from Russian lifo,l and even the textbooks of Hungarian literature contain passages from Lenin’s, Stalin’s, Gorky’s, Mayakovsky’s, and Ilyin’s works, The educational principles of the Soviet pedagog Makarenko have been Introduced in several schools. The first boarding school to operate entirely on Makarenko’s principles was opened in January 1950i a teacher was awarded the Kossuth Pr ize (the Hungarian equivalent of the Stalin Prize) ’’for applying'the Soviet pedagogical methods and the principles, of Makarenko’1' 2 jn ^^c-vembeI• 19b0 the Hungarian' press announced that cash awards had been distributed by the Minister of Education among authors of new textbooks written with regard to a ’’socialist-realist taste.” ' Two authors of prize-winning textbooks declared# ”We followed Soviet textbooks and party instructions when we compiled our textbooks.” b6 Youth movement. During Juno 1950 all existing youth organizations were fused into a single Communist youth group ”on the model of the glorious Komsomol of the Soviet Union,” The Hungarian Komsomol is known as the DISz (Dolgozo Ifjus^gi Sz8vets^g -- “Federation of Working Youth”) arid functions as a “politically united organization led by the Hungarian ’Workers’ Party.” DISz is an affailite of the ’World Federation of Democratic Youth. Political indoctrination on the lowest level is in the hands of the Pioneer organization, a youth movement primarily for boys and girls between the ages of six and twelve, who are supplied with uniforms and recreation facilities, and receive premilitary training. These children are the Janissaries of the regime; they serve the double purpose of providing the regime with a completely indoctrinated and fanatical new Communist generation, and of spying on their parents and elders. The strongholds of Communism in the institutions of higher learning are the so-called People’s Colleges (Nopi Kollegiumok). The ostensible purpose of these Colleges is to provide the children of working and peasant'class families with an opportunity for higher education. The actual purpose, however, is to promote a system of education within which the students are hermetically isolated from all non-Communist influences and are trained- in an atmosphere cf constant and concentrated Communist indoctrination, with the ultimate purpose of training fanatical fighters for Communist ideas. Students admitted to live in these Colleges en.jo'y various material and 1 2 1. Szabad N|p, December 8, 1949. 2, Magyar Nemzet, March 15, 1951.political advantages. Small monthly fees are collected for board and room, but in most cases even these nominal fees are cancelled and the students even receive bonuses for political activity, progress in study, special activities, etc* Politically promising students are given preference for key positions- in school organizations and, upon graduation, qualify for civil service appointments more easily than others. After spending a few semesters in these Colleges, peasant-class students no longer feel at home in their villages because of their changed ideological and political orientation, Cb Adult education,t In June 1949 a Ministry of People’s Culture was organized under Jozsef Hevai, the chief theoretician of the regimeo The purpose of the new Ministry is to extend the program of Communist indoctrination above and beyond the educational system, into evfery niche of the nation’s cultural life. The Ministry supervises and directs the ideological and cultural activities of the entire adult 'population. It sends agitators into the villages to organize and conduct evening assemblies of the rural population (such’ as the ’’Winter Evenings” movement) ; it sponsors ’’seminars” for workers, both physical and white-collar, attendance at which is compulsory« The curriculum of this system of adult education is centered around the study of Marxism-Leninism, with a heavy accent on instruction in the Russian language4 d* International exchanges* International exchanges of cultural and educational materials and of persons are limited to the Soviet orbit. During the month of July.1950, for example, the following exchanges took place: in an exchange of Pioneer groups, 25 Hungarian Pioneers went, to Poland, 25 to Czechoslovakia, and 20 to the USSR, while the Hungarian .Pioneers were hosts to 26 Pioneers from Austria, 24 from East Germany, and 25 from Czechoslovakia 0 In an exchange of elite workers, 100 Hungarian workers went to Czechoslovakia, while 50 Rumanian' and 200 Czech workers came to Hungary. Twelve selected students and 16 teachers left for a month of study in Bulgaria» During the same month collaborationist representatives of the Catholic and Protestant churches attended a church conference in Czechoslovakia, a delegation went to the Slav Peace Conference in the same country, Hungarian athletes left for the USSR, a Trade Union and Cultural Delegation was sent to Sofia, Hungarian Trade Union of Iron and Metal Workers attended a conference of their parallel union In East Germany, and a peasant delegation of 200 was despatched to the USSR on an extended study trip to observe the results of Soviet agricultural methods, 4» Science and Learning a° Restrictions on individuals and institutions, The Communist coup d’etat of May 1947 sounded the death knell of academic freedom in Hungary, Since that date professors have been disappearing from Hungarian universities at a gradually increasing spe®d» Early in 1948 a panic arose .among Hungarian university professors, who had been placed under growing Communist pressure, in consequence of which many of them joined the Communist Party as &" precaution ary measure in anticipation of the impending academic purge,, The cleansing process got under way in the autumn of 1943, when such distinguished professorsnJ to as Zsolt Alszeghy, Elemer Schwartz, Istvan Rybar, Dezso Laky, and Kalman Molnar were forced to retire. Professors Akos Navratil and Gyula Moor, whose dismissal on the charge of "anti-democratic political,behayior" had been demands by the collaborationist Social Democratic daily VLAGOSSAC on February 17, 1G4 were similarly purged. The chairs vacted by the dismissed and pensioned nonconformists were assigned to Communists and reliable collaborationists. Other professors, known for their hostility to Marxist doctrines, were arrested on trumped-up charges. 1/ The, academic purge was complete by the spring of 1949* At present academic tenure in a Hungarian institute of learning or researcn is contingent on a public profession of Marxist-Leninist—Stalinist ideology. The Communist reorientation of science and learning includes not only repressive measures directed against teachers and students but also the total suppression of educational institutions. The Economic University of Budapest was completely abolished during 194$? on October 17, 194$ its place was taken by a newly organized and Communist-staffed Marxist EconomicfUniversity. Similarly, in March 1949 the Agricultural Colleges of Magyarovar, Keszthely, and Debrecen were abolished because the ’’reactionary spirit" pervading them. During 1950 new, Communist institutions were substituted for these abolished colleges, b( Restrictions on research. The complete Sovietization of researcn in Hungary was marked by the establishment in December 194$ a Scientific Council, headed by the high-ranking Communist functionary Erno Gero. The purpose pnd objectives of the Council were revealed by Deputy Prime Minister Matyas Rakosi, who declared: "The capitalist pseudo-sciences and arts, which turn inward and Pway from the masses, must be annihilated." During the intervening two years this objective has been completely attained: no tesearch in the sciences or arts is performed in Hungary today merely for truth’s sake but only in furtherance of state and party objectives. c. International congresses. Hungarian scholars and scientists have become virtual prisoners within their national boundaries because of fear on the part of the regime that either they will inform foreign academic circles of the violations of academic freedom in Hungary or they will refuse to return home. To guard against the latter danger, professors who receive permission to accept invitations from foreign universities are not allowed to take their wives or their libraries with them in order to insure thqpr return. For example, an attempt was made to force Professor Andras Alfoldi, the world-famous classical scholar and archeologist, to return to.Hungary from Switzerland by threatening him with the confiscation of his irreplcice^ol^ library. However, he subsequently succeeded in clandestinely removing his l/ For example, In June 194$? three professors of the nsztergom Teachers’ College were arrested, dismissed, and sentenced to prison terms ranging from five to two years, for having listened to the Voice of America, broad' casts, for having anticipated the outbreak of a new war, and for having desired the restoration of the old regime (Magya.r Ne nz e t, June 23, 1949) • UNCLASSIFIED90 library from Hungary. Owing to the proclivity of Hungarian scholars to defect, permission is granted them to attend only international congresses held in the orbit.. Only reliable Communist or fellow-traveling scholars are permitted to attend congresses and scientific meetings outside the orbit« 1 5» Religion a* Communist ob jectives, The ultimate objective of the Hungarian Communist regime as regards religion is the elimination of the moral influence of the churches and their reduction- to propaganda departments of the totalitarian state for the purpose of deluding the faithful, both at home and abroad, into accepting Communism as compatible with traditional European culture. Thus, the main issue in the bitter church-state struggle which was waged in Hungary between 194-7 and 1950 was not at all the separation of church and state, as in the liberal epoch of European history, but rather a determined effort on the part of the totalitarian state to absorb churches already possessed of a separate entity. 7he.Church-State struggle. The attack was first directed against the Protestant Churches (27 percent of the population), because of their minority status and lack of a supranationally centralised organisation,, Through the enforced removal of church leaders unsympathetic with, or hostile to, the regime and through the subsequent superimposition of collaborationist church leaders, the government was able to attain its objective on the Protestant sector in less than a year. By the end of 1948, the Calvanists, the.Lutherans, and the Unitarians had all signed concordats with the regime, accepting a perverted and Communist-controlled role in the cultural pattern. Having gained a victory on the Protestant sector, the Communist leaders were free to "concentrate on the Catholic Church. Supplementary objectives,, such as the expropriation of church property and the nationalization of parochial schools had already been achieved in 1945-48; ancillary objectives, such as the suppression of Catholic organizations, the curtailment of the Catholic.press, cessation of Catholic religious broadcasts, had also been attained. The nationalization of parochial schools, however,, evoked such strong resistance among the Catholic population that the regime decided to resort to a twofold strategy: the loosening of the ties which bind Hungarian Catholics.to Rome and the creation of internal division within -fhe Hungarian Church itself. Because of the uncompromising leadership of Jozsef Cardinal.'Mindszenty, the Hungarian Primate, there was, however, no diminution in resistance;.in fact, Catholic opposition was so strong that the Communist timetable was. upset. In consequence, overt and drastic methods of persecution were resorted to: placing of police spies in the churches, confiscation and suppression of official church communications, invasion and seizure of convents, prevention or dispersal of religious processions, and the arrest, imprisonment, or internment cf priests and nuns. This wave of persecutions culminated at.Christmas 1948 in the arrest of Cardinal Mindszenty on charges of anti-republican conspiracy, espionage, and foreign currency abuses. On February 8,. 1949 the Cardinal was sentenced to life imprisonment. After his removal, compulsory religious education was abolished in the schools in September 1949. Nextcame the reduction of the clergy to a civil service status: in October 194-9 an official decree ordered the exaction from all civil servants, including partial payees of the State (priests), of an oath of loyalty. On August 30, 1950 Archbishop Jozsef Grosz finally signed an agreement with the government in the name of the Hungarian Bench of Bishops. A week later the government suppressed all non-teaching monastic orders in Hungary, c, The churches in the service of Communist propaganda. Since 3.94-9 the Hungarian regime has been able to utilize some Protestant church leaders and members of the Catholic lower clergy in furtherance of its propaganda objectives. The new Calvinist Bishops Albert Bereczky and Janos Peter, and the. Lutheran Bishop Lajos Vet8 are well-known figures at international and domestic "peace congresses," attesting by their presence as well as by their utterances that religious freedom is unimpaired in Hungary and that Communism is compatible with Christianity. The suspended Catholic priest, Father Istvan Balogh, an old supporter of the regime, continues to play a prominent part in and around the government. On August 1, 1959 a "National Conference of Catholic Priests," under the leadership of the Cistercian Father Richard Horvath, was assembled in Budapest, declared its fealty to the regime, and announced its condemnation of the Vatican and of the Hungarian hierarchye The signing of the church-state agreement on August 30, 1950 was enthusiastically greeted by the newly formed "National Committee of Catholic Priests for the Defense of Peace," which .has become a willing instrument of the regime in all its propaganda activities. The success of the. regime in forming the National Conference of Catholic Priests" and its peace-defending affiliate is apparently the first step in the direction of establishing a Hungarian Catholic Church independent of Rome, which, deprived of its supranational direction and allegiance, will no doubt assume the same relationship toward the Communist regime as that which exists between the Soviet state and the various Orthodox Churches of the USSR. 6, Social organizations a. Repressive measures. All pre-Communist social organizations in Hungary have been either suppressed and abolished or coordinated with the regime and reduced to the rank of "fronts" for the Workers5 (Communist) Party, In liquidating long-established social organizations, the government made liberal use of Article IV of the Treaty of Peace, which obligated Hungary to dissolve "all organizations of a Fascist type on Hungarian territory,” Although Fascist organizations were plentiful, in Hungary during the last stages of the war and several prewar social organizations had taken on a strong Fascist coloring, this article was repeatedly invoked and offered as justification for the suppression of such non-political organizations as the Boy Scouts and the KALOT (rural Catholic youth organization)» No excuse was offered for the suppression of the Masonic Lodges on June 12, 1950. The social organizations still in existence, such as the World Federation of Hungarians, the Hungarian WomenTs Democratic Federation, the Federation of Working Youth, the Warriors of Liberty, etc., are actually Communist92. front organizations, which were captured from within through a process of slow infiltration and then subjected to reorganization and consolidation in complete conformity with -the official ideology of the regime. No genuinely autonomous social organization, even if it professes a Communist ideology, can exist in Hungary today. 7. Culture . . ' a-, Theater, The present state of the Hungarian theater is indicated by the facts that of the two leading contemporary playwrights, one, Ferenc Herczeg, has not been heard from s|nce the end of the war and may well be dead, while the other, Ferenc Molnar, has become an American citizen and publishes in English, ■ Another important Hungarian dramatic author, Lajos Zilahy, is also a resident of the US. The Hungarian stage has become another propaganda instrument•for Sovietization and Russification. During the 1949-50 theatrical season Hungarian theaters were .producing plays by Gorky, Simonov, Pavlenko, Tolstoy, Surov, Ostrovsky, the Tur brothers, and Rakhamanov. Hungarian, or non-Russian foreign plays are extremely rare. In 1950 the pupils of the.Academy for Dramatic Art were required to perform a play by Gogol as their graduation exercise. 1/ The Stanislavsky Exhibition at Szeged during the. month of January 1950 presented the history of the Soviet stage, which now serves as a model for slavish imitation. Every effort is being made to fashion Hungarian dramatic art on the Soviet pattern, the technique of which has been expertly propounded by the old-time Communist Tamas Major-, now Director of the Budapest National Theater. 2/ • ' ' . The propagandistic function of the theater is particularly.manifest in the current anti-American drive. Recent performances of two Russian plays, The Voice of America and The Diplomats, were preceded by speeches against the "bloody warmongering American imperialists," followed by exclamations of "Long Live- Rakosii" and "Long Live Stalin!" In both plays'Americans are portrayed as villains with great subtlety, . b. Literature, George Orwell’s doctrine of the "mutability of the past" is a present-day reality in Hungary. This doctrine is. rigidly applied to all books which give a picture of life before the advent of the Communist regime in a way which invites unfavorable comparison or- Interpret social phenomena in terms antithetical to Marxism-Leninism. At the same.time university libraries were ordered to destroy a selected list of books', including 1/ SZABAD NEP, January 19, 1950.' 2/ Ibid., February 12, 1950.works by F. D. Roosevelt, H. G. Wells, and Ortega y Gasset,, to mention-three of the best known foreign names. In a. few instances several books were spared from destruction, but had to be kept in ’’closed deposita” Among modern Hungarian authors this regulation affected most of the works of Ferenc Herczeg, Geza Gardonyi,. Ferenc Kormendi, and Laj<^ Zilahy, The monumental Hungarian history by Balint Homan and Gyula Szekfu, Magyar Tortenet (8 vols., Budapest 1928-34) has also been removed from the open shelves of university libraries, By'1950 the regime was no longer satisfied with half-measures in the literary field. In November 1950 a large-scale purge, reminiscent of the Nazi book burnings, began in Hungary. All municipal and public libraries were visited, books were shovelled into trucks and hauled away. Ig is said that 10,000 titles, amounting to. 200,000 books, were turned into pulp. The present Hungarian regime can ill afford to destroy the literature it Inherited from the bourgeois past: the Hungarian revolution has produced no Simonov, no Fadaev, no Mayakovsky. There is an appaling literary vacuum in Hungary today, partly because thefgreat generation of the early twentieth century (Ady, Babits, Kosztolanyi, Moricz) died out without replacement between the two wars, partly because the succeeding generation (marai, Zilany, Kormendi, Jozsef) Went into self-imposed exile or met an untimely death# The main reason for the literary sterility is, however, the lack of intellectual freedom and the reduction of writers to the role of propaganda„officers for the regime, Talented men, such as the Soviet Colonel Bela Illes, who returned to Hungary wpth the invading Red Army and has published a few good novels and Jozsef Revai, who in addition to being Minister of People’s Culture is also a brilliant literary critic and essayist, can fulfill this role well and still produce good writings Others, however, who are of mediocre ability, sink into bathos in the attempt to reconcile literature with propaganda,, c. Music. In the musical field th^ Hungarian Communist Regime h^.d a better start? having inherited Zoltan Kodaly and appropriated Bela Bartok (who died during the closing phase of the war in New York). Srno Dohnunyi, the only other Hungarian composer and conductor of international renown, ha^ become a Nazi collaborator and fled with the retreating German armies, modalp stayed in Hungary during the war and received various honors from the new regime. As yet he remains untouched. Bartok’s untimely death was adroitly exploited for the purposes of anti-American propaganda: the Hungarian public was told that the great composer had starved to death in the because of American indifference to his art. Death did not protect Bartok from severe censure by the new arbiters of Hungarian culturej in the February 6, 1950 issue of Szabad Nop, Geza Losonczy, at that time Under secretary in the Ministry of People-^s Culture, wrote the following: "».othe operas of.the great Hungarian composer Bartok are saturated with a decadent bourgeois symbolism, It is not a profanation of Bartok if we establish that his operas, are unsuitable to the moral education and to the development of the artistic taste of the Hungarian working population. Nobody can appreciate better the Hungarian genius than a Hungarian Marxist, but Hungarian Marxisms are not prepared to make a fetish of even the greatest. Bartok and Kodaly did much for the disclosing of Hungarian folk music. Hungarian Marxists will nevertheless apply criticism to Bartok..." The same article attacked the Budapest3k* Opera for a ’’non-political selection of the program” and charged that ’’the party organization and the mass organizations, at the Opera House did not function adequately.” The Budapest Opera, the article concluded must not be ”a temple of non-political, self-sufficient musical cultureIn other words, the regime will tolerate musical culture in Hungary only if it is deprived of aesthetic foundations and becomes a political weapon in the class struggle. ds Fine arts. The painting and sculpture of the new era were exhibited to the world in the great Constitution Day Exhibition held in the Budapest Art Gallery on August 20, 1950. According.to Kepes Figyelo (August 26, 1950), the participating artists had ’’hearkened to the call of the Farty and, with its support, entered the battle to liquidate the burdensome heritage of formalism, so to start on the path of an art which is socialist |n content and nationalist in form.” In opening the Exhibition, Jozsef Revai stated the policy of the regime toward the fine arts in the following words: ’’Art must also serve as a weapon ... to strengthen our people ... to resist the imperialist barbarians.” ... 8. Conclusion The obliteration of the traditional Hungarian cultural pattern and the gradual but accelerating superimposition of the Soviet-Russian scheme were made possible in connection.with the political, social, and economic Soviet-ization of Hungary.. This .process, ^ommonly known as ’’building socialism,” could take place, in the words of Jozsef Revai, only because the Par.tyjdad ’’decisive'control over the police forces,” and because "the force of 2'tko7 Party and of the working class was multiplied by the fact that the Soviet Union, and the Soviet Army, were always there to support us with their assistance.” 1/ 1/ Tars adalmi Sz emle, Mapch-April, 1949 •B. P©land 1, Introduction a. Traditional pattern. Poland has been in the mainstream of Western European culture since Medieval times» This has been so despite its somewhat exposed geographical position on Europe’s eastern borderlands} where Latin civilization has historically confronted Russian culture and, at times, Asiatic peoples ■> Originally the Roman Catholic Church bc-re a large share of responsibility for bringing the Poles into the Western cultural realm* It has continued to be one of the primary Western influences in Poland down to the present day, and as a result of the demographic and territorial changes ef World War II the Reman communion now embraces 95 percent of the Polish people© The modern and non-Catholic developments ef Western European culture have also extended comprehensively to Poland© The Reformation played a primary role there, although its institutional results were later undone by the Counter—Reformation* The political expansionism ©f the early modern Polish kingdom eastward into the Ukraine and Russia served to emphasise the sense ®f Western and Catholics community in Poland as against the Byzantine and Orthodox elements of the rival political complexes to the east© . Likewise at a later date Poland’s problem of maintaining its place in the Western state system against the expanding pressure of Prussia (and in recent times the desire for security against a strong Germany and a strong Russia) has drawn the Poles spiritually as well as politically close to France, and latterly to England and the United States© The sense of cultural community with the West was further strengthened during a century and a quarter of political subjugation to Russia (1795 - 1915), when nationalism grew and thrived on cultural resistance to Orthodox and Russian cultural oppression. After regaining unity and independent statehood in 1918, the Poles developed educational and cultural institutions that corresponded generally to those of Western Europe© b© Altered trend under Communism© With the advent of a Communist-dominated regime in 1945, which became practically unadulterated. Communism after the manipulated election of January 1947, Poland's forced withdrawal’ from the Western cultural community was begun© As in the other postwar Soviet satellite states, this precess was not abruptly pushed to completion, norapplied in all spheres with equal intensity from the start, but was commenced gradually, often adroitly. Strong, popularly revered centers of traditional cultural influence, such as the university faculties -nd the clergy, were first outflanked by Communist attacks on weaker institutions, before "being sub acted to direct attack themselves. Today, isolated, they are being put under ever more insistent pressure. Their personal contacts with the West have be n cut off as completely as they were a century ago under the Tsars. Although many,' perhaps most, of the familiar’educational, scientific, cultural and religious institutions have befn left untouched in • superficial appearance, they have been gravely alt ..-red in scope ■ nd content through the interference and denr nds exerted on every side by the Communist government. Freedom of expression persists only in small remnants in Poland today,' and must generally be exercised surreptitiously and obliquely e,en within those islandswhere it still exists — in the homes, the churches and some of the schools. 2, Media, of Coruaunic? tion Like the other Fast European satellite regimes, the ' Polish government is engaged in a systematic attempt to make its monopoly of information complete.' Its apparatus of control stile f - ils in some spheres to reach or control -.very public ’•venue between the minds of individuals, but the machinery is ' being steadily perfected. aand publications. Poland today is typical of the Eastern European quasi-Soviet'dictatorships in tht publishing on an unprecedented scale goes hand in hand with almost total monotony of content of the published material. Never in the past were Polish-language.books and newspapers. published in editions running into millions, of copies 'as. •,they arc today. The gigantic volume of the printed word is vaunted by the Communist regime as proof that'knowledge is available, to* the masses for the first time in history. Yet the claim is f-lse; for with minor exceptions the only, information available.through the mass of currently printed material is.the officially,approv-Comnunist lino in fill fields. The exceptions are largely confined, to a few Roman Catholic periodicals, thorns elves '"comp, .lied to -write circumspectly and curtailed in their reach through governmental policies on newsprint allotment. The fetters on • <' the printed, word include the following:- ' (l) ■Censorship. Even in the pre-election period 1945-47, when an official -nti-Communist Party, headed byStanislav/ Mikolajczyk, existed, the Communist-dominated government maintained restrictions on free circulation of printed matter. The leading opposition newspaper, Gazeta Ludowa, regul arly had ext nsive passages stricken from its editorials and news columns by the censor, particularly in the immediate pre-elect ion por iod. The apparatus of censorship waa...streamlined bv a decree of July 5, 1946, creating a Chief Oft ice for the Control of Press, Publications and Public Performances,1 This measure was bitterly and courageously attacked by representatives of the opposition Polish Peasant Party when it came before the National Council 'of the Homeland for ratification on September 22, 1946,2 Nevertheless, it was adopted and has served since that time as the legal instrument of comprehensive censorship. In defending censorship the representatives of the Communist—dominated Government Bloc repeated in numerous variations the slogan: "Only enemies of the people object to press control."3 Theoretically Communist censorship legislation is based on the prewar press control law of November 21, 1933, which is nominally still in force.4 Article I of that statute reads: "The common good shall set the limits to the freedom of the press." Thus a principle employed against the Communists by prewar governments.has been turned now against the opponents of the Communist regime with even greater thoroughness and force. After the elimination of Mikolajcsyk from the government by means of the manipulated election of January 19, 1947, and particularly after his flight from Poland in October of the same year, the Communist regime moved at. accelerated pace to close the remaining gaps in its system of controlled information. No newspaper basically critical of the regime was allowed to exist. Even the Roman Cath ‘lie press, which by this time had be.jn forced into a policy of either refraining from political comment alto- 1 ‘ Text, Dziennik Ustaw Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej , 1946, No, 34, Item 210. 2 Cf. Stanislav/ Mikolajczyk/ The Rape of Poland (New York, 1943), pp, 173-174. 3 Of, an editorial under this title in Polska Zbrojna, Warsaw, September 24, 1946, p. 4. 4 4 Text, Dziennik Ustaw Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, 1933, No. 89.gether or stating its views in terms so veiled and oblique as to be nearly innocuous from the viewpoint of the government, . was now steadily whittled away by governmental police action. Thus the weekly organ of the Primate, Tygodnik Warszawski, was forced to terminate publication in August 1946, after the arrest of its editor on vague political charges. More and more Catholic printing establishments were taken over by the government under its discretionary powers, under the Nationalization Act of January 3, 1946, including, in May 1949, the largest printing plant of the Church, at Niepokalanow. Today, although a number of Roman Catholic periodicals continue, they are held closely to purely religious subject matter by strict governmental surveillance. The same is true of the less important Protestant, Orthodox and Jewish religious publications. The printing and circulation'of books is no less strictly regulated. Under a Cabinet Order of September 21, 1949, all concerns that publish books or other non-periodical matter are required to obtain a license from'the state, in return for which they undertake "to conduct business within the framework of the publication plan established by the Ministerial Committee for Cultural Matters."-’- Publication of new books containing mater-if 1 out of harmony with governmental views is all but impossible. The few remaining exceptions include books on strictly religious subjects remote from political or social connotations. The issuance of new books for children is beset by particularly strict requirements. For. example, a certain author of children's storybooks was required in 1949 to eliminate a passage from one of his books referring to the local grocery store and pharmacy, on the grounds that these private enterprises were no longer typical of "people’s Poland." After meeting a series of similar objections on the same manuscript without obtaining final clearance from the censor, he gave up the project in despair. Free public access to books already published has been subjected to increasing limitations, particularly since 1949. Jhereas previously there were few formal controls on what a book seller might sell, from 1949 book dealers have received instructions from the government, through the book-distribution supervisory agency Bom Ksiazki Polskiej (House of the Polish Book), containing lists of books that must be withdrawn from sale and from stock. List No„ 1, issued in 1949, bans all of the works of Pilsudski, Trotsky, Pukharin and certain others, as well as some 600 individual books by as many other authors, 1 Text, Dziennik Usta.w Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, 1949, No. 53.including prewar critiques of Communism and socialism, books about the USSR, -nnd postwar writings of Communist deviationists such as Wladyslaw Gomulka, At the same time there has been an increasing effort of the government and of Communist Party organs to purge the public libraries. Even before 1949 libraries were forbidden to allow readers to see certain books without written permission, from the Ministry of Education., For example, the library of the University of Warsaw was not free to allow students to read His tor ia Komunistycznej Partit Polski (History of the- Polish Communist Party) by J. A. Regula and similar prewar accounts of Polish Communism except on such special authorization from the government. More recently such books have simply been purged from some libraries. Thus on December 28, 1950, the Warsaw Kurier Codzionny reported that the Warsaw People’s Council had removed from Warsaw public and institutional libraries some 800 book titles likely "to exert a baneful influence on the minds of readers." Comment in the daily press on all important issues is rigidly regulated by the - government and follows a completely uniform pattern in all papers» Treatment of foreign affairs by editorial and news writers is dictated to editors through the Press Division of the. Ministry of Foreign Affairs by means of ' conferences at regular intervals, " For example, official pronouncements of foreign governments are printed in the Polish press only when the Ministry gives authorization. T is was true as early as 1946, when the censor prevented publication by Gazeta Ludowa '(august 23, 1946). of the texts of the US and British notes to the Polish G vernment criticizing the latter’s delay in holding elections. Similarly the government forbade publication of certain passages of President Truman’s speech of March 12, 1947, enunciating the Truman Doctrine. The Foreign Ministry press spokesman, General Grosz, explained this on the grounds that the American President’s references to Poland and Communism might encourage Polish underground opposition.^ .'gain, when the US Government in September 1947, addressed a note to the Polish Government concerning US 'policy in Germany----a subject of vital concern to the Polish nation —- the US Ambassador in Warsaw, Mr* Griffis, called a. conference .of some 30 Polish newspaper representatives at which he handed out Polish-language copies of the note and answered numerous questions regarding it, yet the Polish press continued to maintain complete silence con- 7 1 Statement in the New York Timest March 15, 1947*corning the note. (2) Importation of foreign publications, ohile there is no blanket exclusion of foreign publications from Poland those' especially objectionable to the regime are efficiently kept out of general circulation. The issue of the American magazine Life for July 14, 1947, was confiscated in Poland by the authorities becou.se of the article it contained by former Ambassador Lane, criticizing the Polish Communist regime. As a rule, most periodicals and books published abroad in the Polish language are specifically banned from circulation within the country. A typical example of the way in which this is done is provided by the following official announcement in the governmental gazeteer of January 24, ' - ’ , 1950: ’’Instruction of the Director-in-Chief of the Chief Office for Control of the Press, Publications and Public Performances, dated January 17, 1950, relating to a ban on circulation. "On the basis of article 3 of the decree of July 5, 1946 concerning the creation of the Chief Office for Control of the Press, Publications and Public Performances (Journal of Laws No. 34, Item 210) and on the basis of article $ of the decree of November 21, 1938, concerning the Press Law, I prohibit the circulation and distribution of the Per iodical Przowodnik. Katolicki (The Catholic Guide) published in the United States (State of Connecticut)," "(Signed) A. Bida Director-in-Chief of the Chief Office for Control of the Press, Publications and Public Performances."! The translation of foreign-language books into Polish for distribution within Poland is a related matter in which Poles care deprived of free choice. The government decides whether permission shall be granted for the translation and publication of a given book, Works that are objectionable to the regime do not receive such permission. (3) Restrictions on journalists. Under the system 1 Text, Monitor Polski, Warsaw, No. n-9, January 24, 1950.of censorship, slanted news, end standardized editorial comment, there is little scope for Polish journalists to exorcise individual initiative or to present the facts. Foreign correspondents, in contrast, are allowed a measure of free activity in Pol end insofar as the writing of dispatches for transmission and publication abroad is concerned. But oven here there ha~-c been violations of reporto ial freedom on occasion. An example was the Polish Government*s delaying a dispatch of the Associated Press correspondent Larry Allen on April 27, 194' , in which Allen had reported a speech by the Polish Peasant Party leader Banczyk, criticising censorship end. police terrorism. Moreover, with the consolication of the Communist dictatorship since 1947, the government has tended to make things increasingly uncomfortable for foreign correspondents whoso dispatches irk. it. Correspondents who consistently report unpleasant facts about the Communist regime have been subjected to police surveillance and in the .long run have generally been ousted from Poland through failure to obtain a renewal of their visas. For example, this was the fate of Sidney Gruson, the Mow York Times Warsaw- correspondent, in 1948» and also his successor, Edward morrow, in January 1951. b. Radio. tike the press, radio is largely controlled within Poland, and the remaining area of freedom is insignificant. Radio broadcasting within Poland is a monopoly of the state, through the state entornrise Polsklo Radio. which was one of the earliest creations of the Communist regime^1 Like tho go-ernment-monopolized press, the radio is given over in large part to the dissemination of propaganda for the r give. In order to obtain an undistorted picture of what.is happening in the world, tho Polish radio listener is compelled to try to receive broadcasts from the non-Soviet countries of Europe and from the Western Ilemisphoro. Listening to broadcasts irom tho ‘dost is still feasible and is come on a considerable scale. c. Films. The notion-picture industry, like the radio, is a government monopoly, conducted through the.suatc enterprise Film Polski. Like Polskie Radio. Film Polsa was an early creation of the Communist regime, a fact illustrative of the prime imnert'nce att ched by the Communists to the media of mass in- 1 2 att doctrination. News films and short features shown in Poland 1. Created by a decree of the Polish Committee of National Liberation of November 22, 1944 (text in Dzj^nnilc JJstj^^e^zpps^litel Polskiej, 19/4-, No. 13). 2. Film Polski was created by a decree of the Polish Provisional Government of November 13, 1945 (tnct, Bzja^^ikJjstaxj^secz-pospolitej Pclnkiej, 1945, No. 55).are exclusively the product of Film Pol ski . Ihe latter also produces full-length feature films, and has the responsibility of ensuring that these present their themes in the proper ideological light® What happens when the staff of Film Polski falls short of the ideological standards demanded by the Communist theoreticians has been shown in such cases as that of the film ^asrie Lany (Bright Fields), produced at the end of- 1947. and withdrawn early in 1948 because of Communist criticism that it presented postwar realities in a false light and failed to depict rural youth working enthusiastically for Communist ideals eA Like the other East European Soviet satellite governments, the Polish Government promotes the showing of Soviet and satellite.feature films find discourages the showing of Western films® A sample of film showings in Warsaw on a given day, chosen at random, shows -that on February 17, 1951, the twelve motion-picture theaters in Warsaw were playing Soviet films in six cases, Polish films in three cases (the same Polish film in each case), Hungarian films in two cases, an Italian film in one case, and no American, Biitish or trench films, Nor is the difficulty in getting to see non-Soviet or non-satellite films confined to the public theaters. .It is .equally difficult for Poles to see, for example, American films on specialised or professional subjects in private showings, because of Communist opposition to this form of Western ’’influence.” From approximately 1948 onward, the United States Information Service in 'Warsaw has found- it next to impossible to arrange even such matters as the projection of an American film .on recent medical and surgical techniques before a private audience of medical students, because of orders from the Communist authorities to the university officials involved forbidding such American ’.’contactso” 3® Education . It is a doubly bitter tragedy for Polish educators that, after surviving a barbaric attempt of the German occupant during five years of war to wipe out Polish culture entirely,.during which terrible losses in personnel w- re_suffered by the Polish intellectual world, they should now, after ”1 iteration,” be subjected to "an equally comprehensive and.’far more insidious attempt to destroy their traditional'tntell.eetual freedom. The postwar attempt of’ the Communists to fetter education for the purposes of their sovietization program was somewhat‘delayed by the creation of a Provisional Government containing democratic opposition elements, with Western Allied recognition, in'1945. From that juncture until-February 1947, a non-Communist was Minister of Education and much of the traditional orientation oi the school system was 'maintained. But with the change of cabinets 1. Gios Ludu, Warsaw, January 8, 1948,p. 7. 2® Trybuna Ludu, Warsaw, February 17, 1951/p. 5.in February 1947, and the appointment of Skrzeszewski, a Communist, as Minister of Education, a rapid communization of schools was begun. A basic innovation carried out during the following two or three years was tho replacement of textbooks with new ones purged of material contradicting the Communist ideology. By September 1949, the Vice Minister of Education, Jablonski, could statej "Nob all of the new textbooks are ready yet, but the majority of them have already appeared or are appearing on the book market.” He went on to say that these new textbooks wore ’’based on the accomplishments of true science, freed from the errors of cosmopolitanism and nationalism, and adapted for use in school work Conscientiously contributing to the building of socialism" in Poland* Jablonski cited a number of passage from former textbooks condemned as erroneous' from the Communist point of view His comment in the following paragraph, concerning a standard copybook in orthography, is an illuminating example of the thoroughness of Communist determination to purge school texts? "For example, in the well-known and popular textbook for orthographic exercises in grade III of the preparatory school, by J. Rytlowa, published annually between 1945 and 1948, the same exercise is repeated without change. It consists of: (l) an examination of the picture printed in the book, showing a city street; (2) writing down what kind of stores are on this street; (o) enumerating what kinds of articles may be purchased in each of the stores. "Not a bad idea® By this method the child can learn something; but unfortunately the illustration in question fixes in the child’s mind a picture of a street dominated by ’private initiative,? with Mr. S. ^aranski, the owner of a coal store, at the head0"l During the same period the Ministry of Education turned its attention to the universities and brought them under state regimentation. On May 17, 1946, or a year earlier, the Cabinet had appointed a nine-man commission to "democratize" the universitiesIn the sjS'ing of 1947 under a more uniformly Communist Cabinet, more concrete steps were taken to translate the Communist concept of educational '’democracy” into facto A comprehensive law for universities and higher schools was drafted at this time and subsequently issued as a decree on October 28, 1947.By its terms, a Council for Institutions of Higher Learning was created, through which governmental control I® Irybuna Ludu, Warsaw, September 15, 1949O ^ew York Herald Tribune, May 22, 1946. 3, Text, Dziennik Ustaw Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, 1947, No« 66,was .expended over the? universities, For the first time, the state asserted the right to pass on the qualifications of scholars appointed to university faculties, and to prevent their appointment on political grounds. The Communist Minister of Education, Skrzeszewski, indicated in a press -interview with an American correspondent on -July 2Q, 1917, that the Council for Institutions of Higher Learning would tost candidates for university faculty positions for their knowledge of, and opinions on, "modern Poland/’ He stated that Marxist theories would be introduced as a subject of university teaching in the future, end that university faculties would be expected to explain ’’the three greatest forces in Polish life today — the Workers T party, the (Socialist party, and the trade-union movement.”1 Under- the same law, the government has taken radical stops bo control the composition of the student body of higher institutions, and to fill the universities with students selected for their political reliability or conformity, while excluding those from professional or intellectual backgrounds predisposed to political opposition. Admission to local institutions of higher learning has been controlled since this time by local commissions appointed by the state» Formally they are headed in each case by the rector of the institution in question; but their correct political composition is ensured by inclusion of a representative of the Ministry of Education, a member of the local municipal government, a trade-union leader and a representative of the Communist•peasant organization of the districts By this means, the access of even a highly qualified student to a university is prevented if he cannot show tno commissi on evidence of a favorable attitude toward the political regime# On April 26, 1950 the universities wore brought under still closer state control through passage of a law creating a separate Ministry of Higher Educational Institutions -and Lcience02 4. Science and Learning The world of scholarly investigation and< creation >is at present in a transitional stage in Poland. It has. not yet been wholly subverted by political interference; yet*it is subjected to -constantly increasing pressure from the state and the Communist Party, with the result that freedom of scholarly inquiry and presentation is steadily being narrowed. For the last three years, in particular, scholars have been conscious of this tightening noose# It is still possible, in various fields, for scholars to carry on objective research; but the opportunity to publish the results freely grows constantly smaller. For a scholar to persist today in publishing theoretical conclusions that contradict the currently approved Marxist formulae in the respective field, means a certain end to his career within a few years. 1O ~^ew York Times, July 29, 1947. 2e Text, Dziennik Ustaw Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej, 1950, Noo 21„A distinguished Polish scientist who is still practicing his profession in Poland has described in confidence this invasion of the integrity of the sciences, as ho observed it. In his words, an "intensive tightening up of Communist pressure’* was perceptible.from December 15, 1948, when the Communists absorbed the Polish Socialists and in effect achieved a mono-party state* From this date the attempt of the regime to subjugate every sphere of life to Marxist ideas was markedly accelerated* This scientist cited, as examples, the aggressive prejudice of the regime.against the indeterminism of Heisenberg in the field of physics, and against the hypotheses of Freud in the field of psychology. Polish scientists sharing these or other modern theories are, he pointed out, increasingly at a disadvantage undor the Communist regime* Similar in the field of biology, Polish geneticists are now under strong political pressure to give lip service to the Soviet-approved theories of Michurin and Lysenko. This phenomenon was observable in Poland not many weeks after the Michurin-Lysenko theories became state dogma in the USSR. Burly in December, 1948, tho Polish Vico Minister of Education, Krassowska, indicated in an address at Lodz that the. schools would be expected to repudiate other biological theories and to teach exclusively the new Soviet genetics.The following March a Communist Party conference was held in Warsaw to discuss this new ’’party line” in biology; and on April 13 a Communist professor of science, Jan Dembowski, published an article expounding the new doctrine.Since that time the party press has devoted increasing space to the subject. In this atmosphere, biologists of integrity are faced with eventual elimination from the teaching system and from, opportunities to carry on research. Only those who compromise with the dictates of politically-approved ’’scientific” theories are sure cf personal security. The same is equally true of such fields as history and economics. Since the latter part of 1948, when an ’’Association of Marxist Historians” was formed at governmental instigation, scholars continuing to publish historical works from a non-Marxist viewpoint have been subjected to increasingly severe censure in the party press* Similarly, the persistence of non-Marxist economic theory in university teaching has come under cons/ontly heavier attack.- *s time posses, verbal pressure of this type is translated into physical pressure upon scholars of integrity, costing them their professional advancement and sometimes their jobs; for under the regime of the Council for Institutions of Higher Learning, universities are under political compulsion to get rid of such scholars in the long run. 1. Kurier Codzienny, Warsaw, December 2, 1948, p* 4O 2* Trybuna Ludu, Warsaw, March. 29, 1949,. p, 1? ibid., Rpril 1, 1949, p o 5; ibid., Rpnl 1 o, 1949, p. 4* 3. Gios Hudu, Warsaw, October 21, 1948/ p* .3. 4. Cf, Bronislaw Mine, ”W sprawie wykladow ekonomii polityeznej na naszych uczelniach,” Howe Drogi, Warsaw, 1948, Ho. 12.106, The Polish Academy of Science, which traditionally has represented the .best of Polish* scholarship, has fallen under the same political pressure since 1948 to open its' ranks to ’’political'* scientists and tot give its official approval to the pseudo-scientific views favored by the gove-nment, °n October 6, 1948, on the eve of the seventy-fifth anniversary celebration of the Academy, the vice minister of education, Jablonski, sounded the government’s views in an article declaring that Poland needed a central'institution for “the planning and control of scientific research,” but-, that the Academy could not. serye in such a capacity unless ’’great changes take place in its structure and membership,” He concluded I • • -A • r /n: ”To sum it up in an easily comprehensible manner, what we need is an institution of the type of the academy of Science of the USSR, an institution fdr-genuine work, based on a series of institutions of scientific research, that will actually function in closest contact with life and the needs of the state. ■ 5, Religion ■ ; •• The-Communist.regime in Poland has found religion to"be'dne of the most deeply entrenched and universal obstacles to a speedy soviotization of culture. This is not only true of. the Roman Catholic Church, which embraces some 95 percent of the nation, but also, on a smaller scale, of the Protestant, Jewish and Orthodox communions, The Catholic communion has perhaps the greatest resisting power through sheer weight of numbers and superiority of ecclesiastical organization, . •• . Owing to the imposing position of the Romah Catholic Church botn in P dish history and in present-day Polish spiritual '.and cultural life, the government has used great circumspection in the initial stages of its attempt to undermine the Church — an attempt which, the Communists realize, will of necessity be a long-term affair, . A cardinal principle of the government’s’ strategy in the present stage has. been that of non-interference in strictly religious matters. In large .measure the Communists have even avoided direct polemics with the Catholic theologians on the question of religion vs. Marxism, although in numerous ways- their indoctrination of youth, has constituted a vigorous opposing of materialist to Christian principles, Communist strategy against the church at present puts great reliance on means of discrediting the clergy in their broader relations with the nation. The patriotism oi the cnurch is attacked. The clergy are steadily restricted in their traditional social functions as teachers and local cultural leaders. Government propaganda. takes advantage of every ins faneo of ..misbehavior* among tee cleigy — real or alleged -- to foster the impression that a substantial number oi priests are immoral,tdishonest, or engaged in treasonable dealings 1. Robotnik, Warsaw, October 6, 1948.with foreign agents, ^wing to censorship, the church is at a disadvantage in exposing the specious elements in those attacks by the government. A blow felt by all of the churches has been the enforced severance of many ties with the non-Soviet world, particularly with fellow churches in the West. In the case of the Roman Catholic Church, regular and effective contact with the Holy See and with the Church in Western Europe and ximerica has in large part been broken by the refusal of the Polish Government to permit the free coming and going of the clergy. Other denominations have similarly been compelled to surrender their organizational ties with the Wests The latest illustration of this process was the decision of the Polish National Catholic Church, a schismatic offshoot oi the Roman church with headquarters in the US, early in March 1951 to break its connections •with the parent church in America. So The Arts As in the other Soviet satellite countries, workers in Poland in the various creative fields have felt the heavy hand of the Communist state pressing down upon all native manifestations of spontaneity and individuality* Up to now this interference has been unable to put a complete stop to good writing, good painting, and good music, but it has laid on creative artists the grave choice of continuing to write or work as their integrity demands, thereby in the long rum endangering their subsistence and perhaps even their safety, or of giving up creative activity altogether. The only other alternative is self-stultification through the attempt to express themselves within the narrow framework of subject matter and treatment demanded by the regime* everywhere else in the world of Communist dictatorship, ideological spokesmen of the regime demand that artists confine themselves to ’’socialist realism.’5 In Poland the demand was characteristically expressed by government representatives at the fifth congressof the Writers’ Union at Warsaw in June 1950. One of these spokesmen, Adam Wazyk, described the trend in the following words: ”Rt the previous congress of the Writers' Union, in Szczecin, the postulate was put forward for the first time that the method of socialist realism should prevail; and the principles of this method were discussed. In our fictional and theatrical writing we do not yet possess works that can be considered mature from this point of view; nevertheless, in the intervening period the recognized majority of Polish writers have begun to orient themselves in this direction and are attempting to master the method of socialist realism; for they recognizetherein the sole correct guidepost for any writer who desires to take - a' part in the? development of , our life?’l The determination of the political ruling group,, as exemplified in the statement here quoted, to impose a single method and content on creative artists, indicates that the' freedom and the productivity of the arts is doomed in Poland under the regime in power. Here as in every other sphere, creativity of the human spirit cannot survive under dictation. 1® ftzeczpospoiita, Warsaw, No. 174, June 26, 1950, p. 5.CZECHOSLOVAKIA 1. Introduction a* traditional pattern,, Culturally * the Czechs and Slovaks have been drawn by two strong attractions throughout long periods of their history.:.; first and most important, toward the Western European traditions, and second, particularly in recent times, toward Russia and Slavdom, The influence of Russian culture on the Czech and Slovak nation has been due largely to the constant search of a small people, long involved in a struggle for national existence, for support and strength from a larger nation^ The affinity of their languages with the Russian, language has had special significance for the Czechs and Slovaks in tine of danger, when they feared for national survival* Because of their geographic location, surrounded as they were by Germans and Hungarians, they derived a sense of security from being part of the great family oi Slavs, headed by a. powerful Russia,. At several periods, particularly during the strong surge of Czech and Slovak nationalism in tho nineteenth century, there was a lively interest among Czechs and Slovaks in Russian literature and culture. The,predominant orientation of the Czechs and Slovaks, however, both culturally and politically, historically has been toward the West, In the period,between the two World Wars, the inestimable influence of the first president of the Czechoslovak Republic, Thomas G. Masaryk, illustrates Czechoslovakia*s relation to the Westo-n Wasaryk’s own writings s tress the importance of Western cultural patterns for the nation-. Western Christianity and democratic ideas, especially in their Anglo-Saxon and French forms, had considerable influence on him, and through him on other political and cultural .leaders of the nation* The Czechs and Slovaks considered themselves to be an integral part of Western Europe and sho.rp.Ly resented being called Eastern Europeans® This Western orientation found expression in the political ties of Czechoslovakia after 5ts attainment of independent statehood in 1918, as well as in the writings of such "Westerners” as Karel Capek, whose works.were translated into a numbex* of Western European languages •» In addition to these two cultural trends, there was also a tendency to develop purely nationalistic, i»e,, Czech and Slovak, themes, rooted in the old Slavic customs and traditions. of the late IQpChs national Lie to a lesser degree 2,A... Xul l/dfinces since World War II3 The world cr Is is inaugurated a new period in Czechoslova.. cultural and ■er the J'funich negotiations of 1938, the Czechs, and the Slovaks, felt that the West had apparently abandoned tnem rlazi barbarism. Although their confidence began to revive when the West itself went to war with Hitler in 1939, the wounds of 1938 never, completely healed. The Czechoslovak government in exile, though situated England and predominantly non-Co.mmuni.st in composition, looked to the USSR as a future ally against Germany and as the principal liberating force against Hitler. With this political orientation, a whole • range of sympathies for the Soviet Union accumulated once more among the Czechs and Slovaks, and was not entirely dissipated by the behavior of the liberating Soviet Army in Czechoslovakia, in the early postwar years, Czechoslovakian leaders hoped that their country might play the role ofc. bridge betveam the ~aot and West. President Eduard Bonce considered this ter be the main tech of liberated Czechoslovakia* The Communist Party even with its post-war expansion, was a minority party, but by a carefully prepared plan Communists retained key positions in education, information, and general administration after the withdrawal of the Soviet troops in November and December 194-5© 1/ From these vantage points it was comparatively easy for the Communists to revamp the educational system and information media to conform with the new regime*s aim of Iransformong Czechoslovakia into a ’’Peoples* Democracy” modeled after the Soviet pattern. In view of this situation, one may wonder why the Russians required the drastic transformation of Czechoslovakia Into a ’’Peoples* Democracy” in February 194-8, and why the Communists, acting on Moscow*s orders, precipitated the crisis in full view of the world when they had already most of the means in their hands to bring about a gradual change and when politically the country was already part of the Soviet bloc. Although there were many contributing factors, the main reason seems to be that the Czechoslovak Communist Party was steadily losing ground, notably in Slovakia. The sympathies for the Soviet Union had begun to decline, especially following'the heavy handed manner in which Moscow interfered in the Czechoslovak plans to attend, the Paris conference preparatory to the Marshall Plan. Contrary to expectations, Soviet culture had not become popular at all, whereas, the Western tradition was increasingly reasserting itself. Thus, for the Communists the only solution appeared to be the one adopted in February 194-8. Since the Communist coup d* dtat the regime has introduced a number of measures designed to alter the whole cultural climate of the nation* The principal objective of this drive is to break away from the traditional Western outlook of the country, to sever ties with and discredit the West, and to introduce instead a Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist concept of society. The planning and operational aspects of this program have been entrusted to the Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Information, and Communist penetrations is extended to the totality of national life: to language, education, instruction, press, literature, art, sciences, radio, film, theatre, music, and social organizations. The first and most important operational instrument is the Communist government itself. But it will be possible to change the cultural environment of an entire nation in the same manner in which the regime is changing the economic, social, physical environment is yet to be seen. 2 ® Media of Communications a. Press and nubileations (l) Censorship and controls© By a law approved early in 194-9, the Czechoslovak Government instituted close regulation of publication and distribution of books and musical compositions. The law excluded private capital from publishing literary and artistic works, 1. Communist infiltration is cogently analyzed, in Ivo.-Duchacek* s articles ’’The Strategy of Communist Infiltrations Czechoslovakia,” World Politics. April 1950, and ’’The February Coup in Czechoslovakia,” ibld., July 1950.according to Information Minister Kopecky© 1/ Thin was the first major step toward the complete regulation of publishing activities in Czechoslovakia, which enjoyed a very high per capita consumption of books and periodicals« In line with this, situation, the regime5s economic weekly, Hopodar, Ko© 12, 1950, reported: ’’The transformation of the publishing industry and of the book and press distribution system., the basis of which was laid immediately after the*liberation, is now being completed, Altogether, 335 beck-publishing houses, 56 music-publishing housesP and 111 publishers publishing their own books were liquidated In 1949? according to the Minister of Information© The distribution of books has passed into the hands of the publication branch of the Ministry of Information and Enlightenment© The3Kniha Lidu!(The Book of the People) cooperative is becoming the central, distribution organisation if the entire book trade© By the end of 1949, it’had taken over 200 private bookselling firms out of a total of 220 which are to be taken overP according to plan© A socialist distribution network of 550 sales outlets will be created, including 225 sales outlets of collective enterprises. ”A total of 15 daily newspapers in the Czech provinces and 7 in Slovakia, with a total circulation of 2„300,000? are being published at present. The specialization of the press has not yet been completed* ’’The nationalized sector of the printing industry has 303 enterprises. There are 675 private enterprises with 20,963 employees. The nationalized sector has a turnover of 3,050,000,000 crowns and the private sector 554,000,000 crowns.” This continuing process of ’’nationalizing” the whole field of publishing, books as well as periodicals, had started even prior to the coup,owing to Communist infiltration of the field, and especially to the fact that the Communists dominated the Ministry of Information immediately after the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945. Kegulation of publishing was accomplished to considerable.extent by the simple expedient of allocating newsprint and other indispensable material only to those who compiled with the Ministry’s policies,, Shortly prior to the coup, less subtle methods were used in the efforts to regiment the book trade. On January 13, 1948, for example, the Ministry of Information said that ’’many booksellers favor buying books of certain ideological orientation, neglecting books of ’progressive tendency5 and thus influencing the reader in his choice of reading.” Therefore, the Ministry intended to ’’bring order into the distribution of books” by regulating the book market. There wa3 strong reaction to this statement in the anti-Cor munist press which pointed out that a bookseller buys what he can soil and that it was not his fault if the ’’progressive”books had not found favor with readers. For example, 200,000 copies of President Benes* Memoirs 1. Announced by Czechoslovak Press Bureau (CTK), February 9, 1949were sold within two months while books on Communist political theory re' mained on the shelves* Intimidation was also used before the February coup d’etat to stop the sale of books that were detrimental to the Czechoslovak Communist party (CCP)« An example is the Czech translation of Victor Kravchenko’s I Chose Freedom which after a spirited initial sale suddenly became unavailable , obviously because of the intimidation of the book-selling trade* An indication of the growing regulation of tho field o publishing prior to the coup, appeared as a statement in the then anti-Communist daily} Lidove Noviny» in a special pre-Christmas supplement of December 7, 1947* "(Published by the Association of Cultural Organizations)* Commenting on the statistics of the Ministry of Information on the year’s output of books, it said; ’’Alas, we are not in a position to compare these statistical data to say what number of the books approved for publication were actually published* , *” But it added the significant statements "Of the translated books the largest numbed was of books in the English language© Authors of the Soviet Union are second□ The largest number of copies was achieved by Benes’ Memoir^*” The first concerted attempts at regimentation of the daily press came very soon after the coup but there were earlier indications of a continuous struggle waged between the non-Comrcunist press on one side and the Cornr.u-nist papers and the Ministry of Information on the other sideo The attitude of Minister of Information Kopecky was clear from the very start of the postwar period* His allotment of newsprint for the Communist Party organ Rudjs Pravo providing for over 500,000 copies each day was far beyond the needs of the paper’s circulation* The Social Democratic daily Pravo Lidu was given enough newsprint for 400,000 copies, while the National Socialist^ Svobodnd Slovo was alloted paper for only 230,000 copies and the People’s Party organ Lidove. Demokracie even less* The weekly Obzory? which was published by a group associated with the Catholic People’s Party, met with Minister Kopecky*s disfavor soon after the first issues appeared, and'its newsprint allotment was consequently .cut to only 50,000 copies* The Social Democratic Party daily Fravo Lidu before the, coup showed growing awareness of the threats to the freedom, of press© In its January 14 1943 issue it wrote, under the heading ’’The Social Democrats for the Freedom of-Press,” "It is a fact that the freedom of press, as it exists today, is in grave danger©” The paper said that the Social Democratic Party would demand a news constitution proscribing all press censorship as illegal except in time of national emergency and during a period.of ’armed preparedness*’ '<■- ' Examples of confiscations of newspapers became numerous in the weeks proceeding the coup* On February 9, 1943 > it was reported in Praha tnat two newspapers were confiscated because of comments unfavorable to the CCPS Tho National Socialist weekly NaSe Sypbpd^ and the Catholic People’s Party daily Narodni Obroda., were confiscated-for articles allegedly offensive to the Communist-dominated State Security Police* As for the gradual prevalence of Russian ovc-r Western authors-j the publication figures for 1949 are significant? in 1947 only 99 translations of Russian works were published as against 350 translations of Englishand American books, During 194-3 the number of published translations of Russian works increased moderately to 125, but in 194-9 it reached 312. 1/ Immediatoly aftor the promulgation of the 1949 law on the publication and distribution of books, an odition of 200,000 copies of Stalin*s collected works was issued. In fiction, works of contemporary Soviet authors rather than the Russian classics arc featured. The new regime has taken over all the dailies and ether periodicals which were previously published, by non—Communists, but has had bo discontinue some Communist publications, apparently because the increasing uniformity of the press resulted in consumer resistance® Readers found no variety in the press and tended to limit thomsolvos to a single paper, preferably the official party organ in order to avoid persecution. The weekly Kulturni Politika ceased publication on October 1, 194-9, to bo ’’merged” with tho daily hidove Noviny, published by the Czechoslovak Union of Writers. In an editorial in the final number of ^Iturni Politika, E, F. Burian, the editor, claimed that the weekly had won its struggle, . ’’Why then is this the final issue?, ®' o It is because we recognize that since February tho Intellectual wond has been faced with so many gigantic tasks that it has had to concentrate its forces® , . Without present forces it is not possible’ for tho Union of Czechoslovak Writers to publish a daily, a weekly, and a monthly© We ro-cognizo that since February this has meant wasting of strength. , .Wo have no doubts that unt.il February 1948' Kulturni Politika ful.fil3.od its purpose. . . But we might have.faced now a shortage of editors, wo might have debased’the contents of Kulturni Politika, as indeed was already becoming apparent.” In other words, there was not a sufficient number of reliable Communist editors and newspapermen to replace tho hundreds of non-Communists who' had left the field — either going into .'exile, prisons, or labor camps, or some other ’’proper occupation.” - • Strict control ovor tho press were introduced gradually aftor February 1948. At th>. beginning there was a.semblance of a free- press, with only a' comparatively small number of newspapers banned outright® Tho following daily, weekly, or monthly periodicals had ceased publication by tho end of March 1948s Ozvobozbny Nasinoc and Rozsevac, (Olomouc). Volno Slovo, Bias, and Wove Slovo (Ostrava), Svobodny £mcr (Plzen), Cas (Bratislava), Domokrat (Kosice), Obsory. Uyvdi. Daogok, Syobodny Eitrok, Donokratickv Tyzdonnik. Sidle and Sobota(Piraha). The continued publication of other formerly anti-Communist vapors does not moan that an opposition press still exists© These newspapers were purged of all non-Communists by so-called ’’action committees” during and immediately following the Putsch. Communist stooges replaced former editors, Communist controlled trade unions refused to distribute loading non-Comnunist newspapers, such as Syobodno Sieve and Lidova Dcnokracio. for several days' during tho crisis. Communist-dominated 1. Slovansky Prohlod, No. 1, 1950,refused to set type for articles they disapproved© Journalists who wore known for their nonrComnunist views were expelled from the association of Czechoslovak journalists. The new note was sounded most explicitly by the Secretary7' General of tho CCP, Rudolf Slansky, In an interview published in Rude Pravo of March 7, .194$ >..Slansky stated! ”It is incompatible with membership in the National Front to agitate against the government and the National Front. Therefore, the Central Action Committee of the National Front will see to it that the -prass is not misused.” In the period immediately following the coup controls of the papers were generally applied by allowing the not entirely reliable staffs to continue writing but to hold the reporter and editor individually accountable for his writing or that of his staff. Subsequently more stringent methods were introduced, including censorship of copy before publication© Although during its short history as an independent state, Czechoslovakia was one of the most democratic countries un Europe, taking special pride in respect for law. and the rights of tftc individual, immediately after the February 194$ events sone of the best known Czech journalists were attached and arbitrarily removed from these jobs. Among them were such man as Ferdinand Poroutka (Lidove Noviny). Ivan Herben (Svobodnc Slovo), and Lev Sychrava (Obrana Lidu). Within less than- a month after the Putsch $9 journalists were expelled from the journalists* -association,which meant loss of work and of the.opportunity to work in the profession© Since then even some of the nost‘ardent supporters of the new regime have fallen victims to new purges, among them even one so prominent as Vildn Noyy, the chief editor of the Communist Party organ© Numerous ether Communist editors and writers wore dismissed as well, and, like Noyy, were imprisoned. (2) RmstPictipnsjegainst ..the_toeign.,£ress0 Prior to February 194$ there were few limitations on the importation of foreign no newspapers and books into Czechoslovakia. The main obstacle was a shortage of foreign currencies. Nevertheless, all major periodicals published in England, France, Switzerland, Italy, the US, and other countries, including of course the USSR,.were easily available In Czechoslovakia, newsstands in the major-cities sold cepies of the Paris edition of Now Somk HeraJLd Tribute, of the London ...Timos, -the Daily Telegraph, the Nows Chrop.iclc^^Timc, Life, Newsweek, Picture Post, L1 Illustration, Nouc SSEpnor Zcitung, Easier Nachrichton. - to mention only a few, Coffeehcuss kept numerous Western newspapers and magazines,.on hand for their patrons. The Czech language newspaper published in Now fork New Yor'skd Listy, alone had a daily distribution of several hundred copies in Praha in 194'$* The New York, Chicago, Pittsburgh, and other Czech and Slovak papers were- also road in Czechoslovakia© After February'194$ increasingly stringent measures were taken to limit and gradually eliminate this influx of information from the West. The importation and distribution of foreign periodicals was centralized in the hands of a solo agency, the state-owned and operated Orbis Publishing Company. • At present, except for the various Communist Party erg'ns of the Western countriesy only a few copies -of a few Western periodicals arc reaching Czechoslovakia. Those that are received are net available to the general reading public. Even if they wore available, few persons would dare risk being scon buying or reading a ’’capitalist”, ’’warmongering” Westernnewspaper or-magazine, much. less being on the nailing list for regular subscriptions. Thus, although such papers as the Now York Herald Tribune’s Paris edition, the London Tines, Lo Figaro, Neuc Zhreher Zeitung, and others, arc still being sent to Czechoslovakia, copies arc .available only to high party and government officials and to foreign diplomats* Numerous periodicals have boon banned outright, e.g., Timo, Life, Readers1 Digest, the Chicago Tribune,and majority of the Czech .and Slovak language papers published in the United States® They are prohibited from entering Czechoslovakia through the nails or otherwise* On January 13, 1949, the Czechoslovak Government issued a decree(based on the Government^s decree No* 93/H part 2, of April 20, 19ZS) orohibitng the distribution of the international edition of Life and Tine for the entire year 1949 » Subsequently copies were also confiscated from the USIS libraries in Praha and Bratislava* 1/ (3) Rcsti ictlens on activities .of .X^rpiglk nowsmcgia Prior to the coup there were very few limitations on foreign correspondents in Czechoslovakia® Except for the usual bureaucratic obstacles foreign newspapermen face in European countries, there were hardly any restrictions, either on the copy filed or'on the movements of the correspondents and their eta.ff* Pressure of seme kind was exerted on occasions hut not to the extent of seriously interfering with the reports of these journalistsc. There were 15 to 20 full-time Western correspondents accredited in Praha0 They represented the major American, British, French, Swiss newspapers and wire agenciesa In addition, there was usually a fluctuating number of ’’correspondents on passage”. accredited'for varying periods, and an undo-*-torminod number of so-called ’’stringers”, representing several newspapers, or agencies® This situation has undergone a dras-tic change since the coup of 1943a A number of foreign correspondents have been expelled for uariuns reasons, usually under the pretext of ’’slanderous, untrue reporting”j some have been refused accreditation or renewal of residence permits. Those remaining — at present there arc only four Western correspondents left in Czechoslovakia, one each representing the United Press, the Associated Press, Reuters, Agcncc Franco Prossc — are subject to such rigid controls and restrictions of their activities that there can no longer be any genuinely free nowsgathoring and reporting* The former Now Fork Timos correspondent in Praha, Dana Adams Schmidt, described the conditions under which a Western journalist must work in Communist Czechoslovakia in a series of dispatches filed from Vienna after his dramatic escape from 1* A sample of the publications that were censored or confiscated is seen in the following partial list covering a relatively short period in 194S-49? 2949 Nov Fork Herald Tribune ("Paris edit ionT Readers’ Digest Look Saturday Review of Literature Saturday .Evening Post. M£.Q (Int- .irnational edition), Now Fork Herald .Tribune (Paris edition) 1948 New Fonk Times Telegraph NewsweekCzoohoolovakia under the threat of arrost for alleged espionage. These articles were published June 15 to June 20, 1950. Explaining how any foreign correspondent could be arrested for ’’espionage,” Schmidt wrote: ’’Under the 2 year old law for the'.defense of the republic, .. one could be convicted of espionage for gathering any information not officially published or even for correlating published information. . .It was last autumn that. Western correspondents with shock realized the situation, f when a priest with whom they had had friendly contact was; arrested. There was and is no censorship for outgoing news. But since the series of trials.that .begun in April, Western correspondents and also diplomats have boon restricted almost entirely to the official news agency, /. ,f newspapers, end each other for information., . . , Of six interviews with Government officials.that I requested • • through the Ministry of Information.during the four months before my departure I received only one —at pensions headquarters. During that tine Western correspondents were invited only to those press conferences and trials at which Western nations were to be attacked and insulted*, „ . .Thus correspondents, like diplomats, ape practically cut off from .official sources. They.fear to , sco private sources lost they compromise themselves and the sources« That is wheel is technically known'as censorship at the source — the same method tho Nazis used until the second year-.of the war. Since'tho correspondents remaining in Praha still, in spite of everything, occasionally pick up a story that is not official, they • would undoubtedly feel ..more at ease if Czechoslovakia- would follow Moscow’s example by establishing direct censorship of outgoing nows.” - . a- In April 1950 the US Press Attachd, Joseph C. Kolarok, was declared porsona non grata by tho Communist regime and.expelled from.the. country, and several local employees of the US Information Service wore brought-to trial and sentenced to long prison terms.for alleged espionage.which 'they committed by ’’giving an answer to Mr.. Kolarok when he asked .what' tho Czechoslovak people’s’reaction was to one of the President Truman speeches about tho • atomic bomb, l/ The USIS office was closed by the Govcrnrioiit on April 21. b. Radio (l) State controls. As in most Europoan countries., radio broadcasting has always boon under public control. Commerical broadcasters as known in America were not in existence in Czechoslovakia prior to tho war or after. A state-owned and controlled corporation, Padiojournal, was responsible for tho programming and administration of all broadcasting faci lities. The organization was under the jurisdiction of tho Ministry of Posts and Telegraphs, which collected a fco from every ov/ner of a radio set Those fees formed'a .considerable source of revenue from which performing artists were paid and. from which facilities were maintained. 1. Dana Adams Schmidt in the New berk Times * Juno 13, 1950.As one of jbhe most industrially advanced countries in Europe, Czechoslovakia has a very high per capita ratio of receiving sets, even by Western standards. In spite of the confiscation of a considerable number of sets during the Nazi occupation and deterioration of the remaining sets when replacements and repairs were not easily obtained. The postwar figures are still very high* At present, according to official figures, based on the collection of license fees, there are about 2,300,000 radio receivers in operation in Czechoslovakia (population — 13,000,000 people). Of these sets almost two million are equipped with short wave bands, and can receive foreign broadcasts directly. Thus radio listening has played a rather important part in the life of the population, especially in the'Czech lands, which have the heaviest concentration of receivers. Owing to the slower progress of electrification in Slovakia, broadcasting has been of lesser importance there,. On the other hand, official statistics, corroborated by reports of numerous reliable observers, indicate a fairly oven distribution of radio sets between town and countryside, with radios an almost universal household item in bothc (2) Extent of propaganda. After the end'of the war, the Communist Party insisted upon and received full control of domestic broadcasting facilities. This was done by transferring virtually all powers from the state-owned but largely independent Radio Corporation into the hands of the Ministry?of Information, headed,by an old-time Communist, Vaclav Kopeckya Thus, in contrast to publishing, the imposition of radio controls after February 194-3 was comparatively easy. Through various strategically placed Communist officials, especially through the chief of the news section of the Radio Corporation, the CCP gained control over the radio dissemination of information before It seized, control of the government. The other political parties often complained 'bitterly that the Communists had gained an undue advantage and that they were misusing their position to foster their own political aims. The Catholic daily hldova Dcmokracic of November 3, 1947 quoted the Social Democratic Pilsen paper Pl^eftsky Den of November 6, 1947, thus: "Under the heading ’Who Can Trust the Radio?5, Plzeftsky Den says: ’It is sad that the radio has reached the point where hardly anybody can believe it any more. If anybody believes in it, then they are only members of the Communist Party. It has been proved many times and it can bo seen every day. It is enough to turn the - switch and to listen to the review of the press and to turn the switch and to listen to the review of the press and to turn the radio off at the end of the newscast. Almost every nows item is colored with a tendency, no matter whether it Is news from abroad or domestic news. It Is overwhelmingly representing the policy of one single party and the people arc getting really fed up with ite The last time the ’Czechoslovak’ Radio has shown Itself excellently was in a broadcast .on a meeting of the National Front. It is well known that we /the Social Democrats/ had made a statement and- then loft the meeting because it was not a meeting of the National Front. The fact that we had left was not mentioned at all by the radio. It118. is only,another proof that the radio has no intention to issue- truthful reports, or to be impartiale It is, therefore, only the dictate of one party. It shows clearly ' that all that is being presented to the people is done . with only one goal in mind: to serve the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia * Then obviously, we havo no Czechoslovak •Radio5?* -• '■ , - • Another example of such criticism, also from the Social Democrats, was an article published in Pravo Lidu of January 23, 1948. The paper condemned the way in which the Czechoslovak radio had treated tho question period in Parliament earlier that week, saying it had been grotesquely biased and that the Communist-dominated broadcasting company was going to far. . • ' ■ • ”We can now regard the discussion on whether our official radio is or is not under the control one. party as closed6 In its report of question time in Parliament, the Czechoslovak Broadcasting Company has suppressed all mention of the most important part of the Parliamentary meeting, the Minister.of Justice’s statement on the progress of the inquiry into the murder-attempt on Ministers Drtina, Masaryk, and Zenkl, and the discovery of an arms dump on the premises of a Communist Party district secretariat. This attitude is more than an expression of mere political partisanship# It amounts to a suppression of factual newsc Inasmuch as the Czechoslovak radio has seen fit to suppress all news of facts announced by a serving Cabinet Minister, it has-been guilty of neglecting .its fundamental duties as the country’s most important agency for the dissemination of information. . . .The latest escapade of the broadcasting company which the Communists are now dominating quite brazenly is one more proof of thw urgent need, especially now that elections are near, of putting the radio under control of an. impartial commission?’ Such a step as suggested in this article, and in equally strong'language by the other non-Communists in Czechoslovakia, was never taken of course. The Communist Putsch may have been speeded up because the public's resentment of these Communist methods was constantly increasing and the Communists feared further losses to their prestige and positions if they lost control of such an important medium as the. national radio network* After February 1948 all remaining pretexts and claims that the official radio corporation was an impartial newsgathering and news-disseminating agency disappeared over night* Objective reporting of facts and comment gave way entirely to open Communist propaganda0 Tho people of Czechoslovakia recognize this situation and, according to numerous obser-ers, rightly consider the radio a more propaganda machine-in the service of the Communist Party# Consequently, even the. members of the party turn to foreign broadcasts for factual news, or at least for news which their own radio and press suppress. • • . ...t The Czechoslovak Broadcasting Company is run by a director general, appointed by the government. He reports to the Fourth Department of the Ministry of Information. Constant changes in personnel and In the organizational' structure have been taking place since February 1948cAn especially important instance of the use to which the Communists put their command of the Czechoslovak radio was during the height of the February crisis in-1948: ’’The Ministry of Information, and especially its broadcasting system, was a means of spreading the feeling of demo**-cratic helplessness and Communist power,” Jl/ (3) Restrictions on listening to foreign broadcasts« In view of the unpopularity of the methods by which the' German occupants of Czechoslovakia in the years 1939-45 had tried to suppress listening to foreign radio stations, . and apparently also in view of the lack of effectiveness of even the most drastic measures taken against these who did listen, the new regime has not yet introduced a bill prohibiting- individual listeners from tuning their sets to Western stations. Thus, persons who listen'to the • Voice of America, EEC , Radiodiffusion francoisc/ Madrid, the Vatican, Belgrade, or any other of tho numerous stations broadcasting•in Czech and Slovak, are' not violating the law as long as they . listen alone or with members of their immediate family0 Listening in larger groups, or even with a friend or two present, is considered a violation of the Law for tho Protection of the People13 Democratic Republic ■ No. 23F of October 6, 1948. Repeating anything heard over a foreign radio is considered, a crime under the same lav;, and falls into the category of ’’disseminating false rumors and distrubing the peace and order", or of "engaging in subversive activities" or even "high treason." In tho articles referred to previously Dana Adams Schmidt reported: , ", . .while listening to foreign radio stations' is so general that authorities have not found it feasible' to forbid it, regular fans are marked down in party .and police records as unreliable, and .those- who repeat what they hoar expose themselves to arrest for disseminating. • 'subversive rumors." 2/ Tho methods by which the Communist regime discourages listening to foreign broadcasts other than those coming from tho Soviet Union are numerous. A recent example of how seriously the government is concerned with this problem is contained in a speech made on February 15, 1951, by President Gottwald during a session of the Executive Committee of the Czechoslovak Communist Partya As reported in the New .York Times, Gottwald appealed to the people.of Czechoslovakia to "listen to the voice of their hearts rather than to. tho Voico of Zunoricao" (in this speech the major subject was the case of former Foreign Minister Vlado Clementis who was denounced by Gottwald as,a deviationist3 2/ In spite, of the disfavor with which authorities view listening to foreign broadcasts, the people of Czechoslovakia are at present listening to such, stations more than evor before. There have boon numerous reports of jamming. However, It is not always easy to distinguish-between atmosphere interferences and actual jamming. To the expert the. distinction is real. To the average listener both sound similar. The existence of jamming stations on Czechoslovak territory is a possibility^ 1 2 3 1. Ivo Duchacek, The Strategy of Communist Infiltration: Tho Case of Czechoslovakia, Yale institute of internationa37Studies, Now Haven, 1949 1949,.9. 41. 2. Now York Times, June 18, 1950 3. New York Timos, Febmary 26, 1951; Associated Press, February 25, 1951, quoting'Rude Pravo, February 25, 1951.Films (-0 Cens orship. Belore 1938^ Czechoslovakia had approximately 2,000 cinema theaters of which nearly SO percent were in the Czech part and 10 percent in the Slovak provinces,, The war did not'change these figures substantially® Of the roughly 1100 feature films exhibited yearly in Czechoslovakia before Munich, about 425 were American, 285 German, 275 Czechoslovak^ 44 Austrian, 34 Soviet, 27 French, and 12 English. Since the Germans h&d transferred some of their best soundfilm equipment to the Barandov studios in Praha for reasons of safety and had no time to remove or destroy them Ggmany collapsed, Czechoslovakia was left in; tho possession of one of Europe’s largest and most modern film studios® In view of the slow growth of the domestic production, parts of the studios were rented.to the Russians and t© the French for some of their productions After the liberation of Czechoslovakia in May 1945, the domestic film industry was nationalized and placed under the supervision of the Minister °^I^omation, who, as noted is a faithful Communist® It was not Ions unuil non«Ccmmunists began to complain that this medium of public information and entertainment was showing signs of subservience to"the Communist cause® Later such voices became increasingly louder® (2) Propaganda distortion® While it was still possible to protest against, the Communists’ misuse of their/oF the Ministry .'of Information, a discussion was held in the Czechoslovak Parliament in November ,.fOl}OWins testimony of Minister Kopecky on the administration'of e film industry® According to Lidova Demokracie’s report "of tho'-parlia mentary debates —---------------- y "The Social Democratic deputy Hatina refused to accept the Minister’s request that criticism should cease, and. demanded of the Minister the meaning of such a request® ’What does Mr® Kopecky wish to accomplish by his wish? Ti n° reason W criticism should be abolished. . B Tne Minister'exaggerated somewhat in his selfpraiseu Mr. Hatina said. Substantial parts of his expose are in contrast with facts. To the claim put forward by Kopecky that the nationalized film industry is in the hahds of all parties of which the National Front is composed®" the speaker /Hatina/ stated that it was established that of all the persons in leading positions ■ and their deputies, only a single one is a non-Communist • and all the rest are members of the Communist Party®. A, National Socialist Deputy, Mr® Losak, voiced criticism of the personnel policy of the nationalized film industry. It is all led by the interests of the Communist Party® "The,People’s Party deputy, Cyril Charvat, sharply criticized tne Communist methods employed in tho administration of the film industry® He cited examples of censorship exercised solely in the interest'of'the......... CCP, and.on.tho other hand, objected to the,lack of censorship in regard to films which the young people# especially in the years of adolescence, would not'be permitted to see, .Deputy Charvat" also objected to the arbitrary application of laws regulating the working, permits for persons who collaborated with tho Nazis" during the occupation. "Various such persons who wore compromised and not cleared of charges 'are nevertheless *permitted to work in the film industry,, apparently because they are serving the regime. The deputy of the Slovak Democratic Party MuSek listed the example of a film nows-reel made at a conference of Communist peasants in Bratislava as an illustration of hov; respectable our film reporting is® The Minister of Information charges his critics with a negative attitude. ' You don’t like a thing in the film industry, ho said. Tn the leading positions in the film industry aro mainly Communists and Social Democrats, -Mr. Kopecky said, because they have a positive approach to the nationalized film." ' (3) Distribution of foreign films® Under the rule of the Ministry of Information'™ strained relationship between the Czechoslovak film industry and the American Motion Picture Export Association developed rather rapidly. Negotiations broke down repeatedly even before the Communist coup, when the Ministry of Information refused to let the Americans distrTCut'e their' bwn films through their own channels® Finnlly, in 1946, an agreement was signed between the Ministry and the American Motion Picture Export Association# according to which 80 American films, selected jointly by the Association and the Czechoslovak film monopoly were to be distributed in the country during the year commencing October 15, 1946c The films were subject to the approval of tho Minister of Information© The agreement with the American film companies was in effect until shortly after the Communist coup although some of the films originally agreed upon wei-e replaced by o't her for political reasonst Since the fall of 1948 only a few independently produced Am erican. movies have been shown in Czechoslovakia, in addition to some older copies of previously shown films# These include films like "Grapes of Wrath" which 'are exploited for propaganda purposes by Mr. Kopecky*s organization® A similar situation developed in respect to other Western films, mainly French and English. On the other hand, several Italian films among them "Open City", which was utilized as a Communist propaganda vehicle were quite extensively shown throughout Czechoslovakia® At the same time the greatest efforts have been made by the Communist Government to Increase the popularity tho Soviet films® Soviet films are not well liked and reports referred to pressure exerted on various occasions to make a better showing in attendance when Russian films are presented© Among the means of enforcing'attendance are free excursions of workers in certain plants and offices, showing sponsored by the Central Trade Union Council at which all members wero forced to attend, sale of tickets and supervision of attendance through CCP officials© To promote Soviet films, an exhibition "Thirty Y©ars of Soviet Films", was arranged about a year ago in Praha and Bratislava and vigorously propagandized® The whole press praised the undertaking with the slogan: "The. Soviet Film — our educatore" 2/ 1. Lidova Demokraoie, November 26, 1947. 2. Rude Pravo, January 29, 1950.Apart from, such powerful propaganda efforts the Minister of Information announced .that ’* a new system of distribution was set up which will make it possible to circulate in all ports of the Republic, within a year, pictures of value, especially films of Soviet production.” l/ On the .some occasion the Minister claimed that the number of persons in Czechoslovakia attending Soviet motion pictures annually had increased from 30 to 60 million. At'the opening of this.exhibtion, the Commissioner ±or Information, Dr. Ondrej Pavlik, gave the following statisticss During 1947 in Slovakia from a total of 19.6 million movie-goers, 2.6 million attended Soviet films, in 194S with tho total audience of 26.6 million, .5 million saw Soviet films, and in 1949 of 25 million people, 7® 95 million saw Soviet pictures® The majority of the Soviet pictures deal with So/let problems and make little effort to conceal their propaganda interest® ' 3. Education ■ Czechoslovakia1s school system before the war conformed-to tho ...Western European pattern, and its high quality was well-known. In tho Czech lands illiteracy was practically unknown® Tho universities, headed by the Ch.arles University at Praha, one of tho oldest universities in Europe, founded in 1348,were noted for their high level of scholarship, and other; higher institutes of' specialized tranihg annually graduated"a large number of men and women® Th© German occupation of 1939-45 temporarily blighted tho schools, but they began rapidly to"recover their former standing soon after the war. From the start, however, the Communists made subversion of the schools a main objective, and aftor February 1948, under the Communist Minister of Education Hejodly, this was gradually accomplished Purges in Schools® .Immediately after tho .Communist coup, wido-: spread purges" started especially among tho university and senior TrngH oCheol students. These students had been among tho most active opponents of the new regime and had staged a demonstarion in Praha at the height of the political crisis. Special Communist committos investigated tho background and political leanings of overy student/and ’’action committees” were formed in order to check on the activities, academic' or extracurricular,of every professor® By March 1949, the action committees,' 'after investigations, had expelled from the universities of Bohemia, and Moravia 6,^370 students, according to official information.issued by the Ministry ;of public Education in Praha. About 2,400 additional.students . were automatically expelled without’ benefit of investigation® 2/ .The action committees have been described as followsj ’’ ■ • “The kernel of these committees was 'to be made up, of, the fanatic and reckless members of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia,„ a .'together with, the youngest and the- '•< ' • shortsighted students who took pleasure .in the .unlimited power vzhich resulted''f^om membership, in tho. action con- a ' mitte-es, The power of the now committees was thrust into the hands of those whose intellectual abilities had been so poor that they ha8 been unable to finish their studies in-spite of help-^ and-who" ’ saw fortune in this coup drotat. 3/ , , 1 2 1. Statement by Vaclav Kopccky, March 2 0, 1950® 2. Harvard Educational Review, vc-1. XX, Nc®. 2, Spring 1950® ' 3e Ibid;Those students who were expelled from the universities, many of vhom were almost at the end of their highly specialized studies3 such, as medicine, engineering, and architecture^ were usually charged with a "negative attitude tdwo.rd the people’s ropublis,’1 ’’discrimination against progressive students,” or a ’’negative attitude towards socialism®” In some cases no reason was given for the actiono be Textbookso One of the first undertakings of the Ccmmunized Ministry of Education after the coup wa3 the replacement of existing school texts with new ones® The move to expunge all traditional materials from the schools was embarked upon in such haste that a serious shortage of schoolbooks ensued, for the old ones wore banned before new ones were ready# At the beginning .of the school year in September 1949, most of the pupils in the secondary schools were 'without texts for this roasone New Ccmmunized textbooks for the elementary schools were by then available, however, and during the school year 1949-50 a number of new texts wore made available for the secondary schools as, well# <■ The director 'of the textbook-revision program, Bohumir Kujal, indicated in August 1949 what the contents of the new series would be like c According to him, the new books would provide a proper basis for teaching natural science, based'on the ’’material character of nature,” The teaching of arithmetic, in contrast with former practices dealing with ’’distribution and financial economy,” would be devoted to.the.problems of production in order that pupils might acquire a ’’new scientific world f outlook*,” In history, the new books would be notable for the absence of all ’’legends that had been taught as historical fasts,” and for presentation of historical proofs to the child that the ’’vital fulcrum of social development” Is ” the development of material conditions of life,” Russian language textbooks, he said, would not only teach the language but would also trace the development of the first socialist state.” \J An example of the presentation of Czechoslovak history in the new Communized textbooks may bo found in a course entitled "Our Fatherland,” published in 1949 and completely distorting the- account of modern Czechoslovak history. Regarding the attainment of independence in 1913, the course has the following to says "Did you ever wonder why our state has the name Czecho-' Slovak Republic? In our republic there live two nations, Czechs and SlovaksF After the First World War, which ended in 1918, they decided to live in a united state© At that time our country was ruled by rich capitalists. They did not rule well, and they paid low wages to workers and, when they did not need them, they fired them. They themselves lived in luxury by the labor of workers# Thus they exploited tho Czech and Slovak working people# These rich men made friends with fascists, and in the end sold our republic to Hitler, and our fatherland was occupied by German fascists." Regarding the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945, the same course gives the following account, completely omitting all ref.orence to tho share of the Allied armies except the Soviet Army: 1. Lidove Noviny, August 30, 1949.- "When the Red Army chased the fascists out of Moravia, revolts broke out in Praha and in other places. Working people started an open fight against the fascists. On May 5th the working people erected road barricades in tho streets, but the facists were still strong. They had more arms than tho men in the barricades© They wished to destroy Proha but wore unsuccessful. On Stalin1s command, tanks of the Red Army came quickly from Berlin. They came to help fighting Praha, and completed the liberation of our entire fatherland.” The Communist coup is depicted to the children using this course as a righteous uprising of working and peasant masses against a. government of rich men and former collaborators’with the Germans. ') - ' ■ > c. Changes in .-School and University curricula., Tho-.main emphasis now being placed on the teaching of the Marzist-Stalinist theories, and on teaching the Russian language© This applies to all grades of the school system, from elementary to university level. 'As'an example, the following schedule was recently reported as being in effect in the four grades of junior high school of Slovakia: out 32 weekly hours in each grade, three arc devoted to tho teaching of Russian, five to thy teaching of the Slovak language, including literature (with translations of Russian authors falling under this category); two hours per w^ek aro 'given to political education.” Tt is now:possible for "members of the-working class who had been suppressed and. not given the opportunity to acquire andeducation under the'capitalist system”, to obtain a high school diploma after 10 months of study. Alaxist all the candidates submitting to such final exams have passed, sinco-the professors are afraid to give-unsatisfactory'grades to members of the Communist Party in good standings After "two years of study members of tho working class who are considered worthy of this distinction can oven'obtain a- degree of doctor.. of laws. A considerable lowering of scholastic "standards has already resulted from such actions, which are-not limited to -any particular fieldo Even in the study of medicine the required studies have been shortened and the first requirement for graduation is political reliability. All medical students were screened twice in 1949. d. The Teaching of Russian© Compulsory instruction in the Russian language 'was introduced in Czechoslovak schools > only after the war, in 1945© Previously Russian language classes were voluntary and relatively few wero given. ' Since 1948 emphasis on learning the Russian language has been constantly increasing. At the Ninth Communist Party Congress on May 27, 1949, Minister of Education Nejedly said: "All school children from the age of '8 are being -taught Russian.” He added: ”If wo-desire the closest friendship and more than that the common way-with Rus-sia, we must be sure that all our young people speak Russian© ” J. Dolansky, in an article entitled "What the Russian Language "Meant and Means to Ub," states: ■ x '’’There is nothing to prevent us from giving the Russian language the same rights as our own Czech and Slovak languages® • • • In the Czechoslovak schools it must be in all grades the first language, together with our own language® „ .It is for us the world language. . . tho language of the world-wide brotherhood, leading to Socialism and defending peace. . . .1^/ The concentrated efforts of the authorities to increase the knowledge of the Russian language among the people of Czechoslovakia did not remain limited to the schools. Adult classes in Russian were inaugurated in early in November 1949 as a feature of the elaborate celebration of ’’Czechoslovak-Russian Friendship Week” held to commemorate the October Revolution and Stalin’s birthday. The purpose of these classes was ”to improve tho USSR. . .to enable the students to read Soviet newspapers and the works of outstanding (Soviet) authors and statosmon0” 2/ Whether or not this mass education in schools and outside is or will become successful, and to What extent, cannot be estimated yeto Such an enforced teaching of a foreign language creates resistance on the part of the people. The population of Czechoslovakia, is perhaps more sensitive to such matters than to others. e® Political education of youtho Since the coup the Communist regime has paid special attention to the problem of educating the young poeple of Czechoslovakia along Marxist-Stalinist lines. This subject was pushed in schools at the expense of everything else. Teaching of political matters covers a wide range of subjects, such as Marxism and Leninism; lives and works of outstanding Communists; tho Soviet political system; the history of the first Czechoslovak Republic in terms of the Russian Revolution; the proletariat as opposed to the capitalists; World War II in terms of a war of Marxism against capitalism; tho glorification of the Red Army and its victories in World War II; Czechoslovak-Soviet friendship; the Two Year and Five Year Rians. The central theme of instruction is that since tho Soviet Union leads the world in culture, industry, and agriculture, the welfare cf Czechoslovakia is completely dependent upon the USSR, and by the same token the continued security and happiness of the Czechoslovak people require the Czechoslovak support of all actions 'of the Soviet Union in the field of international politics® Hand in hand with this goes the constant portrayal of the West as the seat of ’’corruption, class distinction, and exploitation of the worker0” fo Discrimination against and exploitation of children.. Admission of students; to high, schools end universities no longer depends on their scholastic standing but on their social origin* In practice, only children of workers and reliable Communist Party members are admitted to higher ins titutions o 1* Slove-nsky PFehled, Nos» 7-3, 1949© 2. Lidove Noviny, Uovembor 11, 1949.Gustav Baro&, Deputy Secretary'General of the Czechoslovak Communist Party speaking at the National Conference- of 'Youth League School Branches, on February 11, 1951, said: ”It is not sufficient to recruit school children for membership ^/Tn the Youth League^. Their whole world outlook should be molded in the- spirit of Marxism-Leninism® The Youth League must lead the struggle against the capitalist heritage retained in the- minds of young people* against obscurantism, reactionary excesses, cynicism, and indifference * • » «!f l/ go International exchanges of cultural and educational materials a.nd persons e The Western Governments which established libraries and other cultural activities in Czechoslovakia after the conclusion of the war were forced either to abandon such activities altogether after February 1943. or are under pressure which will soon force the closing of the few remaining cultural institutions« The US Government was foi'ced to close down Its. USIS offices' in Czechoslovakia. T^e British, subsequent, to the closing of the British Council and British Information Services af the request' of the Czechoslovak Government, completely withdrew from all activities of this nature., on May 13, 195Oo The Dutch are also now made completely.inactive in the field® The Belgians, although they have a cultural agreement with Czechoslovakia, arc also carrying on almost no cultural activities thereo During the past year two Belgian.art exhibtions, one consisting of childrens drawings, were held in Praha, and a group of Czechoslovak dancers performed in Belgiumo The students exchange program was limited to two students, one a university exchange and-, the other an industrial exchange- studenta The Italians formerly had' an extremely active Institute in Praha, but>is now in a virtual caretaker statuso The Swedish no longer ongago in cultural activities in Czechoslovakia, the Swedish Institute and Library having been closed. Until recently, the only Western country with an active cultural-and information program in Chechoslovakia was France, but according to' press reports of February 26, 1951, tho French Institute of Praha failed ro open its doors that morning,'and a notice announced that it .had temporarily closed® This decision, according-to the Agenco-Pressq Franco, was taken by the management ©f the institute in order”to provent~incid'ehts. For the two days preceding its closing, Czechoslovak-police had been patrolling the access to the premises and chocking the identity of all persons entering and leaving the institution. . .. .• Tt is equally obvious that the new Communist. regime of Czechoslovakia did not look with favor upon the various private organizations which, . existed to promite understanding -and cultural exchanges with the West® Among these private or semi-official organizations most prominent were the English and French Institutes, both devoted principally to the-teaching of the respective languagesc ■■ The English Institute ©f Praha, with an -almost equally active branch in Brno, maintained before the war a good secondary school entitled to" .--------- —..— — - .... .. Praha, Czechoslovak Home Service Broadcast, February 12, 1951®issue high school diplomas© The French Institute, named after Ernest Denis, a French historian beloved by the Czechoslovaks, also gave numerous language classes and a variety of lectures© Similar activities conducted by the American institute in Praha with several branches, the most active of which was that of Plzen in western Bohemia© All such institutions rapidly became more and more circumscribed in their cultural activities until they were forced to suspend their work altogether© The various local groups of the Association of Friends of the USA (Svaz pratel USA) which sprang up after the war in many parts of Czechoslovakia, with headquarters in Praha, also found them's elves unable to continue after February 1948 and went out of existence© Every effort, however, is being made by the Czechoslovak authorities to cement the ties with Soviet cultural institutions© The number of Czechoslovak students annually graduating from Soviet schools of higher learning is estimated at between 200 to 300. 4C Science and learning© Immediately after their liberation the Czechs made efforts to catch up- with cultural and scientific developments that had been closed to them during the war©' With Allied aid, particularly with tho aid of US authorities, organizations, and individuals, a vast number of books and scientific equipment were sent to Czechoslovak universities and institutionsj exchange scholarships were granted; medical missions wore sent to teach new methods; and numerous exhibitions were arranged. The-main attention was focused on Western culture, in spite of all the efforts of the Soviet-Czechoslovak Friendship Society and similar societies well provided with funds by the Communist Party, to promote stronger ti.es with the USSR© After February 1948 these efforts to promote Soviet culture assumed new forms© At the February 1951 meeting of the Communist Central Committee, the head of the State planning Office, Dr© Jaromir Dolansky, expressed dissatisfaction at tho slowness of Czechoslovak scientists and engineers in adopting Soviet examples of 'Ularxist-Stalinist science.’1 The Czechoslovak radio reported Dolansky-’s speech as follows: ’’The USSR Is not only the country with the most progressive social and state system but also the country with the most advanced production technique© A part of our technical intelligentsia, however, either from ignorance or from, lack of appreciation of Soviet science and technology, is overlooking the importance of- the USSR in the technological field. It is -kowtowing to Western, particularly American, technology. This section of our intelligentsia Is failing to keep up with Soviet scientific and technologial literature and achievemonrsc Some.people, animated by nationalistic narrow-mindedness’, are assuming that we have -nothing to learn from the USSR and tb- popular democracies because we ourselves possess an old, established and highly developed Industry- Such' an attitude Is a profound and extremely harmful error Dolanksy concluded that the industrial tradition inherited from the pant is more a burden than an advantage, and that it is not only possible but essential to learn from tho USSR and the popular democracies©!/ 1. Czochoslovaki Home Service broadcast of February 27, 1951©5. Religion As everywhere else in the Soviet power sphere, the Communist dictator* ship in Czechoslovakia has sot as a principal objective, the elimination of the churches as independent centers of social leadership and as free vehicles of traditional Western culture. The methods by which the regime is endeavoring to achieve its objective have become well known. The center of attack has been the Catholic Church with its traditionally strong ties with the Vatican. Tn the numerous actions taken against the Catholic Church and its dignitaries, ”Western”,' ’’capitalist”, ’’spying” connections have played a major part. The trailsin which many priests, bishops and abbots, have boon sentenced to many years in prison, invariably have' brought out the basic contention of the Communist regime that any sultural or other ties with the West are now treasonable. The highest ranking Czechoslovak prolate, Archbishop Dr. Josef Beran of Praha, has become a symbol of this development since February 1943 e On March 10, 1951, .the United Press reported from Praha that, according to an announcement of the official radio. Archbishop Berna had been banished from Praha and placed under confinement, in the country, l/ This is the latest step in 'a long- struggle. Archbishop Beran is a highly popular figure in Czechoslovakia, because of his courageous stand against the Nazis, for which he was forced to spend several years in a concentration camp, and because of his equally courageous stand against the Communist regime. The fight of Communism against religion is an old one, based on the Marxist contention that religion is an opiate of the people-. Therefore, although at present pressure is centered on the Catholic Church, tho other churches ore also under attack. At times, the Communist regime has sharply attacked the Protestants, and the Jewish community to a somewhat lesser degree. 6. Culture a* Theater. The theater is a national institution with the-Czechs (to a lesser degree with the Slovaks), and the interest in it is shared by a great many. Prior to the Communist Putsch, Czechoslovak theaters annually performed a large number of piays Vy foreign authors. The whole classical repertoire, starting with the Greek tragedies and comedies and including all renowned authors of later periods, was very popular. Under the-First Republic there were special performances for workers, students, etc., in the National theater and other Czechoslovak theaters. Very few restrictions existed in tho selection of playts and tho manner of presentation, although the National Theater was a state institution under tho jurisdiction of.the Ministry of Education and Enlightenment. The principal stages of the country in Praha, Brno, Bratislava performed a fair proportion of both classical and modern and Russian plays. Howovor, Russian works never achieved any predominance over others. 1, New York Times, March 11, 1951. Since February 1948 the number of plays by Soviet dramatists has been constantly increasing. Every major theater presents a Soviet play at least onco a week© ' Special attention is paid to Soviet plays during tho so-called Czechoslovak-Soviet -Frionship Week for example, in November 1949, during such a celebration, the National Theater in Praha alone presented no less than 12 Soviet plays on both its stages © Tho ’’Theater of May 5" presented six, and the National Theater in Brno six© Along with older plays of Gorky, Pushkin, Gogol, Ostrowski, and others, new Soviet plays are being introduced. For example, on the occasion of Stalin’s Birthday in 1949, plays by Begodin, Rakhamanov, Simonov, end Korneychuk were presented to the Czechoslovak public© l/ In addition to the city theaters, there are a considerable number of touring companies, amateur dramatic groups, school.per-, formances, and similar activities, in which the Soviet influence is being increasingly felt. Tt can be safely said that the Communists have made a very strong effort to dominate the theater by pushing Soviet and other Communist plays, and otter Communist plays, by eliminating non-Communist domestic playwrights, by eliminating most Western authors, by inviting Soviet and other Communist companies to tour the country, by Communist stage direction and rewriting of older plays, abd by various other means® At the same time, public resistance to this type of theater has increased© In a theater—loving public like that of Praha theaters are often left partly empty even when the tickets are distributed free. On the other hand all performances of opera works by Smetana, Dvorak, and other classical Czech and Western composers are sold out© b. Music, Art, and Literature. Russian musical compositions, which have always been quite popular in Czechoslovakia, have.been presented more frequently than ever since the coup. This is being done on the concert stage, in opera, and on the radio© Critioism of musical works is greatly influenced by the current trends in the USSR© This is obvious, especially in such cases as Communist Party criticism of ’formalism or similar charges "which were leveled against some of the bettor known Soviet composers© As in every field of cultural activity, Soviet art is presented as the most advanced, as against the "decadent capitalist" art of the West,, Exhibitions of Soviet painters and sculptors have often boon arranged/for -school children. Communist control Is directed as rigorously at art as it is at less tangible media, and is'applied even to Communist subjects: By a 1950 -decree Czechoslovaks wre forbidden to make- or display unauthorized pictures, busts cr statutes of domestic or foreign politicians, scientists or artists© 2/ One of the less direct methods by which the Communists are trying to cut the ties with the democratic past is the virtual dis appeal'once certain Czech literature from shops and libraries* Included are the books by Thomas G. Masaryk, the first president cf the country© Because of his tremendous prestige his works have not boon banned outright, although 1© Slovanksy Pftehlod, No© 7-8, 1949© 2© Reuters, Prague, October 26, 1950, New 'fork Times, October 27, 1950. One reason for this measure was to Knit the subtle Cgech device of displaying pictures of Gottwald and Stalin among foods in butcher shops©several writers, including the Minister of Information, Vaclav Kopecky, havo published shaprly worded criticism of tho “dated, bourgeois, capitalist” outlook of T. G. Masaryk. A more insidious method was adopted; those works wore declared “out of print” and have disappeared from the shelves of booksellers in Czechoslovakia,, Tj-.es o books aro also no longer available in public school libraries and other libraries< The same is true of books by tho late President Eduard BeneS, plays and books-by Karel Capek, and other beloved authors of the pro-Communist 'era*D. Human i a 1 - Introduction Considering themselves of Latin origin and speaking a Romance language, the Rumanians see themselves as the true representatives of the Homan civilization. Prior to the advent of the current Communist regime in March 1945 Humania looked to the Western countries, particularly Prance, for cultural, educational, scientific, and social inspiration and development. Among all the Balkan countries Humania was considered the most Gallicized; the French language, along with Rumanian, was compulsory in the Rumanian schools; the French academy, which was closed by the present government early in 1948, was maintained by France and was thought of as the best higher institution in the country; and. a large number of French secondary and elementary schools, both secular and demoninetional, were operated either directly by the French Government or by private and religious institutions from France. In 1948 the Rumanian Government closed all French and other Western-operated schools and took stringent steps to eliminate all French and otKer Western cultural and educational influence from the country, substituting in its place the Russian language, and Soviet institutions. The measures initiated in 1945 to suppress freedom of speech, press, assembly, and' religion, as well a.s all civil liberties, were fully implemented by the end of 1950. Strict government controls over all media, of information, education, cultural and scientific institutions, and religious bodies have made it impossible for Rumanians to exercise' any of these freedoms on the basis of conscience and ind.ivid.ual inclination. Everything is now employed for the advancement of the Communist ideology and for the perpetuation of the present regime. 2. Media of Communication 9-- Press and publications. A system of government consorhip and control of all media, of information has been developed in 'Rumania along Soviet lines ever since the Soviet Army occupied the country in the late summer of 1944. The Office of the Censorship has a domestic press section, which prepares as well as censors material, and a. foreign press section. In March 1948 the Communist-dominated Rumanian. Parliament passed, a law establishing the ' State'.Publishing Office, Inc., which was intended to do away with private printing and publishing concerns. By Decree No. 17 of January 11, 1949 the Humanian Government assumed complete control of all publications in the country. Article 13 of this decree provided that the "Arts and Information Ministry will exercise permanent control to guarantee the moral and material rights of authors." The setting up in March 1950 of the General Directorate of Publishing, Graphic Arts Industry, Book, and Press Distribution under Council of Ministers, and the adoption on June 9 and 28, 1950 of decisions regarding regulations govern-inguse, sale, purchase, holding and transfer of typewriters, duplicating machines, and. all other material used for duplication of printing matter completed rigid control of all media of information in Rumania.The jnly press in existence in Rumania at present is that owned and strictly controlled by the government end by the Communist Party and its many front organizations. All papers and publications reflecting opinions which are adverse to the Communist ideology have been ruthlessly suppressed. There is a plethora of imported published material from the USSR and, to a lesser extent, from the European satellites, but there is strict control on imports of publications from the West. Nearly all information services of the Western countries were closed by the Rumanian Government in 1950 and all their cultural and informational activities were banned, With the exception of a few scientific books and magazines, no Western publications are admitted- into Rumania at present. Most of the books by Western writers are banned on the ground that these writers ’’glorify the capitalist imperialist system," aside from correspondents from the iron curtain countries, there are no foreign newsmen in Rumania representing the Western press. Since the Communists came to power, a systematic campaign of persecution has been carried out against nearly all Western correspondents, most of whom have been expelled on false accusations. Domestically, the only newsmen active today are those who represent the government and Communist press. They are all party members and follow closely the party and Moscow line., their chief and only objective is to further the interests of the party and to propagate and popularize the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR. b, Rftdio* All radio stations in Rumania are operated by the Commit ee of Radiobroadcasting and Radiofication attached to the Council of Ministers, No stringent controls on radio listening appear to be exercised in Rumania except that all holders of receiving sets must possess, special licenses issued by the Committee and pay special fees. All radio stations and relay centersof which there were $6 as of September 1, 1950, devote up to 90 percent of their time to propaganda programs which invariably distort the international picture' in favor of the Soviet Union and the Rumanian Communist regime. Legally there are no restrictions on listening to foreign broadcasts, but actually if the secret police detect any one tunihg in on Western radio stations, he is immediately branded as a sympathizer'of the ".Western capitalists" and as a consequence is subject to various police measures,' Since la;:t summer jamming of BBC and VGA broadcasts has been practiced frequently. More recently the police have been removing short-wave bands from privately-owned receiving sets. c* Ell-> -aid theater. The Rumanian Government’s Committee on Art, set up in July 1950 directly under the Council of Ministers, on November 21, 1950, issued two decisions consolidating its rigid control >ver the rehearsal and performance of motion pictures and dramatic and musical works. Article 1 of the Coramitteeon nrt’s Decision No, 61,374 says in part:"No play...in the original or translated from any foreign language.. .may be rehearsed by any dramatic, musical, or revue theater coming under the Committee on Art, or belonging to other state .institutions or mass organizations, without the prior written approval of the Committee on Art within the Council of Ministers.” Article 1 of the Committee on art's Decision No. 61,372 provides, inter alia, the following: j _--- "No first performance shall take place at drmatic or musical theaters coming under.the Committee on Art, or at theaters belonging to other state institutions or mass organizations, . without prior written approval of the Committee on Art." The.Commission for the Control and Censorship of Films cuts or bans motion pictures which it considers detrimental to the interests of the party and the government. The Commission's campaign against Western films in general was first directed at eliminating US films. On October 17, I947, the then Intermini-sterial Committee for Economic Recovery issued a decision granting a reduction of 50 percent in the theater tax on films distributed by "Sovrofilm," the Soviet-Rumanian joint film company which controls the importation and distribution of nearly all motion pictures in Rumania.1 A week later the Commission for the Control and Censorship of Films imposed an absolute ban on US films featuring the 11 actors who had testified before the House Committee.on Un-American Activities.2 jn November the Ministry of Information notified the local representative of the Motion Picture Export association, Inc, e US concern, that 40 American films had been officially banned because the actors, directors, and playwrights were considered enti—democratic" or because the subject matter was thought to be against the interests of the.masses.' In the meantime the campaign against the general run of Western films, especially American, has been taken up by the press end trade-unions, which have referred to them as the "atom advance guard," the "imperialistic fifth column." end the servants of "Wall Street's supreme idol — the dollar." 1. Industrie Si Comert, November 5, 1949. 2. New York Times, October 29, 1947. 3. New York Times, December 14, 1947.In the past three years all Bucharest first-run houses have been showing Russian pictures only. During 1949 a total of 142 films were advertised. in the Bucharest press, 121. of which originated in countries within the Soviet orbit and 93 of these in tRe Soviet Union, Only four American films, carefully chosen for propaganda purposes (e.g, Charles Chaplin’s The Great Dictator and The North Star), were exhibited in the same period of time, A similar situation obtained throughout Rumania. The Bucharest press of February 24, 1950 said that the joint Soviet-Rumanian concern "Sovrofilm” had exhibited 137 films at IB,432 performances to 52 million spectators during 1949. Since the Rumanian state film trust ("Romfilm") generally disttributes ell non-Soviet pictures, it is assumed that the 137 Sovrom films were produced in the'Soviet Union. Not all of them, however, were believed to have been full-length feature pictures, a considerable number of Soviet documentary and education films having frequently been publicized as sent to the provinces in "film caravans” for the "enlightment" of the peasantry. The unpopularity of Soviet, or "progressive" films as they are called, has been described as follows: 1 In order to increase dwindling box office returns, crowds are drawn into tho cinemas by advertisements of American films, but when the house is full, a Soviet film is frequently shown. The four' ’merican films shown in Bucharest in 1949 were seen by capacity audiences, with long lines of people awaiting admittance, 3. Education The present Rumanian Government has consistently interfered with freedom of education, purging "non-democratic" teaching personnel, intimidating individual teachers who do not follow the party line, dismissing students who do not show the proper "slant" in answering examination questions in history, and so on. In March 1943, Law No. 7349 was passed Imposing..the first legal restrictions on private and parochial schools. On the basis of this law the Ministry of Education issued a. decision which stated that as of April I, 1943 control of funds and management of these schools was vested in the Government School Management Committee. Additional decrees and decisions were issued- in July and August 1943 providing for stricter control of education by the government .and by the Rumanian Worker’s Party (RWP). Early in-July the Bucharest press reported that the Ministry of Education had ordered all school teachers to attend special summer courses. 1 La Nation'R >umanie, October 15, 1950.to ’’raise their ideological and political level.” Decree 159 of July 19461 provided for the closing of all foreign schools in Rumania. Order No. 191653 of the Ministry of Education dated August 3 amplified this decree by including schools owned by foreign states. The only foreign school not affected was the Inst itut Franca is, which was finally closed on November 20, 1946, when the Rumanian Government denounced the French-Rumanian Cultural Agreement of 1939. The most far-reaching controls on freedom of education were imposed by Decree No. 175 on the reform of the educational system. The outstanding purposes of this reform were (l) to bring up the country’s youth in tho spirit of ’’popular democracy,” and (2) to educate on a scientific basis the cadres of specialists required for the ’’consolidation of the popular democracy and the building of a socialist society.” Article 6 of the decree provided that "instruction in the Russian language shall be compulsory as from the fourth elementary grade up.” Decree No. 176 of August 1946^ transferred to the state a.ll property and equipment used for educational purposes by communities, churches, or private persons. A 30-page list enumerates the parochial and private schools thus expr opr ia.t ed. 4 Ministry of Education decision of September 1946-1 2 3 set up criteria on the basis of which state scholarships would be granted. The decision restricts scholarship to the sons of workers after they have been examined and found "politically reliable," The sons of former industrialists and other once wealthy persons are specifically forbidden to compete for scholarships, irrespective of their current economic status. Another Minstry of Education decision issued on November 22, 1946 announced that the members of the Rumanian teaching staff may not publish any works in connection with educational problems without the permission of that Ministry, Control of the educational system and educators is now vested exclusively in the Ministry of Education. The Rumanian workers’ Party has also been exercising direct influence on them. To cite one example, Radio Bucharest announced on December 19, 1946 that the Central Committee of the Party hsd called a conference of the country’s secondary school directors "for exchange 1. Published in Monitorul Oficial, July 23, 1946. 2. Published in the Monitorul Oficial of August 3, 1946. 3. Published in the Mon it orul Of ic ia1 of September 10, 1946.of experience” and was addressed by Leone Rautu, editor of the official organ of the party Scanteia and member of the Central Committee. The school textbooks have been revised in such a way in the past three years as to give thorn a Communist slant and distort historical facts. Thus, the ABC primer published by the Ministry of Education in 1948 carries the. following (p. 77): "The teachings of Vladimir Illych Lenin guide rail workers. He wonted all those who work to live well. Lenin loved children. He always cared for them. He wanted all children of workers and peasants to have an easy life; he wanted them all to learn. All who work remember Lenin..Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin is ’the great leader of the Soviet Union, the guide and inspirer of all those who work, /ill workers, men and women,, all peasants, the young and the old, know Comrade Stalin. All those who work love him with untold love. Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin is the best friend of children. Long live the great leader of the Soviet Union.” At the beginning of Communist rule in Rumania kindergarten children began their day’s classes with a prarer to "Tata (Father) Stalin"; now they begin their day’s classes with a prayer to "Slava (Almighty) Stalin." The Rumanian Union of Working Youth (formerly the Rumanian Communist Youth) plays a major part in controlling and directing all educational and cultural activities of Rumanian youth; it directs and mobilizes all work for orienting youth toward the Stalinist ideology. The Ministry of Education, giving instructions! for preparations for celebrating Stalin’s Seventieth birthday (December 21, 1949), assigned the Youth Union a major share of the propaganda work for the occasion, "The. Union of Working Youth and the Pioneers1,’ says the circular in part, "will lend support to the mobilization of the pupils in the drive to raise the quality of work and to improve discipline." The Central Committee of the RWP, in the plenary session of December 22 to 24, 1948, entrusted the "sole Marxist-Leninist orge.niz-at.ion.. of, the Working Youth with the task 'o.f creating and guiding the Pioneer organization (children between the ages of 7 and 14), which will be inspired by the wonderful, experience of the Pi.-n'eer organizations of the Soviet Union." Alexandru 1 2 1. Circular No. 192,416/1949. 2. Scanteia, May 4, 1949*Draghici, a member of the Central Committee, wrote: "The Pioneers must acciuire all those wonderful traits that characterize Communist morale.... Pioneers must grow and develop in such a way that, at a certain age, they can enter the ranks of the Working Youth Union, then those of the Party, to work and struggle for the exalted cause of Communism.... /Their/ education /must be/ in the spirit of a. glowing love for the most advanced country of socialism, the Soviet Union, the country which defends the peace and independence.of peoples, which liberated us, and which is continually helping us to achieve a new life. The motto of the Pioneers is: "In the fight for the cause of Lenin and Stalin, forward!”' The Youth Union has since 1946 organized, a large number of youth labor brigades comorising hundreds of thousands of boys and girls for "voluntary” work in such state projects as railways and roads, construction enterprises, etc, These brigades perform an important paramilitary function since they are organized in military formations and receive military and political training and orientation. In every factory, plant, office, school, and wherever there are boys and girls engaged in any type of activity, small committees are setup by the Youth Union to supervise their political training and see that they do not deviate from the Communist line. In February 1951 the Youth Union was host to the World University Winter Games sponsored by the Communist-controlled International Union of Students (IUS). The international camp set up a.t Poiaha-Stalin (formerly Brasov) became a huge propaganda, to denounce the Western world. The pro-Communist Union of Salaried. Educators, the chief organizations of teachers and professors, coordinates all the propaganda, activites of teachers, instructors, and administrative personnel of ail schools. In connection with, this organization, the Ministry of Education circular mentioned, above says: The Union of Salaried Educators will organise meetings, where they will speak of the great personality of I.V. Stalin, of the historic world significance of his scientific works. The participants, in order the better to inform themselves concerning the personality and works of Comrade Stalin, will read the articles that appear for this purpose in the press and in other publications. They will take part in the general manifestations scheduled on the occasion of the festivities. They will seek to find, the best methods of raising the standard of their professional work, assimilating to this end the works of Soviet pedagogy. 1. Universul, May 3, 1949There are n indications that the national minorities are now discriminated. against because of their racial origin or native language. In fact, the minorities in Rumania appear to enjoy more cultural freedom today than at any time since Greater Rttmania'was created in 1918. The Hungarian minority, the largest in .the country, for instance, has its own newspapers, schools, etc. Like all Rumanians, however, the minorities are subject to all restrictions, persecutions, and suppressions of civil liberties that are being practiced by the Communist regime. Rumania now confines its cultural dealings with the USSR and its satellites, with which the government has concluded cultural and scientific conventions. Students and. cultural delegations are often exchanged between Rumania and the Soviet orbit countries. However, no such conventions or exchanges have been negotiated with any non-Communist country. On the occasion of the World University Winter Games the Department of Exchanges and Travels of IUS held. a. Congress in Bucharest, at which participants of 27 countries met to discuss‘exchanges organized by the IUS, One of the decisions taken, by this congress was to. send a group of student members of IUS, including Rumanian representatives, to visit Western countries including Italy and Austria. The contacts of such IUS groups are as a rule confined to Communist youth organizations in Western Europe and in the US. 4, gcience and Learning - ' • The official conception of science in the Rumanian People's Republic was described by Leonte Rautu in 1949 as follows: ' The basic problem of the activity of our party in the field of science," he wrote, "is the problem of struggling for the party spirit in science. Only in so far as we are faithful to the party spirit can our scientific activity bring a contribution both to the correct explanation of the world and its transformation."^- Once this position is taken, the author asked, "What does party spirit mean? What is the party attitude in science?" He found, the answer in Lenin’s 1894 - article "The. Economic Contents of. Narodism and its Critique in the Work of Mr, Struve," where it is said: "Materialism includes in itself, so to speak, partisanship,; obliging’us in every appraisal of events to situate ourselves, directly and overtly, from the point of view of a social group." Rautu added that against this scientific conception stood arrayed, according 1. Article in Lupta de Class.(Class Struggle), official organ of the Central Committee of the RWP, by Leonte Rautu, a University professor and member of the RWP's Central Committee. • ' • -to the Marxist-Leninist theory, "bourgeois cosmopolitanism and objectivism," which are "among the most dangerous forms of deviation from the party spirit in science#" Passing from the issues of principle to an analysis of the actual situation in Rumania, Rautu found that, "because a great part of the wotId is still dominated by capital, the world is today divided into two camps: the imperialist camp on one side and the camp of socialism, and democracy on the other. This cleavage is reflected also in the fields of science, literature, and. art," Under these world conditions, Rautu arrived at the conclusion that the "progressive scientist has more than ever need of a guiding thread," which he found in the "party spirit, that is, a clear, categorical, determined attitude alongside the proletariat, on its side of the struggle, on: the side of the noble aims it persues." In this struggle against "bourgeois cosmopolitanism and objectivism," the Rumanian Communists mobilized not only all cultural institutions but also the entire party apparatus from top to bottom and for this purpose organized the Society for the Propagation of Science and Culture, This resulted in a veritable witch-hunt directed not only against any suspected adversary but a.lso against the party’s supporters themselves, ferreting out the slightest trace of heresy and denouncing it publicly. All institutions of higher learning in the past two years have been in the front lines of the declared ideological war. At their head is the Rumanian Academy itself, which, as its president stated, "stands firmly on the position that has be in fixed for it by the Rumanian Workers’ Party, and will fight to eliminate heresies, false theories that try to make headway, so-called science for the sake of science and art for art's sake, science professed in ' a mercantile spirit, servility, and cosmopolitanism as manifested by certain scientists, reminiscent of ancient abolished habitsB"^- ' ' ' . On June 12, by Decree No, 76 thd Rumanian Academy was transferred into a state institution to be known as the People’s Academy of the People’s Republic of Rumania, Article 3 of the decree excluded from membership those "persons who by their activity were in the service of fascism and reaction, thus prejudicing the interests of the nation and the people," Decree 1433 of August 194&2 contains the by-laws for the-organization and functions of the' Academy, among whose chief functions are to (l) "use methodically as a basis for its work all scientific and cultural findings for the consolidation of popular democracy and its development toward socialism" and (2) assemble and promote persons of "democratic ideas," Article 19, which describes those persons who cannot be members of the Academy, excludes those persons who have adopted an "anti-democratic" attitude placing themselves in the service of reaction and fascism, thus being detrimental to the interests of the people," 1. Scanteia, June 30, 1949. 2, Published in Monitorul Oficlal, August 13, 194$.Decrees 76 and 1453 effectively expelled and 'barred from membership in the Academy the greatest majority of the Rumanian intellectuals who had been members prior to June 1948. All higher institutions in Rumania. are strictly controlled by -the party, and they have now been reduced to the exclusive benefit of party members. It has been officially admitted that students belonging to the former ’’bourgeoisie-landowning” class would be limited as far as possible from matriculating in higher institutions, for, as Josif Chisinevschi, one of Rumanian top Communists, wrote in the September 30, 1949 issue of Pop a Lasting Peace, Dor a People’s Democracy.’; ’’It'is not only the .nature of'education that has been changed, but also the class composition of the student'body,” Thus, all who wish to register as students in the various departments of universities and similar institutions are required to furnish a series of certificates arid documents, giving among the candidate’s biographical data such information as his family’s material status and social origin. Thereby, on the one hand, the authorities obtain means of controlling accepted candidates, while, on the other hand, admission becomes subject to almost unsurmountable difficulties for those who do not enj«y the protection of the unions or of the other party organizations. Questionable candidates must undergo an extensive investigation, to clear up the, "doubtful11 points in their biography. Rumanian educators and scientists have in the past several years attended only those scientific and educational congresses which have been sponsored by Communist or Communist-dominated organizations. Exchange of scientific personnel, like exchange of students, has been confined strictly to Soviet orbit countries, = 5. Religious and other Social Organizations a. Legislative measures;..airied at..._the...control, of religious .groups in Rumania, The general legislative measures taken by the Rumanian Government with a view to destroying religious freedom in Rumania, follow, (1) The third paragraph of Article 27 of the Constitution of the Rumanian People’s Republic (adopted April 13, 1946) says: ’No denomination, religious community, or congregation may open or maintain institutions of general education, but only special schools for training clerical staff, under control of the state,! (2) Decree No. 177 of August 3, 1948 for.the General Regulation of Religious Cults in Rumania extended the control of the Rumanian Government over the policy and administration of all ecclesiastical organizations and severely curtailed the freedom of action and the scope of religious cults inthat country. Some of the orovisions of this law arc: the government must grant permission for the organization and Amotion of any cult; all cults must submit their statutes and creeds to the Ministry of Cults for examination and. approval before they a.re recognized, by the government; religious congresses may be held only with the approval of the Ministry of Cults; the number of dioceses of each cult is to be based on an average figure of 750,000 members for each diocese, (resulting in tho reduction of Catholic dioceses from 11 to 4); and the government has complete control of their education, finances, and even political beliefs, and relations with religious elements in foreign countries.. This law also provides for the abolition of seminaries and reduces to one the number of theological institutes of university rank of the Catholic Church and of* other denominations, This decree also contained provisions governing the passing of individuals in groups from one faith to another. Article 37 provides that when 10 percent of the faithful of one community pass to another cult, a proportional part of the patrimony of that denomination passes into the property of the other. Should a simple majority of the faithful of. one denomination pass to another, then the local buildings and other possessions of the community, together with the church itself, become the property of the other. And in cases where 75 percent of any community becomes converted, to another faith, the entire local property of the abandoned denomination becomes the property of the second. All instances mentioned above "shall be controlled and solved, by the local people’s courts (Communist-controlled)." Moreover, Article 36 calls for the transfer to the property of the state of all patrimony of such denominations, as may disappear or whose, recognition shall be withdrawn. Articles 37 a.nd 36 constituted a powerful and far-reaching weapon for the governmental abolishment of the Rumanian Uniate Church. The Law for the Reform of Schools and Teaching provided for the transfer to the exclusive conduct and control of the state of the entire system of schools defined as "lay teaching." All private and confessional schools, many of which belonged to the various Catholic Communities, became state institutions. The application and enforcement of this law, as the then Minister of Education Gheorghe Vasilichi testified, . was designed and. elaborated "upon instructions from the Central Committee of the Rumanian Workers’ Party." The application, of this law in relation to church schools gave rise to innumerable and serious abuses. Thus, for instance, buildings that housed, both schools and. religious establishments were considered, by the authorities to belong in their entirety to the school, with the sole execution of the rooms reserved, exclusively for actual religious practices. At the institute Notre Dame de Sion the nuns were allowed to retain the use only of the chapel and of their personal cells. And while the inventory was being drawn up,' n<5 one wars alloed to leave the buildings of the institute; the nuns were even prevented, from accompanying tho funeral procession of one of their sisters. 1. Published in the Monitorul Oficial of August 3, 1948.142 y The taking of these church school inventories provided a pretext for instituting diverse court proceedings and for effecting numerous illegal arrests against Catholic personnel. The ca.se of Mother Clemence de Sion in Bucharest may he cited: on August 11, 1948 she, together with several other nuns of the institute, was subjected to a severe Investigation on the grounds that she had destroyed the archives of the school. A large number of former teachers of Catholic seminaries were also dismissed from their posts. While under Article 44 of the Constitution the Rumanian Government may ’’retire” a Catholic Bishop in the sense that it can discontinue his stipend, it would seem to lack authority to deprive him of his ecclesiastical character, though it might physically prevent him from carrying out his functions, Its authority to give such a Bishop ecclesiastical jurisdiction over an area other than that fixed by his ecclesiastical superiors would also appear to be doubtful. Since its unilaterial denunciation of the Concordat on July 17, 1948, the Rumanian Government has evidently felt under no obligation to discuss any of these changes with the Vatican. For example, on the. basis of Articles 21-22 of -the Cult Lav; of August 3, 1948. which fixed the number of dioceses of the respective denominations, the Ministry of Cults ordered, that Dr. Ivan Scheffler cease functioning as head of the Catholic Diocese of Satu-Mare. The law of November. 3, 1948 for the nationalization .of private health institutions affected a..large number of denominational hospitals and sanatoriums. , A new and sweeping law for the organization .of the Ministry of^ults^ strengthened still further the government’s control over all religious groups. On the basis of this law the Ministry of Cults is empowered to: (1) supervise and. control all religious cults and their institutions, as well as religious communities, associations, orders, congregations, a.nd organizations of all kinds; (2) ,supervise and control special religious education for the training of all personnel of religious cults; (-3) approve the formation of new religious communities, parishes, and administrative units; set up new staff posts, and confirm the appointment of the entire Permanent and temporary staff of religious cults; (4) supervise and. control ail property and funds of any nature belonging to religious cults; (5) a.ct as intermediary for■ relations and exchanges of information between cults in the cour.try and abroad; 1. Published in the Monitorul Oficial of February 5, 1949.(6) carry out any work connected with religious, cults. b. Persecution of the Catholic Church. In the last four years the Rumanian Government has carried on a strong campaign against the Soman Catholic Church. This campaign was intensified in November 1947, when Vasile Luca, Minister of Finance and top Communists, in a speech attacked the Catholic clergymen as agents of ’'international imperialism," adding tha.t the ’’democratic Rumanian State cannot permit confessional schools to preach anti-demo-craticratic policy.” This attack was repeated in stronger terms by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Be,j, Vice Premier and Secretary General of the Communist Party, in his speech before the Congress of the Rumanian Workers’ Party on February 21, 1948. Alluding to the influences that are opposed to the Communist regime in Rumania, Gheorghiu-Dej said: ’Some of the faithful in our country belong to the Catholic Church, We are obliged to recognize that the Catholic clergy do not have an attitude in harmony with the democratic regime in Rumania, or with the interests of the country and the pecple. Throughout the world Catholic priests obey the order of the Vatican, whose intense reactionary and pro-imperialist activity are well known, It is inadmissible that Catholic priests should abuse tho possibilities which they possess to influence the faithful, and by following the directives of the Vatican they should use the church as a means of propaganda directed against the democratic regime and destined to weaken the will of the people in the defense of its independence against foreign imperialists, We believe that this attitude of the Catholic clergy, hostile to the interests of the whole people, including the Catholics, cannot leave the clergy of the Orthodox Church or the faithful belonging to the Catholic Church indifferent. Stanciu Stoian, Minister of Cults, has been in the lead of the high government officials who attacked the Catholic Church in Rumania. On the occasion of the election on May 24, 1948 of Justinian as Patriarch of the Rumanian Orthodox Church, Stolen said: The world reaction is trying to make special use of two religious instruments: the Roman Catholic Church and the Ecumenical Movement. The Vatican’s action cannot leave ns indifferent when it attempts to interfere with and to pass judgment upon our democratic regime. Nor can we remain indifferent when the so-called Ecumenical Movement desires to annex (Greek) Orthodoxy to the other weapons of Anglo-Saxon imperialism.144. c/ Social organizations.- Like education,.science, and religion, all types of social organizations and institutions have in the past toe yt s been suppressed or dissolved by official decrees. - us tural •’oations Council of Ministers1 provided for the dissolution ol 10. cultural and all their properties reverted to the state ^i^l' Decisions* 2 abolished such associations as the Royal Geo-rap hie b C1^’ Protection League, Rational Union of Veterans - the Rumanian Mag and hundreds of other cultural, patriotic, commercial, sports, and artisans soci.ti,... association of any type can now be established without the approval of the government. The Ministry of Justice has been empowered to supervise an., con.,ro .every association with juridical personality'3 4, thus making the creation o_ any association except Communist a virtual impossibility. 6. Culture The function and purpose of literature in Rumania was defined in an editorial in the official organ Scanteia of December 12, 1948. working peonle, said the editorial, were ceaselessly asking for books which would tell them _ about their life, about their past struggles, and about the party; books wmeh helu them to understand better the way along which they were going and through ~ • ----i j 4?^ jn writes i.rt must be destroyed."- The chief source of creation for the literature of,the people is to be found in the great days of tne present, days oi revolutionary change*, states the editorial, which offer innumerable heroes. The Communist-controlled League of Rumanian Writers is assigned tne duty of fighting the remnants of "reactionary" ideology in literature and of applying the party line; it is to act as a strong arm of class warfare and as the director in the development of a. real "democratic literature, Socialist in essence and national in form, the road along which Soviet culture is gloriously marching." The idolatrous attitude of Rumanian Communists toward everything Soviet, uartigularly in the cultural and scientific fields, is made evident by Chisinevschi. ' The objective of the intellectual program as prescribed by him 1- Monitorul Oficial. January 31, 1949. 2. Published in the Monitorul Oficial of January 13 and February 10, 1949. 3. Decree No. 44, Monitorul, Oficial, February 7, 1S49. 4. "Educational Work Among the Intellegentsia" published in 5pr_a_Laatin^ Peace, For a People’s Democracy] September 30, 1949.■ ... for the Rumanian intelligentsia is complete intellectual subservience to Stalinism; its aim, he says, is to inculcate a. ''pa,triotism untainted by any trace of nationalism.” A campaign.-against ’’cosmopolitanism” has be.en waged intensively by the Rumanian Communists ever since July 8, 1949, when the Rumanian Academy issued a decision intended to induce the Rumanian intellectual circles., to believe that Soviet culture, ’’the most advanced in the world,” was patriotic and international while ’’decadent bourgeois©’’ Western culture was nationalistic and ’’cosmopolitan.” ■ Music, like literature, has also been included in the campaign -'against ’’cosmopolitanism. ” • Thus the Communist front organization, Federation of Composers, which was founded on October 21, 1949, passed a resolution stating: ■The Federation of Composers ... considers formalism to be -g; the chief enemy of our musical creation and- pledge's itself, to fight ruthlessly against the attitude of groveling before putrid bourgeois art, formalism hnd cosmopolitanism which ■ tend to isolate the composer from, reality and. to stifle love of the fatherland." -. • This .resolution'is one of a number of similar ones adopted in the past few years by various artistic, educational, and cultural ■.organisations which pledged themselves to fight to push forward Soviet culture and science in Rumania,. These include' a,'pledge given at a. conference; .of archeologists in Bucharest October 14 to 16, 1949 to correct the workof ’’past historians of the bourgeois system, enslaved to imperialism, who sought to falsify the history of our people.” g . ... _ . Rumanian muse-urns-, cultural monuments, art and historic treasures are open to Soviet and satellite educators and scientists and to Communists and fellow-travelers from the West who occasionally visit Bucharest, but- stringent restrictions on admittance are''placed .-on non-Communist Westerners. ' Most of the cultural and artistic institutions in Rumania have passed into' the. hands, of the Association for Strengthening Soviet-Rumania Friendship (ARBUS), of Museum, all of which are controlled by Russians and all are working for the imposition of Soviet culture and for the elimination of the traditional Western culture in Rumania. .146 • E. ALBANIA I® Introduction Prior to 1912, when Albania won its independence from the Ottoman Empire, religion played the major role in the development of the country*s cultural patterns® As about 70 percent of the Albanians were converted to Mohammedism, they derived their spiritual and cultural inspiration from the Turkish and Arab world. Aside from a few leaders who were sent to Turkish schools in Istanbul and other Near East educational centers, the educational, activities of the great majority of the Albanian Moslems were confined to a little religious instruction. Up to very recently, nearly 80 percent of them were illiterate. i The Albanian Orthodox (about 20 percent of the total population), on the other hand, were culturally and spiritually under the influence of the Greek Patriarchate (Phanar) in Istanbul. As a rule in every Orthodox village in Albania there was a church which also operated a school, using the Greek language both in the liturgy and in the schools In this manner, the Orthodox population had a hellenic culture and their percentage of illiteracy was much lower than that of the Moslems. The Catholic element (about 10 percent of the total population) was under the influence of the Vatican, and as a result their culture was chiefly Italian. This element was by and large the best educated and the most enlightened in the country. With the advent of the modern Albanian state in 1912 a national consciousness began to develop, and schools in the Albanian language were opened all over the country. A new generation was thus brought up imbued in the nationalistic ideas of an independent Albania who felt themselves to be Albanians and not mere Moslems, Orthodox, or Catholics. During the period from 1919 to 1939 a number of French, English, and Italian schools were operated in the country„ while large numbers of students were sent, chiefly on state scholarships, to Western schools and universities, especially to France. As a consequence, Western culture, particularly French, was dominant in Albania until the present Communist regime came into power in late 1944- The present Albanian regime has made every attempt to change the educational, cultural, and intellectual outlook cf the country and replace it by Soviet culture. All media of information and communication are strictly controlled by various state or party organs and are used only for furthering Communist ideological principles and the government’s program of Sovietizing the country. 2» Media of Communication a. Press and •publications (I) Censorship and controls » Officially the Albanian Government exercises no censorship or controls over press and publications. Actually, however, these are not needed since all publications in the country are published either by the state or by the Albanian Workers’ Party (Communist) and its various front organisations. No opposition or independent publication of any kind has been countenanced since the end of thewar, and all supplies and equipment- necessary for their publications, s such as paper, printing presses, and so on, have been taken over by the state. In November 1950 a single sfcats-owned publishing house, known as Shtepia Botonjege Rain grasheri (Publishing House Nairn Frasheri) was. created and was given complete charge of printing every publication m the country, and'a single distribution center, named. Libraria Popullcre Qendrore (Central People’s Bookstore), was authorized to handle tne dis-tribution of all publications and all propaganda material in the country. 1/ The Union of Albanian Journalists, a Communist organization,exercises supervision over all Albanian newspapermen. (2) Importation and- exportation of foreinn printed^matter. Aside from the Soviet Bookstore in Tirana, which apparently has authority to import and export any publication, only governmental agencies can import'or export printed matter. As a rule, only publications xrom t e Soviet orbit countries and publications following the Communist line * from the West are imported into Albania. There is no known ban on sub* .scriptions to any Albanian publication, by individuals or institutions m the’West. (3) Restrictions on newsmen. The only correspondents admitted to Albanian fron "non-Cbrnmunist countries are Communists or Communist sympathisers® There appear to be no restrictions on newsmen from the Soviet orbit countries* Locally correspondents are appointed by the state—owned Agiensia Telegrafike Shqlpetare (Albanian Telegraphic Agency), the only news agency in the country, ana by the various government and party newspapers and periodicals. There- are no independent local correspondents. •. b. Bad ip . .. (1) State controls* Tirana Radio and the local stations in Shkoder. Korce, and Gjinokaster are all owned and operated ty the State Radiocasting and Radiofication Enterprise, a state agency. There are no independent radio stations. All radio receiving sets are sold in government stores; purchasers are ususlly party organizations, tracte unions, and private individuals who sympathize writh the regime. All. private. receiving sets are licensed by the government for a fixed fee.. In most cases receiving sets formerly owned by elements considered politically unreliable have boon confiscated, . • • (2) Restri^td.oriS_on_3d.;Si^n:m^to,Jforeigrpbroa^c^£s . .There ■are no legal restrictions placed on foreign broadcasts and no jamming is known to be'practiced against any Western radio stations. However, strong police measures are taken arbitrarily against any one, including Communists, detected listening to Western broadcasts. Thus,, one o. the charges leveled against Abedin Shehu, Minister of Industry and member of the Central Committee of the Albanian Workers1 Party, when he was purged in March 3950 was that he had listened to the British Broadcasting • * J L’ 1. Zeri i Poruli.it, November 5, 1950.Corporation (BBC) Albanian programs and had discussed thorn with his associates, Similarly, Reshad Agaj, a stenographer for the newspaper, Bash-' kimi, central organ of tho Communist-dominated Albanian Democratic Front, was imprisoned in Tirana from 1946 to 1949 on the accusation that he was spreading the news broadcast by BBC, 1/ c, Films (1) Censorship and control. The State Cinematographic Enterprise has a monopoly of all films and all motion picture houses in Albania, This agency alone is authorized to import and distribute films and to censor them if necessary, ■ • .1. .. . J . . . . . (2) Propaganda in films, The few documentary films which have been issued in Albania since the end of the war have been produced by Soviet film experts and have been chiefly intended for propaganda purposes c The film New Albania, for instance, which was produced in Albania in 1948 by Soviet director Ilia Kopalin and which was smuggled into the US in the spring of 1949 5 was intended to glorify ’’socialist reconstruction” in Albania, Actually many constructions projects shown in the filmswere built before the Communist regime assumed control of the country c In addition to some 50 cinemas showing movies daily, there are 35 mobile units which give propaganda shows in working centers and villages, (3) Distribution of foreign films. Practically all films shown in Albania today are Soviet; a few others have come from Hungary and Czechoslovakia, No Western films are known to have been shown in Albania in the past four years, 3, Education * . a, Objectivity of textbooks. In the past four years all textbooks have, been revised In Albania to conform to the teachings of Lenin and Stalin, In most cases history texts have been so distorted that they give a definitely false account of actual events. Past Albanian history texts, for instance, shewed that President Wilson was chiefly responsible in preventing the partition of Albania in 1919 among its neighbors and that the US has been the mainstay of Albania’s independence and territorial integrity.ever since it won Its independence in 1912, Current texts now portray the US as having been, and as still being, the ”mortal enemy” of Albania and the Albanian people, vihile the Soviet Union is represented as Albania’s savior and protector. The Communist Party schools, of which there are several in the country, set the example for all other schools in Albania; their function is the training of youth in the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist ideology. The teaching of the Russian language and the positions held in Albanian schools by Soviet instructors indicate the extent of the Russification of Albania® The Albanian Telegraphic Agency reported on October 16, 1950 that 60 Russian-language courses attended by 1,484 workers are now being given in various industrial plants. The report also said that the Russian language is being taught in all Albanian secondary schools. This teaching is being supervised by Soviet instructors. Thus Eeri i 1. Shaincria. December 13, 1950?4dTftIlb of September 19, 1950 wrote that Comrade Olga Smimqva, a Soviet educator, was tho head of tho Russian Department at the Tirana Pedagogic Institute, one of whose chief functions is to prepare Russian-language teachers for elementary and high schools and for work centers; Bashkirs! of the same date reported that Comrade Vera Sokolova# also a Soviet educator at the Korce Iycee, directed the course in the Russian language, which is compulsory for all teaching staff of that school© The Albanian teaching personnel is often criticized for harboring "bourgeois tendencies"© To cite but two examples of such attacks against theim (l) in a report before a meeting of the Albanian General Council of Education held in Tirana October 14 and 15, 1950, Minister of Education Kahreman Ylli stated that the Albanian school system was still infested with reactionary ideology; (2) in his report to the Second National Conference of the Albanian Workers5 Party held in'Tirana in April 1950, Major General Bedri Spahui, a secretary of the Party*s Politburo, attacked the "low ideological level" o^ Albanian school teachers, saying that under the cloak of objectivity and impartiality some of the teachers were still telling their pupils that President Truman was "elected by the people", that there was vgreat abundance, great wealth# and great technical progress" in the DS® The degree of the regimentation of the Albanian school teachers is shown by a Radio Tirana report of June 15, 1950 to the effect that all school teachers — 5,150 of them — were then taking ideological and training courses in 573 centers» b® Role of the youth movement© The People’s Youth of Albania (formerly the Communist Youth of Albania) has been assigned important functions in the control and ideological orientation of the country*s youth„ Its agents in schools see to it that both the pupils and the teachers follow strictly the party line; any one found transgressing the party orders and instructions is immediately denounced as a deviationist or "enemy of the people®" Similar agents in the army, work centers, etc,, perform identical functions, as they do in their own families when parents voice any criticism of the regime® Additional functions of the People^ Youth include the control and supervision of the Albanian Pioneers, a Communist organization which embraces all children from the ages of 7 to 14; control of the youth labor brigades, which are in reality paramilitary formations intended to do "voluntary"work; and distribution of propaganda material to all villages in the country. c3 Treatment of national minorities© The national minorities in Albania, particularly the Greek minority which is the biggest in the country (about- 35,000 people), enjoy the same circumscribed educational and cultural rights as the rest of the Albanian people® The Greek minority has its own schools and its own newspapers and other publications, all of which are Communist-controlled and which aim at furthering the program of the Communist regime5 de Int ernat tonal exchange of materials and persons® Albania has concluded cultural and scientific conventions with most of the countries within the Soviet orbit© Those agreements provide for exchange of the cultural and educational materials and of persons® No such agreements have . been signed with any non-Communist country, and, with the exception of a few Communists and fellow-travelors, Albania is a sealed country for all cultural, scientific, and educational exchanges of material and persons®150. !+• Science and Learning a• Restrictions on individuals institutions and research. There are no institutions of higher learning in Albania. The Institute of Sciences in Tirana, headed by the Communist Minister of Justice Land Konomi, is actually a study group of a handful of Albanian scholars who are now engaged in compiling a Russian-Albanian dictionary, translating Marxist-Leninist "classics" and other Communist works, and' rewriting historical works to lit the Communist ideology. The Institute is wholly controlled by the state, arid there is no room in it for individuals who disagree with the accepted concepts of Stalinism. There.are no scientists worthy of the name in Albania, and no scientific research of any import is now being carried on. The few-agricultural experts who carry on .experiments have been given strict orders to folxow tne mitchurian principles. Attendance at international congresses. Albania has sent representatives to only a few international congresses, such as those fostered by the Communist-inspired «orld Peace Congress, by the «»'orld ■federation of Trade Unions, etc® No non—Communist conferences or meetings are xnown to have been attended by Albanian representatives since the end of the war. Nor has that country exchanged any scientific personnel with the non-Communist world. £• Religion and other social organizations a. Persecution of religious bodies. Although the Albanian Constitution-of iWS provides for freedom of conscience and worship, the Tirana regime has effectively suppressed all religious freedom. The Albanian °atholic clergy lias been practically wiped out and all Catholic religious orders and schools have been eliminated. The Orthodox Church has been turned into a Communist propaganda instrument by summarily dismissing in 19k8 Archbishop Kristofor Kisi, the legal head of the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church, and appointing in his place Pashko Vodica (Paisi), an ignorant priest of Communist learnings, if not actually a member of the Party, who has become a puppet of the Moscow Patriarchate. The two chief Moslem sects, the Bektashi and the Suni* have also been turned into Communist instruments. Attempts by the Communists early in 19h7 to obtain control of the Bektashi sect by infiltrating two Communist clergymen resulted in their assassination by the head of the 'world Bektashi movement, who then, committed suicide. His successor has iollowed faithfully the Communist line. The Suni sect is now headed by Hafiz Musa Haxhi Aliu, a noscow sympathizer. In the summer of 1950 he headed an Albanian Moslem delegation to the USSR to visit such Moslem centers as Odessa, Tashkent, and Samarkand. On his return to Albania Alin engaged in widespread propaganda activities in favor of the Soviet Union. M* Suppression of other social organizations. The present Albanian regime has systematically suppressed all prewar and wartimePolitical parties, patriotic organizations, cultural clubs, and so on, and has replaced them by front organizations, all closely controlled by the Party and all working, to farther the aims of the Communist regime. 6. Culture a. Theater, literature, art, etc. The Albanian People*s Theater was organized a few years ago by Soviet experts and is now headed by a Soviet citizen named Aricko Andrei Ivonovic. Nearly all of the plays performed by the theater are Soviet propaganda pieces, such as the. anti-American Soviet play The Voice of America recently performed in KorcS*. i Music and art have also been brought under strict Communist control; they are under the general supervision of the Committee on Art attached to the Council of Ministers. The recently organized Albanian Philharmonic Group is being trained and is headed by Geogi Perkun, a Soviet citizen. All cultural activities in Albania are directed toward the popularization and spreading of Soviet culture and the Communist ideology. The chief organs for this purpose are: (1) The Albanian-Soviet Cultural Society, which is headed by the Albanian Qrgburo chief and First Vice President Ivlaj. Gen. Tuk Jakova and which has over 120,000 members and over 12,000 branches all over the country. The society publishes such periodicals as Albania-USSR, Soviet Worker, and Soviet Collective Farmer, with a combined circulation of over 80,000 copies. Actually the society is run by Boris Sotin, permanent representative of the Soviet organization VOKS in ^irana. (2) The Albanian Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, which was founded in August 1950 and which is headed by the Albanian Communist Minister of Education Kahreman ALli, and has as its major objectives the strengthening of cultural relations between Albania and the "people’s democracies," cementing the "bonds of friendship which link Albania with those struggling for the common cause of peace," publicizing Albania’s achievements abroad, and keeping Albanians informed about the "struggle of democratic forces against the Anglo-US warmongers.’’ (3) The recently formed "Red Corners," whose function it is to bring "culture" to all groups of people in cooperatives, offices, plants, schools, and wherever a group of people live or work together. "Re-education" of the old intelligentsia and the reorientation of the Albanian writers have been carried to the extreme in Albania. Secretary of the Albanian Politburo Bedri Spahiu has given a vivid account of this in an article entitled "Cultural Revolution in Albania and the Struggle on the Ideological Front .’’I This "struggle" involved the 1. Published in the December 1, 1950 issue of the Cominform journal For a .basting Peace, for a People’s DemocracyIpurging of such Albanian Communist stalwarts as Arof. ^ejfulla Maleshova (pen name ’’Lame &odra” and. usually called the s ."Red Poet”) and'Dr.'Ymer-Dishnica, both ideological leaders of the Albanian Communist Party and influential members of the Ce^-al Committee Maleshova headed the League of Albanian Writers early in the postwar period and followed a lenient policy toward all "bcurgeosie" writers. During his tenure of office as President of this, organisation he sought to create a ’’cultural front," membership of which w as opened ..without any restrictions to all the country’s intellectuals except those who had openly cooperated with the Axis powers during the war.. however, soon after Maleshova fell in disgrace in 19U6 the society fell, into the hands of rabid Communists like Bedri Spahiu, who was hot a writer. Aadio Tirana announced on June 13, 19^0 that the Central Committee of the League of Albanian Writers, on the proposal of Spahiu, had on the previous day expelled Maleshova, Dishnica, Prof. Skender Laurasi "for having followed a hostile policy toward the party and toward the Writers’ League." The announcement also said that a number of other members were expelled for opposing the elimination of Maleshova. Jince then membership in the League has been confined to ’’progressive" writers; that is, those who slavishly follow the/ ideological line. . ' •?-1• Introduction Under normal conditions Bulgaria would be'accessible to both Russian and Wostern European and American influences. By tradition, race, language, religion, and culture, Bulgarians were closely linked with Russia, On the other hand, Bulgarians more recent development has been strongly affected by Western tnought and ties, 'A century of US and Western European missionary, philanthropic, and educational work among Bulgarians, American and Western contributions to Bulgarian national'independence, and the Bulgarian and Macedonian emigration to the US have played a major part in developing an orientation toward the West and the US in particular. Bulgaria’s political and economic relations have also been with the West rather than with Russia and the USSR, Exclusive of a small element traditionally hostile to Russia and the USSR, the majority of the population has favored friendship both with tne East and the West, The conduct of the Red’ Army, however, when it entered Bulgaria in 1944, together with the postwar expiation of Bulgaria by the Kremlin, and the ruthless communisation of the country have combined to alienate the people from the USSR. However, the ultimate helplessness of the population and Its disappointment in the Wes.t have forced most people to adjust to the realisation that a Soviet—dominated Bulgaria might be a longterm proposition. 2® Media of Communication a• Press and publications (l) , Censorship, and controls, A series of laws and regulations promulgated by the present Bulgarian government, especially the amendment to the Press Law of April 30, 194-6, are in direct violation of freedom of press and publication. -Amendment of icle 3a provides the legal justification for suppression and suspension of non-Comraunist newspapers by granting virtually unhampered authority to suspend any newspaper of periodical The Official Gazette (purshaven Vestnik) of August 19, 1950 reported a decree of tho Council of Ministers establishing the ’’Main Administration of Publications and Printing Trades and Industries,” and giving it, in its status of ”an autonomous department of the Council of Ministers, the task of supervising all publishing and printing activity throughout the country. The Regulations for Civil Mobilization and Demobilization of December 27,' 194-7 included a statement that the government ‘'may ’’take exceptional measures to control espionage and harmful propaganda by ^establishing supervision of tho press and correspondence and by limiting gatherings and associations this.power to be exercised without judicial process or review. The law carried the death penalty,, In the postwar trials of three Bulgarian1%. opposition leaders, Nikola Pctkov, Dimitu Gichev, and Kosta Lulchov, indictments were made under the amended sections of the penal code (April 7, 1948) and were mostly concerned with the dissemination, through party newspapers of false rumors about the shipment of Bulgarian goods to the Soviet Union, with publishing' information that the Two-Year Plan was not going well, and with allegedly inciting thopensants not to fulfill their delivery'quotas. The December 27, 1947 law for the Nationalization of Industrial and Mining •Enterprises permitted the state to take over all.printing shops, paper mills, and other enterprises connected with the -publishing business. As a result of these activities, there is no free press or publication in Bulgaria today; only the specifically Communist press, and one or two ’’independent” •'newspapers which print only the ’’Moscow line,” exist, (2) tofrtati on and exportation of foreign bookse Between September 9? 1944- and July 1950 the- Bulgarian Communists claim that 1,336 books wore translated into Bulgarian from the Russian. These books in- , eluded the writings'of Lenin.and fStalin, Russian classics, and text books on-science,'medicine, social order, political economy, and technical and agricultural manuals. A systematic program has been developed aimed at preventing access to books, magazines, or publications not published in Bulgaria or the USSR, or not written and'published by Communists, (3) Restrictions on ne'wsmen. Reporters representing anything othex than the official line of the Communist government no longer exist in Bulgaria, All foreign correspondents except those representing the Western Communist press or those sympathetic to the Communist line are barred from Bulgaria, There are no foreign reporters resident in Sofia, save those from the other People’s Democracies and the USSR, b. Radio (1) St?ttc controls. The state has a monopoly over every aspect -of radio, including broadcasting, licensing, sale and manufacturing. Radio Sofia declared April 15, 1950 that henceforth the Ministry of Foreign Trade would distribute radio sots and tubes at a' fixed fee. Later, on August 19, 1950, a decree of the Council of Ministers created a Main Administration of Radio Information and Radiofication which was to be an'autonomous department of the Council of-Ministers to carry out ’’strict control of radio parts and materials, the repair of radio sets and installations, and the promotion of radiofication of the country. Great Soviet interest has been shown in the Bulgarian radio setup. On March 24, 1950, a delegation of the Soviet Broadcasting System arrived in- Sofia to sign an agreement on cultural collaboration between the Soviet Broadcasting Committee and the directorate of the Bulgarian system. (2) Restriction.cnJJ^teninjLl^ Radio listening is still theoretically unrestricted and anyone may own a receiverset after receiving a license and paying a fee. In practice, however, ownership is restricted to approved customers and every effort is made to control the ownership by screening those who can afford to pay the high prices for setsand ports, controlling all repair centers under one government committee, restricting spare parts, and by ruthless n^lice action in the cases of those caught listening to foreign broadcasts of an anticommunist nature« W~2£» Bulgaria’s motion picture industry is in a primitive Stage of developmento Nevertheless, the government has taken sices to assure itself of complete control of this medium. The law of August 19, 19>0 also created a "Main Administration of Motion Picture Production" as an autonomous part, of the Council of Ministers, whose task it win fr'-to carry out government policies in cinema production. Until September 9S 1944 only 10 full-length motion pictures wore made in Bulgaria, Plans made in 1950 called for the filming of five pictures, all dealing with the neroic straggle of the Bulgarian people0" As far as can be determined none of these pictures have been completed, but it can be assumed that they will be propaganda vehicles. Distribution of foreign films in Bulgaria ”* is limited to Soviet films and those of other countries of the Peonl'-’-* Democracies, .........- 3 * Education The communization of Bulgarian education began after *!945 with the P^’l^ation of a decree on the purging of teachers. In 1946 the precess of Bclohevization of Bulgarian schools continued, The government promulgated a new decree which called for the adoption of Soviet teaching metLds a£d a arxist approach to the teaching of economics,,history, etc, Desulto the lack of qualified teachers, even by the Marxist standards, new fn'criK-es and now universities were treated. In 1947 a drive began to crose private ? 1 fwxeign sch°Qls in Bulgaria, and Bulgarian state officials began to interfere more and more with the schools« . gtoghestyon Frorrfc of August 31, 1950 reported on sons of tho c™ist reforms in the educational field. All schools and eolle-os hove been mae coeducational after the Soviet pattern. All textbooks on natural ocienco, history, geography, literature, logic, philosophy, and botanv have been revised to correspond with oinilar wirks in the USSK, t„ d gr©a-' ;r*ny cases Soviet textbooks have been translated verbatim into ' Bulgarian. Hours allowed for the study of German, French, and English have p!??+-harP±^ rod?ced and thosc for Russian proportionately increased. oliuical education as determined by the Communist Party is now mandatory in Today there is probably loss freedom and less contact with t’ne non-Corimuriist world in Bulgaria than In almost -any other satelliteoA. China 1. Introduction a. The nature of eduction before the Communists^ came to power, The long and rich cultural tradition of China is not easily susceptible to generalization. In general, four features seem to sum up the traditional cultural and educational patterns before the Chinese Communist gained control cf mainland China in 19^9 s 1) education was limited to something like 10 to 20 percent of the population, the bulk of the people being unable t? afford much more than a smattering of schooling; 2) education was primarily literary in character, with principal emphasis on ethics dnd the liberal arts; 5) education was essentially conservative in outlook, conventionality being enforced by society’s admiration for the past and by the stress that the state placed cn orthodoxy; and H) education was linked closely with the government, Men studied to prepare themselves for government employment; the government in turn fostered learning by promoting scholarship, by sponsoring state schools and universities and by awarding bureaucratic positions on the basis of civil service examinations. The tradition of state sponsorship of education is associated also with a tradition of state control. Starting with the first emperor, Ch’in Shih Huang TI (reigned 221-210 B,C.) who "burned the books and buried the scholars," every succeeding dynasty has had its literary inquisition. However much scholars and intellectuals have deplored censorship and state controls, they could not but regard government dictation as a normal feature of education. These traditional features of Chinese education and culture persisted under the republican governments after the downfall cf the dynastic system in 1911 and are present today. But man’s faith in the past was shaken by China’s exposure to alien ideas brought In bv'Westem ' missionaries:, scholars, svldiers, and businessmen,, Consequently, Chinese intellectual life for a century or more has been unsettled by a new element ©f inquiry and skepticism which has grown more intense as men have become more disillusioned with traditional thought ano. actions, A spirit of nationalism has been one of the political by-products of this new outlook. Another has been the quest for a philosophy that would lessen intellectual and spiritual uncertainty. Hence Chinese culture and education after 1850 grew increasingly accletic. By the 1920ss Chinese scholarship began to synthesize a new outlook that combined Western methodology with resulting interest and pride in China’s culture.*! heritage* Art- lovers, historians, educators and scientists the world over have benefited by the brilliant achievements produced in this period by Chinese scholars.A great deal of China’s intellectual renaissance was encouraged hy the Nationalist Government under the leadership of the Kuomintang 0 However, many of the gains made in the late 1920’s and early 193Ol’s" in the fields of culture and education were lost by the devastation of ' war with Japan and by prolonged, intensive struggle against the Chinese Communists. Fearful of Communist subversion and sensitive to criticism from all quarters, the Kuomintang after 1938 adopted increasingly repressive measures with respect to freedom of expression. Universities and high schools became centers of "dangerous thoughtarrests and disappearances of professors, students, and journalists became frequentc Today the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), like the Fuomintangj, has attempted to unite education vi th nationalism and has attempted to bring education and culture under the purview of the state. Like*the Kuomintang. the CCP has rabid followers who find the party ideology a source of intellectual certitude. Like the Kuomintang government, and Chinese governments before that, the party-state of the CCP has adopted a political orthodoxy to which students and intellectuals are expected to conform* But unlike the Kuomintang, the CCP has crested a monolithic machinery for controlling all media of public expression and for suppressing all nonconformity. b. Main trends since the advent of the new regime.' Three main developments” Have taken place in cuTuTir ul* educerETona.1, and scientific fields since the CCP set up the People’s Republic of China at Pei-p’ing late in 1949. The first was the promulgation of a national policy with respect to education and culture. The essential features of the policy had already been articulated by Mao Tse-hung, Chairman of the CCP* in a political tract called Mew Democracy (1940) and in other writings by Mao and party theoreticians". The "new democratic" policy however,, was thought of primarily as a party platform and was written before the CCP had assumed the many specific problems connected with operating a national system of education. Moreover* it was felt that a new national policy ought to be formulated that would reflect presumably the diverse wishes ofJth.e several minor parties that jointly made up the coalition government. This new policy was set down in articles 41«49 of the educational and cultural section of the Common Program* a constitutional type of documented opted by the Chinese Pedple s' Po Ii t i ca 1 Consultative Conference in September 1949, In essence the stated policy incorporated the following obbctives: (1) to make the culture and education of the People’s Republic of China national, scientific* and widespread,’ (2) to inculcate among all peoples love for the fatherland and the people, love of labor, love of science* and love for public property; (3) to develop the natural sciences and to place them at the service of industrial* agricultural* and national defense construction; (4) to apply the ’’scientific historical’viewpoint" to the study and interpretation of history, economics, politics, culture, and international affairs; (5) to develop press, radio, literature, art* drama, and cinema as a means of promoting "political consciousness" and encouraging "labor enthusiasm" among the people; (6) to unite theory and practice in education and learning; (7) to reform the subject matter and teaching method of the old educational system; (8) to carry out universal education by expanding formal schools* opening up part-time worker’s schools* and providing "revolutionary political education to young intellectuals and old style intellectuals in a planned and systematic manner."160. Those and other articles of the Common Program were prepared under4 the direction of Chou En-lai, a party leader and now Premier of the new regime, hut were presented as representing the will of the people. The second step was to develop an apparatus of state control over the national education system — its curricular activities, teachers,, and. students ~~ as well as over the general body of artists and intellectuals who were not associated with 'academic institutions but who came within the Communist concept of education and culture. To this end there has, been created in the central government an Education and Culture Committee directly under the State Administration Council. This Committee, in turn -• heads up the Ministries of Education, Culture and Health, the Academy of Sciences, and the Administrations of News and Publications. Similar' organs are provided for at regional, provincial, county,' and municipal f-levels.of the government and all are placed in the centralized, vertical chain of command. Centralised Control is strengthened by staffing key positions at every level with men who serve concurrently as chiefs and deputy chiefs of the propaganda organizations in the Communist party hierarchy. Thus the party is able to translate its directives into state laws and to oversee the implementation of the laws at all levels of the goyernmenb. The dual function of state educational (party propaganda^ chiefs also allows the party to coordinate its own and the state’s actions and to integrate them with action of quasi»legal popular organizations in which the party has a leading voice® '■ ' The third development was to implement the broad'policies of the Connncn Program by drawing up specific plans for reconstructing school facilities, replanning curricula, revising and preparing textbooks, and reorganizing the school structure. These steps have been taken slowly and are not yet complete. In general,, work has proceeded along five lines; (l) preparing national laws and regulations atvthe contra! level though allowing for necessary adaptations at the regional and'local levels; changing the administrations and curricula of established schools to conform to national planning; (3) creating new technical schools for party and government workers; (4) expanding middle and lower grade schools xor workers, peasants, and soldiers; and (5) -developing cultural and educational organizations for students, teachers, artists, journalists^ etc., each organization having its, own program'of education and Indoctrination. c. Trie aims ox education in Commynist China. The Chinese Communists explain the educational program in Cnina~^n- ’three grounds : ( l) the critical need for trained men, especially technical workers; (2) the need to broaden the base of education and to destroy the monopoly on learning previously held by ’the long-gowned intellectuals ’; and (?>) the need-to strengthen the .new democrat!*/** society cy ^eradicating ’’feudalism*’ and clearing away the.influences of Western ’’imperialistic” culture., -Th seeking io satisfy their needs, -the Communists aim at remaking social classes and-reshaping social attitudes. In pursuing their educational programs and.'policies, as well as related cultural activities, the Communists have followed adual theme with respect to'the international orientation of culture and learning* On the one hand, they have sought to foster a pro-Sovidt attitude among all sections of the population. On the other hand* they have sought to identify the United States with Western ’'’imperialistic” influence in general, and thus to concentrate their attacks upon a single scapegoat,, Mao Tse-tung made clear in his New Democracy that all cultural and educational activity is to be drawn into the framework of politics and economics with the purpose of bolstering the ’’new democratic” alliance of peasants, proletariat, petty bourgeoisie, and national capitalists* As he expressed it, ’’the cultural xveapon is to be wielded as a powerful weapon of the revolution.” Since the alliance is united and led by the CCP, it follows that the ’’new democratic” education is to be controlled by the CCP and planned according to Communist ideology. Communist ideology by definition does not tolerate the freedoms of thought and expression that are associated with the Western liberal^ tradition. In the case of Communist China, the ultimate truths of society are already given in the gospel of Marx as Interpreted by Lenin, Stalin, and Mao, just as the truths of traditional society vzere given by Confucius' and interpreted by Chu Hsi. Free inquiry cannot be tolerated least it challenge the basic assumptions by which the rulers of the state rationalize their power*162 ' ' “ 2« • Media of Communication &a Press and publication. ’’Freedom of reporting true news” is guaranteed by article 49 of the Common Program of the Chinese Communist regime. The game article, however, goes on to state that, “the utilization cf the press, to slander, to undermine the interests of the state and the people ' and,to provoke world war is prohibited.” The regime ;also takes the viewpoint, that all press and publications activities provide a vehicle for the dissemination of information deemed by the cognizant authorities as important to guide the people of the state* It is considered both proper and desirable to utilize all information madia as aids in social and political agitation, in working toward the establishment of the so-called ’’new democratic society” — a stage that will lead eventually to a socialist utopia< Furthermore, the party believes that there is no pi ce for the dissemination of truth in its own right, a belief.that is based on the fundamental presumption that only the psrty is capable of' judging what constitutes truth. Thus, the party. (and the state.) have the responsibility and duty of safeguarding “true news,” as defined by them, and to this end, have set up several mechanisms of control and censorship* As a result, the entire process of gathering and reporting information is fully controlled. Ko -deviation is possible. As one of the first measures taken to control the press, the Communist authorities either confiscated or banned, all newspapers in the country that they did not grant licenses< The effect over the past year has been to cut down fo more manageable proportions the number of papers which once flourished, particularly in former treaty ports, as well as to encourage publication of newspapers in certain provincial areas heretofore unserviced. The principal instrument for ensuring state control over the press is the New China News Agency (NONA), an official organ ofthe government which functions under the direction of the Education and Culture Committee. Under the main ofiice in tne capital are regional, provincial,and branch offices bhroughout the country. Although a few well-known non-party journalists are members of its staff, the agency is directed by ranking members of the Propaganda Committee of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Tne work of the agency is supervised at every subordinate level by men who concurrently hold positions corresponding to lower echelons of the propaganda organization of the party. All newspapers in the country, both government-owned and “private" must now utilise the services of NCNA exclusively. Although the regime allowed some newspapers to use reports from foreign news agencies, such reports can be used now only by authority of NCNA, and in practice are strictly limited to those considered "sympathetic” to the regime. NCNA provides the Cninese Communist regime with a complete monopoly over the dissemination of news of national interest as well as ail editorials and so-called feature material. Local news is permitted only if it conforms to the pattern set by the central office. Thus, all newspaper s throughout the country have been turned into stereotypes of themajor party papers in the capital. The party-directed press has given vide publicity to the exercise of independent expression, however, and has tried to encourage "constructive criticism.” Following the policy enunciated at t .e p£ rty- controlled National Tress Work Conference of April 1950, editors, reporters, and correspondents throughout the country have been required + o carry into practice "criticism and self-criticism” as a means of bringing the party and the people closer together and of "speeding up social progress.” But at the ssme'time, journalists have been warned to distinguish between "correct” and "destructive” criticism. In effect, all newspapers are reouired to follow studiously the policies determined by the central government. A good illustration is the treatment accorded the British-owned North Crina rteJcLsb a long-established Shanghai journal noted for its sober reporting. Various measures aimed at destroying its independence have been carried out, such as a temporary suspension at the end of June 1950, as punishment for printing a headline stating that the Republic of Korea had been invaded, and the sealing of its radio equipment in November 1950, to prevent the receipt of unauthorized foreign news. Control over the publications industry is exerted through the Publications Administration of the Pei-p’ing regime. In general, the Publication Administration directs all publishing enterprises and both publicy and privately-owned establishments are reouired to submit their publication plans for approval. The Administration also direct all distribution agencies and outlets, both at home and abroad, through the state-operated New China Book Company. Obedience of private publication firms to the adminis- • tration's orders is ensured by the regime’s National Commission on Contiol of Paper for Cultural Use. Only books serving the immediate interests of the. state are allowed, witr primary emphasis placed on harxist-Leninist tracts, technicasl subjects and propaganda material, particularly textbooks in these fields. The state control of distribution outlets provides the regime with fu^l direction over the importation and exportation of foreign books and magazines. The regime, acting mainly through the Sino-tRissian Friendship Association, encourages the translation and distribution of Soviet Russian writings. However, it also actively restricts the importation of literature from other countries, especially that originating in the United States. The prohibition against most americen literature is supplemented by a campaign which att mpts to discredit all American writing except that by a few' "accepted” authors. In addition to state control organs, the direction of all press and publication activity is assured further through the164. medium of semi-official.professional and labor, organizations, membership in which is required of all writers, journalists, playwrights, poets, craftsmen, artists, and others engaged in publication enterprises. The organizations, such as the All-China Association of journalists, have the dual functions of directing the indoctrination and training of their members and of overseeing individual observance of party-directed regulations. Employment is dependent on membership, in these organizations, which thereby serve as effective devices for restricting the activities of ail domestic newspapermen and writers* Some foreign journalists are still permitted restricted movement in China, but for all practical purposes, free access to news in China is no longer permitted. The various control measures indicated above make formal censorship for the most pert unnecessary. However, public security forces, specifically the so-called Public Morals Section of the municipal police, are empowered to suppress ’’seditious,” "counter-revoxutionary,” "impeiialistic,” "reactionary,” and “obscene" literature, and to take strong action against writers who seek ”to undermine the interests of the state and the people.” Soree newspapermen have already been executed and others imprisoned as offenders, and it is known that books by both Chinese and foreign authors have been banned and destroyed.b. Radio. State control of all domestic radio broadcasting is assured through^lie central!zed Communist radio network, which operates under the direction of the' regime’s Bureau of Radio and Broadcasting. About 83 private a nd state-owned radio stations are linked to the central, regional, and municipal service centers of the network. The personnel controls conform to the same pattern as those in the press and publications industries. All programs, are integrated with those of the Central People’s Broadcasting Station in Pei-p’ing. The daily programs follow a fairly uniform pattern. A typical day’s schedule includes practical talks on such, subjects as ”What. are the problems in raising chickens in winter,” but gives much more time to propaganda and agitational programs, such as talks, songs, and plays on "the history of American aggression.” In order to extend the range of domestic broadcasting, in view of the limited facilities in China, the Communists have established an elaborate radio monitoring netvrorko Propaganda material as well as government orders and party directives are broadcast to a large group of specially-trained monitors, whose tasks are to copy and disseminate the information to government offices, army units, party organizations, and the masses at large. A letter of greetings to all monitors by the Central People’s Broadcasting Station dispatched on December 31, 1250, emphasized that "to date the most important political task throughout the whole countiay” is to promote the anti-American campaign. The letter stated, ’’Upon whom must such educational publicity wrk rely? Comrades, this must rely upon all of us. For thia particular purpose, each day we male the broadcast and you do the monitoring wdrk and then disseminate the material throughout the country.” Along with attempting to expand its oxvn domestic broadcasts, the regime and the party have conducted an intensive campaign against Voice of America broadcasts. Efforts in this direction have been aimed at intimidating listeners by presenting the Voice of America as a danger to the state and therefore making the listener liable to criminal charges such as ’’rumor-mongering.," etc® Various so-called mass organizations have "recommended” that the regime formally ben listening to VOA broadcasts. But the regime to date, rather than taking direct steps, has confined itself to indirect banning methods, such as making ’’rumor-mongering” a criminal offense. Looking toward tighter restrictions on listening habits, the regime is in the process of completing a registration of privately-owned sets and of controlling the production and distribution of new sets. c* The activities of China’s limited motion picture enterprise have been brought under the control cf the Motion Picture Bureau of the Ministry of Culture of the Pei-p’ing regime. All producers, distributers, and theater—owners must register and obtain permission from the Bureau to operate. The effect of the decree issued in July 1950 by the Ministry of Culture regarding the film industry was to place the showing of all films — old, new, and imported —• under the licensing control of the bureau.166. The order forbids the sBaowing of all films which oppose world peace or ’’people’s democracy/- or which are prejudicial to the Chinese people or contain material designed to undermine the social order* This order has been enforced only gradually, but- has resulted in almost total elimination of all“foreign films except those in sympathy with the world'Communist movement. In the words of'the Pei-p’ing radio on January 15, 1S51, ’’Degenerate American films, poisoning the minds of the Chinese people, have'been practically cleared out from the Chinese cinema theaters*.«• Thus, the poisonous British and American films and inferior Chinese pictures which were produced formerly have gradually made way for progressive films.” The limited domest?.c film industry, now being expanded under* the sponsorship of the state with the technical assistance and direction of Soviet advisers, will eventually supplait the current reliance on foreign films. Typical productions to date include such titles as ’’Victory of the Chinese People/’ ’’The-Song of the Red Flag,” ”The Red Banner is Hoisted in the Northwest,” ’’Ideological Problem,” etc«3. Education Cenoral. Although considerable efforts have been made to rehabilitate schools and to build up a modern educational system, educational activities in the main have been fitted into the broader Chinese Communist program of agitation and propaganda. The work is keyed to the political indoctrination of intellectual leaders and to the intensilication of popular response to govern.lent urograms* In the rather intensive mass educational programs being carried out in the form of adult study groups, night schools, peasant winter schools, part-time and short-term training courses, as well as in. kindergartens, elementary and lower high schools, throe elements are discernable: (1) instruction in the rudiments of reading, writing, and arithmeticj (2) technical training in such fields as policing, public health, agriculture, machine shop techniques, etc*5 (3) political indoctrination. In addition, the and college facilities, on technical training* 'ommunist regime has tried to expand high school On these levels, too. Liberal arts programs. the main emphasis is placed while not stifled, are sacrificed to the applied sciences. Dialectic and historical materialism has been made the basic approach to all fields of learning. To this end, the party educators have promoted translations from the Russian, have undertaken the preparation of new texts and teaching aids, and have encouraged the rewriting of history to fit the new- "scientific outlook/ Political indoctrination is conducted on the higher levels of learn-inS_by means of compulsory courses, group discussions, the direction of criticism and seli-criuicism," and by organized group activity both in and outside the universities* In view of ^he ciitioal need lor trained people, the Communist regime has devoted much effort to the expansion of school facilities and has made use of students, teachers and intellectuals generally, However, the party seems to view the present generation with inherent distrust and places . i>,s main hope for the future" on the coming generation® Major attention is always focused on the youth of the land* , , outh movements ano professional organizations* Proba- bly every student in hina today is a member of at least one or more student groups or associations. The leading group is the Hew Democratic Youth League, an affiliate of the Chinese Communist Party, bearing similarities to the Soviet Komsomol organization* The activities of these groups are no longer regarded as "extra-curricular," and students have complained of the large amount of time consumed by what in effect are compulsory political exercises. Tne activities are diverse: students are sent into rural areas to assist in harvesting and public works, and to teach and propagandize by dramatic presentations, to do stump-speaking, etc. Students are also used to gather petitions, to support "peace" drives, parades, and anti-163. American rallies, and to otherwise back the party-directed programs.. In addition, students are often used as advance cadre Workers to help prepare tne rural population for land reforms and the creation of rural administrative organs0 Teachers are . similarly organized, and are required to participate in public activities. Most of the effort, of the teachers’ associations is devoted to daily indoctrination programs and summer study courses planned to elevate ideological and political standards. The relatively small number of teachdrs, already overworked by heavy class-room schedules, find the added training courses an almost unbearable strain, Co Science and learning. Three' criteria.appear to be applied to all scientific and academic activity; (1) Does the; activity harmonize with Marxist theory? (2) Does it conform to the political principles set forth in the New Democracy and the Common Program? (3) Does it contribute to the regime’s view of the welfare-of the state and society? Witnin these limitations, study and research are encouraged by state subsidy and individuals are rewarded by, national honors and government employment- Many renowned academicians, such as Foi Hgiao-t’ung, Liang ' Ssu-chieng and *epg Yu-lan, having criticized themselves and publicly confessed their previous '‘errors/’ are now engaged in various governmental projects® many intellectuals, who under the latter days of the Kuomintang enjoyed little opportunity for meaningful employment, have welcomed the possibility of making better use of their talents, even though considerable premium is placed on political orthodoxy. The view of the regime toward, intellectuals may be indicated in an excerpt from a directive promulgated on January 12, 1951, by the State Administration Council;’ «£g ig, there are no u many intellectuals in ^hina# In tne course of further restoration and development of national construction undertakings, the'need for intellectuals will be more deeply felt, K-r various reasons, chiefly -the serious short-coming demonstrated by their lack of tho proper attitude in rendering service to the" people and the improper application of study and practice — which were tne products of the old educational system — great difficulties will arise when the Nation desires to employ them.” ' .. ..... ' The Communist regime,., like previous governments in China, has undertaken the promoti on ;o f academic research, although as yet not oh a scale' • approaching that under the Kuomintang, Because* of the primary’ emphasis placed.on immediate needs..of reconstruction and rehabilitation, the efforts aro mainly short-uerm in nature and channeled into projects showing direct practical application*, ■ • .The free international exchange of cultural and educational materials is actively discouraged, and attempts are being made to discredit its value, nny remaining oxcnange is confined almost entirely to nations in the Soviet oloc, and has been more political’ chan cultural in cnaracter. Under thesponsorship of the Siad-Soviet Friendship Association, a large number of Soviet Russian? lecturers, teachers, writers and scientists have been brought to China. 2it the same time, Chinese students and scholars residing 'in Western ’’imperialist” countries are being urged to return to China. 4. Ifej-igion; Social Organizations Government and party spokesmen have declared that the principles of the Chinese Communist Party and the regime are not inimical to religious freedom, and as evidence they point to the Common Program, which stipulates that religious freedom is guaranteed, Nethertheless, the regime from the very start has attempted to merge churches end church ’work into the framework of the "new democratic” society, Within this framework, religious institutions are expected- to further the aims of the revolutionary class struggle and to divorce themselves from Western direction and influence. There have not boon attacks against Christianity as such, but against the associated -institutions such as churches and schools which have been branded as tools of cultural imperialism. In some cases, the regime has taken over the institutions directly; falling within this category are Fu-jen and Yen-ching Universities in Poi-p’ing. More often, the policy has been actively to discourage Western direction and to propagate in its place the so-called "national three-self movement” among Chinese Christians. This movement exalts the notions of soIf-rule, self-support, and self-propagation. It has been conducted principally under the auspices of tho party-sponsored .ii.ll China Christian federation. According to those promoting the movement, because of tne developments in the international situation, ” the task, untd] recently considered a five-year program, now ”may realize immediate fulfillment.” Other religions have received less attention, presumably because Buddhist, aoist and other sects are less directly associated with ’’capitalistic influence. however, allegedly seditious secret societies connected with B uddhism and Taoism are ruthlessly suppressed. One of the most cnaracteristic features of the1 present regime is the multitude of social organizations which have sprung up under the active uirection of Communist cadres <> These organizations, which are social, religious, occupational, cultural, political and professional in nature, are used by tne party as instruments for social control, for mobilizing mass activity, and for providing the people with means of gaining political experience and increased civic consciousness. The party apparently hopes tnat in time the activities of these "people’s organizations” will foster national patriotism and Wreak down the parochialism and personal relationships that have,always ninderod effective centralized government in China, Some of the social organizations that w^re in existence before the inception of tho Communist regime have been permitted to continue, but under strict supervision. 5O Culture Cultural activities in the fit?ds of the arts, literatur music, etc., are viewed by the party essentially as instruments struggl the revolutionary precess and for dramatizing the class , drama, for promoting * Thus, theparty lias attempted to subordinate all cultural activities to the work of the state, and has promoted a variety of cultural organizations to harness such activities. Illustrative of the mission of these organizations is the tnesis adopted in November 1950 by the All-China Theatrical ‘“orkers* Conference at Pei-p’ing, a group reported to represent 350,000..of China’s theatrical personnel and an estimated daily audience of 1,800,GOO theatergoers® Acting on the advice of the Minister of Culture, the conference agreed that the field of the theater should be fully mobilized in support of the current "Aid Korea, Hesist the United States” propaganda line. This thesis is typical of similar resolutions adopted by other cultural associations of all types. The Communists have attune cod to accelerate the nationalistic movement by stressing s<.me features of China’s cultural heritage, by holding folk festivals and cultural exhibitions, and by restoring some national monuments and museums® One of their measures, adopted in July 1950, was tho initiation of-plans for excavating;cultural and archeological treasures* Another program Well under way has been tho restoration of the capital city of Pei-p’ing, which the Communists are seeking to make the showplace of the nation* In line with thi's type of work, the Communists have also shown much interest in. the culture of racial minorities. Here their interest seems much more political■than-cultural, and the end-in view appears to be the incorporation of minority peoples into the national polity. However, because of the. tradi tional sensitivity by minority peoples to intrusions upon native ways, tne party ha's moved slowly and has satisfied itself with the creation of embryonic minority rganizations that will in time bring the many diverse ethnic and linguistic groups more closely into the fold of the "new democratic" society^Bo North Korea 1* Introduction , a« Traditional cultural end educational patterns* Until the late 19th centuiy the culture 1 development of Korea was under the predominant influence of China, This condition derived.piimarily froc. the policies end program of the Yi dynasty (1392-1910), which .established Confucianism as tne state religion and modeled itself after the ling dynasty of China* For almost the last three . undred years of Yi rule, the country was in a state of isolation from all outside contact except with China, The “hermit nation" care under Japanese end I.estem influences following the negotiation of tire- ties with Japan (1876) and with the Western powers, beginning with the United States (1882), Soon after Japan set up a protectorate over Korea in 190$, tne Japanese instituted a program of "cultural imperialism" in the peninsula. This toon the form of reorienting the traditional cultural pa ttern-according to Japanese designs — substituting Japanese language for Korean wherever possible, replacing Korean educational and cultural techniques with those of Japan, and introducing Destern technological improvements, which had been adopted rnd adapted by the Japanese* Although traditional Korean culture remained relatively Intact in rural arecSj it was largely displ ced in urban centers by Japanese-sponsored patterns and ty Christian influences, Under Japanese rule mast education of the Koreans above rudimentary levels was neglected, research and artisti® creativity were repressed, and literature, drama, and art were limited to a select few, mainly Koreans educated in Japan, Thougn strongly authoritarian, Japanese rule did not ayproech totalitarian proportions until after 1--31,-when it grew progressively more repressive until it was finally eliminated with the surrender- of Japan in August 1945 c The resulting collapse of Japanese authority in Korea left a virtual political and cultural vacuum in the country. This condition was exploited 1/ the regime which developed within tne nortn under Soviet aegis and was finally fstablished as the Democratic Feojle’s Kerubiic of Korea in Pyongyang in September 1943, Claiming to be the sole legal governsent for all of Korea, virtually all of the leaderpi? i ied the 5i t oitr nee of ropag; nda in ’’cultivating the people democratically and uniting them.. in.driving home all policies of the people’s committees, and in popularizing the achievements of North Korea in such a way that the population would understand that "this is the only way for the Korean people...” Kim further declared that chiefs of propaganda ’’must also make all Koreans build a Korea like North Korea," and "drive out from the country the South Korean traitor reactionaries. Rigid control of the media' of communication affords the Democratic People’s Republic the opportunity to guide the political and cultural orientation of North Korea along predetermined lines in conformity with ^ommunist ideology and practice. According to the North Korean yearbook of 1950, "the people’s will is, in every detail, reflected in speech and publication in North Korea,,The theory of the integration of propaganda activities into theprogram of the government and party makes it difficult to separate the function of government from the propaganda function and, hence, difficult to enumerate separate media of propaganda. Nevertheless, a twofold policy is clearly in operation: (1) the careful end calculated propagation through the press and publications, radio, films, and non-mechanical media of Communist ideology and programs, and (2) the imposition of severe restrictions on all media to prevent tne dissemination of any non-conformist propaganda. Techniques employed by all types of media have both positive and negative aspects. Positively, the Communist regime is praised in glowing terms, Its progress and achievements stressed, and its continuing policy of close relations with the USSR lauded. Negatively, the Republic of Korea is described as the "country-selling Syngman Rhee traitor-gang" and is castigated as a tool of American ’’im- . perialists", and the United Nations is condemned as the "ves-vote robot" of the United States, having no authority now or in the past to deal with the Korean problem. Importation cf foreign media is limited strictly to media from the Soviet bloc, and no non-Communist media specialists are permitted to enter the country. Assimilation of °oviet culture to the exclusion of ail others is sought through dissemination to the general public of a wide variety of 1, Radio broadcast-, P’yongyang, September 16, 194?« 2. North Korean Yearbook. 1950* All citations from this source (cited hereafter as Yearbook) are from its section on "Culture."174. translated Soviet.publications; the performance of Soviet motion pictures, plays, music,, ballets,el/, cetera; the exhibition of Soviet creative works; ■ and the visits and lectures of Soviet writers, artists, and other cultural representatives* ■ ' There ere numerous examples of Soviet cultural penetration. During •• 1949 11 o^e than 209 Soviet films were imported into North Korea and shown in both urban and rural areas. 'The State Theater at P’yongyang, established on January 9, 1947,' is reserved for theperformance of Soviet plays and for concerts by Soviet musicians and dancers: its limited facilities, however, permitted the ■* production of only eight plays in 195Q. Finally, almost 70,000 lectures-and conceits were given by.Soviet artists, writers, and other cultural representatives in 1943, and an even greater number were given in 1949. a. Tress and publications. In the newspaper field there is only one official hews agency, which is'under the direct jurisdiction of the Cabinet; through it news is distributed to 31 newspaper companies in North Korea. All newspapers fall under the super vision of official governmental organs or under.the authority of social and political organizations affiliated with the Democratic Front for the Unification of the Fatherland. With a network of provincial branch offices throughout North Korea, the news agency plays "the most important part in the press world in Korea." Editors of each newspaper send up draft copy to the Bureau of Publications for censorship prior to publication. Significantly, the agency’s international affiliations are limited to exchanges of correspondents with' the Chinese (Communist) Central News Agency in Pei-p’ing and receiving correspondence from TASS in mo scow:. Newspaper distribution is largely limited to urban and semi-urban areas, but news is passed throughout the countryside by word of mouth, Thus,, a broad.impact is exerted by the dissemination of news through a carefully controlled news agency and press. Publication of books and magazines is thoroughly supervised by the government, and subsidization of both authors and production assures rigid conformity. Literary, works praising Communist ideology and. condemning’- • ■■ non-Communist beliefs are produced in abundance both by. native authors and in translation from ..the Russian. Periodicals reflecting the official line of governmental policy and designed to appeal to the provincial interests of their member s are produced in large numbers by social and political organizations. Under the terms of the Soviet-North Korea Economic and Cultural -treaty of 1949 books and magazines are freely imported from the USSR. Importation of non-Conmunist publications is strictly forbidden, and North moreens wrho read these publications are liable to severe punishment.From the time of the Soviet ’’liberation” up to 1948, seventy-two books (with a total of 770,000 copies) were published in North Korea, most of them translations of Soviet literature; copies of the History of the Communist Party (Bolshevik) ot the USSR and Stalin’s Collected Works alone totaled 537,000, In addition, two daily newspapers are devoted primarily to Soviet writings, one published by the Korean-Soviet Culture Society and the other by the Soviet Foreign Culture Association, There is also a weekly publication of the latter association and a magazine published by the Korean-Soviet Culture Society. . b» ladio. All radio broadcasting facilities in North Korea are under* the direct supervision of. the regime, with a uoviet adviser in P’yongyang exercising considerable authority. The former chief of T’yongyang radio, who was ousted from his post because of differences with the Soviet adviser at.the station, reported that approximately half, of the broadcasting time was devoted to indoctrination. Prior to his ouster he was subjected to severe criticism because some of the music on the Children’s Hour sounded lime Christian hymns, and also because the content of several stories broadcast was not in accord with the political orientation of the state. News broadcasts and commentaries ere slanted to portray the Communist government and the Soviet Union in the miost favorable light possible, whereas the Republic of Korea, the United States, and the United Nations are severely condemned as enemies of the North Korean people. Script material is designed to indoctrinate listeners thoroughly along the political and cultural lines deemed correct by the North Korean leaders. At the same time, listeners are forbidden, on threat of serious punishment, to listen to broadcasts originating in non-Soviet countries, particularly South Korea* To prevent "illegal” listening, ihe government in early 1947 banned the use of sets with more than four tubes0 As in the case of newspapers, the unusually limited number of radio sets results in widespread communication of radio reports by word of mouth. Ce Fj1ms. Among the various mechanical media of propaganda, the North Korean regime apparently places primary emphasis upon films,- The 1950 Yearbook states*. ’’Instead of the capitalistic film-enterprising, film production in North Korea is entirely nationalized as the best instrument for enlightening the people.Among the themes chosen to indoctrinate the fi'Lii, public were (1) reconstruction of a democratic North Korea, and (2j tensions along the 38th parallel, representing the Republic of Korea as an aggressor staging periodic incursions into North Korea. Unlike newspapers end radio, an elaborate network for the dissemination of films was established which reached into the tiniest farm and fishing vitlages^ As perhaps the most' vivid and most appealing of all mechanical media, films, therefore, are thoroughly exploited among the masses of the popui.ation to serve the ends ot the regime.. I. Yearbook*17b. Non-Soviet films are entirely excluded from North Korea and extremely great reliance is placed upon the USSR foi imports of Soviet films and for technical aid in film production. For example, the Yearbook indicates tnat with-Soviet help "the biggest cinema studio in the Orient,.." was set up in North Korea. 317 foreign films, presumably all from Soviet-orbit countries, were imported in 1949, contributing to the-pro-Coirmunist indoctrination of the North Korean people. d, Non-mechanical media. Because of the li its placed on mechanical media by the technological backwardness of the country, word of mouth is undoubtedly the most popular media through which approbation of'the regime and condemnation of the so-called enemies.of Noilh Korea is propagated. Intense personal evangelism on the part of individual Communists takes the form of formal speeches, harangues, formal and informal courses of study, and even peisonal conversation. On the other hand, discussions antithetical to the regime or the Soviet Union are placed under severe restrictions through a system of rigid police controls and harsh penalities , Similarly, only that poster or pamphlet material conforming to the policies and programs of the government is permitted to be distributed. Thus, iron-bound control of all mechanical and non-mechanical media of communication enables the North Korean regime to guide the thoughts and actions of the population along predetermined and totalitarian lines, . 3» Education ' a6 Educational policies, Rigid control of the educational system is a principal tenet of the North Korean Government, and tne primary objective of this control is to create a nation thoroughly.indoctrinated with Communist ideology as a means of furthering state policy, The Ministry of Education has jurisdiction over all schools not directly' under the Cabinet, including institutions for higher education, schools for Chinese residents, special schools for- the blind and dumb, and training and technological schools. The Ministry supervises school construction, the curriculum, revision of textbooks, registration of school children, teacher training and selection,•and virtually' all other aspects of the educational system. In addition to its large organisation in Pyongyang, the Ministry has a staff of educational' inspectors who supervise educational institutions in the local area,. Higher education is directed by a special board. The Elinistry also has established a special committee to confer higher degrees and to review the qualifications of professors and other faculty members. . ' ' ' ' A primary objective of educational policy is the teaching of Russian as the second language in North Korean schools. The Ministry of. Education has reportedly decreed that Russian will be the only required foreign language In Korean schools. In order to train middle school teachers and government employees, 109 special Russian language schools have been established throughout North Korea, and a Russian-language college has been established in PPyongyang, Reliable reports indicate that the Russian language has been added to the curriculum of other colleges and universities. In addition to language training, courses on Marxism, Soviet history,literature, art, and other aspects of the Soviet civilization are offered in North Korean schools« b* ^ov^et influencesu Soviet influence over the educational system is further manifested through the assignment of Soviet scholars and professors to teach in North Korean colleges and universities, short visits of other Soviet academic personnel and the provision of Soviet textbooks, teaching and training manuals, experimental apparatus, and literary works on both an advanced and an elementary level* It is reported that 13 of the original members of the teaching staff of Kim Ilsung University were Russians* Since July 1948, more that 30 well-known Soviet scholars have visited the various Korean institutions of higher learning to assist in their educational programs* A Soviet-Korean mathematics teacher who was sent to North Korea from the USSR in December 1947, and became deputy chief of the North Korean bureau of Textbook Compilation, provided the following information concerning education: (l) a Soviet adviser in the Ministry of Education advised the Minister on important educational matters; and (2) at the university and college levels, only Russian’ textbookd were permitted to be used in the social sciences«, The Soviet Union has also brought Koiean students to the USSR for educational training in the natural sciences, humanities, public administration, and engineering and other technical fields# More than 6C0 such students, both men and women, are currently in the Soviet Union, and recent reports indicate that many more students are expected to go to the USSR, These students, upon their return, are expected to assume positions of responsibility in the. government and political and cultural organizations and to form a nucleus for the Communist intelligentsia in North Korea*178. c. Elementary education. Elementary education in North Korea from ore-school levels onward was closely supervised even to include such matters as the children’s theater, manufacture of toys, and extracurricular activities, Lower and secondary school education was,to become compulsory in mid-19^0 for all children between the ages of -seven and fifteen. It was estimated that 2,800,000 north Korean youths would be attending Korean schools on all levels during 19^Q or one student for every four persons in the total population. At primary and secondary levels, control is assured by the thorough training and indoctrination of teachers, who are compelled to take’periodic retraining courses. Thus, f?O,0QO teachers of all schools were scheduled to receive indoctrination daring the winter of 19>49-^0-under the ’’special'political indoctrination program,” in preparation for the universal compulsory education-to be effected in September 19^0. Moreover., under the compulsory education law all school teachers were required to attend a 20-dav political training course during vacation months. The Ministry of Education is responsible -for this indoctrinations As a further obstacle to an independent.teaching profession, teachers are. prevented from participating in sny activity of an organization not cleared by the proper authorities. d. Higher education. More subtle, if no less effective, techniques' are employed at the college and university level. Both teachers- and students of all higher institutions of learning are ’’active members of - democratic organizations and work hand in hand in guiding political opinions among the peopleDestitute students are .awarded scholarships to colleges and universities ”so that-they may be able to study satisfactorily in preparation for their loyal services in the future as members in the People’s Republic of Korea.”'1 One of the principal functions of the l£ universities set up in North Korea since 19U5 is to foster those "students who are expected to devote themselves as leaders in various circles for the prosperity of their fatherland...”- e. adult education. In the field of adult education, extensive progress is*claimed. North Korean adults, who had a high rate of illiteracy, were being "completely enlightened” and "perfectly educated”. It is clear that such enlightenment and education was provided principally for the prupose of facilitating the indoctrination of the adult population. Plans vzere also made for the training of high-ranking "leading personnel” and their re-education so as to raise the administrative efficiency of ,*■ the government. Elgible candidates for this training are selected from among high government officials and from those recommended by "leaders of various democratic political parties and social organizationsBy a decision of tho North Korean Cabinet, reorganization and direct Cabinet control over the North Korea Central Leadership Training School was assured, 1 2 1. Yearbook 2. IbidAfo Textbooks0 Textbooks and teaching aids fall under the rigid supervision of the Ministry of Educationc Designed not merely to impart knowledge per se> they serve as useful propaganda media by which to promote the political indoctrination of students and teachers. This indoctrination takes the form of laudatory praise for the achievements and successes of the Communist regime as well as severe condemnation and vilification of the activities of the Republic of Korea and the United Statese g* Science and learning. Science and learning are carried on within the framework of and limitations set by the Communist regime. Restricted exclusively to state-supervised institutions of higher education, scientists and scholars are compelled to carry on research and study not only within the philosophical boundaries of Communism, but also in order to promote the welfare of the state. Thus, in North Korea a Committee for Compilating Korean History is described in the 19^0 Yearbook as consisting of a group of ’’authoritative” historians, organized under a cabinet decision to compile the definitive history of modern Korea. Exchange of scientific personnel is permitted only vdth Soviet-oriented countries, and attendance at international non-Communist professional congresses is banned. h* internatlonal educational exchange The North Korean regime purposely restricted its program of international exchange of cultural and educational materials and persons to include intercourse only v.ith the Soviet Union. According to the Soviet-North Korea Economic and Cultural Agreement, it was agreed that: "The contracting parties shall in every way develop and consolidate the relations which have been established between them in the spheres of culture, science, and art.” Under this agreement an active and significant educational exchange program has been carried on between the two countries in which, for the most part, North Korean students have been sent to the USSR and Soviet scholars and technicians have visited North Korea. The principal objective of this program, as well as that of cultural interchange, however, appears to be not the broadening of the educational and cultural outlook of the North Koreans, but rather the progressive narrowing of their viewpoint to an exclusive appreciation and' approbation of Soviet education and culture• h. S° dal and Religious Organizations The policies followed in North- Korea vdth respect to social and religious organizations have been designed to exercise thorough control over the activities of those organizations, and to propagate support for the policies of the regime and maintain control in the various segments of the society. a. Social organizations a Immediately following the liberations of Korea from Javanese rule, pro-Communist organizations such as the Democratic iouth League, Democratic Aomen’s League, Literature and Fine180. Arts General League, Public Health League, and Farmers1 League were formed to organize each of the segments of the population and of social activity. Pressures were imposed upon the populace to join one or more of these organizations. Organizations of non-Communist orientation were not permitted to develop. These and existing non-Communist organizations were suppressed, brought under pro-Communist control, or at least forced to assume general support of the regime5s policies. Tied to and brought under the control of the Korean Labor Party through coalition fronts, the social organizations and other mass organizations have worked with the Habor par ty and the government in organizing and conducting activities within their spheres, have propagated the policies of the regime among their membership, and have lent formal support to statements of the regime's policies, particularly with respect to international.problemsc The organizations enumerated above, the Korean Red Cross, the Buddhist’s League, and the Christian League were among the organizations issuing the letter of April 23, 19U8 denouncing the UK-sponsored elections .in southern Korea. b0 Religious organizations. Policies in regard to religious organizations have in general conformed to those toward the other social organizations. The Ch’ondokyo movement was organized principally in the form of a Young Friends' Party. In view of its quasi-socialist views, this organization was permitted to exist as one of the principal parties in northern Korea, giving general acquiescence to the regime’s policies, until it was dissolved by government order after the Korean war began. Under-the Land Reform Law 'of 19U6, the property of the Buddhist temples was confiscated« Subsequently the Buddhists were organized under the Buddhist League, and some of the property was restored to them, but they had been forced to abandon independent religious activity in favor of full cooperation with the regime. The treatment of all Christian groups — Catholic and Protestant alike — has 'been consistently severe because of their middle-class membership, the conflict of their-beliefs with the ideology and practices of the regime, and their connection with religious organizations in the best. The regime has followed a twofold policy toward.Christians: (l) eliminating the movement as a potential nucleus for the development of organized opposition, by barring it from proselytizing and sapping its vitality in other ways; and (2) maintaining effective control over those still adhering to the movement. Many and varied repressive measures have been applied in efforts to implement the first policy of sapping the strength of the Christian groups. Late in 19q6> the Laid Reform Law was applied a second time in a manner designed to punish Christians, and many of the ministers and members were arrested and harrassedt Subsequently, the regime halted the construction of large churches in Pyongyang, and attempted to gain control over properties of the Christian groups« The. Presbyterian theological seminary in P’yongyang was- converted into- KIM IlsungUniversitys and buildings of .the central government were constructed on church, lands* During the early years of this persecution, thousands of the members of the Christian community in the.north took refuge in the south. • - . A program of persecution more intense than before was conducted during 19U9* The regime attempted to seize all church properties on the grounds that they had been built with foreign funds* When in many instances this charge was clearly shown to be untrue, the regime charged that the churches were-foreign-controlled because during the period of Japanese rule they had vested thoir properties in juridical foreign persons* The properties vrere confiscated on the basis of this charge3 and were subsequently used by the Christian groups through leases from the governmente Having already dissolved the Christian Endeavor, the regime began to conduct systematic efforts to keep children from attending Sunday School, intimidating them, organizing other activities on Sundays, and denying Christian children entry to middle schools< Arrests of Christian leaders increased* The Apostolic Delegate residing in southern Korea reported in June 19u9 that nearly 100 Catholic priests and nuns had been placed under arrest by the nor them regime • playing an epoch-making part in regard to the development of civilization of mankind,” and that by absorbing Soviet culture North Korea had been able to ’’solidify the economic base for the democratic reconstruction of North Korea under the banner of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea®” - Such a degree of duplication of the cultural pattern of the USSR indicates clearly the direction in which the.north Korean leadership is guiding the nation® Rather than isrmit a policy of cultural broadening and eclecticism, the Communist regime is. determined to channel all cultural participation along narrow paths, allowing no deviation from the established Communist course® Cultural conformity thus achieved, the government may proceed to implement its policies and programs with a minimum of discussion and dissension, c. Integration of creauive artists© Encompassed within the North Korean politico-cultural milieu are not only the masses of the population but also the literati and intelligentsia® Since 19h5, with the aid of the Soviet Union, North Korean literary figures ’’have been able to strive for the development of national literature and arts on the bads of democratic, principle under the banner of £he General Federation of North Korean Literary Ken.arid Artists.”- Literary figures are given responsibility for leading che people toward ’’sublime patriotism and interna tionalism through their original activities in the fields of literature and the fine arts, doi:r~ away with partial racialism, cosmopolitanism, and routine formalism.”-^ Literary norks, 1? Yearbook?..... 2« tbid, ' ' ' 3.furthermore, have greatly encouraged the people1s patriotism by drawing subjects from the encouragement of the friendship between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Soviet Union, or from the admiration of democratic reconstruction of North Korea, and the people’s resistance in south Korea. The freedom of the creative artist is therefore bounded on the one- side by membership in a federation to enforce conformism and on the other by government policy which dictates the scope and direction of literary and artistic output. do Cultural interchange. Nowhere are the repressively dictatorial tactics of the Democratic People’s Republic more vididly illustrated than in the exchange of cultural information and persons. According to the Yearbook of 1950 cultural exchange between the USSR and North Korea had been actively developed on the basis of "interdependence.” Yet, the Yearbook also refers to the Soviet’s assistance as contributing to the prompt development of the ’’backward Korean culture.” To promote ’’positively” cultural intercourse between the two countries, "cultural halls” were established in major north Korean cities under the auspices cf the Soviet Foreign Culture Association. Principal organ for the propagation of Soviet culture, however, is the Korean-Soviet Culture Society, the membership cf which rose from 375 in 19h5 to over lo3 million in 19h9, .'and the number of its branches increased from 20 to 10^6 During that period the Society published 906,U00 copies of political, economic, literary, and artistic books on the Soviet Union. Through the sponsorship of rallies, festivals, and meetings most of the art media were brought into the North Korea-USSR cultural exchange program. In late April 19h9, the third great meeting of the Korean-Soviet Culture Association took place at which over h00 representatives and numerous literati from North Korea, the USSR, China, and Mongolia were present. An Art Festival held in August 19h9 featured the appearance of Soviet-artist,Finogenov who "visited north Korea to introduce the advanced. Soviets’ art before the North Korean artists as well as the people.' In October 19b9, 180,000 members of North Korean cultural alliances and federations participated in public exhibitions "for the sake of the promotion of friendship between North Korea and the Soviet Union.Finally, a nationwide movement to promote Korean-USSR friendship was sponsored during October 19li9; it consisted of lectures, conferences, and exhibitions to introduce "the advanced Russian culture,” and a number of Soviet artists participated. 6 .Conclusion In the broadest sense, the North Korean regime has ignored and violated the integrity of culture, education, and science. Respect for lav/, justice, and human rights is considered subservient to the needs and interests cf the state. Violent criticism of the United TZ Yearbook. 2. Ibid.- T 184® Nations is symbolic of the disrespect in which the North Korean leadership holds the international organization and the Charter for which it stands. Vilification of the Republic of Korea and the United States as aggressors and war instigators is evidence of the distorted version of facts as disseminated by the North Korean regime. Prevention of intercourse be tween North Korea and the non-Soviet -world is a clear indication of total disregard for the ideal of free exchange of peoples and culture, It also helps to explain how a nation which has been hermetically sealed -aganst all non-Communist culture can be.led along the road directly opposite that of cultural and intellectual freedom^ namely the road to aggressive warfares