¦^|fpi:te^l :'¦¦;-:• :-::;:;s^ '.'!?f;:^'. :-.-.:;5;Jj;iV •. :'.-:'^-, .':':':'\-u:::-:i-':'i'i}ii;':i; Me-iK-:;-;!/'-. ¦:¦••¦ '-^.-^ :.^;..,... ,,.,;,,,;:,:.,::.::.-, ':U-'!-:iil . l.r.:li:i :-/::i':i:' ¦.-;''•:»• ¦l':<:!:h'i---.-: j^Bt^a J. .ij| ' «- arK'^I j»,J4'..... ., , ,1.. .^. ".!._-¦ '. ^-^^... ....... ....,., J., ,^..,. ......... - ^' I' ' .;!¦¦'•'' ¦'--• -¦- ';f::;-;ir-;r;ih;i:.:T=i::; ::;T;r;- .r.z.r W^iii-V:-:':-: :^¦:'i'^:l'>":il'l'i¦^':^l^\':l:^:'^'¦:':li'ill;'^l^ill^\^l^^¦f'l]^ ¦ ¦:•:-:;¦¦' •:::'.::i:i. -SC:;;::: ,..,....,,.. ;;;; -''TiTl,; jjiilJTlrlj; ,,j.': ^_j;;'f.'rjf:f.':,' lU^^^f^r]iUjr^^l;lli^li^^\^l-li'^y:^:C^'^l-.f\peal Defended. CHARLES CHAUNCY 29S forth a third pamphlet from Chandler in 1771.' This controversy led, in 1771, to the publication of Chaun cy's chief work on the Episcopal claim, the Compleat View of Episcopacy, as Exhibited in the Fathers of the Christian Church, until the Close of the Second Cen tury — a volume largely based on the studies of his early ministry." Probably no other New Englander of his day could have shown such an acquaintance with the fathers from Clement of Rome to Clement of Alexandria, and the work must be considered an able and successful attempt to give an " " answer to those, who have represented it as a certain fact, universally handed down, even from the Apostles Days, that governing and ordaining Authority was exercised by such Bishops only, as were of an order SUPERIOR to Presbyters." Chauncy's activities against the establishment of a British episcopate in America were by no means con fined to the publications noted. Writing to a friend in 1766, he said: ' " We the ministers of this town have for a long course of years held a correspondence with the ' Committee of Depu tation of Dissenters ' at London, and have found our ac count in it. They have been greatly serviceable to us ' The Appeal Farther Defended. ' Preface, p. iii. ' Title-page. •* Letter of September 2g, 1766, to Rev. Dr. Ezra Stiles, now in the possession of Yale University, 296 CHARLES CHAUNCY many ways. It was owing to f influence, under God, that the scheme for the mission of a Bishop into America about 20 years ago ' was entirely disconcerted and defeated." Chauncy's wisdom derived from this experience led him to fear that the annual joint convention of dele gates from the Synod of New York and Philadelphia and from the Connecticut General Association, which met from 1766 to 1775 to guard against Episcopal encroachment, would defeat its object by arousing opposition in England to so visible a union of Congre gational and Presbyterian forces. In his judgment, " Separate endeavours, suitably conducted, are the only ones that will serve our interest." " But to fears and efforts alike the Revolutionary War put an end. Of that war the work of Chauncy in this Episcopal struggle was an important forerunner, and in the fortunes of the struggle when it came he felt a keen and patriotic interest. To him there seemed but one side that could possibly be right, and he told his friends, with a rhetorical exaggeration very unusual in him, that angelic aid would come to the Ameri cans, so just was their cause, were the patriot strength to fail." The repeal of the Stamp Act and the suffer ings of Boston under the repressive measures of Parlia ment called out vigorous publications from his prolific ' /. c, the attempt of i74g-50. ' Letter to Rev. Dr. Ezra .Stiles, of June 2g, 1767. 'Sprague, Annals, " Unitarians," p. g. CHARLES CHAUNCY 2gJ pen.' When the war came, the siege of Boston drove him from the town till its capture by Washing ton's army, in March, 1776, enabled him to return. But his age and feebleness precluded any very active share in the patriot efforts. His own struggle for American liberty had been fought chiefly in the years before Lexington and Bunker Hill. In considering Chauncy's relation to the " Great Awakening," it has been seen that his attitude was directly opposed to that of Edwards. But this dis agreement was far from being the only point of un likeness between the two men. During Chauncy's ministerial life eastern Massachusetts was largely moving in a doctrinal direction in striking discord with that of Edwards and his school, and scarcely less estranged from the view-point of the founders of New England. This " Liberal " direction was one, how ever, in which the development of English Puritanism had led the way. In the home land not merely Arminianism but Arianism had gained strong footing among Presbyterian Dissenters during the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and had become predominant among them before the year 1750 was reached. Arian ism, as well as Arminianism, tinged the writings of some of the ablest English theologians of that period, both within and without the Church of England, and ' Discourse on the Good News from a Far Country, 1766 ; A Just Repre sentation of the Hardships and Sufferings of the Town of Boston, T.'It^. 298 CHARLES CHAUNCY the books of Thomas Emlyn, William Whiston, Samuel Clarke, Daniel Whitby, and John Taylor, in which this doctrine is implied or expressly asserted, were among the most valued treatises in English Dis senting circles during the first half of the eighteenth century. They had strong opponents, indeed, but they were widely read ; and though English Congre gationalism resisted the Arminian and Arian inroad much more successfully than English Presbyterianism, its leaders. Watts and Doddridge, defended the his toric Calvinism rather feebly. These works crossed the Atlantic and naturally found most welcome in eastern Massachusetts, since that region, owing to its trade, the size of its seaports, and the acquaintance of its more prominent ministers, by correspondence at least, with the leading English Dissenters, was more susceptible to current English thought than southern and western New England. Arminian speculations, as they were then called, as to free will, original sin, and the value of human efforts in securing salvation had penetrated somewhat widely by the middle of the eighteenth century, as we have already had occasion to notice in treating of Edwards. And though Arianism was too radical a departure for any extensive rooting before the time of Edwards's death, it was distinctly advocated by Chauncy's neighbor in the Boston ministry, Jonathan Mayhew, in 1755, while his ministerial contemporaries, Lemuel CHARLES CHAUNCY 299 Briant of Braintree, Ebenezer Gay and Daniel Shute of Hingham, and John Brown of Cohassett were be lieved to sympathize with this denial of the Trinity. Elsewhere in eastern Massachusetts and New Hamp shire Arian outcroppings had appeared before 1760; and, in 1768, Samuel Hopkins declared his " convic tion that the doctrine of the Divinity of Christ was much neglected, if not disbeheved, by a number of ministers in Boston." This development was to go on silently, and for the most part unnoted, during the distractions of the Revolutionary struggle and of the political debates that followed it, till it burst forth in the Unitarian controversy soon after the beginning of the nineteenth century. With this gradual modification of doctrine Chauncy sympathized ; and in its spread his influence was as great as that of any man in eastern Massachusetts. It was all the more so because he was no radical or ex tremist and because the greater part of the writings of which he was the author were of a character to win the approval of Christians generally. This moderation of most of Chauncy's utterances renders him a hard man to classify. As his successor in the pulpit of the Bos ton First Church pointed out in 1811, his sermons contain much that is "calvinistick," ' as that term was later used by American Unitarians; but Chauncy ' William Emerson, Historical Sketch of the First Church in Boston, p. 186. 300 CHARLES CHAUNCY himself was no Calvinist, and some of his theories are not in accord with any historic presentation of the Evangelical faith. The "orthodox" and the "liberal" are inextricably intermixed in him, and in that char acteristic he was probably typical of the contemporary stage of development of the movement which ulti mately became Massachusetts Unitarianism. Most of Chauncy's doctrinal writings were com pleted before 1768, though the more important were not published till after the Revolutionary War.' In a letter giving an account of them to a friend at the .date just mentioned, he told something of the course of study by which he was led to them. After his re covery from the debility consequent on overwork during the Whitefieldian period, he said : " " My next study was the bible, more particularly the epistles, more particularly still the epistles of the Apostle Paul. I spent seven years in this study. . . . The result of my studying the Scriptures ... is a large parcel of material suted to answer several designs." This labor left Chauncy with absolute confidence in the full and final authority and complete inspiration of the Bible; but as his investigations were largely through the lenses furnished by the works of Locke, Clarke, Taylor, and Whitby," the results were in many ' See letter of May 6, 176S, to Dr. Ezra Stiles, in the possession of Yale University. ' Ibid. ' See Chauncy's grateful acknowledgments of his indebtedness to Taylor, inhis Salvation of All Men, pp. xi.-xiv. London, 1784. CHARLES CHAUNCY 3OI points variant from current orthodoxy. Yet to Chauncy they undoubtedly seemed the teachings of the Bible as distinguished from man-made systems, and creeds of human composition.' The first fruit of this study was a clever anonymous satirical pamphlet " which he contributed to the dis cussion on Original Sin in 1758 — a debate already noted in our account of Edwards. The dissent from current Calvinistic theories of imputation here indi cated is further developed in his Twelve Sermons of 1765, and in the last important publication he set forth, the Five Dissertations on the Fall and its Conse quences, printed in 1785, though written before 1768. In these discussions Chauncy maintained that all men capable of moral action are sinners; but though that universal sinfulness is a consequence of the primal lapse, it is an indirect consequence. No man is guilty of any but his personal sins, yet those personal sins are the result of the enfeeblement of his nature which the Scriptures include under the comprehensive term " death," and death was the penalty of the Adamic disobedience." " The judicial sentence of God, occasioned by the one offence of this one man, is that which fastens ' death,' with ' See Salvation of All Men, pp. viii., ix. ; also his Twelve Sermons, p. iii. ' Tlu Opinion of One ihat has perused the Summer Morning's Con versation concerning Original Sin, wrote by the Rev. Mr. Peter Clark. Boston, 1758. ' Twelve Sermons, p. 23. 302 CHARLES CHAUNCY all its natural causes and appendages, upon the human kind; and tis in consequence of this sentence, upon men's coming into existence under the disadvantages arising from it, that they " sin ' themselves." This may not seem a wide departure from then cur rent New England conceptions, yet the cleft between it and a theory like that of Edwards was deep. It enabled Chauncy to hold that men were not born sin ners, while inevitably becoming offenders if they grew to years of moral responsibility. The immediate occasion of the preparation of Chauncy's Twelve Sermons, just mentioned, was the preaching in Boston, in the autumn of 1764, of Robert Sandeman,' that curious disciple of the Scotch re ligious seceder, John Glas. Sandeman, who found some following in New England, especially in and about Danbury, Conn., held that " justifying faith is nothing more or less than the bare belief of the bare truth"" — that is, an accurate and undoubting intel lectual acceptance of the precise facts which the Script ures reveal concerning the life and work of the Saviour constitutes saving faith in Christ. Over against Sandeman, Chauncy asserted faith to be such an assent of the mind to the truths witnessed to us by the testimony of God in Revelation as causes them to 'Chauncy wrote to Stiles, November ig, 1764, "Mr. Sandeman went from this town last Friday P. M." Letter in possession of Yale University. ' See Contributions to the Eccles. Hist, of Conn., p. 284. New Haven, 1861. CHARLES CHAUNCY 303 become a spring of right action in us, and leads us to repentance, good works, and holiness of life.' It need not be without admixture of error to be genuine. Some error, probably, is present in the conceptions of truth even of those of clearest spiritual vision." This discussion led Chauncy to ask how saving faith is obtained, and he answered in a way that Edwards and Hopkins greatly opposed as an irreligious exalta tion of human powers, though his answer was not unlike that of the representatives of the older Calvinism in his day. He urged that while saving faith is the un merited gift of the " Spirit of God," and while God is sometimes " found of those who sought him not," " God " no more ordinarily BEGINS, than carries on, the work of faith, as it respects it's existence and opera tion in the hearts of sinners, without the concurring use of their powers and endeavours." " A man should be urged to use his rational powers to know what he can of God's ways, to discern good and evil, and to foresee future rewards and punishments. He ought, though unregenerate, to recognize the teachings of Revelation, to feel something of the " sinfulness of sin," to practise religious duties, to read and meditate on God's Word, to be present and attentive at public worship, and pray fervently and persistently to God for salvation. ° These things are not saving faith, but, ' Twelve Sermons, sermons iii. -v. ''Ibid., pp. 76-82. "Ibid., p. ig2. -^Ibid., p. 195. ''Ibid., pp. 205-216.' 304 CHARLES CMAUJVLY Chauncy affirms, " 't is ' ordinarily ' in concurrence with 'these endeavours' of sinners that God bestows his Spirit to ' begin ' the work of faith " ' " The plain truth is," says Chauncy, that " God, man, and means are all concerned in the formation of that char acter, without which we cannot inherit eternal life." " Naturally, such cooperation as this in the process of salvation implies a very different degree of freedom in man than Edwards believed to exist; and, in his Benevolence of the Deity, published in 1784, but a woik to which he could refer in 1768 as " wrote many years ago," " Chauncy treated of man's liberty at some length." Fle declared that man is " an intelligent moral agent ; having in him an ability ^wA freedom to WILL as well as to do, in opposition to NECESSITY from any extraneous cause whatever." ' In maintain ing this self-determination he had Edwards evidently in mind as a principal antagonist." It is equally natural, also, that in the generally ex cellent series of sermons on the Lord's Supper which Chauncy published, in 1772, under the title of Break ing of Bread, he should uphold the Stoddardean view, denial of which had cost Edwards the Northampton pulpit, and urge that ' " the ordinance of the supper is ' Twelve Sermons, p. 216. ''Ibid., p. 339. ' The letter of May 6, 1768, often cited. * Benevolence of the Deity, pp. 128-144. '•Ibid., title-page. 'Ibid., pp. 131,132. '' Breaking of Bread, p. 26 ; see also ibid., pp. 191-113. CHARLES CHAUNCY 305 admirably well adapted to promote the edification of all that come to it in the serious exercise of faith, though their faith, at present, should not be such as to argue their being ' born from above.' " But however much man can cooperate with God, Chauncy iterates and reiterates that " the worthiness of that glorious person, who ' once offered up himself a sacrifice to God for sin,' is the alone foundation of all spiritual bestowments, whether to saints or sin ners." ' To the thought of an atonement Chauncy holds tenaciously. That atonement was due to the " " good will of God, and [is] one of the glorious effects of it. . . . Some may have expressed themselves, so as to lead one to think, that the blood of Christ was shed to pacify the resentments of God, . . . But ... so far was the blood of Christ from being intended to work upon the heart of God, and stir up compassion in him, that it was love, and because he delighted in mercy, that he ¦ spared him not, but delivered him up for us all.' The incarnation, obedience, sufferings, and death of Christ are therefore to be considered as the way, or method, in which the wisdom of God thought fit to bring into event the re demption of man. And a most wisely concerted method it is. In this way, mankind are obviously led into just senti ments of the vile nature, and destructive desert of sin; as also of that sacred regard, which God will forever show to the honor of his own governing authority: Nor could they, ' Twelve Sermons, pp. 267, 263 ; see also Salvation of All Men, pp. 19, 20. '' Benevolence of the Deit-y, pp. 166, 167. 306 CHARLES CHAUNCY in any way, have been more powerfully engaged to turn from their iniquities." Surely this is not far from that governmental theory of the atonement which the younger Jonathan Ed wards was to put forth in the autumn of 1785, a year after Chauncy's book was published, and to put forth with such acceptance that it was long regarded as a prime characteristic of New England theology. In the biographical letter of 1768, from which we have repeatedly quoted, Chauncy said : ' " The materials for one design I have put together and they have layn by in a finished Quarto vol. for some years. This is wrote w"' too much freedom to admit of a publica tion in this country. Some of my friends who have seen it have desired that I would send it home '¦' for publication, and to have it printed w*out a name. I question whether it will ever see the light till after my death; and I am not yet determined, whether to permit its being y° printed, or to order its being committed to flames. Tis a work that cost me much thot, and a great deal of hard labor. It is upon a most interesting subject." The work thus tantalizingly indicated was issued at last by its author, though anonymously, at London, in 1784, under the title of The Mystery hid from Ages and Generations, made manifest by the Gospel-Revela tion: or. The Salvation of All Men the Grand Thing ' Letter to Ezra Stiles, May 6, 1768. ';. e., to England, curiously illustrative of the pre-Revolutionary feeling. CHARLES CHAUNCY 307 aimed at in the Scheme of God. Though anonymous, its authorship was well known, and called forth speedy reply by name.' In this volume Chauncy not merely declared himself a restorationist, but maintained with great ingenuity, learning, and evident sincerity of conviction that res- torationism is the teaching of the New Testament, and especially of the Pauline epistles. No less positively than Edwards, Chauncy holds that the vast majority of intelligent mankind are on their way to hell." But hell is not eternal ; it is a place of frightful suffering, prolonged " God only knows how long " ; " but it has an end ; and the end will come when the Mediatorial King of this dispensation will have " put all enemies under his feet," even that last of enemies, the second death, and shall have delivered up the ransomed and purified universe to " him that put all things under him, that God may be all in all." " " The reign of Christ, in his mediatory kingdom, is to make way for God's being all in all; and will accord ingly last, till he has ripened and prepared things for the commencement of this glorious period. . . . He will [then] give up his mediatory kingdom to the Father, who will, ' E. g., Jonathan Edwards, the younger. The Salvation of All Men Strictly Examined, and the Endless Punishment of those who die Im penitent, Argued and Defended against the Objections and Reasonings of the late Rev. Doctor Chauncy, of Boston, etc. New Haven, 1790. ' Salvation of All Me7i, p. 322 ; for Edwards's views, see Works, vii., pp. 417, 418 : viii., pp. 202, 203. ' Salvation of All Men, p. 343. ¦• See I Corinthians, xv., 21-28, a passage of which Chauncy makes much in his argument. 308 CHARLES CHAUNCY from this time, reign immediately himself ; making the most glorious manifestations of his being a God, and Father, and Friend to all, in all things, without end. The question naturally arises, in view of these and other passages which have been quoted, as to what conception Chauncy had of the person of Christ. Chauncy nowhere enters fully into this problem. His language regarding the Saviour is generally that of the New Testament, but as far as I have observed he em ploys only those descriptive terms of Holy Writ which may be held to imply subordination. Christ is the " Son of God," in Chauncy's sermons constantly. And when he passes from the words of Scripture he uses such phrases as " Saviour of Men," " prime min ister of God's kingdom," and " grand commissioned trustee " of God's purposes." He affirms " that, next to God, and in subordination to him, we should make his Son, whom he has authorized to be our King and Saviour, the beloved object of our faith and hope, our submission and obedience." These, and many similar proofs that could be adduced, make it evident that Chauncy was a high Arian. Christ to him was an object of worship ; faith in Christ was the condition of our salvation. Our acceptance with God is founded on the" blood and righteousness" of Christ. Christ is the " all in all," the sovereign of this dispensation;" yet he is not God, nor equal with God. ' Salvation of All Men, pp. 217, 225. ''Ibid., pp. 195, 324, 364. 'Ibid, pp. 217, 358, 364. CHARLES CHAUNCY 3O9 It is evident that, in many points, Chauncy had de parted not merely from the historic theology of New England, but from the presentations of truth historic ally characteristic of the Church Universal. But he was curiously unconscious of this departure. He be lieved himself " unorthodox " on the question of the ultimate fate of the wicked, and in his speculations concerning the consequences of the fall,' but he felt himself in sympathy not merely with historic Chris tianity but with the general Christianity of his own age. Writing in 1765, he had said:" " The great fault of the faith of christians at this day does not lie, as I imagine, unless in here and there a detached instance, in fatal mistakes about the truth. The incarnation, life, death, resurrection, and exaltation of Christ, and the great articles connected herewith, and dependent hereon, stand true in the minds of most chris tians, at least in this part of the world: Nor do they, as I conceive, commonly mix falsehood with them, at least in so gross a sense as to be justly chargeable with wholly subver ting their real meaning. And yet, they are far from being the subjects of a faith that justifies. And the reason is because the assent of their minds to the report of the gos pel, is not of the right kind. Tis the produce of education and tradition, rather than the testimony of God. Tis a feeble inoperative persuasion, little affecting their hearts or influencing their lives. They receive the great doctrines of Christianity as speculations, not important realities." I have quoted this passage as illustrative ahke of ' Letter of May 6, 1768. ''Twelve Sermons, pp. 91, 92. 310 CHARLES CHAUNCY Chauncy's unconsciousness as to whither the move ment in which he bore an influential part was tend ing, and of his piety of heart. And I take it that' this unconsciousness was characteristic of the ministry of eastern Massachusetts in his day. The Unitarian outcome was as yet unsuspected. And, as for Chauncy himself, one can but feel that in piety, devotion to Christ, depth of consciousness of sin and knowledge of the way of salvation, in spite of all his serious modi fications of the earlier theology, he stood in much nearer sympathy with the founders of New England than with Priestley, Lindsey, or their associates who then bore in England the Unitarian name. Chauncy's ministry was prolonged to the close of its fifty-ninth year. Old age had somewhat limited his activities, but his mind was keenly alive to the last, and as his end drew near, he " was observed by those who were near him to be a great part of his time en gaged in devotional exercises." ' On February lo, 1787, he died at the age of eighty-two; and he left behind him the memory not merely of a strong man who greatly influenced New England thought, but of a good man, whose only place could be in that Re deemer's kingdom which he believed would ultimately include all men. ' Obituary notice, in Massachusetts Gazette, February 13, 1787. SAMUEL HOPKINS .311 VIII. SAMUEL HOPKINS THE fundamental principles of New England Con gregationalism have always encouraged inde pendence of thought, however deficient the actual application of those principles may sometimes have been. Congregationalism has never held that Christian truth is the possession of a special order of men, or that it has been defined once for all in any creed or exposition of merely human composition. It has never believed that any man or council, since the days of the Apostles, has enjoyed infallible divine guidance; and if it has throughout most of its history yielded an unquestioning deference to the books of the Old and New Testaments, it is because of a conviction of their divine authorship. Congregationalism has always asserted that the God-given standard of its faith is open on equal terms to the investigation of laymen and of ministers; and that the occupant of the pew, if of equal learning, has no inferiority to the clergyman in the discovery of truth. That discovery, Congrega tionalism has maintained, is brought about by no mystical processes, or submissions to assertions of 313 314 SAMUEL HOP A' JNU authority, but by the application to the divine prin ciples of our faith, especially as revealed in the Bible, of the same reasoning faculties by which truth in any other realm of knowledge is attained. Hence, Con gregationalism has been characteristically rationalistic, Using that term in no opprobrious sense. As a result, also. New England has produced theologians of greater speculative originality than any other region of Amer ica. It is to one who was above all else a speculative theologian, who by severest logic carried the hints and the formulated principles of Edwards to posi tions which Edwards himself never reached, however latent they may have been in his system, who built on Edwards's foundation a distinct and original school of theologie thinking, that I wish to turn your thoughts to-day in speaking of the life and work of Samuel Hopkins. Yet, in describing Hopkins as first of all a specula tive theologian, the facts cannot be overlooked that he was also a forerunner in a great philanthropic re form and a hard-working pastor. It is to the honor of New England Christianity that its leaders — men as far apart in theological thinking as Edwards and Chauncy, Bellamy and Channing, Emmons and Bush- nell — have been men of eminent piety of life and pastoral instincts prompting to the shepherding of souls. The speculative recluse, spinning his system apart from contact with his fellows, or the theologian SAMUEL HOPKINS 315 of the intellect only, divorcing religious truth from personal conduct, have never found New England a congenial soil. But New England thinkers have dif fered much in the degree in which their presentations of truth have been the logically consistent outcome of principles clearly grasped by the intellect, and in the relentlessness with which they have allowed their premises to lead to the full sweep of the dialectic conclusions which those premises implied. In that consistency which does not shrink from any conclusion that accepted principles seem to demand Hopkins was preeminent; and hence it may truly be said that the speculative theologian is the aspect under which he most characteristically presents himself. The theme and the place alike remind me that it would be unjust to begin any lecture upon Hopkins in this classroom without some expression of apprecia tion of the admirable Memoir ' in which his life was narrated and his work estimated by Professor Park nearly half a century ago — a memoir that renders the path of any later student of Hopkins comparatively easy, whether he agrees with all the judgments of the eminent biographer or not. In an account of his life written in old age, Hopkins thus introduced himself: " ' By Edwards A. Park, forming the Preface to The Works of Samuel Hopkins, i., pp. iv.-264, Boston, 1852 ; also printed separately, Boston, 1854. ' Hopkins's quaintly expressed and interesting autobiography, begun 3l6 SAMUEL HOPKINS " I was born at Waterbury in Connecticut on the Lord's day, September 17, 1721. My parents were professors of religion; and I descended from christian ancestors, both by my father and my mother, as far back as I have been able to trace my descent. ... As soon as I was capable of understanding, and attending to it, I was told that my father, when he was informed that he had a son born to him said, if the child should live, he would give him a public education, that he might be a minister or a sabbath- day-man, alluding to my being born on the sabbath." The little town where Hopkins's father was a farmer, was, he records, a place " where a regard to religion and morality was common and prevalent ";' to how great a degree may be imagined from his further statement:" " I do not recollect that I ever heard a prophane word from the children and youth, with whom I was conversant, while I lived with my parents, which was till I was in my fifteenth year." Here the boy grew up, tall and heavily built, " of a sober and steady make," he said of himself, " not guilty of external irregularities, . . . disposed to be diligent and faithful in . . . business," so that he " gained the notice, esteem, and respect of the neighbourhood."" He had "sometimes, though rarely . . . some serious thoughts of God," and "in the seventy-fifth year of my age," was published by Rev. Stephen West, of Stockbridge, in Sketches of the Life of the Late Rev. Samuel Hopkins, D.D., etc., Hartford, 1805. The quotation is from pp. 23, 24. ' Ibid., p. 24. ''Ibid., p. 25. 'Ibid. SAMUEL HOPKINS 317 a dream in which his youthful fancy pictured himself as " sentenced to everlasting misery, and driven down to hell, with the rest of the wicked," made an impres sion on him that was vivid even to old age. At fourteen, the serious-minded, reserved, and taci turn boy went from his father's home to the house of Rev. John Graham, the Scotch-born pastor at South- bury, ten miles from the Waterbury farm, to be fitted for college; and two years later, in 1737, he entered Yale. Of his course there he has recorded the follow ing description : ' "While a member of the college, I believe, I had the character of a sober, studious youth, and of a better scholar than the bigger half of the members of that society; and had the approbation of the governours of the college. I avoided the intimacy and the company of the openly vicious; and indeed kept but little company, being atten tive to my studies. In the eighteenth or nineteenth year of my age, I cannot now certainly determine which, I made a profession of religion, and joined the church to which my parents belonged in Waterbury. I was serious, and was thought to be a pious youth, and I had this thought and hope of myself. I was constant in reading the bible, and in attending on public and secret religion. And sometimes at night, in my retirement and devotion, when I thought of confessing the sins I had been guilty of that day, and asking pardon, I could not recollect that I had committed one sin that day. Thus ignorant was I of my own heart, and of the spirituality, strictness, and extent of the divine law." ' West, Sketches, pp. 27, 28. 3l8 SAMUEL HOPKINS But this degree of Christian experience, although equaling in depth that which many a theological student then or now could honestly claim, soon came to appear wholly inadequate to the young collegian. Whitefield preached his stirring discourses in New Haven just as Hopkins's Senior year was beginning; and Gilbert Tennent, fresh from his revival labors at Boston, delivered " seventeen sermons " in " about a week," " with a remarkable and mighty power," during the spring before Hopkins's graduation.' Under Tennent's fiery discourses " many cried out with distress and horror of mind, under a conviction of God's anger, and . . . many professors of re ligion received conviction that they were not real christians. . . . The members of college appeared to be universally awakened." Several of Hopkins's fellow students, his classmates Samuel Buell and David Youngs, with David Brainerd of the then Sophomore class, " visited every room in college, and discoursed freely and with the greatest plainness with each one." " Hopkins himself heartily approved these efforts and believed himself a Christian, till Brainerd, in the exercise of this student evangelism in which he was a leader, came to Hopkins for an account of that reticent scholar's religious state. Hopkins gave ' West, Sketches, pp. 30-32. ^Ibid. SAMUEL HOPKINS 319 no hint of his lack of such religious experiences as Brainerd thought were alone evidences of a regenerate condition; but, none the less, Brainerd's assertion that it was " impossible for a person to be converted and to be a real christian without feeling his heart, at sometimes at least, sensibly and greatly affected with the character of Christ," " struck con viction " through him. To the distressed and honest student it seemed, as it did to the aged minister, who thus recorded his youthful experiences, that he " was indeed no christian," but "a guilty, justly condemned creature," whose " condition appeared darker from day to day." Even a sudden and overwhelming " sense of the being and presence of God . . and the character of Jesus Christ the mediator," which came to him one evening as he meditated and prayed alone, flooding his soul with a new consciousness of the blessedness of communion with God, while reveal ing his own unworthiness, did not dispel this feeling of lack of any saving change of nature; though the aged Hopkins, as he reviewed this experience, mar veled that he did not then recognize in it his conver sion.' Hopkins was now twenty years of age. From his first listening to Tennent he had determined to seek him out and if possible live with that fervent evangel ist as soon as college days were over ; but a sermon by 'West, Sketches, pp. 33-37. 320 SAMUEL HOPKINS Jonathan Edwards on " the trial of the spirits," heard at New Haven just before graduation, turned Hop kins's preference to the Northampton minister, and he decided, if possible, to enjoy Edwards's personal in struction. It was characteristic of the shy and reserved young Senior that, though thus determined, he did not speak to the preacher who so powerfully moved him.' Graduation saw Hopkins once more in his boyhood home, praying and fasting and " dejected and very gloomy in mind " ; " yet he took some part in attempts " to promote religion among the young people in the town." But, by the December following the Septem ber commencement when he received his degree, Hop kins had reached the desired Northampton parsonage on horseback, unknown, and only to find that Ed wards himself was absent on an extended evangelistic tour; yet welcomed and invited to spend the winter by Mrs. Edwards and her household. Yet he could have been no cheerful visitor. " I was very gloomy and was most of the time retired in my chamber," he recorded, and though Mrs. Edwards offered spiritual comfort and declared to him her belief that " God intended yet to do great things " by him, " this conversation did not sensibly raise [his] spirits in the least degree." Nor did he admit a trembling hope that he might, after all, be one of the children of God, ' West, Sketches, pp. 37, 38. ' For the facts in this paragraph, see Ibid., pp. 38-43. SAMUEL HOPKINS 32 1 till his classmate, Samuel Buell, had greatly stirred Northampton in January, 1742, and Mrs. Edwards had passed through her high-wrought experience in con scious submission to the divine will, even to a readiness to be with the lost forever.' And even when, after Ed wards's return, the self-distrustful young man had related the reasons for his hesitatingly admitted belief to the Northampton pastor, it was with no expectation of receiving full assurance. Edwards " gave not his opinion expressly ; nor did I desire he should," Hop kins later recorded with transparent honesty, " for I was far from relying on any man's judgment in such a case. But I supposed he entertained a hope that I was a christian." Nor did Hopkins ever wholly rid himself of the fear that he had been self-deceived in the fundamental matter of his conversion. One of the most pathetic memorials of his experience is the concluding portion of his autobiographic sketches, in which the worn servant of God, then more than seventy-eight years of age, and able to look back on a ministry of fifty-six years' duration, sums up with hesitating judgment the evidences that point to the reality of his Christian life, and those which " some times are the ground of strong suspicion and doubt whether [he is] a real friend to Christ." " Doubtless much of this self-distrust was tempera mental in Hopkins; but much also was characteristic 'Ante, pp. 238-40. 'West, Sketches, pp. 113-131. 322 SAMUEL HOPKINS of the school of religious thought which he repre sented, viewing conversion, as it did, as involving the mightiest exercise of the sovereign and selective grace of God, and looking upon the human heart not only as infinite in its depth of wickedness, but wellnigh infinite, also, in its possibilities of self-deception. Yet, though self-distrustful, a few weeks in Ed wards's home had determined Hopkins to preach the Gospel. Accordingly, on April 29, 1742, less than eight months after graduating from Yale, he sought and received licensure from the Fairfield East Associa tion of his native colony;' and, returning to North ampton, assisted Edwards in pastoral labors and preached in neighboring towns." December brought an invitation to Simsbury, Conn., and a winter of preaching there was followed by a call to the Sims- bury pastorate. But the fact that thirty votes were cast against the proposition induced Hopkins to de cline, and he went back to the friendly household at Northampton for further study in theology. North ampton air did not agree with him, and the long horseback rides suggested as a remedy for his rheu matic ills led the young preacher, in July, 1743, to the frontier Berkshire village then known as Housa- tonick, but more familiar under its later name. Great Barrington. It was a discouraging little half-New ' F. B. Dexter, Biog. Sketches ofthe Grad. of Yale College, i., p. 671. 'West, Sketches, pp. 45-48. SAMUEL HOPKINS 323 England, half-Dutch parish of thirty families, of small worldly wealth, and of the lax religious and social habits which life on the verge of civilization always fosters. But the Great Barrington people gave a unanimous invitation to Hopkins to become their pastor, and here he was ordained, as he records, " on the 28th day of December, just at the end of the year 1743, when [he] was twenty-two years, three months, and eleven days old." Here, at Great Barrington, four years after his ordination, Hopkins married a member of his congre gation, Joanna Ingersoll,' whose twenty years of severe invalidism, ending in her death in 1793, added its burden of care and of sorrow to much of his ministry." Here his five sons and three daughters were born. Here, too, he enjoyed for nearly seven years, from 175 1 to 1758, the close companionship of his revered friend and teacher, Jonathan Edwards, whose call to the neighboring Stockbridge, only seven miles from his home, was procured by Hopkins's endeavors; and here also he enjoyed throughout his ministry the friendship of that other eminent disciple of Edwards, Joseph Bellamy, of Bethlehem, Conn. How influ ential this companionship with Edwards must have been for his younger admirer will readily be conjec tured when it is remembered that Edwards's more 'West, Sketches, p. 54. Married January 13, 1748. ''Ibid., pp. 82, 83. Died August 31, 1793. 324 SAMUEL HOPKINS important treatises were talked over with Hopkins and written during their author's Stockbridge pastorate, and that after Edwards's untimely death his manu scripts were confided to Hopkins's keeping. Nor was the friendship of the elder divine unrewarded by sacrifice on the part of the younger. It was Hop kins's refusal of the Stockbridge appointment, and of the handsome increase in his income that it implied, in order that he might urge the selection of his friend, that opened the way for Edwards's settlement.' Personally, the Great Barrington pastor was, and remained through his long life, a man of many peculiarities. "I have loved retirement,"" said Hopkins in his old age, " and have taken more pleas ure alone, than in any company : And have often chosen to ride alone, when on a journey, rather than in the best company." Every Saturday he spent, when possible, " in retirement, and in fasting and prayer." His breakfast and his supper alike, on days not given to fasting, consisted of " bread and milk, from a bowl containing about three gills, never vary ing from that quantity, whether his appetite required more or not so much " — a diet which he changed dur ing his later Newport years, as far as breakfast was con cerned, for " a cup of coffee and a little Indian bread."" ' West, Sketches, p. 54. ''Ibid., p. 86. 'William Patten, Reminiscences of Late Rev. Samuel Hopkins, 1843, quoted in Park, Memoir, pp. 52, 242. SAMUEL HOPKINS 325 E.xercise he never took, save as his pastoral work brought it to him ; but from fourteen to eighteen hours a day were spent in his study, beginning at four in the morning, or between four and five as a conces sion to winter's darkness and cold.' At nine every evening he ceased work, prayed with his family, and it is to be hoped conversed a little, for he could dis play much humor in talking with those who penetrated beyond his barrier of reserve." At ten he was abed. Though once at the beginning of his ministry, and in the excitement of the Whitefieldian revival, the congregation at Suffield had been so moved that he " could not be heard all over the meeting-house, by reason of the outcries of the people,"" Hopkins was esteemed a very dull preacher. " He was the very ideal of bad delivery," ' was Channing's comment on his pulpit manner; " such tones never came from any human voice within my hearing." And of these de ficiencies Hopkins himself was painfully conscious. In his seventy-fifth year he wrote: " My preaching has always appeared to me as poor, low, and miserable, compared with what it ought to be. ... I have felt often as if I must leave off, and never attempt any ' West. Sketches, p. 84. ' Park, Memoir, pp. 242, 243 ; and also W. E. Channing, Works, iv., pp. 347-354, Boston, 1849, a biographic note of very great value for Hopkins's appearance in his Newport old age. ' West, Sketches, p. 44. ^W. E. Channing, Works, iv., p. 348. 326 SAMUEL HOPKINS more." ' Hopkins labored faithfully to overcome his defects. By diligent effort he freed himself from the fully written manuscript ; but he never attained ease, animation, or effectiveness. Yet the matter of his dis courses always won him friends, whose "satisfaction and approbation " he attributed with reason as well as with characteristic modesty " to their high relish for the truth," as he understood it, " however poor and defective the delivery and exhibition of it " might be. One of these satisfied hearers, who listened to a chance sermon from the aged Hopkins, delivered, at the in vitation of Chauncy's Arian successor, John Clarke, in what had been Chauncy's very un-Hopkinsian Boston pulpit, presented him five or six hundred dollars as an expression of esteem at a time when Hopkins's stipend from his Newport congregation was not more than two hundred dollars a year." Hopkins always had a low estimate of himself. He walked very humbly with God, and with great devout ness of spirit and practice. His pecuniary generosity was far beyond that even of reputedly devoted minis ters generally in that self-denying age," and was given from a penury such as few ministers of that epoch had to endure. " I have taken care not to run in debt for the necessaries of life," wrote Hopkins in 1796, 'West, Sketches, pp. 88-92. 'Park, Memoir, pp. 233, 234. ' For instances, see Channing, Works, iv. , p. 349 ; Park, Memoir, pp. 94, 95 ; West, Sketches, pp. xiv., xv. SAMUEL HOPKINS 327 " though frequently if a dollar extraordinary had been called for, it would have rendered me a bank rupt. I have endeavored to live as cheap and low as I could, and be comfortable, and answer the ends of living in my station and business." ' His comforts were those of the mind rather than of the body ; and being such he never impressed his acquaintances as a really poor man. " He was an illustration of the power of our spiritual nature," said Channing, speak ing of Hopkins's old age." " In narrow circumstances, with few outward indulgences, in great seclusion, he yet found much to enjoy. He lived in a world of thought above all earthly passions. . . It has been my privilege to meet with other examples of the same character, with men, who, amidst privation, under bodily infirmity, and with none of those materials of enjoy ment which the multitude are striving for, live in a world of thought, and enjoy what affluence never dreamed of, — men having nothing, yet possessing all things; and the sight of such has done me more good, has spoken more to my head and heart, than many sermons and volumes." But with all his humility, of one thing Hopkins was confident with a confidence that led him at times into arrogance toward or contempt for an opponent. " I had, from time to time, some opposers of the doctrines which I preached,"" wrote Hopkins, "but being ' West, Sketches, pp. 79, 80. 'Channing, Works, iv., pp. 352, 353. 3 West, Sketches, p. 60. 328 SAMUEL HOPKINS persuaded, and knowing that they were the truths contained in divine revelation, this opposition, from whatever quarter, did not in the least deter or discour age me." He believed himself called of God to write his books,' and when asked, just at the end of his life, whether he would "make any alteration in the sen timents" expressed in his System of Divinity, he answered, " No: I am willing to rest my soul on them forever."" This confidence he imparted to those near to him. When the wife of his old age, who survived him, was approached with a suggestion that an abridged edition of his System would find a readier market than a full reprint, she answered: " If the public will not be at the expense of printing it as it is, let them do without it till the millennium ; then it will be read and published with avidity." " The mention of the second Mrs. Hopkins recalls the fact that she was almost as well read in theology as he, and that the intellectual bond was strong between the aged husband and the wife of his later days. On September 14, 1794, a twelvemonth after his first wife's release from her long years of distressing in validism, Hopkins married Miss Elizabeth West, a member of his Newport congregation and a much esteemed teacher, who was already in her fifty-sixth year. Hopkins was then seventy-three. But much ' Diary, in Park, Memoir, p. 197. 'Park, Memoir, p. 232. 'Ibid., p. 241. SAMUEL HOPKINS 329 more than an intellectual sympathy united them. Hopkins was always kindly and considerate in his household, and his affection went out toward his wife with a warmth which even the technically theological dress of its expression cannot conceal, as he wrote: ' "I . . . esteem it as one of the greatest favours of my life to have such a companion in my advanced years, in whose prudence, good family economy, friendship, and benevolent care I can confide; and who is to me the first object among creatures, of the love of esteem, benevolence, complacency, and gratitude." In glancing thus at Hopkins's personal traits we have passed beyond the limits of his Great Barrington ministry. That pastorate was one of trial. The church, formed on the day of his ordination, began with only five members, to whom seventy-one were added by confession and forty-five by letter during his service of almost exactly a quarter of a century." But the town was divided. Hopkins's sympathy with Edwards in opposjiian to the popular Stcrdduf dean ism and to the Half-Way Covenant cost him the support of many, and aided in the establishment in 1760 of an Episcopal church in his parish ; while Hopkins's patriotism was equally distasteful to a large Tory element as the controversies preceding the Revolution ran their course." ' West, Sketches, pp. 83, 84. 'Park, Memoir, pp. 35, 67. 'Ibid., pp. 67-72. 330 SAMUEL HOPKINS But his theological views most of all made him enemies. Strenuous, like his teacher and friend Ed wards, in asserting not merely the absolute sovereignty of God, but in representing every act of that sovereignty as a manifestation of a benevolence which had the good of the universe as its aim, Hopkins preached a sermon, in 1757, having as its theme, " The Lord Reigneth," which seemed to a parishioner to maintain " that noth ing could possibly happen but what was right and ought to be rejoiced in, because all was exactly as God would have it, even events the most vile." To the parishioner's perplexed thought this seemed an asser tion that " God and the devil are of one mind " ; and the parishioner announced his intention of procuring, if possible, the dismission of a pastor who preached such doctrine.' This discussion led Hopkins to the publica tion, in 1759, of his first doctrinal treatise, under the caption : " Sin, thro' Divine Interposition, an Advantage to the Universe ; and yet, this no Excuse for Sin, or En couragement to it ; a title, said Hopkins, writing thirty- seven years later, " so shocking to many that they would read no farther." " In this treatise Hopkins maintained the following principles : * " The Holiness of God primarily consists in LOVE, or Benevolence to himself, and to the Creature; in the ' Park, Memoir, pp. 68, 69. ' Published at Boston. 'West, Sketches, p. g3. ¦'Ed. of 1759, PP- 45. 46. SAMUEL HOPKINS 33 1 Exercise of which, he seeks his own Glory, and the Happi ness of the Creature; or, in one Word, he seeks the Good of the UNIVERSE, as comprehending both Creator and Crea tures. And this God aimed at and sought in permitting Sin, as much as in any Act whatever; and therefore this was an Exercise of Holiness, even to permit Sin. For God permitted Sin, because he saw that this was the best way to promote this End, and accomplish the highest Good of the Universe. . . . The greatest Good of the Whole, may be inconsistent with the Good of every Individual. . . God may be more glorified; yea, there may be more Happiness among Creatures, than if Sin had never taken Place. For tho Sin is the Means of the eternal Misery of many, yet it may be the Means of increasing the Happiness of others to so great a Degree, as that, upon the whole, there shall be more Happiness, than if there had been no Sin. . . . They who are made miserable by Sin, a.Te Justly miserable. Sin is their own Fault; and for it they deserve eternal Destruction; and therefore God does them no Wrong in casting them into Hell; they have but their Desert. . . . God exercises Severity towards some; but 't is a fust Severity ; 'T is as just as if no Good came to others by Means of Sin." This was strong meat; though it involved little that was not implied in the thoughts of Edwards, or, in deed, that was not characteristic of the severer type of Calvinism generally. But it was speedily followed by a further application of Edwardean principles that brought Hopkins into sharp conflict with much of the Old, or " Moderate " Calvinism of his day. In a preceding lecture it has been pointed out that eigh teenth-century New England Calvinism of the older 332 SAMUEL HOPKINS school, as distinguished from the " New Divinity " of Edwards and his sympathizers, though asserting that salvation was wholly a work of the sovereign grace of God which man can in no way effect, nevertheless held that by the use of " means," such as attendance of public worship, reading the Scriptures, strenuous uprightness of conduct, and prayer, unregenerate men could put themselves in a position where God was more likely to save them. Such earnest and upright men, though guilty before God and needing a spiritual new birth for salvation, were not so guilty as if they. lived in open contempt of God's ordinances. This widely prevalent view, characteristic of eigh teenth-century Old Calvinism, was pushed further by some. In 1744, the missionary to the Indians of Martha's Vineyard, Experience Mayhew, argued, in his Grace Defended, that " the best Actions of the Unregenerate are not properly called Sins, nor uncap- able of being Conditions of the Covenant of Grace," ' his view being very similar to that of Samuel Phillips" of Andover, that a faithful use of the "means of grace " would fulfill the conditions on which God was pleased to bestow that special favor which alone brings salvation. These principles were carried yet further by those of the New England ministry who were not Calvinists. Thus Chauncy, for instance, declared in a passage al ready quoted from his volume of Twelve Sermons, pub- ' Page 14S. 'See Ante, p. 231. SAMUEL HOPKINS m lished in 1765, that God " no more ordinarily BEGINS, than carries on the work of faith, as it respects it's exis tence and operation in the hearts of sinners, without the concurring use of their powers and endeavours." ' — Btit the immediate^casion of Hopkins's first con troversial pamphlet on the means of grace was the publication, in 1761, of two sermons " by Experience IMayhew's un-Calvinistic and Arian son, Jonathan, the pastor of the West Church in Boston, in which he as serted that regeneration is conditioned on the earnest efforts of good men to obtain it. Four years later, Hopkins answered these sermons with An Enquiry Concerning the Pro?nises of the Gospel, whether any of them are made to the Exercises and Doings of persons in an Unregenerate State.' To Hopkins's thinking,' " the impenitent sinner, who continues obstinately to reject and oppose the salvation offered in the gospel, does in some respects, yea, on the whole, become, not less, but more vicious and guilty in God's sight, the more instruction and knowledge he gets in attendance on the means of grace." Hence, in Hopkins's judgment, such preaching as that of Mayhew was radically wrong.' " Instead of calling upon all to repent and believe the gospel, as the only condition of God's favor and eternal ' Twelve Sermons, p. 195. ' Striving to Enter in at the strait Gate Explained and Inculcated j and the Connection of Salvation thereTvith Prozed. Boston, 1 761. 'Boston, 1765. "Enquiry, pp. 124, 125. ^ Ibid., pp. gg, 139, 140. 334 SAMUEL HOPKINS life, the most they [such preachers] do, with relation to unregenerate sinners, is to exhort and urge them to these doings which are short of repentance. . . . There is no difficulty in the sinner's complying with the offers of the gospel, but what lies in his want of an inclination and true desire to accept the salvation offered; and a strong and obstinate inclination to the contrary." Means the sinner must use; for the means of grace give " speculative or doctrinal knowledge " of truth, and " there can be no discerning of the beauty of those objects, of which the mind has no speculative idea." But the use of means, without the full sub mission of the heart to God, only adds guilt. God has made " no promises of regenerating grace or salva tion ... to the exercises and doing of unregener ate men." ' Sinners, while they remain sinners, have no share in any promise of the Gospel. Their prayers, their apprehensions of sin, their diligence in studying God's Word, and attendance upon God's worship arc but aggravations of their guilt. They have the natural ability instantly to repent and serve God. Hopkins's denial that there were any promises to the unregenerate led him to a negation which must have seemed to the thinking of his own age even more startling — a denial that there are " any promises in the bible to regeneration itself, or to the regenerate, antecedent to any exercise of holiness, but only to those exercises which are the fruit and consequence of 'Enquiry, pp. 8l, 123, 124. SAMUEL HOPKINS 335 regeneration." ' This statement gives us a glimpse of another feature of the theology of Hopkins, based indeed on the Edwardean theories of will and of virtue, but much more definitely elaborated than by Edwards. In Hopkins's view, as set forth in the En quiry under consideration, and even more fully in Two Discourses,'' preached originally at Ipswich, Mass.," and printed in 1768, praise and blame, sin and righteousness attach to acts, or " exercises of the mind." For the character of these acts man is responsible ; but they root themselves back in a " biass," ' " heart," " taste, temper, or disposition," from which they flow. Yet of itself, and in its passive state, that bias gives no moral quality to its possessor ; it is only to acts and "exercises" that moral values apply. What that " biass " may be in itself " ante cedent to all thought," Hopkins declares difficult to conceive, though he drops a hint that shows an in clination toward the views later elaborated by Em mons, when he intimates that it "is wholly to be resolved into divine constitution or law of nature." ' Now, in regeneration, this "biass " which results in acts ' Enquiry, p. 54. ' Two Discourses — /. On the Necessity of the Knowledge of the Law of God, in Order to the Knowledge of Sin. II. A Particular and Critical Inquiry into the Cause, Nature, and Means of ihat Change in which Men are Born of God. Boston, 1768. ' Letter to Bellamy, in Park, Memoir, pp. igg, 200. The sermons were preached in the summer of 1767. "Enquiry, pp. 77, 79. ' Two Discourses, p. 38 ; compare also Park, Memoir, pp. 191, 200. 336 SAMUEL HOPKINS of evil, is changed, " by the Spirit of God, immediately and instantaneously, and altogether imperceptibly to the person who is the subject of it," into " a new and opposite ' biass,' which is by our Saviour called an honest and good heart." ' In this transaction " man, the subject, is wholly passive," " but having this new " biass " his acts or " exercises " go out freely Godward in an active " conversion," and " all the promises of the gospel are made to these exercises of the mind " " which has thus been renewed by the Holy Spirit. These may seem scholastic distinctions; but in real ity they were concerned with matters of great practical importance, and, being so, they plunged their author into as heated a controversy as any that eighteenth- century New England witnessed. Let us put the problem in a more concrete form. Let us suppose the case, familiar in the experience of every New England congregation, of a man of high repute in the commun ity, upright, a good citizen, a regular attendant upon and supporter of public worship, a reader of the Bible, habitual in prayer it may be, but not consciously or in public repute a Christian. You have most of you seen him oftentimes. Sedate, honest, reputable, very probably interested in philanthropic or moral reform, regularly in his pew, and his children regularly in the Sunday-school, he is very likely the main pillar in '¦Enquiry, pp. 78, 79. ' Two Discourses, p. 38. ^Enquiry, p. 77. SAMUEL HOPKINS 337 the ecclesiastical society, and he is also apt to be the problem which most perplexes the minister in seasons of religious interest. Now is such a man really better or worse than one who treats religion with open scorn ? Hopkins answers that he is much worse. It is his" indispensable duty," his " highest interest immediately to repent. Nothing can possibly be the least excuse for [his] neglecting it one minute";' and all exhortations to effort, all prayer, all knowledge of truth, if this primal duty is undone, are but aggravations of guilt; for " there is no difficulty in the sinner's complying with the offers of the gospel, but what lies in his want of inclination " " to do so. Yet if such a man is perfectly free to accept or reject the Gospel if he will, is this then a haphazard world where God does not rule absolutely, and where He is uncertain or even undeterminating as to what His crea- ; tures shall do ? Not at all, says Hopkins. Though the | man is free, he is free only in the sense that he follows his inclinations. His acts are good or bad, and as such deserve praise or blame. But back of the acts lies a taste or propensity which in all natural men since Adam has made it certain that all their acts would, though free, be evil, till that bias is changed by the sovereign power of God. The man of our supposition may serve God if he will, he is infinitely guilty that he does ' Two Discourses, p. 65. ' Enquiry, p. 99. 338 SAMUEL HOPKINS not do so ; but, as a matter of fact, he will not serve God till he is born again, because till then he has no inclination to do so. So fundamental is the divine control that not only is all virtue the product of the divine Spirit, but' " there appears to be no rational or consistent medium, between admitting that £od, according to the scriptures, has chosen and determined that all the moral evil which does, or ever will exist, should take place, and consequently is so far the origin and cause of it ; Or believing and as serting, that sm has taken place, in every view, and in all respects, contrary to his will, he having done all that he could to prevent the existence of it; but was not able; and is therefore not the infinitely happy, uncontrollable, supreme Governor of the world ; but is dependent, disappointed and miserable." Hence the duty of a minister is to preach instant and complete repentance, and the guilt of all who do not exercise this grace, while recognizing that God will carry out His sovereign purpose in granting or withholding that " new heart" which alone makes repentance actual. By the time that the Tivo Discourses that have just been considered were published, in 1768, Hopkins's own situation at Great Barrington was one of much difficulty. Opposition, partly from Tories and partly from doctrinal antagonists, made it very hard for him to gain even a meagre pecuniary support. Hopkins ' System, ed. 1811, i., p. 162. SAMUEL HOPKINS 339 himself felt that he had " had no great apparent suc cess in the ministry."' And as a result of all these influences, on January 18, 1769, he was dismissed from his pastoral charge. The outlook was, indeed, gloomy from his point of view. Feeling between theological parties in New England was bitter, and Hopkins had won the hostility not only of the Liberals of the day, but of the Old Calvinists, a much more important factor in New England religious life. Moreover, he was determined not to settle over any church, the mem bers of which did not appear to his strenuous judg ment, " at least a good number of them, to be real Christians." And he recorded his opinion that " it was not probable that such a -^hurch could be found." It seemed to him that he would have to live as a farmer on the bit of land that he owned at Great Barrington. But not even the personal trials just spoken of could keep Hopkins from writing in defense of the views which he believed to be the truth of God. His reply to Mayhew had drawn out an answer from the venerable and revivalistic minister at what is now Huntington, Conn., Rev. Jedidiah Mills," in 1767; ' For the facts in this paragraph see Hopkins's autobiography. West, Sketches, pp. 49, 50, 60. ''An Inquiry concerning the State of the Unregenerate under the Gospel ; whether on every rising degree of internal Light, Conviction and Amendment of Life, they are (while unregenerate) undoubtedly , on the whole, more vile, odious and abominable fin God 's sight) than they would have been had they continued secure and at ease, going on in their sins. New Haven, 1767. 340 SAMUEL HOPKINS and also during the same year from the scholarly Old Calvinist, Moses Hemmenway, of Wells, Me. ; the latter pamphlet bearing the suggestive title. Seven Ser mons on the Obligation and Encouragement of the Un regenerate to labour for the Meat which endureth to everlasting Life.^ In the view of the first named of these able and worthy divines in particular, Hopkins's denial of any divine promise to "unregenerate doings " appeared not merely an erroneous but a dangerous perversion of the Gospel, to which the devil " puts his hearty Amen." To the task of answering Mills, Plopkins set himself immediately after his dismission, while still living at Great Barrington; and the result was a sturdy little volume, printed at New Haven in 1769, under the title. The true State and Character of the Unregenerate, stripped of all Misrepresentation and Disguise, in which Hopkins repeated, expanded, and reenforced the argu ments of his previous Enquiry, in a tone of a good deal of arrogance and bitterness. That " severity," as he later described it, some of his friends deprecated, since in their judgment, as well as that of Hopkins himself. Mills " was a good man, and had done much good," and in his old age Hopkins came to believe that his friends were right, although he declared that he had " had no perception " of personal animus when writing." One is not surprised to find that Hopkins ' Boston, 1767, 'West, Sketches, p. g6. SAMUEL HOPKINS 34I seemed to a liberal theologian like Chauncy " a trouble some, conceited, obstinate man ";' or that Chauncy, in Hopkins's view, was the standard of "all the uncir cumcised in and about Boston." " Neither was correct in his estimate of the other; but these mutually con demnatory judgments show the theological animosities of the time. Hopkins's writings roused strenuous opposition. An evidence of this hostility appeared in the severe criticism of his views put forth in 1769 by one of the most respected and talented men in the Con necticut ministry of that day, the vigorous Old Calvinist, Rev. William Hart of Saybrook, under the title. Brief Remarks on a number of False Propositions, and Dangerous Errors, wJiich are spreading in the Country; Collected out of sundry Discourses lately pub lish' d, wrote by Dr. Whitaker and Mr. Hopkins.' And, not content with this attack, Hart stirred Hopkins by an anonymous satirical pamphlet of the same year, purporting to be A Sermon of a New Kind, Never preached ; nor ever will be ; Containing a Collection of Doctrines, belonging to the Hopkintonian Scheme of Orthodoxy; or the Marrow of the Most Modern Divinity. And an Address to the Unregenerate, agreeable to the Doctrines.'^ ' Letter to Stiles of November 14, 1769, in the possession of Yale University. ' Letter to Bellamy of July 23, 1767, quoted in Park, Me?noir, p. 133. ' New London, 1769. ¦* New Haven, 1769. 342 SAMUEL HOPKINS The satire just mentioned was published in Decem ber, 1769, at an interesting juncture in Hopkins's history. During the spring and summer of that year he had sought a new settlement.' The Old South congregation at Boston had shown him some favor, but a strong opposition made a call impossible. Hop kins's own disinclination had prevented a settlement at Topsham, Me. ; but six weeks of preaching at Newport, R. I., had led to an invitation to the pastorate of the First Church of that thriving sea port by a vote of seven to three. Hopkins decided to accept the call, divided though it was; but when he had reached this conclusion, after some weeks of thought, he found that Hart's pamphlets had roused such opposition that the committee requested delay, urging that he supply the pulpit till the minds of the people could be more united. So Hopkins labored on, till, by March, 1770, it was evident that the major ity was against him. Convinced that his usefulness at Newport was at an end, he asked leave to preach a farewell sermon, — a discourse which, wholly uninten tionally on the part of the preacher, so moved the congregation in his favor that within a few days, and under the leadership of some of his chief opponents, the church gave him, well-nigh unanimously, the long doubtful call to its pastorate. On April 11, 1770, the ' For sorae of the facts in this paragraph see West, Sketches, pp. 61-74. SAMUEL HOPKINS 343 formal relationship was instituted which was to con tinue till his death on December 20, 1803. That pastorate was, however, destined to be a time of severe pecuniary trial. The Revolutionary War broke down the trade of Newport, while the British and afterward the French occupation of the town brought in all the distractions and distresses of military control. Hopkins's intense Americanism compelled him to fly for safety from the British invaders in De cember, 1776, and to be absent till the spring of 1780 —a time which he spent in pastoral labors at New- buryport, Canterbury, and Stamford. His home coming found his congregation scattered, the parson age destroyed, and the meeting-house rendered unfit for use. For a year the congregation could pay him nothing, while an attractive call to Middleboro prom ised a comfortable support for his invalid wife and considerable family.' But Hopkins was not a man easily discouraged regarding what he deemed a duty, however distrustful of his own spiritual life, and he elected to remain at Newport without fixed salary and dependent on weekly contributions which are said not to have exceeded two hundred dollars a year in their usual aggregate." Nor was the spiritual fruitage of his pastoral labors at all encouraging. His church at the comparatively flourishing period of his settle ment had only seventy members, and he added but ' West, Sketches, pp. TJ-T). ' Park, Memoir, p. 243. 344 SAMUEL HOPKINS fifty-nine by profession and by commendation from other churches in the thirty-three years of his Newport ministry.' At the time of Hopkins's Newport settlement we saw that he was smarting under Hart's criticisms, which he believed were not only an attack on the truth in general but a special cause of difficulty in his Newport congregation. To a man of his temperament a speedy answer to Hart was inevitable, and before 1770 had run its course Ylo-pkins's Animadversions on Mr. Hart's late Dialogue " had been given to the public. In this pamphlet he charged Hart with failure to read his own publications thoroughly, with a denial of total deprav ity, and with standing " on the arminian side, so far as he is on any side, or attempts to reason at all." Hopkins, moreover, urged Hart's attention to Ed wards's posthumous, but extremely influential, essay on the Nature of True Virtue, which Hopkins had published in 1765, calling on Hart to attempt its con futation." The effort to which the Saybrook minister was thus dared, he undertook with a good deal of acumen in 1771;' and, in 1772, his fellow Old ' Park, Memoir, pp. 84, 85. ' Published at New, London. 'Animadversions, pp. 17, 2g ; Professor Park, Memoir, p. igs, has fallen into error in saying, regarding Hart's anonymous satire entitled A Sermon of a New Kind, etc., that " Mr. Hopkins took no notice of this pamphlet." He did, and very positively, see Animadversions, pp. 29-31- " Remarks an President Edwards' s Dissertations concerning the Nature of True Virtue : Showing that he has given a Wrong Idea and Definition of Virtue, etc. New Haven, 1771. SAMUEL HOPKINS 345 Calvinist, Moses Hemmenway of Wells,' Me., like Moses Mather of Darien, Conn., two years earlier," took up the cudgels against what Hart had styled " New Divinity " and the " Hopkintonian " scheme." To all these Hopkins replied in 1773 in his strongest controversial treatise. An Inquiry into the Nature of true Holiness.'' In presenting his view Hopkins claims no more than an amplification of Edwards's theory of virtue." Holi ness, to his thinking, is love." It is " universal, dis interested good-will, considered in all its genuine exercises and fruits, and acted out in all its branches towards God and our neighbour." It is "essentially, in nature and kind, the same thing in all beings that are capable of it." It is " the greatest good in the universe " and that " union of heart, by which the intelligent system becomes one." The opposite of holiness is any form of self-love which puts self before the good of the universe as a whole. A man may truly and disinterestedly estimate himself at the value he has in the universe as a whole; but love for self, as self, has nothing disinterested in it, and is the essence ' Vindication of the Power, Obligation . . . of the Unregenerate to attend the Means of Grace, etc. Boston, 1772. ' The Visible Church, in Covenant, with God : Further Illustrated. New Haven, 1770. ' The latter epithet was first employed in Hart's Sermon of a New Kind, see West, Sketches, p. 97. ¦* Published at Newport. * Hopkins, True Holiness, pp. iv., v. *For the statements and quotations in this paragraph, see Ibid., pp. 2, 3, 7-9. 19-31. 41, 74- 346 SAMUEL HOPKINS of sin. Nor can any man be sure that he has that disinterested benevolence wherein holiness consists till he is ready for whatever disposition of himself the wise Ruler of the universe may see is for the largest good of all. He must be able to say " with Moses, ' Blot me, I pray thee, out of thy book.' If God may not be God, and order all things for his own glory, and the greatest good of his kingdom ; and if my salvation is inconsistent with this, I give all up, I have no interest of my own to seek or desire." True, says Hopkins, " when he comes to know that he is thus devoted to God, he may be sure of his own eternal salvation. But let it be observed, he must first have such exercises of disinterested affection as these, before he can have any evidence that he shall be saved." The passages last quoted bring to our attention one of the most famous peculiarities of Hopkins's theol ogy, his doctrine of " willingness to be damned," as it is generally phrased, or, more truly, of willingness to be disposed as seems best to divine wisdom, whatever that disposal may be. It is a doctrine that appears constantly in his writings, but is nowhere more drasti cally set forth than in a Dialogue between a Calvinist and a Semi-Calvinist, written in Hopkins's old age and published after his death.' "If any one,"" says he, "thinks he loves God, and shall be saved; if 'West, Sketches, pp. 141-167. ''Ibid., p. 150, J SAMUEL HOPKINS 347 he finds that his love to God does not imply a will ingness to be damned, if this were most for his \i. e., God's] glory, he has reason to conclude that he is deceived, and that what he calls love to God is really enmity against him." Yet this, to most Christians, utterly repellent demand was not original with Hop kins. Edwards had, indeed, rejected the doctrine;' but, to say nothing of thinkers in other branches of the Church, Thomas Hooker and Thomas Shepard had forcibly maintained it in the early days of New Eng land." From this strenuous doctrine, however, Hopkins drew hope rather than despair." And, however dis couraged about the religious condition of his own times, he was far from taking gloomy views of the history of mankind as a whole. The universe, he be lieved, is made for happiness. An all-wise and all- powerful God has allowed no more sin and misery than he sees necessary for the largest happiness of the whole. And Hopkins felt convinced that, taking into view the millennial years which his fancy loved to picture, there is " no reason to conclude that but few of mankind will be saved, in comparison with those who shall perish ; but see ground to beheve that the number of the former will far exceed that of the ' See ante, p. 239. -~, ' For this subject and references to the literature, see G. L. Walker, f Some Aspects of the Religious Life of New England, pp. 27, 28. | ' West, Sketches, pp. 165-167. "" 34<5 SAMUEL HUrKlIVS latter."' He held, also, contrary to an impression that has sometimes been given of him, that no infants were in hell." Indeed, this doctrine of infant damna tion, maintained by some of the divines of seventeenth- century New England, as a corollary of election and reprobation, had almost completely died out of Christian thought in New England by the time that Hopkins published his first controversial tractates. The discussion that ended, as far as Hopkins was concerned, with the publication of his Nature of true Holiness, in 1773, was his great controversy; in it most of the peculiarities of his religious opinions were expressed, and he felt that the victory had been his in the debate. But Hopkins's pen was busy with other writings, at which we can simply glance. Thus, in 1768, he published a sermon, preached in the Old South Church, Boston, which warmly defended the full divinity of Christ, then beginning to be doubted or denied by some in eastern Massachusetts." Again, in 1783, moved by the spread of Universalist opinions, Hopkins published an able and extremely uncom promising defense of the doctrine of eternal punish ment, in which he ventured to affirm that : * ' System, i., p. 308, ed. 1811. ' William Patten, quoted in Park, Memoir, p. 103. '' The Importance and Necessity of Christians considering Jesus Christ in the Extent of his high and glorious Character. Boston, 1768. " An Inquiry concerning the future State of those who die in their Sins. Newport, 17S3. The quotation is from pp. 154, 155. SAMUEL HOPKINS 349 " eternal punishment reflects such light on the Divine char acter, government and works, especially the work of re demption ; and makes such a bright display of the worthiness and grandeur of the Redeemer, and of divine love and grace to the redeemed; and is the occasion of so much happiness in heaven ; and so necessary, in order to the highest glory, and greatest increasing felicity of God's everlasting king dom; that, should it cease, and this fire could be ex tinguished, it would, in a great measure, obscure the light of heaven." But all Hopkins's wealth of imagination and of hope, — and he had both in abundance, — ^was poured into his treatise on the Millennium,'' which was pub lished with his System in 1793. The prophecies of Daniel and Revelation were searched for guidance to the nature, time, and duration of that blessed dispen sation which Hopkins concluded would be ushered in " not far from the end of the twentieth century,"" and for which his soul longed. Hopkins's feeling that the universe was made for the largest happiness, and that it is the duty of all disinterestedly to seek that happiness, made him one of the pioneers in a great philanthropic reform — that of the abolition of slavery. Like his friends, Edwards 1 and Bellamy, Hopkins, in his early ministry, was a j slaveholder." But by the time of his settlement at j Newport he had become convinced of the enormity of the traffic in human flesh. Hopkins was not a man ' A Treatise on the Millennium, bound with his System. Boston, 1793. ''Ibid., ii., p. 488, ed. 1811. ^ Park, Memoir, pp. 114, 118. 350 SAMUEL HOPKINS to conceal his convictions. Newport was the centre of the slave trade in New England ; Newport fortunes were largely made in slave ships ; men in his own con gregation were interested in the trade; but by 1770 or 1771, first of the Congregational ministry of New England, Hopkins was vigorously denouncing slavery ' from his pulpit, and appealing for its abandonment.' By personal solicitation, and even by contribution from his scanty means, he secured the freedom of quite a number of slaves owned by his Newport neighbors or his ministerial friends. But his thought went out beyond the freeing of a few ; and at his own suggestion and persuasion, he and his ministerial neighbor, Ezra Stiles, later to be president of Yale, sent out an appeal, in 1773, for means to train colored missionaries for labor in Africa." For this pur pose a society was organized by Hopkins and Stiles at Newport the same year, that was able to report gifts of ;^io2 i.f. 4|^. by 1776." Of this amount, one hun dred dollars was the contribution of Hopkins himself as a kind of reparation to the African race — it being the sum for which he had, long before, sold his slave.* By this society and other friends raised up by Hopkins's efforts, two young men in Hopkins's ' Park, Memoir, pp. ll6, Il8, i6o. Judge Samuel Sewall had written against slavery in his Selling of Joseph in 1 700. ^ Ibid., pp. 129-132. Circular letter of August 31, 1773. ' Stiles's and Hopkins's circular letter of April 10, 1776, p. 4. * Park, Memoir, p. 138. SAMUEL HOPKINS 35 1 congregation were so fitted at Princeton and elsewhere as to be ready to go to Africa in 1776, had not the Revolutionary War prevented. Successive hindrances, for which Hopkins was in no way responsible, robbed the missionary project of success during his lifetime, as it did the plan for African colonization which he formed before 1784; but the seed he sowed did not die.' These efforts Hopkins accompanied by frequent publication and by letters to men of influence. Much of this address to the public was through the news papers;" but two appeals were in more permanent form. A Dialogue concerning the Slavery of tlie Afri cans ; shewing it to be the Duty and Interest of the American States to emancipate all their African Slaves was put forth in ijj6,' with a dedication to the Con tinental Congress, and was republished in a large edition by the New York Manumission Society in 1785. A less important tract was A Discourse upon the Slave- Trade, and the Slavery of the Africans, de livered in 1793.* Moreover, Hopkins succeeded in having his own church pass votes discouraging the owning of slaves by its members; and the number of colored hearers in his congregation and of colored sub scribers to his System testified to his unfailing kindness to those of the oppressed race in his own town, and to their appreciation of his labors in their behalf.' ' Park, Memoir, pp. 138-156. ^ Ibid., p. 119. ' Published at Norwich. •* Published at Providence. ^ Park, Memoir, pp. 157, 166. 352 SAMUEL HOPKINS Hopkins's prominence as a citizen of Rhode Island led to the bestowal upon him of the degree of Doctor of Divinity by Brown University in 1790. At that time he had been for eight years engaged on his chief work, his System of Doctrines, Contained in divine Revelation, explained and defended, which was to em ploy him for two years more and to be published in 1793.' This rock-ribbed exposition of divinity had a sale of over twelve hundred copies, and, to the sur prise of the author, brought him in nine hundred dol lars — a sum, wrote Hopkins, " without which I know not how I should have subsisted." " I consider [it]," said he, " the greatest public service that I have ever done. It has met with more general and better ac ceptation by far than I expected, both in America and Europe; and no one has undertaken to answer it." " The expiring hour precludes the possibility of any consideration of this monument of indefatigable labor, and fortunately none is needed, since the chief pecul iarities of Hopkins's thought have already passed before us. Without the genius of Edwards, Hop kins's iron and relentless logic, his exaltation of the divine sovereignty, his reduction of righteousness and of evil to single principles, and his strong conviction that the universe moves toward a single goal, that of the greatest possible happiness of the whole, and ' Published at Boston and reprinted there in 1811 ; and again in Works, i. and ii., Boston, 1852. 'West, Sketches, pp. loi, 102. SAMUEL HOPKINS 353 moves by steps of absolute divine appointment, give to his system the power that comes from unity, con sistency, and intellectual transparency. While built on the Edwardean foundations, boldness, freedom, and fearlessness are the prime characteristics of Hop kins's thinking. It dared attack accepted truths and question their rightfulness to be. It had no shrinking from any consequences that the logic~of the premises demanded. It was as strenuous and as able a critique of current beliefs as New England has ever seen. And its influence was great. Seven years before his death Hopkins wrote : ' " About forty years ago " there were but few, perhaps not more than four or five who espoused the sentiments, which have since been called Edwardean, and new divinity, and since, after some improvement was made upon them, Hop kintonian, or Hopkinsian sentiments. But these sentiments have so spread since that time among ministers, especially those who have since come on the stage, that there are now more than one hundred in the ministry who espouse the same sentiments, in the United States of America. And the number appears to be fast increasing, and these senti ments appear to be coming more and more into credit, and are better understood, and the odium which was cast on them and those who preached them, is greatly subsided." Could Hopkins have looked forward with prophetic eye, he would have seen the opinions which he cherished remain a powerful influence in American ' West, Sketches, pp. 102, 103. ' /. e., about the time of Edwards's death. »3 354 SAMUEL HOPKINS religious thought till the time of the Civil War. As the influence of these views widened after his death, however, the peculiar intensities of his presentation constantly diminished. I said, in speaking of Edwards in a previous lecture, that as a controversialist and a theologian he seems remote, when viewed from the standpoint of the present age. I presume most of us have that feeling in a higher degree regarding Hopkins. The problems that busied him are not those to which the theologians of our day most readily turn. The conceptions of the Gospel that his peculiarities involved are not those which find large support in current religious thought. Whether men regret or rejoice that it is so, the pre sentation of Christian truth that he made is largely of the past. But, if I may borrow a somewhat over worked current phrase, I query whether more of " life " ever flowed through the work of any religious leaders of New England than through that of the Edwardean school of which Hopkins was the most strenuous, and on the whole the most influential, representative. The Master said, when He gave His disciples a test of the value of claimants to their regard, " by their fruits ye shall know them." Hopkinsianism presented a view of the religious life which called for an instant and unreserved consecration to the service of God. Hopkinsianism was the chief human instrumentality SAMUEL HOPKINS 355 in bringing about the series of revivals that, between 1791 and 1858, revolutionized the spiritual life of our New England churches; its leader was the pioneer of our Congregational ministry in attempting to remove the curse of slavery, and in endeavoring to send mis sionaries to Africa ; its representatives, more than any other party in our churches, checked the Unitarian defection ; it contributed at least as largely as any other force to the reforms in theological education inaugurated by the foundation of Andover Seminary ; and its influence, beyond that of any other religious party in New England, led to the establishment of home missions, and to the formation of the American Board. If these are not good fruits, then the re ligious history of New England has none to show. Hopkins himself survived the publication of his System ten years. For him they were years of trial and of increasing feebleness due to old age. His congregation was small and composed mostly of those advanced in life. His church membership included few men. His sermons were reputed " dry and abstract " by the young people of his flock, who wan dered to other churches.' His unanimated delivery became less attractive with years; and his bodily weakness was greatly augmented by a paralytic stroke which he suffered in January, 1799." Still he ' Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit, i., p. 433, ii., p. 472, 473. ' West, Sketches, p. 105. 356 SAMUEL HOPKINS continued to preach till October, 1803, though with feebler voice, and needing the assistance of his colored protege, the sexton, Newport Gardner, to enter the pulpit and sometimes even to rise to deliver the ser mon.' It was not much that he could do; and perhaps it was a consciousness of his limitations in public speech that induced him to make a list of his congre gation and pray for each in his study daily by name. We have this treasure in earthen vessels, that the excellency of the power may be of God, and not of us," said an Apostle who resembled Hopkins in this at least, that his written argument was considered more effective than his spoken discourse. Hopkins saw the fruit of his prayers before he died. On the coming of Rev. Caleb J. Tenney as a candidate for settlement as Hopkins's colleague, in July, 1803, the revival for which the old pastor had so long vainly waited began, and more than thirty owned themselves the subjects of a regenerative change." Hopkins lived to witness and feebly to take part in the work; but on December 20, 1803, he died. As one of his brother ministers " sat by his side just before his departure, the sufferer groaned from excess of physi cal distress. " Doctor, why do you groan ? " said his would-be comforter; " you know you have taught us ' Park, Memoir, p. 252. 'Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 472; Park, Memoir, p. 259. ' Rev. Joshua Bradley, of the Newport Baptist Church. SAMUEL HOPKINS 357 that we must be willing even to be eternally lost." The dying theologian, thus reminded of a cardinal article of his faith, replied, " It is only my body; all is right in my soul." ' ' Bradley's letter, in Sprague, Annals, i., p. 435. LEONARD WOODS 359 IX. LEONARD WOODS IN our consideration of the life and work of Samuel Hopkins it was made evident that his theological battles were even more largely with those of Calvinistic faith than with the anti-Calvinist and Liberal divines of his day. Though he directed his attack upon the Liberals when he maintained the full divinity of Christ against the Arian innovators about Boston, and criti cised Mayhew's wellnigh Arminian conceptions of the share of man in conversion, his heaviest shots were sent against the Old Calvinists, Mills, Hart, Hemmen way, and Mather, who held none of the distinctively "Liberal" doctrines. Not that Hopkins had any sympathy with the tendencies of such men as Chauncy and Mayhew. Far from it. He wholly rejected their views, and undoubtedly esteemed the Old Calvinists as much more worthy of approval. But to Hop kins the Calvinism of the Old Calvinists appeared defective. He and his friends were the " Consistent Calvinists," as they often styled themselves, who carried their principles to a logical completeness. In Hopkins's judgment much of the preaching of the 361 362 LEONARD WOODS Calvinism which had never come under the renovat ing Edwardean touch was wellnigh fatally misleading, and, as such, deserved strenuous opposition. It was remarked also in the last lecture that Hop kins rejoiced in his old age that " more than a hundred in the ministry " had adopted his views, and that the number appeared to him "to be fast increasing." ' This conviction was no delusion. If all shades of Ed- wardeanism are taken into view, — the comparative moderation of the younger Edwards, the much greater moderation of Timothy Dwight, as well as the stren uousness of Hopkins, — it may truly be said that, by the year 1800, Edwardeanism had obtained a de cided numerical superiority over Old Calvinism in Connecticut and western Massachusetts, and had { gained possession, though in its most moderate form, I of the chief educational center of western New Eng- j land, Yale College. By the same year, Edwardeanism, | especially in its more radical Hopkinsian presentation, was beginning to press into eastern Massachusetts with power, where it had not heretofore been largely represented. It was this incoming of the Edwardean type of Calvinism in general, and of Hopkinsianism in par ticular, with its eager and confident polemics, its positive assertions of divine sovereignty, of total de pravity, of the prime need of a radical regeneration, ' See ante, p. 353. LEONARD WOODS 363 of the duty of instant repentance and submission, and of the spiritual worthlessness of all that fell short of such self-surrender, that made evident the departure from the historic conceptions of Christianity which Liberalism had silently, and largely unconsciously, brought about in eastern Massachusetts. Easy-going Old Calvinism had dwelt side by side with the nevv Liberalism, and neither had distinctly perceived the cleft between them. The new Edwardeanism came in its aggressive Hopkinsian form and precipitated the Unitarian separation. But at the beginning of the nineteenth century it seemed as if Hopkinsianism was about as much op posed to Old Calvinism as to Liberalism ; and it appeared probable that the effect of the incoming of Hopkinsianism into eastern Massachusetts would be to split the historic Congregational body of that region into three mutually jealous denominations. This triple schism was avoided, and the conservative forces of Old Calvinism and New Divinity were so welded together in opposition to the Liberalism which soon became Unitarianism, that the fact that they once stood in danger of cleavage has faded out of the knowledge of all save historical students. No event in the development of modern Congregationalism was more important than this union. Doubtless many causes contributed to effect it ; but as far as it was due to any person, the Congregational churches of eastern 364 LEONARD WOODS Massachusetts owe this service most of all to the sub ject of the present lecture — Leonard Woods. The parents of Leonard Woods ' lived at Princeton, Mass., where his father was a farmer. Both the father and the mother were of marked character and warm religious faith; the father, in particular, being of much more than usual mental gifts, and a considerable reader of philosophy, theology, and English literature. The little town gave more than usual opportunity for some acquaintance with these themes, since a large portion of the extensive library collected by Rev. Thomas Prince of the Old South Church, Boston, had been taken thither by Prince's son-in-law, Moses Gill, afterward Lieutenant-Governor of the State, and placed at the service of his neigh bors who cared to read. Here, under the shadow of Mount Wachusett, Leonard was born on June 19, 1774, almost exactly a year before the battle of Bunker Hill. Here he grew up on the farm, his parents ex pecting to make a farmer of him, till his own strong desires to become a minister, his evident abilities of mind, and an illness which impaired his physical ' The chief sources of biographical information regarding Leonard Woods are three brief sketches of his life : (a) in Sprague, Annals ofthe American Pulpit, ii., pp. 438-441, based on facts furnished by Woods himself ; (b) in the funeral sermon preached by Prof. E. A. Lawrence in memory of his father-in-law, A Discourse Delivered at the Funeral of Rev. Leonard Woods, D.D., in the Chapel of the Theological Seminary, Andover, August 28, i8j4, Boston, 1854; (c) and in an enlargement of the sketch contained in this sermon published by Professor Lawrence in the Congregational Quarterly for April, 1859, i., pp. 105-124. Leonard woods 365 strength led his mother to encourage, and his father to consent to, his entering on preparation for college under the supervision of the pastor of the Prince ton church. Rev. Thomas Crafts. The pecuniary re sources of a farmer's family in the time of financial reaction that followed the Revolutionary War were meager at best, and scanty aid could be given the boy in his preparation ; so that, save for three months at Leicester Academy, and a little guidance from his minister, hewas self-taught till he entered Harvard in the autumn of 1792. It gives a glimpse of the home affection which followed the young student, and of the simplicity of a hundred years ago, to learn that his mother spun and wove all the clothing that he wore during his college course.' u- The Harvard of the closing years of the eighteenth century had altered much from the college of In crease Mather's day, at which we glanced," but was very unlike the great institution of the present. Its faculty included a president and seven professors, three of whom were attached to the then newly created medical department. Four tutors also carried much of the burden of instruction. The classics — that is to say, Horace, Sallust, Cicero, Livy, Xeno phon, and Homer — still constituted the chief employ ment of the first three years." Freshmen also studied ' Lawrence, funeral Discourse, p. lO. ' See ante, p. 178. 'Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii., pp. 265, 274, 277-279, 350. 499. 539. 540. 366 LEONARD WOODS Arithmetic, Sophomores Algebra, and Juniors Dod dridge's Lectures on Divinity and the Greek Testa ment. Senior year was the special province of Logic, Metaphysics, and Ethics, while declamation was prac ticed and a modicum of History instilled all through the course. Hebrew was passing away as an under graduate study ; those students whose parents fur nished them with a written request so to do being allowed to substitute French ; and the change from the emphasis once laid upon themes of specific value for technical ministerial preparation was further recog nized by the recent addition of instruction in English to the duties of the Hebrew professorship. From a modern standpoint the course of study was not exacting, nor was the discipline very thorough. Many ancient customs were then passing away. The Freshman was beginning to wear his hat when on the campus, and ceasing to be at the beck and call of upper classmen when his superiors wished errands done. The college was struggling to keep its classes clothed in distinctive uniforms, and fines were still the punishment for many infractions of college dis cipline. Religiously, Harvard, like Yale, was carefully observant of worship and of doctrinal instruction, as far as its officers could make it so. Just twenty years before Woods entered Harvard students had been relieved from repeating pubhcly the heads of the sermons they had recently heard ; and for eight years LEONARD WOODS 367 they had been excused from attending the more tech nical of the two courses of instruction given by the Hollis Professor of Divinity unless they intended to enter the ministry.' But some theological instruction was still given to every student. Yet the period of Woods's residence at Cambridge was about the ebb-tide of religion among the students of American colleges. The French alliance in the Revolutionary struggle and sympathy for France in her own revolution had popularized the French con tempt of religion ; and able and in many ways most devoted and patriotic Americans, like Franklin, Paine, and Jefferson, by their example or their writings, had spread wide among the students, the young lawyers, the physicians, and the politicians of the period a state of indifference or of hostility to revealed religion. While Woods was at Harvard, there was at one time only one professed Christian among the undergradu ates." Harvard was no exception in this matter; the first labor of President Timothy Dwight, when he became president of Yale, just as Woods was en tering on his Senior year at Harvard, was to combat the all but universal infidelity of the students of his new charge. Indeed, so far had the matter gone at New Haven that many of the Senior class " had as sumed the names of the principal English and French 'Quincy, History of Harvard University, ii., pp. 259, 260, 274. 'Lawrence, in Congregational Quarterly, i., p. 106. 368 LEONARD WOODS infidels," and were generally known by these nick- / names throughout the college.' Plunged into such a student atmosphere on coming from a religious home to college. Woods naturally experienced some mental trials in that painful process through which many a young collegian has to pass when a faith received from parental instruction is being developed into a personal conviction. Steady and upright in personal conduct he remained ; but the philosophy of the eminent English Unitarian minister and chemist, Joseph Priestley, greatly attracted him; and, for a time, he made Priestley's material and mechanical explanations of the visible world his own." In scholarship Woods easily led his class of thirty- three members, delivering an oration, entitled Envy Wishes, then Believes, at his graduation in 1796." The young graduate returned from college to his parents' home inclined to pursue a general course of philosophic, historical, and literary reading, for which the Prince library gave unusual opportunity. But a fresh influence now came into his hfe. A new pastor. Rev. Joseph Russel, son of Rev. Noadiah Russel, of Thompson, Conn., had just been settled over the Princeton church and was preaching a strenuous Ed wardean type of theology. Naturally, the two young ' Life of Pres. Dwight (by his sons), prefaced to his Theology, i., pp. 20, 22, 23. ' Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 439. * Lawrence, in Cmig. Quart., i. , p. 107. LEONARD WOODS 369 men talked on the themes suggested by the sermons,' and the interest thus aroused in the young graduate was deepened by a visit to Cambridge and a conver sation with his intimate friend of the class below his own, John Hubbard Church," who had recently de clared himself a Christian. Church persuaded his friend to read Doddridge's Life, and Rise and Prog ress : while, at Russel's suggestion. Woods studied Romans, Galatians, and Ephesians. He had now be come a teacher at Medford, and as he thought on the themes suggested by his reading his perturbation of soul rapidly deepened. As he himself wrote to his friend. Church: " " Terror, amazement, cold chills of body and mind, sometimes a flood of sorrow, hard thoughts of God, dread- ,ful conceptions of his character, — I have no words to express my state for about a week. I felt my health de clining. I wandered about. I tried to run from myself. I awoke in the morning and read my sentence for having committed the unpardonable sin." But light and peace came at last ; and with it a de sire to confess Christ which led him to unite with the church at Medford in 1797, and to determine to devote his life to the ministry.* ^ Woods had already come under moderate Hopkins- ' Russel's statement, quoted by Lawrence, ibid., pp. 107, 108. ' For his biography, see Sprague, Annals, ii., pp. 445-44g. 'Lawrence, in Cong. Quart., i., p. log. ¦* Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 439. 370 LEONARD WOODS "I 1 ! ian influences at Princeton, and though he debated whether he should not put himself underthe theologi cal instruction of the Old Calvinist Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard, David Tappan, the advice of the Princeton pastor, Russel, and the wishes of his Ed- wardeanly inclined parents, led him to decide in favor of a more strenuous type of theology.' The autumn of 1797 saw Woods on his way, with his friend Church, to the home of Rev. Dr. Charles Backus," at Somers, Conn., then one of the most noted of the house hold theological schools of the Edwardean type. The arrival of the two students found Somers enjoy ing one of the earlier of the great transforming series of revivals which, beginning in 1791, were repeated at intervals till 1858. Backus was no believer in multiplied meetings. As Woods said later of him: " He wished those who were impressed with the importance of religion to have time for retirement, for reading the Scriptures and other books, and for prayer." " A man of great self-control himself, he would allow no expressions of religious self-conceit, whether of former wickedness or of present grace, in others. In theological opinions he sympathized with the more moderate Edwardean ism rather than with all of Hopkins's peculiarities; rejecting, for instance, Hopkins's test of disinterested ' Lawrence, in Cong. Quart., i., p. iii. ' Biography in Sprague, Annals, ii., pp. 61-68. ' Letter of August 19, 1849, in Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 63. LEONARD WOODS 37 1 benevolence, the " willingness to be damned." But he was enough of Hopkins's way of thinking to commend his System as a whole to the approval of his students. Personally Backus was marked by a profound sense of sin, and of the greatness of a salvation which could rescue men from its control. Such an experience as Woods now enjoyed was the best possible for a young convert coming from the chill religious atmosphere of college. Entering thus into the thought and work of an active, sensible, acute-minded pastor, his own spiritual life deepened as his doctrinal thought quickened and clarified. But his residence at Somers was only for three months, his studies thus initiated being continued through the winter of 1797-98 at his Princeton home. So, fitted by less than a year of special theological training, he was licensed by the Cambridge Association in the spring of 1798; and in the summer following was called to the Second Church in what is now West Newbury, from which the Old Calvinist David Tappan had gone to the Hollis Professorship of Divinity at Harvard in 1792.' The terms offered by the parish were five hun dred dollars for a " settlement," — that is, to enable the young minister to establish a home in the community, — the " use of the parsonage land," a salary of four hundred dollars and eight cords of firewood annually, " with the liberty of going to see his parents for two ' See Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 439. 372 LEONARD WOODS Sabbaths every year." ' Woods's ordination to the pastorate thus offered occurred on December 5, 1798. On October 8, 1799, Woods followed the establish ment of these ecclesiastical relations by his marriage to Miss Abigail Wheeler, a daughter of Joseph Wheeler, long Register of Probate for Worcester County. Mrs. Woods was a woman of rare devoutness of spirit. Christian confidence, and great patience during the long invalidism that preceded her death in 1846." Ten sons and daughters were born into their household. Like many a young minister since, the new pastor at West Newbury speedily induced his congregation to adopt a revised Confession of Faith ; and in Woods's draft several Edwardean peculiarities distinctly appear. Thus, with Hopkins and the later Edwardeans gener ally, the new creed asserted the doctrine of general atonement. In consonance with Edwardean opinion it, tacitly at least, denied the imputation of Adam's sin to his descendants, while affirming that " by the wise and holy constitution of God, the character and state of his posterity depended on his conduct." And a forecast of controversies speedily to come is seen in the declaration " that Jesus Christ is a true God and true man, united in one mysterious person." " ' Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of Essex County, p. io6. Boston, 1865. ' A biographical sketch by her husband was appended to Stuart's A Sermon Preached at the Funeral of Mrs. Abby Woods. Andover, 1846. " Contributions, pp. 382, 383. LEONARD WOODS 373 Personally the young minister was tall, slender, and dignified ; and he was marked also b}- a ready ease of manner and kindliness of spirit that won for him the good-will of those he met, whether children or men and women of age and learning.' As a pastor. Woods was greatly beloved; though, if judged by that almost valueless basis of estimate, numerical suc cess, his ministry was inconspicuous. Probably it was largely owing to his exalted conception of the re quirements of a Christian profession that only fourteen were admitted to the church during his ten years' pastorate. Forty-nine had professed their faith during the eighteen years of his predecessor, Tappan ; and fifty-one were to join the church in the eight and a half years included in the pastorates of the three ministers who came after him." Woods, however, soon came to be a man of public influence outside his parish. At the Harvard Com mencement next following his ordination, July 17, 1799, he delivered a master's oration that attracted considerable attention, his theme being A Contrast between the Effects of Religiou and the Effects of Athe ism,^ in which he argued " that the disbelief of GOD presupposes the depravation of moral principle," and found a" picture of the genuine spirit and fruits of Atheism ... in the character and conduct of the ' Lawrence, in Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 441. ' Contributions, pp. 3S3-3S:. - Published at Boston, 1799. 374 LEONARD WOODS French " ' black enough to have satisfied the most exacting Federalist. In his own association, as well as in his church, he earnestly advocated the abandon-] ment of the Half-Way Covenant, which Edwardeans! generally opposed." This opposition won the hearty approval of the chief Hopkinsian and, on the whole, the leading minister of the region. Rev. Dr. Samuel Spring, who, since 1777, had been pastor of the North Church, Newburyport, and was related by marriage to the most noted Hopkinsian then in New England, Rev. Dr. Nathaniel Emmons of Franklin, Mass." From the beginning of his West Newbury ministry his friendship for the strenuous Newburyport divine strengthened and deepened till the death of Dr. Spring in March, 1819." So great was Spring's regard for his theological opinions that, when the strongly Hopkinsian Massachusetts Missionary Magazine was begun in 1803, Spring asked him to become one of the contributors.' And, on the whole, without advocating several of the Hopkinsian peculiarities, Woods was reckoned as belonging in sympathy at this time to the Hopkinsian side.' 'Pp. 7, II. ' Lawrence, Cong. Quart., i., p. 115 ; see also Spring's letter of June, 1805, in Woods, History of the Andover Theo. Seminary, p. 451. ^ Mrs. Emmons and Mrs. Spring were half-sisters. " See Woods's own account of his intimate relations with Spring, in Sprague, Annals, ii., p. 87. ''Lawrence, Cong. Quart., i., p. 115. 'Woods reports Jedidiah Morse as saying of him, in 1807, that "he LEONARD WOODS 375 But the young West Newbury minister no less warmly attracted men of Old Calvinist sympathies. David Tappan and Eliphalet Pearson had become his friends when he was their pupil at Harvard ; and an even more influential and extremely moderate Ed wardean, who was regarded as essentially Old Calvin ist, Rev. Dr. Jedidiah Morse of Charlestown, father of the inventor of the electric telegraph, so valued his friendship and support that he asked Woods to join in the editorship of the broadly Calvinist magazine, the Panoplist, which Morse was chiefly in strumental in founding in 1805, to offset the Liberal Monthly Anthology that had been established in 1803.' The help which Woods contributed to the Panoplist led to an earnest exhortation to the young minister from the vigorous Hopkinsian, Rev. Dr. Samuel Austin of Worcester, not to " secede from the Hop kinsian doctrine." " Such a mind as that of Woods is difficult for extrem ists in times of excitement rightly to value. Consti tutionally cautious in the expression of opinion, moderate in his judgments of men and of theories, he valued union more than the maintenance of what seemed to him distinctions of secondary moment. In the great controversy with the Liberal party that knew that in a moderate sense I was a Hopkinsian." Woods, History of the Andover Tlieological Seminary, p. 106. Boston, 1885. 'Ibid., pp. 42, 43, 70, 106, 426. 'Letter, ibid., p. 453. 376 LEONARD WOODS was soon to be forced to take the name Unitarian, Woods saw that the union of all those who supported the main doctrines in which Old and New Calvinists were agreed was of more importance than the further ance of any "improvements" in theology at the expense of increased division. But, though the per sonal friendship of a Hopkinsian neighbor like Dr. Spring might thoroughly comprehend a position like that of Woods, one cannot wonder that a Hopkinsian extremist like Emmons looked upon his modera tion as in a measure disloyalty to Hopkinsian truth, and gave scant sympathy to a man whose discrimina tion between the two schools of current Calvinism was so held subservient to a desire for their association. This largely conciliatory and irenic quality of Woods's mind in what he regarded as comparatively minor matters was coupled, however, with much posi tiveness of conviction and expression on what he deemed fundamentals of the faith ; and the combina tion of the two fitted him admirably for the work in volved in the foundation and early maintenance of Andover Seminary. It would be as impossible in the time at my disposal as it should be unnecessary in this lecture-room, to recount at length the involved story of the establish ment of this oldest of American institutions specifically devoted to ministerial education ; but so much of the facts, however familiar, as may be necessary for an LEONARD WOODS 377 understanding of the share of Woods in the under taking may rapidly be passed in review. -Liberalism, as was pointed out in our consideration of Chauncy, had so far invaded eastern Massachu setts by the time of his death in 1787, that the doctrine of the Trinity was largely questioned, the total depravity of man was discredited, and the ever lasting suffering of the wicked denied. In the year of Chauncy's death. King's Chapel, the oldest Epis copal congregation in Boston, ordained the anti- Trinitarian James Freeman at the hands of its own membership as its rector, and became the first dis tinctly recognized Unitarian congregation in New England. No Congregational church immediately adopted an avowedly anti-Trinitarian position. But Liberal views steadily and rapidly advanced, pressed into definition by the spread of Edwardeanism into east ern Massachusetts, and by October, 1801, the old Mayflower Church at Plymouth had led the schism by dividing on the issue. The Hopkinsians had estab lished the Massachusetts Missionary Society in 1799, and its Missionary Magazine in 1803; the Old Calvin ists and moderate Edwardeans had organized the Massachusetts General Association in the year last named, and had sent forth ihe Panoplist in 1805. The Liberals had begun the Monthly Anthology in 1803, and Boston had witnessed the opening of Channing's 378 LEONARD WOODS notable pastorate the same year. Parties were ranged for conflict, and the lines were tightening month by month ; so that when the death of Professor Tappan, in August, 1803, left vacant the Hollis Professorship of Divinity at Harvard, it was recognized on all sides that the character of his successor would reveal the forces to be dominant in this ancient seat of learning. The election of lienry Ware, on February 5, 1805, was the visible token of the passing of Harvard into the control of the anti-Trinitarians. The manifest loss of the oldest New England col lege to the Evangelical cause quickened into action a desire that had been growing for some years previous for a more thorough system of ministerial education. Harvard and Yale had been founded primarily to supply the churches with an educated ministry. Their courses of study had been originally framed with this purpose in view; and, on the whole, they had met the requirements of the early colonial ministry. But the youth of the students and the elementary character of the curricula rendered the training of the ordinary college graduate of the eighteenth century inadequate to the advancing claims of the ministerial office ; and, to afford a better preparation, the Hollis Professorship of Divinity was founded at Harvard in 1721, and a professor of theology appointed at Yale in 1755. Yet more efficient and popular than these professor ships was the habit that grew throughout the eighteenth LEONARD WOODS 2>79 century of taking a few months of theological study jwith some leading pastor between the candidate's 'graduation from college and his entrance on ministerial labor. Many of the New England clergy thus received students into their households, but the Edwardean leaders most of all. Edwards, Bellamy, Smalley, Backus, Emmons, and others of this party were notably active in making their own homes theological seminaries. The training thus afforded was by no means inconsiderable. It familiarized the student with problems of parish administration. It propa gated most effectively the theological opinions of the instructor. But it is almost needless to point out that this system of education gave no broad view of church history, no careful study of linguistics or exegesis, and no extensive acquaintance with the development of Christian doctrine as a whole. A busy New England pastor of the eighteenth century had neither the time nor the books nor the technical education to give instruction along such lines.' By the beginning of the nineteenth century the desire for yet better facilities for theological education was strongly felt, and with the defection of Harvard, in 1805, this desire was crystaUized into action. In 1806, leaders of the Old Calvinists and of the Hop kinsians in eastern Massachusetts were planning, each ' In this paragraph I have borrowed from my History of the Cong. Churches, pp. 346, 347. 380 LEONARD WOODS party at first without knowledge of the purpose of the other, for the establishment of a theological seminary.' The Old Calvinist effort centered at Andover, where Samuel and John Phillips had founded their Academy in 1778, and had impressed upon the remarkable in stitution that then had its birth a strongly rehgious character. Their thought seems to have included the possible establishment in this institution of a professor ship of divinity like those of Harvard and Yale; and John Phillips had intrusted funds to the trustees of the Academy, in 1795, for the express purpose of aiding students in theological branches " under the direction of some eminent Calvinistic minister." " By the help of this fund some twelve students of theology were educated at Andover under the tuition of Rev. Jonathan French of the South Church, between 1797 and the opening of the Seminary in 1808." When, therefore. Professor Eliphalet Pearson, who had been from 1778 to 1786 the principal of Phillips Academy, resigned his chair of Hebrew at Harvard in 1806, con vinced that the passage of that institution to the Liberals demanded a new and conservative seat of theological instruction, it was natural that he and his friends. Rev. Dr. Jedidiah Morse of Charlestown and ' Woods, History of the Andover Theological Seminary, p. 47. The best account of the founding of the Seminary is in the work just cited. ' Report of Committee on Deeds of Gift and Donations, p. 42. An dover, 1856. ' Woods, History, p. 49. LEONARD WOODS 38 1 Samuel Farrar, Esq., of Andover, should view An dover as the town with which to associate the en terprise that they had at heart. In consultation with them the " Founders," as they were technically called, ^ — Samuel Abbot, Madame Phoebe Phillips and her son John Phillips, Jr., of Andover, — were ulti mately led to provide the means for such an under taking; and as early as July, 1806, Pearson, Morse, Farrar, Abbot, and other members of a " Voluntary Association " were laying definite plans for the estab lishment of a theological seminary at Andover. A constitution for the proposed seminary was soon after prepared; and in June, 1807, the Massachusetts legis lature authorized the trustees of Phillips Academy to to hold funds for its use.' Meanwhile that strict Calvinist of the Hopkinsian type. Rev. Dr. Samuel Spring of Newburyport, in ig norance of the Old Calvinist enterprise at Andover, was planning a theological school. He had suggested the thought of such an undertaking to his young friend, Leonard Woods, as early as 1801;" and by the close of the year 1806, he had interested in the enterprise three laymen of wealth and religious character, though none of them were at this time church members. These three, William Bartlett and Moses Brown of Newburyport, and John Norris of Salem, were those afterward known as the " Associate Founders " of ' Report of Committee, pp. 67-69. ' Woods, History, p. 72. 382 LEONARD WOODS Andover Seminary. Yet at first they had no thought of anything but an institution exclusively of their own creation, and they suggested that their seminary might be at West Newbury, with Woods as its instructor." For this purpose they proposed to give thirty thousand dollars. The day following this eventful decision at New buryport brought Woods to Morse's house in Charles town on business connected with the Panoplist.'' Of course, the younger minister told his older friend what had been done by Dr. Spring and his associates; and heard in return from his astonished editorial col league the plans of the Old Calvinists at Andover. Morse at once presented the advantages that would flow from a union of the two enterprises, and Woods agreed with him, though hesitating at first to put him self forward in advocacy of combination on account of his youth and almost filial relations to Rev. Dr. Spring. Professor Pearson, and the Andover Old Cal vinists generally, favored the union ; but Dr. Spring believed it fraught with too serious doctrinal peril, and long opposed all compromise so strenuously that, in March, 1807, Woods consented to accept a professor ship in the proposed West Newbury institution. But no sooner had Woods come to this decision than he repented it under the strong conviction that rival seminaries would be a great misfortune, and, throwing ¦ Woods, History, p. 75. ^ Ibid., p. 76. LEONARD WOODS 383 off all hesitation, began to labor most assiduously to bring about the consolidation of the enterprises." At first, however, it looked as if union were unattain able, and during the early summer of 1807, Spring drafted, with some assistance from Woods, a broadly Edwardean creed for the proposed Hopkinsian semi nary ; " while the Andover Old Calvinists committed their foundation to the care of the trustees of Phillips Academy in August and September of the same year, stipulating that the doctrinal test required of instruc tors should be conformity to the Westminster Shorter Catechism." But Pearson and Woods still labored for union, and chiefly through their persistence it was ultimately brought about. A hopeful sign was the appointment of Woods to the Professorship of Chris tian Theology in the proposed Old Calvinist institution at Andover by the " Founder," Samuel Abbot, in October, 1807, — an appointment which Woods did not accept till just before the union became an accom plished fact in May, 1808.' The joint institution thus laboriously brought into being was placed under the care of the trustees of Phillips Academy; but to guard their own rights the Hopkinsian " Associate Founders " procured the establishment of a " Board of Visitors " with supervisory powers. And the ' Woods, History, pp. 80, 87. ''Ibid., pp. 98-103. 'Report of Committee on Deeds of Gift and Donations, pp. 69-85, par ticularly pp. 75, 76. ^ Woods, History, pp. 108, 128, I2g. 384 LEONARD WOODS " Associate Founders " and " Founders " agreed, b' a further compromise, that each professor of their ap pointment should assent to the creed which Sprini had prepared for the proposed West Newbury semi nary, as a statement in which those doctrines ar " more particularly expressed " which are summaril; expressed in the Westminster Shorter Catechism.' The accomplishment of this union of Hopkinsiai and Old Calvinist interests at Andover led immediateh to more cordial relations between the parties else where. In June following the agreement of th( " Founders" and " Associate Founders," the Pan oplist and the Missionary Magazine were consolidated and the Massachusetts General Association, hereto fore looked upon askance by Hopkinsians, received it much larger degree the support of all the Evangelica forces of the State. It must have been evident, from the story just nar rated in outhne, that no small share of the success tha' ultimately crowned these complicated endeavors wa: due to the labors, and even more to the personality o Woods. His efforts for union were positive and in fluential ; but even more influential was the fact tha: he was a man on whom both parties could heartil) unite. The same qualities that had made him equall} welcome to the constituents of the Missionary Maga zine and of the Panoplist rendered him an acceptabh ' Report of Committee on Deeds of Gift and Donations, pp. 113, 114. LEONARD WOODS 385 professor of theology to the Hopkinsians of Newbury port and to the moderate Edwardeans and Old Calvin ists of Andover. To a few, indeed, this union and the man who symbolized it were not satisfactory. To Emmons the union always seemed too great a conces sion to Old Calvinistic laxity and error; to Pearson, who perhaps labored more than any other in the nego tiations which brought it about, it appeared ultimately too complete a Hopkinsian victory.' But, looking backward over the ninety years that have passed since these events, it is manifest, I think, that no work of greater importance to our New England churches was accomplished in the opening decades of the nineteenth century than the junction of the two Evangelical streams — that flowing out from Edwards's work and teachings, and that having its source in the older Calvinism. It consolidated the apparently dividedx conservative forces of eastern Massachusetts, it set a higher standard for our ministerial education, it put a barrier to the Unitarian advance. And, on the whole, no man contributed so materially to this union as Leonard Woods. Woods's acceptance of the Andover call was fol lowed, in June, 1808, by his resignation of the West Newbury pastorate, his removal to Andover Hill, and ' Professor Park, in A Memorial of the Semi- Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the Theological Seminary at Andover, p. 236, Andover, i85g ; Woods, History, p. 134. 25 386 LEONARD WOODS his inauguration, together with that of Pearson, as professors in the Seminary, at its opening, September 28, 1808. On the next day he began his teaching in the parlor of his house, for Seminary buildings were yet to be.' The teacher was thirty-four years of age. If any justification of the new foundation was needed, the Seminary received it amply in the immediate re sponse of the churches to its work. Dr. Spring had hoped that, " in due time," there might be " twelve or fifteen students in the Seminary at once;" the first year saw an attendance of thirty-six, and before Woods resigned his professorship, in 1846, after thirty- eight years of service, he could say that he had taught more than fifteen hundred students," of whom nearly a thousand had " finished the regular course of study."" Before that resignation, also, nearly thirty theological schools had been founded by the Protestant religious bodies of the United States. By Congrega tionalists Bangor had been opened in 1816; Yale Divinity School in 1822; Hartford, then at East Windsor Hill, in 1834; and Oberlin in 1835. The Presbyterian body had closely paralleled this develop ment, opening Princeton Seminary in 1812; Auburn in ' Lawrence, Funeral Discourse, pp. 16, 17 ; Woods, History, pp. 130- 133 ; an account of the services of September 28, 1808, which included the ordination of Dr. Pearson, a sermon, on Matt. xiii. 52, by President Timothy Dwight, and the inaugural address of Professor Woods On the Glory and Excellency of the Gospel, may be found in the Panoplist, New Series, vol. i., p. 191. ' Woods, History, p. 137. LEONARD WOODS 387 1821; Western, at Allegheny, in 1827; Lane in 1832; and Union in 1836. The Baptists had begun instruc tion at Hamilton in 1819, and at Newton in 1825 ; and Episcopalians, Lutherans, the Reformed, and Unita rians all established strong seminaries early in this period. But the attendance of numbers, or imitation by other groups of Christians, was not the only, or the best, result of the new foundation, and of the union of heretofore jealous forces on which it was based. The rising tide of religious feeling in our churches here overflowed in missionary consecration. Andover Seminary did not, indeed, originate American foreign missions. That movement had many roots. Chief of all it was due to the new baptism of our churches which came with the revivals whose first manifestation was in 1791. The Home Missionary endeavors of Connecticut and Massachusetts in the last decade of the eighteenth century stimulated it. The Connecticut' Evangelical Magazine, founded in 1800, and the Massa chusetts Missionary Magazine of 1803, spread before the public the stories of English missionary endeavor, — for foreign missions had begun with power in Eng land with the work of William Carey in 1792. It was from the missionary household of one of the editors of the Connecticut Evangelical Magazine, at Torringford, Conn., that .Samuel J. Mills went to Williams Col lege, determined to give his life to missionary service. 388 LEONARD WOODS in 1806. Missions were in the air; and when, in 1807, Mills opened his heart, under the shelter ot the Williamstown haystack, to Gordon Hall and James Richards, he found that the Spirit of God had antici pated his words, and the path was ready for the organi zation of the Williams College Society of Inquiry in the spring of 1808.' Yet, if Andover Seminary did not see the beginning of the foreign missionary movement of New England, it gave such a focus to that movement as made its speedy success possible. Here Judson, Hall, Mills, Newell, Nott, Richards, and Rice stimulated one another's consecration to the missionary cause. Here they found sympathetic counselors in the faculty and in Dr. Spring of Newburj'port and Dr. Samuel Worcester of Salem. Here on June 25, 1810, in con sultation with Professors Woods and Stuart, and Rev. Drs. Spring and Worcester, the historic application to the Massachusetts General Association, which was to meet two days later at Bradford, was determined upon, and signed by Judson, Nott, Mills, and Newell. From this consultation Spring and Worcester, on Tuesday, June 26th, made their memorable journey by chaise to Bradford — a journey in which the Ameri can Board, as established by the Association at Bradford on the Friday following, was planned." It ' Tracy, History of the American Board, pp. 21-24. New York, 1842. ' Ibid., pp. 25-27 ; Lawrence, Funeral Discourse, p. 17. LEONARD WOODS 389 must have been with a sense of large participation in an enterprise of far-reaching significance that Woods preached the sermon on February 6, 1812, at Salem, when Newell, Judson, Nott, Hall, and Rice were ordained " as missionaries to the heathen in Asia." ' The advancement of missions through the American Board, on the Prudential Committee of which he served from 18 19 to 1844, was by no means the only form of their novel Christian service that interested Woods. The American Tract Society originated at Andover, through efforts begun in 1813; the Educa tion Society of 1815 claimed much of Woods's labor; and his share in the origin of the American Temper- ' ance Society of 1826 was conspicuous." All these services to the causes of religion or of re form, important as they might be, were subordinate to Woods's main work at Andover, that of instruction in systematic theology. It was in the classroom that his best labor was accomplished ; yet he had not all the qualities that bring fame to an instructor. His mind seldom flashed forth the brilliant, epigrammatic shafts that make some lecture-rooms scintillate like the meteor-shot sky of a November night. In the circle of his friends he could display a considerable degree of quiet humor, yet he rarely revealed this ' Published at Boston, 1812. The text was the Sixty-seventh Psalm. ' Woods, History, p. igg ; Lawrence, Funeral Discourse, p. 18. 390 LEONARD WOODS gift in the classroom.' His cast of mind was naturally cautious; on the sharper distinctions between the shades of Calvinism of his day he sometimes seemed indefinite; he lacked, in a measure, that power which comes in the classroom from having a full, definite, promptly expressed, and dogmatically asserted opinion on every question that student inquirers may present. But he had many of the most salient gifts of a great teacher. If his instruction was seldom brilliant, it was solid, well thought out, and thoroughly buttressed with argument. His patience was remarkable, his manner uniformly courteous, his skill in drawing out and directing the thought of his pupils by questions conspicuous. The story is told that an embarrassed student of Andover, thrown into perplexity by the unexpected intricacies developed in an examination for licensure, cried out to his ministerial judges, " Now, gentlemen, if Dr. Woods could only ask me one or two questions, the whole thing would be cleared up." ' His spoken words and his written page had the beauty of simplicity, clearness, and ready comprehensibility. And he had that perhaps most effective of all qualities in a teacher, a hearty personal interest in the students under his charge that led him to labor not merely for their individual intellectual advancement, but for the deepening in them of the ' Compare the remarks of his son-in-law. Funeral Discourse, pp. 20, 21. ' Ibid., pp. 23, 24. LEONARD WOODS 39 1 personal spiritual life which is worth more in the prog ress of the Kingdom of God than any mental attain ment, however great. To give any adequate idea of his doctrinal system in a single lecture is, of course, impossible; partly be cause it so agreed in its main outline with the historic faith of the moderate Edwardean school to which he more and more inclined that any adequate character ization of his peculiarities would carry us into the minutiae of doctrinal discussion, and partly because its range of thought covered the whole field, from the divine existence down to the particularities of church government. The age in which a man lives largely determines by its discussions and its needs the themes about which his thought will center. With Woods the salient topics of his argument were the absolute authority of Scripture, the Trinity and the nature of \ \ i 1 1 Christ's person, the divine purposes as revealed in the . , , \ methods by which God has ordered and governs the animate and inanimate creation, moral agency as illus trated in man's present powers, responsibilities, abili ties, and inabilities, man's total depravity, and the nature of the atoning work by which sin is forgiven and he is reconciled to God. Such an enumeration signifies little, and I prefer, therefore, instead of at tempting any enlargement of these topics, to give you a hint alike of Woods's doctrinal emphases and of his literary style, by a quotation from the " Dedicatory 392 LEONARD WOODS Address " to his pupils prefixed to his lectures in his collected Works : ' "As to matters of doctrine, I entreat you to keep at the greatest distance from all unscriptural speculations, and to repose unlimited confidence in the word of God. The minds of men at the present day are, to a fearful extent, in an unsettled state, and are reaching after something to satisfy a vain and restless curiosity. . . . There is, in my view, no ground of safety but a serious, unquestioning belief, resulting from thorough examination and Christian experience, that all Scripture is divinely inspired — that the whole Bible was written under the special guidance of the Holy Spirit, and is consequently clothed with divine author ity, and is infallible in all its teachings. Hold fast to this principle, and you are safe. If you either reject or doubt it — if you consider the whole or particular parts of the Bible, as written without any special direction of the Holy Spirit, or if you regard the inspiration of the sacred writers as of a similar nature with the inspiration of poets and ora tors — I say, if thoughts like these are suffered to lodge in your minds, you are standing on slippery places, and there is reason to fear that your feet will quickly slide. " A disbelief of the plenary inspiration of the Scriptures is generally found in those who are inclined to dissent from the common creed ; and though it may sometimes arise from other motives, it is often adopted as an expedient to get rid of unpalatable doctrines. Beware then of that state of moral feeling which would render any of the teachings of revelation unpalatable. See to it that you have that re newed, spiritual mind, which discerns and loves the truth — which specially recognizes the doctrine that we are by nature the children of wrath; that in our fallen state we ' i., pp. xii., xiii. Boston, l84g. LEONARD WOODS 393 are not sufficient of ourselves to obtain salvation or to do anything acceptable to God, and that, unless we are regen erated by the Holy Sjiirit, we cannot see the kingdom of heaven — the doctrine that Christ, who is both God and man, died for our sins in our stead, and that his atoning blood secures to believers the forgiveness of sin and the blessedness of the world above. Shun every theological scheme, which gives an unscriptural prominence to the agency of man, and comparatively overlooks the agency of the divine Spirit. . . On the other hand, I would, with equal earnestness, warn you against any such views of our dependence on God, as would interfere in the least with our free, accountable agency, or with our complete obligation to obey the law and the gospel. . . .Vvoid all unscriptural views, and unscriptural representations, and maintain those doctrines of religion, which the experience of ages has shown to be best adapted to bring men to believe in the all-sufhcient Saviour, and which, through the divine blessing, have had the greatest influence in promot ing personal holiness, and genuine revivals of religion. " And here let me suggest a very necessary caution. It is a fact, that the greatest ditficultics, and those which human reason is least able to obviate, exist in regard to doctrines which are of the greatest \aluc, and which are supported by the most satisfactory evidence. I might instance in the eternal, uncaused existence of God, the St ripture doctrine of the Trinity, the atonement, and the indless punishment of the impenitent. Now, if you should adopt the principle, that this or that doctrine is not to be believed because it is attended with insolvable difficulties, what would be the consequence ? Evidently, that you would reject from your creed the most certain and the most im portant truths, and in the end be plunged in downright skepticism. I caution you to guard against whatever would 394 LEONARD WOODS lead to so fatal a result, and particularly against the habit of looking off from the truths of religion, and from the clear evidence of those truths, and occupying your thoughts and your time with efforts to remove objections and cavils, which is frequently a hopeless undertaking." During his years of instruction at Andover, Woods was constantly busy with his pen. It has already been pointed out that when a young minister at West Newbury he was asked to have a part in the two Evangelical periodicals of that day. The custom of writing for current publications, thus early begun. Woods kept up through life. He was, moreover, in constant demand as a preacher of ordination sermons, of discourses commemorative of the older ministers or laymen with whom he had been associated in the founding of Andover Seminary or in the early history of the American Board, or as a speaker on special occasions; and many of these felicitous and appro priate addresses were printed. But his chief publica tions, during his active teaching at Andover, were either semi-controversial expositions of the truth as he understood it, or full-panoplied polemics against what he deemed the chief errors of the day. Many of these publications grew directly out of his classroom lec tures. Thus, in 1825, he put forth a series of Lectures on Infant Baptism, and followed them, a year later, by Lectures on the Inspiration of the Scriptures. In 1832, he published in the Spirit of the Pilgrims several Letters LEONARD WOODS 395 to Young Ministers. In 1835, his Essay on Native Depravity was put forth. The year 1843 witnessed his vindication of Congregationalism and criticism of Episcopal claims, the Lectures on Church-Govern ment ; and this was followed, in 1846, by his Lectures on Sivedenborgianism. Five years after his retirement from active duties, in 1851, he issued his defense of the older New England divinity and criticism of what he deemed current errors, the Theology of the Puritans. While all these discussions had some degree of im portance in their own day, three controversies, yet to be mentioned, are of greater significance, not so much because Woods showed higher skill in them than in the arguments just enumerated, but because they had to do with movements of larger moment in American religious thought. These more noteworthy contro versial efforts were his Letters to Unitarians of 1820, his Reply to Ware of 1821, and his Remarks on Ware's Answer of 1822, which may be grouped together as a single discussion; his Letters to Taylor of 1830; and his Examination of the Doctrine of Perfection as held by Rev. Asa Mahan, President of the Oberlin Collegiate Institute of 1841. Woods was not by nature a con troversialist. He did not go out of his way to en counter theological quarrels; but he did not avoid such discussions when they came to him as a conse quence of his office or of his teachings; and his public position as professor of theology in the leading 396 LEONARD WOODS Evangelical seminary of New England during those years of heated controversy made theological polemics unavoidable. Yet, when he is compared with the theological disputants of the eighteenth century, and with many in his own day, one is struck with the courtesy with which Woods argued with an opponent. His own true feeling of Christian charity for those he deemed in error he well expressed when he said : ' " I cannot avoid the persuasion that I should commit a less offence against the Christian religion by bad reasoning than by a bad spirit, and therefore that I am bound to take as much pains at least to cherish right feeling as to frame right arguments." At an earlier point in this lecture we glanced at the triumph of the Liberal party in the contest for suprem acy over the theological teaching of Harvard, and saw the decisive effect of that victory in determining the foundation of Andover Seminary. The Liberal movement had thenceforward intensified, and growing opposition to it had drawn the lines more and more sharply between the two parties. Park Street Church had been organized as an Evangelical outwork in Bos ton in 1809; from about that time onward conservative ministers, under the lead of Rev. John Codman of! Dorchester, had begun to refuse to exchange pulpits 1 with their Liberal associates; in 181 5, Jedidiah Morse I had published the much-discussed pamphlet on ' Lawrence, Funeral Discourse, p. 26. LEONARD WOODS 397 American Unitarianism which ultimately fixed that designation on the Liberal party and led to its general recognition as a separate religious body; and, in 1819, Channing had outlined the theology of the new de nomination in his famous sermon delivered at Balti more on the occasion of the ordination of Jared Sparks. In all this contention Woods had, of course, inter ested himself deeply; and, as his published lectures show,' he had elaborately discussed with his students the most loudly controverted point in debate, the nature of Christ. It is probably true, as has been said of late, that neither side in this warfare comprehended the doctrine of the Trinity in its historic Athanasian sense; yet the Evangelical champions defended with vigor and success not merely the full and eternal divinity of our Lord, but His full and complete human ity as well, against the crude Arian hypotheses of the earher American Unitarians, who removed Christ from entire partnership in humanity, while denying Him a true participation in deity." But it was not this side of the debate between Amer ican Evangelicals and Liberals, so fully set forth in Woods's lectures, that he discussed in the Letters to Unitarians which Channing's sermon drew forth. The ' Works, i., p. 243-455. ' Compare Chadwick, Old and New Unitarian Belief, pp. 147, 148. Boston, 1894. 398 LEONARD WOODS i ht public defense of the person of Christ against the inter pretations of Channing he left, in 1820, to his gifted colleague. Prof. Moses Stuart, while he applied himself to those questions which, though not so fundamental when viewed from the standpoint of universal Christian truth as is that of the person of Christ, yet were, even more than that, the topics of deepest interest and wid est divergence in the debates of the first two decades of the nineteenth century. What is the nature of man? / Is it full of vast possibilities of good, and in need only of a salvation by education through which character may be improved and developed, as the Unitarians claimed ; or is it profoundly sinful and depraved, need ing the special elective application of a divine trans forming grace to work in it the regeneration that it requires, as Woods contended ? This was the point at issue. Woods's Letters were elaborately answered by Prof. Henry Ware of Harvard,' to whom Woods replied in 1821, only to have Ware fire a second shot, which Woods answered in 1822; but little was added to the arguments already advanced. Woods's discussion with Taylor grew out of a con troversy, now almost forgotten, but which profoundly convulsed Connecticut in the third and fourth decades of the nineteenth century, and even affected to some degree the Presbyterian Church. Nathaniel W. Tay lor had passed from the pastorate of the First Church ' Letters addressed to Trinitarians and Calvinists. Cambridge, 1820. LEONARD WOODS 399 in New Haven to the Professorship of Theology in Yale Divinity School, when that department of what is now Yale University was opened in 1822. A favorite pupil of President Timothy Dwight, he carried further than any had thus far done the moderate and concilia tory type of Edwardeanism which Dwight had repre sented, till he seemed to all Hopkinsians and to many Edwardeans to be radically astray from Edwardean principles. Man's acts, Taylor asserted, are not ne cessitated by an unqualified law of cause and effect. God knows, indeed, what man's choices will be, for He perceives and determines or permits the antecedent conditions of soul and of man's situation from which those choices flow. Yet man has the power of con trary choice at all times. Man is free; but this " cer tainty with power to the contrary," allows God to be sovereign and man dependent. Man has natural abil ity to choose aright, and this ability can be aroused to action by an appeal to self-love — a self-love, indeed, wholly consistent with that benevolence which has the best good of the universe as its aim. Yet while man has entire natural power to change his character so as to love God supremely, it is certain that he will not so change his ruling purposes unless the Divine Spirit so moves upon his feelings as to induce his will to act, yet to act without coercion. Moreover, contrary to the opinion of the older Edwardeans and of all Hopkin sians, sin is not necessarily the means of the greatest 400 LEONARD WOODS good to the universe as a whole. Possibly God could not have excluded sin from a system permitting free action by His creatures. Yet, though God may not be able to prevent sin in such a system of freedom, man can, by resisting temptation ; and such resistance would be preferable to any yielding to sin, not only for the interests of the individual but for those of the universe as a whole. To the older type of Edwardeans this seemed sub versive enough. That self-love, which Edwards and Hopkins had declared the essence of sin, could be a motive to holiness, the more conservative disciples of Edwards could not believe. Doubtless they did not use the word in the sense in which Taylor did; but to use it at all was enough to cause alarm. To affirm that God possibly could not have prevented sin in any system was, to many, to deny His sove reignty. The conflict waxed so bitter that, in 1834, the opponents of Taylorism in Connecticut founded a new theological seminary, under the charge of Rev. Dr. Bennet Tyler, at East Windsor, Conn., which is now located at Hartford and is known by the name of its present domicile. It was in the earlier stages of this controversy, in 1830, that Woods wrote his Letters to Taylor. Cour teous and cautious in tone, yet positive and severe in his criticisms. Woods directed his attention to Taylor's treatment of the divine relationship to sin, charging LEONARD WOODS 4OI him with holding " that sin is not the necessary means of the greatest good," and " that, in a moral system, God could not have prevented all sin, nor the present degree of it." ' Over against this denial Woods strove to vindicate the common Edwardean position that " God did not prevent all sin nor the present degree of it, because it seemed good in his sight not to prevent it." To Woods, it seemed that in asserting the possibility that God could not have excluded the invasion of sin among free moral agents, while man could have prevented sin by not sinning, Taylor had attributed to creatures a power which he had denied to the Creator. And, after a fashion characteristic of theological controversy in all ages. Woods proceeded to draw inferences from Taylor's supposed principles, finding in them a denial that God can accomplish the good that He desires, or be com pletely happy, or has adopted that system in the government of the universe which He knows to be best, or that God's control over the world is more than a limited rule; and deducing from them the conclusion that, on Taylor's premises, a Christian cannot be justly happy or truly humble, or confident that God is able to grant the requests he offers in prayer, however much God may wish to do so. It is almost needless ' Letters to Rev. Nathaniel W. Taylor, pp. 22, 54, 94-97. A good contemporary account of this discussion may be found in Crocker, The Catastrophe of the Presbyterian Church in 1837, pp. 157-173- New Haven, 1838. 36 402 LEONARD WOODS to say that Taylor replied with a denial that Woods had correctly stated his principles, and a rejection of Woods's inferences from, and supposed logical conse quences of, those principles.' Of Woods's discussion with Mahan it will not be necessary to speak at length. Among the evidences of the abounding spiritual life of this period none was more individual than the foundation, in 1833, of Oberlin College — an institution designed to foster a warmly spiritual type of piety, to give education to men and women at a most moderate cost, and to be the center of a consecrated, self-denying, reform-seek ing religious community. In large measure the aims of the founders of Oberlin have been realized ; but the founders and early leaders of the college were men of individuality which bordered in some things on eccen tricity, and led to a good many social and doctrinal innovations. The presidency of Oberlin was held from 1835 to 1850 by one of Woods's pupils, a gradu ate of Andover Seminary, Asa Mahan ; while the professorship of theology in Oberlin Seminary was occupied during the same period and long after by Charles G. Finney. Standing in general on the basis of the later Edwardeanism, Mahan drew from the obligation of all men to obey the law of God and from the promises of the Gospel the conclusions that " we ' Christian Spectator for September, 1830 ; Crocker, Catastrophe, pp. 165-171. LEONARD WOODS 403 may now, during the progress of the present life, attain to entire perfection in holiness," and that " the sacred writers assert the fact that some of the ancient saints did, in this life, attain to a state of entire sanctifica tion." ' These views Mahan first advanced in his Scripture Doctrine of Christian Perfection^' and they were substantially adopted by his colleagues at Ober lin. They were looked upon by Presbyterians and Congregationalists in general with great suspicion, and in consequence of them Oberlin long lay under accusation of doubtful orthodoxy. To these views of Mahan, Woods replied with a wealth of argument in 1841," maintaining that " we ought to pray God to sanctify us wholly, and to do it with the expectation that he will, at no distant period, bestow the very blessing we ask. But as to expecting the blessing to be fully granted in the present life, we differ from the advocates of perfection." Moreover, Woods affirmed that, instead of attaining holiness in this life, the truth was that even " the most advanced saints have always been conscious of the imperfection of their holiness." In September, 1846, five years after the publication of the argument just noted, Woods resigned the pro- ' Mahan, in American Biblical Repository, pp, 409, 419, for October, 1840. ' Boston, 1839. 'American Biblical Repository for January and April, 1841, pp. 166- 189, 406-438. The quotations are from pp. 409, 427. 404 LEONARD WOODS fessorship he had held for thirty-eight years and which was growing to be too heavy a burden for a man of seventy-two. For almost eight years more, till August 24, 1854, he lived at Andover, till death came to him at the age of eighty. The surrender of work which one has long performed faithfully and well to younger hands and altered methods is perhaps the hardest trial that comes to old age. Woods felt its burden. But his sunset years were a season of considerable physical strength and mental fruitage. The hand of time rested kindly on him. He gathered and arranged his lectures, with such essays and sermons as he wished to preserve, and published them in five substantial volumes during 1849 and 1850. At the close of his life he had nearly finished a History of Andover Semi nary, narrating at length the story of its foundation in which he had had so large a share — a History that, by a curious fate, was not published till 1885. Under the impressive influence of the death of this venerable and useful teacher of Christian truth, the preacher of the Discourse at Woods's funeral declared of his published lectures : ' ' They will constitute a monu ment more enduring than Parian or Pentelic marble." ' Unhappily, it is given to few theological instructors to write much that after generations care to read. New presentations of old truths, new discussions of altered problems, cast a veil over the old. To build ' Lawrence, Funeral Discourse, p. 20. LEONARD WOODS 40S one's life and thought into the progress of one's own generation in some greater or smaller measure is the highest service granted to most teachers or ministers. Excellent, in many respects, as Woods's lectures are, they are not his chief claim to remembrance. His monument is to be found, rather, in a union of the Evan gelical forces of New England so complete that they have wellnigh forgotten that they were ever in danger of schism by debates between Hopkinsians and Old Calvinists, in the junction of these forces at a critical moment in New England history, in the establish ment of an advanced system of theological education, and in the moderate and judicious, yet earnest, spiritual and positive type of Edwardean Calvinism that he made part of the mental equipment of a large proportion of the early graduates of Andover Seminary. LEONARD BACON 407 X. LEONARD BACON OF the eminent Congregationalists whose lives and work we have thus far considered, only one can have been personally known to any who have followed this course of lectures. Professor Woods is remem bered by a few of those who have kindly listened to these biographies; but the subject of to-day's address is doubtless clearly pictured in the recollection of many of the older of those who are here assembled as I speak the name Leonard Bacon. It was the lee- turer's good fortune to sit, in young boyhood, Sunday after Sunday, in the pew directly in front of the pulpit in which Dr. Bacon, then virtually pastor emeritus, habitually took his place beside his younger colleague. And no figure was more distinctly impressed on the speaker's boyhood memory than that of the slight, erect, active, nervous frame, wearing the coat which fashion has since relegated to evening dress, but which was then the ordinary pulpit garb ; the forceful figure crowned with a noble head, beautiful in the whiteness of its abundant hair and beard, and in the quick, in cisive expression, to which the piercing blue-gray eyes 409 4IO LEONARD BACON that age had hardly dimmed and the firm yet mobile mouth gave perpetual play and change. The boy who then sat before him well remembers, too, the sweetness of his voice as he would often rise to pray when the sermon by his colleague and successor in the active work of the parish had concluded ; and even childish years could appreciate something of the ten derness, felicity, and strength of the words in which he would lift the petitions of the congregation along the pathway of the thoughts to which it had listened in the discourse just concluded. To the boy below, the figure in the pulpit seemed the type of what an aged minister ought to be in look, in word, in dignity; and even the boy knew in some childish way that it was a great man that sat before him, and felt the power of that greatness, though it was beyond his abilities then to define wherein that greatness lay. It was in a cabin in the then frontier fur-trading town of Detroit that Leonard Bacon was born on Feb ruary 19, 1802. His father, David Bacon,' by birth of Woodstock, Conn., had married Alice Parks of Lebanon, in December, 1800, and on December 31st of that year had been ordained at Hartford by the Trustees of the Missionary Society of Connecticut " as an Evangelist aniong the Indian tribes of North ' The story of the pathetic life-struggle of David Bacon was most sym pathetically told by Leonard Bacon himself in the successive numbers of the Congregational Quarterly for 1876 ; the facts of this and the following paragraphs are principally gleaned from that sourc?, LEONARD BACON 4II America."" The ordination of the young missionary — the husband being twenty-nine and the wife seven teen — ^had been followed by the weary journey by sleigh and on horseback or afoot to Detroit, — a jour ney requiring from February nth to May 9th of the year 1801 for its accomplishment. At Detroit, when his eldest child, Leonard, was born, the baffled but courageous missionary was planning to transfer his labors to the banks of the Maumee, near the present city of Toledo, as affording a better oppor tunity for reaching the Indians; and the same hope led the missionary parents to go to Mackinaw when Leonard was four months old. But the work, though self-denying and difficult to a degree without example at present in home missionary labor in the United States, had little promise of success. The Indians proved practically inaccessible ; and, in the autumn of 1804, the missionary family reached the village of Cleveland, O., destitute and burdened with the debts which the unexpected expenses of frontier life, in spite of rigid economy, had forced upon them. The missionary left his anxious young wife and little family at Hudson, O., while he made an arduous win-^ ter journey to Hartford and back to explain matters to the Trustees of the Missionary Society of Connecti cut, who had intimated their desire to see him in terms 'American Mercury, quoted ibid., p. ig. See Connecticut Courant of January 5, 1801. 412 LEONARD BACON which he deemed far more savoring of censure than they intended. On his return, he settled in the raw village of Hudson as part missionary and part pastor. But the thought of establishing a Christian town that might leaven the Western Reserve with the best elements of New England life took strong hold on his enthusiastic spirit; and, from 1805 to 1812, David Bacon was engaged in an attempt to create in the township soon to be known as Tallmadge,' a commu nity resembling in some features of its religious basis that later organized at Oberlin. To Tallmadge he removed his family in July, 1807, and took possession of " the new log house" that then constituted the only sign of civilized life in the forest by which the township was covered. At Tallmadge David Bacon aided in the organization of a church in January, 1810; and there, amid the sights and experiences of a frontier settlement, Leonard Bacon grew from his sixth to his eleventh year. At a school exhibition in the neigh boring town of Hudson the little Leonard and his schoolmate, John Brown, later to write his name in delibly on American annals at Harper's Ferry, took the parts of William Penn and Hernando Cortes in a dialogue as to the proper treatment of the Indians, drawn from the Columbian Orator.'' ' Some facts regarding this enterprise may be found in L. W. Bacon, A Discourse deliveredin the Memorial Presb. Church, Detroit . . . Dec. 24, 1882, pp. 3, 4, 14, 15 ; see also the Congregationalist, Feb. 2, iSgg. ' L. W. Bacon, ibid., etc., p. 14. LEONARD BACON 413 But, though advantageous for the larger interests of northern Ohio, the Tallmadge enterprise brought only anxiety and grievous financial burden to its pro jector; and at last, in May, June, and July, 1812, the disappointed pioneer and his household journeyed back to Connecticut. David Bacon's remaining years were few. ^Hardship and disappointment had laid their hands upon his physical frame, though they could not dampen his Christian faith and courage, and he died on August 29, 1817, at Hartford, not quite forty-six years of age, leaving seven children, of whom Leonard, the eldest, was fifteen. The boy thus early left fatherless had found a helper, on his coming to Hartford, in 1812, in his father's older brother, Leonard Bacon, whose name he bore, and who was a leading physician of the little city. Through his aid the younger Leonard had received the training of what was then known as " the Hartford Grammar School," the excellent institution for pre paratory education that traces its history from 1638 to the Hartford Public High School of the present. Thus equipped, the boy entered the Sophomore class of Yale College, in the autumn of 1817, within a month of his father's death. The purpose already formed within him was to devote his hfe to the ministry,' and his Christian character as manifested in college was decided. But ' See the Commemorative Volume issued by his congregation, entitled Leonard Bacon, Pastor ofthe First Church in New Haven, p. 254, 1882. 414 LEONARD BACON though he engaged actively in the discussions of the literary societies, read English literature extensively, and maintained a good scholastic standing, the boy of eighteen who was graduated in 1820, had not yet awakened to the full possibilities and responsibili ties of his intellectual life, so that he impressed his friends as not sufficiently strenuous a student for his I own best development, and as " in danger of hurting himself by superficial habits of reading." ' Two of these friends had the kindness to tell him their judg ment, and their words had effect. The theological course which he began at Andover in the autumn sub sequent to his graduation was marked by a thorough application that had its reward in his appointment to , deliver the principal address at the Seminary com mencement of 1823." Graduation at Andover was fol lowed by a fourth year at that Seminary as a resident licentiate and to some extent as an assistant to Pro fessor Ebenezer Porter in the department of Sacred Rhetoric." But the missionary spirit of Bacon's father attracted him to the Western frontier, and with the thought of this labor in view he was ordained as an evangelist by the Hartford North Consociation, assem bled at Windsor, Conn., on September 28, 1824.' ' President Woolsey, in the Commemorative Volume, pp. 226, 227. ''Ibid., pp. 227, 228. ' Leonard Bacon, Two Sermons Preached, on the Fortieth Anniversary of his Settlement, published in the Commemorative Volume above cited, p. 77. "Ibid., p. 77. LEONARD BACON 415 Yet the next day brought the young man who had just been set apart to the ministerial office a letter that altered his entire later life. The ecclesiastical society representing the business interests of the ven erable First Church in New Plaven, moved thereto by the suggestion of a former pastor, then the honored Professor Moses Stuart of Andover, asked Bacon to preach for them; and on October 3rd, 1824, he delivered his first sermon in the pulpit that was to be his own for the next fifty-seven years." Thir teen more discourses so largely united the congre gation in his favor, that on December 15th, the society, by a vote of sixtj'-eight to twenty, invited him to become its minister and requested the church to join in the call. Four days later the church expressed its approval by formal vote," passed with " uncommon unanimity."" The salary offered was a thousand dollars. On January 17, 1825, Bacon wrote from Andover, accepting the invitation. On March 8th following, a council of representatives of six churches convened at New Haven, after " a day of fasting and prayer" had been kept by the New Haven congregation." The candidate was examined at length ; to quote his own description, forty years later, " Many questions were asked, of which I could ' Commemorative Volume, pp. 77, 78. ' Documents in the Commemorative Volume, just cited, pp. 13-19- 'Leonard Bacon, Letter of Acceptance, ibid., p. 18. " Commemorative Volume, pp. 20, 21, 79. 4l6 LEONARD BACON not then see the bearing, and which I answered with out suspecting their relation to theological parties and controversies soon to break forth ;" ' but all resulted in his approval. The next day, March 9th, he was in stalled over the church of his lifelong ministry. Rev. Joel Hawes of the First Church in Hartford preaching the sermon. The new pastor was twenty-three years of age. Yet some things besides youth made the beginning of the pastorate a time of great trial and difficulty for the young minister. The pulpit was one of the two popularly ranked as the most conspicuous in Con necticut, and much was to be expected of its occupant. Bacon's immediate predecessors had been among the princes of the New England pulpit. From March, 1806, to his dismissal to the professorship at Andover which was to be the scene of his most conspicuous service to the churches, the New Haven pastorate had been fulfilled by Moses Stuart, and the time had been one of constant spiritual quickening. From April, 1812, till December, 1822, Nathaniel W. Taylor, who left the First Church for the chair of Theology in Yale Divinity School, had set forth in sermons of attractive eloquence and searching power the doctrines which were to lead to such heated controversy when ex pounded in his classroom. The young pastor was conscious of the difficulty of standing in the place of ' Commemorative Volume, pp. 79, 80. LEONARD BACON 417 men of such talents and repute. Addressing his con gregation forty years later, he said with characteristic truthfulness, " I think I understand myself; and I know it is not an affectation of modesty to say that I never had any such power in the pulpit as they had in their best days." ' The end of the first year left the new pastor " with the desponding expectation that [his] minis try would be a failure." " But courage, patience, and strength were characteristic of the young man; and when he was visited by several prominent mem bers of the society, headed by James Hillhouse, treasurer of Yale, Senator of the United States, and New Haven's leading citizen, with a suggestion that his sermons were not what the congregation had heard from Stuart and Taylor, the young pastor simply answered: " Gentlemen, they shall be made worthy; " and in due time they were. Always grave, dignified, and thoughtful in the pulpit, he was soon heard with entire acceptance; and if not usually manifesting great oratorical powers in what may be called the more ordinary ministrations of the house of God, when the question was one of spiritual interest, moral signifi cance, or pubhc concern, he speedily showed the possession of an eloquence, force, and cogency of argu ment that marked him as a born leader of men. By the ' Commemorative Volume, p. 82 ; compare also President Woolsey, ibid., p. 228. ''Ibid., p. 83. 4l8 LEONARD BACON close of the third year of his pastorate Bacon was able to see the visible fruit of his preaching in a revival movement that added forty-eight members to the church, and from then onward, if not before, his posi tion was fully secure, not only in the affection of his congregation, but in his own confidence of the divine blessing on his work.' As a pastor, Leonard Bacon grew deeper into the love of his people year by year. Proud of his church, the history of which he did so much to expound, recognized as a leader in the community, then in the State, and ultimately in national affairs, the church grew proud of him ; and he endeared himself to its members by his ready and genuine sympathies with their joys and sorrows, and his own deepening and expanding spiritual life. His pastorate was one which witnessed a strengthening bond between pastor and people to the end. Dr. Bacon's personal experiences of joy and sorrow were such as to fit him to sympathize with and minis ter to the happiness and burdens of the common lot. Four months after his ordination, in July, 1825, he married Miss Lucy Johnson, of Johnstown, N. Y. Nineteen years later, in November, 1844, she was taken from him by death. In June, 1847, ^^ married Miss Catherine Elizabeth Terry, of Hartford, Conn., who survived her husband for a few months. Of his ' Commemorative Volume, pp. 83, 84. LEONARD BACO.V 419 fourteen children, five were called from the father's household before his own summons came. But he had the satisfaction of seeing four sons enter the Congrega tional ministry, and a daughter devote herself to the elevation of the race whose release from slavery he had so vigorously advocated. In household joys and sor rows alike he felt that the providence of God was teaching his soul, and fitting him the better for the Master's service.' Dr. Bacon's long pastorate was broken by only one considerable absence. In July, 1850, when the pastor had been a quarter of a century in service, the society granted such a vacation as he might desire to enable him to visit Europe and the Mediterranean Orient.' The journey is chiefly important for our story as affording Dr. Bacon, when taken captive by Kurds between Mosul and Ooroomiah, and in imminent dan ger of death, an opportunity to display a physical courage akin to the moral fearlessness always charac teristic of him." Useful and successful as Dr. Bacon was as a minister in his own congregation, his largest service was beyond • the bounds of his parish. For this wider ministry he had some remarkable natural talents. His disposition was sanguine, with a genuine belief in the triumph of 'See his biographic Half-Century Sermon, in ibid., pp. 119-135, especially pp. 132, 133. ' An interesting account of this experience, from his own pen, is given, ibid., pp. 29-38. 420 LEONARD BACON righteousness. His sympathies with efforts for reform /were broad ; and he was ready to take a part in any ' contest which had as its aim the advancement of a moral principle. He did not shun controversy. In a measure, he joyed in the battle with the confidence of one who trusts alike in the justice of his cause and the adequacy of his powers. But his polemics were under the control of a sound judgment as to when and what to strike. From the beginning of his pastorate Dr. Bacon was recognized as a debater of power in the local ecclesiastical gatherings of Connecticut ; for the last thirty years of his life he was regarded as without an equal among contemporary American Congrega tionalists in skill and effectiveness of argument; and so ready and well furnished was his mind that it often seemed to his associates that he spoke most effectively when drawn unexpectedly into discussion. To this parliamentary skilfulness Dr. Bacon added a literary style of remarkable felicity. His writings were not merely transparent : they sparkled with wit, glowed with feeling, and expressed his thought with a precision, appropriateness, and freshness that showed him a mas ter in the use of language, and made it a pleasure to read that which he wrote. Pie could be largely oblivious to external distractions in writing, and his thoughts were transferred to the written page with a quickness and an apparent ease ' that was a constant source of ' See the remarks of Rev. Dr. R. S. Storrs, ibid., pp. 197, 198. LEONARD BACON 42 1 surprise to his associates. An evident appreciation of these gifts is to be seen in his election, ini839, ^o a professorship of Rhetoric and Oratory in Yale College, an election which he declined. One minor evidence of Dr. Bacon's versatility of mind, not, indeed, as marked as the qualities just men tioned, was his poetic strain. He was not conspicu ously a poet,^ — he does not even rank among our foremost hymn writers, — yet no hymn promises to be more permanently acceptable to the sons and daughters of New England than his noble psalm of 1833 : — " O God, beneath Thy guiding hand, Our exiled fathers crossed the sea." The mention of this stirring hymn of thanksgiving for Pilgrim and Puritan achievements reminds us that one of the greatest of Dr. Bacon's services to Congre gationalism was his illumination of its history. In that ' story he took an intense and personal delight. As far as any beginning may be assigned to the studies which bore fruit till the close of his life, they had their origin in his reading during those trying years of his early ministry,' — reading which, among other results, led him to put forth, as a stimulus to the spiritual life " of private Christians, and of Christian families," ' Dr. Bacon, in a debate in the Boston Council of 1S65, assigned weight in the development of his interest in Congregationalism to an article published by Rev. Joshua Leavitt, in 1830, in the Quarterly Christian Spectator ; see Debates and Proceedings of the National Council . . . held at Boston, June 14-24, iSdj, pp. 445. 446- 422 LEONARD BACON his first important publication, the Select Practical Writings of Richard Baxter, in 1831.' To this selec tion he prefixed an elaborate biographical sketch of Baxter, the preparation of which gave him a thorough initiation into the story of the Puritan movement. The same pastoral zeal which led Dr. Bacon to the publication of Baxter's edificatory writings, prompted him to preach a series of " Sunday evening lectures " which were gathered up in a useful little volume in 1833, under the title, A Manual for Young Church Members.'' In this treatise the author's interest in and love for Congregationalism are clearly outspoken. " I cannot but think," he remarks, " that if the Congre gational organization should be extensively adopted by evangelical Christians everywhere, the result would be not only a vast extension of the principles and of the life of rational liberty, but a great development of the spirit of christian purity and fidelity, and of the energy of christian zeal." " Such enthusiasm was needed, for Congregationalists were then generally in the depths of their denomina tional self-distrust. The Unitarian defection seemed to many to be due to a lack of " a strong govern ment," such as Presbyterianism then prided itself on possessing. The ascription of Unitarianism to this cause was indeed an error; but our pulpits and our ' Published at New Haven in two volumes of six hundred pages each. ' Published at New Haven. 'Manual, pp. 7, 8. LEONARD BACON 423 theological chairs with rare exceptions made little of the distinctive principles of Congregationalism ; the majority of our ministers regarded polity, at least between Congregationalists and Presbyterians, as a question of geography to be determined by one's posi tion to the eastward or to the westward of the Hudson River. And, in Connecticut, Consociationism had so modified the feelings as well as the usages of our churches that at the time when Dr. Bacon published his Manual their popular designation was " Presbyte rian." To no man was the reentranceof our churches upon their heritage more due than to Dr. Bacon. The historic bent of Dr. Bacon's mind was revealed by these early studies, so that when the years 1838 and 1839 brought the two hundredth anniversaries of the planting of New Haven colony and of the foundation of the church of which Dr. Bacon was pastor, it was to be expected that the events should receive some historic treatment from his pen. But the volume of Thirteen Historical Discourses ' in which he commemo rated these occurrences was a work of more than a passing significance. It was the first attempt for more than a generation to tell the rehgious story of Connect icut; and the story is so admirably combined and cor related with the local history of his own church that ever since its publication it has served as a pattern for our better church histories. Its clearness of historic insight, ' Published at New Haven, 1839. 424 LEONARD BACON breadth of treatment, and charm of presentation won immediate repute for its author as a historian. He had already, in 1838, been made a corresponding mem ber of the Massachusetts Historical Society. He now, in the year of the publication of his Thirteen Historical Discourses, was elected to the Historical Societies of Connecticut, New York, and Georgia. And doubtless this volume had much to do with the bestowal upon the still rather youthful pastor of the degree of Doctor cf Divinity by Hamilton College in 1842. This repute as an interesting interpreter of history led to frequent calls on Dr. Bacon for commemorative occasions. Thus, on Thanksgiving Day, 1840, he spoke in his own pulpit on The Goodly Heritage of Connecticut,^ and, in May, 1843, ^^ Hartford, before the Connecticut Historical Society, on the Early Con stitutional History of Connecticut. " As the best equipped of the graduates of Andover, it fell to him to deliver the Commemorative Discourse " at the cele bration in August, 1858, of the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Seminary; and a similar sense of preeminent fitness induced the Connecticut General Association to call upon Dr. Bacon for a Historical Discourse,* in June, 1859, oi^ ^^e completion of a cent- ' Published at New Haven, 1840. ' Published at Hartford, 1843. 'A Memorial of the Semi-Centennial Celebration of the Founding of the Theological Seminary at Andover, pp. 70-113. Andover, 1859. ¦• Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of Connecticut, pp. 1-72. New Haven, 1861. LEONARD BACON 425 ury and a half of its existence. So, once more, when the Connecticut General Conference celebrated the centennial of American national life, in 1876, Dr. Bacon gave the address on The Relations of the Coiu gregational Churches of Connecticut to Civil Govern ment, and to Popular Education and Social Reforms, during the period antecedent to the Declaration of Independence.' Naturally Dr. Bacon was interested in local history. A charter member of the New Haven Historical So ciety and a director from its organization in 1862, he presented before it, in 1863, the results of his studies regarding the development of Civil Government in New Haven Colony.'' On repeated occasions in his own pulpit, as on the fortieth anniversary of his settle ment, in March, 1865," and on the completion of his fiftieth year of connection with the church of his ministry,' he gave sermons of rare felicity of expres sion and of much historic and autobiographic interest. The centennial of American independence drew from Dr. Bacon an address on Nezv Haven One Hundred Years Ago;" and in 1879 ^^^ published Three Civic ' Centennial Papers Published by Order of the General Conference of the Congregational Churches of Connecticut, pp. 145-170. Hartford, 1877. ' Papers of the New Haven Historical Society, i., pp. 11-27. 'In Four Commemorative Discourses, New Haven, 1866; see also the Commemorative Volume, ^xAi-Cie.A Leonard Bacon, etc., pp. 75-104- "Half-Century Sermon, New Haven, 1875 I also in the Commemora tive Volume, pp. 119-135. " Published at New Haven, 1876. 426 LEONARD BACON Orations for New Haven, in which he further served the city of his pastorate. The most important as well as the most extensive of Dr. Bacon's later contributions to history was, however, his volume of 1874, entitled The Genesis of the New England Churches,^ in which he narrated with fihal and graphic pen the story of Congregationalism from its be ginnings to its full establishment on New England soil by the addition to the Separatist colony of Plymouth of the Puritan settlement of Salem — the forerunner of the Puritan emigration which made New England strong. Perhaps this proportioning of the story indi cates, what was the fact, that Dr. Bacon's sympathies were more with the independent aspects of Congrega tionalism than with its centralizing tendencies. Dr. Bacon's interest in the history of New England was manifested to the close of his life ; two of his latest publications being an address on The Providen tial Selection and Training of the Pilgrim Pioneers of New England," in 1880; and a paper on Old Times in Connecticut,^ printed in 1882, after his death. Such interest in the history of Congregationalism was naturally accompanied by an acquaintance with the details of its polity and a desire to extend its influ ence. Dr. Bacon's first essay in the practical application of Congregational principles — the Manual for Young ' Published at New York. ' Hartford, 1880. ' New Haven, 1882, reprinted from the New Englander, xii., pp. 1-31. LEONARD BACON 427 Church Members, of 1833 — has already been men tioned. His next exposition of Congregational usages was a careful Digest of the Rules and Usages in the Con sociations and Associations of Connecticut ' — a compila tion and condensation as clear, as technical, as accurate, as valuable for reference, and as uninteresting for gen eral reading as a code of criminal law. This task was performed as a member of a committee appointed by the General Association of Connecticut of which Dr. Bacon was chairman. Dr. Bacon's most ambitious draft of a system of church polity was made more than twenty years later than his Digest. The Conference of Committees which prepared the way for the National Council of our Con gregational churches that assembled at Boston in June, 1865, appointed Dr. Bacon, Rev. Dr. A. H. Quint, and Rev. Dr. Henry M. Storrs a committee to prepare a 'statement of polity for submission to the Council. Such a statement Dr. Bacon drafted, on the model of the Cambridge Platform, and it was duly laid before the Council, which referred it, after a spirited debate in which Dr. Bacon bore large part, to a numerous com mittee." By this committee it was somewhat amended, and at length, in 1872, was reported to the churches." ' Congregational Order, pp. 289-322. Middletown, 1843. ' Debates and Proceedings of the National Council of the Congrega tional Churches, held at Boston, Mass., June 14-24, /S6j, pp. g, 10, 101-115, Ii7-I2g, 427-464. Boston, 1866. ' Ecclesiastical Polity. The Government and Communion Practised 428 LEONARD BACON This document, generally known as the " Boston Plat form," was the fruit of great labor, and deserved a better fate than the oblivion which immediately over took it; but extended platforms of polity are doubtless as little acceptable to the Congregational churches of the present as the minute statements of faith in which the seventeenth century delighted. Such a man as Dr. Bacon, of active temperament and ready willingness to bear his part in public efforts for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ, was naturally largely interested in organized Christian work. Thus, from 1825 to 1829, he was the Secretary of the Domestic Missionary Society of Connecticut, and one of its directors from 1832 to 1869. In 1837 he became a director of the American Bible Society, and, in 1845, of the American Tract Society. From 1842 till his death, he was a corporate member of the American Board; from 1841 till 1862, he served as a director of what is now the Congregational Home Missionary Society, a position which he exchanged in the latter year for the vice-presidency of the cor poration ; and from 1844 to the close of his life he had an official part in promoting Christian education in the newer sections of the country, at first as a direc tor of the Society for Promoting Collegiate and Theo logical Education at the West, and then of the by the Congregational Churches in the United States of America. Boston, 1872. LEONARD BACON 429 American College and Education Society into which the longer-named organization was merged in 1874. His connection with the two associations last men tioned may well remind us that Dr. Bacon never forgot that he was the son of a western missionary; and that recollection, coupled with his sturdy belief in Congre gationalism as a polity suited to all parts of our land, fitted him to do a great work for Congregational advancement in connection with the Albany Conven tion of 1852, and the movements that flowed from that significant assembly. It has already been pointed out in this lecture that, at the time of Dr. Bacon's settle ment in New Haven, Congregationalism had about reached its lowest depth of self-distrust, and that a 'large proportion of Congregationalists emigrating be yond the Hudson joined or organized Presbyterian churches. This transformation was made all the easier by the " Plan of Union," formed, in 1801, by the Presbyterian General Assembly and the Connecticut General Association, and designed to adjust in a perfectly equitable manner the question of the harmo nious working together of Presbyterian and Congre gational ministers and church members in frontier communities. In practice, the " Plan " aided Presby terianism and proved one of several causes which gathered the Congregational settlers of New York, Ohio, Michigan, and Illinois largely into the Presby terian fold. Yet some Congregational churches were 430 LEONARD BACON organized in what was then known as the West ; but they were looked at askance by their Presbyterian neighbors, and to some extent by the people of New England, as under a cloud of doctrinal or governmental suspicion, — an erroneous view, which the local eccen tricities displayed by early Oberlin tended to foster rather than to dispel. It was to secure a better understanding in both East and West and to plan effectively for Congregational advancement that agitation was begun in Michigan by Rev. L. Smith Hobart as early as 1845, and furthered by the General Association of New York, led by Rev. Dr. Joseph P. Thompson. This discussion resulted in the meeting at Albany, in October, 1852, of a Con vention representative of any Congregational church that chose to send its pastor and a delegate, and in cluding a large proportion of those in our body ' conspicuous for leadership. By the unanimous vote of this Convention the "Plan of Union" was abrogated; a greater inter course between the Congregationalists of the East and West was urged; " insinuations and charges of heresy in doctrine and disorder in practice " were discountenanced ; an unanimous declaration was adopted that the missionary societies should support ' It included four hundred and sixty-three pastors and delegates from seventeen States. For its work, see Proceedings of the General Conven tion of Congregational Ministers and Delegates in the United States, New York, 1852. LEONARD BACON 43 1 only such ministers in slave States as would " so preach the Gospel . . . that, with the blessing of God, it shall have its full effect in awakening and en lightening the moral sense in regard to slavery, and in bringing to pass the speedy abolition of that stu pendous wrong."' A call was issued for $50,000 — that proved to be nearly $62,000 when the response came — to assist struggling churches to procure meet ing-houses in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, and Minnesota. In all this significant work Dr. Bacon was the foremost figure, not only as chairman of the Business Com mittee, to which, in the first instance, action on these matters was due, but as the ablest and most convincing of all the keen-minded debaters who led the Conven tion's deliberations. And in the more permanent organization that sprang from the Convention and crystallized its work Dr. Bacon was eminent in service. When the American Congregational Union — now much more appropriately known as the Church Build ing Society — was formed in May, 1853, " to collect, preserve, and publish authentic information concern ing the history, condition, and continual progress of the Congregational churches " and " to promote— by tracts and books, by devising and recommending to the public plans of cooperation in building meeting houses and parsonages— ... the progress and 'Ibid., p. 21. 432 LEONARD BACON well-working of the Congregational polity," Dr. Bacon was chosen the first president of the new society, and continued to hold this office until 1871. Of his prominence in the next National Council of Congregationalism — that held at Boston in 1865 — there has already been occasion to speak in de scribing the Platform of Church Pohty which he then presented. The first of our modern series of triennial Councils, at Oberlin, in 1871, had Dr. Bacon for its preacher. The second he welcomed to his church edifice in New Haven, in 1874; and he was heard gladly and influentially in both. Yet it is but just to remark that Dr. Bacon was so much of an In- . dependent in his type of Congregationalism that he Idid not approve the creation of a representative Na- ' tional Council, meeting at stated intervals, lest it interfere at length with the freedom of the churches,' and he therefore looked with some degree of disfavor on an effort to unite the wisdom and suggest the policy of our widely scattered churches, which to most has seemed to contain nothing but good. The first thirty years of Dr. Bacon's pastorate were a time of heated controversies in the Congregational and Presbyterian communions, and the New Haven pastor had his full share in them. Yet his participa tion was, in general, other in intention and effect from that which the nickname, " the fighting parson," often ' Pres. Woolsey, in Comniemorative Volume, p. 232. LEONARD BACON 433 applied to him in those days, would lead one to sup pose.' His influence was, as a whole, irenic and con ciliatory, because his sympathies within the lines of evangelical truth, though largely " new school," were also broadly catholic. Dr. Bacon's efforts were rather to prevent than to foster ecclesiastical division, and in his own State certainly they had a marked effect. Dr. Bacon's earliest participation in an ecclesiastical discussion of the first magnitude, as such controversies then appeared, came almost by chance. So intimate were the relations of Congregationalists and Presby terians at the beginning of the nineteenth century, that, from 1794 onward to the rupture of the Presby terian body in 1837, the Connecticut General Associa tion and the Presbyterian General Assembly each sent delegates who enjoyed full powers of voting in the sessions of the other body — an exchange which was afterwards shared by the General Associations of Mas sachusetts and New Hampshire, the General Conven tion of Vermont, and the Evangelical Consociation of Rhode Island. Yet within the Presbyterian Church itself two parties were rapidly drawing into antagonism as the first four decades of the nineteenth century advanced. Of these parties, that soon known as the " Old School " represented in large measure the Scotch- Irish and less inclusive element in the Church, strict ' Compare the remarks of G. L. Walker, ibid., pp. 178, I7g. 434 LEONARD BACON in its adhesion to the older Calvinism, a party in doctrinal position substantially identical with the Old Calvinists of eighteenth-century New England, but more intense in feeling. The opposite, or " New School " party, was composed largely of men of New England antecedents, who sympathized generally with the Edwardeanism that, by 1830, had become almost universally prevalent in New England. This Ed wardean theology had, as we have seen, many shades; but its general points of contrast to the Old Calvinism, both of earlier New England and of existent Presby terianism were well stated by Dr. Bacon as follows : ' " Of these views, one was the doctrine of general atone ment, or that Christ's expiatory death was for all men, and not exclusively for an elected portion of mankind. An other was the rejection of the theory of imputation, in the sense of a transfer of personal qualities, or of responsibil ities. A third was the opinion, strongly maintained, that there is in man as fallen, no physical impotency to obey God's requirements; that the inability which hinders men from coming to Christ till they are drawn by Almighty grace, is an inability not of the constitutional faculties, but only of the voluntary moral disposition." The alarm felt by the " Old School " party over the spread in Presbyterian ranks of such common Ed wardean views as have just been noted was greatly intensified from 1830 onward by the rise of that modi fication of Edwardeanism known as " New Haven ' Views and Reviews, i., pp. 52, 53. New Haven, 1840. LEONARD BACON' 435 Theology," of which Professor Nathaniel W. Taylor was the champion. And the contest in Presbyterian ranks between those who were willing to tolerate and those who opposed New England presentations of doctrine was brought to a head by the dispute occa sioned by the settlement of Albert Barnes over the First Presbyterian Church in Philadelphia. It so happened that the young New Haven pastor, as a delegate from Connecticut, was a member of the General Assembly of 1831, before which first came the question of the orthodoxy of the sermon in which Al bert Barnes had expressed Edwardean views. Dr. Bacon was appointed upon the committee to which the case was referred.' Naturally, his sympathies were with the comparatively catholic and largely New- England-born wing which was soon to become the excluded "New School " party, rather than with their " Old School" opponents; but his youth, his self- control, and his position as a representative of another body prevented him from taking any leading part in the discussion." Contemporary with these disruptive debates in the Presbyterian Church, and to some extent contributing to them, ran the heated Taylor and Tyler controversy in Connecticut, at which we glanced in the last lecture. ' Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, vii., pp. 176, 180, 181. ' Dr. Bacon gave a full account of this session in the New Englander, xxviii., pp. 173-180. 436 LEONARD BACON As Dr. Taylor's personal friend and successor in the New Haven pastorate, from which Taylor had gone to the theological chair at Yale, Dr. Bacon warmly sympathized with the " New Haven Theology; " but the feature of this controversy which seems most to have excited his concern was the possible division of the Connecticut churches into two warring denomina tions as a consequence of the foundation of a new theological seminary — now Hartford Seminary — at East Windsor Hill, by Dr. Tyler and his sympathizers in 1834. This is the ground note of Dr. Bacon's Seven Letters to the Rev. George A. Calhoun [of Coven try] concerning the Pastoral Union of Connecticut, originally published in the New Haven Record, and reprinted as a pamphlet in 1840; and of the sequel to these letters, the Appeal to the Congregational Ministers of Connecticut against a Division, of the same year.' In these tracts, which constitute Dr. Bacon's chief contribution to the dispute then disturbing Connecti cut, the writer defended the orthodoxy of the New Haven divines with ardor, and attacked their oppo nents with vigor and some personal severity; but the most characteristic passage is that in which he pointed out the substantial agreement of both parties on twenty-six important articles of the Christian faith, and urged that though " there are differences in the pres ent case, differences of no slight moment in respect ' Published at New Haven in 1840 as Views and Reviews, Nos. I and 2. Leonard bacon 437 to the illustration and defense of that evangelical system which both parties agree in holding," " there may," nevertheless, " be differences, of great importance to the science of theology, among brethren who have yet no occasion to exscind or renounce each other." ' Fierce as was the controversy aroused in Connecti cut by what Dr. Bacon regarded " as a great work " done by the New Haven divines " for the liberation of New England Calvinism from certain traditional encumbrances"" — a work which certain other good men in the State estimated in very different fashion — it was largely forgotten, as the century was passing its middle point, in the debates occasioned by the publica tions of Horace Bushnell. Dr. Bushnell's theology was a departure from the Edwardeanism which had dominated Connecticut for more than half a century and which was represented alike by the theologians of East Windsor Hill and of New Haven. In his first impor tant publication, that on Christian Nurture, in 1847, Dr. Bushnellwent back from the Edwardean emphasis on a conscious conversion as the ordinary means of entrance into the kingdom of God, to the pre- Edwardean New England view of the covenant conse quences ot membership in a Christian family, though he presented his thoughts in a very modern way. In his opinion, a child in a Christian household should ' Views and Reviews, No. 2, pp. 36-43. ''New Englander, xxxviii., p. 702. 438 LEONARD BACON " grow up a Christian," and never know himself as being otherwise ; and that, for such a child, a great change of experience is not necessary.' This argument, so foreign to the prevailing concep tions of New England at the middle of the nineteenth century, made much commotion ; but the stir was greatly increased when, in 1849, Bushnell put forth his volume entitled God in Christ. Affirming that the Trinity is a truth of Christian experience, he held, in this work, that the Godhead is " instrumentally three — three simply as related to our finite apprehension, and the communication of God's incommunicable nature." " In the same volume, Bushnell advanced a view of the atonement which denied to the great sacri fice any penally satisfactory or governmental signifi cance, and held that in estimating the work of Christ we must regard " everything done by him as done for expression before us, and thus for effect in us." " Dr. Bushnell's views were at once attacked; but the Hartford Central Association, of which he was a mem ber, decided, after full discussion, not to proceed against him, and proved his bulwark in all the succeed ing controversy." Yet in this the Association was quite out of harmony with the feeling of probably a ' Christian Nurture, pp. 5, 7. Boston, 1847. ' God in Christ, p. 177. ^ Ibid., p. 237. * See Rev. Dr. E. P. Parker, The Hartford Central Association and the Bushnell Controversy. Hartford, i8g6. LEONARD BACON 439 majority of the ministers of Connecticut ; and, by June, 1850, the Fairfield West Association laid the case before the General Association of the State. The struggle that followed in successive meetings of the General Association was strenuous, and threatened to become divisive. A positive decision in favor of either party would have resulted in two denomina tions. That this greater evil was avoided was due more, possibly, than to any other influence, to the lability and statesmanlike temper of Dr. Bacon, notably -at the meeting of the General Association in 1853. Dr. Bacon, though a personal friend of Dr. Bushnell, was far from sympathizing with all his opinions; ' but he deprecated division, and when a petition signed by fifty-one Connecticut ministers was laid before the General Association, calling upon that body to exclude from its fellowship the Hartford Central Association of which Dr. Bushnell was a member. Dr. Bacon secured the passage of a resolution by the General As sociation, the point of which, hke that of many similar important decisions, was in what it did not say, but which made hopeless the attempts to coerce Dr. Bush nell and his supporters. This resolution affirmed" that "the opinions imputed to Dr. Bushnell by the complain ants, and the imputation of which is no doubt warranted, if the constructions are just which they conscientiously ' New Englander , xxxviii., p. 702. ''Minutes of ihe General Association of Conn., p. g, 1853. 440 LEONARD BACON give to certain quotations from his published books, are opinions with which the ministers in the churches of Connecticut, as represented in this General Associa tion, have no fellowship, and the profession of which on the part of candidates for the ministry, ought to prevent their receiving the license or approbation of any of our Associations." It did not affirm, however, and it was intended not to affirm, that the opinions complained of were in reality justly chargeable on Dr. Bushnell, and it left the question as to whether or not he really held cen surable views a matter of individual opinion. It will be seen, from the story as thus far narrated, that Dr. Bacon's sympathies were with the more liberal movements of his day in the evangelical churches ot New England, but that, in the main, his efforts were irenic. This catholic tendency of his mind increased with years, and was never more marked than in his old age. At the same time, it should be remarked that partly by reason of his opposition to the coercive use of the ecclesiastical system of Connecticut, partly by reason of his own native inclination to a type of Congregationalism which emphasized the independence of our churches, he contributed powerfully to the breakdown of the peculiar consociational organization of the State of his ministry, and its practical assimilation into what may be called the normal present type of American Congregationalism, LEONARD BACON 44I Dr. Bacon's interests, or rather his conceptions of his ministerial privileges and duties, were much wider than the bounds of his parish or the ecclesiastical dis cussions of his State. On the first Thanksgiving after his settlement, it is instructive to note, he made the theme ot his discourse the betterment of the public schools, then in sore need of reformation and develop ment.' The topic thus chosen by the youthful pastor was illustrative of his wide interest in the practical questions of his time and his readiness to enter into their debate. And in the discussion of such themes Dr. Bacon had the instincts and the ready pen of a born journalist, so that not a little of his most useful work was as an editor. His editorial labors began early. In 1826, a year after his settlement in New Haven, he became editor of the Christian Spectator, a monthly that later became a quarterly, published in the city of his minis try, and sympathetic, in a general way, with the rising " New Haven Theology." But Dr. Bacon's editorial zeal was not strongly enlisted in purely theologie controversy. As his lifelong friend. President Noah Porter, has remarked of his connection with this mag azine, " His contributions were chiefly literary, and ethical, and reformatory, rather than theological."" The reformer was always stronger within him than the ' Leonard Bacon, in Commemorative Volume, p. 90. ''Ibid., p. 220. 442 LEONARD BACON theologie partisan. Dr. Bacon's service on the Spec tator continued till 1838. The year 1843 witnessed the next step in his edito rial career in the foundation, chiefly through his initia tive and labors, of the New Englander, a magazine designed to be, as he declared in the first issue, " on the side of order, of freedom, of simple and spiritual Christianity, and of the Bible as the infallible, suffi cient, and only authority in religion,"' rather than the organ of any of the theological parties into which New England was divided. Dr. Bacon remained on the editorial committee of the New Englander for over a score of years, nor did he cease his contributions to its pages while he lived. A list drawn up nineteen years after the magazine was founded credited sixty- two titles to his authorship, and probably over a hun dred articles in all were from his pen. It is instructive to note some of the topics discussed in these witty, discriminating, and earnest papers, as illustrative of the breadth of Dr. Bacon's interests. The first of the long series was in advocacy of the reduction of the rate of postage and the improvement of the postal service, then exorbitant in price and inefficient in delivery." Ministerial education and public libraries were topics on which he had something to say ; " capi tal punishment he deemed worthy of discussion;' the ' New Englander, i., p. 8. ''Ibid., i., p. 9 ; iii., p. 536. 'Ibid., i., pp. 126, 307. "Ibid., iv., p. 563. LEONARD BACON 443 conduct of public worship and the development of music as one of its elements were to him congenial themes.' Some articles were critiques of Episcopal pretensions," others expositions and defenses of Con gregational history," yet others biographic studies;" and all along ran a series of trenchant criticisms on the politics of the years which saw the growth of the pre tensions of the slave power, from the war with Mexico to the attack on Fort Sumter. Of Dr. Bacon's third, and on the whole most im portant, editorial labor, his participation in founding the Independent, in 1848, and of his service as one of its editors till 1863, there will be speedy occasion to speak in another connection. Two of Dr. Bacon's reformatory efforts deserve special attention ; and both were labors which cost him the friendship of some of his congregation and of many outside. When he was installed in his New Haven pastorate the temperance reform was just beginning to be felt. But the conservatism character istic ot Connecticut led the New Haven Ecclesiastical Society to provide a generous entertainment for the installing council, which included, to quote Dr. Bacon's ' New Englander, vii., p. 350 ; xiii., p. 450. ''Ibid., i., pp. 545, 586; ii., pp. 175, 309, 440 ; iii., p. 284; vii., p. 143, etc. 'Ibid., i., p. 250; iv., p. 288 ; xi., p. 136; xviii., pp. 7II> 1020; xix., p. 437, etc. "Ibid., vi., p. 603 ; viii., p. 388 ; x., pp. 42, 488. 444 LEONARD BACON own words used forty years later in describing the event, " an ample supply not only of wine but also of more perilous stuff."' The tone of the community was such — and New Haven did not differ materially from the rest ot New England in this respect — that, to quote Dr. Bacon again, " none could abstain from the personal use of those liquors without incurring the reproach of eccentricity and perhaps of moroseness. " " But a reform movement was just beginning; and, though it meant running counter to the prejudices of many of his congregation, the young pastor threw himself into it with characteristic energy. In 1829 he published a pamphlet urging Total Abstinence from Ardent Spirits. Again, in 1838, he printed a very plain-spoken sermon on the theme, directed especially against the saloon where liquor is sold by the glass;" and later he enforced in repeated sermons the same reform.* And he had the satis faction of being able to record, in the discourses com memorative of the completion of forty years of his pastorate, the change wrought by these and associ ated efforts: ' ' Commemorative Volume, p. 92. ' Ibid., p. 91. 'A Discourse on the Traffic in Spirituous Liquors, Delivered in the Centre Church, Neiv Haven, Feb. 6, 1838. New Haven, 1838. '' Sermon before the Washington Temperance Society of New Haven, New Haven, 1843. The Christian Basis of the Temperance Reforma tion, in the American Temperance Preacher, January, 1848. ^ Commemorative Volume, p. g2. LEONARD BACON 445 " In a little while the tyrannical fashion had lost its power. Every man was at liberty to practice personal abstinence, either for his own safety or for the sake of sav ing others; and there was no law of hospitality requiring any man to tempt his guests by inviting them to drink with him." The most important of Dr. Bacon's reformatory ; efforts, the greatest single work of his life, was his opposition to slavery. His ministry began just as the question of slavery was passing from the status of a moral reform earnestly desired by good men both in the North and in the South — though without any very definite views as to how the reform was to be effected where the institution'was intrenched — to the position of a political question on which parties were gradually to range for an inevitable conflict. The Missouri Compromise, effected in Congress when Leonard Bacon was half-way through his Senior year at Yale, marks the beginning ot this new stage ot the question — the struggle for the extension of slavery into the new Territories of the West. At Andover the young graduate found a warm anti-slavery spirit. The topic was one of frequent debate before the Seminary "Society of Inquiry;" and the first of Dr. Bacon's writings to have extensive circulation was a Report to that Society on African colonization, con demning slavery in most positive terms.' This Report, ' L. W. Bacon, Irenics and Polemics, pp. 183, 184, New York, i8g5. The Report was published in 1823. 446 LEONARD BACON prepared in the Senior year of its author's Seminary course, was given wide publicity by his fellow-students. Leonard Bacon carried this reformatory spirit with him to his pastorate, and speedily organized in his new home a young men's club called the Anti-Slavery Association, from which grew the African Improve- 1 ment Society ot New Haven, designed for the spirit- lual, mental, and physical elevation of the local colored population.' On the Fourth of July, 1825, the newly settled pastor gave, as his oration, A Plea for' Africa ; and a year later, on the same anniversary of freedom, he declared that : " " Public opinion throughout the free States must hold a different course on the subject of slavery from that which it now holds. Instead of exhausting itself fruitlessly and worse than fruitlessly upon the operation of the system, it must be directed towards 'Cae principle on which the system rests. " ; , , . ' f . ) These views Dr. Bacon persistently advocated in every channel open to him, notably in the Christian Spectator, of which mention has already been made. But a new force came into the field with the publica tion of the Liberator by William Lloyd Garrison, from 1 83 1 onward, and the foundation ot the American Anti-Slavery Society by that vigorous agitator in 1832. In the thought ot Garrison and his associates not only was slavery a wrong for which immediate abolition was 'L. W. Bacon, Irenics and Polemics, pp. 184, 185. ^ Ibid., p. 186. LEONARD BACON 447 the only cure, but " slaveholders are the enemies of God and man ; their garments are red with the blood of souls; their guilt is aggravated beyond the power of language to describe." " To Dr. Bacon's thinking, such indiscriminating condemnation of all slaveholders was not merely prejudicial to a good cause, it was un justifiable. As Dr. Bacon declared in 1846, in words which Abraham Lincoln recoined into a famous phrase : " " If that form of government, that system of social order is not wrong, — if those laws of the southern states, by virtue of which slavery exists there, and is what it is, are not wrong — nothing is wrong." But he added : " " The wrongfulness of that entire body of laws, opinions, and practices is one thing ; and the criminality of the in dividual master, who tries to do right, is another thing." To declare the master who had received slaves by inheritance, and was trying to do them good, as of practically equal guilt with the master who treated his slaves as cattle and sold their offspring for gain, seemed to Dr. Bacon a confusion of moral distinctions. And so he fought his battle with ever-increasing success, but with much opposition even in his own home, against slavery on the one hand and against what he deemed the damaging methods of the extremer 'Garrison, Thoughts on African Colonization, p. 67. Boston. 1832. ' Slavery Discussed in Occasional Essays, x. New York, 1846. ' Ibid. 448 LEONARD BACON abolitionists on the other. As he told the Albany Convention in 1852:' " I have always found myself in a state of ' betweenity ' in relation to parties on questions connected with slavery, so that, as Baxter said of himself in regard to the contro versies of his day, where other men have had one adversary I have had two." But this " state of betweenity " was no state of un certainty, either in his own mind or that of others, as to his estimate of the moral turpitude of the slave system, and the duty of all good men to do what they could to overthrow it. To no leadership did the sober judgment of New England, and especially of his own State, more positively respond than to his. Just what measures besides moral opposition to this evil were possible was a question which Dr. Bacon, like most of the early seekers for its reform, found puzzling. For a long time he supported the coloniza tion plan, which had been a favorite among his friends at Andover. But time showed the hopelessness of that solution ; and the course of political events, lead ing, through the annexation ot Texas, to the conquest of vast territories from Mexico — • a conquest accom panied and followed by demands that they be thrown open to slavery — pointed out the straight path of definite resistance to a definite aggression. It was primarily as a step forward in this struggle for freedom ' Proceedings of the General Convention . . . held at Albany, p. 84. LEONARD BACON 449 that Dr. Bacon took the editorial leadership, with Rev. Drs. Joseph P. Thompson, Richard Salter Storrs, and Joshua Leavitt as fellow-laborers, and with financial support furnished by Messrs. Henry C. Bowen, Theo dore McNamee, and others, in founding the Indepen dent, in December, 1848,' under the declaration, " We take our stand for free soil." The successive aggressions of the slave power led Dr. Bacon, in his Thanksgiving Sermon for 185 1, to support the view which William H. Seward had made famous on the floor ot Congress, that the public do- ': main was dedicated to liberty, not only by the Consti- ¦tution but by a " higher law " than the Constitution — a law which must not be disobeyed. The Kansas- Nebraska act moved him to advocate forcible resistance to the introduction of slavery into the Territories in volved. And when the war began there was no more strenuous advocate of freedom and patriotism in the New England pulpit than he. These labors cost Dr. Bacon much opposition, and often from those whose friendship he esteemed; but when it was nearly over and slavery was close to its end he could say to his own congregation : " " You know how I have been blamed and even execrated, in these later years, for declaring, here and elsewhere. ' See Dr. Storrs's account. Independent, December 8, ' Tzao Sermons Preached on the Fortieth Anniversary of his Settlement (March 12, 1865), Commemorative Volume, p. g5. 450 LEONARD BACON the wickedness of buying and selling human beings, or of violating in any way those human rights which are in separable from human nature. I make no complaint in making this allusion; all reproaches, all insults endured in the conflict with so gigantic a wickedness against God and man, are to be received and remembered not as injuries but as honors." And Dr. Bacon was given a special and peculiar grati fication in the recollection ot those years of contro versy, besides the larger satisfaction of a conspicuous share in the most momentous work of his generation. In the heat of the struggle, in 1846, he had pub lished at New York a small, black-bound volume, made up of various contributions to the great debate, under the title Slavery Discussed in Occasional Essays from i8jj to i8f6. The volume never had much of a circulation, but one copy reached the office table of Abraham Lincoln, then a comparatively unknown lawyer in his Illinois home. The story of its reception may be told in the modest words in which Dr. Bacon related it in 1865. Speaking of a visit paid to the great emancipating President, Dr. Bacon said : ' " Less than four years ago, not knowing that he had ever heard of me, I had the privilege of an interview with him; and his first word, after our introduction to each other, was a reference to that volume, with a frank approval of its principles. Since then I have heard of his mention- ' Two Sermons Preached on the Fortieth Anniversary of his Settlement (March 12, 1865), Commemorative Volume, p. 96. LEONARD BACON 45 I ing the same book to a friend of mine in terms which showed that it had made an impression on his earnest and thoughtful soul." Dr. Bacon might, without exaggeration, have said much more." Dr. Bacon's work was complete, to a degree vouch safed to few men, before he reached old age. The end of the struggle over slavery terminated the contest to which he had given his largest effort. The contests over the " New Haven Theology " and over the views of Dr. Bushnell had died away before the Civil War. And, in a peculiar degree, his old age was a time of growing ripeness and sweetness of Christian life as the golden sunset drew near. It was a life of activity and usefulness to the end. Dr. Bacon intimated, in a sermon preached on the completion of his fortieth year of service, his desire to be relieved of active pastoral responsibilities, and on September 9, 1866, the partial separation was accom plished on terms alike honorable to pastor and to people." His resignation was accepted, but he was never dismissed by council, and he continued to render aid to his successors and minister to his people as strength and opportunity offered, being till the day of his death the pastor emeritus of his church. Few men ' L. W. Bacon, Irenics and Polemics, p. 198 ; Century Magazine, XXV., p. 65S. ' Commemorative Volume, pp. 39-49, 104. 452 LEONARD BACON have ever borne themselves as generously in the often trying situation of a retired minister, compelled to see the work in which he had been so long a leader pass into younger hands, as did Dr. Bacon. His immediate successor in the active work of the pastorate thus bore witness to him : " " He was the most magnanimous man I ever knew. Had I been his son after the flesh he could not have been more cooperative or kind. Always ready to help when asked, he never volunteered even advice; he never in any instance or slightest particular gave me reason to wish he had said or done anything otherwise. Apparently incapable of jealousy — even had there been vastly more opportunity for it than there was — he was to the pastor who followed him a supporter and a comfort always." Dr. Bacon's old age was a time of honor in the churches and in the community at large. He ranked in public repute as the representative American Con- gregationahst. Harvard gave him the degree of Doctor of Laws in 1870. The two Brooklyn Councils, of 1874 and 1876, the most talked-of Congregational advisory bodies of the last half-century, chose him as their Moderator. And his years of retirement from the pastorate proved a time of unexpected but con spicuous labor in a new field also. As soon as his purpose to resign the pastoral office became known, the corporation of Yale sought his services for the vacant theological chair in the Divinity School; and 'G. L. Walker, Memorial Sermon, ibid., p. 184. LEONARD BACON 453 as a consequence of this invitation he taught as Act ing Professor of Revealed Theology in Yale Seminary from 1866 to 1 87 1, when he became Lecturer on Church Polity and American Church History, a post that he occupied as long as he lived. He threw him self into the new work with characteristic energy, and it was during the period of his professorship that the present buildings occupied by the Divinity School were erected — a material gain for the school of his service in which his wide acquaintance and influence made him conspicuously helpful. So he passed onward to the close of his useful life, beloved and reverenced by the community in which he had labored, and honored by the churches of which he had been so long a leader. His old age was a peaceful and fruitful autumn, and he went from among men on December 24, 1881, without having been seriously laid aside from active life till the summons came. At his funeral, just before his six sons bore his body from the church where he had ministered for fifty-six years, the mourning congregation sang his serene hymn — a hymn no less appropriate in its sug gestion of the character of Dr. Bacon's ripening years than expressive of his Christian hope: " Hail, tranquil hour of closing day ! Begone, disturbing care ! And look, my soul, from earth away. To him who heareth prayer. 454 LEONARD BACON " How sweet the tear of penitence. Before his throne of grace. While to the contrite spirit's sense. He shows his smiling face. " How sweet, through long-remembered years. His mercies to recall ; And, pressed with wants, and griefs, and fears, To trust his love for all. " How sweet to look, in thoughtful hope. Beyond this fading sky. And hear him call his children up To his fair home on high. " Calmly the day forsakes our heaven To dawn beyond the west ; So let my soul, in life's last even, Retire to glorious rest." We have followed the lives of ten eminent Congre gationalists as we have met together for these succes sive hours. The biographies have been those of men diverse indeed in the circumstances of their history, in the times in which their work was done, in the interests that were the uppermost topics of discussion among those with whom their lot was cast, in their methods of Christian activity, in their own interpretations of aspects of Christian truth. From the exile for his faith, leading a pioneer community in its efforts to strike root in the somber forest wilderness, to the opponent of slavery, preaching for more than half a century from an historic pulpit, and spending his last days as a theo- LEONARD BACON 455 logical instructor in a venerable university, is indeed a far cry, it the flight of time and alteration of external circumstances alone are considered. But a unity greater than any seeming diversity characterized these men. To them all God was the veriest of realities; to them all his service was the highest earthly privilege ; to them all his Word was the sufficient guide of life. No one of them but walked close with God. No one of them but lived " as seeing the invisible." And they were one, also, in their thought of the Church as finding its highest and truest expression, not in a priest hood divinely appointed to dispense sacraments neces sary for salvation to a laity divinely committed to its control, but in self-governing and mutually responsible fellowships of Christian men and women, knit by a common covenant to one another and to the living Lord whose name they bear, and enjoying an Apos- tohc freedom in His worship and service. They were every one of them in the truest sense ministers in the household of God. One they were, too, in their conception of the Christian life as one of consecration, drawing its strength from the divine Spirit to whom it owes its birth, and manifesting in its fruits the presence of the transforming power of God. It is an honorable suc cession. Not one of them but made New England stronger, better, freer, by reason of his work. INDEX. Abbot, Samuel, 3S1, 383. Abrams, Margaret, gS. Adams, Charles Francis, c/Av/, 29, 30, 75, So, Si. Ainsworth, Henry, tlie Separatist, 22, 120, 121. Albany Convention, The, 429-432, 448. Allen, Prof. .\. V. (.'¦., cited, 220, 228, 25g. Allerton, Is.aac, 25. Allin, Rev. John," 15S. American Bible Society, The, 42S. American Board, The, 388, 38g, 394. 42S. American Congregational Union The, 431. American Temperance Society, The, 389. American Tr.act Society, The, 389, 428. Amsterdam, The Separatists in, 21, 22, 45. Andover Theological Seminary, why founded, 376-379 ; circum stances of foundation, 37g-385 ; Woods's services to, 381-38(3; early growth, 385, 386 ; interest in mishions, 387-389 ; Bacon at, 414, 424 ; mentioned, 389, 390, 394, 3(|(), 402-405, 416. Andros, .Sir Edmund, ig6. Anglican Party, its aims, 51, 52. Antinomianism, Controversy re garding, 75-81. Apthorpe, Rev. East, 293. Arber, Prof. Edward, cj/ci/, 15, 18, 21, 22, 31, 39. Arianism, in eighteenth-century New England, 2g3, 297-299, 308-310, 326, 348, 361. Armada, The Spanish, 6, 12. Aniline, Lady, 159. Arminianism, 51, 231, 233, 252, 254, 26S, 2g7, 298, 344, 361. Aspinwall, Edwin, I02. Atonement, Doctrine of the, 305, 306, 372, 438. Auburn Theological Seminary, 386. Austerfield, Bradford's early home at, 6-20, 49, 55. Aw.ikening, The tireat, 237, 240, 246, 270, 275-287. B Babworth, 15, 20. Backus, Rev. Dr. Charles, 370, 371, 379- Backus, Rev. Isaac, cited, 211. Bacon, Rev. David, 410-413. Bacon, Francis, 7. Bacon, Dr. Leonard, of Hartford, 413. Bacon, Rev. Dr. Leonard, early life, 410-413 ; education, 413, 414 ; unlination, 414; settlement at New Haven, 415, 416 ; early pastorate, 4il)-4i8 ; household txperiences, 41S, 419; in the Orient, 419 ; as a religious lead er, 419, 420 ; literary gifts, 420 ; poetic strain, 421 ; services as a liistorian, 421-421^ ; his Thirteen 457 458 INDEX Bacon — Continued. Discourses, 424 ; doctorate of divinity, 424 ; his Andover Dis course, 424 ; his Historical Dis course, 424 ; his Genesis of the New England Churches, 426 ; services to Congregational polity, 426-428; his ManualsmA Digest, 426, 427 ; the " Boston Plat form," 427, 428, 432 ; services to missionary societies, etc., 42S-432 ; at the Albany Con vention, 429 ; in theologie con troversies, 432-440 ; the Taylor and Tyler division, 435-437 ; the Bushnell controversy, 437- 440 ; his editorial services, 441- 443, 44g ; the New Englander, 442 ; the Independent, 443, 44g ; temperance reform, 443-445 ; anti-slavery efforts, 445-451 ; President Lincoln's opinion, 450, 451 ; retirement from the pastorate, 451, 452 ; services to Yale, 452, 453 ; his last days, 453, 454. Bacon, Rev. Dr. Leonard W., cited, 412, 445, 446, 451. Bacon, Oliver N., cited, i6g. Baillie, Prof. Robert, 8l, 88, 93. Ball, Rev. John, 87. Bancroft, Archbishop Richard, 51. Bangor Theological Seminary, 386. Barlow, Bishop William, 59. Barnes, Rev. Dr. Albert, 435. Baron, Dr. Peter, 62. Bartlett, William, 381. Baxter, Rev. Richard, 164, 202, 422, 448. Bay Psalm Book, The, 120-122, 148. Bayly, Bishop Lewis, 164. Bawtry, 6, 8, 10. Bellamy, Rev. Dr. Joseph, 238, 249, 25S, 2S0, 314, 323, 335, 341, 349. 379- Benevolence, Disinterested, 255- 257, 330, 331, 345-347, 399. 400 ; see also Willingness to be Damned. Berkeley, Bishop George, 220. Bernard, Rev. Richard, 117. Bernhard, Saint, 240. Bible, English translation of the, 9, 13- Blyth, Monastery of, 8, 10. Boston, England, Bradford's im prisonment at, 21; Cotton's work at, 59-68. Boston, Mass., settled, 53 ; Cot ton settled in, 6g ; tlie Anti. nomian controversy in, 75-81 Roger Williams declines settle ment in, 83 ; Eliot invited to 142; Increase Mather settled at 183 ; the " Thursday Lecture,' 187, 275 ; great fires in, igo LilDeral movement in, 203-207 first half of eighteenth century, 273-275 ; Whitefield's charac terization of, 275 ; the Revolu tionary War, 2g6, 2g7 ; early Unitarianism in, 299, 377, 378. Boston, churches of, — First Church, Cotton settled, 69 ; divided, 132 ; Chauncy's settle ment, 270 ; Foxcroft's pastorate, 270; Whitefield's preaching,277: — Second Church, 183, I94, 195: — Old South Church, 133, 207, 278, 342, 348, 364 : — Brattle Church, 203 - 207 : — King's Chapel, 377: — New North Church, 279 : — West Church, 2g3, 333; — Park Street Church, 396. Boston Platform, The, 428, 432. Bourne, Rev. Richard, 165. Bowen, Henry C, 44g. Bradford, Alden, cited, 2gi-293. Bradford, Rev. Dr. Amory H., 3- Bradford, John, 38. Bradford, Gov. William, early life, 6-1 1, 54 ; religious training, 15-18 ; reasons for leaving Eng- and, 19, 20, 50 ; goes to Hol land, 20, 21 ; learns a trade, 21, 22 ; marriage, 22 ; at Leyden, 21-24 ; emigration to America, INDEX 459 Bradford — Continued. 23-25 ; governor, 25, 26 ; second marriage, 27 ; services to colony in peril of famine, 26-29 '. 'ti peril from hostile countrymen, 29-32 ; secures financial free dom for Plymouth, 32-35 ; wel comes Salera church, 35-37 ; his History, 37-39 ; his minor writ ings, 3g, 40 ; his style, 40 ; his character, 41, 42 ; last days, 42- 44 , his faith, 45 ; on luxury, 147 ; mentioned, 5, 56. Bradford, Deputy-Gov. William, 3S. Bradley, Rev. Joshua, 356. Brainerd, Rev. David, 242, 243, 318, 319- Branford, Indian missions at, 166. Brattle Church, see Boston churches. Brattle, Thomas, 205, 206. Brattle, Rev. William, tutor at Harvard, 195, 202 ; in liberal movement, 204-207 ; pastor at Cambridge, 205, 206. Brewster, Ruling Elder William, at Scrooby, 15-18, 49 ; at Ley den, 23, 25 ; at Plymouth, 42, 44- Briant, Rev. Lemuel, 298, 29g. Bridge, Rev. William, 91. Brown, Rev. Dr. John, of Bed ford, cited, 15. Brown, Rev. John, of Cohassett, 299. Brown, John, of Harper's Ferry fame, 412. Brown, Moses, 381. Browne, Robert, the Separatist, 14, 82. Buell, Rev. Samuel, 318, 321. Builli, John de, 8. Burial Hill Declaration, The, 194- Burr, Pres. Aaron, 260, 261. Burr, Rev. Jonathan, 112, 113. Burroughs, Rev. Jeremiah, 91. Bushnell, Rev. Dr. Horace, 314, 437-440 Calef, Robert, 202. Calhoun, Rev. George A., 436. Callender, Rev. Elisha, 211. Calvin, John, Cotton's love for, 72 ; mentioned, 223. Calvinism, "Consistent," 361. Calvinism, "Old" or " Moderate,'' 331, 332, 339. 341, 344, 345, 361-363, 375-377, 379-385. 405. 434- Calvinism, Stages of, 22g-23i. Cambridge Platform, The, gi, g3, 124-126, 427. Cambridge Synod, see Synod. Cambridge University, student life in, 55, 56 ; colleges of, — Emmanuel, 56, 57, 139, 140 ; Jesus, 139 ; Peter House, 58 ; St. John's, 58 ; Trinity, S, 55, 56, 268. Canonicus, Indian chief, 2g. Canterbury, Archbishop of (Thomas Seeker), 293. Carey, Rev. William, the mis sionary, 138, 163, 387. Carpenter, Alice, 27. Cartwright, Thomas, Puritan lead er, 13. Carver, Gov. John, 25. Chaderton, Laurence, Puritan leader, 57. Chadwick, Rev. Dr. J. W., cited, 397- Chamberlain, Dr. Mellen, cited, 292. Chandler, Rev. Dr. T. B., 294. Chandler, William, 145. Channing, Rev. Dr. W. E., 314, 325-327, 377, 397, 398- Charles I., of England, 52, 53, 159- Chauncy, Pres. Charles, 131, 178 268, 269. Chauncy, Charles, merchant, 269. Chauncy, Rev. Dr. Charles, an cestry and early life, 268, 269 ; settlement at Boston, 270 ; ser mon on Foxcroft, 271 ; his 460 INDEX Chauncy — Continued. personal traits, 26g-273, 287 ; opposes the Whitefieldian re vival, 282-288 ; his course criti cised, 283 ; on conversion, 283, 303, 304; his Seas enable Thoughts, 286 ; health affected, 287 ; doctorate received, 288 ; opposes legislature, 288, 28g ; controversy regarding Episco pacy, 28g-2g7 ; reply to the Bisiiop of Landaff, 2g3, 2g4 ; Answer to Chandler, 2g4 ; his View of Episcopacy, 2g5 ; his patriotism, 2g6 ; his " Liberal " theology, 297-310 ; his modera tion, 299 ; on Original Sin, 258, 301, 302 ; his Twelve Sermons, 301-304 ; views on Saving Faith, 302, 303, 309, 332, 333 ; his Benevolence of the Deity, 304 ; view of the Atonement, 305, 306 ; his Salvation of All Men, 306-308 ; his Arianism, 308-310 ; unfavorable opinion of Hopkins, 341 ; his death, 310 ; mentioned, 314, 326, 377. Chauncy, Rev. Isaac, 26g. Christian Spectator, The, 441, 446. Church Building Society, The, 431. Church, Rev. John H., 36g, 370. Chutchamaquin, Indian chief, 155. Clark, Rev. Peter, 301. Clark, Prof. William, cited, 10. Clarke, Rev. John, 326 ; cited, 26g, 272. Clarke, Rev. Dr. Samuel, 2g8, 300. Clement of Alexandria, 2g5. Clement of Rome, 2g5. Clyfton, Rev. Richard, Separatist, 15, 18, ig, 4g. Coddington, William, 66. Codman, Rev. Dr. John, 396. Cole, Nathan, quoted, 276. College and Education Society, The, 428, 429. Collins, Anthony, the Deist, 254. Colman, Rev. Benjamin, 205, 206, 281. Columba, Saint, 138. Confession, The Savoy, ig3 ; — of 1680, 193, 194; — The Westmin ster, 193. Congregational Home Missionary Society, The, 428. Connecticut Evangelical Magazine, The, 387. Conversion, a difficult process, 102, 181, 318, 319, 369 ; under de clining Calvinism, 229-232 ; In crease Mather's view of, 189 ; Edwards's experience and theory of, 222-225, 233-235 ; Chaun cy's view of, 283, 303, 304 ; Hopkins's view of, 317-322, 333-338. Cooper, Thompson, cited, 18. Corbitant, Indian chief, 29. Cortes, Hernando, 412. Cotton, Rev. John, parentage, 54 ; education, 55, 56; religious awakening, 57-59 ; settlement at Boston, Eng., 59 ; marriages, 59, 60 ; his activity, 60-63, 105 ; his defense of Calvinism, 62 ; his nonconformity, 63-65 ; conse quent difficulties and flight, 66- 68 ; letter to his wife, 67 ; his child's baptism, 68, 6g ; settles at Boston, Mass., 6g, 70; ap pearance and preaching, 70-72 ; liabits and influence, 72-75 ; opinion of Democracy, 74 ; his draft of laws, 75 ; in the Anti nomian controversy, 75-81 ; his controversy with Roger Wil liams, 81-86 ; views on persecu tion, 85, 86 ; his answer to Ball, 87 ; his Catechism, 87 ; on church-music, 87, 88 ; on infant baptism, 88 ; on church mem bership, 88 ; his treatises on Congregationalism, 89-93, 115; the Way, go ; the Keyes, 90- 92 ; the Way Cleared, 93 ; invited to the Westminster As sembly, 91 ; the Cambridge Platform, g3, 124, 170; moder ator in 1643, iig ; possible letter INDEX 461 Cotton — Continued. to Richard Mather, loS ; death and character, 94 ; mentioned, 107, 109, 115, 117-lig, 134, 142, 151, 166, 175, iSo, 225. Cotton, Rev. John, Jr., of Ply mouth, 165, 166. Cotton, Rev. John, of Hampton, 1S4. Cotton, Roland, 54. Cotton, Rev. Seaborn, 68. Covenant, The Half-Way, see Half-Way Covenant. Crafts, Rev. Thomas, 365. Crocker, Rev. Zebulon, cited, 401. Cromwell, Oliver, 182. Cromwell, Richard, 182. Cushman, Robert, 25. Cutler, Rector Timothy, 226. D Danforth, Rev. Samuel, 143. Danforth, Rev. Samuel, Jr., 166, 168. Davenport, Rev. Addington, 289. Davenport, Rev. James, 281, 285. Davenport, Rev. John, conceals Cotton, 67 ; settlement at New Haven, 79 ; at Boston, 132, 133 ; death, 170 ; mentioned, 91, 107. Derby, 54. Dexter, Prof. Franklin B., 228 ; cited, 220, 222, 226, 249, 260, 322. Dexter, Rev. Dr. Henry M., 3, 39 ; quoted, 55 ; cited, 17, 22, 23, 38, 92, 130, 151, 162. Disinterested Benevolence, see Benevolence. Doddridge, Rev. Dr. Philip, 252, 298, 369. Dorchester, settled, 53 ; origin of its churches, log, no ; Richard Mather settled at, 110-112; In crease Mather born at, 176 ; attitude toward Half-Way Cove nant, 131-134; Eliot's mission ary efforts in, 155. Dorset, The earl of, 66. Drake, Sir Francis, 7. Druillettes, Gabriel, 41, 14S. Dudley, Gov. Joseph, ig6, 208. Dudley, Justice Paul, 2g2. Dudley, Gov. Thomas. 53, 66, 112. Dummer, Jeremiah, 222. Dunster, Pres. Henry, 154, 178. Dwight, Rev. Dr. Sereno E., cited, 2ig-223, 226, 228, 23g, 244, 246-252, 254, 255, 261, 262, 278, 280. Dwight, Pres. Timothy, 362, 367, 368, 386, sgg. E Echard, Laurence, cited, 58. Education Society, The (Congre gational), 389. Edwardeanism, 361-363, 370, 372, 377, 3S5, 391. 399-402, 434, 437 {see also Edwards and Hopkins). Edwards, Esther, Mrs. Burr, 260. Edwards, Jerusha, 243. Edwards, Pres. Jonathan, home and early life, 217-219, 269; precocity, 219, 220 ; student at Yale, 220-222 ; conversion, 222- 224 ; ministry at New York, 226 ; call to Bolton, 226 ; his Resolutions, 226 ; a tutor at Vale, 226 ; settled at Northamp ton, 227 ; marriage, 227, 228 ; characteristics, 143, 228, 247, 248, 262 ; a slaveholder, 349 ; quality of his ministry, 229, 232 ; his great work, 232 ; his preach ing, 232, 235, 236 ; physical demonstrations under it, 280 ; majority of mankind to be lost, 307; the revival at Northampton, 232-237; the Narrative of Sur prising Conversions, 236'; meets Whitefield, 237 ; protests against certain traits of Whitefield, 278- 280 ; criticises Chauncy, 283 ; his Thoughts, 238, 2S6 ; Mrs. Edwards's religious experiences. 462 INDEX Edwards — Continued. 238-240 ; his opinion on " Wil lingness to be Damned," 239, 347 ; his Religious Affections, 240-242 ; the Life of Brainerd, 242, 243 ; efforts for union in prayer, 243, 244 ; his difficulties at Northampton, 244 ; his change of view on ierms of communion, 244-246 ; the Humble Inquiry, 247 ; dismissed from Northamp ton, 248 ; Hopkins's studies un der and friendship for him, 320 -324 ; called to Stockbridge, 24,9, 323 ; missionary labors and scholastic studies, 250 ; his writ ings, 251 ; the Freedom of Will, 251-254, 304 ; the End for which God Created the World, 251, 254 ; treatise on True Vir tue, 251, 255, 257, 344, 400; volume on Original Sin, 251, 257-259 ; his influence, 25g-263; removal to Princeton and death, 261 ; mentioned, 2bi, 26S, 282, 284, 297, 298, 302, 329, 331, 335, 345, 352, 354, 379. 385- Edwards, Mrs. Jonathan, see Sarah Pierpont. Edwards, Rev. Dr. Jonathan, Jr., 225, 252, 254, 256, 306, 307. Edwards, Richard, 218. Edwards, Rev. Timothy, 218, 219. Edwards, William, 2l8. Eliot, Bennett, 138, 139. Eliot, Dr. Ellsworth, cited, 138, 139- Eliot, Rev. John, his title of "Apostle," 138 ; early life, 138 ; education, 139 ; assists Thomas Hooker, 139-141 ; conversion, 141 ; settles at Roxbury, 142 ; marriage, 142, 143 ; pastoral labors, 143-145 ; personal char acteristics, 145-148 ; the Bay Psalm Book, 121, 148; his Christian Commonwealth, 148- 150; his Communion of Churches, 150, 151; his missionary labors, 151-171 ; preaches to Waauban, 155-158 ; education for the In dians, 158, 160, 161 ; founds Natick, 161 ; his translations, 162-164 I results of his work, 166-170 ; his last days, 170, 171 ; mentioned, 175, 250. Elizabeth, of England, 7, 10, 12, 13, 50. 56, 107. Ellis, A. B., cited, 56, 60, 269-272. Emerson, Rev. William, cited, 269-272, 299. Emlyn, Rev. Thomas, 298. Emmons, Rev. Dr. Nathaniel, 143, 314. 335, 374, 376, 379, 385. Endicott, Gov. John, 36, 53, 106. Episcopacy, controversy over, 289- 297. Erskine, Rev. Dr. John, 248-250. Farrar, Samuel, 381. Felt, Rev. Joseph B., cited, 288. Finney, Pres. Charles G., 146, 402. Fisher, Prof. George P., cited, 220, 258. Fiske, John, cited, 167. Flavel, Rev. John, 72, 200, 2S1. Fletcher, Rev. Henry, curate at Austerfield, 11, 16. Foster, Rev. Isaac, 146. Foster, Capt. William, 146. Fowler, Prof. W. C, cited, 268, 269. Foxcroft, Rev. Thomas, 270, 271, 277. Francis, Saint, 240. Franklin, Benjamin, 367. Freeman, Rev. James, 377. French, Rev. Jonathan, 380. Froude, James Anthony, cited, 9, 10. Fuller, Deacon Samuel, 25, 36, 37. G Gainsborough, Separatist congre gation at, 18-20. INDEX 463 Gardiner, Prof. PI. Norman, «V«/, 220. Gardner, Newport, 356. Garrison, William Lloyd, 446, 447. Gay, Rev. Ebenezer, 29g. George I., of England, 20g. Gill, Lieut. -Gov. Moses, 364. Gillespie, Rev. Thomas, 248. Glas, John, 302. Goodwin, J. A., cited, 25, 27, 32, 40, 42, 43. Goodwin, Rev. Thomas, gr. Gookin, Daniel, 154, 166, i68. Gott, Charles, cited, 36. Graham, Rev. John, 280, 317. " Great Awakening," The, see Awakening. Great Barrington, Hopkins's pas torate at, 322-324, 32g, 338, 33g. Grosart, Rev. Alexander B., 250. Guyse, Rev. Dr. John, 236. H Half-Way Covenant, The, 126- 134, 184, 244-247, 24g, 32g, 374. Hall, Rev. Gordon, 137, 388, 38g. Hall, John, of Roxbury, 85. Hamilton College, 424. Hamilton Theological Seminary, 387. Hankridge, Sarah, wife of John Cotton, 60, 67, 6g ; of Richard Mather, 60. Harrison, Rev. John, 102. Hart, Rev. William, 341, 344, 361. Hartford, mentioned, no, 277, 410, 411, 413, 416, 418, 424. Hartford Theological Seminary, 386, 400, 436. Harvard, Rev. John, 57, 178. Harvard University, early condi tions of entrance, loi; Chauncy's presidency, 268, 26g; in Increase Mather's student days, I77-I7g ; Mather's presidency, 194, 195, 203, 207, 208 ; gives Mather a doctorate, 202 ; efforts for a charter, 202, 203 ; the Hollis professorship, 367, 370, 371, 378, 380 ; the Dudleian lecture ship, 292, 293 ; Whitefield's criticism, 279 ; in Woods's time, 365-368, 370, 373 ; passes to anti-Trinitarians, 378 ; men tioned, 26g, 452. Hawes, Rev. Dr. Joel, 416. Hawksley, John, cited, 225. Hawley, Joseph, 248, 252. Haynes, Gov. John, 68, 74, 82. Heads of Agreement, The, 200. Hemmenway, Rev. Moses, 340, 345. 361. Henry VIIL, of England, 8, g. Herle, Rev. Charles, iig. Pliacoomes, Indian chief, 165. Higginson, Rev. Francis, 36, 53. Hill, H. A., cited, 133. Hillhouse, Senator James, 417. Hobart, Rev. L. Smith, 430. Hobbes, Thomas, the philosopher, 253- Hollis, Thomas, 195, 212. Hollis, Thomas, the younger, 292. Holt, Katherine, marries Richard Mather, 105, 106. Hooker, Rev. Thomas, at Em manuel College, 57 ; English ministry, 139-141 ; Eliot influ enced by, 139, 141; as a preach er, 71 ; flight from England, 67, 68; founder of Hartford, 74, no; advice to Mather, 108, 109 ; moderator in 1643, 119; death, 170 ; services to Congregational ism, 86 ; on conversion, 181, 225, 234; on " Willingness to be Damned," 347 ; mentioned, 91, g4, 105, 107, 134, 151, 227. Hooper, Bishop John, 10. Hopkinsianism, 362-365, 369, 370, 374-377, 381-385, 399, 405- Hopkins, John, Version of the Psalms, 120. Hopkins, Rev. Dr. Samuel, signif icance as a theologian, 314, 315, 352-355, 361; his autobiography, 315 ; early life, 316 ; a student at Yale, 317 ; his religious ex perience, 317-322 ; discipleship 4&4 INDEX Hopkins — Continued. and friendship toward Edwards, 249, 320-324 ; called to Sims- bury, 322 ; settled at Great Bar rington, 322, 323 ; marriages, 323, 32S, 329 ; personal traits, 324-329 ; confidence in his doc trines, 327, 328 ; trials at Great Barrington, 329, 330; treatise on Sin, 330, 331 ; controversy over "unregenerate doings," 333- 338 ; his Enquiry, 333 ; his Two Discourses, 335 ; views on divine sovereignty, 337, 338; dismission from Great Barrington, 338, 339; criticism of Chauncy, 341 ; on Arianism in Boston, 29g ; his reply to Mills, 340; attacked by Hart, 341, 342 ; his settlement at Newport, 342-344 ; his reply to Hart, 344 ; his True Holiness 345 ; view of the nature of virtue, 345, 400 ; his Dialogue, 346 ; view on "Willingness to be Damned," 346, 347, 370, 371 ; his hopefulness, 347 ; confident of infant salvation, 348 ; defends divinity of Christ, 2gg, 348 ; views on future punishment, 348, 34g ; expectation of a mil lennium, 34g ; opposition to slavery, 256, 349-351 ; his doc torate, 352 ; his System, 328, 338, 351, 352, 355. 371 ; his in fluence, 353-355, 362 ; old age and death, 355-357; mentioned, 372 ; his writings cited elsewhere than in the lecture on him, 222, 223, 228, 247, 250, 262, 362. Horrocks, Elizabeth, marries John Cotton, 59, 60. Hort, Rev. F. J. A., cited, 57. Hough, Atherton, 68. Howard, Rev. Dr. Bezaleel, 272, 273. 287. Howe, Rev. John, 1S2, 200. Hubbard, Rev. William, the his torian, 38, 75. Hunter, Rev. Joseph, cited, 9, 11. Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 75, 8i. Hutchinson, Gov. Tliomas, 38, 197; cited, 75, 291. I Immersion of Infants, 268. Independent, The, 443, 449. Ingersoll, Joanna, wife of Samuel Hopkins, 323, 32S. James I., of England, 50, 52, 57, 106. James II., of England, ig6, 197. Jefferson, President Thomas, 367. Johnson, " Mr.," Cotton's teacher, 55. Johnson, Isaac, 53. Johnson, Lucy, Mrs. Leonard Bacon, 418. Judson, Rev. Adoniram, 137, 388, 38g. L Lacy, John, the "prophet," 286. Landaff, the Bishop of (John Ewer), 2g3. Lamb, Charles, 13S. Lane Theological Seminary, 387. Laud, Archbishop William, 51,57, 63, 67, 106, 107, 140, 141, 268. Law, Rev. William, 57. Lawrence, Prof. E. A., cited, 364, 365, 367-370, 373, 374, 386, 38S-3go, 396, 404. Leavitt, Rev. Dr. Joshua, 421,449. Lebanon, Conn. , excitement at. during the "Great Awaken ing," 280. Lechford, Thomas, cited, 154. Lecky, William E. H., the histor ian, quoted, 259. L'Ecluse, Jean de, 22. Leicester Academy, 365. Leverett, John, emigrant, 68. Leverett, Pres. John, tutor at Har vard, 195, 202 ; in " Liberal" movement, 204-207 ; president of Harvard, 208. INDEX 465 Leverett, Ruling Elder Thomas, 68, 69. Leyden, The Separatists in, 21-24, .45- Liberal Theology in eastern Massachusetts, 267, 297-310, 339. 361, 363, 375, 377. 378, 380, 395-398. Liberator, The, 446. Lincoln, President Abraham, 447, .450, 451- Lincoln, The earl of, 66. Lindsey, Rev. Theophilus, 310. Locke, John, the philosopher, 220, 253, 254, 25S, 300. London, The Bishop of (Edmund Gibson), 2gi. Ludlow, Roger, 53. Luther, Martin, 222. Lyford, Rev. John, 31, 32, 35. M Mahan, Pres. Asa, 3g5, 402, 403. Malebranche, Nicolas, the philos opher, 220. Marshpee, Indian mission at, 165, Martha's Vineyard, Indian mission on, i64-i6g. Mary IL, of England, ig7. Mary, Queen of Scots, 7. Massachusetts Missionary Maga zine, The, 374, 377, 384, 387. Massasoit, Indian chief, 2g. Mather, Rev. Dr. Cotton, gradu ation from Harvard, 100 ; col league pastor with his father, 194, 195 ; in Salem witchcraft, 201 ; desires the presidency of Harvard, 208 ; his voluminous writings, 114, 209, 210; his wig, 148 ; on the religious state of Aus terfield, II ; on Bradford's busi ness ventures, 22; his description of Cotton, 72, 73; his description of Eliot, 139, 144, 170, 171 ; mentioned, 38 ; his Magnalia quoted, 55, 114, 144; cited, 16, 17, 21, 22, 25, 42, 43, 54, 55, 58- 30 60, 65, 68, 70, 72, 74, 90, g3, g4, g8, 104, 105, 112, 121, 141, 143, 144, 146-148, 161, 162, 165, 170, 171, 190, 194, 268 ; his Paren tator quoted, 177, 180, 186, 212 ; cited, 182, 183, 185, 187, ig4, igg, 202, 209. Mather, Rev. Eleazer, 131. Mather, Horace E., cited, g8, gg. Mather, Rev. Dr. Increase, early life, 177 ; education, 177-182 ; conversion, 180, 181 ; in Ire land, England, and Guernsey, 182 ; settled at Boston, 183 ; at the Synod of 1662, 131, 184; change of view on Half-Way Covenant, 131, 184; marriages, 184 ; early trials, 185 ; personal traits, 186-188 ; leader in the Reforming Synod, 188-194 ; his Necessity of Reformation, 191, 192 ; the "Confession of 1680," ig4 ; president of Harvard, ig4, Ig5 ; his son Cotton his col league, ig4, ig5 ; successful political mission to England, ig6-lg9 ; the Massachusetts charter, 198 ; efforts to unite English Congregationalists and Presbyterians, igg, 200 ; attitude toward Salem witchcraft, 201, 202 ; his growing unpopularity, 202, 203 ; his opposition to the Brattle Church movement, 203- 207 ; his Order of the Gospel, 206, 207 ; loses the Harvard presidency, 207, 208 ; disap pointments, 208, 2og ; proposed mission to George I., 2og ; his writings, 114, 2og-2ii ; hisgrow ing tolerance, 211 ; his books burned, 281 ; his last days, 212 ; his tomb, 213 ; mentioned, 115, 365 ; his Life and Death of Richard Mather, quoted, 98, 104, 106, 128, 133 ; cited, 100, 102- 108 ; other works cited, 90, 171. Mather, Rev. Moses, 345, 361. Mather, Rev. Nathanael, 115-117. 182. 400 Mather, Rev. Richard, early life and education, 98-103 ; teacher at Toxteth Park, loi ; conver sion, 102 ; at Oxford, 103 ; his ministry at Toxteth Park, 103- 107 ; his Puritanism, 104, 107 ; his marriages, 60, 105, 106, 184 ; flight from England, 107-109 ; settlement at Dorchester, 109- 112 ; spiritual struggles, 113, 114 ; his services to Congrega tionalism, 86, 97, 115-125 ; his Church Government, 115, 116 ; his Apologie, 116-118 ; his An swer, to Herle, lig ; his Reply to Rutherford, Iig; ihe Bay Psalm Book, 120-122 ; the Cambridge Synod and its Platform, 123- 126 ; opinion regarding the Half- Way Covenant, 126-134 I ordi nation of his son Increase, 183 ; his death, 133, 134, 170 ; men tioned, 176. Mather, Rev. Samuel, 182. Mather, Thomas, 98. Maverick, Rev. John, 53, 109. May, Dorothy, Bradford's wife, 22, 27. May, Bishop John, 22. Mayhew, Rev. Experience, 332. Mayhew, Rev. Dr. Jonathan, 291- 2g3, 298, 333, 33g. Mayhew, Thomas, Sr. and Jr. , 164, 165, 168. Mayo, Rev. John, 183. McCulloch, Rev. William, 251. McNamee, Theodore, 44g. Mildmay, Sir Walter, 56. Mills, Rev. Jedidiah, 33g, 340, 361. Mills, Samuel J., Jr., 137, 387, 388. Ministerial education, 378, 37g. Missions, wide interest in, 138 ; Eliot's labors, 151-171 ; legisla tive encouragement, 158; foreign missionary society formed in England, 159, 160 ; Indian churches, 161, 165, 167, 168 ; , Eliot's translations, 162-164; the work of the Mayhews, 164, 165 ; results of early Indian missions, 166-170 ; Brainerd's missionary zeal, 243 ; Edwards's work at Stockbridge, 250 ; Hopkins's ef forts, 350, 351 ; the American Board formed, 387-389. Mitchell, Rev. Jonathan, 181. Monthly Anthology, The, 375, 377. Morse, Rev. Dr.Jedidiah, 374, 375, 380-382, 396. Morton, Nathaniel, 17. 36, 38, 44. Morton, Thomas, adventurer, 30. Morton, Bishop Thomas, 104. Mumford, Hanna, marries John Eliot, 142. N Nantucket, Indian mission on, 165, 167. Natick, Indian settlement at, 161, i67-i6g. Neile, Archbishop Richard, 107. Newell, Rev. Samuel, 137, 388, 38g. New Englander, The, 442. New Haven, settled, 7g ; the First Church, 3g8, 399, 415-418, 423, 443, 451. 453- New Haven Theology, The, 434- 436, 451. Newman, Prof. A. H., cited, Ig. Newport, Hopkins's ministry at, 342, 343. 355. 356. Newton Theological Seminary, 387. New York, Edwards at, 226. Norris, John, 581. Northampton, Edwards's settle ment at, 227 ; revival at, 232- 237, 280, 321 ; Whitefield at, 237, 277 ; Edwards's dismission, 244-249 ; Hopkins's life at, 320- 322. Norton, Rev. John, 114, 180, 181, Nott, Rev. Samuel, 388, 389. Nye, Rev. Philip, 91. O Oakes, Pres. Urian, 194. Oberlin College, 402, 403, 430, 432. INDEX 467 Oberlin Theological Seminary, 386. Oldham, John, 32. Paine, Thomas, 367. Palfrey, John G., the historian, nted, 26, 41, 44, 75, 148, IS4. 155. 160, i6l, i66-i68, 291, 292. Palin, Rev. Mr., 102. Panoplist, The, 375, 377, 384. Park, Prof. Edwards A., 315, 344 ; cited, 324-326, 328-330, 335, 341. 343. 348-351, 356, 385- Parker, Rev. Dr. E. P., cited, 438. Parks, Alice, marries David Bacon, 410. Parris, Rev. Samuel, 201. Parsons, Rev. Jonathan, 238, 280, 2S1. Partridge, Rev. Ralph, 124. Patten, Rev. Dr. William, 324 34S. Patteson, Bishop John C, 138. Pearson, Prof. Eliphalet, 375, 380- 383. 385. 386. Pemberton, Rev. Ebenezer, 205. Penn, William, 412. Perkins, Rev. William, Puritan leader, 102. Perry, Bishop W. S., cited, 291. Philip's War, 167, 169, 190. Phillips Academy, 380, 381, 383. Phillips, Rev. George, 53. Phillips, John, 3S0. Phillips, Tohn, Jr., 381. Phillips, "Mrs. Phcebe, 381. Phillips, Rev. Samuel, 231, 232, 332. Phillips, Samuel, 380. Phips, Sir William, 203. Pierce, William, 68. Pierpont, Rev. James, 227. Pierpont, Sarah, marries Jonathan Edwards, 227, 228 ; character, 228, 229 ; spiritual experiences, 238-240, 257, 321 ; welcomes Hopkins, 320. Pierson, Rev. Abraham, 166. Plan of Union, The, 429, 430. Plymouth, settled, 24 ; growth of, 26; famine at, 27, 28; divisions 'tl. 30-33 ; socialistic experiment at; 33-35 ; life a struggle, 42 ; Ainsworth's version of the Psalms used at, I2i ; Indian mission at, 165 ; Pres. Chauncy at, 268 ; the Mayflower Church divided, 377 ; Burial Hill in, 43 44. Pomeroy, Rev. Benjamin, 280. Porter, Prof. Ebenezer, 414. Prayer Book, The English, 9, 64, 65, 120, 183. Presbyterian Church, Discussions in. 433-435. Preston, Rev. Dr. John, Puritan leader, 58. Priestley, Rev. Joseph, 310, 368. Prince, Rev. Thomas, 38, 40, 279, 364. Princeton, Mass., Woods's early home, 364, 365, 36S, 370, 371. Princeton Theological Seminary, 386. Princeton University, 260, 261, 35 r. Puritans, The, their aims and scru ples, 11-13, 50-52, 63-65; the lectureships, 140. Q Quincy, Edmund, 68. Quincy, Pres. Josiah, cited, 178, 365, 367. Quint, Rev. Dr. A. H., 427. R Raine, Rev. |ohn, cited, 8, 10. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 7. Randolph, Edward, 196, 197. Rasieres, Isaac de, 44. Rathband, Rev. William, 128. Rawson, Rev. Grindall, 166, 168. Reforming Synod, see Synod. Revivals, under Stoddard, 232 ; under Edwards at Northampton, 232-237 ; the " Great Awaken- 468 INDEX Revivals — Continued. ing," 237, 240, 241, 270, 275- 287 ; later revivals, 355, 370, 387, 418. Reynor, Rev. John, 42. Rice, Rev. Luther, 388, 389. Richards, Rev. James, 388. Robbins, Rev. Chandler, cited, 180, 183. Robinson, Rev. John, the Pilgrim leader, 17-29, 23, 24,42,49, 55, 117. Ross, Rev. A. Hastings, 3. Russel, Rev. Joseph, 368-370. Russel, Rev. Noadiah, 368. Rutherford, Prof. Samuel, 88, 90, 93. 119- Rylands, J. P., 98. Salem, 35-37, 53. 54. 106, 201, 381. Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 53. Sancroft, Archbishop William, 57. Sandeman, Robert, 302. Savage, James, cited, 109. Savoy Confession, see Confession. Saybrook Platform, The, 200. Saye and Sele, Lord, 74. Scrooby, The Separatists at, 15-20, 45, 49. 56. Separatists, The, 14, iS-20, 49. Sewall, Rev. Joseph, 281. Sewall, Judge Samuel, 38, 103, 104, 197, 350. Seward, William H., 449. Shakespeare, William, 7. Shepard, Rev. Thomas, of Cam bridge, at Emmanuel College, 57 ; on conversion, 225, 234 ; on " Willingness to be Damned," 347 ; mentioned, 71, 76, 155, 158, 164. Shrewsbury, The earl of, 159. Shute, Rev. Daniel, 299. Sibbes, Rev. Richard, 58. Sibley, John Langdon, cited, loi, 113, 165, 166, 179, 184, 195, 202-205, 2og, 269. Simpson, Rev. Sidrach, gi. Skelton, Rev. Samuel. 36, 53. Slavery, opposed by Jonathan Edwards the younger, 256; Hop kins's efforts against, 256, 349- 351, 358 ; declaration at Albany Convention, 431 ; Bacon's oppo sition to, 445-451. Smalley, Rev. John, 379. Smith, Rev. Ralph, 42. Smith, Rev. Samuel, 221. Smyth, Prof. Egbert, C, cited, 220. Smyth, John, the Separatist, 17- Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge among the Indians, The, 2gi. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, The, 2gi, 2g3. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, The, I5g, l6o, 24g. Some (Soame), Rev. Dr. Robert, 58. South Windsor, 217, 218, 226. Southworth, Mrs. Alice, 27. Sparks, Pres. Jared, 3g7. Spenser, Edmund, 7. Sprague, Rev. Dr. William B., cited, 269, 272, 287, 296, 355- 357, 364, 368-371, 373. 374- Spring, Rev. Dr. Samuel, friend ship for Woods, 374, 376 ; founding of Andover Seminary, 381-384, 386, 388. Squanto, Indian, 28, 44. Standish, Capt. Myles, 29, 43, 44. Sternhold, Thomas, 120. Stiles, Pres. Ezra, anti-slavery efforts, 350 ; letters to, quoted and cited, 286, 287, 289, 295, 296, 300, 302, 304, 306, 309. 341- Stiles, Dr. Henry R., cited, 218. Stockbridge, 249, 250, 260, 261, 316, 323, 324. Stoddard, Rev. Solomon, 219, 227, 232, 245-247. INDEX 469 Stoddardeanism, 245-247, 249,304, 305. Stone, Rev. Samuel, 57, 68, 74. Storrs, Rev. Dr. H. M., 427. Storrs, Rev. Dr. Richard S., 420, 449- Story, William, 60. Stoughton, Judge John A., cited, 218, 2ig. Stoughton, Lieut. -Gov. William, 54, 113, 189. Stuart, Prof. Moses, 372, 388, 398, 415-417. Synods, — of 1637, 77, 80 ; at Cam bridge, 1646-48, 93, 123-126, 159, 193 ; of 1662, 131, 184 ; the Reforming, of i67g-8o, 146, 147, l88-ig4, 211 ; attempted in 1725, 290. T Tackawompbait, Indian pastor, 16S. Tallmadge, Ohio, 412, 413. Tappan, Prof. David, 370, 371, 373, 375. 378. Taylor, Rev. John, 257, 258, 298, 300. Taylor, Prof. Nathaniel W., 3g5, 398-402, 416, 417, 435, 436. Taylor and Tyler Controversy, The, 3g8-402, 435-437. Temperance reform, 443-445 ; see also Am. Temperance Society. Tennent, Rev. Gilbert, 238, 318, 319- Tenney, Rev. Caleb J., 356. Terry, Catherine Elizabeth, Mrs. Leonard Bacon, 418. Thompson, Rev. Dr. A. C, cited, 154, 165. Thompson, Rev. Dr. J. P., 430, 449- Thompson, Pishey, cited, 5g, 60. Thorowgood, Thomas, 138. Toleration Act, The, igg. Tompson, Rev. William, 114, iig. Townshend, C. H., cited, 22. Toxteth Park, Richard Mather at, 101-107. Tracy, Rev. Joseph, cited, 276, 27g-28i, 388. Treat, Rev. Samuel, 165. Trumbull, Dr. J. Hammond, quoted, 163 ; cited, I4g, 150, 153, 155- Tuckney, Rev. Dr. Anthony, 61, 87. Tuthill, Elisabeth, wife of Richard Edwards, 218. Twisse, Rev. Dr. WiUiam, 62. Tyler, Pres. Bennet, 400, 436. Tyler, Prof. Moses Coit, cited, 122, 269. U Union Theological Seminary, 387. Unitarianism, see Liberal The ology. V Vane, Gov. Henry, 77, 78. W Waaubon, Indian chief, 155-158. Walker, Rev. Dr. George Leon, cited, 140, 276, 347, 433, 452. Walter, Rev. Nehemiah, 143. Ward, Rev. Nathaniel, 74. Ware, Prof. Henry, 378, 395, 398. Warham, Rev. John, 53, log, 114, 2ig. Waterbury, Hopkins's life in, 316, 317, 320. Watts, Rev. Dr. Isaac, 236, 252, 2g8. WelDster, Rev. Samuel, 257. Welde, Rev. Thomas, 121, 142, 143- Wendell, Prof. Barrett, cited, ij6. Wesley, Rev. John, 57, 222, 225, 229. West, Elizabeth, wife of Samuel Hopkins, 328, 329. West, Rev. Stephen, 250, 316. Western Theological Seminary, The, 61, 62. 47° INDEX Westminster Assembly, The, Con gregationalists in, gi, g2 ; men tioned, 6i, 62, 81, 85, 116, 118, 119, 123. Westminster Catechism, The, 87, 383. 384- Westminster Confession, see Con fession. West Newbury, Woods's re lations to, 371-375, 382-385, 394- Weston, Thomas, 29, 30. Wethersfield, 221, 222. Wheeler, Abigail, Mrs. Leonard Woods, 372. Wheeler, Joseph, 372. Wheelock, Rev. Dr. Eleazer, 280, 281. Wheelwright, Rev. John, 76, 77. Whiston, Prof. William, 298. Whitaker, Rev. Dr. Nathanial, 341. Whitby, Rev. Daniel, 252, 298, 300. Whitefield, Rev. George, the "Great Awakening," 237, 276- 282 ; his preaching, 276-278 ; his censoriousness, 278, 27g; esti mate of Harvard and Yale, 279 ; at New Haven, 27S, 318 ; views on conversion, 225 ; emphasis on bodily effects, 279; commenda tion of Edwards, 237 ; character ization of Boston, 275 ; estimate of Davenport, 281 ; mentioned. 286. Whitgift, Archbishop John, 51. Whiting, Rev. Samuel, quoted, 58, 59, 61-63 ; cited, 55, 56, 60, 64. Whitmore, W. H., cited, 197. Willard, Rev. Samuel, 203, 207, 208. William III., of England, 197, 198, 200. Williams College, 387, 388. Williams, Col. Elisha, 221. Williams, Bishop John, 64, 66, 68. Williams, Roger, his banishment, 81, 82; his controversy with Cot ton, 81-86 ; his efforts to Chris tianize the Indians, 153, 162 mentioned, no. Williams, Rev. Solomon, 280, 281. "Willingness to be Damned," Doctrine of, 23g, 240, 257, 321, 346, 347, 371- Wilson, Rev. John, of Boston, 53, 69, 70, 77, 79, 81, 109, 142, 155. Wilson, Rev. John, Jr., 113. Winslow, Gov. Edward, 25, 29, 39- Winthrop, Gov, John, arrival, 53; in the Antinomian dispute, 77, 79 ; at the organization of the Dorchester church, in ; at a Dorchester council, 112, 113; his Journal qaoted, 6g,7o, iti- 113 ; cited, 68, 73-75, 78-80, 83, iig, 142, I5g, 268. Winwick, The grammar school, gg. Witchcraft, at Salem, 201. Wituwamat, Indian chief, 2g. Wood, Anthony, cited, 101-103. Woods, Prof. Leonard, early life, 364 ; at Harvard, 365-368 ; re ligious experience, 368, 369 ; theological training, 370, 372 ; marriage, 372 ; pastorate at West Newbury, 371-373 ; creed revision, 372 ; his master's oration, 373 ; friendship for Spring, Morse and Pearson, 374, 375 ; deemed a moderate Hop kinsian, 374, 375 ; his irenic spirit, 375, 376, 384, 385 ; two tlieological schools planned, 379-382 ; united in Andover Seminary, 382-385 ; is appointed Professor of Theology, 383, 385 ; his inauguration, 385, 386; in terest in missions and reforms, 387-38g ; as a teacher, 38g-3g4 ; his writings, 394-404 ; their courtesy, 396 ; his Letters to Unitarians, 3g5, 397, 398 ; his Letters to Taylor, 3g5, 3g8-402 ; his controversy with Mahan, 3g5, 402, 403 ; his History of Ando ver, 404 ; his lectures, 404 ; last days, 403-405 ; mentioned, 409. INDEX 471 Woolsey, Pres. Theodore D., cited, 414, 417, 432. Worcester, Rev. Dr. Samuel, 388, 389. X Xavier, Francis, 138. Y Yale University, in Edwards's student days, 220-222, 226, 227 ; Hopkins's student life at, 317- 320 ; Whitefield's criticism of, 27g ; comes under Edwardean influences, 362 ; religious state at the close of the eighteenth century, 367 ; Bacon's connec tion with, 413, 414, 421, 452, 453 ; instruction in theology at, 378, 380 ; the Divinity School of, 386, 3gg, 416, 452, 453 ; see also New Haven Theology, and Taylor and Tyler Controversy. Young, Alexander, Collections of sources edited by, cited, 25, 3g, 55, 56, 58, 59. 60, 63, 67, 68, g8, 108, 147. Youngs, Rev. David, 318. YALE UNIVERSITY 1^9002 001071 e; iiiii i:^;T;rif^;: ^zi-i-TitliliinK-li: ^rj 'i-it^TUTr-f TJ-i ffli^^i