YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

From the Library
of
Louis W. Dommerich, '06S
The gift of
Mrs. Dommerich

HISTORY OF
PHILIP'S WAR,
commonly called
THE GREAT INDIAN WAR, OF 1675
AND 1676.
ALSO,
of the french and indian wars at the eastward,
in 1689, 1690, 1692, 1696, and 1704.
By THOMAS CHURCH, Es*.

WITH
NUMEROUS NOTES
TO EXPLAIN THE SITUATION OF THE PLACES OF BATTLES, THE
PARTICULAR GEOGRAPHY OF THE RAVAGED COUNTRY,
AND THE LIVES OF THF. PRINCIPAL PERSONS
ENGAGED IN THOSE WARS.
ALSO,
AN APPENDIX,
Containing an account of the treatment of the natives by the early voyag
ers, the settlement of N. England by the forefathers, the Fequot
War, narratives of persons carried, into captivity, anecdotes
of ihe Indians, and the most important late Indian
wars to the time of the Creek War,

By SAMUEL G. DRAKE.

SECOND EDITION WITH PLATES.

The unexampled achievements of our fathers should not be forgotten.
Washington.
What wars they wag'd, what seas, what dangers past,
What glorious empire crowh'd their toils at last  Camoens.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY J. H. A. FROST
1827.

DISTRICT OP MASSACHUSETTS— to wit •.
District Clerk's Office.
Be it remembered, That on the eighth day of January, A.D.
(L. S.) 1827, in the fifty-first year of the Independence of the United,
States of America, Samuel G. Drake, of the said District, has
deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof he claims as
proprietor in the words following, TO wit : t _
" The History of Philip's War, commonly called the Great Indian War
of 1675 and 1676. Also, of the French and Indian Wars at the Eastward,
in 1689, 1690, 1692,1696, and 1704. By TJiomas Church, Esq.— With nu
merous notes to explain the situation of the places of Battles, the particular
Geography of the ravaged Country, and the lives of the principal persons
engaged in those wars. Also, an Appendix, containing an account of the
Treatment of the Natives by the early voyagers, the settlement of N.
England by the Forefathers, the Pequot War, narratives of persons carri
ed into captivity, anecdotes of the Indians, and the most important late
Indian Wars to the time of the Creek War. By Samuel G. Drake. Se
cond Edition with plates. ,
The unexampled achievements of our fathers should not be forgotten.
Washington.
What wars they wag'd, what seas, what dangers past,
What glorious empire crown 'd their toils at last. Camoens."
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled
" An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies
of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Cop
ies, during the times therein mentioned :" and also to an Act entitled
" An Act supplementary to an Act entitled, An Act for the Encourage
ment of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books to
the Authors and Proprietors of. such Copies during the times therein
mentioned : and extending the benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing,
EngTaving and Etching Historical and other prints."

TOFTV W DAVIS \ Clerk °fthe District
JUHJN W. DAVIS., J 0f Ma,sachusettt,

THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.

C.

'hurch's History of " King Philip's War," &.c.
was first published at Boston, in 1716, in quarto. It
was reprinted in Newport, in 1772, in octavo. I have
never met with a copy of the first edition, therefore
I copy from the second. This is now very scarce
and rarely to be met with. It is however preserved
in some private libraries in the old colony, in the Athe-
neum at Boston, and other literary institutions there
and elsewhere.
The lamentable manner in which Hutchinson in
his History of Massachusetts passed over the Indian
wars, causes us much regret, and a desire to catch
at every thing that can give any light upon them. He
is particular in relating the witch affairs "of the co
lony, but when we have followed him into Philip's
war, being led at first with interesting particulars,
he stops short and says, " It is not my design to enter
into every minute circumstance of the war." But
does not tell us why. This is the more to be la
mented, as his means were more ample for such his
tory than can now be had.
In 1825 I published a small edition of this history,
containing however but few additions, to the old,
Which being immediately taken up, occasioned the
early appearance of this. In an early period it was
designed to publish the work as it now appears. Ac
cordingly many valuable papers and rare works had
been collected, but not used in the first edition, on

IV THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.
account of the magnitude and early promise of the
work. The papers had been much forwarded previous to
the Courtstreet fire, of 10 November, 1825, in the
time of which a trunk was stolen, containing many
of the manuscript notes, relating particularly to the
biography of the principal persons that figured in
the Indian wars. These in many instances I could
not restore, which is very much regretted ; though
not more than my want of information on subjects
in general. But a consciousness is felt, that some
thing, though small, is redeemed from oblivion, which
will be thought valuable by posterity.
Of such gentlemen as have had the opportunities
of many years to examine the history of our country,
together with every advantage from access to all pub-
lick and private documents, I have every indulgence
to ask.
In regard to the accurate performance of the work,
I can only observe, that a scrupulous regard to
accuracy has been paid ; yet, errours may have
been committed, but in no case inadvertently. And
as our most authentick historians have failed in many
of these points, perfection will not be expected in me.
The same indulgence for the commission of literal
errours, as for others, is solicited, though the excuse
for such cannot be so good ; but if every thing be found
simple, and easy to be understood, my chief aim is
answered. For so " all historical memoirs (says Dr.
Cohnan) should be written." In a number of parti
culars I have deviated from common usage ; but in
none without good reasons, and to me satisfactory.
As one instance it is observed, that compound names
of places, in general, are written like simple names.
For this deviation from general custom, no apology
will be expected of me, as it has been proved to be
preferable by a writer of great eminence.*
* Joel Barlow, Esq. See his Columbiad, printed 1807,
Philadelphia, 4to.

THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. V
•In correcting the text, superfluous words are some
times left out ; but this [ — ] sign is substituted, and
the word or words omitted are given in the margin
included by the same marks. When a word is al
tered, it is also included in brackets, and the word
given in the margin as it stood in the original, and
included in the same way. All words, presumed to
be wanting, are inserted between brackets without
reference to the margin, and are by the present editor.
All notes included by the parenthesis were by the
former editor, and attached to the old edition.
I should take it as a great kindness, should any
person communicate to me any information where it
is presumed to be wanting in the notes to this work ;
or point out any errours in what is already done, that
future editions may be more perfect.
It being the particular design of this edition to
render it uniform and consistent with respect to ar
rangement and " originality" of expression, few lib
erties have been taken with the composition ; few in
deed, unless pointed out as above expressed. In
some instances however, some connective particles
have been dropped and the signs omitted. But in
such cases what is omitted was superfluous tautology.
Therefore the reader may be assured that the text is
correctly copied. From the present appearance of
the work, its former erroneous composition is too
easily discovered ; yet it is some consolation, that in
numerable errours have been detected, and general
ly, inasmuch as the design ofthe subject would admit.
It was thought advisable to accompany the work
with an Appendix, wherein something new, or of later
date might be given, as young persons generally
prefer new things to old. It was rather difficult to
make the selection for this part, not for want of ma
terials, but because they were so numerous ; and so
many seem to deserve the same attention. But the
articles are authentick, and as interesting, it is pre
sumed, as can be found. 1*

\l

THE EDITOR'S PREFACE.

As there are different editions of many of the au
thors cited in this work, for the convenience of re
ference, a table, containing the chief of them, is
here given.

Title

American Annals
American Biography
American Biography
Annals of Newengland
Antiquarian Researches
Annals of the Revolution
History of America
History of Connecticut
History of Massachusetts
History of Maine
History of Massachusetts
History of Maryland
History of Newengland
History of Newengland
History of Newengland
History of Newhampshire
History of Newyork
History of Pennsylvania
History of Northcarolina
History of U. States
History of Vermont
Hist. Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc
Hist. Col. N. Y. Hiat. Soc
Hist. Col. Newhampshire
Hist. Col. N. H. Hist. Soc.
Humphreys' Works
Magualia C. A.
Nar. of Indian Wars
Newengland Biography
Newengland's Memorial
Newhampshire Gazetteer
Sum. Hist. Mass. bay
Travels throughout N. A.
Wonders Invisible World.
Wars of Newengland.

Author

A. Holmes
T. Belknap
W. Allen
T. Prince
E. Hoyt
J. Morse
W. Robertson
B. Trumbull
T. Hutchinson
J. Sullivan
&. R. Minot
J. L- Bozman
J. Winthrop
H. Adams
Morse St, Parish
J. Belknap
W- Smith
R. Proud
H. Williamson
B. Trumbull
S. Williams

Farmer St Moore
D. Humphreys
C. Mather
W. Hubbard
J. Eliot
N. Morton
Farmer St Moore
W. Douglass
J. Carver
R. Calef
S. Penhallow

Where print
ed

Cambridge Boston
Cambridge BostonGreenfieldHartford Philadelphia
Newhaven alem
Boston Boston
Baltimore Boston
BostonCharlestownPhil. St Boston
Albany PhiladelphiaPhiladelphiaBoston
Burlhigton Boston Newyork
Concord Concord
Newyork
HartfordB rattle boro.
Boston Newport
ConcordBoston London
SalemBoston

No. of
When „,.,,

1805
1794, 1798
ir— 18261824 18241821
1818 17951795
1798,1803 1811
1825,1626 1799
1804
1812,1813 1814
1797, 1798
181218101
from 1792
1811 to 14
1822,3,4
1st in 1 824
1804 182018141809
1772 182317491781
1796
1726

8 vo
8

12 mo
8 vo

12 mo
12

In addition to the above list, many works have
been consulted, but the assistance from them has
been smaller. Some of the most important are Hub
bard's History of Newengland, Stiles' History of the
Judges, Whitney's History of Worcester, and the
Histories of several of the southern states. The free
use I have made of every author's works is amply ac
knowledged in the notes. Reference is made to some
late editions of works in preference to the first, not
only as they are more uniform, but because they will
now be oftener met with. But in most cases such

THE EDITOR'S PREFACE. Vll
have been compared with the originals. To two
works in particular, it was thought most advisable ;
namely, Penhallow's "Wars of N. England," and
Prince's Annals. The first of these is now reprinted
in the I Vol. of the N. H. Hist. Soc. Col., which,
though not so perfect as it might have been, is, on the
whole, a work to be prized. A handsome edition in
octavo of the valuable Annals was published last
year, by Messrs. Cummings, Hilliard, and Company,
Boston. Though this is not exactly reprinted, yet, no
thing is altered, that I have met with, but for the bet
ter ; and, excepting a few typographical errours, is
splendidly executed.
Having already drawn out my preface to too great
a length, the whole is submitted without any apolo
gy. And the publisher takes this opportunity of
giving his grateful respects to all his patrons, and
with pleasure subscribes himself, their much obliged
and sincere friend.
SAMUEL G. DRAKE.
Boston, 2 January, 1827.

[The following is an exact copy of the title page
of the old edition.]

•M*®©9-*'

ENTERTAINING
HISTORY OF
KING PHILIP'S WAR,
WHICH BEGAN IN THE MONTH OF JUNE, 1675.
AS ALSO OF
EXPEDITIONS MORE LATELY MADE
AGAINST THE COMMON ENEMY, AND INDIAN REBELS, IN THI
EASTERN PARTS OF NEW-ENGLAND:
WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE DIVINE PROVIDENCE
TOWARDS
COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH:
By THOMAS CHURCH, Esq.. his son.
SECOND EDITION.
BOSTON : PRINTED, 1716.
NEWPORT, RHODE-ISLAND . REPRINTED AND SOLD BV
SOLOMON SOUTHWICK, IN ftUEEN-STREET, 1772.

TO THE READER.

____ he subject of this following narrative, offering it
self to your friendly perusal, relates to the former and
later wars of Newengland, which I myself was not a
little concerned in: For in the year 1675, thatunhappy
and bloody Indian war broke out in Plymouth colo
ny, where I was then building, and beginning a
plantation, at a place called by the Indians, Sog-
konate, and since, by the English, Little Compton.
I was the first Englishman that built upon that neck,
which was full of Indians. My head and hands were
full about settling a new plantation, where nothing
was brought to; no preparation of dwelling house, or
outhouses, or fencing made ; horses and cattle were
to be provided, ground to bo cleared and broken up ;
and the utmost caution to be used, to keep myself
free from offending my Indian neighbours all round
about me. While I was thus busily employed, and
all my time and strength laid out in this laborious
undertaking, I received a commission from the go
vernment to engage in their defence : And with my
commission I received another heart, inclining me
to put forth my strength in military service : And
through the grace o£ God I was spirited for that
work, and direction in it was renewed to me day by
day. And although many of the actions that I was
concerned in were very difficult and dangerous, yet,
myself, and those who went with me voluntarily in
the service, had our lives, for the most part, wonder
fully preserved by the overruling hand of the Al
mighty from first to last ; which doth aloud bespeak
our praises : And to declare his wonderful works is
our indispensable duty.

X TO THE READER.
I was ever very sensible of my own littleness, and
unfitness to be employed in such great services. But
calling to mind that God is strong, I endeavoured
to put all my confidence in him, and by his Almighty
power, was carried through every difficult action;
and my desire is, that his name may have the praise.
It was ever my intent, having laid myself under a
solemn promise, that the many and repeated favours
of God to myself and those with me in the service
might be published for generations to come. And
now my great age requiring my dismission from ser
vice in the militia, and to put off my armour, I am
willing that the great and glorious works of Almighty
God, to us, children of men, should appear to the
world : And having my minutes by me, my son has
taken the care and pains to collect from them the en
suing narrative of many passages relating to the
former and latter wars ; which I have had the perusal
of, and find nothing amiss, as to the truth of it, and
with as little reflection upon any particular person,
as might be, either alive or dead.
And seeing every particle of historical truth is
precious, I hope the reader will pass a favourable
censure upon an old soldier, telling of the many ren
counters he has had, and yet is come off alive.
It is a pleasure to remember what a great number
of families, in this and the neighbouring provinces,
in Newengland, did, during the war, enjoy a great
measure of liberty and peace by the hazardous sta
tions and marches of those engaged in military exer
cises; who were a wall unto them on this side and
on that side.
I desire prayers, that I may be enabled well to
accomplish my spiritual warfare, and that I may be
more than conqueror through Jesus Christ's loving
me. BENJAMIN CHURCH.

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THE LIFE OF COL. CHURCH.*

c.

'olonel Benjamin Church was born in 1639, at
Duxbury, near Plymouth, of reputable parents, who
lived and died there. His father's name was Joseph,
who, with two of his brethren, came early into New
england, as refugees from the -religious oppression
of the parent state. Mr. Joseph Church, among other
children, had three sons, Joseph, Caleb, and Benja
min. Caleb settled at Watertown, the other two at
Seconet, or Little Compton. Benjamin, the hero
of this history, was of a good stature, his body well
proportioned, and built for hardiness and activity.
Although he was very corpulent and heavy in the
latter part of his life, yet, when he was a young man
he was not so ; being then active, sprightly and
vigorous. He carried dignity in his countenance
— thought and acted with a rational and manly judg
ment — which, joined with a naturally generous, obli
ging and hospitable disposition, procured him both
authority and esteem. He married Mrs. Alice South-
worth, by whom he had a daughter, Mrs. Rothbotham,
.and five sons, viz., Thomas Church, the author or
publisher of this history, and father of the honourable
Thomas Church, Esq., now living in Little Compton ;
Constant Church a Captain under his father in the
eastern expedition, and in the militia; andpf a mili-
* The life of Church was ndt added to the first edition. —
But to the second it was, and was the last article in the
book; excepting a Latin ode of one page, which is now omit
ted. This life containing some prefatory remarks, it was
thought proper to place it at the beginning of the work. It
was judged best to omit the above mentioned Latin ode to
give place to more interesting articles. What follows was
placed at. the head of the page. Ode Heroica (anepote
Herois composita) Biographic pracedenti diffigenda sit.

Xll LIFE OF COL.. taUntJ.
tary and enterprising spirit ; Benjamin Church, who
died a bachelor ; Edward Church,* whose only son
now living, is Deacon Benjamin Churchf of Boston,
who furnishes these memoirs of the family; and
Charles Church, who had a numerous issue.
Colonel Church was a man of integrity, justice, and
uprightness, of piety and serious religion. J He was
a member of the church of Bristol at its foundation,
in the Rev. Mr. Lee's§ day. He was constant and de
vout in family worship, wherein he read and often ex
pounded the scriptures to his household. He was ex
emplary in observing the Sabbath, and in attending
the worship and ordinances of God in the sanctuary.
He lived regularly, and left an example worthy of
* He was also a Captain under his father in the last eastern
expedition. t Probably the same whose name is found associated with
the venerable James Otis, Samuel Adams, Joseph War
ren, and others, as a " Committee of correspondence" in the
memorable revolution, and to which he probably belonged
when he wrote this account of the family. See American
Annals, II, 300. Also the standing which he appears to have
maintained among the fraternity of Masons, speaks his emi
nence. JWhat is here said of the Colonel, is placed after his son
Edward, by a writer in Farmer and Moore's Collections;
where this account appears to be copied. It must be an er-
rour in the copyist, and one, too, which it required some pains
to commit ; not but that the son (for aught I know) deserved
as high encomiums, but we have no right to bestow such
upon the son, at the father's expense. But thus much were it
intentional. § Rev. Samuel Lee, the first minister of Bristol, R. I. He
was born in London, 1625, came to this country in 1686;
but in two or three years came to the conclusion to return to
his native country. Before he sailed, he told his wife that
he had discovered a star, which, according to the laws of As
trology, presaged captivity, which unfortunately came to
pass. He sailed in 1691, and in his passage was taken by
the French, and carried into France, where he died the
same year. See Allen's Biog. 381. Dr. C. Mather repre
sents him as possessing very extraordinary learning See
Magnalia Christi Americana, I, 548.

LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. Xlll
the"^ imitation of his posterity. He was a friend to the
civil and religious liberties of his country, and great
ly rejoiced in the revolution.* He was Colonel of
the militia in the county of Bristol. The several
offices of civil and military trust, with which he was
entrusted from time to time, through a long life, he
discharged with fidelity and usefulness.
The war of 1675, was the most important Indian
war, that Newengland ever saw. Philip or Meta-
cometf (a son of good oldMASSASOIT,J and his se
cond successor) had wrought up the Indians of all the
tribes through Newengland, into a dangerous com-
* By William and Mary.
t Though the chiefs of savage nations are generally called
Kings, yet says Smith, they " have no such dignity or office
among them." Hist. N. Y, 197. Philip, at different periods
of his life, was known by different names, as at first, he
was called , Metacomet or Metacom. See Morton, 171,
172. This celebrated chief has been called by some, though
wrongly I contend, King of the Narragansets. He was
King or chief of the Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, the situa
tion of whose country will be described in my first note to
" Philip's War.'r It is true that these Indians as well as the
Narragansets themselves inhabited about the bay of that
name, but they had their King as well as the Pokanokets,
and were independent of each other.
Different opinions seem to have prevailed with regard to
this chief's pedigree; that is, whether he were a son or
grandson of Massassoit. Prince and Trumbull inform us
that he was his grandson; Hutchinson and Belknap, that he
was his son. Why these respectable authors saw cause to
differ, and not inform us, is not easy to tell. These are not
all the authors on each side, but most readers are apprised
of this, no doubt, before I had taken this trouble to inform
them. f Prince, in his text, writes Masassoit ; but adds this note.
" The printed accounts generally spell him Massasoit ; Gov-
ernour Bradford writes him Massasoyt, and Massasoyet ; but
I find the ancient people from their fathers in Plymouth col
ony, pronounce his name Ma-sas-so-it." N. E. Chron. 187.
However, the most preferable way seems to be Massassoit.
Some account of the life of this constant friend of the Pil
grims will be found in the course of this history.
2

Xiv LIFE OF COL. CHURCH.
bination to extirpate the English. It was one of
the last works of the commissioners of the united
colonies, (a council [in] which subsisted the great
security of Newengland, from 1643 to 1678) to break
up this confederacy. An army of one thousand Eng
lish was on foot at once, under the command of
Governour Winslow. Whoever desires further in
formation concerning this war, may consult Mr. Hub
bard's* history of it. The part Colonel Church
acted in it is exhibited in this plain narrative, given
by his son, two years before his father's death.
Colonel Church perfectly understood the manner
of the Indians in fighting, and was thoroughly ac
quainted with their haunts, swamps, and places of
refuge, on the territory between Narraganset and
cape Cod. There he was particularly successful;
on that field he gathered his laurels. The surprisal
and seizure of Annawon was an act of true boldness
and heroism. Had the eastern Indians been sur
rounded with English settlements, there is reason to
think that he would have been more successful among
them. But on a long and extended frontier, open
to immense deserts, little more has ever been done
by troops of undoubted courage, than to arouse and
drive oft the Indians into a wide howling wilderness, ,
* Mr. William Hubbard, minister of Ipswich, the best his
torian in Newengland, of the age, unless we except Mr.
Prince. The truth of which his works abundantly prove.
Although some labour has been done to detract from him
some of his justly acquired fame, yet, it does and ever will
remain unimpaired. This would be true had he never writ
ten any thing but his Narrative. To his " History of New
england," Mather is chiefly indebted for what is correct in
his renowned book of jargons, the Magnalia Christi Ameri
cana. See president Allen's Biog. Dictionary. He died
Sept. 1704, aged 83 years. Gov. Hutchinson remarks on the
character of him, that " he was a man of learning, of a candid
and benevolent mind, accompanied, as it generally is, with
a good degree of Catholicism ; which, I think, was not ac
counted the most valuable part of his character in the age in
which he lived." Hist. Mass, II, 136.

LIFE OF COL. CHURCH. XV
where it was as much in vain to seek them, as for
Caesar to seek the Gauls in the Hircinian forests.
The present edition* of this history is given without
alteration in the body of it ; being thought best to
let it go down to posterity, (like the Periplus qf Han-
nof ) with its own internal marks of originality. How
ever the editor in the margin hath given the English
names of places described by Indian names in the
narrative ; and also some few notes and illustra
tions. After Philip's war Colonel Church settled ; and
at first at Bristol, then at Fallriver, (Troy) lastly at
Seconet. At each of which places he acquired,
and left a large estate. Having served his genera
tion faithfully, by the will of God he fell asleep, and
was gathered unto his fathers. He died and was bu
ried at Little Compton.
The morning before his death, he went about two
miles on horse back to visit his only sister, Mrs.
Irish, to sympathise with her on the death of her only
child. After a friendly and pious visit, in a mov
ing and affecting manner, he took his leave of her,
and said, it was a last farewell. Telling her, [that]
he was persuaded he should never see her more ;
but hoped to meet her in heaven. Returning home
ward, he had not rode above half a mile, before his
horse stumbled, and threw him over his head. And
the Colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with
* The edition from which this is taken.
t Hanno was " the famous Carthaginian," who in a re
mote age of navigation, made a voyage into the Atlantick
ocean, and "sailed seeking for thirty days the western parts,"
taking his departure from the pillars of Hercules (straits of
Gibraltar.) Hence some infer that he must have discovered
some parts of America, because Columbus did in about the
same length of time. He wrote a book containing an ac
count of his discoveries, which he entitled Periplum or Peri
plus. See a work lettered " America Known to the An
cients," Dr. Robertson's Hist. America, I, i. Belknap's
Biog. 1, 16.

xvi LIFE OF COL. CHURCH.
such force, that a blood vessel was broken, and the
blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His
wife was soon brought to him. He tried but was
unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve
hours. He was carried to the grave with great fune
ral pomp, and was buried under arms, and with mili
tary honours. On his tomb stone is this inscrip
tion. HERE LIETH INTERRED THE BODY <
OF THE HONOURABLE
COL. BENJAMIN CHURCH, Esq.;
WHO DEPARTED THIS LIFE,
JANUARY 17th, 1717  18,
IN THE 78 YEAR OF HIS AGE.*
Newport April 8, 1772.
* " High in esteem among the great he stood ;
His wisdom made him lovely, great and good.
Tho' he be said to die, he will survive ;
Thro' future time his memory shall live."
See a poem called " A description of Pennsylvania, Anno
1729," by Thomas Makin, in Proud's Hist. II, 361. The
above though applied to the founder of that province, as good,
at least, is deserved by the venerated Church ; who, through
the foul intrigue, and low caprice of office seekers, and the
blind zeal of ambitious bigots, suffered much, both as to
fame and fortune, in his time. The truth of this remark will
fully appear in the ensuing history.

THE
ENTERTAINING HISTORY
OP

PHILIP'S WAR,
U BEGAN IN THE TEAR 1675. WITH THE PRO'
INGS OF
BENJAMIN CHURCH, Esq.*

In the year 1674, Mr. Benjamin Church of Duxbury,
being providentially at Plymouth-)- in the time of the
* As the author does not begin with the causes and first
events of this war, it may be proper to introduce the most
important here. His intention appears to have been to give
an account of this war, so far, only, as his father was engag
ed in it, as himself observes in another place.
Although not a year had passed since the settlement of
Plymouth without some difficulties with the Indians, I will
go so far back, only, as immediately concerns Philip's War.
After the close of the Pequot war, in 1687, it was conjec
tured by the English, that the Narragansets took some af
front on account of the division of the captive Pequots,
among themselves and the Mohegans ; and that the English
showed partiality. These tribes had assisted in the con
quest of the Pequots, and were in a league with the Eng
lish, and each other. For some time the Narragansets prac
ticed secret abuses upon the Mohegans ; but at length they
were so open in their insults, that complaints were made to
the English, whose interest it was to preserve peace between
them. In 1642, it was thought that they were plotting to
cut off the English. They so pressed upon the Mohegans,

t Some authors, both ancient and modern wrote this word
Plimouth, but custom has adopted the manner as used in the
text 2*

18 PHILIP'S WAR.
court, fell into acquaintance with Captain John Almy
of Rhodeisland. Captain Almy with great impor-
in 1645, that the colonies were obliged to interfere with an
armed force.
The Wampanoags, or Pokanokets, of which Philip was
King, inhabited the tract of country where Bristol now is,
then called Pokanoket, thence north around Mounthope bay,
thence southerly, including the country of considerable
width, to Seconet. At the head of this tribe was Massassoit,
when the pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, who always lived in
friendship with them. He had two sons, who were called
Alexander and Philip, which names they received from Gov.
Prince of Plymouth, while there renewing a treaty, proba
bly from Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Alexander be
ing the elder assumed the power on the death of his father,
and it was soon found that he was plotting, with the Narra
gansets against the English ; but his reign was short. On
being sent for to answer to the court at Plymouth, to certain
allegations, he was so exasperated, it is said, that he fell into
a fever, and died before he reached home. This was about
1657. Philip succeeded, and his plottings were continual.
But he frequently renewed treaties and affected friendships
uritil 1671, when he made a loud complaint that some ofthe
English injured his land, which in the end proved to be false.
A meeting was held at Taunton, not long after in conse
quence of the hostile appearance of Philip's men, by Gov.
Prince of Plymouth, and deputies from Massachusetts. Phi
lip was sent for to give reasons for such warlike appearances.
He discovered extreme shyness, and for some time would not
come to the town, and then with a large band of his warriours
with their arms. He would not consent to go into the meet
inghouse, where the delegates were, until it was agreed that
his men should be on one side of the house, and the English
on the other. On being questioned, he denied having any
ill designs upon the English, and said that he came with his
men armed to prevent any attacks, from the Narragansets ;
but this falsehood was at once detected, and it was evident
that they were united in their operations. It was also prov
ed before him, that he had meditated an attack on Taunton,
which he confessed. These steps so confounded him that he
consented to deliver all his arms into the hands of the Eng
lish as an indemnity for past damages. All of the gu ns which
he brought with him, about 70, were delivered, ahd the rest
were to be sent in, but never were. What would have been
the fate of Newengland had Philip's warriours possessed those
arms in the war (that ensued ? This prevented immediate
war, and it required several years to repair their loss. Philip

PHILIP'S WAR. 19
tunity invited him to ride with'him and view that part
of Plymouth colony that lay next to Rhodeisland,
known then by their Indian names of Pocasset and
Sogkonate.* Among other arguments to persuade
him, he told him the soil was very rich, and the situa
tion pleasant : Persuades him by all means to pur
chase of tlje company some ofthe court grant rights.
He accepted his invitation, views the country and was
pleased with it, makes a purchase, settled a farm,
found the gentlemen of the islandf very civil and
obliging. And being himself a person of uncommon
activity and industry, he soon erected two buildings
upon his farm, and gained a good acquaintance with
the natives ; got much into their favour, and was
in a little time in great esteem among them. J
The next spring advancing, while Mr. Church was
diligently settling his new farm, stocking, leasing and
disposing of his affairs, and had a fine prospect of
doing no small things ; and hoping that his good suc
cess would be inviting unto other good men to be
come his neighbours : Behold ! the rumour of a war
between the English and the natives, gave check to
was industrious to do this, and, at the same time, used his
endeavours to cause other tribes to engage in his cause. He
was not ready when the war did begin, to which, in some
measure, we may attribute his failure. Three of his men
were tried and hanged for the alleged murder of John Sas-
samon, whom Philip had condemned as a traitor. It so exas
perated Philip and his men that their friends should be pun
ished by the English, that they could no longer restrain their
violence. Thus are some of the most prominent events
sketched which led to this bloody war. The history of John
Sassamon or Sausaman, will be found in a succeeding note.
* Pocasset, now Tiverton, was the name of the main land
against the north part of Rhodeisland. Sogkonate, after
wards Seconet, now Little Compton, extends from Fogland
ferry to the sea ; in length between 7 and 8 miles.
f Rhodeisland, which was now quite well inhabited. It
was settled in 1638. Its Indian name was Aquetneck, and
afterwards called the Isle of Rodes by the English.
J Mr. Church moved here in the autumn of 1674.

20 PHILIP'S WAR.
his projects. People began to be very jealous of the
Indians, and indeed they had no small reason to sus
pect that they had formed a design of war upon the
English.* Mr. Church had it daily suggested to him.
that the Indians were plotting a bloody design. That
Philip the great Mounthope Sachem, was leader there
in, and so it proved. He was sending his messengers
to all the neighbouring Sachems, to engage them into
a confederacy with him in the war.f Among the rest
* It may be diverting to some, to introduce here what
Cotton Mather calls an omen of the war that followed.
" Things," says he, "began by this time to have an ominous
aspect. Yea, and now we speak of things ominous, we may
add, some time before this, [before those were executed for
the murder of Sassamon] in a clear, still, sunshiny morning,
there were divers persons in Maiden who heard in the air,
on the southeast of them, a great gun go off, and presently
thereupon the report of small guns like musket shot, very
thick discharging, as if there had been a battle. This was
at a time when there was nothing visible done in any part
of the colony to occasion such noises ; but that which most
of all astonished them was the flying of bullets, which came
singing over their heads, and seemed very near to them, af
ter which the sound of drums passing along westward was
very audible ; and on the same day, in Plymouth colony in
several places, invisible troops of horse were heard riding to
and fro," &.c. Magnalia, II, 486. This is quite as credible
as many witch accounts in that marvellous work.
t The following is a statement ofthe probable numbers of
the Indians in Newengland at the time of Philip's war, also
ofthe English.
Dr. Trumbull in his Hist. U. States, I, 36, supposes there
were in Newengland at the time of settlement about 36,000
Indian inhabitants ; one third of which were warriours.
Their numbers gradually diminished as the whites increased,
so that we may conclude that there were not less than 10,000
warriours at the commencement of Philip's war. Hutchinson,
I, 406, says that the Narragansets alone were considered to
amount to 2000. fighting men, in 1675. Hubbard, Nar. 67,
says they prdhWsed to rise with 4000 in the war. Governour
Hinkley states the number of Indians in Plymouth county, in
1685, at 4000 or upwards. Hist. U. States, I, 35. Beside
these there were in different towns about 2000 praying In
dians, as those were called who adhered to the English reli
gion; they took no part in the war. In

PHILIP'S WAR. 21
he sent six men to Awashonks, squaw sachem of the
Sogkonate Indians, to engage her in his interest ;*
Awashonks so far listened unto them, as to call her
subjects together, to make a great dance, which is
the custom of that nationf when they advise about
momentous affairs. But what does Awashonks do,
but sends away two of her men that well understood
the English language, (SassamonJ and George§ by
In 1673, the inhabitants of Newengland amounted to about
120,000 souls, of whom, perhaps, 16,000 were able to bear
arms. Holmes' American Annals, I, 416.
* Dr. Belknap, in his Hist. N. Hampshire, I, 108, says, on
the authority of Callender, that " The inhabitants of Bristol
shew a particular spot where Philip received the news ofthe
first Englishmen that were killed, with so much sorrow as to
cause him to weep." This he observes was very different
from the current opinion. No doubt the consternation ofthe
people, caused by an approaching war, had great effect in
establishing every thing unfavourable of Philip.
t It is the custom of most, if not all, the N. American In
dians. See Capt. Carver's Travels in America, 269.
( John Sassamon, or as others spell it, Sausaman, was in
structed in English by the celebrated Indian apostle, John
Eliot, and pretended to believe in the christian religion.
But for some reason he neglected its duties, and returned to a
savage life. About this time, or perhaps before, he advised the
English of some of Philip's plots, which so enraged him, that
he sought Sassamon's death, whom he considered as a rebel
and traitor. And this is the principle on which the English
themselves acted ; yet, they would not suffer it in another
people, who, indeed, were as free as any other. The partic
ulars were these: Sassamon was met on "a great pond,"
which I suppose to be Assawomset, by some of Philip's men,
who killed him and put him under the ice, leaving his hat
and gun on the ice, where they were found soon after ; and
also the dead body. See Hubbard's Narrative, 70, 71. This
must have been late in the spring of 1675, but there was ice.
Marks were found upon the body of Sassamon, that indicated
murder, and an Indian soon appeared, who said that he saw
some of Philip's Indians in the very execution of it. Three
were immediately apprehended, and tried at the court in
Plymouth,
§ An Indian, who from this time, was very friendly to Mr.
Church. All I can find concerning him is in this history.

22 PHILIP'S WAR.
name) to invite Mr. Church to the dance.* Mr. >
Church, upon the invitation, immediately takes with
him Charles Hazelton, his tenant's son, who well
understood the Indian language, and rode down to the
place appointed, where they found hundreds of
Indians gathered together from all parts of her
dominion. Awashonks herself in a foaming sweat,
was leading the dance ; but she was no sooner sen
sible of Mr. Church's arrival, but she broke off, sat
down, calls her nobles around her, [and] orders Mr.
Church to be invited into her presence. Compli
ments being passed, and each one taking seat,
she told him [that] King Philip had sent six men
of his, with two of her people,f that had been over
at Mounthope,f to draw her into a confederacy with
Plymouth, in June, by a jury, says Mather, consisting of half
Indians, and half English, and brought in guilty ofthe murder.
Two of them persisting in their innocence to the end, and
the third denied that he had any hand in the murder, but
said that he saw the others commit it. Perhaps he made this
confession in hopes of pardon, but it did not save him. Mag-
nalia, II, 486. Mather places the death of Sassamon in 1674,
this was old style, hence it was previous to the 25th of March
1675. Hubbard, 69, says that Sassamon had been Philip's
secretary, and chief counsellor. To what tribe he first be
longed I have not ascertained, but from this history it appears
that he belonged to the Sogkonate Indians, in the spring of
1675. * One might conclude this transaction to have been about
the middle of June, by its connexion with the commence
ment of the war, but by the death of Sassamon it must be
placed much earlier.
t These two I conclude, were those, or among those men
tioned by Hubbard, 69, who discovered the plots of Philip,
one of whom might be Sassamon.
% (Or Mont-haup, a mountain in Bristol.)
Why the author writes this word so I do not know, un
less it were so pronounced in his day. Its ancient name was
Pokanoket, It is quite an eminence about two miles east
from the village of Bristol, very steep on all sides and termi
nates in a large rock, which at a_distance has the appearance
of a large dome of an amphitheatre. It is apparently com
posed of pebbles and sand. On this now stands a small oc
tagonal building. From many places on the cast shore, par-

PHILIP'S WAR. 23
him, in a war with the English; [and] desired him
to give her his advice in the case ; and to tell her the
truth, whether the Umpame* men, (as Philip had told
her) were gathering a great army to invade Philip's
country. He assured her he would tell her the truth,
and give her his best advice. Then he told her it
was but a few days since he came from Plymouth,
and [that] the English were then making no prepa
rations for war ; that he was in company with the
principal gentlemen of the government, who had no
discourse at all about war, and he believed no thoughts
about it. He asked her whether she thought he
would have brought up his goods to settle in that
place, if he apprehended an entering into [a] war with
so near a neighbour. She seemed to be somewhat
convinced by his talk, and said she believed he spoke
the truth. Then she called for the Mounthope men,
who made a formidable appearance, with their faces
painted, and their hairs trimmed up in comb fashion,
with their powderhorns and shot bagsf at their backs
ticularly at the little village of Fallriver, this mount forms
a beautiful acclivity in the landscape; very nearly resem
bling a view of the State house at Boston from a distance.
On an excursion there in the summer of 1824, many gratify
ing objects were discovered, relating to the times of which
we treat. A most beautiful prospect of Providence and the
surrounding country and bay appears from this mount.
* The Indian name for Plymouth.
t It has been a question among many, how the Indians be
came furnished, so soon, with our implements of war. It is
not probable that every source is known ; but they no doubt,
had a large supply from the French in the east of Neweng
land. A man by the name of Morton, who came to this coun
try in 1622, is said to have been the first that supplied the
Indians with arms and ammunition, and taught them their
use, in the country adjacent to Cape Cod. This he done
that the Indians might hunt and procure furs for him. Sec
retary Morton, in his Newengland's Memorial, 76, says, "he
had been a petty-fogger at Furnival's Inn, having more craft
than honesty ;" but in justice to him it may be observed,
that the Memorialist has made every circumstance appear in
the darkest dress, and not only of him, but others, whom, in-

24 PHILIP'S WAR.
which among that nation is the posture and figure of
preparedness for war. She told Mr. Church these
were the persons that had brought her the report of
the English preparations for war, and then told them
what Mr. Church had said in answer to it. Upon
this began a warm talk among the Indians, but it was
soon quashed, and Awashonks proceeded to tell Mr.
deed, we had rather speak in praise. All historians, with
whom I am conversant, agree that he was a disorderly per
son, of bad morals, and gave people much trouble. He re
sided first in Mr. Weston's Plantation at Wessagusset, now
Weymouth; but that breaking up the next year, 1623, he
next settled with Captain Wallaston at or near the same
place in 1625, and the place being near the hill that separates
Weymouth from Quincy, was called Mount Wallaston.
Capt. Wallaston with most of his company abandoned the
plantation, and Morton' usurped the government. , They
soon found themselves involved in difficulties with the In
dians and with one another. They erected a Maypole, and ,
practiced their excesses about it. Selling arms to the na- '
tives being a breach of the laws among others, he was seized
by order ofthe court, and soon after, 1628, sent to England.
No notice of the complaints against him being taken, he re
turned the next year. He was afterwards imprisoned for
his writings. He died at Agamenticus in 1644 or 5,
according to Allen, American Biog. 441. He has been ac
cused of giving currency to the story of " hanging the wea
ver instead of the cobbler." The author of Hudibras get
ting hold of the story, has, in that work,. Part II, Canto II,
line 403, &c, set it off to the no small expense of the zeal of
the Pilgrims. See Belknap, Amer. Biog. II, 318, Prince
Chron. 212, and Savage's edition of Winthrop, I, 34, 35, 36,
where the passage may be seen. The latter author says it
was not so, on the authority of Morton himself ; but as the
affair happened at Weston's plantation, where Morton was
concerned, it is natural that he should say the right one was
hanged. In a note to line 413, in the passage above referred
to, is the following positive assertion : " The history of the
Cobbler had been attested by persons of good credit, who
were upon the place when it was done." Early authors
hinted at the affair, and late ones have enlarged upon it.
The truth no doubt is as follows : The people of that planta
tion were in a state of starvation, and by stealing from the
Indians had incurred their vengeance, which to satisfy, they
hanged one ; who, Hudibras says, was a bedrid weaver,
whereas the right one was a useful cobbler, whom they could
not so well spare.

PHILIP'S WAR. 25
Church, that Philip's message to her was, that unless
she would forthwith enter into a confederacy with
him in a war against the English, he would send his
men over privately, to kill the English cattle, and
burn their houses on that side of the river, which
would provoke the English to fall upon her, whom,
they would without doubt, suppose the author of the
mischief. Mr. Church told her he was sorry to see
so threatening an aspect of affairs ; and stepping to
the Mount/hopes, he felt of their bags, and finding
them filled with bullets, asked them what those
bullets were for. They scoffingly replied, " To shoot
pigeons with." Then Mr. Church turned to Awa
shonks, and told her, [that] if Philip were resolved
to make war, her best way would be to knock those
six Mounthopes on the head, and shelter herself under
the protection of the English. Upon which the Mount-
hopes were for the present dumb. But those two of
Awashonks' men, who had been at Mounthope,
expressed themselves in a furious manner against his
advice. And Littleeyes,* one of the Queen's coun
sel joined with them, and urged Mr. Church to go
aside with him among the bushes, that he might have
.some private discourse with him, which other Indians
immediately forbid ; being sensible of his ill design.
But the Indians began to side, and grow very warm.
Mr. Church, with undaunted courage, told the Mount-
hopes, [that] they were bloody wretches, and thirsted
after the blood of their English neighbours, who had
never injured them, but had always abounded in their
kindness to them. That for his own part, though
he desired nothing more than peace, yet, if nothing
but war would satisfy them, he believed he should
prove a sharp thorn in their sides : Bid the company
observe those men that were of such bloody disposi
tions, whether providence would suffer them to live
* He was afterward taken in the war that followed, by
Church, and treated very kindly, as will be seen in the pro
gress of this history. 3

20 PHILIP'S WAR.
to see the event of the war, which others, more
peaceably disposed, might do. Then he told Awas
honks, [that] he thought it might be most advisable
for her to send to the Governour of Plymouth,* and
shelter herself and people under his protection.
She liked his advice, and desired him to go on her be
half to the Plymouth government, which he consent'
ed to. And at parting advised her, [that] whatever
she did, not to desert the English interest to join
with her neighbours in a rebellion, f which would
certainly prove fatal to her. (He moved none of his
goods from his house, that there might not be the
least umbrage from such an action. J) She thanked
him for his advice, and sent two of her men to guard
him to his house, [who]1 when they came there,
urged him to take care to secure his goods, which he
refused, for the reasons before mentioned ; but desired
the Indians, that if what they feared, should happen,'^
they would take care of what he left, and directed
them to a place in the woods where they should
dispose of them, which they faithfully observed. He
1 [which]
* The Honourable Josiah Winslow, Esq., who was afteiv
wards commander in chief of the forces in this war. He was
a son of the distinguished Mr. Edward Winslow, who was
also Governour of Plymouth many years. He was born in
1629, and was the first Governor born in Newengland, which
office he filled 7 years. He died 18 Dec. 1680, aged 52.
t This war was called a rebellion, because the English
fancied them under the King of England, but that did not
make them so. As well might emigrants from the United
States land on the coast of France, and because they were
disputed by the inhabitants, of their right so to do, call them
rebels ; yet, when the country was neither claimed nor im
proved, certainly, to take possession and improve was not
wrong. Our author is by no means so lavish of ill names as
many early writers. Hellhounds, fiends, serpents, caitiffs,
dogs, &.c, were their common appellations. The ill fame of
Mather, in this respect, will be celebrated as long as the
marvellous contents ofthe Magnalia are read.
| This sentence was included in brackets in the copy but
as I have appropriated that mark to my own use, I substi
tute the parenthesis.

PHILIP'S WAR. 27
took his leave of his guard, [after bidding]1 them
tell their mistress, [that] if she continued steady in
her dependence on the English, and kept within her
own limits of Sogkonate, he would see her again
quickly ; and then hastened away to Pocasset ;* where
he met with Peter Nunnuit, the husband of the
Queenf of Pocasset, who was just then come over in
a canoe from Mounthope. Peter told him that there
would certainly be war, for Philip had held a dance
of several weeks continuance, and had entertained
the young men from all parts of the country. And
added, that Philip expected to be sent for to Ply
mouth, to be examined about Sassamon'sJ death, who
was murdered at Assawomset ponds,§ knowing him
self guilty of contriving that murder. The same
Peter told him that he saw Mr. James Brown, || of
i [and bid] .
* (Tiverton shore over against the north end of Rhodeisl
and.) t Weetamore or Wetamoe, " Philip's near kinswoman."
Hub. 2-24. The same mentioned in another place, as
" Squaw Sachem of Pocasset." She was drowned in cross
ing a river or arm of the sea at Swanzey, 6 August, 1675,
by attempting to escape from a party of English. Ib. 224.
Her head was cut off, and set upon a pole. Ibid.
X The same of whom the history is given in note 3 on
page 21.
§ (Middleborough.)
Three large ponds about 40 miles from Boston, and 16
from Newbedford. In passing from the latter place to the
former we have the largest on the right, which now bears the
name of Assawomset, or Assawamset, and two others on the
left. They are all very near together. The road passes be
tween two, separated only by a narrow neck of flat land,
about a stone's throw over.
|| " One of the magistrates of Plymouth jurisdiction."
Hubbard, 12. This gentleman was very active in the war.
He was a magistrate between the years 1670 and 1675.
Morton, 208. " A minister of Swanzey is mentioned by Ma
ther in his third clasis of Newengland ministers by this
name.

28 PHILIP'S WAR.
Swanzey,* and Mr. Samuel Gorton,f who was an
interpreter, and two other men,J who brought a letter
* A tow-n on the west side of Taunton river in the bottom
of Mounthope bay, about 15 miles from Taunton, and in the
vicinity of Mounthope, distance by the road about 11 miles.
fAccounts of this gentleman may be seen in Morton's Me
morial, 117, &c, which, perhaps, are not impartial. That
author partaking of the persecuting spirit of the times,
accuses him of all manner of outrages against religion and go
vernment. " Not only," he observes, " abandoning and re
jecting all civil power and authority, (except moulded accord
ing to his own fancy) but belching out errours, &c." Seve
ral pages in that work are filled up to this effect. Dr. Eliot,
N. E. Biog. 227, says, " It is evident that he was not so bad ,
a man as his enemies represented." The reader is referred
to that excellent work, for an interesting account of him.
Allen, also, 314, seems inclined to do him justice, and is more
particular. It appears evident that he was rather wild in
his views of religion, and went too far, perhaps, in persuad
ing others to fall in with him. He came to Boston in 1636,-
from London, and was soon suspected of heresy, on which he**
was examined. But from his aptness in evading questions,
nothing was found against him. He went to Plymouth, but
did not stay long there, having got into difficulty with their
minister. From thence he went to Rhodeisland of his own
accord; or as some say, was banished there. Here, it is said,
he underwent corporeal punishment for his contempt of civil
authority. Leaving this place he went to Providence in
1649, where he was very humanely treated by Mr. Roger
Williams, who also had been banished on the score of tenets.
He began a settlement at Patuxet, 4 or 5 miles south of
Providence in 1641, but was soon complained of to the gov
ernment of Massachusetts, for encroaching upon the lands
of others. The Governour ordered him to answer to the
same which he refused, treating the messenger with con
tempt. But he was arrested, carried to Boston and had his
trial. A cruel sentence was passed upon him, being confin
ed a whole winter at Charlestown in heavy irons, and then
banished out of the colony. In 1644, he went to England,
and in 1648, returned to his possessions by permission of par
liament.
} Who these two men were I have not been able to ascer
tain. Mention is made in the histories of this war of messen
gers being sent, but in none more than two, and their names
are not mentioned. Two were also sent from Massachu
setts. See Hub. Nar. 72, 73. Hutch, I, 262, They were
sent 16 June, 1675. '

PHILIP'S WAR. 29
from the Governour of Plymouth to Philip. He
observed to him further, that the young men were
very eager to begin the war, and would fain have
killed Mr. Brown, but Philip prevented it; telling
them that his father had charged him to show kind
ness to Mr. Brown. In short, Philip was forced to
promise them, that, on the next Lord's day, when the
English were gone to meeting they should rifle their
houses, and from that time forward, kill their cattle.
Peter desired Mr. Church to go and see his wife,
who was but [just] up the hill ;* he went and found
but few of her people with her. She said they were
all gone against her will to the dances, and she much
feared [that] there would be a war. Mr. Church
advised her to go to the island and secure herself,
and those that were with her, and send to the Gover
nour of Plymouth, who she knew was her friend ; and
so left her, resolving to hasten to Plymouth, and
wait on the Governour. And he was so expeditious
that he was with the Governour early next morning,f
though he waited on some of the magistrates by the
way, who were of the council of war, and also met
him at the Governour's. He gave them an account
of his observations and discoveries, which confirmed
their former intelligences, and hastened their prepa
ration for defence.
Philip, according to his promise to his people, per
mitted them to march out of the neckj on the next
Lord's day,§ when they plundered the nearest hou-
liament. He was a minister, and a man of talents and abili
ty. His defence against the charges in Morton's Memorial,
shows him to be a man of learning, and is worthy perusing.
It is in Hutchinson, Hist. Mas. I, 467 to 470. He lived to
an advanced age, but the time of his death is not known.
* I conclude this hill to be that a little north of Howland's .
ferry. t June 16.
j The neck on which Bristol and Warren now are, mak
ing the ancient Pokanoket.
§ June 20. See Trumbull, Hist. Con. I, 327. Ibid..U.
States, I, 139. 3*

30 PHILIP'S WAR.
ses that the inhabitants had deserted, but as yet of
fered no violence to the people, at least none were
killed.* However the alarm was given by their num
bers and hostile equipage, and by the prey they
made of what they could find in the forsaken houses.
An express came the same day to the Governour,f
who immediately gave orders to the captains of the
towns, to march the greatest part of their companies,
and to rendezvous at Taunton on Monday night,!
where Major Bradford was to receive them, and dis
pose them under Captain (now made Major) Cut-
worth§ of Scituate. The Governour desired Mr.
Church to give them his company, and to use his in
terest in their behalf, with the gentlemen of Rhode-
island. He complied with it, and they marched the
next day. Major Bradford desired Mr. Church, with
a commanded party, consisting of English and some
friend Indians, to march in the front at some distance|
from the main body. Their orders were to keep so
far before as not to be in sight of the army. And so
they did, for by the way they killed a deer, flayed,
roasted, and eat the most of him before the army
came up with them. But the Plymouth forces soon
* But an Indian was fired upon and wounded, which was a
sufficient umbrage fior them to begin the work. See Hub.
Nar. 72, and Hutch. 1,261. It appears that Philip waited
for the English to begin, and to that end, had suffered his
men to provoke them to it ; yet, it was thought that Philip
tried to restrain them from beginning so soon, as is observed
in note 1 to page 17. At this time a whimsical opinion
prevailed, that the side which first began would finally be
conquered. Hutch. Ibid.
t In consequence of this intelligence Governour Winslow
proclaimed a fast. H. Adams, 120.
X June 21.
§ James Cudworth, several years a magistrate of Plymouth
colony. Other historians style him Captain, but do not take
notice of this advancement. See Hubbard, Nar. 75, 79, 84.
Also in the continuation of Morton, 208, where it appears he
was an assistant in the government between 1670 and 1675.

PHILIP'S WAR. 31
arrived at Swanzey,* and were chiefly posted at Ma
jor Brown'sf and Mr. Miles'f garrisons, and were
there soon joined with those that came from Massa
chusetts, who had entered into a confederacy with
their Plymouth brethren against the perfidious hea
thens. The enemy, who began their hostilities with plun
dering and destroying cattle,§ did not long content
themselves with that game ; they thirsted for English
blood, and they soon broached it ; killing two men
in the way not far from Mr. Miles' garrison, and
* Whether the Plymouth forces were at Swanzey when
the first English were killed does not appear, though it is
presumed that they were not. We are certain that they had
sufficient time to arrive there. It appears from the text that
they marched from Plymouth on Monday, which was the 21
June, and the first English were killed the 24.
The author seems to be a little before his story concerning
the Massachusetts' men, for we know that they did not ar
rive till the 28 June, and their arrival is related before the
first men were killed.
Dr. Morse, in his late history of the Revolution, has run
over this history without any regard to dates. Nor has he
thought it worth his while to tell us there ever was such an
author as Church, but copies from him as though it were his
own work, which, at best he makes a mutilated mass.
t Sec note 5 on page 27.
| The Rev. John Miles, as I find in Allen, Biog. 429, was
minister ofthe first Baptist church in Massachusetts ; that in
1649 he was a settled minister near Swansea in South Wales.
Hence, perhaps, the name of Swanzey in Mass. is derived.
Mr. Miles being ejected in 1662, came to this country, and
formed a church at Rehoboth. He removed to Swanzey a
few years after, which town was granted to the baptists
by the government of Plymouth. Hutchinson, I, 209, speaks
of him as a man discovering christian unity, &e. He died
in 1683.
§ It appears that an Indian was wounded while in the act
of killing cattle ; or as tradition informs us, the Indian who
was wounded, after killing some animals in a man's field,
went to his house and demanded liquor, and being refused
attempted to take it by violence, threatening at the same
time to be revenged for such usage, this caused the English
man to fire on him.

32 PHILIP'S WAR.
soon after eight more* at Matapoiset :f Upon whose
bodies they exercised more than brutish barbarities ;
beheading, dismembering and mangling them, and
exposing them in the most inhuman manner, which
gashed and ghostly objects struck a damp on all be-'
holders. J
The enemy flushed with these exploits, grew yet
bolder, and skulking every where in the bushes, shot
at all passengers, and killed many that ventured
abroad. They came so near as to shoot two sen
tinels at Mr. Miles' garrison, under the very noses
Of our forces. These provocations drew out [-— ]l
some of Captain Prentice's troops,§ who desired
they might have liberty to go out and seek the ene
my in their own quarters. Quartermasters Gill and
Belcher|| commanded the parties drawn out, who
earnestly desired Mr. Church's company. They pro*"
vided him a horse and furniture, (his own being out of
the way.) He readily complied with their desires,
and was soon mounted. This party was no sooner
over Miles' bridge, IT but were fired upon by an am-
i [the resentment of ]
* It was the same day, 24 June, on Thursday, being a fast,
appointed by the Governour of Plymouth, on hearing what
took place the 20. See H. Adam's Hist. N. England, 120.
At Rehoboth a man was fired upon the same day. Hutchinson,
1,261. t (In Swanzey.)
Several places bore this name. The word is now general
ly pronounced Matapois. It appears too, that the pronunci
ation tended thus, at first, as I find it spelt in Winslow's Nar
rative, Matapuyst. See Belknap, Biog. II, 292.
f The sight must have been dreadful, but yet, it did not
hinder the English from the like foul deeds. Weetamore's
head was cut off and set upon a pole. See note 2 on page 27.
§ Capt. Thomas Prentice of the Boston troops. Twelve
was the number that went over at this time. Hubbard, 75.
Hutchinson, I, 262.
|| Hubbard, 75, calls him Corporal Belcher. He makes no
mention of any person by the name of Gill.
IT There is a bridge over Palmer's river, which bears this
name. It is about 4 miles north of Warren.

PHILIP'S WAR. 33
buscade of about a dozen Indians, as they were af
terward discovered to be. When they drew off, the
pilot* was mortally wounded, Mr. Belcher received
a shot in his knee, and his horse was killed under
him. Mr. Gill was struck with a musket ball on the
side of his body ; but being clad with a buff coat,f
and some thickness of paper under it, it never broke
his skim J The troopers were surprised to see both
their commanders wounded and wheeled off; but
Mr. Church persuaded, at length stormed and stamp
ed, and told them it was a shame to run, and leave
a wounded man there to become a prey to the
barbarous enemy ; for the pilot yet sat on his horse,
though amazed with the shot as not to have sense to
guide him. Mr. Gill seconded him, and offered,
though much disabled, to assist in bringing him off.
Mr. Church asked a stranger, who gave him his com
pany in that action, if he would go with him and
fetch off the wounded man. He readily consented,
and they with Mr. Gill went ; but the wounded man
fainted, and fell off his horse before they came to him.
But Mr. Church and the stranger dismounted, took
up the man, dead, and laid him before Mr. Gill on his
horse. Mr. Church told the other two, [that] if they
would take care of the dead man, he would go and
fetch his horse back, which was going off the cause
way toward the enemy ; but before he got over the
causeway he saw the enemy run to the right into the
neck. He brought back the horse, and called ear
nestly and repeatedly to the army to come over and
fight the enemy ; and while he stood calling and
persuading, the skulking enemy returned to their
old stand, and all discharged their guns at him at one
clap ; [and] though every shot missed him, yet, one
* William Hammond.
t A buff coat, and kind of cuirass or breastplate of iron or
steel formed their armour ; swords, carabines, and pistols,
their weapons.
X June 28. This action took place the same day that the
other troops arrived.

34 PHILIP'S WAR.
of the army on the other side of the river, received one
of the balls in his foot. Mr. Church now began, (no
succour coming to him) to think it time to retreat.
Saying, "The Lord have mercy on us, if such a
handful of Indians shall thus dare such an army."*
Upon this it was immediately resolved, and orders
were given to march down into the neck,f and hav
ing passed the bridge and causeway, the direction
was to extend both wings, which not being well heed
ed by those that remained in the centre, some of
them mistook their friends for their enemies,! and
made a fire upon them in the right wing, and wound
ed that noble heroick youth, Ensign Savage, in the
thigh,§ but it happily proved but a flesh wound. They
marched until Iney came to the narrow of the neck,
at a place called Keekamuit,|| where they took down
* Thus ended the 28 June, 1675, according to Hubbard1;1
75 ; but by the text, the next transaction would seem under
the same date, which from the fact that most ofthe army did
not arrive until after noon, and that the action did not take
place until it had arrived, it is plain that it was not. Hutch
inson, I, 262, is as indistinct with regard to the dates" in
question, as our author, but Holmes considered it as I do.
Annals, I, 421. The next morning, Hubbard, 75, says, that
the Indians, at half a mile's distance, shouted twice or
thrice, and 9 or 10 showing themselves at the bridge, the
army immediately went in pursuit of them.
, f June 29.
X I cannot find as any historian takes notice of this bad
management of the army. The reason is obvious as Hub
bard says nothing of it, whom they all follow. Hence it ap
pears that Savage was wounded by his own companions, and
not by 10 or 12 of the enemy discharging upon him at once
See next note.
§ " He had at that time one bullet lodged in his thigh,
another shot through the brim of his hat, by ten or twelve
of the enemy discharging upon him together, while he bold
ly held up his colours in the front of his company "
Hubbard, 76. Our author or Mr. Hubbard is in a great
mistake about the manner in which he was wounded, but the
former ought not to be mistaken.
II (Upper part of Bristol.)
Now the upper part of Warren, which has been taken

PHILIP'S WAR. 35
the heads of eight Englishmen that were killed at the
head of Matapoiset neck, and set upon poles, after
the barbarous manner of those savages. There Philip
had staved all his drums and conveyed all his canoes
to the east side of Matapoiset river. Hence it was
concluded by those, that were acquainted with the
motions of those people, that they had quitted the
neck. Mr. Church told them that Philip was doubt
less gone over to Pocasset side to engage those In
dians in a rebellion with him, which they soon found
to be true. The enemy were not really beaten out
of Mounthope neck, though it was true [that] they
fled from thence ; yet it was before any pursued
them. It was but to strengthen themselves, and to
gain a more advantageous post. However, some,
and not a few, pleased themselves with the fancy of
a mighty conquest.
A grand council was held, and a resolve passed,
to build a fort there, to maintain the first ground
they had gained, by the Indians leaving it to them.
And to speak the truth, it must be said, that as they
gained not that field by their sword, nor their bow,
so it was rather their fear than their courage that
obliged them to set up the marks of their conquest.*
Mr. Church looked upon it, and talked of it with
contempt, and urged hard the pursuing [of] the en
emy on Pocasset side; and with the greater earnest
ness; because of the promise made to Awashonks, be
fore mentioned.
The council adjourned themselves from Mount-
from Bristol. It is called on the map of Rhodeisland, Kicke-
muet, or rather the bay which makes this neck on one side,
is so called. Warren river makes the other side.
•Major Savage and Major Cudworth commanded the
forces in this expedition, at whom, of course, this reflection
is directed. But chiefly, I suppose, at Major Cudworth:
For I find, Hubbard, 79, that Captain Cudworth, as he de
nominates him, " left a garrison of 40 men upon Mount-
hope neck," which is all that he says about this fort.

36 PHILIP'S WAR.
hope to Rehoboth,* where Mr. Treasurer South-
worth, being weary of his charge of Commissary
General, (provision being scarce and difficult to
be obtained for the army,f that now lay still to co
ver the people from nobody, while they were build
ing a fort for nothing) retired, and the power and
trouble of that post was left to Mr. Church, who
still urged the commanding officers to move over to
Pocasset side, to pursue the enemy and kill Philip,
which would in his opinion be more probable to keep
possession of the neck, than to tarry to build a fort. J
He was still restless on that side of the river, and
the rather, because of his promise to the squaw Sa
chem of Sogkonate. And Captain Fuller^ also urg
ed the same, until at length there came further or-
* A town in Massachusetts, about 10 miles from where they
then were, and about 38 from Boston.
t Hubbard says, 77, that the forces under Major Savage
returned to Swanzey, and those under Capt. Cudworth pass
ed over to Rhodeisland the same day, as the weather looked
likely to be tempestuous, and that night there fell abundance
of rain. But it is presumed that Captain Cudworth soon re
turned to build said fort, as he arrived at Swanzey the 5
July. X While these things were passing, Capt. Hutchinson was
despatched with a letter from the Governour of Massachu
setts, bearing date July 4, 1675, constituting him commis
sioner to treat with the Narragansets, who now seem openly
to declare for Philip. He arrived the 5 at Swanzey, and on
the 6, a consultation was held, wherein it Was resolved "to
'„reat with the Narragansets sword in hand." Accordingly
the forces marched into their country, and after several cere
monious days, a treaty, as long as it was useless, was signed
on the 15. It maybe seen at large in Hubbard, Nar. 81 to
83, and Hutchinson, I, 263, 264. By which the Narragan
sets agreed, to harbour none of Philip's people, &c. ; all
which was only forced upon them, and they regarded it no
longer than the army was present. The army then returned
to Taunton, 17 June.
§ I learn nothing more of this gentleman than is found in
this history. The name is common in Massachusetts and
elsewhere. He had 6 files each containing 6 men, therefore
their whole number consisted of 36 men only.

PHILIP'S WAR. 37
ders* concerning the fort, and withal an order for
Captain Fuller with six files to cross the river to the
side so much insisted on, and to try if he could get
speech with any of the Pocasset or Sogkonate In
dians, and that Mr. Church should go [as] his second.
Upon the Captain's receiving his orders, he asked
Mr. Church whether he were willing to engage in this
enterprise ; to whom it was indeed too agreeable to
be declined; though he thought the enterprise was
hazardous enough for them to have [had] more men
assigned them. Captain Fuller told him, that for
his own part, he was grown ancient and heavy, [and]
he feared the travel and fatigue would be too much
for him. But Mr. Church urged him, and told him
[that] he would cheerfully excuse him his hardship
and travel, and take that part to himself, if he might
but go ; for he had rather do any thing in the world,
than to stay there to build the fort.
Then they drew out the number assigned them,
and marched the same nightf to the ferry,J and were
* From Major Cudworth, who did not go with the rest of
Ihe army into the country of the Narragansets. Hub. 84.
t No author that I have seen, excepting Mr. Hubbard,
fixes any date to this memorable part of Philip's War. Nei
ther Hutchinson nor Trumbull takes any notice of it. Hub
bard, 84, says, "Upon Thursday, July 7, Captain Fuller and
Lieutenant" Church went into Pocasset to seek after the ene
my," &c. But he is in an errour about the day of the week
or month, and perhaps both ; for I find that the 7 July falls
on Wednesday ; an errour which might easilv I ave happened
in some former edition of his Narrative. Though this scru
tiny may seem unimportant, yet, the transaction, it must be
allowed, merits particular attention ; for history without
chronology may be compared to the trackless desert over
which we may wander in vain for relief. Most authors since
Mr. Hubbard's time, pass lightly over this event, and either
think it not worth fixing a date to, or doubting the authority
of Mr. Hubbard. But I am induced to believe, that the day
ofthe month is right, and that the day ofthe week is wrong,
If this be the case, we are able to fix the date ofthe battle of
the Peasfiel J on July 8.
X Bristol ferry. 4

38 PHILIP'S WAR.
transported to Rhodeisland, from whence, the next
night they got passage over to Pocasset side in Rhode-
island boats, and concluded there to dispose them
selves in two ambuscades before day, hoping to sur
prise some of the enemy by their falling into one or
other of their ambushments. But Captain Fuller's
party being troubled with the epidemical plague of
lust after tobacco, must needs strike fire to smoke
it.* And thereby discovered themselves to a party
of the enemy coming up to them, who immediately
fled with great precipitation.
This ambuscade drew off about break of day, per
ceiving [that] they were discovered, the other con
tinued in their post until the time assigned them,
and the light and heat of the sun rendered their sta
tion both insignificant and troublesome, and then re
turned unto the place of rendezvous ; where they
were acquainted with the other party's disappoint
ment, and the occasion of it. Mr. Church calls for
the breakfast he had ordered to be brought over in
the boat, but the man that had the charge of it, con
fessed that he was asleep when-the boat's men call
ed him, and in haste came away and never thought
of it. It happened that Mr. Church had a few cakes
of rusk in his pocket, that Madam Cranston,f (the
* It is customary with many to this day in Rhodeisland, to
use this phrase. If a person tells another that he smoked to
bacco at any particular time, he will say that he smoked it,
or " I have smokt it."
1 1 am sorry to acknowledge the want of information of so
conspicuous a character as a Governour of Rhodeisland, but
the histories of Newengland do not tell us there ever was
such a Governour. Probably the town of Cranston perpetu
ates his name. From Allen, Biog. 196, it appears that Mr.
William Coddington was Governour this year, 1675 ; yet
there may be no mistake in the text, though this name has
been written with variation. From Trumbull's Conn. I,
856, I find that " John Cranston, Esq., Governour of
Rhodeisland, [in 1679] held a court in Narraganset, in Sep
tember, and made attempts to introduce the authority and
officers of Rhodeisland, into that part of Connecticut. The
general assembly therefore, in October, protested against

PHILIP'S WAR. 39
Governour's Lady of Rhodeisland) gave him when he
came off the island, which he divided among the
company, which was all the provisions they had.
Mr. Church, after their slender breakfast, proposed
to Captain Fuller, that he would march in quest of
the enemy, with such of the company as would be
willing to march with him, which he complied with,
though with a great deal of scruple ; because of his
small numbers, and the extreme hazard he foresaw
must attend them.*
But some of the company reflected upon Mr.
Church, that notwithstanding his talk on the other
side of the river, he had not shown them any In
dians since they came over ; . which now moved him
to tell them, that, if it were their desire to see In
dians, he believed he should now soon show them
what they should say was enough.
The number allowed himf soon drew off to him,
which could not be many ; because their whole com
pany consisted of no more than thirty-six.
They moved towards Sogkonate, until they came
to the brook J that runs into Nunnaquahqat§ neck,
where they discovered a fresh and plain track, which
his usurpation, and declared his acts to be utterly void."
Thus the spirit of feeling between the two colonies at this
period is discovered.
* Captain Fuller had not proceeded far, before he fell in
with a large number of the enemy, but fortunately he was
in the vicinity of the water, and more fortunately, near an
old house, in which he sheltered himself and men until a
vessel discovered and conveyed them off, with no other loss,
than having two men wounded. He had 17 men in his com
pany. t Nineteen. , Hubbard, 85, says, that Mr. Church had
not above 15 men.
± This brook is that which empties into the bay nearly a
mile southward from Howland's ferry. The road to Little
Compton, here, follows the shore ofthe bay, and crosses said
brook where it meets the bay.
§ Now called^Quaucut, a small s'trait near the brook just
mentioned.

40 PHILIP'S WAR.
they concluded to be from the great pine swamp,
about a mile from the r^iad that leads to Sogkonate.
" Now," says Mr. Church, to his men, " if we follow
this tra.ck, no doubt but we shall soon see Indians
enough." They expressed their willingness to fol
low the track, and moved [on] in it ; but [they] had
not gone far, before one of them narrowly escaped
being bit with a rattlesnake ; and the woods that
the track led them through was haunted much with
those snakes, which the little company seemed more
to be afraid of, than the black serpents they were in
quest of; and therefore bent their course another
way to a place where they thought it probable to
find some of the enemy. Had they kept the track
to the pine swamp, they had been certain of meet^
ing Indians enough, but not so certain that any of
them should have returned to give [an] account how
many. Now they passed down into Punkatees* neck, and
in their march discovered a large wigwam full of
Indian truck, which the soldiers were for loading
themselves with, until Mr. Church forbid it ; telling
them they might expect soon to have their hands
full and business without caring for plunder. Then
crossing the head of the creek into the neck, they
again discovered fresh Indian tracks ; [which had]
very lately passed before them into the neck. They
then got privately and undiscovered unto the fence
of Captain Almy'sf peas field, and divided into two
parties ; Mr. Church keeping the one party with
* A point of land running south nearly two miles between
the bay and Little Compton, and a little more than a mile
wide. On Lockwood's map of Rhodeisland it is called Pun-
catest. It is the southern extremity of Tiverton, and has
been known by the name of Pocasset neck.
t Captain John Almy, who lived on Rhodeisland; the
same, I presume, mentioned in the beginning of this history.
The land is now owned by people of the same name, and
Mr. Sanford Almy, an aged gentleman, lives near the spot.

PHILIP'S WAR. 41
himself, sent the other with Lake,* who was ac
quainted with the ground, on the other side. Two
Indians were soon discovered coming out of the
peas field towards them, when Mr. Church and those
that were with him, concealed themselves from them
by falling flat on the ground, but the other division,
not using the same caution, was seen by the enemy,
which occasioned them to run, which, when Mr.
Church perceived, he showed himself to them, and
called ; telling them he desired but to speak with
them, and would not hurt them. But they ran and
Church pursued. The Indians climbed over a fence,
and one of them facing about, discharged his piece,
but without effect, on the English. One of the Eng
lish soldiers ran up to the fence and fired upon him
that had discharged his piece, and they concluded
by the yelling they heard, that the Indian was wound
ed. But the Indians soon got into the thickets,
whence they saw them no more for the present.
Mr. Church then marching over a plane piece of
ground where the woods were very thick on one
side, ordered his little company to march at a double
distance to make as big a show, (if they should be
discovered,) as might be. But before they saw any
body they were saluted with a volley of fifty or six
ty guns. Some bullets came very surprisingly near
Mr. Church, who starting, looked behind him to see
what was become of his men, expecting to have
seen half of them dead ; but seeing them all upon
their legs, and briskly firing at the smokes of the
enemies' guns ; (for that was all that was then to
be seen.)f He blessed God, and called to his men
* As the name of Lake is not mentioned any where else in
this history, I cannot determine who this was.
t This was indeed very remarkable, as it appears that
nothing prevented the Indians fromtaking deliberate aim.
The truth of the text .must not be doubted, but certainly
Jove never worked a greater miracle in favour of the Trojan*
At the siege of Troy, than Hesper now did for our heroes.
4*

42 PHILIP'S WAR.
not to discharge all their guns at once, lest the ene
my should take the advantage of such an opportuni
ty to run upon them with their hatchets.
Their next motion was immediately into the peas
field.* When they came to the fence, Mr. Church
bid as many as had not discharged their guns to
clap under the fence and lie close, while the others,
at some distance in the field, stood to charge ; hop
ing, that if the enemy should creep to the fence,
(to gain a shot at those that were charging their
guns,) they might be surprised by those that lie un
der the fence. But casting his eyes to the side of
the hill above them, the hill seemed to move, being.
covered over with Indians, with their bright guns
glittering in the sun. and running in a circumference
with a design to surround them.
Seeing such multitudes surrounding him and his
little company, it put him upon thinking what was
become of the boats that were ordered to attend him,
and looking up, he spied them ashore at Sandy-
point,! on tne island side of the river,J with a num
ber of horse and foot, by them, and wondered what
should be the occasion ; until he was afterwards in
formed that the boats had been over that morning
from the island, and had landed a party of men at
Fogland, that were designed in Punkatees neck to
fetch off some cattle and horses, but were am-
* (Tiverton shore about half a mile above Fogland ferry.)
The situation of Punkatees is given in a preceding note.
It contains nearly two square miles, and it is sufficient to
know that it contained the ground on which this battle was
fought. t There are two Sandy points on the Rhodeisland shore,
one above and the other below Fogland ferry; this was that
above. Fogland ferry connects the island with Punkatees
and is near the middle of it.
JThe bay is meant. It being narrow, or from three
fourths to a mile wide, is sometimes called a river, and in the
old charters, Narraganset river. See Douglass, I, 398.

PHILIP'S WAR. 43
buscaded, and many of them wounded by the ene
my.* Now our gentleman's courage and conduct were
both put to the test. He encouraged his men, and
orders some to run and take a wall for shelter be
fore the enemy gained it. It was time for them now
to think of escaping if they knew which way. Mr.
Church orders his men to strip to their white shirts,
that the islanders might discover them to be Eng
lishmen, and then orders three guns to be fired dis
tinctly, hoping [that] it might be observed by their
friends on the opposite shore. The men that were
ordered to take the wall being very hungry, stop
ped a while among the peas to gather a few, be
ing about four rods from the wall. The enemy from
behind, hailed them with a shower of bullets. But
soon all but one came tumbling over an old hedge,
down the bank, where Mr. Church and the rest were,
and told him, that his brother, B. Southworth,f who
was the man that was missing, was killed ; that they
saw him fall. And so they did indeed see him fall,
but it was without a shot, and/slay no longer than till
he had an opportunity to clap a bullet into one of
the enemies' foreheads, and then came running to
his company.
The meanness of the English powder was now
their greatest misfortune. When they were imme
diately upon this beset with multitudes of Indians,
who possessed themselves of every rock, stump, tree
or fence, that was in sight, firing upon them without
* It is mentioned in a later part of this history, that Mr.
Church's servant was wounded at Pocasset, while there after
cattle. This is the time alluded to. Hubbard, 86, says that
" five men coming from Rhodeisland, to look up their cattle
upon Pocasset neck, were assaulted by the same Indians ;
one of the five was Captain Church's servant, who had his
leg broken in the skirmish, the rest hardly escaping with
their lives ;" and, that " this was the first time that ever any
mischief was done by the Indians upon Pocasset neck.^_
This was on the same day ofthe battle of Punkatees.
t Brother in law to Mr. Church.

44 PHILIP'S WAR.
ceasing ; while they had no other shelter but a small
bank, and bit of a water fence.* And yet, to add to
the disadvantage of this little handful of distressed
men, the Indians also possessed themselves of the
ruins of a stone house, that overlooked them. So that,
now, they had no way to prevent lying quite open to
some or other of the enemy, but to heap up stones
before them, as they did ; and still bravely and won
derfully defended themselves against all the num
bers of the enemy. „"?<
At length came over one of the boats from the isl
and shore, but the enemy plied their shot so warmly
to her, as made her keep at some distance. Mr.
Church desired them to send their canoe ashore, to
fetch them on board ; but no persuasions nor argu
ments could prevail with them to bring their canoe
to shore ; which some of Mr. Church's men per
ceiving, began to cry out, for God's sake to take
them off, for their ammunition was spent ! &c. Mr.
Church being sensible of the danger of the enemy's
hearing their complaints, and being made acquaint
ed with the weaknessfand scantiness of their ammuni
tion, fiercely called* to the boat's master, and bid
him either send his canoe ashore, or else be gone
presently, or he would fire upon him.
Away goes the boat, and leaves them still to shift
for themselves. But then another difficulty arose;
the enemy, seeing the boat leave them, were reani
mated, and fired thicker and faster than ever. Up
on which, some of the men, that were lightest of foot,
began to talk of attempting an escape by flight, un
til Mr. Church solidly convinced them of the im-
practicableness of it, and encouraged them yet. [He]
told them, that he had observed so much of the re
markable, and wonderful providence of God, [in]
* This indeed will compare with Lovewell's Fight. That
hero, to prevent being quite encompassed, retreated to the
shore of a pond. The particulars of which will be found in
the continuation of this history. See Appendix, XI.

PHILIP'S WAR. 45
hitherto preserving them, that it encouraged him to
believe, with much confidence, that God would yet
preserve them ; that not a hair of their heads should
fall to the ground ; bid them be patient, courageous,
and prudently sparing of their ammunition, and he
made no doubt but they should come well off yet,
&c. [Thus] until his little army again resolved,
one and all, to stay with, and stick by him. One of
them, by Mr. Church's order, was pitching a flat
stone up on end before him in the sand, when a bul
let from the enemy with a full force, struck the
stone while he was pitching it on end, which put
the poor fellow to a miserable start, till Mr. Church
called upon him to observe how God directed the
bullets, that the enemy could not hit him when in
the same place, [and] yet could hit the stone as it
was erected.
While they were thus making the best defence
they could against their numerous enemies, that
made the woods ring with their constant yelling and
shouting. And night coming on, somebody told
Mr. Church, [that] they spied a sloop up the river
as far as Goldisland,* that seemed to be coming
down towards them. He looked up and told them,
that, succour was now coming, for he believed it was
Captain Golding,f whom he knew to be a man for
business, and would certainly fetch them off if he
came. The wind being fair, the vessel was soon
with them, and Captain Golding it was. Mr. Church
(as soon as they came to speak with one another)
desired him to come to anchor at such a distance
from the shore, that he might veer out his cable, and
ride afloat ; and let slip his canoe, that it might
* A very small ledgy island a little to the south of the stone
bridge, near the middle of the stream, and about 4 or 5 miles
from where they were.
1 1 find nothing relating to this gentleman excepting what
is found in this history. We may infer that he was a man of
worth and 'confidence, by Mr. Church's entrusting him with
an important post at the fight when Philip was killed.

46 PHILIP'S WAR.
drive a shore; which directions Captain Golding
observed. But the enemy gave him such a warm
salute, that his sails, colours and stern were full of
bullet holes.
The canoe came ashore, but was so small that
she would not bear above two men at a time ; and
when two were got aboard they turned her loose to
drive a shore for two more. And the sloop's compa
ny kept the Indians in play the while. But when at
last it came to Mr. Church's turn to go aboard, he
had left his hat and cutlass at the well, where he
went to drink when he first came down ; he told his
company, [that] he would never go off and leave
his hat and cutlass for the Indians, [that] they should
never have that to reflect upon him. Though he
was much dissuaded from it, yerlie would go and
fetch them. He put all the powder he had left into
his gun, (and a poor charge it was) and went pre
senting his gun at the enemy, until he took up what
he went for. At his return he discharged his gun
at the enemy, to bid them farewell for that time;
but had not powder enough to carry the bullet half
way to them. Two bullets from the enemy struck
the canoe as he went on board, one grazed the hair
of his head a little before, another stuck in a small
stake that stood right against the middle of his
breast.* Now this gentleman with his army, making in all
twenty men, himself and his pilot being numbered
with them, got all safe on board, after six hours en
gagement with three hundred Indians; [of] whose
numbers we were told afterwards by some of them-
* The lofty and elegant lines of Barlow, on the conduct of
Gen. Putnam at the battle of Bunker's hill, will admirably
apply to our hero.
" There strides bold Putnam, and from all the plains
Calls the tired troops, the tardy rear sustains,
And mid the whizzing balls that skim the lowe
Waves back his sword, defies the following foe."
Columfeiad, B. V. 562, &c.

PHILIP'S WAR. 47
selves.* A deliverance which that good gentleman
often mentions to the glory of God, and his protect
ing providence.
The next day,f meeting with the rest of his little
company,! whom he had left at Pocasset, (that had
also a small skirmish with the Indians and had two
men wounded) they returned to the Mounthope gar
rison, which Mr. Church used to call the losing
fort. Mr. Church then returned to the island, to seek
provision for the army. [There he] meets with Al-
derman,§ a noted Indian, that was just come over
from the squaw Sachem's cape of Pocasset, having
deserted from her, and brought over his family, who
gave him an account of the state of the Indians,
and where each^of the Sagamore's headquarters
was. Mr. Church then discoursed witli some, who
knew the spot well, where the Indians said Weeta-
more's|| headquarters were, and offered their service
to pilot him [to it.]
With this news he hastened to the Mounthope
garrison, [and] the army expressed their readiness to
embrace such an opportunity.
All the ablest soldiers were now immediately drawn
off, equipped and despatched upon this design, un
der the command of a certain officer.1T And having
marched about two miles, viz., until they came to
* Hubbard 85, says that there were seven or eight scores.
Mather, following him, says there were " an hundred and
almost five times fifteen terrible Indians." Magnalia, II,
488. t July 19.
X On Rhodeisland. Mr. Church and his company were
transported there, as were Capt. Fuller and his company be
fore. See note 1 on page 39.
§ The Indian that killed Philip.
|| (Squaw Sachem of Pocasset.)
An account of this " old Queen" has been given. See
note 2 on page 27.
IT I have not learned this officer's name, but it was Capt.
Henchman's Lieutenant.

48 PHILIP'S WAR.
the cove that lies southwest from the Mount where
orders were given for a halt. The commander in
chief told them [that] he thought it proper to take
advice before he went any further ; called Mr.
Church and the pilot and asked them how they knew
that Philip and all his men were not by that time got
to Weetamore's camp; or that all her own men
were not by that time returned to her again, with
many more frightful questions. Mr. Church told
him [that] they had acquainted him with as much as
they knew, and that for his part he could discover
nothing that need to discourage them from proceed
ing; that he thought it so practicable, that he with
the pilot, would willingly lead the way to the spot,
and hazard the brunt. But the chief commander in
sisted on this, that the enemy's numbers were so
great, and he did not know wnat numbers more
might be added unto them by that time ; and his
company so small, that he could not think it practi
cable to attack them ; adding moreover, that if he
were sure of killing all the enemy and knew that he
must lose the life of one of his men in the action,
he would not attempt it. " Pray sir, then," replied
Mr. Church* [ — ]x " lead your company to yonder
windmill on Rhodeisland, and there they will be out
of danger of being killed by the enemy, and we
shall have less trouble to supply them with provi
sions."* But return he would and did unto the gar
rison until more strength came to them, and a sloop
to transport them to Fallriver,f in order to visit
Weetamore's camp.
*' i [Please to.]
*The action related in the next paragraph was not until
they returned ; though it might be understood that Church
went " out on a discovery" before.
t (South part of Freetown.)
It is in the town of Troy, which was taken from Freetown.
' Fallriver is a local name, derived from a stream that empties
into the bay about a mile above Tiverton line. Probably no
place in the United States contains so many factories in
so small a compass as this.

PHILIP'S WAR. 49
Mr. Church, one Baxter, and Captain Hunter, an
Indian, proffered to go out on the discovery on the
left wing, which was accepted. They had not
marched above a quarter of a mile before they start
ed three of the enemy. Captain Hunter wounded
one of them in the knee, who when he came up [to
him] he discovered to be his near kinsman. The
captive desired favour for his squaw, if she should
fall into their hands, but asked none for himself; ex
cepting the liberty of taking a whiff of tobacco ;
and while he was taking his whiff his kinsman, with
one blow of his hatchet, despatched him.
Proceeding to Weetamore's camp they were dis
covered by one of the enemy, who ran in and gave
information. Upon which a lusty young fellow left
his meat upon his spit,* running hastily out, told his
companions [that] he would kill an Englishman be
fore he ate his dinner ; but failed of his design ; being
no sooner out than shot down. The enemies' fires,
and what shelter they had, were by the edge of a
thick cedar swamp, into which on this alarm they
betook themselves, and the English as nimbly pursu
ed ; but were soon commanded back by their chief
tain, [but not until]1 they were come within [the]
hearing of the cries of their women and children ;
and so ended that exploit. But returning to their
sloop the enemy pursued them, and wounded two of
their men. The next day they returned to the
Mounthope garrison. f 1 [after]
* (Probably a wooden spit.)
f These operations took up about four or five days, henee
we have arrived to the IS or 14 July. In the course of which
time, fourteen or fifteen of the enemy were killed. See
Hubbard, 87. Holmes, I, 422. These individual efforts
were of far more consequence than the manoeuvres of
the main army during the same time ; yet Hutchinson, H.
Adams, and some others since, thought them not worth men
tioning. 5

50 PHILIP'S WAR.
Soon after this was Philip's headquarters visited**
by some other English forces, but Philip, and his gang
had the very fortune to escape, that Weetamore and
hers (but now mentioned) had. They took into a:;
awamp, and their pursuers were commanded back.
After this Dartmouth'sf distresses required succour,
[a] great part of the town being laid desolate, and
many of the inhabitants killed. The most of Ply-
* A particular account of this affair from our author, would
have been gratifying. But most other historians before and
since him, have been elaborate upon it.
In consequence ofthe intelligence gained by Mr. Church,
the aTmy, after finishing the treaty with the Narragansets,
before named, moved to Taunton, where they arrived the 17
July, in the evening ; and on the 18, marched to attack Philip,
who was now in a great swamp, adjacent to, and on the east
side of Taunton river. The army did not arrive until late
in the day, but soon entered resolutely into the swamp.
The underwood was thick, and the foe could not be
seen. The first that entered were shot down, but the
rest rushing on, soon forced them from their hiding places,
and took possession of their wigwams, about 100 in number.
Night coming on, each was in danger from his fellow ; firing
at every bush that seemed to shake. A retreat was now or
dered. Concluding that Philip was safely hemmed in, the
Massachusetts forces marched to Boston, and the Connecti
cut troops, being the greatest sufferers, returned home ; leav
ing those of Plymouth to starve out the enemy. Trumbull's
Connecticut, I, 332. Ibid. U. S. I, 140. This movement of
the army has been very much censured. Had they pressed
upon the enemy the next day, it is thought they would have
been easily subdued. But Philip and his warriours, on the
1 August, before day, passed the river on rafts, and in great
triumph, marched off into the country of the Nipmucks.
About 16 of the English were killed. Ibid. Mather, II
488, says that Philip left a hundred of his people behind who
fell into the hands of the English. It is said that Philip had
a brother killed in this fight, who was a chief Captain, and
had been educated at Harvard College. Hutch. I, 265.
t That part of Dartmouth which was destroyed is about 5
miles S. W. from Newbedford, and known by the name of
Aponaganset. The early histories give us no particulars
about the affair, and few mention it at all. , Many of the in
habitants moved to Rhodeisland. Middleborough, then call
ed Ncmasket, about this time was mostly burned ; probably,
while the treaty was concluding with the Narragansets.

PHILIP'S WAR. 51
mouth forces were ordered thither. And coming to
Russell's garrison* at Ponaganset,f they met with a
number of the enemy, that had surrendered them
selves prisoners on terms promised by Captain Eels
of the garrison, and Ralph Earl, J who persuaded
them (by a friend Indian he had employed) to come
in. And had their promise to the Indians been kept,
and the Indians fairly treated, it is probable that,
* The cellars of this old garrison are still to be seen.
They are on the north bank ofthe Aponaganset about a mile
from its mouth. I was informed by an inhabitant on the spot,
that considerable manoeuvring went on here in those days.
The Indians had a fort on the opposite side of the river, and
used to show themselves, arid act all manner of mockery, to
aggravate the English ; they being at more than a common
gunshot off. At one time one made his appearance, and
turned his backside in defiance, as usual ; but some one hav
ing an uncommonly long gun fired upon him and put an end
to his mimickry.
A similar story is told by the people of Middleborough,
which took place a little north of the town house, across the
Nemasket. The distance ofthe former does not render the
story so improbable as that of the latter, but circumstances
are more authentick. The gun is still shown which performed
the astonishing feat. The distance, some say is nearly half
a mile, which is considerable ground of improbability. That
a circumstance of this kind occurred at both these places,
too, is a doubt. But it is true that a fight did take place
across the river at Middleborough. The Indians came to
the river and burned a grist mill which stood near the pre
sent site of the lower factory, and soon after drew off. The
affair has been acted over by the inhabitants as a celebration
not many years since.
f j(In Dartmouth.)
The word is generally pronounced as it is spelled in the
text, but is always, especially of late, written Aponaganset.
Mr. Douglass, it appears learned this name Polyganset, when
he took a survey of the country. See his Summary, I, 403.
X I can find no mention of these two gentlemen in any of
the histories. But their names are sufficiently immortalized
by their conduct in opposing the diabolical acts of govern
ment for selling prisoners as slaves. It is possible that they
might decline serving any more in the war, after being so
much abused ; and hence were not noticed by the historians,
who also pass over this black page of our history, as lightly
as possible.

52 PHILIP'S WAR.
most, if .not all, the Indians in those parts had soon
followed the example of tjiose, who had now surren
dered themselves, which would have been a good
step towards finishing the war. But in spite of all
that Captain Eels, Church or Earl could say, argue,
plead or beg, somebody else that had more power in
their hands, improved it. And without any regard
to the promises made them on their surrendering them
selves, they were carried away to Plymouth, there sold,
and transported out of the country, being about eight
score persons.* An action so hateful to Mr. Church,
that he opposed it, to the loss of the good will and
respects of some that before were his good friends.
But while these things were acting at Dartmouth,
Philip made his escape ;f leaving his country, fled
over Taunton river, and Rehoboth plain, and Patux-
etj river, where Captain Edmunds^ of Providence,
made some spoil upon him, and had probably done
more, but was prevented by the coming of a superi-
our officer, that put him by.||
*With regret it is mentioned that the venerable John
Winthrop was Governour of Connecticut, (Connecticut and
Newhaven now forming but one colony) the Hon. John
Leverett of Massachusetts, and the Hon. Josiah Winslow of
Plymouth. Rhodeisland, because they chose freedom rather
than slavery, had not been admitted into the Union. From
this history it would seem that one Cranston was Governour
of Rhodeisland at this time ; but that colony appears not to
be implicated in this as well as many other acts of malead-
ministration. See note 2 on page 38.
X An account of which is given in note 1, page 50.
X Douglass wrote this word Patuket, as it is now pronounc
ed. Summary, I, 400. It is now often written Patuxet. It
is Blackstone river, or was so called formerly.
§ I find no other account of this officer in the Indian wars,
only what is hinted at in this history ; from which it appears
that he was more than once employed, and was in the east
ern war.
|| Hubbard, 91, says that Philip had about thirty of his
party killed ; but he takes no notice of Capt. Edmunds' be
ing/.^ by. He said that Capt. Henchman came up to them,

PHILIP'S WAR. 53
And now another fort was built at Pocasset,* that
proved as troublesome and chargeable as that at
Mounthope ; and the remainder of the summer was
improved in providing for the forts and forces there
maintained ; while our enemies were fled some hun
dreds of miles into the country near as far as Alba-
py-t 
but not till the skirmish was over. " But why Philip was
followed no further," he says, " is better to suspend than too
critically to inquire into." Hence we may conclude that
the pursuit was countermanded by Capt. Henchman, who
when too late followed after the enemy without any success.
* The fort here meant was built to prevent Philip's escape
from the swamp before mentioned. See note 1, on page 50.
Mr. Church appears early to have seen the folly of fort
building under such circumstances. While that at Mount-
hope was building, he had seen Philip gaining time ; and
while this was building to confine him to a swamp, he was
marching off in triumph.
t Here appears a large chasm in our history including about
four months, namely, from the escape of Philip on the 1 Au
gust, to December ; during which time many circumstances
transpired worthy of notice, and necessary to render this
history more perfect. Mr. Church appears to have quitted
the war, and is, perhaps, with his family.
Philip having taken up his residence among the Nipmucks
or Nipnets, did not fail to engage them in his cause.
On the 14 July a party killed 4 or 5 people at Mendon
a town 87 miles southwest of Boston.
August 2, Capt. Hutchinson with 20 horsemen went to re
new the treaty with those Indians at a place appointed, near
Quabaog, (now Brookfield) a town about 60 miles nearly
west from Boston ; but on arriving at the place appointed,
the Indians did not appear. So he proceeded 4 or 5 miles
beyond, towards their chief town, when all at once, some
hundreds of them fired upon the company. Eight were shot
down, and 8 others were wounded. Among the latter was
Capt. Hutchinson who died soon after. The remainder escap
ed to Quabaog, and the Indians pursued them. But the Eng
lish arrived in time to warn the inhabitants of the danger,
who with themselves crowded into one house. The other
houses (about 20) were immediately burned down. They
next besieged the house containing the inhabitants (about
70) and the soldiers. This they exerted themselves to fire
5*

54 PHILIP'S WAR.
And now strong suspicions began to arise of the
Narraganset* Indians, that they were ill affected and
also, with various success for two days, and on the third they
nearly effected their object by a stratagem. They filled a
cart with combustibles and set it on fire, and by means of
splicing poles together had nearly brought the flames in con
tact with the house, when Major Willard arrived with £8
dragoons and dispersed them. See American Ann. I, 423,
424. The Indians about Hadley, who had hitherto kept up the
show of friendship, now deserted their dwellings and drew
off after Philip. Toward the last of August, Capt. Beers
and Capt. Lothrop pursued and overtook them,and a fierce
battle was fought, in which 10 ofthe English and 26 Indians
were killed.
September 1, they burned Deerfield and killed one of the
inhabitants. The same day (being a fast) they fell upon
Hadley while the people were at meeting, at which they
were overcome with confusion. At this crisis, a venerable
gentleman in singular attire appeared among them, and put
ting himself at their head, rushed upon the Indians and dis
persed them, then disappeared. The inhabitants thought an
angel had appeared, and led them to victory. But it was
General Gone, one ofthe Judges of King Charles I, who was
secreted in the town. See President Stiles' history of the
Judges, 109, and Holmes, I, 424.
About 11 September Capt. Beers with 36 men went up the
river to observe how things stood at a new plantation called
Squakeag, now Northfield. The Indians a few days before
(but unknown to them) had fallen upon the place and killed
9 or 10 persons, and now laid in ambush for the English,
whom it appears they expected. They had to march nearly
30 miles through a hideous forest. On arriving within three
miles ofthe place, they were fired upon by a host of enemies,
and a large proportion of their number fell. The others
gained an eminence and fought bravely till their Captain
was slain, when they fled in every direction. Sixteen only
escaped. Hubbard, 107. /
On the 18th following, as Capt. Lothrop with 80 men was
guarding some carts from Deerfield to Hadley, they were
fallen

* It was believed that the Indians generally returned from
the western frontier along the Connecticut, and took up
their winter quarters among the Narragansets ; but whether
Philip did is uncertain. Some suppose that he visited the
Mohawks and Canada Indians for assistance.

PHILIP'S WAR. 55
designed mischief. And so the event soon disco
vered. The next winter they began their hostilities
upon the English. The united colonies then agreed
to send an army to suppress them : Governour Wins
low to command the army.*
He undertaking the expedition, invited Mr. Church
to command a company, [ — ]* which he declined ;
1 [in the expedition]
fallen upon, and, including teamsters, 90 were slain ; 7 or
8 only escaped. Ibid. 108.
October 5, the Springfield Indians having been joined by
about 300 of Philip's men began the destruction of Spring
field. But the attack being expected, Major Treat was sent
for, who was then at Westfield, and arrived in time to save
much of the town from the flames, but, 32 houses were
consumed. Holmes, I, 425.
October 19, Hatfield was assaulted on all sides by 7 or 800
Indians, but there being a considerable number of men well
prepared to receive them, obliged them to flee without doing
much damag§. A few out buildings were burned, and
some of the defenders killed, but we have no account how
many. Holmes, 1, 425, says this affair took place at Hadley ;
but Hubbard whom he cites, 116, says it was at Hatfield.
The places are only separated by a bridge over the Con
necticut, and were formerly included under the same name.
Mr. Hoyt in his Antiquarian Researches, 136, thinks that
it was in this attack that Gen. Goffe made his appearance,
because Mr. Hubbard takes no notice of an attack upon that
place in Sept. 1675, which, if there had been one, it would
not have escaped his notice. But this might have been un
noticed by Mr. Hubbard as well as some other affairs of
the war.
Thus are some of the most important events sketched in
our hero's absence, and we may now add concerning him
what Homer did of Achilles' return to the siege of Troy.
Then great Achilles, terrour of the plain,
Long lost to battle, shone in arms again.
Iliad, II, B. XX, 57.
* It was to consist of 1000 men and what friendly Indians
would join them. Massachusetts was to furnish 527, Ply
mouth 158, Connecticut 315. Major Robert Treat with
those of Connecticut, Maj. Bradford with those of Plymouth,
and Maj. Samuel Appleton with those of Massachusetts.
The whole under Gen. Josiah Winslow. American Annals,
I, 426.

56 PHILIP'S WAR. ¦*
craving excuse from taking [a] commission, [but]
he promises to wait upon him as a Reformado [a vo
lunteer] through the expedition. Having rode with
the General to Boston, and from thence to Rehoboth,
upon the General's request he went thence the near
est way over the ferries, with Major Smith,* to his
garrison in the Narraganset country, to prepare and
provide for the coming of General Winslow, who
marched round through the country with his army,
proposing by night to surprise Pumham,f a certain
Narraganset sachem, and his town ; but being aware
of the approach of our army, made their escape' in
to the deserts}. But Mr. Church meeting with fair
winds, . arrived safe at the Major's garrison in the
evening,§ and soon began to inquire after the ene
my's resorts, wigwams or sleeping places ; and hav
ing gained some intelligence, he proposed to the El-
dridges and -some other brisk hands that he met with,
to attempt the surprising of some of the enemy, to
make a present of, to the General, when he should
arrive, which might advantage his design. Being
brisk blades they readily complied with the mo
tion, and were soon upon their march. The night
was very cold, but blessed with the moon. Before
* This gentleman, Mr. Hubbard informs us, Nar. 128
lived in Wickford where the army was to take up its head
quarters. Wickford is about 9 miles N. W. from Newport
on Narraganset bay.
tVSachem of Shawomot or Warwick.)
This Sachem had signed the treaty in July, wherein such
great faith and fidelity were promised. See note 3 on page
36. A few days before the great swamp fight at Narraganset
Capt. Prentice destroyed his town after it was deserted. But
in July, 1676, he was killed by some of the Massachusetts
men, near Dedham. A grandson of his was taken before
this, by a party under Capt. Denison, who was esteemed the
best soldier and most warlike of all the Narraganset chiefs.
Trumbull, I, 345.
i; It appears that all did not escape into the deserts. The
heroick Capt.' Mosely captured 36 on his way to Wickford.
§ December 11.

PHILIP'S WAR. 57
the day broke they effected their exploit ; and, by
the rising of the sun, arrived at the Major's garrison,
where they met the General, and presented him with
eighteen of the enemy, [which] they had captivated.
The General, pleased with the exploit, gave them
thanks, particularly to Mr. Church, the mover and
chief actor of the business. And sending two of
them (likely boys) [as] 6. present to Boston ; [and]
smiling on Mr. Church, told him, that he made no
doubt but his faculty would supply them with In
dian boys enough before the war was ended.
Their next move was to a swamp,* which the In
dians had fortified with a fort.f Mr. Church rode in
the General's guard when the bloody engagement
* Hubbard, 136, says that the army was piloted to, this
place by one Peter, a fugitive Indian, who fled from the Nar
ragansets, upon some discontent, and to him they were in
debted, in a great measure for their success. How long be
fore the army would have found the enemy, or on what part
of the fort they would have fallen, is uncertain. It appears,
that had they come upon any other part, they must have
been repulsed. Whether this Peter was the son of Awash
onks, or Peter Nunnuit, the husband of Weetamore, the
Queen of Pocasset, is uncertain.' But Mr. Hubbard styles
him a fugitive from the Narragansets. If he were a Narra
ganset, he was neither.
t Before this, on the 14, a scout under Sergeant Bennet kill
ed two and took four prisoners. The rest of the same compa
ny, in ranging the country, came upon a town, burned 150
wigwams, killed 7 of the enemy and brought in eight priso
ners. On the 15, some Indians came under the pretence of
making peace, and on their return killed several of the Eng
lish, who were scattered on their own business. Captain
Mosely, while escorting Maj. Appleton's men to quarters,
was fired upon by 20 or 30 of the enemy from behind it stone
wall, but were immediately dispersed, leaving one dead. On
the 16, they received the news that Jerry Bull's garrison at
Pettyquamseot, was burned, and 15 persons killed. On the
18, the Connecticut forces arrived, who on their way had
' taken and killed 1 1 of the enemy. The united forces now set
out, Dec. 19, for the headquarters ofthe enemy. The wea
ther was severely cold and mu,ch snow upon the ground.
They arrived upon the borders of the swamp about one
o'clock. Hubbard, 128 to 130.

58 PHILIP'S WAR.
began. But being impatient of being out of the
heat of the action, importunately begged leave of the
General; that he might run down to the assistance of
his friends. The General yielded to his request,
provided he could rally some hands to go with him.
Thirty men immediately drew out and followed him.
They entered the swamp, and passed over the log,
that was the passage into the fort, where they saw
many men and several valiant Captains lie slain.*
Mr. Church spying Captain Gardner of Salem,
amidst the wigwams in the east end of the fort, made
towards him ; but on a sudden, while they were
looking each other in the face, Captain Gardner set
tled down. Mr. Church stepped to him, and seeing
the blood run down his cheek lifted up his cap, and
calling him by his name, he looked up in his face
but spake not a word ; being mortally shot through
the head. And observing his wound, Mr. Church
found the ball entered his head on the side that was
next the upland, where the English entered the
swamp. Upon which, having ordered some care to
be taken of the Captain, he despatched information
to the General, that the best and forwardest of his
army, that hazarded their lives to enter the fort upon
the muzzles of the enemy's guns, were shot in their
backs, and killed by them that lay behind. Mr.
Church with his small company, hastened out of the
fort (that the English were now possessed of) to get
a shot at the Indians that were in the swamp,
and kept firing upon them. He soon met with a
hroad and bloody track where the enemy had fled
with their wounded men. Following hard in the
track, he soon spied one of the enemy, who clapped
his gun across his breast, made towards Mr. Church,
and beckoned to him with his hand. Mr. Church
immediately commanded no man to hurt him, hop-
* Six Captains were killei}. Captains Davenport, Gardi
ner and Johnson of Massachusetts ; Gallop, Siely and Mar
shall of Connecticut. No mention is made that any officers
yeere killed belonging to Plymouth.

PHILIP'S WAR. 59
ing by him to have gained some intelligence of the
enemy, that might be of advantage. But it unhappi
ly fell out, that a fellow that had lagged .behind,
coming up, shot down the Indian ; to Mr. Church's
great grief and disappointment. But immediately
they heard a great shout of the enemy, which seem
ed to be behind them or between them and the fort;
and discovered them running from tree to tree to gain
advantages of firing upon the English that were in
the fort. Mr. Church's great difficulty now was,
how to discover himself to his friends in the fort ;
using several inventions, till at length he gained an
opportunity to call to, and informed a Sergeant in
the fort, that he was there and might be exposed to
their shots, unless they observed it. By this time he
discovered a number of the enemy, almost within
shot of him, making towards the fort. Mr. Church
and his company were favoured by a heap of brush
that was between them, and the enemy, and pre
vented their being discovered to them. Mr. Church
had given his men their particular orders for firing
upon the enemy. And as they were rising up to
make their shot, the aforementioned Sergeant in the
fort, called out to them, for God's sake not to fire,
for he believed they were some of their friend In
dians. They clapped down again, but were soon
sensible of the Sergeant's mistake. The enemy got
to the top of the tree, the body whereof the Sergeant
stood upon, and jhere clapped down out of sight
of the fort ; but all this while never discovered Mr.
Church, who observed them to keep gathering unto
that place until there seemed to be a formidable
black heap of them. " Now brave boys," said Mr.
Church to his men, " if we mind our hits we may
have a brave shot, and let our sign for firing on them,
be their rising to fire into the fort." It was not long
before the Indians rising up as one body, designing
to pour a volley into the fort, when our Church
nimbly started up, and gave them such a round vol-

60 PHILIP'S WAR.
ley, and unexpected clap on their backs, that they,
who escaped with their lives, were so surprised, that
they scampered, they knew not whither themselves.
About a dozen of them ran right over the log into
the fort, and took into a sort of hovel that was built
with poles, after the manner of a corn crib. Mr.
Church's men having their cartridges fixed, were
soon ready to obey his orders, which were immedi
ately to charge and run [ — ]* upon the hovel and over
set it ; calling as he ran on, to some that were in the
fort, to assist him in oversetting it. They no sooner
came to face the enemy's shelter, but Mr. Church
discovered that one of them had found a hole to
point his gun through right at him. But however
[he] encouraged his company, and ran right on, till
he was struck with three bullets ; one in his thigh,
which was near half cut off as it glanced on the
joint of his hip bone ; another through the gather
ings of his breeches and drawers with a small flesh
wound ; a third pierced his pocket, and wounded a
pair of mittens that he had borrowed of Captain
Prentice ; being wrapped up together, had the mis
fortune of having many holes cut through them with
one bullet. But however he made shift to keep on
his legs, and nimbly discharged his gun at them that
had wounded him. Being disabled now to go a step,
his men would have carried him off, but he forbid
their touching of him, until they had perfected their
project of oversetting the enemy's shelter ; bid them
run, for now the Indians had no guns charged.
While hewas urging them to run on, the Indians be
gan to shoot arrows, and with one pierced through
the arm of an Englishman that had hold of Mr.
Church's arm to support him. The English, in short,
were discouraged and drew back. And by this
time the English people in the fort had begun to set
fire to the wigwams aud houses in the fort, which
Mr. Church laboured hard to prevent. They told him
i[on]

PHILIP'S WAR. 61
[that] they had orders from the General to burn
them. He begged them to forbear until he had dis
coursed with the General. And hastening to him,
he begged to spare the wigwams, &c, in the fort
from fire. [And] told him [that] the wigwams were
musket proof; being all lined with baskets and tubs
of grain and other provisions, sufficient to supply
the whole army, until the spring of the year, and
every wounded man might have a good warm house
to lodge in, who otherwise would necessarily perish
with the storms and cold ; and moreover that the
army had no other provisions to trust unto or depend
upon; that he knew that the Plymouth forces had
not so much as one [biscuit]1 left, for he had seen
their last dealt out, &c* The General advising a
few words with the gentlemen that were about him
moved towards the fort, designing to ride in himself,
and bring in the whole army ; but just as he was en
tering the swamp one of his Captains met him, and
asked him, whither he was going 1 He told him "In
to the fort." The Captain laid hold of his horse,
and told him, [that] his life was worth an hundred of
theirs, and [that] he should not expose himself. The
General told him, that, he supposed the brunt was
over, and that Mr. Church had informed him that
the fort was taken, &c. ; and as the case was cir
cumstanced, he was of the mind, that it was most
practicable for him and his army to shelter them
selves in the fort. The Captain in a great heat re
plied, that Church lied; and told the General, that,
if he moved another step, towards the fort he would
shoot his horse under him. Then [bristled]3 up
i [biskake] 2 [brusled]
* Thus the heroick Church discovered not only great
bravery in battle, but judgment and forethought. Had his
advice been taken, no doubt many lives would have been
saved. It may be remarked, that notwithstanding Mr.
Church so distinguished himself in this fight, his name is not
mentioned by our chief historians.
6

62 PHILIP'S WAR.
another gentleman, a certain Doctor,* and opposed
Mr. Church's advice, and said, [that] if it were com
plied with, it would kill more men than the enemy
had killed. "For (said he) by tomorrow the wound
ed men will be so stiff, that there will be no moving
of them." And looking upon Mr. Church, and see
ing the blood flow apace from his wounds, told him,
that if he gave such advice as that was, he should
bleed to death like a dog, before they would endea
vour to stanch his blood. Though after they had
prevailed against his advice they were sufficiently
kind to him. And burning up all the houses and
provisions in the fort, the army returned the same
night in the storm and cold. And I suppose that
every one who is acquainted with that night's march,
deeply laments the miseries that attended them;
especially the wounded and dying men.f But it
mercifully came to pass that Captain Andrew Bel-
cherf arrived at Mr. Smith's that very night from
Boston with a vessel laden with provisions for the
army, which must otherwise have perished for want.
Some of the enemy that were then in the fort have
since informed us that, near a third of the Indians
belonging to all the Narraganset country, were kill-
* I have not been able to learn the name ofthe beforemen-
tioned Captain nor Doctor. Perhaps it is as well if their
memories be buried in oblivion. Trumbull says that, they
had the best surgeons which the country could produce.
Hist. Con. I, 340. In another place, I, 346, Mr. Gershom
Bulkley, he says, " was viewed one ofthe greatest physicians
and surgeons then in Connecticut."
fWhat rendered their situation more intolerable, was,
beside the severity ofthe cold, a tremendous storm filled the
atmosphere with snow ; through which they had 18 miles to
march before they arrived at their headquarters. See Hist.
Connecticut, I, 340.
X The father of Governour Belcher. He lived at Cam
bridge, and was one of his Majesty's council. No one was more
respected for integrity, and it is truly said, that he was " an
ornament and blessing to his country." He died October
81, 1728, aged 71. Eliot, 52,

PHILIP'S WAR. 63
ed by the English, and by the cold of that night;*
that they fled out of their fort so hastily, that they
carried nothing with them, that if the English had
kept in the fort, the Indians would certainly have
been necessitated, either to surrender themselves to
them, or to have perished by hunger, and the seve
rity of the season. f
Some time after this fort fight, a eertain Sogkon
ate Indian, hearing Mr. Church relate the manner
of his being wounded, told him, [that] he did not
know but he himself was the Indian that wounded
him, for that he was one of that company of Indians
that Mr. Church made a shot upon, when they were
rising to make a shot into the fort. They were in
number about sixty or seventy that just then came
down from Pumham's town J and never before then
fired a gun against the English. That when Mr.
* Mr. Hubbard, 135, mentions, that one Potock, a great
counsellor among them, confessed on being taken, that the
Indians lost 700 fighting men, besides 300, who died of their
wounds. Many .old persons, children and wounded, no
doubt perished in the flames. But letters from the army, at the
time, may be seen in Hutchinson, I, 272, 273, in which the
enemy's loss is not so highly rated. They compare better
with the account given by our author in the next note.
t (The swamp fight happened on December 19,* 1675, in
which about 50 English were killed in the action, and died
of their wounds ; and about 300 or 350 Indians, men, women
and children were killed, and as many more captivated. f It
is said 500 wigwams were burned with the fort, and 200
more in other parts of Narraganset. The place of the fort
was an elevated ground, or piece of upland, of, perhaps, 3 or
4 acres, in the middle of a hideous swamp, about 7 " miles
nearly due west from Narraganset, south ferry.J)
X What is now Warwick. See note 2, page 56.
• The old copy of this history, from which I print this, gives the date,
Dec. 29, but it must be a misprint.
t Perhaps later writers are more correct with regard to the loss of the
English, than our author. It is said that there were above 80 slain, and
150 wounded, who afterwards recovered. Hist. Con. I, 340.
t The swamp where this battle was fought is in Southkingston, Rhode-
ulaud, situated as mentioned above.

64 PHILIP'S WAR.
Church fired upon them he killed fourteen dead upon
the spot, and wounded a greater number than he
killed. Many of which died afterwards of their
wounds, in the cold and storm [of] the following
night. Mr. Church was moved with other wounded men,
over to Rhodeisland, where in about three months'
time, he was in some good measure recovered of
his wounds, and the fever that attended them; and
then went over to the General* to take his lqpve of
him, with a design to return home.f But the Gene-
* General Winslow, with the Plymouth and Massachusetts
forces, remained in the Narraganset country most of the
winter, and performed considerable against the enemy.
The Connecticut men under Major Treat, being much cut
to pieces, returned home.
t While our hero is getting better of his wounds we will
take a short view of what is transacting abroad.
The enemy, toward the end of January, left their country
and moved off to the Nipmucks. A party, in their way,
drove off 15 horses, 50 cattle and 200 sheep, from one of the
inhabitants of Warwick. On the 10 Feb., several hundreds
of them fell upon Lancaster ; plundered and burned a great
part of the town, and killed or captivated forty persons.
(Philip commanded in this attack, it was supposed.) Feb.
21, nearly half of the town of Medfield was burned, and on
the 25, seven or eight buildings were also burned at Wey
mouth. March IS, Groton was all destroyed excepting four
garrison houses. On the 17, Warwick had every house burned
save one. On the 26, Marlborough was nearly all destroyed,
and the inhabitants deserted it. The same day Capt. Pierce
of Scituate with fifty English and twenty friendly Indians,
was cut off with most of his men. (For the particulars of
this affair see note further onward.) On the 28, forty houses
and thirty barns were burned at Rehoboth ; and the day
following, about 30 houses in Providence. The main body
ofthe enemy was supposed now to be in the woods between
Brookfield and Marlborough, and Connecticut river. Capt.
Denison of Connecticut with a few brave volunteers per
formed signal services. In the first of April he killed and took
44 ofthe enemy, and before the end of the month 76 more
were killed and taken, all without the loss of a man. In the
beginning of April the Wamesit Indians did some mischief at
Chelmsford, on Merrimack river, to which it appears they
had been provoked. On the 17, the remaining houses at

PHILIP'S WAR. 65
ral's great importunity again persuaded him to ac
company him in a long march* into the Nipmuckf
country, though he had then tents in his wounds,
and so lame as not [to be] able to mount his horse
without two men's assistance.
In this march, the. first thing remarkable was, they
came to an Indian town, where there were many wig
wams in sight, but an icy swamp, lying between them
and the wigwams, prevented their running at once
upon it as they intended. There was much firing upon
each side before they passed the swamp. But at
length the enemy all fled and a certain Mohegan,
that was a friend Indian, pursued and seized one of
the enemy that had a small wound in his leg, and
brought him before the General, where he was ex
amined. Some were for torturing him to bring him
Marlborough were consumed. The next day, 18 April, they
came furiously upon Sudbury. (Some account of which will
be given in an ensuing note.) Near the end of April, Scitu-
ate about 30 miles from Boston, on the bay, had 19 houses
and barns burned. The inhabitants made a gallant resist
ance and put the enemy to flight. May 8, they burned 17
houses and barns at Bridgewater, a large town about 20 miles
south of Boston. Mather, Magnalia, II, 497, says that, " not
an inhabitant was lost by this town during the war, neither
young nor old ; that when their dwellings were fired at this
time, God, froift heaven, fought for them with a storm of
lightning, thunder and rain, whereby a great part of their
houses were preserved." On the 11, the town of Plymouth
had 16 houses and barns burned ; and two days after 9 more.
Middleborough, 38 miles from Boston, had its few remaining
houses burned the same day.
These were the most distressing days that Neweng
land ever beheld. Town after town fell a sacrifice to their
fury. All was fear and consternation. Few there were,
who were not in mourning for some near kindred, and no
thing but horrour stared them in the face. But we are now to
see the affairs of Philip decline.
* I cannot find as any other historian has taken notice of
this expedition of the commander in chief. It appears from
what is above stated that it was in March, 1676.
t (Country about Worcester, Oxford, Grafton, Dudley,
&c.) 6*

66 PHILIP'S WAR.
to a more ample confession of what he knew con
cerning his countrymen. Mr. Church, verily believ
ing [that] he had been ingenuous in his confession,
interceded and prevailed for his escaping torture.
But the army being bound forward in their march,
and the Indian's wound somewhat disenabling him
for travelling, it was concluded [that] he should be
knocked on the head. Accordingly he was brought
before a great fire, and the Mohegan that took him
was allowed, as he desired to be, his executioner.
Mr. Church taking no delight in the sport, framed
an errand at some distance among the baggage
horses, and when he had got ten rods, or thereabouts,
from the fire, the executioner fetching a blow with
a hatchet at the head of the prisoner, he being aware
of the blow, dodged his head aside, and the execu
tioner missing his stroke, the hatchet flew out of his
hand, and had like to have done execution where it
was not designed. The prisoner upon his narrow
escape broke from them that held him, and notwith
standing his wound, made use of his legs, and hap
pened to run right upon Mr. Church, who laid hold
on him, and a close scuffle they had ; but the Indian
having no clothes on slipped from him and ran again,
and Mr. Church pursued [him,]1 although being
lame there was no great, odds in the race, until the
Indian stumbled and fell, and [then] they closed
again — scuffled and fought pretty smartly, until the
Indian, by the advantage ©f his nakedness, slipped
from his hold again, and set out on his third race,
with Mr. Church clos_e at his heels, endeavouring to-
lay hold on the hair of his head, which was all the
hold could be taken of him. And running through
a swamp that, was covered with hollow ice, it made
so loud a noise that Mr. Church expected (but in
vain) that some of his English friends would follow
the noise and come to his' assistance. But the In
dian happened to run athwart a large tree that lay
1 [the Indian]

PHILIP'S WAR. 67
fallen near breast high, where he stopped and cried
out aloud for help. But Mr. Church being soon
upon him again, the Indian seized him fast by the
hair of Jhis head, and endeavoured by twisting to
break his neck. But though Mr, Church's wounds
had somewhat weakened him, and the Indian a stout
fellow, yet he held him in play and twisted the In
dian's neck as well, and took the advantage of many
opportunities, while they hung by each other's hair,
gave him notorious bunts in the face with his head.
But in the heat of the scuffle they heard the ice
break, with somebody's coming apace to them, which
when they heard, Church concluded there was help
for one or other of them, but was doubtful which of
them must now receive the fatal stroke — anon some
body comes up to them, who proved to be the In
dian that had first taken the prisoner ; [and] with
out speaking a word, he felt them out, (for it was
so dark he could not distinguish them by sight, the
one being clothed and the other naked) he felt
where Mr. Church's hands were fastened in the Ne-
top's* hair and with one blow settled his hatchet in
between them, and [thus] ended the strife. He then
spoke to Mr. Church and hugged him in his arms,
and thanked him abundantly for catching his prison
er. [He then]1 cut off the head of his victim and
carried it to the camp, and [after] giving an account
to the rest of the friend Indians in the camp how
Mr. Church had seized his prisoner, &c, they all
joined in a mighty shout.
Proceeding in this march they had the success of
killing many of the enemy ; until at length their
provisions failing, they returned home.
King Philip-)- (as was before hinted) was fled to a
1 [and]
* The Netop Indians were a small tribe among the Sogko-
nates. t It was supposed by many that Philip was at the great
swamp fight at Narraganset in December, 1675. See note 1,
page 54.

68 PHILIP'S WAR.
place called Scattacook,* between York and Albany,
where the Moohagsf made a descent upon him and
killed many of his men, which moved him from
thence. J
His next kennelling place was at the fall§ of Con
necticut river, where, sometime after Captain Tur
ner found him, [and] came upon him by night, kill
ed him a great many men, and frightened many more
into the river, that were hurled down the falls and
drowned. ||
* It is above Albany, on the east side of the north branch
ofthe Hudson, now called Hoosac river, about 15 miles from
Albany. Smith wrote this word Scaghtahook. History N.
York, 307.
t (Mohawks.)
This word according to Roger Williams, is derived from
the word moho, which signifies to eat. Or Moha.wks signifi
ed cannibals or man eaters among the other tribes of Indians.
Trumbull, U. States, I, 47. Hutchinson, 1, 405. This tribe
was situated along the Mohawk river, from whom it took its
name, and was one ofthe powerful Fivenations, who in 1713,
were joined by the Tuskarora Indians, a large tribe from N.
Carolina, and thence known by the name of the Sixna-
tions. Williamson, N. Carolina, I, 203. Hon. De Witt
Clinton, in N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 48, says the Tuskaroras
joined the other nations in 1712.
X Philip despairing of exterminating the English with his
Newengland Indians resorted to the Mohawks to persuade
them to engage in his cause. They not being willing, he
had recourse to a foul expedient. Meeting with some Mo
hawks i n the woods, hunting, he caused them to be murdered ;
and then informed their .friends, that the English had done
it. But it so happened that one, which was left for dead,
revived and returned to his friends, and informed them of
the truth. The Mohawks in just resentment fell upon him
and killed many of his men. Adams, Hist. N. Eng. 125.
§ (Above Deerfield.)
It has been suggested, and it is thought very appropriate
ly to call that cataract, where Capt. Turner destroyed the
Indians, Turner's Falls. See Antiquarian Researches, 131.
|| Philip with a great company of his people had taken a
stand at the fall in Connecticut river for the convenience of
getting a supply of fish, after the destruction of their pro
visions at the great swamp fight in .Narraganset. S9me

PHILIP'S WAR. 69
Philip got over the river, and on the back side of
Wetuset* hills, meets with all the remnants of the
Narraganset and Nipmuckf Indians, that were there
gathered together, and became very numerous;
and [then] made their descent on Sudburyf and the
adjacent parts of the country, where they met with,
prisoners deserted and brought news to Hadley, Hatfield
and Northampton of the Indians' situation at the falls. On
the 18 May, 160 men under Capt. Turner arrived near their
quarters at day break. The enemy were in their wigwams
asleep, and without guards. The English rushed upon them
and fired as they rose from sleep, which so terrified them
that they fled in every direction; crying out "Mohawks!
Mohawks!" Some ran into the river, some took canoes,
and in their fright forgot the paddles, and were precipitated
down the dreadful fall and dashed in pieces. The enemy is
supposed to have lost 300. The English having finished the
work, began a retreat ; but the Indians, on recovering from
their terror fell upon their rear, killed Capt. Turner and 38
of his men. See American Annals, I, 430. Why is the
name of Turner not found in our Biographical Dictionaries?
* In the north part of the present town of Princetown in
Worcester county, about 50 miles W. of Boston. Mr. Hub
bard wrotethis word Watchuset, and Dr. Morse, Wachusett,
and calls it a mountain. See Univ. Gaz. But in this, as well
as many other words, the easiest way is the best way ; hence
Wachuset is to be preferred.
t (About Rutland.)
It was just said that the Nipmuck country was about Wor
cester, Oxford, &c. See note 2 on page 65. Nipmuck was
a general name for all Indians beyond the Connecticut to
ward Canada.
X On the 27 March, 1676, some persons of Marlbo
rough joined others of Sudbury, and went in search of the
enemy. They came upon nearly 300 of them before day a
sleep by their fires, and within half a mile of a garrison
house. The English though but 40 in number, ventured to
fire upon them; and before they could arouse and es
cape, they had several well directed fires, killing and
wounding about 30. On 18 April, as has been before noted,
they furiously fell upon Sudbury, burned several houses and
barns and killed several persons. Ten or 12 persons that
came from Concord, 5 miles distant, to assist their friends,
were drawn into an ambush, and all killed or taken, Hub
bard, 182, 184.

70 PHILIP'S WAR.
and swallowed up [the] valiant Captain Wadsworth*
and his company ; and many other doleful desolations
in those parts. The news whereof coming to Ply
mouth, and they expecting [that,] probably, the ene
my would soon return again into their colony, the
council of war were called together, and Mr. Church
was sent for to them ; being observed by the whole
colony to be a person extraordinarily qualified for, and
adapted to the affairs of war. It was proposed in coun
cil, that lest the enemy in their return, should fall on
Rehoboth, or some other of their out towns, a com
pany consisting of sixty or seventy men, should be
sent into those parts, and [that] Mr. Church [be] in
vited to take the command of them. He told them
that if the enemy returned into that colony again, they
* Capt. Samuel Wadsworth, father of president Wads-
worth of Harvard College. Capt. Wadsworth was sent from
Boston with 50 men to relieve Marlborough. After march
ing 25 miles, they were informed that the enemy had gone
toward Sudbury ; so without stopping to take any rest, they
pursued after them. On coming near the town, a party of
the enemy were discovered, and pursued about a mile into
the woods, when on a sudden they were surrounded on all
sides by 500 Indians, as was judged. No chance of escape
appeared. This little band of brave men now resolved to
fight to the last man. They gained an eminence, which
they maintained for some time ; at length, night approach
ing, they began to scatter, which gave the enemy the advan
tage, and nearly every one was slain. This was a dreadful
blow to the country. It is not certain that any ever escaped
to relate the sad tale. President Wadsworth erected a monu
ment where this battle was fought with this inscription.
" Captain Samuel Wadsworth of Milton, his Lieutenant
Sharp of Brookline, Captain Broclebank of Rowley, with
about Twenty Six* other souldiers, fighting for the defence
of their country, were slain by the Indian enemy April 18th,
1676, and lye buried in this place."
" This monument stands to the west of Sudbury causeway,
about one mile southward ofthe church in old Sudbury, and
about a quarter of a mile from the great road, that leads
from Worcester to Boston." Holmes, I, 429. Sudbury is
about 22 miles from Boston.
* Supposed to be the number of bodies found.

PHILIP'S WAR. 71
might reasonably expect that they would come very
numerous, and if he should take the command of
men he should not lie in any town or garrison
with them, but would lie in the woods as the enemy
did — and that to send out such small companies
against such multitudes of the enemy that were now
mustered together, would be but to deliver so many
nien into their hands, to be destroyed, as the worthy
Captain Wadsworth and his company were. His
advice upon the whole was, that, if they sent out
any forces, to send no less than three hundred sol
diers ; and that the other colonies should be asked
to send out their quotas also ; adding, that, if they
intended to make an end of the war by subduing the
enemy, they must make a business of the war as the
enemy did ; and that for his own part, he had wholly
laid aside all his own private business and concerns,
ever since the war broke out.* He told them that,
if they would send forth such forces as he should
direct [them] to, he would go with them for six
weeks march, which was long enough for men to be
kept in the woods at once ; and if they might be
sure of liberty to return in such a space, men would
go out cheerfully; and he would engage [that] one
hundred and fifty of the best soldiers should imme
diately list, voluntarily, to go with him, if they would
please to add fifty more ; and one hundred of the
friend Indians. And with such an army, he made
no doubt, but he might do good service, but on other
terms he did not incline to be concerned.
Their reply was, that, they were already in debt,
and so big an army would bring such a charge upon
them, that they should never be able to pay. And
as for sending out Indians, they thought it no ways
advisable; and in short, none of his advice practi
cable. * It will be discoverable in almost every step onward, how
shamefully Mr. Church was treated by government for all
his services.

72 PHILIP'S WAR.
Now Mr. Church's consort, and his then only son
were till this time* remaining at Duxbury; and his
fearing their safety there, (unless the war were more
vigorously engaged in) resolved to move to Rhode-
island, though it was much opposed, both by govern
ment and relations. But at length the Governour,
considering that he might be no less serviceable, by
being on that side of the colony, gave his permit,
and wished [that] he had twenty more as good men
to send with him.
Then preparing for his removal he went with his
small family to Plymouth to take leave of their
friends, where they met with his wife's parents, who
much persuaded that she might be left at Mr. Clark's
garrison, (which they supposed to be a mighty safe
place) or at least that she might be there, until her
soon expected lying in was over ; (being near her
time.) Mr.^Church no ways inclining to venture her
any longer in those parts, and no arguments prevail
ing with him, he resolutely set out for Taunton, and
many of their friends accompanied them. There
they found Captain Peircef with a commanded
*The beginning of March, 1676.
t This gentleman belonged to Scituate, as is seen in note to
page 64. I have learned no particulars of him, except what are
furnished in the Indian wars. It appears that he was now
on his march into the Narraganset country, having heard
that many of the enemy had collected at Pawtuxet, a few
miles to the southward of Providence. He being a man of
great courage, and willing to engage the enemy on any
ground, was led into a fatal snare. On crossing the Paw
tuxet river he found himself encircled by an overwhelming
number. He retreated to the side of the river to prevent
being surrounded ; but this only alternative failed: For the
enemy crossing the river above, came upon their backs with
the same deadly effect as those in front. Thus they had to
contend with triple numbers, and a double disadvantage.
Means was found to despatch a messenger to Providence for
succour, but through some unaccountable default in him, or
them to whom it was delivered, none arrived until too late.
The scene was horrid beyond description ! Some say that all
the English were slain, others, that one only escaped, which

PHILIP'S WAR. 73
party, who offered Mr. Church to send a relation Of
his with some others to guard him to Rhodeisland.
But Mr. Church thanked him for his respectful offer,
but for some good reasons refused to accept it. In
short, they got safe to Captain John Almy's* house
upon Rhodeisland where they met with friends and
good entertainment. But by the way let me not
forget this remarkable providence, viz., that within
twentyfour hours, or thereabouts, after their arrival
at Rhodeisland, Mr. Clark's garrison, that Mr. Church
was so much importuned to leave his wife and chil
dren at, was destroyed by the enemy. f
Mr. Church being at present disabled from any
particular set vice in the war, began to think of some
other employ. But he no sooner took a tool to cut
was effected as follows. A friendly Indian pursued him with
an uplifted tomahawk, in the face of the enemy, who consid
ering his fate certain, and that he was pursued by one of
their own men, made no discovery of the stratagem, and
both escaped. Another friend Indian seeing that the battle
was lost, blackened his face with powder and ran among the
enemy, whom they took to be one of themselves, who also
were painted black, then presently escaped into the woods.
Another was pursued, who hid behind a rock, and his pursu
er lay secreted near to shoot him when he ventured out.
But he behind the rock put his hat or cap upon a stick, and
raising it up in sight, the other fired upon it. He dropping
his stick ran upon him before he could reload his gun and
shot him dead. See Hubbard, Nar. 151, &c. It appears
that Canonchet, a Narraganset chief, who afterwards fell
into the hands of the brave Capt. Denison commanded in
this battle. See Hist. Connect. 344.
* See note^ on page 40.
t On the 12 March Mr. Clark's house was assaulted by the
Indians, who after barbarously murdering 1 1 persons, belong
ing to two families, set it on fire. Mr. Hubbard, 155, says, that
" The cruelty was the more remarkable, in that they had
often received much kindness from the said Clark." Philip
is supposed to have conducted this affair. About the time.
that that chief fell, 200 Indians delivered themselves prison
ers at Plymouth, 8 of whom were found to have been among
those who murdered Mr. Clark's family and were executed.
The rest were taken into favour. Ibid. 216.
7

74 PHILIP'S WAR.
a small stick, but he cut off the top of his fore fin
ger, and the next to it half off; upon which he
smilingly said, that he thought he was out of his
way to leave the war, and resolved he would, [go] to
war again.
Accordingly his second son being born on the
12th of May, and his wife and son [likely]1 to do
well, Mr. Church embraces the opportunity of a pas
sage in a sloop bound to Barnstable, [which]? land
ed him at Sogkonesset,* from whence he rode to
Plymouth, and arrived there the first Tuesday in
June.f The General Court then sitting, welcomed him,
and told him [that] they were glad to see him alive.
He replied, [that] he was as glad to see them alive;
for he had seen so many fires and smokes towards
their side of the country, since he left them, that he
could scarce eat or sleep with any comfort, for fear
they had all been destroyed. For all travelling was
stopped, and no news had passed for a long time
together. He gave them an account,} that the Indians had
made horrid desolations at Providence, Warwick,
Pawtuxet, and all over the Narraganset country ;
and that they prevailed daily against the English on
that side of the country. [He] told them [that] he
longed to hear what methods they designed [to take]
in the war. They told him [that] they were par-
i [like] a [who]
* Known now by the name of Wood's hole. It is in the
town of Falmouth, not far to the eastward of Sogkonate point.
Douglass wrote this name Soconosset, and Hutchinson Suca-
nesset. A small clan of Indians resided here from whom it
took its name.
t Namely the 8.
X We should not suppose that this was the first intelligence
that the people of Plymouth received of the destruction of
those places, as this visit was nearly 3 months after the des
truction of Warwick, Providence, &c, and about 4 from the
putting off of Capt. Pierce ; yet it might be the case.

PHILIP'S WAR. 75
ticularly glad that providence had brought him there
at that juncture ; for they had concluded the very
next day to send out an army of two hundred men ;
two thirds English, and one third Indians ; in some
measure agreeable to his former proposal — expect
ing Boston and Connecticut to join with their
quotas. In short, it was so concluded, and that Mr. Church
should return to the island, and see what he could
muster there, of those who had moved from Swan
zey, Dartmouth, &c. ; so returned the same way
[that] he came. When he came to Sogkonesset, he
had a sham put upon him about a boat [which] he
had bought to go home in, and was forced to hire
two of the friend Indians to paddle him in a canoe
from Elizabeth's* to Rhodeisland.
It fell out, that as they were on their voyage pass
ing by Sogkonate point,f some of the enemy were
upon the rocks a fishing. He bid the Indians that
managed the canoe, to paddle so near the rocks, as
that he might call to those Indians ; [and] told them,
that he had a great mind ever since the war broke
out to speak with some of the Sogkonate Indians,
and that they were their relations, and therefore they
need not fear their hurting of them. And he add
ed, that, he had a mighty conceit, that if he could
get a fair opportunity to discourse [with] them, that
he could draw them off from Philip, for he knew
[that] they never heartily loved him. The enemy
hallooed, and made signs for the canoe to come to
them ; but when they approached them they skulked
and hid in the clefts of the rocks. Then Mr.
Church ordered the canoe to be paddled off again,
lest, if he came too near, they should fire upon him.
Then the Indians appearing again, beckoned and
* From Woods hole or Sogkonesset to this island is 1 mile.
t A little north of this point is a small bay called Church's
cove, and a small cape about 2 miles further north bears the
name of Church's point.

76 . PHILIP'S WAR.
called in the Indian language, and bid them come
ashore, for they wanted to speak with [them.]1
The Indians in the canoe answered them again, but
they on the rocks told them, that the surf made such
a noise against the rocks, [that] they could not hear
any thing they said. Then Mr. Church by signs
with his hands, gave [them] to understand, that he
would have two of them go down upon the point of
the beach. (A place where a man might see who
was near him.) • Accordingly two of them ran along
the beach, and met him there without their arms ;
excepting, that one of them had a lance in his hand.
They urged Mr. Church to come ashore, for they
had a great desire to have some discourse with him.
He told them, [that] if he, that had his weapon in
his hand, would carry it up some distance upon the
beach, and * leave it, he would come ashore and dis
course [with] them. He did so, and Mr. Church went
ashore, nauled up his canoe, ordered one of his In
dians to stay by it, and the other to walk above on
the beach, as a sentinel, to see that the coasts were
clear. And when Mr. Church came up to the In
dians, one of them happened to be honest George,
one of the two that Awashonks formerly sent to call
him to her dance, and was so careful to guard him
back to his house again. [This was] the last Sogko
nate Indian he spoke with before the war broke out.
He spoke English very well. Mr. Church asked him
where Awashonks was 7 [He said]a " In a swamp
about three miles off." Mr. Church asked him what
it was [that] he wanted, that he hallooed and called
him ashore *? He answered, that he took him for
Church as soon as he heard his voice in the canoe,
and that he was very glad to see him alive ; and he
believed his mistress would be as glad to see him,
and speak with him. He told him further, that he
believed she was not fond of maintaining a war with
the English, and that she had left Philip and did not
i [him] 2 [He told him]

PHILIP'S WAR. 77
intend to return to him any more. He was mighty
earnest with Mr. Church to tarry there while he
would run and call her ; but he told him " No, for
he did not know but the Indians would come down
and kill him before he could get back again." He
said that, if Mounthope, or Pocasset Indians could
catch him, he believed they would knock him on the
head ; but all Sogkonate Indians knew him very well,
and he believed none of them would hurt him. In
short, Mr. Church refused, then, to tarry; but pro
mised that he would come over again and speak with
Awashonks, and some other Indians that he had a
mind to talk with.
Accordingly he [directed]1 him to notify Awa
shonks, her son Peter,* their chief Captain, and one
Nompashf (an Indian that Mr. Church had, former
ly, a particular respect for) to meet him two days
after, at a rock at the lower end of Captain Rich
mond's} farm, which was a very noted place. And
if that day should prove stormy, or windy, they were
to expect him the next moderate day ; Mr. Church
telling George, that he would have him come with
the persons mentioned, and no more. They gave
each other their hands upon it, [and] parted.
Mr. "Church went home, and the next morning to
Newport; and informed the government of what had
passed between him and the Sogkonate Indians ; and
desired their permit for him, and Daniel Wilcox§ (a
1 [appointed]
* See note 1, on page 57.
t In another place his name is spelt Numposh. He was
Captain of the Sogkonate or Seconate Indians in " the first
expedition east."
X This rock is near the water a little north of where they
then were.
§ The fatal 10 November, 1825, allows me only to say of
this person that descendants in the fourth generation (I
think) are found in Newbedford. See page iv, of my pre
face. 7*

78 PHILIP'S WAR.
man that well understood the Indian language,) to
go over to them. They told him, that they thought
he was mad ; after such service as he had done, and
such dangers that he [had] escaped, now to throw
away his life ; for the rogues would as certainly kill
him as ever he went over. And utterly refused to
grant his permit, or to be willing that he should run
the risk.
Mr. Church told them, that it ever had been in
his thoughts, since the war broke out, that if he
could discourse the Sogkonate Indians, he could draw
them off from Philip, and employ them against him ;
but could not, till now, never have an opportunity to
speak with any of them, and was very loath to lose
it, &c. At length they told him, [that] if he would
go, it should be only with the two Indians that came
with him ; but they would give him no permit under
their hands.
He took his leave.of them, resolving to prosecute
his design. They told him, they were sorry to see
him so resolute, nor if he went did they ever expect
to see his face again.
He bought a bottle of rum, and a small roll of
tobacco, to carry with him, and returned to his
family. The next day, being the day appointed for the
meeting, he prepared two light canoes for the de
sign, and his own man with the two Indians for his
company. He used such arguments with his tender
and now almost broken hearted wife, from the expe
rience of former preservations, and the prospect of
the great service he might do, (might it please God
to succeed his design, &c.,) tnat he obtained her
consent to his attempt. And committing her, the
babes, and himself to heaven's protection, he set
out. They had, from the shore, about a league to pad
dle. Drawing near the place, they saw the Indians
sitting on the bank, waiting for their coming. Mr.

PHILIP'S WAR. 79
Church sent one of his Indians ashore in one of the
canoes to see whether they were the same Indians
whom he had appointed to meet him, and no more :
And if so, to stay ashore and send George to fetch
him. Accordingly George came and fetched Mr.
Church ashore, while the other canoe played off to
see the event, and to carry tidings, if the Indians
should prove false.
Mr. Church asked George whether Awashonks
and the other Indians [that] he appointed to meet
him were there4? He answered [that] they were.
He then asked him if there were no more than they,
whom he appointed to be there *? To which he
would give no direct answer. However, he went
ashore ; when he was no sooner landed, but Awa
shonks and the rest that he had appointed to meet
him there, rose up and came down to meet him; and
each of them successively gave him their hands, and
expressed themselves glad to see him, and gave him
thanks for exposing himself to visit them. They
walked together about a gun shot from the water,
to a convenient place to sit down, where at once
rose up a great body of Indians, who had lain hid
in the grass, (that was [as] high as a man's waist)
and gathered round them, till they had closed them
in ; being all armed with guns, spears, hatchets, <fcc,
with their hairs trimmed, and faces painted, in their
warlike appearance. ,:
It was doubtless somewhat surprising to our gen
tleman at first, but without any visible discovery of
it, after a small silent pause on each side, he spoke
to Awashonks, and told her, that George had inform
ed him that she had a desire to see him, and dis
course about making peace with the English. She
answered " Yes." " Then," said Mr. Church, " it is
customary when people meet to treat of peace, to
lay aside their arms, and not to appear in such hos
tile form as your people do." [He] desired of her,
that if they might talk about peace, which he desir-

80 . PHILIP'S WAR.
ed they might, her men might lay aside their arms,
and appear more treatable. Upon which there be
gan a considerable noise and murmur among them
in their own language, till Awashonks asked him
what arms they should lay down, and where f He
(perceiving the Indians looked very surly and much
displeasedj replied, "Only their guns at some small
distance, for formality's sake." Upon which with one
consent, they laid aside their guns and came and sat
down. Mr. Church pulled out his calabash, and asked
Awashonks whether she had lived so long at Wetu-
set,* as to forget to drink occapeches'.f and drink
ing to her, he perceived that she watched him very
diligently, to see (as he thought) whether he swal
lowed any of the rum. He offered her the shell,
but she desired him to drink again first. He then
told her, [that] there was no poison in it ; and pour
ing some into the palm of his hand, sipped it up.
And took the shell and drank to her again, and drank
a good swig, which indeed was no more ' than he
needed. Then they all standing up, he said to
Awashonks, " You wont drink for fear there should
be poison in it," and then handed it to a little ill
looking fellow, who catched it readily enough, and
as greedily would have swallowed the liquor when he
had it at his mouth. But Mr. Church catched him
by the throat, and took it from him, asking him
whether he intended to swallow shell and all *? and
then handed it to Awashonks. She ventured to take
a good hearty dram, and passed it among her atten
dants. The shell being emptied, he pulled out his to
bacco; and having distributed it, they began to
talk. Awashonks demanded of him the reason, why he
had not (agreeable to his promise when she saw him
* Wachuset. See note 1, on p. 69.
t Commonly heard as though written okape, or ochape.

PHILIP'S WAR. 81
last) been down at Sogkonate before now % Saying,
that probably if he had come then, according to his
promise, they had never joined with Philip against
the English.
He told her [that] he was prevented by the war's
breaking out so suddenly ; and yet, he was after
wards coming down, and came as far as Punkatees,
where a great many Indians set upon him, and fought
him a whole afternoon, though he did not come pre
pared to fight, [and] had but nineteen men with him,
whose chief design was to gain an opportunity to
discourse some Sogkonate Indians. Upon this there
at once arose a mighty murmur, confused noise and
talk among the fierce looking creatures, and all ris
ing up in a hubbub. And a great surly looking fel
low took up his tomhog, or wooden cutlass to kill
Mr. Church, but-some others prevented him.
The interpreter asked Mr. Church, if he under
stood what it was that the great fellow (they had
hold of) said? He answered him "No." "Why"
said the interpreter, " he says [that] you killed his
brother at Punkatees, and therefore he thirsts for
your blood." Mr. Church bid the interpreter tell
him that his brother began first ; that if he had kept
at Sogkonate, according to his desire and order, he
should not have hurt him.
Then the chief Captain commanded silence ; and
told them that they should talk no more about old
things, &c, and quelled the tumult, so that they sat
down again, and began upon a discourse of making
peace with the English. Mr. Church asked them what
proposals they would make, and on what terms they
would break their league with Philip"? Desiring
them to make some proposals that he might carry to
his' masters ; -telling them that it was not in his pow
er to conclude a peace with them, hut that he knew
that if their proposals were reasonable, the govern
ment would not be unreasonable ; and that he would
use his interest with the government for them ; and

82 PHILIP'S WAR.
to encourage them to proceed, put them in mind
that the Pequots* once made war with the English,
and that after they subjected themselves to the Eng
lish, the English became their protectors, and de
fended them against other nationsf that would other
wise have destroyed them, &c.
After some further discourse and debate he brought
them at length to consent, that if the government of
Plymouth would firmly engage to them, that they
and all of them, and their wives and children should
have their lives spared, and none of them, transport
ed out of the country, they would subject themselves
to them, and serve them, in what they were able.
Then Mr. Church told them, that he was well
satisfied the government of Plymouth would readily
concur with what they proposed, and would sign
their articles. And complimenting them upon it,
how pleased he was with the thoughts of their re
turn, and of the former friendship that had been be
tween them, &c.
The chief Captain rose up, and expressed the
great value and respect he had for Mr. Church ; and
bowing to him, said, " Sir, if you will please to ac
cept of me and my men, and will head us, we will
fight for you, and will help you to Philip's head be
fore the Indian corn be ripe." And when he had
ended, they all expressed their consent to what he
said, and told Mr. Church [that] they loved him,
and were willing to go with him, and fight for him
as long as the English had one enemy left in the
country. Mr. Church assured them, that if they proved as
good as their word, they should find him theirs, and
their children's fast friend. And (by the way) the
friendship is maintained between them to this day. J
* See a history of this war in the Appendix, No. IV.
t The Narragansets. See first note to Philip's war.
X 1716. They consisted now, probably of no more than
800 persons.

PHILIP'S WAR.
Then he proposed unto them, that they should
choose five men to go strait with him to Plymouth.
They told him " No, they would not choose, but he
should take which five he pleased." Some compli
ments' passed about it, at length it was agreed, [that]
they should choose three, and he two. Then he
agreed that he would go back to the island that
night, and would come to them the next morning,
and go through the woods to Plymouth. But they
afterwards objected, [for]1 his travelling through
the woods would not be safe for him ; [that] the
enemy might meet with them and kill him, and then
they should lose their friend and the whole design
[would be] ruined beside. - And therefore proposed
that he should come in an English vessel, and they
would meet him, and come on board at Sogkonate
point, and sail from thence to Sandwich, which in
fine was concluded upon.
So Mr. Church promising to come as soon as he
could possibly obtain a vessel, and then they parted.
He returned to the island and was at great pains
and charge to get a vessel ; but with unaccountable
disappointments, sometimes by the falseness, and
sometimes by the faintheartedness of men that he
bargained with, and something by wind and weather,
&c. : Until at length Mr. Anthony Low* put in to
the harbour with a loaded vessel bound to the
westward, and being made acquainted with Mr.
Church's case, told him, that he had so much kind
ness for him, and was so pleased with the business
he was engaged in, that he would run the venture of
his vessel and cargo to wait upon him.
Accordingly, next morning they set sail with a
wind that soon brought them to Sogkonate point.
But coming there they met with a contrary wind,
and a great swelling sea. i [that]
* After much search I can ascertain nothing of this person.
The name is common in our. country at this day.

84 PHILIP'S WAR.
The Indians were there waiting upon the rocks,
but had nothing but a miserable broken canoe to
get aboard in ; yet Peter Awashonks ventured off in
it, and with a great deal of difficulty and danger
got aboard. And by this time it began to rain and
blow exceedingly, and forced them up the sound ;
and then [they] weat^away through Bristol ferry,
round the island to Newport, carrying Peter with
them. Then Mr. Church dismissed Mr. Low, and told
him, that inasmuch as -Providence opposed his going
by water, and he expected that the army would be
up in a few days, and probably, if he should be gone
at that juncture, it might ruin the whole design ; [he]
would therefore yield his voyage.
Then he writ the account of his transactions with
the Indians, and drew up the proposals, and articles
of peace, and despatched Peter with them to Ply
mouth, that his honour the Governour, if he saw
cause, might sign them.
Peter was sent over to Sogkonate on Lord's day*
morning, with orders to take those men that were
chosen to go down, or some of them, at least, with
him. The time being expired that was appointed
for the English army to come, there was great look
ing for them. Mr. Church, on the Monday morning,
(partly to divert himself after his fatigue, and partly
to listen for the army) rode out with his wife, and
some of his friends to Portsmouth,-)- under a pre
tence of cherrying ; but came home without any
news from the army. But by midnight, or sooner,
he was roused with an express from Major Bradford,
who was arrived with the army at Pocasset, to whom
he forthwith repaired,! and informed- him of the
* July 9.
t The island of Rhodeisland is divided into S towns ; New-.
port in the south, Middletown, and Portsmouth in the north.
X July 11.

PHILIP'S WAR. 85
whole of his prpceedings with the Sogkonate In
dians. With the Major's consent and advice, he returned
again next morning to the island in order to go over
that way to Awashonks, to inform her that the army
was arrived, &c.
Accordingly from Sachueeset neck* he went in a
canoe to Sogkonate. [He] told her that Major
Bradford was arrived at Pocasset with a great army,
whom he had informed of all the proceedings with
her ; that if she would be advised, and observe order,
she nor her people need not to fear being hurt by
them ; told her [that] she should call all her people
down into the neck, lest if they should be found
straggling about, mischief might light on them; that
on the morrow they would come down and receive
her and give her further orders.
She promised to get as many of her people to
gether as possibly she could ; desiring Mr. Church
to consider that it would be difficult for to get them
together at such short warning.
Mr. Church returned to the island and to the army
the same night.
The nextmorningf the whole army marched to
wards Sogkonate, as far as Punkatees, and Mr.
Church with a few ipen went down to Sogkonate ta
call Awashonks and her people, to come up to the
English camp. As he was going down they met
with a Pocasset Indian, who had killed a cow, and
got a quarter of her on his back, and her tongue in
his pocket. [He]1 gave them an account, that he
came from Pocasset two days since in company with
his mother, and several other Indians, now hid in a
swamp above Nonquid.f Disarming of him, he sent
him by two men to Major Bradford, and proceeded
l [who]
* (The southeast corner of Rhodeisland.)
t July 13. X (In Tiverton.) -
8

86 PHILIP'S WAR.
to Sogkonate. They saw several Indians by the way
skulking about but let them pass.
Arriving at Awashonks camp, [he] told her [that]
he was come to invite her and her people up to Pun
katees,* where Major Bradford how was with the
Plymouth army, expecting her and her subjects to
receive orders, until further order could be had from
the government. She complied, and soon sent out
orders for such of her subjects as were not with her,
immediately to come in. And by twelve o'clock of
next day, she with most of her number appeared
before the English camp at Punkatees. Mr. Church
tendered [himself to] the Major to serve under his
commission, provided the Indians might be accepted
with him, to fight the enemy. The Major told him,
[that] his orders were to improve hjm if he pleased,
but as for the Indians he would not be concerned
with them. And presently gave forth orders for
Awashonks, and all her subjects, both men, women
and children, to repair to Sandwich ;f and to be
there upon peril, in six days. Awashonks and her
chiefs gathered round Mr. Church, (where he was
walked off from the rest) [and] expressed themselves
concerned that they could not be confided in, nor
improved. He told them, [that] it was best to obey
orders, and that if he could not accompany them to
Sandwich, it should not be above a week before he
would meet them there ; that he was confident the
Governour would commission him to improve them.
The Major hastened to send them away with Jack
Havens (an Indian who had never been in- the wars)
in the front, with a flag of truce in his hand.
* (Adjoining Fogland ferry.)
The geography of this place, with respect to extent and
situation, has been given on page 40, note 1.
t A town between Plymouth and Barnstable, on Cape Cod.
If the Major were arbitrary in giving this order, he was lib
era] with the ti.o?, as the distance was not above 50 miles '
by way of Plymouth, and perhaps no more than 30 through
the woods.

PHILIP'S WAR. 87
They being gone, Mr. Church by the help of his
man Toby, (the Indian whom he had taken prisoner
as he was going down to Sogkonate) took said To
by's mother, and those that were with her, prisoners.
Next morning the whole army moved back to Po
casset. This Toby informed them that there were
a great many Indians gone down to Wepoiset* to
eat clams ; (other provisions being very scarce with
them) that Philip himself was expected within three
or four days at the same place. Being asked what
Indians they were % he answered, " Some Weeta
more's Indians ; some Mounthope Indians ; some
Narraganset Indians ; and some other upland In
dians ; in all, about three hundred."
The Rhodeisland boats, by the Major's order,
meeting them at Pocasset, they were soon embarked.
It being just in the dusk of the evening, they could
plainly discover the enemies' fires at the place the
Indian directed to, and the army concluded no other,
but [that] they were bound directly thither, until
they came to the north end of the island and heard
the word of command for the boats to bear away.
Mr. Church was very fond of having this probable
opportunity of surprising that whole company of In
dians embraced; but orders, it was said must be
obeyed, which were to go to Mounthope, and, there
to fight Philip.
This with some other good opportunities of doing
spoil upon the enemy, being unhappily missed,-]- Mr.
Church obtained the Major's consent to meet the
Sogkonate Indians, according to his promise. He was
offered a guard to Plymouth, but chose to go with
one man only, who was a good pilot.
About sunset,J he, with Sabin§ his pilot, mounted
* In Swanzey.
t The cause of this ill timed manoeuvre of the army must
remain a mystery. J July 20.
§ As this name does not occur any where else in this histo
ry, it is not probable that he served regularly in that capa
city.

88 PHILIP'S WAR.
their horses at Rehoboth, where the army now was,
and by two hours by sun next morning, arrived safe
at Plymouth. And by that time they had refreshed
themselves, the Governour and Treasurer* came to
town. Mr. Church gave them a short account ofthe
affairs of the army, &c. His honour was pleased to
give him thanks for the good and great service he
had done at Sogkonate ; [and] told him, [that] he
had confirmed all that he had promised Awashonks,
and had sent the Indian back again that [had]
brought his letter.f He asked his honour whether
he had any thing later from Awashonks *? He told
him [that] he had not. Whereupon he gave his
honour an account of the Major's orders relating to
her and hers, and what discourse had passed pro and
con, about them ; and that he had promised to meet
them, and that he had encouraged them that he
thought he might obtain of his honour a commission
to lead them forth to fight Philip. His honour smi
lingly told him, that he should not want commission
if he would accept it, nor yet good Englishmen
enough to make up a good army.
But in short he told his honour [that] the time had
expired that he had appointed to meet the Sogko-
nates at Sandwich. The Governour asked him
when he would go"? He told him, that afternoon by
his honour's leave. The Governour asked him how
many men he would have with him6? He answered,
not above half a dozen; with an order to take more
at Sandwich, if he saw cause, and horses provided.
He no sooner moved it, but had his number of men
tendering to go with him ; among [whom] l were Mr.
i [which]
* Mr. Southworth.
t This letter contained an answer to the account of his
meeting Awashonks, before related, which was sent from the
island by Peter.

PHILIP'S WAR. 89
Jabez Howland,* and Nathaniel Southworth.f They
went to Sandwich that night, where Mr. Church (with
need enough) took a nap of sleep. The next morn
ing, with about sixteen or eighteen men, he proceed
ed as far as Agawom,} where they had great expec
tation of meeting the Indians, but met them not.
His men being discouraged, about half of them re
turned. Only half a dozen stuck by him, and pro
mised so to do until they should meet with the In
dians. When they came to Sippican§ river, Mr. How-
land began to tire, upon which Mr. Church left him
and two more, for a reserve, at the river; that if he
should meet with enemies, and be forced back, they
might be ready to assist them in getting over the
river. Proceeding in their march, they crossed
another river, and opened a great bay,|| where they
might see many miles along shore, where were sands
and flats ; and hearing a great noise below them, to
wards the sea, they dismounted their horses ; left
them, and creeped among the bushes, until they
came near the bank, and saw a vast company of In-'
* Little more than the pages of this history furnish, am I
able to communicate of the worthy Howland. More, but
for the fatal winds, or more fatal flames of Courtstre'et might
have been told. He was a son of the venerable John How
land of Carver's family, (whose name is the 13th to that
memorable instrument, or first foundation of government in
Newengland, which may be, seen in Appendix, III, with the
other signers.) As I am informed by my worthy friend, Mr.
Isaac Howland of Westport, who is also a descendant.
t This gentleman was with Mr. Church in his first and
second expeditions to the eastward, as will be seen in those
expeditions. I learn nothing more of him.
X A small river in Rochester. Several places were known
by this name. Our Plymouth fathers proposed to go to a
place about twenty leagues to the northward, known to them
by the name of Agawam, (now Ipswich.) Morton, 20.
§ (Rochester.)
I| Buzzard's bay. 8*

90 PHILIP'S WAR.
dians, of. all ages and sexes ; some on horseback
running races; some at football ; some catching eels
and flat fish in the water ; some clamming, &c. ;
but, which way, with safety, to find out what Indians
they were, they were at a loss.
But at length, retiring into a thicket, Mr. Church
hallooed to them. They soon answered him, and a
couple of smart young fellows, well mounted, came
upon a full career to see whom it might be that call
ed, and came just upon Mr. Church before they dis
covered him. But when they perceived themselves
so near Englishmen, and armed, were much surpris
ed ; and tacked short about to run as fast back as
they came forward, until one of the men in the bushes
called to them, and told them his name was Church,
and [they] need not fear his hurting of them. Upon
which after a- small pause, they turned about their
horses, and came up to him. One of them that
could speak English, Mr. Church took aside and ex
amined ; who informed him, that the Indians below
were Awashonks and her company, and that Jack
Havens was among them ; whom Mr. Church imme
diately sent for to come to him, and ordered the mes
senger to inform Awashonks that he was come to
meet her. Jack Havens soon came, and by that
time Mr. Church had asked him a few questions, and
had been satisfied by him, that it was Awashonks
and her company that were below, and that Jack had
been kindly treated by them, a company of Indians
all mounted on horseback, and well armed, came
riding up to Mr. Church, but treated him with all
due respects. He then ordered Jack to go [and]
tell Awashonks, that he designed to sup with her in
the evening, and to lodge in her camp that night.
Then taking some of the Indians with him, he went
back to the river to take care of Mr. Howland.
Mr. Church having a mind to try what mettle" he
was made of, imparted his notion to the Indians that
were with him, and gave them directions how to act

PHILIP'S WAR. 91 .
their parts. When he came pretty near the place,
he and his Englishmen pretendedly fled, firing on
their retreat towards the Indians that pursued them,
and they firing as fast after them. Mr. Howland
being upon his guard, hearing the guns, and by and
by seeing the motion both of the English and In
dians, concluded [that] his friends were distressed,
and was soon on the full career on horseback to meet
them ; [when]1 he [perceived]2 their laughing, [and]
mistrusted the truth.
As soon as Mr. Church had given him the news,
they hastened away to Awashonks. Upon their ar
rival, they were immediately conducted to a shelter
open on one side whither Awashonks and her chiefs
soon came, and paid their respects ; and the multi
tudes gave shouts as made the heavens to ring.
It being now about sunsetting, or near the dusk
of the evening, the Netops* came running from all
quarters loaden with the tops of dry pines, and the
like combustible matter, making a huge pile there
of, near Mr. Church's shelter, on the open side
thereof. But by this time supper was brought in,
in three dishes ; viz., a curious young bass in one
dish ; eels and flat fish in a second ; and shell fish
in a third. But neither bread nor salt to be seen at
table. But by that time supper was over, the mighty
pile of pine knots and tops, &,c, was fired ; and all
the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring
round it, Awashonks, with the oldest of, her people,
men and women mixed, kneeling down, made the
first ring next the fire ; and all the lusty stout men,
1 [until] 2 [perceiving]- I
* This name is used by our author, I suspect, in the same
sense as other writers use that of sannop. See Winthrop's
Journal, sub anno 1630, and Hubbard, Nar. 30, where it ap
pears to bean Indian word employed by the sachems as a
common name for their men. The latter author spelt it
sannap. Nipnet was a general name for all inland Indians
between the Massachusetts and Connecticut river. Ibid. 15.

92 PHILIP'S WAR.
standing up, made the next, and then all the rabble
in a confused crew, surrounded, on the outside.
Then the chief Captain stepped in between the
rings and the fire, with a spear in one hand, and a
hatchet in the other ; danced round the fire, and be
gan to fight with it; making mention of all the seve
ral nations and companies of Indians in the coun
try, that were enemies to the English. And at
naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would
draw out and fight a new firebrand ; and at finishing
his fight with each particular firebrand, would bow
to him, and thank him ; and when he had named all
the several' nations and tribes, and fought them all,
he stuck down his spear and hatchet, and came out,
and another stept in, and acted over the same dance,
with more fury, if possible, than the first ; and when
about half a dozen of their chiefs had thus acted their
parts, the Captain of the guard stept up to Mr.
Church, and told him, [that] they were making sol
diers for him, and what they had been doing was all
one [as] swearing of them. And having in that
manner engaged all the stout lusty men, Awashonks
and her chiefs came to Mr. Church, and told him,
that now they were all engaged to fight for the Eng
lish, and [that] he might call forth all, or any of
them, at any time, as he saw occasion, to fight the
enemy. And [then] presented him with a very fine
firelock. Mr. Church accepts their offer, drew out a num
ber of them, and set out next morning before day
for Plymouth, where they arrived the same day.
The Governour being informed of it, came early
to town* next morning ;f and by that time, he had
Englishmen enough 'to make a good company, when
joined with Mr. Church's Indians, that offered their
* The Governour resided at Marshfield a few miles north
of Plymouth.
t July 23.

PHILIP'S WAR. - 93
voluntary service, to go under his command in quest
of the enemy. The Governour then gave him a
commission which is as follows.
" Captain Benjamin Church, you are hereby no
minated, ordered, commissioned, and empowered to
raise a company of volunteers of about two hundred
men, English and Indians ; the English not exceed
ing the number of sixty, of which company, or so
many of them as you can obtain, or shall see cause at
present to improve, you are to take the command,
conduct, and to lead them forth now and hereafter,
at such time, and unto such places within this colony,
or elsewhere within the confederate colonies, as you
shall think fit; to discover, pursue, fight, surprise,
destroy, or subdue our Indian enemies, or any part
or parties of them, that by the providence of God
you may meet with, or them, or any of them, by
treaty and composition to receive to mercy, if you see
reason, (provided they be riot murderous rogues, or
such as have been principal actors in those villanies.)
And forasmuch as your company may be uncertain,
and the persons often changed, you are also here
by empowered with the advice of your eompany, to
choose and commissionate a Lieutenant, and to es
tablish Sergeants, and Corporals as you see cause.
And you herein improving your best judgment and
discretion, and utmost ability, faithfully to serve the
interest of God, his Majesty's interest, and the inter
est of the colony ; and carefully governing your said
company at home and abroad- These shall be unto
you full and ample commission, warrant and dis
charge. Given under the publick seal, this 24th day
of July, 1676.
Per JOS. WINSLOW, Governour:'
Receiving commission, he marched the same night
into the woods, got to Middleborough* before day ;
* About 15 miles from Plymouth. The fruitful waters in
this town and the plenty of game in its woods, caused it to
be a principalresidence for Indians. Mourt says (in Prince,

94 PHILIP'S WAR.
and as soon as the light appeared, took into the
woods and swampy thickets, towards a place where
they had some reason to expect to meet with a par
cel of Narraganset Indians, with some others that
belonged to Mounthope. Coming near to where
they expected them, Captain Church's Indian scout
discovered the enemy ; and well observing their fires,
and postures, returned with the intelligence to their
Captain; who gave such directions for the surround
ing of them, as had the desired effect ; surprising
them from every side, so unexpectedly, that they
were all taken, not so much as one escaped.*
And upon a strict examination, they gave intelli
gence of another parcel of the enemy, at a place
called Munponset pond.f Captain Church hastening
with his prisoners through the woods to Plymouth,
Chron. 191,) " thousands of men have lived here, who died
of the great plague, about 3 years before our arrival." It
was subject to Massassoit, and was first visited by the Eng
lish, 3 July, 1621. . Mr. Edward Winslow, and Mr. Stephen
Hopkins passed through there, on their way to visit Massas
soit. They saw the bones of many that died of the plague,
where their habitations had been. Ibid. Relicks of anti
quity are often found to this day. A gentleman lately dig
ging to set posts for a front yard, near the town house, discov
ered an Indian sepulchre. It contained a great quantity of
beads of different kinds, with many other curiosities. A
remnant of a tribe of Indians now lives on the northeast side
of the great Assawomset. They have mixed with the blacks,'
and none remain of clear blood. The last that remained un
mixed, was a man who died a few years since, at the age,
it was supposed, of 100 years. He went by the name of Cy-
mon. What is known of the troubles of the inhabitants in
this war is found scattered through Mr. Hubbard's Narra
tive, in Bachus' Hist. Middleborough, and note 1, for page
51, of this work.
* We have to regret that our author does not tell us the
number which he took, and the place where he took them.
But his indefinite mode of-writing, may, in part, be account
ed for, by the consideration, that it is given after nearly forty
years, mostly from recollection ; especially this part of the
history. t A small pond in the north part of the present town of
Halifax.

PHILIP'S WAR. 93
disposed of them all, excepting, only one, Jeffrey,
who proving very ingenuous and faithful to him, in
informing where other parcels of Indians harboured,
Captain Church promised him, that if he continued
to be faithful to him, he should not be sold out of
the country, but should be his waiting man, to take
care of his horse, &c. ; and accordingly he served
him faithfully as long as he lived.
But Captain Church was forthwith sent out again,
and the terms for his encouragement being conclud
ed on, viz., that the country should find, them am
munition and provision, and have half the prisoners
and arms [that] they took: The Captain and his
English soldiers to have the other half of the prison
ers and arms ; and the Indian soldiers the loose
plunder. Poor encouragement ! But after some time
it was mended.
They soon captivated the Munponsets,* and
brought them in, not one escaping.
This stroke he held several weeks, never returning
empty handed. When he wanted intelligence of
their kenneling places, he would march to some
place, likely to meet with some travellers or ramblers,
and scattering his company, would lie close ; and
seldom lay above a day or two, at most, before some
of them would fall into their hands ; whom he would
compel to inform where their company were. And
so by his method of secret and sudden surprises,
took great numbers of them prisoners.
The government observing his extraordinary
courage, and conduct, and the success from heavenf
* A small tribe of Indians that resided near Munponsef
pond. t Whether Heaven had any thing to do with making
slaves ofthe Indians after they were made prisoners, may be
doubted by scepticks, on the same principles that every feel
ing man now doubts of the justness of our southern breth
ren to make slaves of Negroes. But to the commendation of
our hero be it spoken, that his voice was always against en-

96 PHILIP'S WAR.
added to it, saw cause to enlarge his commission ;
gave him power to raise and dismiss his forces, as he
should see occasion ; to commissionate officers un
der him, and to march as far as he should see cause,
within the limits of the three united colonies ; to re
ceive to mercy, give quarter, or not ; excepting some
particular and noted murderers, viz., Philip, and all
that were at the destroying of Mr. Clark's garrison,
and some few others;
Major Bradford being now at Taunton with his
army, and wanting provisions, some carts were or
dered from Plymouth for their supply, and Captain
Church to guard them. But he obtaining other
guards for the carts, as far as Middleborough, ran
before with a small company, hoping to meet with
some of the enemy ; appointing the carts and their
guards to meet with them at Nemascut,* about an
hour after sun's rising, next morning.
He arrived there about the breaking of the day
light, and discovered a company of the enemy ; but
his time was too short to wait for gaining advantage,
and therefore ran right in upon them, surprised and
captivated about sixteen of them, who upon exami
nation, informed that Tispaquinf a very famous Cap-
slaving mankind. What greater proof, can we have of his
humanity, considering the age in which he lived? Seepage
52, and note 1.
* (Near Raynham.)
That part of Middleborough along the river of that name.
This name like many others was written differently by the
early contemporary writers. It is generally spelt Namasket ;
but more properly Nemasket. Holmes, I, 211, from 1 Mass.
Hist. Coll. Ill, 148, says, it was that partof Middleborough,
which the English first planted. Hutehinson, I, 262, says,
that Philip sometimes resided here. See note 1, on page 98.
Savage, in Winthrop, I, 55, says, " This name belonged to
part of the tract now included in Middleborough ; but the
lines of Indian geography were probably not very precise, or
are forgotten."
t He was at the destroying of Mr. Clark's house at Ply
mouth. After his wife and child were taken by Captain
Church, he came and delivered himself up at Plymouth, as a

PHILIP'S WAR. 97
tain among the enemy was at Assawompset* with a
numerous company.
But the carts must now be guarded, and the op
portunity of visiting Tispaquin must now be laid
aside ; the carts are to be faithfully guarded, lest
Tispaquin should attack them.
Coming towards Taunton, Captain Church taking
two men with him, made all speed to the town. And
coming to the river side, he hallooed, and inquiring
of them that came to the river, for Major Bradford
or his Captains. He was informed [that] they were
in the town, at the tavern. He told them of the
carts that were coming, that he had the cumber of
guarding them, which had already prevented his im
proving opportunities of doing service ; prayed,
therefore, that a guard might be sent over to receive
the carts, that he might be at liberty — refusing all
invitations and persuasions to go over to the tavern
to visit the Major. He at length obtained a guard
to receive the carts, by whom also he sent his prison
ers to be conveyed with the carts, to Plymouth ; di
recting them not to return by the way they came,
but by Bridgewater.
prisoner of war ; but was afterward barbarously murdered by
the government for his confidence in them, as will be seen in
the progress of this history.
To do justice in some degree, to the memory of the nu
merous race of human beings, who have left this delightful
country to us, a biographical work should be written, contain
ing as much of the lives and actions as can now be found, of
such of those natives, whose names have come down to us.
The author of these notes has taken some steps toward that
end, which would be freely contributed to assist an able hand
in the undertaking. Should no other attempt it, some years
to come may produce it from his pen.
* (In Middleborough.)
This word again occurs in the course of a few paragraphs
and is there spelt right. It must have been inattention that
caused the difference in its orthography, as well as in many"
others. The country around the ponds bore the name of
Assawomset. See note 4, on page 27. In modern writers we
see it sometimes spelt as above.
9

98 PHILIP'S WAR.
" Hastening back, he proposed to camp that night
at Assawomset neck.* But as soon as they came
to the river that runs into the great pond,f through
the thick swamp at the entering of the neck, the
enemy fired upon them, but hurt not a man. Cap
tain Church's Indians ran right into the swamp, and
fired upon them, but it being in the dusk of the eve
ning, the enemy made their escape in the thickets.
The Captain then moving about a mile into the
neck, took the advantage of a small valley to feed
his horses. Some held the horses by the bridles, the
rest on the ground, looked sharp out for the enemy,
[who were] within hearing on every side, and some
very near. But in the dead of the night the enemy
being out of hearing, or still, Captain Church moved
out of the neck (not the same way he came in, lest
he should be ambuscaded) towards Cushnet,f where
all the houses were burnt. And crossing Cushnet
river,§ being extremely fatigued with two nights'
and one day's ramble without rest or sleep. And ob
serving good forage for their horses, the Captain
concluded upon baiting, and taking a nap. Setting
'six men to watch the passage of the river; two to
* A short distance below or to the south of Sampson's Tav
ern. The " thick swamp," next mentioned, remains to this
time. t The Assawomset,
X (In Dartmouth.)
Newbedford has been since taken from Dartmouth. The
part where Newbedford now is was meant.
§ The river on which Newbedford stands is called Cush
net".' Dr. Douglass wrote this word Accushnot. Summary,
I, 403. And I think, that if we write Aponaganset, we
should also write Accushnot, or rather Acushnet. But he
wrote Polyganset. Ibid. See note 2, on page 51, of this
history. The most ancient way of writing those names, in
general, isto be preferred ; for it is the most direct road to
uniformity, and consistency. Two very desirable and agree
able attendants to be met with in language ; yet, the writer
of these notes is very sensible of his failures in these as well
as other respects,

PHILIP'S WAR. 99
watch at a time, while the others slept, and so to
take their turns, while the rest ofthe company went
into a thicket ,to sleep under a guard of two senti
nels more. But the whole company being very
drowsy, soon forgot their danger, and were fast
asleep, sentinels and all. The Captain first awakes,
looks up, and judges he had slept four hours ; which
being longer than he designed, immediately rouses
his company, and sends away a file to see what was
become of the watch, at the passage of the river ;
but they no sooner opened the river in sight, but
they discovered a company of the enemy viewing of
their tracks, where they came into the neck. Gap-
tain Church, and those with him, soon dispersed
into the brush, on each side of the way, while the file
sent, got undiscovered to the passage of the river,
and found their watch all fast asleep. But these
tidings thoroughly awakened the whole company.
But the enemy giving them no present disturbance,
they examined their [knapsacks,]1 and taking a
little refreshment, the Captain ordered one party to
guard the horses, and the other to scout, who soon
met with a track, and following of it, they were
brought to a small company of Indians, who proved
to be Littleeyes,* and family, and near relations,
who were of Sogkonate, but had forsaken their
countrymen, upon their making peace with the Eng
lish. Some of Captain Church's Indians asked him,
if he did not know this fellow '? [and] told him,
" This is the rogue that would have killed you at
Awashonks' dance." And signified to him, that now
he had an opportunity to be revenged on him. But
the Captain told them, [that]_ it was not English
men's fashion to seek revenge ; and that he should
have the quarter the rest had.
Moving to the river side, they found an old canoe,
1 [snapsacks] '
L* See page 25.

100 PHILIP'S WAR.
with which the Captain ordered Littleeyes and his
company to be carried over to an island,* telling
him, [that] he would leave him on that island until
he returned. And lest the English should light on
them, and kill them, he would leave his cousin Light-
footf (whom the English knew to be their friend) to
be his guard. Littleeyes expressed himself very
thankful to the Captain.
He leaving his orders with Lightfoot, returns to
the river side, towards Ponaganset, to Russel's orch
ard.;); [On] coming near the orchard they clapped
into a thicket, and there lodged the rest of the night
without any fire. And upon the morning light's ap
pearing, moved towards the orchard, [and] discover
ed some of the enemy, who had been there the day
before, and had beat down all the apples, and carri
ed them away ; discovered also where they had
lodged that night, and saw the ground, where they
set their baskets, [was] bloody ; being, as they sup
posed, and as it was afterwards discovered, [ — y
with the flesh of swine, &c, which- they had killed
that day. They had lain under the fences without
any fires, and seemed, by the marks [which] they left
behind them, to be very numerous; perceived also
by the dew on the grass, that they had not been
long gone, and therefore, moved apace in pursuit of
them. Travelling three miles or more, they came into the
country road where the tracks parted. One parcel
i[tobe]
* What, I suspect, is now called Palmer's island. There
are others further out, which from their distance, it is thought
unlikely that they went down so far.
t Cousin to Littleeyes. He was a valuable and faithful
servant to Church, and is notorious for his exploits in the
eastern wars.
X This orchard stood just in rear ofthe old garrison before
mentioned. See note 2, on page 50. The remains of which
were to be seen within the age of some recently living.

PHILIP'S WAR. 101 •I
steered towards the west end of the great cedar
swamp, and the other to the east end. The Captain
halted, and told his Indian soldiers, that they had
heard, as well as he, what some men had said at
Plymouth, about them, &c. ; that now was a good
opportunity for each party to prove themselves.
The track being divided, they should follow one and
the English the other, being equal in number. The
Indians declined the motion, and were not willing to
move any where without him ; said, [that] they
should not think themselves safe without him. But
the Captain insisting upon it, they submitted. He
gave the Indians their choice, to follow which track
they pleased. They replied, that they were light
and able to travel, therefore, if he pleased, they
would take the west- track. And appointing the
ruins of John Cook's house at Cushnet, for the place
to meet at, each company set out briskly to try their
fortunes. Captain Church, with his English soldiers, follow
ed their track until they came near entering a miry
swamp, when the Captain heard a whistle in the
rear ; (which was a note for a halt) looking behind
him, he saw William Fobes* start out of the com
pany, and made towards him, who hastened to meet
him as fast as he could. Fobes told him [that] they
had discovered abundance of Indians, and if he
pleased to go a few steps back, he might see them
himself. He did so, and saw them across the swamp ;
observing them, he perceived [that] they were gath
ering whortleberries, and they had no apprehensions
of their being so near them. The Captain supposed
them to be chiefly women, and therefore calling one
Mr. Dillano, who was acquainted with the ground,
and the Indian language, and another named Mr.
* Perhaps Forbes would have been the proper way of spel
ling this name. He went commissary with Church in his
third eastern expedition. 9*

102 PHILIP'S WAR.
Barns.* With these two men he takes right through
the swamp, as fast as he could, and orders the rest
to hasten after them.
Captain Church with Dillano and Barns, having
good horses, spurred on and were soon amongst the
thickest of the Indians, and out of sight of their own
men. Among the enemy was an Indian woman,
who with her husband had been driven off from
Rhodeisland, notwithstanding they had a house upon
Mr. Sanford's land, and had planted an orchard
before the war; yet the inhabitants would not be
satisfied, till they were sent off. Captain Church
with his family, living then at the said Sanford's,
came acquainted with them, who thought it very
hard to turn off such old quiet people. But in the
end it proved a providence, and an advantage to him
and his family, as you may see afterwards.
This Indian woman knew Captain Church, and as
soon as she knew him, held up both her hands, and
came running towards them, crying aloud, " Church !
Church ! Church !" Captain Church bid her stop the
¦rest of the Indians, and tell them, [that] the way
to save their lives, was, not to run, but yield them
selves prisoners, and he would not kill them." So
with her help, and Dillano's, who could call to them
in their own language, many of them stopped and
surrendered themselves, others scampering and cast
ing away their baskets, &c, betook themselves to
the thickets ; but Captain Church being on horse
back, soon came up with them, and laid hold of a
gun that was in the hand of one of the foremost of
the company, pulled it from him, and told him he
must go back. And when he had turned them, he
began to look about him to see where he was, and
what was become of his company; hoping they
1 [and]
* Of this person as well as Dillano and Fobes, after consid
erable pains and search, I can tell nothing. The names are
common in the old colony.

PHILIPS WAR. 103
might be all as well employed as himself. But he
could find none but Dillano, who was very busy
gathering up prisoners. The Captain drove his that
he had stopped, to the rest ; inquiring of Dillano
for their company, but could have no news of them ;
[and]1 moving back,picked up now and then a sculk-
mg prisoner by the way.
When they came near the place where they first
started the Indians, they discovered their company
standing in a body together, and had taken some few
prisoners ; when they saw their Captain, they hasten
ed to meet him. They told him [that] they found
it difficult getting through the swamp, and neither
seeing nor hearing any thing of him, they concluded
[that] the enemy had killed him, and were at a great
loss what to do.
Having brought their prisoners together, they
found [that] they had taken and killed sixty-six of
.the enemy. Captain Church then asked the old
squaw, what company they belonged unto 1 She said,
[that] they belonged part to Philip, and part to Q,un-
nappin* and the Narraganset sachem ;f discovered
i [but]
*An old Queen among the Narragansets, says Hutch. 1, 263.
Trum. I, 347, says that Magnus an old Narraganset Queen
was killed 3 July. It is possible that both names meant the
same person. She signed the treaty in June, of which men
tion has been made. In Hutchinson, the name is spelt
Quaiapen, and in Hubbard, Quenoquin, and by a writer in
N. H. Hist. Col. Ill, 108, Quannopin. But these names
may not all mean the same person, as the author last cited,
says, that Mrs. Rowlandson, wife of the minister of Lancas
ter, when taken was sold to Quannopin whose wife was a
sister to Philip's wife. The same writer observes, on page
141, that one of Quannopin's wives' names was Wittimore.
She could not be the same that was drowned near Swanzey,
for that was before Mrs. R. was taken. See note 2, on
page 27.
f Who is meant by this Narraganset sachem, it is difficult
to determine. There were six that subscribed the treaty in
June. Canonchet, who was noted for his enmity to the Eng-

104 PHILIP'S WAR.
also upon her declaration, that both Philip and Qun-
napin were about two miles off, in the great cedar
swamp. He inquired of her what company they
had with them. She answered, " Abundance of In
dians." The swamp, she said, was full of Indians
from one end unto the other, that were settled there ;
[and] that there were near an hundred men, [who]
came from the swamp with them, and left them upon
that plain to gather whortleberries, and promised to
call them as they came back out of Sconticut neck,*
whither they went to kill cattle and horses for pro
visions for the company.
She perceiving Captain Church move towards the
neck, told him, [that] if they went that way they
would be killed. He asked her where about they
crossed the river 1 She pointed to the upper passing
place. Upon which Captain Church passed over so
low down, as he thought it not probable [that] they
should meet with his track in their return, and has
tened towards the island, where he left Littleeyes
with Lightfoot. Finding a convenient place by the
river side for securing his prisoners, Captain Church
and Mr. Dillano went down to see what was become
of Captain Lightfoot, and the prisoners left in his
charge. Lightfoot seeing and knowing them, soon came
over with his broken canoe, and informed them, that
lish, but it could not be he, because he was taken by the
Connecticut volunteers the first week in April, 1676, accord
ing to Hubbard, 158, and it was now July ; Canonicus, who
was killed by the Mohawks in June ; Mattatoag, of whom
we hear nothing ; Ninigret, who did not join with the rest
in the war ; and Pumham, who was killed in the woods near
Dedham,- about the last week in July, as before observed,
and who it is possible this might be. He must have been a
very old man, as I presume he is the same who sold land to
Mr. Samuel Gorton about 1643, and became dissatisfied and
complained of him to the court. See Savage's Winthrop,
II, 120.
* The point of land opposite Newbedford where the village
of Fairhaven now is.

PHILIP'S WAR. 105
he had seen that day about one hundred men of the
enemy go down into Sconticut neck, and that they
were now returning again. Upon which they three
ran down immediately to a meadow where Lightfoot
said [that] the Indians had passed, where they not
only saw their tracks, but also them. Whereupon
they lay close, until the enemy came into the said
meadow, and the foremost set down his load, and
halted until all the company came up, and then took
tip their loads and marched again the same way that
they came down into the neck, which was the near*
est way unto their camp. Had they gone the other
way, along the river, they could not have missed
Captain Church's track, which would doubtless have
exposed them to the loss, of their prisoners, if not of
their lives.
But as soon as the coast was clear of them, the
Captain sends his Lightfoot to fetch his prisoners
from the island, while he and Mr. Dillano returned
to the company ; sent part of them to conduct Light
foot and his company to the aforesaid meadow, where
Captain Church and his company met iiiem. Cross
ing the enemy's track, they made all haste until they
got over Mattapoiset river,* near about four miles
beyond the ruins of Cook's house, where he appoint
ed to meet his Indian company, whither he sent Dil
lano with two more to meet them ; ordering them
that if the Indians were not arrived to wait for them.
Accordingly, finding no Indians there, they waited
until late in the night, when they arrived with their
booty. Tljey despatched a post to their Captain, to
give him an account of their success, but the day
broke before they came to him. And when they
had compared successes, they very remarkably found
that the number that each company had taken and
* (In Rochester.)
Quite a small stream, to the east of which is the village of
this name, though now usually pronounced Mattapois, See
note 2, on page 32,

106 PHILIP'S WAR.
eslain was equal. The Indians had killed three of
the enemy, and taken sixty-three prisoners, as the
English had done before them.
Both the English and Indians were surprised at
this remarkable providence, and were both parties
rejoicing at it ; being both before afraid of what
might have been the unequal success of the parties.
But the Indians had the fortune to take more arms
than the English.
They told the Captain, that they had missed a
brave opportunity by parting ; [that] they came upon
a great town of the enemy, viz., Captain Tyasks'*
company ; (Tyasks was the next man to Philip) that
they fired upon the enemy before they were discover
ed, and ran upon them with a shout ; [and] the men
ran and left their wives and children, and many of
them their guns. They took Tyasks' wife and son,
and thought, that if their Captain and the English
company had been with them, they might have taken
some hundreds of them; and now they determined
not to part any more.
That night, Philip sent, (as afterwards they found
out) a great army to waylay Captain Church at the
entering on of Assawomset neck, expecting [that] he
would have returned the same way [that] he went in ;
but that was never his method to return the same way
that he came ; and at this time going another way,
he escaped falling into the hands of his enemies.
The next day they went home by Scipican,f and got
well with their prisoners to Plymouth.
* In anothei- place, Annawon is called the next man to
Philip, or his chief Captain. Hubbard spelt his name
Tiasnq, and informs us that he surrendered himself to the
English in June ; but this could not be the case, as it was
now near the end of July, if the Indians knew the company
to be Tyasks'. Though nothing is said in the text that we
might be positive that Tyasks was there, yet Hubbard says
that his " wife and child" were taken first. Nar. 280. '
t A small river in Rochester. Near its mouth is the little
riliage of Scipican, 4 miles to the eastward of Mattapoiset.

PHILIP'S WAR. 107
He soon went out again, and this stroke he drove
many weeks. And when he took any number of
prisoners, he would pick out some that he took a
fancy to, and would tell them, [that] he took a par
ticular fancy to them, and had chosen them for him
self to make soldiers of; and if any would behave
themselves well, he would do well by them, and they
should be his men, and not sold out of the country.
If he perceived [that] they looked surly, and his In
dian soldiers called them treacherous dogs, as some
of them would sometimes do, all the notice he would
take of it, would only be to clap them on the back,
and tell them, " Come, come, you look wild and surly,
and mutter, but that signifies nothing ; these my best
soldiers, were, a little while ago, as wild and surly
as you are now ; by that time you.have been but one
• day along with me, you will love me too, and be as
brisk as any of them." And it proved so; for there
was none of them, but (after they had been a little
while with him, and seen his behaviour, and how
cheerful and successful his men were) would be as
ready to pilot him to any place where the Indians
dwelt or haunted, (though their own fathers, or near
est relations should be among them) or to fight for
him, as any of his own men.
Captain Church was, in two particulars, much ad
vantaged by the great- English army* that was now
* I cannot learn as this "great army" was in much active
service about this time. But the Connecticut soldiers were
very active. A party under Capt. Denison took prisoner
Canonchet, or Nanunttenoo, as he was last called, " the
chief sachem of all the Narragansets," who had comedown
from the Nipmuck country to get seed corn to plant the der
serted settlements on Connecticut river. Canonchet was
near Pautucket river with a company of his men, and while
secure in his tent, and was relating over his exploits against
the English, Denison came upon him. He* fled with all
hastej but as he was crossing the river, a misstep brought
his gun under water, and retarded his progress. One Mo-
nopoide, a Pequot, being swift of foot, first came up with
him. He made no resistance, though he was a man of great

108 PHILIP'S WAR.
abroad. One was, that they drove the enemy down
to that part of the country, viz., to the eastward of
Taunton river, by which his business was nearer
home. The other was, that when he fell on with a
push upon any body of the enemy, (were they never
so many) they fled, expecting the great army. And
his manner "of marching through the woods was
such, [that]1 if he were discovered, they appeared
to be more than they were ; for he always marched
at a wide distance one from another, partly for their
safety : And this was an Indian custom to march
thin and scattered.
Captain Church inquired of some of the Indians
that were become his soldiers, how they got such
advantage, often, of the English in their marches
through the woods 1 They told him, that the In-
 l [as] 
strength. A young Englishman ne'xt came up, and asked
him some questions, but he would make no answer. At
length, casting a look of neglect on his youthful face, said, in
broken English, "You too much child ; no understand mat
ters of war — Let your Captain come ; him I will answer."
He would not accept of his life when offered him ; and when
told that he was to die, said, " He liked it well ; that he
should die before his heart was soft, or he had spoken any
thing unworthy of himself." He was afterward shot at Sto-
nington. And by autumn, this with other volunteer com
panies killed and took 230 of the enemy, and 50 muskets ;
these exploits were continued until the Narragansets were
all driven out of the country, except Ninigret. Trumbull,
1,343 to 345. The regular soldiers under Major Talcot
marched into the Nipmuck's country, where at one time they
killed and took 52 ofthe enemy. This was in the beginning
of June. On 12 June they came upon about 700 In
dians, who were furiously besieging Hadley, whom they im
mediately dispersed. On their return to the Narraganset
country they came upon the main body of the enemy near a
large cedar swamp, who mostly fled into it. But being sur
rounded, 171 were killed and taken. Among them was
Magnus, the old Queen of Narraganset. Near Providence
they made prisoners, and killed 67 ; and soon after 60 more
on their return to Connecticut. Holmes, I, 431 to 433. See
note 1, on page 103.

PHILIP'S WAR. 109
dians gained great advantage of the English by two
things ; [they]1 always took care in their marches
and fights, not to come too thick together; but the
English always kept in a heap together ; [so] that it
was as easy to hit them, as to hit a house. The other
was, that if at any time they discovered a company
of English soldiers in the woods, they knew that
there were all, for the English never scattered, but
the Indians always divided and scattered.
Captain Church [being] now at Plymouth, some
thing or other happened that kept him at home a
few days, until a post came to Marshfield on the
Lord's* day morning, informing the Governour, that
a great army of Indians were discovered, who it was
supposed were designing to get over the river to
wards Taunton or Bridgewater, •(- to attack those
towns that lay on that side [of] the river. The Go
vernour hastened to Plymouth, raised what men he
could by the way, came to Plymouth in the begin
ning of the forenoon exercise, sent for Captain
Church out of the meeting house, gave him the
news, and desired him immediately to rally what of
his company he could, and what men he had raised
should join them.
The Captain bestirs himself, but found no bread
in the store house, and so was forced to run from
house to house to get household bread for their
march. But this nor any thing else prevented his
marching by the beginning of the afternoon exercise,
Marching with what menf were ready, he took with
him the post that came from Bridgewater to pilot
him to the place where he thought he might meet
with the enemy. 1 [the Indians]
* July 30, 1676.
t This word in the text was given uniformly without the
first e.
X He had " about 30 Englishmen and 20 reconciled In
dians." Hubbard, Nar. 223.
10

110 PHILIP'S WAR.
** In the evening they heard a smart firing at a dis
tance from them, but it being near night, and the
firing but of short continuance, they missed the
place, and went into Bridgewater town. It seems
[that] the occasion of the firing was, that Philip,
finding that Captain Church made that side of the
country too hot for him, designed to return to the
other side of the country that he came last from.
And coming to Taunton river with his company,
they felled a great tree across the river, for a bridge
to pass over on. And just as Philip's old uncle,
Akkompoin,* and some other of his chiefs were pass
ing over the tree, some brisk Bridgewater Jads had
ambushed them, fired upon them, and killed the old
man, and several others, which put a stop to their
coming over the river that night, f
Next morning, Captain Church moved very early
with his company, which was increased by many of
Bridgewater, that enlisted under him for that expe
dition ; and by their piloting, soon came very still
to the top of the great tree, which the enemy had
fallen across the river, and the Captain spied an In
dian sitting on the stump of it on the other side of
the river, and he clapped his gun up, and had doubt
less despatched him, but that one of his own Indians
called hastily to him, not to fire, for he believed it
was one of their own men. Upon which the Indian
upon the stump, looked about, and Captain Church's
Indian seeing his face, perceived his mistake; for he
knew him to be Philip ; clapped up his gun and
fired, but it was too late ; for Philip immediately
threw himself off the stump, leaped down a bank on
the other side of the river and made his escape. J
* This might be a brother of Massassoit, but we hear of
none but Quadequinah.
X Hubbard places the date of this action on the 31; but
according to our author it was on Sunday, and Sunday was
the 30.
X He had not long before cut oft1 his hair that he might not
he known. Hubbard.

PHILIP'S WAR. Ill
Captain Church, as soon as possible got over the
river, and scattered in quest of Philip and his com
pany ; but the enemy scattered and fled every way.
[ — ] 1 He picked up a considerable many of their
women and children, among which were Philip's
wife and son ; [the son] 2 about nine years old.
Discovering a considerable new track along the river,
and examining the prisoners, found [that] it was
Qunnapin and the Narragansets, that were drawing
off from those parts towards the Narraganset coun
try. He inquired of the prisoners, whether Philip
was gone in the same track "? They told him that
they did not know ; for he fled in a great fright when
the first English gun was fired, and [that] they had
none of them seen or heard any thing of him since.
Captain Church left part of his company there to
secure the prisoners [which] they got, and to pick
up what more they could find, and with the rest of
his company hastened in the track of the enemy to
overtake them, if it might be before they got over the
river ; and ran some miles along the river, until he
came to a place where the Indians had waded over ;
and he with his company waded over after them, up
to the armpits ; being almost as wet before with
sweat as the river could make them. Following
about a mile further, and not overtaking them, and
the Captain being under [a] necessity to return that
night to the army, came to a halt ; told his company,
[that] he must return to his other men. His Indian
soldiers moved for leave to pursue the enemy,
(though he returned) ; [they] said [that] the Narra
gansets were great rogues, and [that] they wanted
to be revenged <on them for killing some of their
relations ; named Tockamona, (Awashonks' brother)
and some others. Captain Church bade them go and
prosper, and made Lightfoot their chief, and gave
him the title of Captain. Bid them go and quit
themselves like men. And away they scampered like
so many horses. i [but] s [of]

112 PHILIP'S WAR.
Next morning* early they returned to their Cap
tain, and informed him that they had come up with
the enemy, and killed several of them, and brought
him thirteen of them prisoners. [They] were mighty
proud of their exploit, and rejoiced much at the op
portunity of avenging themselves.-)- Captain Church
sent the prisoners to Bridgewater, and sent out his
scouts to see what enemies or tracks they could
[find.] Discovering some small tracks, he followed
them, found where the enemy had kindled some fires,
and roasted some flesh, &c, but had put out their
fires and were gone.
The Captain followed them by the track, putting
his Indians in the front; some of which were such
as he had newly taken from the enemy, and added
to his company.- [He] gave them orders to march
softly, and upon hearing a whistle in the rear, to sit
down, till further order ; or, upon discovery of any
of the enemy, to stop ; for his design was, if he
could discover where the enemy were, not to fall
upon them (unless necessitated to it) until next morn
ing. The Indians in the front came up with many
women and children, and others that were faint and
tired, and so not able to keep up with the company.
These gave them an account, that Philip with a
great number of the enemy, was a little before.
Captain Church's Indians told the others, [that]
they were their prisoners, but if they would submit
to order, and be still, no one should hurt them.
They being their old acquaintance, were easily per- ,
suaded to conform. A little before sunset there
was a halt in the front, until the Captain came up.
They told him [that] they discovered the enemy.
He ordered them to dog them, and watch their mo
tion till it was dark. But Philip soon came to a
stop, and fell to breaking and chopping wood, to
* August 1st.
t Mr. Hubbard takes no notice of this exploit.

PHILIP'S WAR. 113
make fires; and a great noise they made. Captain
Church draws his company up in a ring, and sat
down in the swamp without any noise or fire.
The Indian prisoners were much surprised to see
the English soldiers ; but the Captain told them,
[that] if they would be quiet, and not make any dis
turbance or noise, they should meet with civil treat
ment ; but if they made any disturbance, or offered
to run, or make their escape, he would immediately
kill them all ; so they were very submissive and ob
sequious. When the day broke, Captain Church told his pri
soners, that his expedition was such, at [that]1 tinte,
that he could not afford them any guard ; told them,
[that] they would find it to be [to] their interest,
to attend the orders he was now about to give
them ; which were, that when the fight was over,
which they now expected, or as soon as the firing
ceased, they must follow the track of his company,
and come to them. (An Indian is next to a blood
hound to follow a track.) He said to them, it
would be in vain for them to think of disobedience,
or to gain any thing by it ; for he had taken and kill
ed a great many of the Indian rebels, and should, in
a little time kill and take all the rest, &c.
By this time it began to be [as]2 light as the time
that he usually chose to make his onset. He moved,
sending two soldiers before, to try, if they could
privately discover the enemy's postures. But very
unhappily it fell out, that [at] the very same time,
Philip had sent two of his [men] as a scout upon his
own track, to see if none dogged [him.]3 [They]4
spied the two Indian men, [-^-]5 turned short about,
and fled with all speed to their camp, and Captain
Church pursued as fast as he could. The two In
dians set a yelling and howling, and made the most
hideous noise they could invent, soon gave the alarm
to Philip and his camp, who all fled at the first tid*
i [this] 2 [so] a [them] * [who] 5 [and?
10*

114 PHILIP'S WAR.
* * . ^
ings ; left their kettles boiling, and * meat roasting
upon their wooden spits, and ran into a swamp,*
with no other breakfast, than whata Captain Church
afterwards treated them with.
Captain Church pursuing, sent Mr. Isaac How-
landf with a party on one side of the swamp, while
himself with the rest, ran on the other side, agreeing
to run on each side, until they met on the further
end. Placing some men in secure stands at that end
of the swamp where Philip entered, concluding that
if they headed him, and beat him back, that he
would take back in his own track. Captain Church
and Mr. Howland soon met at the further end of the
swamp, (it not being a great one) where they met
with a great number of the enemy, well armed, com
ing out of the swamp. But on sight of the English,
they seemed very much surprised and tacked short.
Captain Church called hastily to them, and said,
[that] if they fired one gun they were all dead men ;
for he would have them to know that he had them
hemmed in with a force sufficient to command them ;
but if they peaceably surrendered, they should have
good quarter,} &c. They seeing the Indians and
English come so thick upon them, were so surprised,
that many of them stood still and let the English
come and take the guns out of their hands, when
they were both charged and cocked.
Many, both men, women and children of the ene
my, were imprisoned at this time; while Philip,
* This swamp was on the west side of Taunton river, in
Mattapoiset neck in Swanzey.
f A brother to Jabez Howland before mentioned, and son
ofthe first John Howland, whose name lives among the cele
brated FORTY ONE. See note 1, page 89.
X We may conclude that Mr. Hubbard is more correct in
his account of this affair than our author ; he says, that one
of Church's Indians called to them in their own language,
&c, which from the circumstance that Mr. Church could not
speak Indian, is creditable. Nar. 223.

PHILIP'S WAR. 115
Tispaquin, Totoson,* &,c, concluded that the Eng
lish would pursue them upon their tracks, so were
waylaying [them]1 at the first end of the swamp ;
hoping thereby to gain a shot upon Captain Church,
who was now better employed in taking prisoners,
and running them into a valley, in form something
[ — ]2 like a punch bowl ; and appointing a guard
of two files, treble armed with guns taken from the
enemy. But Philip having waited all this while in vain,
now moves on after the rest of his company to see .
what was become of them. And by this time Cap
tain Church had got into the swamp ready to meet
him, and as it happened made the first discovery,
clapped behind a tree, until Philip's company came
pretty near, and then fired upon them ; killed many
of them, and a close skirmish followed. Upon this
Philip having grounds sufficient to suspect the event
of his company that went before them, fled back
upon his own track ; and coming to the place where
the ambush lay, they fired on each other, and one
Lucas of Plymouth, not being so careful as he might
have been about his stand, was killed by the Indians.
In this swamp skirmish Captain Church, with his
two men who always ran by his side, as his guard,
met with three of the enemy, two of which surren
dered themselves, and the Captain's guard seized
them, but the other, being a great, stout, surly fellow,
1 [their tracks] 2 [shaped]
* A son of the noted Sam Barrow. Totoson, as will pre
sently be seen, died of grief for the destruction of his family,
and loss of his country. He was one of the six Narraganset
sachems that subscribed the treaty in July, 1675. His prin
cipal place of resort was in Rochester, on the left of the main
road as you pass from the village of Rochester to Mattapoi-
set, and about two miles from the latter. It was a piece of
high ground in a large swamp, connected to the high land by
a narrow neck, over which, all had to pass to visit him. The
road passes near where this neck joins the high- ground.
MS. Recollections.

116 PHILIP'S WAR.
with his two locks tied up with red, and a great rat
tlesnake's skin hanging to the back part of his head,
(who Captain Church concluded to be Totoson) ran
from them into the swamp. Captain Church in per
son pursued him close, till coming pretty near up
with him, presented his gun between his shoulders,
but it missing fire, the Indian perceiving it, turned
and presented at Captain Church, [but his -gun]1
missing fire also ; (their guns taking wet with the
fog and dew of the morning) [and]2 the Indian turn
ing short for another run, his foot tripped in a small
grape vine, and he fell flat on his face. Captain
Church was by this time up with him, and struck the
muzzle of his gun, an inch and a half, into the back
part of his head, which despatched _ him without
another blow.* But Captain Church looking behind
him, saw Totoson, the Indian whom he thought he
had killed, come flying at him like a dragon ; but
this happened to be fair in sight of the guard that
were set to keep the prisoners, who, spying Totoson
and others that were following him, in the very sea
sonable juncture made a shot upon them, and rescu
ed their Captain ; though he was in no small danger
from his friends bullets ; for some of them came so
near him that he- thought he felt the wind of them.
The skirmish being over, they gathered their pri
soners together, and found the number that they had
killed and taken, was one hundred and seventythree,
(the' prisoners which they took over night included)
who after the skirmish, came to them, as they were
ordered. f
Now having no provisions but what they took from
1 [and] ' 2 [but]
* It cannot, now, be ascertained who this Indian warriour
was, but his bravery was not unequal, perhaps, to num
berless civilized warriours whose individual fame has filled
far bulkier books than this.
t These exploits took up two days, namely the 2, and $
August.

PHILIP'S WAR. 117
the enemy, they hastened to Bridgewater, sending
an express before to provide for them, their company
being now very numerous.*
The gentlemen of Bridgewater met Captain Church
with great expressions of honour and thanks, and re
ceived him and his army with all due respect and
kind treatment.
Captain Church drove his prisoners (that night)
into Bridgewater pound, and set his Indian soldiers
to guard them. They being well treated with victu
als and drink, they had a merry night, and the pri
soners laughed as loud as the soldiers ; not being
so treated [for] a long time before.
Some of the Indians now said to Captain Church,
" Sir, you have now made Philip ready to die, for
you have made him as poor and miserable as he used
to make the English ; for you have now killed or
taken all [of] his relations; that they believed he
would now soon have his head, and that this bout
had almost broken his heart."
The next dayf Captain Church moved, and arriv
ed with all his prisoners safe at Plymouth. The
great English army was now at Taunton, and Major
Talcot,f with the Connecticut forces, being in these
parts of the country, did considerable spoil upon the
enemy. * Church had but about 80 Englishmen and 20 reconciled
Indians, says Hubbard, 223, as before noted ; and that he
took about 153 prisoners. It is probable that he is a little
out ofthe way in the former, as well as the latter part ofthe
statement. t August 14.
X Major John Talcot. It is to be regretted that we have
no account of this military chieftain in a biographical work.
There are many of this class, which, should they receive a
small part ofthe attention bestowed on some obscure charac
ters, would add much to the value of such works. I have
little information of Major Talcot, except what is contain
ed in the valuable History of Connecticut. In note 1, on
page 107, a few of his exploits are sketched ; but about this
time he was as busy as Church, and performed very signal

118 PHILIP'S WAR.
Now Captain Church being arrived at Plymouth,
received thanks from the government for his good
service, &c. Many of his soldiers were disbanded,
and he thought to rest himself awhile ; being much
fatigued, and his health impaired, by excessive heats
and colds, wading through rivers, die. But it was
not long before he was called upon to rally, upon
advice that some of the enemy were discovered in
Dartmouth woods.
He took his Indians, and as many English volun
teers as presented to go with him; scattering into
small parcels, Mr. Jabez Howland (who was now,
and often, his Lieutenant, and a worthy good soldier)
had the fortune to discover and imprison a parcel
of the enemy. In the evening they met together at
an appointed place, and by examining the prisoners
they gained intelligence of Totoson's haunt.* And
being brisk in the morning, they soon gained an ad
vantage of Totoson's company, f though he himself,
services. After he had recruited his men at home a short
time, he received intelligence that a large body of Indians
were fleeing to the westward. Major Talcot overtook them
near the close ofthe third day, between Westfield and Alba
ny on the west side of Housatonick river. On the following
morning he divided his men into two parties ; one was to
cross the river and come upon their front, at the same time
the other fell upon their rear. This well concerted plan
came near being ruined ; as the first party were crossing the
river they were discovered by one of the enemy who was
out, fishing. He hallooed, "Awannux! Awannux!" and
was immediately shot down. This surprised the enemy,
and the gun was taken for the signal to begin the onset by
the other party, who discharged upon them as they were
rising from sleep. All that were not killed or wounded fled
into the woods which were very thick, and the pursuit was
given up. Fortyfive of the enemy were killed and taken,
among the former was the sachem of Quabaog. The army
now returned. The Major had at first 350 men beside
friendly Indians.
* See note on page 115.
t Hubbard, Nar. 232, says that about fifty were taken at
this time.

PHILIP'S WAR. 119
with his son ahout eight years old, made their escape,
and one old squaw with them, to Agawom,* his own
country. But Sam Barrow,f as noted a rogue as
any among the enemy, fell into the hands of the Eng
lish at this time. Captain Church told him, that
because of his inhuman murders and barbarities, the
Court had allowed him no quarter, but was to be
forthwith put to death ; and therefore he was to pre
pare for it. Barrow replied, that the sentence of
death against him was just, and that indeed he was
ashamed to live any longer, and desired no more
favour, than to smoke a whiff of tobacco before his
execution. When he had taken a few whiffs, he said,
he was ready ; upon which one of Captain Church's
Indians sunk his hatchet into his brains.
The famous Totoson arriving at Agawom, J his
son, § which was the last that was left of the family,
(Captain Church having destroyed all the rest) fell
sick. The wretch reflecting upon the miserable con
dition he had brought himself into, his heart became
a stone within him, and [he] died. The old squaw
flung a few leaves and brush over him, came into
Sandwich, and gave this account of his death ; and
offered to show them where she left his body ; but
never had the opportunity, for she immediately fell
sick and died also.
* In Rochester.
1 1 find nothing more recorded of Barrow, than what is
here given. It appears that he had been a noted villain, and
perhaps his sentence was just. But he was an old man, and
would have died soon enough without murdering. No doubt
he made great efforts to redeem his sinking country, an ac
count of which cannot be had at this day, which with many
others we have greatly to lament the loss of, with the genera
tions to come.
X (Several places were called Agawom ; [or Agawam] as
at Ipswich and Springfield ; this Agawom lies in Wareham.)
It is probable that Totoson had other places of resort as
well as in Rochester, but that described in note on page
115, is supposed to be the principal.
§ Totoson, son of Sam Barrow, is meant.

120 PHILIP'S WAR.j
Captain Church being now at Plymouth again,
weary and worn, would have gone home to his wife
and family, but the government being solicitous to
engage him in the service until Philip was slain ; and
promising him satisfaction and redress for some mis
treatment that he had met with, he fixes for another
expedition.
' He had soon volunteers enough to make up the
company he desired, and marched through the
woods, until he came to Pocasset. And not seeing
or hearing of any of the enemy, they went over the
ferry to Rhodeisland, to refresh themselves. The
Captain with about half a dozen in his company,
took horses and rode about eight miles down the
island, to Mr. Sanford's, where he had left his wife.*
[She]1 no sooner saw him, but fainted with surprise;
and by that time she was a little revived, they spied
two horsemen coming a great pace. Captain Church
told his company, that " Those men (by their riding)
come with tidings." When they came up, they prov
ed to be Major Sanford,f and Captain Golding.
[They]2 immediately asked Captain Church, what
he would give to hear some news of Philip 1 He re
plied, that [that] was what he wanted. They told
him, [that] they had rode hard with some hopes of
overtaking him, and were now come on purpose to
inform him, that there were just now tidings from
Mounthope. An Indian came down from thence
(where Philip's camp now was) [ — ]3 to Sandy point,
over against Trip's, and hallooed, and made signs to
i [who] 2 [who] 3 [on]
* This was on the 11 August.
t The same, very probably, who arrested Sir Edmund
Andros at R. I. in 1689. Andros was then a prisoner at the
castle in Boston harbour, when his servant, by the assistance
of Bacchus, caused the sentinel to let him stand in his stead,
and Sir Edmund escaped. Hutchinson, I, 349. The name
is not uniformly spelt. In the text of Hutchinson the first
d is omitted, as in our text page 102, but in his Index two
des are used.

PHILIP'S WAR. 121
be fetched over. And being fetched over, he report
ed, that he was fled from Philip, " who {said he) has
killed my brother just before I came away, for giv
ing some advice that displeased him."* And said,
[that] he was fled for fear of meeting with the same
his brother had met with. Told them also, that
Philip was now in Mounthope neck. Captain Church
thanked them for their good news, and said, [that]
he hoped by to-morrow morning to have the rogue's
head. The horses that he and his company came
on, standing at the door, (for they had not been un
saddled) his wife must content herself with a short
visit, when such game was ahead. They immediate
ly mounted, set spurs to their horses, and away.
The two gentlemen that brought him the tidings, .
told him, [that] they would gladly wait upon him to
see the event of the expedition. He thanked them,
and told them, [that] he should be as fond of their
company as any men's ; and (in short) they went
with him. And they were soon at Trip's ferry, (with
Captain Church's company) where the deserter was.
[He]1 was a fellow of good sense, and told his story
handsomely. He offered Captain Church, to pilot
him to Philip, and to help to kill him, that he might
revenge his brother's death. Told him, that Philip
was now upon a little spot of upland, that was in the
south end of the miry swamp, just at the foot of the
mount, which was a spot of ground that Captain
Church was well acquainted with.
By that time they were over the ferry, and came
near the ground,half the night was spent. The Cap
tain commands a halt, and bringing the company to
gether, he asked Major Sanford's and Captain Gold-
ing's advice, what method [it] was best to take in
making the onset ; but they declined giving him any
i [who]
* Mr. Hubbard says that it was for advising him to make
peace with the English. 11

122 PHILIP'S WAR.
advice ; telling him, that his great experience and
success forbid their taking upon them to give advice.
Then Captain Church offered Captain Golding [ — ]*
the honour (if he would please accept of it) to beat
up Philip's headquarters. He accepted the offer
and had his allotted number drawn out to him, and
the pilot. Captain Church's instructions to him
were, to be very careful in, his approach to the ene
my, and be sure not to show himself, until by day
light they might see and discern their own men from
the enemy ; told him also, that his custom in like
cases, was, to creep with his company, on their bel
lies, until they came as near as they could ; and that
as soon as the enemy discovered them, they would
cry out, and that was the word for his men to fire
and fall on. [He] directed him, [that] when the
enemy should start and take into the swamp, [that]
they should pursue with speed ; every man snouting
and making what noise [he]2 could ; for he would
give orders to his ambuscade to fire on any that
should come silently.
' Captain Church knowing that it was Philip's cus
tom to be foremost in the flight, went down to the
swamp, and gave Captain Williams of Scituate the
command of the right wing of the ambush, and pla
ced an Englishman and an Indian together behind
such shelters of trees, &c, [as]3 he could find, and
took care to place them at such distance, that none
might pass undiscovered between them ; charged
them to be careful of themselves, and of hurting
their friends, and to fire at any that should come si
lently through the swamp. But [it] being somewhat
farther through the swamp than he was aware of, he
wanted men to make up his ambuscade.
Having placed what men he had, he took Major
Sanford by the hand, [and] said, " Sir I have so pla
ced them that it is scarce possible Philip should
escape them." The same moment a shot whistled
» [that he should have] 2 [they] 3 [that]

PHILIP'S WAR. 123
over their heads, and then the noise of a gun towards
Philip's camp. Captain Church, at first, thought
[that] it might be some gun fired by accident ; but
before he could speak, a whole volley followed, which
was earlier than he expected. One of Philip's gang
going forth to ease hims'elf, when he had done, look
ed round him, and Captain Golding thought [that]
the Indian looked right at him, (though probably it
was but his conceit) so fired at him ; arid upon his
firing, the whole company that were with him fired
upon the enemy's shelter, before the Indians had
time to rise from their sleep, and so over shot them.
But their shelter was open on that side next the
swamp, built so on purpose for the convenience of
flight on occasion. They were soon in the swamp,
and Philip the foremost, who starting at the first gun,
threw his petunk and powderhorn over his head,
catched up his gun, and ran as fast as he could
scamper, without any more clothes than his small
breeches and stockings ; and ran directly on two of
Captain Church's ambush. They let him come fair
within shot, and the Englishman's .gun missing fire,
he bid the Indian fire away, and he did so to [the]
purpose ; sent one musket bullet through his heart,
and another not above two inches from it. He fell
upon his face in the mud and water, with his gun
under him.*
* Thus fell the celebrated King Philip, the implacable
enemy of civilization. Never, perhaps, did the fall of any
prince or warriour afford so much space .for solid reflection.
Had the resources of this hero been equal to those of his ene
mies, what would have been their fate ? This exterminating
war had not been known to millions! How vast the con
trast ! when this country is viewed in its present populous
and flourishing state, extending over thousands of miles, and
the sound of civilization emanating from every part ; and
when presented to the imagination in the days of Philip ;
with only here and there a solitary dwelling, surrounded with
an endless wilderness.
Before the fall of Philip, the Indians for some time had
been loosing ground, and were considered as nearly subdued,

124 PHILIP'S WAR.
By this time the enemy perceived [that] they were
waylaid on the east side of the swamp, [and] tacked
short about. One of the enemy, who seemed to be
a great, surly old fellow ; hallooed with a loud voice,
and often called out, " Iootash, Iootash."* Captain
Church called to his Indian, Peter, and asked him,
who that was that called so 1 He answered, that it
was old Annawon, f Philip's -great Captain ; calling
but this event clearly decided their fate ; doubts were no
longer entertained of their appearing formidable. To^this
memorable and important event, we are able to fix the date,
with that certainty, which adds lustre to the pages of histo
ry. Other" historians agree that it was on the 12 August,
and this history clearly indicates that it was on the morning
of a certain day, which, therefore, falls on Saturday morning,
12 August, 1676. Mr. Hubbard, Nar. 226, says, "With
Philip at this time fell five of his trustiest followers." To
know their names would be a relief.
* This is evidently a word of three syllables, and is very easy
to pronounce. It should be thus divided, I-oo-tash ; giving the
second syllable the same sound that oo has in moose, mood,
foe. Why Dr. Morse should alter this word to Tootash', I
cannot account. It is certainly an unwarrantable deviation
and should not be countenanced. See Annals of the Ameri
can Revolution, 53, and the edition of 1820 of his Hist. N.
England. t This word also, the author of the Annals of the Ameri
can Revolution has thought proper to alter to Anawon ; this,
however, is less important than that mentioned in the last
note, but should not be warranted. Some contend that its
termination should be written wan, as being more agreeable
to analogy. I cannot think that it is ; because the author,
without doubt, intended by the termination won, to convey
the sound of wun, and not that heard in swan.
What is preserved of this warriour is found in this history.
His principal camp was in Squannaconk swamp, in Reho-
both, where he was taken by Church, as will presently be
seen. In a preceding page, Tyasks was called the next man
to Philip ; but, that Annawon stood in that place, is evident
from his being possessed of that chief's royalties after he was
killed. Mr. Hubbard says that a son of Philip's chief Captain
was killed when Philip was. But as it is not possible for me
to ascertain with certainty who he means by Philip's chief
Captain, we cannot tell whether he were a son of Annawon
or not ; but it appears quite probable to. me that he was.

KOTO PHILIP.

HPraHtelhedl hjr f&.(&Mmk!&9M®&txm<,

PHILIP'S WAR. 125
on his soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly. Now
the enemy finding that place of the swamp which
was not ambushed, many of them made their escape
in the English tracks.
The man that had shot down Philip, ran with all
speed to Captain Church, and informed him of his
exploit, who commanded him to be.silent about it
and let no man more know it, until they had driven
the swamp clean. But when they had driven the
swamp through, and found [that] the enemy had
escaped, or at least, the most of them, and the sun
now up, and so the dew gone, that they could not
easily track them, the whole company met together
at the place where the enemy's night shelter was,
and then Captain Church gave them the news of
Philip's death. Upon which the whole army gave
three loud huzzas.
Captain Church ordered his body to be pulled out
of the mire to the upland. So some of Captain
Church's Indians took hold of him by his stockings,
and some by his small breeches, (being otherwise
naked) and drew him through the mud to the up
land; and a doleful, great, naked, dirty beast he
looked like.* Captain Church then said, that foras
much as he had caused many an Englishman's body
to be unburied, and to rot above ground, that not
one of his bones should be buried. And calling his
old Indian executioner, bid him behead and quarter
him. Accordingly he came with his hatchet and
stood over him, but before he struck he made a small
speech directing it to Philip, [which was, that]1 " he
had been a very great man, and had made many a
man afraid of him, but so big as he was, he would now
i {and said] .
* How natural is the propensity of man, to exult in the fall
of his enemy! However great or brave, if the great disposer
of events renders him unprofitably so, no allowance is made
in the day of victory, though the honour of the conqueror is
measured by that of his foe.
11*

126 PHILIP'S WAR. -,j
chop his arse for him."* And so he went to work
and did as he was ordered.f
Philip having one very remarkable hand, being
much scarred, occasioned by the splitting of a pis
tol in it formerly, Captain Church gave the head
and that hand to Alderman,| the Indian who shot
him, to show to such gentlemen as would bestow gra
tuities upon him ; and accordingly he got many a
penny by it.
This being on the last day of the week, the Cap
tain with his company, returned to the island, [and]
tarried there until Tuesday ;§ and then went off and
ranged through all the woods to Plymouth, and re
ceived their premium, which was thirty shillings per
head, for the enemies which they had killed or taken,
instead of all wages ; and Philip's head went at the
same price. Methinks it is scanty reward, and poor
encouragement ; though it was better than [it]1 had
1 [what]
* Dr. Morse in copying from this history, quotes the above
speech thus ; " You have been one very great man. You
have made many a man afraid of you. But so big as you be,
I will chop you in pieces." By his liberties with authors, we
might take him for the Cotton Mather ofthe age. How
ever, we are willing to excuse him in this instance, on the
score of chastity.
t Being quartered he was hanged up, and his head carried
in triumph to Plymouth. Magnalia, II, 498, 499. " That
very night [previous to his death] Philip had been dreaming
that he was fallen into the hands of the English ; and now
just as he was telling his dream, with advice unto his friends
to fly for their lives, lest the knave who had newly gone from
them should show the English how to come at them. Captain
Church, with his company, fell in upon them." Ibid. Per
haps this story deserves as much credit as that on page 20,
note 1. Mr. Hubbard, no doubt heard this part ofthe story,
but perhaps not having as much faith in dreams as the au
thor of the Magnalia, thought proper to omit it.
X This was the same Indian, whose brother was killed,
and who informed the English where to find Philip. Trum
bull, Hist. Con. I, 349.
§ August 15.

PHILIP'S WAR. 127 i
been some time before. For this march they receiv
ed four shillings and sixpence a man, which was all
the reward they had, except the honour of killing
Philip. This was in the latter end* of August, 1676.
Captain Church had been but a little while at Ply
mouth, before a post from Rehoboth came to inform
the Governour, that old Annawon, Philip's chief Cap
tain, was with his company ranging about their
woods, and was very offensive and pernicious to Re
hoboth and Swanzey. Captain Church was imme
diately sent for again, and treated with to engage in
one expedition more. He told them, [that] their en
couragement was so poor, he feared [that] his sol
diers would be dull about going again. But being
a hearty friend to the cause, he rallies again, goes to
Mr. Jabez Howland, his old Lieutenant, and some
of his soldiers that used to go out with him ; told
them how the case was circumstanced, and that he
had intelligence of old Annawon's walk and haunt,
and wanted hands to hunt him. They did not want
much entreating, but told him, [that] they would go
with him as long as there was an Indian left in the
woods. He moved and ranged through the woods
to Pocasset.
It being the latter end of the week, he proposed
to go on to Rhodeisland, and- rest until Monday ;
but on the Lord's day morning,f there came a post
to inform the Captain, that early the same morning,
a canoe with several Indians in it, passed from Pru
dence islandf to Poppasquash§ neck. Captain
Church thought if he could possibly surprise them,
* The reason of this anachronism is explained in note 1 ,
on page 94.
t August 20.
X A long and crooked Island on the west side of Rhode-
island, extending from near the centre of Rhodeisland to
Warwick neck, in length about 6 miles.
§ (On the west side of Bristol.)
And separated from it by Bristol bay.

128 PHILIP'S WAR.
[that] he might probably gain some intelligence of
more game ; therefore he made all possible speed
after them. The ferry boat being out of the way,
he made use of canoes. But by that time they had
made two freights, and had got over about fifteen oi
sixteen of his Indians, the wind sprung up with such
violence that canoes could no more pass.* The
Captain seeing it was impossible for any more of his
soldiers to come to him, he told his Indians, [that]
if they were willing to go with him, he would go to
Poppasquash, and see if they could catch some of
the enemy Indians. They were willing to go, but
were sorry [that] they had no English soldiers.f
So they marched through the thickets that they
might not be discovered, until they came unto the
salt meadow, to the northward of Bristol town, that
now is, [when] 1 they heard a gun ; the Captain
looked about, not knowing but it might be some of
his own company in the rear. So halting till they all
came up, he found [that] it was none of his own
company that fired.
Now, though he had but a few men, [he] was
minded to send some of them out on a scout. He
moved it to Captain Lightfoot to go with three
{others] 2 on a scout ; he said [that] he was willing,
provided the Captain's man, Nathaniel (which was
an Indian they had lately taken) might be one of
them, because he was well acquainted with the
1 [then] 2 [more]
* This event was but a few days more than one hundred
years before the celebrated passage of Washington over the
Delaware to attack the Hessians at Trenton, which has been
so beautifully described by Barlow. See his Columbiad, B.
vi. line 91 to 214. Perhaps this expedition of the heroick
Church, in the small days of Newengland was of as much
consequence as greater ones were a century after. It is not
impossible, but that another Barlow may arise and sing over
the events of these days of yore. A vast theme for a poet !
t They had one or more Englishmen in the company as
will appear presently.

PHILIP'S WAR. 129
neck, and coming lately from among them, knew
how to call them.
The Captain bid him choose his three companions,
and go ; and if they came across any of the enemy,
not to kill them if they could possibly take them
alive, that they might gain intelligence concerning
Annawon. The Captain with the rest of his com
pany moved but a little way further toward Poppa-
squash, before they heard another gun, which seem
ed to be the same way with the other, but further off;
but they made no halt until they came unto the nar
row of Poppasquash neck; where Captain Church
left three men more to watch, [and see] if any should
come out of the neck, and to inform the scout, when
they returned, which way he was gone.
He parted the remainder of his company, half on
one side of the neck, and the other with himself went
on the other side, [ — ] l until they met ; and meeting
neither with Indians nor canoes, returned big with ex
pectations of tidings by their scout. But when they
came back to the three men at the narrow of the
neck, they told their Captain [that] the scout, [had] 2
not returned, [and] had heard nor seen any thing of
them. This filled them with thoughts of what should
become of them. By that time they had sat and
waited an hour longer, it was very dark, and they
despaired of their returning to them.
Some of the Indians told their Captain, [that]
they feared his new man, Nathaniel, had met with his
old Mounthope friends, and [ — ]3 turned rogue.
They concluded to make no fires that night, (and
indeed they had no great need of any) for they, had
no victuals to cook, [ — ]4 not so much as a morsel
of bread with them.
They took up their lodgings scattering, that if pos
sibly their scout should come in the night, and whis
tle, (which was their sign) some or other of them
might hear them. They had a very solitary, hun-
i £of the neck] 2 [was] 3 [Was] * [had]

130 PHILIP'S WAR.
gry night; and as soon as the day broke,* they drew
off through the brush to a hill without the neck.
And looking about them they espied one Indian man
come running somewhat towards them. The Cap
tain ordered one man to step out and show himself.
Upon this the Indian ran right to him, and who
should it be but Captain Lightfoot, to their great
joy. Captain Church asked him what news? He
answered, "Good news;" [that] -they were all
well, and had catched ten Indians; and that they
guarded them all night in one of the flankers of the
old English garrison ;f that their prisoners were
part of Annawon's company, and that they had left
their families in a swamp above Mattapoiset neck. J
And as they were marching towards the old garrison,
Lightfoot gave Captain Church a particular account
of their exploit, viz. ; that presently after they left
him, they heard another gun, which seemed toward
the Indian burying place ; and moving that way,
they discovered two of the enemy flaying of a horse.
The scout clapping into the brush, Nathaniel bid
them sit down, and he would presently call all the
Indians thereabout unto him. They hid, and he
went a little distance back from them, and set up his
note and howled like a wolf. One of the two im
mediately left his horse, and came running to see
who was there ; but Nathaniel howling lower and
lower, drew him in between those that lay in wait.
for him, who seized him. Nathaniel continuing the
same note, the other left the horse also, following his
mate, and met with the same. When they caught
these two, they examined them apart and found them
* Monday August 28.
t This was the fort that was built in .June, 1675, which
Church so much disapproved of. See page 35. It was pro
bably of more service now than it had ever been before, if
we judge from any account since given.
X (In Swanzey. There is another Mattapoiset in Roch
ester.)

PHILIP'S WAR. 131
to agree in their story ; that there were eight more
of them [who came]1 down into the neck to get
provisions, and had agreed to meet at the burying
place that evening. These two being some of Na
thaniel's old acquaintance, he had great influence
upon them, and with his enticing story, (telling what
a brave captain he had, how bravely he lived since
he had been with him, and how much they might
better their condition by turning to him, &.c.,) per
suaded and engaged them to be on his side, which,
indeed, now began to be the better side of the hedge.
They waited but a little while before they espied the
rest of theirs coming up to the burying place, and
Nathaniel soon howled them in, as he had done their
mates before.
When Captain Church came to the garrison, he
met his Lieutenant,* and the rest of his company.
And then making up good fires they fell to roasting
their horse beef, enough to last them a whole day,
but had not a morsel of bread, though salt they had,
(which they always carried in their pockets, [and]
which at this time was very acceptable to them.)
Their next motion was towards the place where
the prisoners told them [that] they had left their
women and children, and surprised them all ; and
some others that [had]2 newly come to them. And
upon examination they held to one story, that it was
hard to tell where to find Annawon, for he never
roosted twice in a place.
Now a certain Indian soldier, that Captain Church
had gained over to be on his side, prayed that he
might have liberty to go and fetch in his father, who,
he said, was about four miles from that place, in a
swamp, with no other than a young squaw. Captain
Church inclined to go with him, thinking [that] it
might be in his way to gain some intelligence of
Annawon ; and so taking one Englishman and a few
1 [come] 2 [were] 1
* Mr. Jabez Howland.

132 PHILIP'S WAR.
Indians with him, leaving the rest there, he went
with his new soldier to look [after] his father.
When he came to the -swamp, he bid the Indian
go [and]1 see if he could find his father. He was
no sooner gone, but Captain Church discovered a
track coming down out of the woods ; upon which
he and his little company lay close, some on one
side of the track, and some on the other. They
heard the Indian soldier making a howling for his
father, and at length somebody answered him ; but
while they were listening, they thought [that] they
heard somebody coming towards them; presently
[they] saw an old man coming up with a gun on his
shoulder, and a young woman following in the track
which they lay by. They let them come up between
them, and then started up and laid hold of them
both. Captain Church immediately examined them
apart, telling them what they must trust to, if they
told false stories. He asked the young woman, what
company they came from last1? She said, "From
Captain Annawon's." He asked her how many were
in company with him when she left him % She said, '
" Fifty or sixty." He asked her how many miles it
was to the place where she left him % She said, [that]
she did not understand miles, but he was up in
Squannaconk swamp.*
The old man, who had been one of Philip's coun
cil, upon examination, gave exactly the same ac
count. Captain Church asked him if they could get
there that night1? He said, [that] if they went. pre
sently, and travelled stoutly, they might get there
by sunset. He asked whither he was going % He
answered, that Annawon had sent him down to look
[for] some Indians, that were gone down into Mount-
hope neck to kill provisions. Captain Church let
him know that those Indians were all his prisoners.
1 [to] 2 [but]
* (Southeasterly part of Rehoboth)

PHILIP'S WAR. 133
By this time came the Indian soldier and brought
his father and one Indian more. The Captain was
now in a great strait of mind what to do next ; he
had a mind to give Annawon a visit, now he knew
where to find him. But his company was very small,
[only]1 half a dozen men beside himself, and was
under a necessity to send some body back to acquaint
his Lieutenant and company with his proceedings.
However, he asked his small company that were with
him, whether they would willingly go with him and
give Annawon a visit 1 They told him, [that] they
were always ready to obey his commands, &c. ; but
withal told him, that they knew this Captain Anna-
won was a great soldier ; that he had been a valiant
Captain under Asuhmequin,* Philip's father ; and
i [but]
* Morton, 122, calls him Woosamequen. This was the
last name by which the " good old Massassoit" was known.
This name he took about the time of the Pequot war as was
mentioned in note 1, on page 17. Allen in his Biographical
Dictionary, has given a short sketch of him, which is very
deficient. Not even informing us that he was ever known
by any other name than Massassoit. This celebrated chief en
tered into a league of friendship with the Plymouth Pilgrims,
the next spring after their arrival, which was kept until his
death. Some of the other tribes insultingly told him, that-
through his cowardice he had treated with the English,
However this might be, he is said always to have advised his
sons against engaging in a war with them, for he believed
that in time the Indians would be annihilated. He was re
markable for his aversion to the English religion. Hutchin
son, I, 252, says that " when he was treating for the sale of
some of his lands at Swanzey, insisted upon it as a condition,
that the English should never attempt to draw off any of his
people from their religion to Christianity, and would not re
cede until he found the treaty would break off if he urged
it any further." He was personally several times at Ply
mouth. On his first arrival there, in March, 1620-21, he
made his appearance on the hill, the south side of Town brook,
with several of his principal men with him. Here he made a
stop and Mr. Edward Winslow was sent to him with a pre
sent, and the Governour's (Carver) compliments that he de
sired to see him, and treat with hira. He left Mr. Window
12

134 PHILIP'S WAR.
that he had been Philip's chieftain all this war. A very
subtle man, of great resolution, and had often said,
that he would never be taken alive by the English.
as a hostage with his men, and with about twenty of his sol
diers went down to the brook, where Captain Standish met
him with a file of six men, and conducted him to a new
t house. A green rug was spread over the floor, and three or
four cushions laid upon it. The Governour then came, pre
ceded by a drum and trumpet, At the sound of which they
appeared much delighted. After some introduction, the
above mentioned league or treaty was entered upon and con
cluded as follows:
Article I. That neither he, nor any of his, should injure
or do hurt to any of their people. Art. II. That if any of his
did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender
that they might punish him. Art. III. That if any thing
were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be
restored ; and they should do the like to his. Art. IV. That
if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him ;
and if any did war against them, he should aid them. Art. V.
That he should send to his neighbour confederates, to inform
them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be
likewise comprised in these conditions of peace. Art. VI.
That when his men came to them upon any occasion, they
should leave their arms (which were .then bows and arrows)
behind them. Art. VII. Lastly, that so doing, their sove
reign Lord, King James would esteem him as his friend and
ally. Two years after (in 1623) Massassoit fell sick, and Mr.
Winslow went to visit him. He found the house crowded
with men who were using their rude exertions to restore him
to health. Being informed that his friends were come to see
him, he desired to speak with them. (He was very sick and
his sight had left him.) When Mr. Winslow went to him
he took him by the hand and faintly said, " Keen Wins-
now?" That is, " Art thou Winslow ?" Being informed that
he was, he then said, " Malta neen wonckunet namen Wihs-
now!" That is, "O Winslow I shall never see thee again!" He
had not taken any thing for two days,but Mr. Winslow gave
him something that he had prepared which he was able to
swallow, and he immediately grew better, and soon entirely
recovered. In 1639, this Indian King was at Plymouth with.
Mooanam or Wamsutta, his son, then or afterwards named
Alexander, and renewed the former league. The precise
time of his death is unknown. But from Hubbard, 59, it ap
pears that it was about 1656. Morton, 26, and 122. Hutch
inson, I, 252, 253. Belknap, Amer. Biog. I, 212, 294,

PHILIP'S WAR. 135
And moreover they knew that the men that were
with him were resolute fellows, some of Philip's
chief soldiers ; and therefore, feared whether it was
practicable to make an attempt upon him with so
small a handful of assailants as were now with him.
Told him further, that it would be a pity, [ — ]x after
all the great things he had done, [that] he should
throw away his life at last. Upon which he replied,
that he doubted not Annawon was a subtle and val
iant man ; that he had a long time, but in vain, sought
for him, and never till now could find his quarters,
and he was very loath to miss of the opportunity ;
and doubted not, [ — ]2 that if they would cheerfully
go with him, the same Almighty Providence that had
hitherto protected and befriended them, would do so
still, &c.
Upon this with one consent they said, [that] they
would go. Captain Church then turned to One Cook
of Plymouth, (the only Englishman then with him)
and asked him, what he thought of it1? [He]3 repli
ed, " Sir, I am never afraid of going any where when
you are with me." Then Captain Church asked the
old Indian, if he could carry his horse with him 1
(For he conveyed a horse thus far with him.) He
replied that it was impossible for a horse to pass the
swamps. Therefore, he sent away his new Indian
soldier with his father, and the Captain's horse, to
his Lieutenant, and orders for him to move to Taun
ton with the prisoners, to secure them there, and to
come out in the morning in the Rehoboth road, in
which he might expect to meet him, if he were alive
and had success.
The Captain then asked the old fellow if he would
pilot him [to]4 Annawon 1 He answered, that he hav-
i [that] 2 [but] 3 [who] . 4 [unto]
Holmes, I, 208. Prince, 185, &c. Whether he had more
than two sons is uncertain ; but it seems by a letter to Lon
don, written during this war, that there was another. See
Hutchinson, I, 265.

136 PHILIP'S WAR.
ing given him his life, he was obliged to serve him.
He bid him move on then, and they followed. The
old man would out travel them so far sometimes,
that they were almost out of sight ; [and] looking
over his shoulder, and seeing them behind, he would
halt. Just as the sun was setting, the old man made a
full stop and sat down ; the company coming up, also
sat down, being all weary. Captain Church asked,
" What news V He answered, that about that time
in the evening, Captain Annawon sent out his scouts
to see if the coast were clear, and as soon as it be
gan to grow dark, the scouts returned ; and then
(said he) "we may move again securely." When it
began to grow dark, the old man stood up again,
[and] Captain Church asked him if he would take a
gun and fight for him *? He bowed very low, and
prayed him not to impose such a thing upon him, as
to fight against Captain Annawon his old friend.
But says he, " I will go along with you, and be help
ful to you, and will lay hands on any man that shall
"offer to hurt you."
It being now pretty dark, they moved close to
gether; — anon they heard a noise. The Captain
stayed the old man with his hand, and asked his own
men what noise they thought it might be 1 They
concluded it to be the pounding of a mortar. The
old man had given Captain Church a description of
the place* where Annawon now lay, and of the diffi-
* This solitary retreat is in the southeasterly part of the
town of Rehoboth, but being near Taunton line, some, in re
lating the story, report it to be in this town. It is about 8
miles from Taunton green, and nearly in a direct line to
Providence. The northwest corner of Dighton runs up be
tween Taunton and Rehoboth, through which we pass in
going from Taunton to Annawon's rock. (By this name it.
is known throughout that part of the country.) It is in a
great swamp, called Squannaconk, containing nearly 3000
acres, as I was informed by Mr. A. Bliss, the nearest inhabi
tant to it. The road passes round the northwesterly part of

fc

i

<

y

PHILIP'S WAR. 137
culty of getting at him. Being sensible that they
were pretty near them, with two of his Indians he
creeps to the edge of the rocks, from whence he
could see their camps. He saw three companies of
Indians at a little distance from each other ; being
easy to be discovered by the light of their fires. He
saw also the great ANNAWON and his company,
who had formed his camp or kenneling place by
falling a tree under the side of the great cliffs of
rocks, and setting a row of birch bushes up against
it ; where he himself, his son, and some of his chiefs
had taken up their lodgings, and made great fires
without them, and had their pots and kettles boiling,
and spits roasting. Their arms also he discovered,
all set together, in a place fitted for the purpose,
standing up an end against a stick lodged in two
crotches, and a mat placed over them, to keep them
from the wet or dew. The old Annawon's feet and
his son's head were so near the arms, as almost to
touch them. [— ]l
The rocks were so steep that it was impossible to
get down, [only]2 as they lowered themselves by the
i [but] 2 [but]
the swamp, and within 6 or 8 rods of the rock. This im
mense rock extends northeast and southwest 70 or 80 feet,
and to this day the camp of Annawon is approached with
difficulty. A part of its southeast side hangs over a little,
and the other, on the northeast part, seems in no very dis
tant period, to have tumbled down in large clefts. Its height
may be 30 feet. It is composed of sand and pebbles. A few
scattering maple, beech, birch, &.c, grow about it ; as also
briars and water bushes, so thick as almost to forbid ap
proach. Formerly, it was, no doubt, entirely surrounded by
water, as it is to this time in wet seasons. The northwest
side ofthe rock is easily ascended, as it gradually slopes away
from its summit to its base, and at an angle, perhaps, not ex
ceeding 35°. Small bushes grow from the seams in its steep
side, as in the days of Church. Near the southwest extremi
ty is an opening of an angular form, in which, it is said,
Annawon and the other chiefs were encamped. This open
ing now contains the stump of a large tree, which must have
grown since those days, as it nearly fills it up.
12*

138 PHILIP'S WAR.
boughs, and the bushes that grew in the cracks of the
rocks. Captain Church creeping back again to the
old man, asked him, if there were no possibility of
getting at them some other way 1 He answered,
" No." That he and all that belonged to Annawon,
were ordered to come that way, and none could come
any other way without difficulty, or danger of being
shot. Captain Church then ordered the old man and his
daughter to go down foremost with their baskets at
their backs, that when Annawon saw them with their
baskets he should not mistrust the intrigue. Captain
Church and his handful of soldiers crept down also,
under the shadow of those two and their baskets.
The Captain himself crept close behind the old man,
with his hatchet in his hand, and stepped over the
young man's head to the arms. The young Anna-
won discovering of him, whipped his blanket over
his head, and shrunk up in a heap. The old Cap
tain Annawon started up on his breech, and cried
out "Howoh."* And despairing of escape, threw
himself back again, and lay silent until Captain
Church had secured all the arms, &c. And having
secured that company, he sent his Indian soldiers to
the other fires and companies, giving them instruc
tions, what to do and say. Accordingly they went
into the midst of them. When they [had] discover-
* This word according to the tradition of aged people,
signified, " I am taken." Dr. Morse has thought fit to alter
the spelling of this word to Howah. It is very evident that
the writer of this history, intended in the termination of this
word to convey the sound of oh, and not ah. Were this not
the case, it is certainly better to give it lo posterity as we
find it. Such alterations, however small and unimportant
they may seem to some readers, have a very bad tendency ;
they tend to cause us to doubt of the authenticity of any ac
counts that are handed down to us. It may be said that an
alteration of this kind is of no consequence, because it does
not alter the sense. But it should be recollected, that the
authority is as good for any other alteration ; for to alter let
ters is to alter words ; to alter words is to change the sense.

1 PHILIP'S WAR. 139
ed themselves [to the enemy, they]1 told them that,
their Captain Annawon was taken, 'and [that] it
would be best for them, quietly and peaceably to
surrender themselves, which would procure good
quarter for them ; otherwise, if they should pretend
to resist or make their escape, it would be in vain,
and they could expect no other but that Captain
Church, with his great army, who had now entrap
ped them, would cut them to pieces. Told them
also, [that] if they would submit themselves, and de
liver up all their arms unto them, and keep every
man in his place until it was day, they would assure
them that their Captain Church, who had been so
kind to themselves when they surrendered to him,
should be as kind to them. Now they being old ac
quaintance, and many of them relations, did much
the readier give heed to what they said; [so] compli
ed, and surrendered up their arms unto them, both
their guns and hatchets, &c, and were forthwith
carried to Captain Church.*
Things being so far settled, Captain Church asked
Annawon, " what he had for supper 1" " for (said he) '
I am come to sup with you." " Taubut," (said An
nawon) with a big voice, and looking about upon
his wdmen, bid them hasten and get Captain Church
and his company some supper. [He] then turned
to Captain Church and asked him whether he would
eat cow beef or horse beef? The Captain told him
cow beef would be most acceptable. It was soon
got ready, and pulling his little bag of salt out of
his pocket, which was all the provision he brought
with him. This seasoned his cow beef. So that
with it and the dried green corn, which the old squaw
was pounding in the mortar, while they were sliding
1 [who they were]
* Mr. Hubbard differs considerably in his relation of the
taking of Annawon, from our author, and is much shorter.
Nothing very important seems to be omitted in this account,
excepting the date, and that Mr. Hubbard omits also.

140 PHILIP'S WAR.
down the rocks, he made a very hearty supper. And
this pounding- in the mortar, proved lucky for Cap
tain Church's getting down the rocks ; for when the
old squaw pounded, they moved, and when she ceas
ed, to turn the corn, they ceased creeping. The
noise of the mortar prevented the enemy's hearing
their creeping, and the corn being now dressed, sup
plied the want of bread, and gave a fine relish with
the cow beef.
Supper being over, Captain Church sent two of
his men to inform the other companies, that he had
killed Philip, and taken their friends in Mounthope
neck, but had spared their lives, and that he had sub
dued now all the enemy, (he supposed) except this
company of Annawon ; and now if they would be
orderly and keep their places until morning, they
should have good quarter, and that he would carry
them to Taunton, where they might see their friends
again, &.c.
The messengers returned, [and informed] that the
Indians yielded to his proposals.
Captain Church thought it was now time for him
to take a nap, having had no sleep in two days and
one night before. [So he] told his men, that if they
would let him sleep two hours, they should sleep all
the rest ofthe night. He laid himself down and en
deavoured to sleep, but all disposition to sleep de
parted from him.
After he had lain a little while, he looked up to
see how his watch managed, but found them all fast
asleep. Now Captain Church had told Captain An-
nawon's company, as he had ordered his Indians to
tell the others ; [namely] that their lives should all
be spared, excepting Captain Annawon's, and it was
not in his power to promise him his life, but he must
carry him to his masters at Plymouth, and he would
entreat them for his life.
Now when Captain Church found not only his own
men, but all the Indians fast asleep, Annawon only
excepted, who, he perceived was as broad awake as

PHILIP'S WAR. 141
himself; and so they lay looking one upon the other,
perhaps an hour. Captain Church said nothing to
him, for he could not speak Indian, and thought An
nawon could not speak English.
At length Annawon raised himself up, cast off his
blanket, and with no more clothes than his small
breeches, walked a little way back from the company.
Captain Church thought no other but that he had oc
casion to ease himself, and so walked to some distance
rather than offend them with the stirik. But by and
by he was gone out of sight and hearing, and then
Captain Church began to suspect some ill design in
him ; and got all the guns close to him, and crowd
ed himself close under young Annawon; that if he
should anywhere get a gun, he should not make a
shot at him, without endangering his son. Lying
very still awhile, waiting for the event, at length,
he heard somebody coming the same way that An
nawon went. The moon now shining bright, he
saw him at a distance coming with something in his
hands, and coming up to Captain Church, he fell
upon his knees before him, and offered him what he
had brought, and speaking in plain English, said,
" Great Captain, you have killed Philip, and" con
quered his country ; for I believe that I and my com
pany are the last that war~ against the English, so
suppose the war is ended by your means ; and there
fore these things belong unto you." Then opening
his pack, he pulled out Philip's belt,* curiously
wrought with wompom,f being nine inches broad,
* This belt and some other of Philip's ornaments are now
owned in a family at Swanzey, as I was informed by an in
habitant of the place.
t Wampum, or wampom, called also wampampeag ; a kind
of money in use among the Indians. It was a kind of bead
made of shells of the great conch, muscles, &c, and curiously
wrought and polished, wit.h a hole through them. They
were of different colours, as black, blue, red, white and pur
ple ; the last of whiph were wrought by the Fivenations.
Six ofthe white, and three of the black, or blue passed for a
penny. Trumbull, Hist. U. S. I, 23, In 1667 wampom

142 PHILIP'S WAR.
wrought with black and white wompom, in various
figures, and flowers and pictures of many birds and
beasts. This, when hanged upon Captain Church's
shoulders, reached his ancles ;- and another belt of
wompom he presented kirn with, wrought after the
former manner, which Philip was wont to put upon
his head. It had two flags on the back part,
which hung down on his back, and another small
belt with a star upon the end of it, which he used
to hang on his breast, and they were all edged with
red hair, which Annawon said they got in the Mo-
hog's* country. Then he pulled out two horns of
glazed powder, and a red cloth blanket. He told
Captain Church [that] these were Philip's royalties,
which he was wont to adorn- himself with, when he
sat in state ; that he thought himself happy that he
had an opportunity to present them to Captain
Church, who had won them, &c. [They] spent the
remainder ofthe night in discourse. And [Captain
Annawon] gave an account of what mighty success
he had [had] formerly in wars against many nations
of Indians,-)- when he served Asuhmequin, Philip's
father, &c.f
was made a tender by law for the payment of debts " not ex
ceeding 40 shillings, at 8 white or 4 black a penny ; this was
repealed in 1671." Douglass, I, 437.
* Mohawk's. This word is spelt Moohag on page 68. See
note 2, of page 68.
t How much it is to be lamented that Mr. Church did not
preserve the conversation of Annawon at this time. Nothing
could have added mpre value to his history.
X Thus ended Monday night 28 August. It is unaccounta
ble that Mr. Hubbard fixes no date to this transaction, and
the more so, as he wrote so near the time that it took place.
It is not without some hesitation that the above is admitted,
on account of the disagreements in the narratives. Hub
bard, 230, says that Tispaquin came in, in September, and
places it before the taking of Annawon, which if our author
be correct is a gross mistake. Now it is evident that it was
on Monday night from the text, and that there was a moon
aot long after dark, perhaps an hour or two. This ex-

PHILIP'S WAR. 143
In the morning, as soon as it was light, the Cap
tain marched with his prisoners out of that swampy
country towards Taunton. [He] met his Lieutenant
and company about four miles out of town, who ex
pressed a great deal of joy to see him again, and
said, [that] it was more than ever they expected.
They went into Taunton, were civilly and kindly
treated by the inhabitants. [Here they] refreshed
and rested themselves that night.
Early next morning, the Captain took old Anna-
won, and half a dozen of his Indian soldiers, and his
own man, and went to Rhodeisland ; sending the
rest of his company, and his prisoners by his Lieu
tenant* to Plymouth. Tarrying two or three days
upon the island, he then went to Plymouth, and car
ried his wife and his two children with him.
Captain Church had been but a little while at
Plymouth, when he was informed of a parcel of In
dians who had haunted the woods between Plymouth
and Sippican ; that did great damage to the Eng
lish, ifi killing their cattle, horses, and swine. The
Captain was soon in pursuit of them. [He] went
out from Plymouth the next Monday in the after
noon, [and] next morning early they discovered a
track. The Captain sent two Indians on the track
to see what they Could discover, whilst he and his
company followed gently after. But the two In
dians soon returned with tidings, that they discover
ed the enemy sitting round their fires, in a thick
place of brush. When they came pretty near the
place, the Captain ordered every man to creep as
he did, and surround them by creeping as near as
they could, till they should be discovered, and then
actly corresponds with the date given above, because the
moon was at the full on the 26 August, and this being two
nights after, they would of course have the moon a short
time after dark.
+ Mr. Jabez Howland.

144 PHILIP'S WAR.
to run [ — ]x upon them, and take them alive if
possible, (for their prisoners were their pay.) They
did so, [taking]2 every one* that were at the fires,
not one escaping.
Upon examination they agreed in their stories,
that they belonged to Tispaquin, who was gone
with John Bump,f and one more, to Agawom J and
Sippican§ to kill horses, and were not expected
back in two or three days. ||
This same Tispaquin had been a great Captain,
and the Indians reported, that he was such a great
Pauwau,f\ that no bullet could enter him, &c. Cap
tain Church said, [that] he would not have him kill
ed, for there was a war** broke out in the eastern
part of the country, and he would have him saved to
go with him to fight the eastern Indians. Agreea
bly he left two old squaws, ofthe prisoners, and bid
them tarry there until their Captain, Tispaquin, re
turned, and to tell him that Church had been there,
and had taken his wife and children, and company,
and carried them down to Plymouth, and would
spare all their lives, and his too, if he would come
down to them, and bring the other two that were
with him, and they should be his soldiers, &c.
Captain Church then returned to Plymouth, leav
ing the old squaws well provided for, and biscuit for
Tispaquin when he returned; telling his soldiers,
that- he doubted not, but he had laid a trap that
i[on] 2 [took]
I * About 50 according to Hubbard, 231. "The place was
near Lakenham upon Pocasset neck, so full of bushes that a
man could not see a rod before him." Ibid.
t Nothing more is said of this Indian as I can find. There
are respectable white people in Middleborough by this name,
from the ancestors of whom he might have derived his name.
X (Wareham.) § (Rochester.)
|| This was in September.
IT Wizard or conjurer. English writers denominate their
priests by this name. •
** An account of this war will .be given in the Appendix.
See No. V.

PHILIP'S WAR. 145
would take him. Captain Church two days after
went to Boston, (the commissioners* then sitting)
and waited upon the honourable Governour Leve-
rett,f who then lay sick. [He]1 requested Captain
Church to give him some account of the war, who
readily obliged his honour therein, to his great satis
faction, as he was pleased to express himself; tak
ing him by the hand, and telling him, [that] if it
pleased God [that] he lived, he would make it a
brace of a hundred pounds advantage to him out of
the Massachusetts colony, and would endeavour that
the rest of the colonies should do proportionably.
But he died within a fortnight after, and so nothing
was done of that nature. 1 [who]
* I find no mention of any other court in Massachu
setts at this time, than that called together the 9 August, oc
casioned by a letter from the King, summoning the colony
to appoint commissioners to answer to the complaints of Gor
ges and Mason, concerning boundaries, Stc. See Hist.
Mass. I, 280, 281. This and other business, it is probable,
kept them together until the time alluded to in our text.
t Governour John Leverett came to America with his fa
ther in 1633, from Boston in Lincolnshire, England. He
was made deputy Governour in 1671, and in 1673, Gover
nour. He continued in the office until his death, which, ac-
Drding to our author, was in 1676. Dr. Douglass also, in
nis Summary, I, 429, says that it was " in the autumn of
1676." It is remarkable, that most, if not all, later histori
ans place his death in 1678, on the authority of Mather, I
conclude. In my first edition of this work I followed the Bi
ographical Dictionaries without scruple, but soon discovered
the errour. Eliot and Allen, perhaps, followed Mather with
out hesitation, because Hutchinson did not differ from him. .
The former part of this note was written previous to the
appearance of Mr'. Savage's edition of Winthrop's History
of Newengland. It there appears, II, 245, note 2, that a let
ter was received 1677, from the court of England, creating
him Knight. This title was never used, which Mr. Savage
conjectures various reasons for. But if he were dead before
his appointment arrived, that is a sufficient reason. In
Snow's Hist. Boston, some account of his funeral is given,
but under the same date. 13

146 PHILIP'S WAR.
The same day* Tispaquin came in, and those
that were with him. But when Captain Church re
turned from Boston, he found, to his grief, the heads
of Annawon, Tispaquin, &c.,f cut off which were
the last of Philip's friends. J
* The same day that the trap was set.
t The full import of this &c. is not known. We can only
observe, that a great many others at different times were ex
ecuted, much to the dishonour of those concerned. Of
the numbers of those poor natives that were thus murdered,
we must remain ignorant.
X Melancholy indeed is the reflection, a nation is no more!
Thus we behold the instability of all things, acted upon.by
the exterminating hand of time. The rude government of
the natives could not protect them against treachery in an
uncommon degree. Their means of support being often
scant, and many times nearly cut off, was a great inducement
to desertion to the English, where they always fared much
better. Hence their first great disaster, at the swamp fight
in Narraganset, was owing to a fugitive's leading the Eng
lish to the only assailable part of the fort ; Philip fell by the
same foul treachery ; and, lastly, Annawon, who, had he
been a Roman, would have been called the great. The fol
lowing lines admirably portray the frailty of man.
" Like leaves on trees the race of man 13 found ;
Now green in youth, now with'ring on the ground ;
Another race the following spring supplies ;
They-fall successive, and successive rise :
So generations in their course, decay ;
So flourish these, when those are past away." Pope's Homer.
The conduct ofthe government in putting to death " An
nawon, Tispaquin, &c," has ever been viewed as barbarous;
no circumstance now made it necessary. The Indians were
subdued, therefore no example was wanting to deter others.
It is true, some were mentioned by the government as un-
meriting mercy ; but humanity forbade the execution of
laws formed only for the emergencies of the moment. Gov
ernour Hutchinson observes, " Every person, almost, in the
two colonies, [Massachusetts and Plymouth] had lost a rela
tion or near friend, and the people in general were exaspera
ted: but all does not sufficiently excuse this great severity."
Hist. Mass. I, 277.
Mr. Hubbard, who wrote at the time does not fail to justi
fy all the measures of government. He says that Church
promised Tispaquin an office under him, if what he had made

PHILIP'S WAR. 147
The general court of Plymouth then sitting, Sent
for Captain Church, who waited upon them accord
ingly, and received their thanks for his good ser
vice, which they unanimously voted, [and] which
was all that Captain Churc-h had for his aforesaid
service. Afterwards, in the year 1(376,* in the month of
January, Captain Church received a commission
from Governour Winslow, f to scour the woods of
some of the lurking enemy, which they were well
informed were there.
[Here followed the commission which is omitted as it is
very similar to that at page 93. It bears date 15 Jan. 1676,
but should be taken 1676-7.]
his -followers believe were true, that a bullet could not kill
him. When he delivered himself up, the government
thought proper to see if it were the case ; so shot at him, and
he fell dead the first fire ! Annawon was accused of torturing
and murdering many English prisoners, " which he could
not deny," therefore he was put to death in the same manner.
Mr. Hubbard, though an eminent historian, was not free from
the prejudices of the times. As for us, we can only lament
the end of those heroes, and in no better language, than that
of our eminent native poet.
" Indulge, our native land, indulge the teai
That steals impassioned o'er a nation's doom ;
To us each twig from Adam's stock is dear,
And tears of sorrow deck an Indian's tomb."
* D wight's Greenfield Hill.
* This was according to the old method of dating, when
the new year did not begin until the 25 March ; therefore,
this must be understood 1677. Under the old supputation,
the year was often written wilh an additional figure, from 1
Jan. to 25 March, to represent both the old and new method ;
thus, at that time the above date would have been properly
written 1676-7. By the inattention of authors, sometimes
using the additional figure, and sometimes omitting it, many
anachronisms have been committed. Another method,
which signifies the same was often used; thus, 167y express
the same as 1676-7. But writers frequently fell into mis
takes by taking the wrong figure ofthe fraction.
t This Gentleman having managed the affairs of Plymouth
colony during this troublesome war, it will be proper to give
some account of him at its close. He was a son of the dis
tinguished Edward Winslow, whose name is the third to

148 PHILIP'S WAR.
Accordingly Captain Church accompanied with
several gentlemen and others, went out and took
that celebrated " combination," or " first foundation of the
government of New Plymouth." In 1656, Alexander was mis
trusted of plotting against the English, as has been mentioned
in note 1, on page 17. Mr. Winslow with 8 or 10 men sur
prised him at a hunting house where he had just arrived
with about 80 men. These having left their guns without
their house, were seized by Winslow, who then compelled
Alexander to go with him to Plymouth. This caused in him
an indignant languishment, of which he died, as has been ob
served. When Philip's war commenced, Mr. Winslow wrote to the
Governour of Massachusetts as follows: " July 4, 1675. I
do solemnly profess we know not any thing from us that
might put Philip upon these motions, nor have heard that he
pretends to have suffered any wrong from us, save only that
we had killed some Indians and intended to send for himself
for the murder of John Sausaman [Sassamon.] The last
that was executed this week confessed that he saw the other
two do the murder. Neither had we any thoughts to com
mand him in about it." See note 1, on page 26.
Again he writes, " I think I can clearly say, that before
these present troubles broke out, the English did not possess
one foot of land in this colony, but what was fairly obtained
by honest purchase of the Indian proprietors: Nay, because
some of our people are of a covetous disposition, and the In
dians are in their straits easily prevailed with to part with
their lands, we first made a law that none should purchase
or receive by gift, any land ofthe Indians without the know
ledge and allowance of our court," &c. Hubbard, 66. Thus
justice appears to have been aimed at by the leaders in gov
ernment, from its beginning, but does not appear to have
effectually prevented the private abuses of individuals,
which was, no doubt, impossible. The remark of Mr. Ma-
kin I will lay before the reader that he may judge how far it
is correct, and whether the contrast be so great between the
treatment of the Indians in Newengland and Pennsylvania,
as to deserve what follows. (See Appendix, XIII.)
" On just and equal terms the land was gain'd,*
No force of arms has any right obtain'd :
'Tis here without the use of arms, alone,
The bless'd inhabitant enjoys his own ;
Here many, to their wish, in peace enjoy
Their happy lots, and' nothing doth annoy.
But sad New England's diff 'rent conduct show'd
What dire effects from injur'd Indians flow'd."
• In Pennsylvania. Makin in Proud, II, 363.

PHILIP'S WAR. 149
divers parties of Indians. In one of which there was
a certain old man, whom Captain Church seemed to
take particular notice of, and asking him where he
belonged, he told him at Swanzey. The Captain
asked his name, he replied, Conscience. Conscience,
said the Captain, smiling, then the war is over ; for
that was what they were searching for, it being much
wanted, and returned the said Conscience to his post
again at Swanzey, to a certain person [that] the said
Indian desired to be sold to, and then returned
home.* * Nothing very brilliant, to be sure, occurred in those expe
ditions, if the author has given us the chief exploit of them
all, and we may be satisfied that we have no more of them. Mr.
Hubbard takes no notice of any actions of Church after the tak
ing of Annawon, which had they been very important would
not have escaped his attention. He closes the war in this
quarter with a ¦ few interesting exploits, the chief of which
it will be proper to notice. In October one Mr. Stanton with
three Indians came from Seconet and on the way heared by
a captive, that there were a number ofthe enemy not far off.
The Indians leaving Mr. Stanton pursued and took them all.
Among them was an old man not able to go their pace, and
they spared his life by his promising to come after. It ap
pears that those taken, were mostly women and children,
whose men were out a hunting. They soon returned, and the
old man informed them of what had befel their friends, and
they set out in pursuit of them, overtook them, and retook
the prisoners. One friendly Indian was killed in the skir
mish, and the other two hardly escaped. One of these was
called Major Symon, part Pequot and part Narraganset.
He was remarkable for nis strength and courage, and at the
first, offered to fight any five ofthe enemy hand to hand with
their hatchets, but they declined ; upon which he discharged
his gun among them, and then rushed upon them with great
fury, broke through them, and escaped with the other, with
out injury. Hubbard, 237, 238.
13*

[THE
FRENCH AND INDIAN
WARS
IN
NEWENGLAND,
BETWEEN THE TEARS 1689, AND 1704;
being] a further account of the actions in the more
late wars against the common enemy and in
dian rebels, in the eastern parts,
under the command of the
aforesaid
CAPTAIN BENJAMIN CHURCH.

In the time of Sir Edmund Andross'* government,
began that bloody war in the eastern parts of New
england ; so that immediately Sir Edmund sent an
* Andross was sent over as Governour of the province of
Newyork, in 1674, by the Duke of York. Was appointed
Governour of Newengland, and arrived in Boston, 20 De
cember 1684. Smith, Hist. N. Y. 63, gives a very just idea
of his character in a very few words. " He knew no law,
but the will of his master, and Kirk and Jefferies were not
fitter instruments than he to execute the despotick projects
of James II." And that "the historians of Newengland
justly transmit him to posterity, under the odious character
of a sycophantick tool to the Duke, and an arbitrary tyrant
over the people committed to his care." He was checked in
the midst of his oppressive measures by the abdication of
King James. This had been expected by the colonies, and
eagerly wished for. The people of Boston on a report of the
change in England, and without waiting for its confirmation,
daringly began the revolution in Newengland. Andross and
about 50 other obnoxious persons were seized, and the old
government reassumed. He was afterwards Governour of
Virginia, and we hear but little more about him. He died
in London, Feb. 24, 1713. Holmes, I, 475. His life is more
particularly given by Eliot, but larger and better by Allen.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.' 151
express for Captain Church, who then being at Little-
compton, received it on a Lord's day, in the after
noon meeting. Going home after meeting, [he] took
his horse and set out for Boston, as ordered ; and by
sunrise next morning, got to Braintree,* where he
met with Colonel Page on horseback, going to Wey
mouth and Hingham to raise forces to go east. [He]1
said [that] he was glad to see him, and that his ex
cellency would be as glad to see him in Boston so
early. So parting he soon got to Boston, and waited
upon his excellency, who informed him of an unhap
py war, broken out in the eastern parts ; and said,
[that] he was going himself in person, and that he
wanted his company with him. But Captain Church
not finding himself in the same spirit he used to have,
said, [that] he hoped his excellency would give him
time to consider of it. He told him he might ; and
also said that he must come and dine with him.
Captain Church having many acquaintance in Boston,
who made it their business, some to encourage, and
others to discourage him from going with his excel
lency. So after dinner his excellency took him into
his room, and discoursed freely ; saying, that he hav
ing knowledge of his former actions and successes,
and that he must go with him, and be his second,
with other encouragements. But in short, the said
Captain Church did not accept, so was dismissed and
went home.f i [who]
* Formerly mount Wollaston. Its Indian name was Wes-
sagusset. It is about 10 miles from Boston, and is renowned
as the birth place of John Adams, second President of the
U. States, whose life and death add so much veneration to
the auspicious Fourth of July.
Though the residence of the President is nearly 4 miles
from what was mount Wollaston, and in the present town of
Quincy, yet it is believed, that it was anciently included
in it.
f Notwithstanding, Andross undertook an eastern expedi
tion at the head of 7 or 800 men, and the enemy fled before

152 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Soon after this was the revolution,* and the other
government reassumed, and then Governour Brad-
streetf sent for Captain Church to come to Boston,
as soon as his business would permit ; whereupon he
went to Boston and waited upon his honour, who told
him [that] he was requested by the council to send
for him, to see if he could be prevailed with to raise
him. " But, by establishing garrisons, by detaching nume
rous parties, to attack their settlements, and destroy their
scanty provisions, he reduced them to the greatest distress,
and secured the country from their incursions." Holmes, I,
474. But he did as much mischief, or perhaps more than he
did good. He plundered Castine's house, a Frenchman,
who had great influence among the Indians, which caused
him to stir them up anew. Belknap, I, 196.
* The change of government at home being mentioned in
a preceding note it will be necessary here to take notice on
ly of its origin. King James II., in his efforts to establish
popery, overthrew himself. He published certain declara
tions, with injunctions upon the clergy to read them to the
people after service, which they refused. The Bishops in
an address to the King, remonstrated that they could not
read his declarations consistent with their consciences ; and
they were immediately prosecuted for a seditious libel. The
people took great interest in their trial, and when they were
acquitted the rejoicing was almost universal. At this very
juncture, while the people were enraged against the King,
William, Prince of Orange, who had married Mary, eldest
daughter of King James, landed in England with an im
mense army from Holland, and were proclaimed without
opposition. The old King with much difficulty effected his
escape to France. Goldsmith's Hist. England.
t Simon Bradstreet was born in Lincolnshire, England, in
March 1603, and lived to be the oldest man in Newengland.
After marrying a daughter of Thomas Dudley, he was per
suaded to make a settlement in Massachusetts. In 1630 he
was chosen assistant of the colony, and arrived at Salem thf
same year. He was in several important offices, and at
length succeeded Governour Leverett in the chief magis
tracy of Massachusetts, in which office he continued until the
arrival of Andross, when he was superseded ; but Andross,
in 1689, being put down, Mr. Bradstreet again assumed the
government, and continued in it until the arrival of Sir
William Phips, in 1692. He died in Salem, March 1697,
aged 94 years. Allen, and Eliot.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 153
volunteers, both English and Indians to go east ; for
the eastward Indians had done great spoil upon the
English in those parts ; giving him an account ofthe
miseries and sufferings of the people there. Captain
Church's spirits being affected, said, if he could do
any service for his honour, the country, and their re
lief, he was ready and willing. He was asked how
he would act1? He said [that]. he would take with
him as many of his old soldiers as he could get, both
English and Indians, &c. The gentlemen of Boston
requested him to go to Rhodeisland government to
ask their assistance. So giving him their letter, and
about forty shillings in money, he took leave and
went home to Bristol* on a Saturday ; and the next
Monday morning he went over to Rhodeisland, and
waited upon their Governour,f delivering the letter
as ordered, [and] prayed his honour for a speedy an
swer, who said, they could not give an answer pre
sently ; so he waited on them till he had their answer.
And when he had obtained it, he carried it to the
Boston gentlemen, who desired him to raise what vo
lunteers he could in Plymouth colony, and Rhode-
island government, and what was wanting they would
make up out of theirs that were already out in the
eastern parts.
The summer being far spent, Captain Church made
what despatch he could, and raised about two hun
dred and fifty men, volunteers, and received his com
mission from Governour Hinkleyf which is as fol
loweth, viz. :
* He settled at Bristol soon after Philip's war. See his life
page xv.
f We may infer from Judge Sewall's diary, in Holmes, I,
468, that one Clark was the Governour of Rhodeisland in
1686, on the arrival of Andross, who of course was displaced.
But in May of this year, 1689, it was resumed, and all the ge
neral officers replaced. Ibid. 476. I have riot even learned his
baptismal name. A good history of Rhodeisland is a very
desirable work.
J Thomas Hinkley was born about the year 1632. I find
no mention of him, until he assumed the government, or

154 FRENCH AND INDIAN WJL
" The Council of War of their Majesties' colony etf
New Plymouth in Newengland : To Major Ben
jamin Church, Commander in Chief.
Whereas the Kennebeck and eastern Indians with
their confederates, have openly made war upon their
Majesties' subjects of the province of Maine, New
hampshire, and of the Massachusetts colony, having
committed many barbarous murders, spoils and ra
pines upon their persons and estates. And whereas
there are some forces of soldiers, English and In
dians, now raised and detached out of the several
regiments and places within this colony of New
Plymouth, to go forth to the assistance of our neigh
bours and friends, of the aforesaid provinces and
colony of the Massachusetts, subjects of one and
the same crown ; and to join with their forces for the
repelling and destruction of the common enemy.
And whereas you Benjamin Church, are appointed
to be Major, and commander in chief of all the for
ces, English and Indians, detached within this colony,
for the service of their Majesties aforesaid. THESE
are in their Majesties' name to authorize and require
you to take into your care and conduct all the said
forces, English and Indians, and diligently to attend
that service, by leading and exercising of your infe-
riour officers and soldiers, commanding them to obey
you as their chief commander ; and to pursue, fight,
take, kill, or destroy the said enemies, their aiders
and abettors, by all the ways and means you can, as
you shall have opportunity. And you are to observe
and obey all such orders and instructions as from
time to time you shall receive from the commission
ers of the colonies, the council of war of this colony,
or the Governour and council of the Massachusetts
rather the presidency of Plymouth colony after the fall of
Andross, the Caligula of Newengland, in 1689. Hecontinu-
ed in this office until 1692, when Sir William Phips arrived.
He died at Barnstable, in 1706, aged about 74 years. Mor
ton, 208. Hutchinson, II, 141.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 155
colony. In testimony whereof the publick seal of
the said colony of New Plymouth is hereunto affixed.
Dated in Plymouth, the sixth day of September,
Anno Domini, 1689. Annoque Regni Regis et Regi
me Willielmi et Maria AngUm, &/-c, Primo.*
THOMAS HINKLEY, President."
And now marching them all down to Boston, then
received his further orders and instructions, which
are as followeth.
( "Boston, September IQth, 1689.
To all Sheriffs, Marshals, Constables, and other
officers, military and civil, in their Majesties'1 pro
vince of Maine.
Whereas pursuant to an agreement of the com
missioners of the United Colonies, Major Benjamin
Church is commissionated commander in chief" over
that part of their Majesties' forces, (levied for the
present expedition against the common enemy) whose
head quarters are appointed to be at Falmouth, in
Casco bay. In their Majesties' names, you, and
every of you, are required to be aiding and assisting
to the said Major Church in his pursuit of the ene
my, as any emergency shall require; and so impress
boats or other vessels, carts, carriages, horses, oxen,
provision and ammunition, and men for guides, &c,
as you shall receive warrants from the said Com
mander in chief, or his Lieutenant so to do. You
may not fail to do the same speedily and effectually,
as you will answer your neglect and contempt of
their Majesties' authority and service at your utter
most peril. Given under my hand and seal the day
* That is. . And ofthe reign of the King and Queen, Wil
liam and Mary of England, Sec, the first.

156 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
and year above written. Annoque Regni Regis et
Regime Williemi et Marice Primo.
By THOMAS DANFORTH,*
President of the province of Maine."
" By the Governour and Council of Massachusetts :
To Major Benjamin Church.
Whereas you are appointed and commissioned
by the council of war, of the colony of New-Ply
mouth, commander in chief of the forces raised with
in the said colony, against the common Indian ene
my, now ordered into the eastern parts to join with
some of the forces of this colony ; for the prosecu
tion, repelling and subduing of the said enemy. It
is therefore ordered that Captain Simon Willard,
and Captain Nathaniel Hall, with the two companies
of soldiers under their several commands, blonging
to this colony, now in or about Casco bay, be, and
are hereby put under you, as their commander in
chief for this present expedition. And of the com
missions severally given to either of them, they are
ordered to observe and obey your orders and direc
tions as their commander in chief until further order
from the Governour and council, or the commission
ers of the colonies. Dated in Boston the 17th day
of September, Anno Domini, 1698. Annoque Regni
* This gentleman was born in England 1622. He was a
man of influence, which he employed to good account in the
difficult days of Newengland. In 1679 he was elected depu
ty Governour, and the same year, the inhabitants of the
province of Maine chose him their President. On the arri
val of the tyrant, Andross, he was suspended from office
He died in 1699, aged 77 years. Nothing more honourable
perhaps, can be said of him, considering the age in which he'
lived, than, that he opposed with firmness the proceedings of
those courts, which caused such a foul page in our history bv
their detestable prosecutions and persecutions for witchcraft
See Allen, Biog. 240. J '

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 157
Regis et Regina Guilielmi et Maria, Anglia, &rc,
PHmo.
S. BRADSTREET, Gov.
Past in Council. Attest, Isaac Addington,* Seer."
" By the Commissioners of the Colonies of the Mas
sachusetts, Plymouth and Connecticut, for manag
ing the present war against the common enemy.
Instructions/or Major Benjamin Church, Comman
der in Chief of the Plymouth' forces, with others
of the Massachusetts, put under his command.
In pursuance of the commission given you, for
their Majesties' service in the present expedition
against the common Indian enemy, their aiders and
abettors ; reposing confidence in your wisdom, pru
dence and fidelity in the trust committed to you for
the honour of God, good of his people, and the se
curity of the interest of Christ in his churches, ex
pecting and praying that in your dependence upon
him, you may be helped and assisted with all that
grace and wisdom which is requisite for carrying
you on with success in this difficult service ; and
though much is and must be left to your discretion,
as providence and opportunity may present from
time to time in places of attendance ; yet the fol-*
lowing instructions are commended unto your ob
servation, and to be attended to so far as the state
of matters with you in such a transaction will admit.
You are with all possible speed to take care that the
* Mr. Addington was one of those who took a very active
part in opposition to the tyrannical measures of Andross.
On the accession of William and Mary he was appointed Sec
retary, which office he discharged with integrity for some
time. It seems that in those days, as well as at the present,
office seekers were not entirely unknown, but, "the emolu
ments of that office were small, compared with the duty, and
so he was in less danger of a competitor." He belonged to
the council for many years, and was respected as a justice
ofthe peace for wisdom and industry. He died in 1714.
14

158 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Plymouth forces, both English and Indians under
your command, be fixed, and ready, and the first op
portunity of wind and weather, to go on board such
vessels as are provided to transport you and them
to Casco, where, if it shall please God you arrive,
you are to take under your care and command, the
companies of Captain Nathaniel Hall, and Captain
Simon Willard, who are ordered to attend your com
mand, whom, together with the Plymouth forces,
and such as from time to time may be added unto
you, you are to improve in such way as you shall
see meet, for the discovering, pursuing, subduing
and destroying the said common enemy, by all op
portunities you are capable of ; always intending the
preserving of any of the near towns from incursions,
and destruction of the enemy ; yet chiefly improving
your men for the finding and following the said
enemy abroad, and if possible to find out and attack
their head quarters and principal rendezvous, if you
find you are in a rational capacity for so doing.
The better -to enable you thereto, we have ordered
two men of war sloops, and other small vessels for
transportation to attend you for some considerable
time. You are to see that your soldiers' arms be
always fixed and that they be furnished with ammu
nition, provisions and other necessaries, that so they
may be in readiness to repel and attack the enemy.
In your pursuit you are to take special care to avoid
danger by ambushments, or being drawn under any
disadvantage by the enemy in your marches, keep
ing out scouts and a forlorn hope before your main'
body, and by all possible means endeavouring to
surprise some of the enemy, that so you may gain
intelligence. You are to suppress all mutinies and
disorders among your soldiers, as much as in you
lies, and to punish such as disobey your officers, ac
cording to the rules of war herewith given you.
You are according to your opportunity, or any
occasion more than ordinary occurring, to hold cor-

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. ^ 159
respondence with Major Swaine, and to yield mutual
assistance when, and as you are capable of it, and
you may have reason to judge it will be of most
publick service, and it will be meet, [that] you and
he should agree of some signal, whereby your In
dians may be known from the enemy. You are to
encourage your soldiers to be industrious, vigorous,
and venturous in their service, to oearch out and
destroy the enemy, acquainting them, it is agreed
by the several colonies, that they shall have the
benefit of the captives, and all lawful plunder, and
the reward of eight pounds per head, for every
fighting Indian man slain by them, over and above
their stated wages ; the same being made appear to
the commander in chief, or such as shall be appoint
ed to take care therein. If your commission officers,
or any of them should be slain, or otherwise incapa
ble of service, and for such reason dismissed, you
are to appoint others in their room, who shall have
the like wages, and a commission sent upon notice
given ; you [are] to give them commissions in the
mean time. You are to take effectual care that the
worship of God be kept up in the army ; morning
and evening prayer attended as far as may be, and
as the emergencies of your affairs will admit ; to
see that the holy Sabbath be duly sanctified. You
are to take care as much as may be, to prevent or
punish drunkenness, swearing, cursing or such other
sins as do provoke the anger of God. Fou are to
advise with your chief officers in any matters of
moment, as you shall have opportunity. You are
from time to time to give intelligence and advice to
the Governour and council of the Massachusetts, or
commissioners of the colonies, of your pjJceedings
and occurrences that may happen, and how it shall
please the Lord to deal with you in this present ex
pedition. If you find the vessels are not likely to
be serviceable to you, dismiss them as soon as you
may.

160 0 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Captain Sylvanus Davis is a prudent man and well
acquainted with the affairs of those parts, and is
written unto to advise and inform you all he can.
Such further instructions as we shall see reason
to send unto you, you are carefully to attend and
observe ; and in the absence of the commissioners,
you shall observe the orders and instructions direct
ed unto you from the Governour and council of the
Massachusetts. Given under our hands in Boston, Sept. 18, 1689.
THOMAS DANFORTH, President-
ELISHA COOKE,
SAMUEL MASON,
WILLIAM PITKIN,
THO. HINKLEY,
JOHN WALLEY."

THE FIRST EXPEDITION EAST.
Being ready, Major' Church embarked with his
forces on board the vessels provided to transport
them for Casco.* Having a brave gale at south
west, and on Friday about three o'clock, they got
in sight of Cased harbour. And discovering two or
three small ships there, [and] not knowing whether
they were friends or enemies, whereupon the said
commander, Major Church, gave orders that every
man that was able should make ready, and all lie close ;
giving orders how they should act in case they were
enemies. He, going in the Mary sloop, together with
the Resolution, went in first, being both well fitted
with guns and men. Coming to the first, hailed
them, who said they were friends ; presently man
ned their boat, brought to, and so came along the
* What was since included in the towns of Falmouth, Cape
Elizabeth and Portland, was called Casco. It is situated on
Casco bay. This bay at its entrance between Cape Por-
Soise and Cape Elizabeth is about 40 miles wide. Sullivan's
list. Maine, 18: In Philip's war depredations were com
mitted here by the savages and many were killed. Ib. 198,
&c.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 161
side of [him.]1 [They]2 gave the said Church an
account, that yesterday there was a very great army
of Indians, and French with them upon the island,*
at the going out of the harbour, and that they were
come on purpose to take Casco fort and town ;f like
wise informed him that they had got a captive wo
man aboard, (Major Walden'sf daughter, of Piscata-
i [them.] 2 [who] <
* There are about 300 islands in Casco bay. What the
name of this was I have not learned.
t Is this the " body of 600 Indians," mentioned by Bel
knap, N. H. I, 267, that were going to attack Casco? I do
not find any thing like it in the place it should be. He cites
" Church's memoirs, 104," perhaps he used the first edition
of this history, as no mention of any thing ofthe kind is seen
in the second. In touching upon the operations under Church
in 1704, he says, " while they were at Mountdesert Church
learned from 9 of his prisoners" of the body of Indians just
named. It will be seen in the Fifth Expedition, that La-
faure's son informed Church at Montinicus, of some French
and Indians " that were to go westward to fight the Eng
lish," but nothing of the kind took place at Mountdesert,
nor any information from " 9 prisoners," or that the expedi
tion was to attack Casco.
X Waldron is now the correct way of writing this name.
Hubbard wrote it as our author does, but more frequently
with an r after the e. Some other historians put the r before
the e, so we are at a loss how the name was originally spelt.
Major Richard Waldron was a native of Somersetshire,
England, and was one of the first settlers at Cochecho, now
Dover, Newhampshire. The tragical death of this noted
man is given by Dr. Belknap, Hist. N. H. I, 197, 198 ; but as
that excellent work is not in the hands of many, it may be
proper to give the particulars in this place. At the close of
Philip's war, many of the western Indians fled to the east
ward. Some of them, with others of Pennacook and Pig-
wocket, had assembled at Major Waldron's with whom they
had lately treated. Captains Syll and Hawthorne, being
despatched by the Massachusetts' government against the
Indians on the Kennebeck, arrived there with their men,
under orders to seize all Indians that had been concerned in
the war. They were about to execute their orders by seiz
ing these Indians, but Maj. Waldron formed the design of
taking them in a sham training, which he had invited them
14*

162 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
qua) that could give him a full account of their
numbers and intentions. He bid them give his ser-
to join in. Accordingly all were taken, in number about 400.
Those that were not found to have been in the former war
were dismissed, and the rest were sent to Boston. About 8
or 10 were hanged as murderers, and the rest sold into slave
ry. This was the latter part of 1676. Now 13 years had
expired, but revenge remained in the breasts of those tribes
whose friends had been so cruelly treated. They therefore
formed the design to destroy all the garrisons at Cochecho,
which was thus artfully concerted. Two squaws were to
get permission to lodge in each, and after sill was still in
the dead of night, they were to open the doors for their
friends. No fear was discovered among the English, and
the squaws were admitted. One of those admitted into
Waldron's garrison, reflecting, perhaps, on the ingratitude
she was about to be guilty of, thought to warn the Major of
his danger. She pretended to be ill, and as she lie on the
floor would turn herself from side to side, as though to ease
herself of pain that she pretended to have. While in this
exercise she began to sing and repeat the following verse.
" O Major Waldo,
You great Sagamore,
O what will you do,
Indians at your door !"
No alarm was taken at this, and the doors were opened
according to their plan, and the enemy rushed in with great
fury. They found the Major's room as he leaped out of bed,
hut with his sword he drove them through two or three
rooms, and as he turned to get some other arms, he fell stun
ned by a blow with the hatchet. They dragged him into
his hall and seated him on a table in a great chair, and then
began to cut his flesh in a shocking manner. Some in turns
gashed his naked breast, saying, " I cross out my account."
Then cutting a joint from a finger, would say, "Will your
fist weigh a pound now?"* His nose and ears were then cut
off and forced into his mouth. He soon fainted, and fell from
his seat, and one held his own sword under him, which pas
sed through his body, and he expired. The family were
forced to provide them a supper while they were murdering the
* It is a tradition concerning Major Waldron, that he used in trading
with the Indians, to count his fist as weighing a pound, also that his ac
counts were false and not crossed out according to agreement. But in
justice to the Major, it should be remembered, that strange Indians, who
thought themselves injured by one Englishman, would take revenge on the
first that fell into their hands.-

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 163
vice to their captain, and tell him, [that] he would
wait upon him after he had been on shore and given
some orders and directions. Being come pretty
near, he ordered all the men still to keep close ;
giving an account of the news [which] he had re
ceived, and then went ashore ; where were seve
ral of the chief men of the town, who met him, be
ing glad that he came so happily to their relief;
told him the news [that] Mrs. Lee* had given them,
being the woman aforesaid.
He [went]1 to Captain Davis, f to get some refresh
ment, having not eaten a morsel since he came by
Boston castle. And now having inquired into the
state of the town, found them in a poor condition to
defend themselves against such a number of enemies.
He gave them an account of his orders and instruc
tions, and told them what forces he had brought, and
J  * [goi"g] 
the Major. This was on Thursday 27 June, 1689. Major
Waldron was 80 years old when killed. Fifty two persons
were killed, and taken captive, ofthe former were 23. MS.
Recollections. * Daughter of Major Waldron, as mentioned above. She
was taken the same time her father was killed, as related in
the last note. Her husband's name was Abraham Lee, who
was killed when the garrison was taken.
t Captain Sylvanus Davis, the same mentioned in the pre
ceding instructions. By Hutchinson, II, 21, it appears
that he was once taken prisoner and carried to Canada, and
that he commanded the fort at Casco from which he was ta
ken, which, I suppose, was in 1690 ; for in that year the
country upon the bay was desolated. There were a number
of garrisons, and a fort, but were all taken. Captain Davis
with one Captain Lake were besieged on Arrowsike island
in 1676, but effected their escape out of the back 'door of a
hous£, and ran to the water's edge, and in a boat fled to the
nearest land. Capt. Lake was shot down as he landed, but
Davis escaped with a wound. The body of Lake was after
ward found, and conveyed away by Major Waldron. Da
vis, on the arrival of Gov. Phips, in 1692, was appointed one
ofthe counsellors for the eastern country. How long he con
tinued in that office is not known to me, but by Sullivan, 167,
it appears that he sustained it in 1701.

164 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
that when it was dark they should all land, and not
before, lest the enemy should discover them. And
then he went on board the privateer [which was a
Dutchman.]1 But as he went, called on board every
vessel, and ordered the officers to take care that their
men might be all fitted and provided to fight ; for
the people of the town expected the enemy to fall
upon them every minute. But withal, charging them
to keep undiscovered.
And, coming on board said privateer, was kindly
treated. [He] discoursed [with] Mrs. Lee, who in
formed him, that the company she came with, had
four score canoes, and that there were more of them,
whom she had not seen, which came from other pla
ces, and that they told her, when they came all to
gether, should make up seven hundred men. He
asked her whether Casteen* was with them"? She
answered, that there were several French men with
3 [who were Dutchmen]
* Baron De St. Castine, a very extraordinary character.
According to Voltaire and the Abbe Raynal he had been
Colonel of the regiment of Corignon, in France, and was a
man of family and fortune. He came to America in 1670,
and settled among the Penobscot Indians ; married a daugh
ter ofthe chief, and had several other wives. By the treaty
of Breda, the territory beyond the Penobscot was ceded to
France, and Castine lived within that country. Some diffi
culty arose about a cargo of wine, which was landed in the
country, and a new line was run by the English, by which
the place of landing, together with Castine's lands, was ta
ken within the English claim. Andross, in his expedition
before named, plundered Castine's house of every thing valu
able in his absence. This base act so exasperated him, that
he used his exertions to inflame the Indians against the Eng
lish, which he effectually did, and their chief supplies of
arms and ammunition were furnished by him. He had an
estate in France, to which he retired when the French lost
their possessions in that part of the country. See Sullivan's
Hist. 93, 158, 226. Hist. N. H. I, 195; 196. If we name
this war from those that occasioned it, we may call it Cas
tine's war. But the French, perhaps, would call it Andross'
war.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 165
them, but did not know whether Casteen was there
or not. He then having got what intelligence she
could give him, went ashore and viewed the fort and
town ; discoursing with the gentlemen there accord
ing to his instructions.
And when it began to grow dark, he ordered the
vessels to come as near the fort as might be, and land
the soldiers with as little noise as possible ; ordering
them as they landed to go into the fort and houses,
that stood near, that so they might be ready upon
occasion. Having ordered provisions for them, [he]
went to every company and ordering them to get
every thing ready ; they that had no powderhorns or
shotbags, should immediately make them ; ordering
the officers to take special care that they were ready
to march into the woods an hour before day ; and
also directing the watch to call him two hours be
fore day. So he hastened to bed to get some rest.
At the time prefixed he was called and presently
ordering the companies to make ready, and about
half an hour before day they moved. Several of the
town's people went with them into a thick place of
brush about half a mile from the town. Now order
ing them to send out their scouts as they used to do,
and seeing them all settled at their work, he went in
to town by sunrise again, and desired the inhabitants
to take care of themselves, till his men had fitted
themselves with some necessaries ; for his Indians,
most of them, wanted both bags and horns. So he
ordered them to make bags like wallets, to put pow
der in one end, and shot in the other.
So most of them were ready for action, viz., the
Seconet Indians, but the Cape Indians were very
bare, lying so long at Boston before they embarked,
that they had sold every thing [that] they could make
a penny of; some tying shot and powder in the cor
ners of their blankets.
He being in town, just going to breakfast, there
was an alarm; so he ordered all the soldiers in town to.

166 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
move away as fast as they could, where the firing
was. And he, with what men more were with him of
his soldiers, moved immediately. [They met]1 with
Captain Bracket's* sons, who told [them that,]2 their
father was taken ; and that they saw a great army of
Indians in their father's orchard, &c. By this time
our Indians that wanted bags and horns were fitted,
but wanted more ammunition. Presently came a
messenger to him from the town, and informed him,
that they had knocked out the heads of several casks
of bullets, and they were all too big, being musket
bullets, and would not fit their guns, and that if he
did not go back himself, a great part of the army
would be kept back from service for want of suitable
bullets. He ran back and ordered every vessel to send
ashore all their casks of bullets ; being brought,
[they] knocked out their heads, and turned them all
out upon the green by the fort, and set all the peo
ple in the town, that were able, to make slugs ; being
1 [and meeting] i [him]
* Captain Anthony Bracket, an early settler on Casco bay,
where his posterity yet remain. Notice is taken by Sullivan,
116, that the family were considerable landholders in Fal
mouth, between the years 1680, and 1690, under a title of
the government, signed by president Danforth. Ib. 196, 197.
When Casco was destroyed in 1676, Captain Bracket with
his wife and one child was taken by the savages. This was
on the 1 1 August, and the November following they made
their escape. Those that had them prisoners, landed them
on the north shore of the bay, and here their keepers had in
telligence of a valuable house, taken by another party, the
spoils of which they were eager to share ; therefore, leaving
Bracket, his wife and child, and a negro, with some provi
sions, who promised that they would come after, and depart
ed. They found an old birch canoe, in which they escaped
to the other side of the bay, where, only the day before the
enemy had left. Here they got on board a vessel bound to
Pascataqua, where they arrived safe. Hubbard, 293 to 296.
What time Bracket returned to his lands does not appear.
When Andross erected forts there in 1688, Captain Brack
et was put in command of th:ee. Sullivan, 260.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 167
most of them too large for their use, which had like
to have been the overthrow of their whole army.
He finding some small bullets, and what slugs were
made, and three knapsacks of powder, went imme
diately to the army, which was very hotly engaged.
But coming to the river the tide was up ; he called
to his men that were engaged, encouraging them,
and told them [that] he had brought more ammuni
tion for them. An Indian, called Captain Lightfoot,*
laid down his gun, and came over the river, taking
the powder upon his head, and a kettle of bullets in
each hand, and got safe to his fellow soldiers.
He perceiving great firing upon that side he was
of, went to see who they were, and found them to be
two of Major Church's companies, one of English
and the other of Indians, being in all about four score
men, that had not got over the river, but lay firing
over our men's heads at the enemy. He presently
ordered them to rally, and come all together, and
gave the word for a Casco man. So one Swarton, a
Jersey man,f appearing, whom he could hardly un
derstand. He asked him how far it was to the head
of the river, or whether there were any place to get
over 1 He said [that] there was a bridge about three
quarters of a mile up, where they might get over.
So he calling to his soldiers, engaged on the other
side, that he would soon be with them over the
bridge, and come upon the backs of the enemy,
which put new courage into them. So they imme
diately moved up towards the bridge. marching very
thin ; being willing to make what show they could ;
shouting as they marched. They saw the enemy
running from the river side, where they had made
stands with wood to prevent any body from coming
over the river ; and coming to the bridge, they saw
on the other side, that the enemy had laid logs, and
* See note 2 on page 100.
| An Irishman.

168 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.'
_
stuck birch brush along to hide themselves from our
view. He ordered the company to come altogether, bid
ding them all to run after him, who would go first ;
and that as soon as they got over the bridge, to scat
ter ; that so they might not be all shot down to
gether ; expecting the enemy to be at their stands.
So running up to the stands, found none there, but
were just gone ; the ground being much tumbled
with them behind the said stands. He ordered
the Captain with his company of English to march
down to our men, engaged, and that they should keep
along lippn the edge of the marsh, and himself, with
his Indidh soldiers would march down through the
brush. And coming to a parcel of low ground,
which had been formerly burnt, the old brush being
fallen down, lay very thick, and the young brush
being grown up, made it bad travelling. But com
ing near the back of the enemy, one of his men call
ed unto him, (their commander) and said, " The ene
my run westward to get between us and the bridge."
And he looking that way, saw men running ; and
making a small stop, heard no firing, but a great
chopping with hatchets ; so concluding the fight was
over, made the best of their way to the bridge again ;
lest the enemy should get over the bridge into the
town. The men being most of them out, (our ammuni
tion lay exposed) [and] coming to the bridge where
he left six Indians for an ambuscade on the other side
of the river, that if any enemy offered to come over,
they should fire at them, which would give him notice ;
so would come to their assistance. (But in the way,
having heard no firing, nor shouting, concluded the
enemy were drawn off.) He asked the ambuscade
whether they saw any Indians'? they said "Yes,
abundance." He asked them where 1 They answer
ed^ thtft they ran over the head of the river by the

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 169
cedar swamp, and were running into the neck to
wards the town.
There being but one Englishman with him, he bid
his Indian soldiers scatter, [and] run very thin, to
preserve themselves and be the better able to make
a discovery of the enemy. And soon coming to
Lieutenant Clark's* field, on the south side of the
neck, and seeing the cattle feeding quietly, and per
ceiving no track, concluded the ambuscade had told
them a falsehood. They hastily returned back to
the said "bridge, perceiving [that] there was no noise
of the enemy.
He hearing several great guns fire at the town,
concluded that they were either assaulted, or that
they had discovered the enemy ; [ — ]* having order
ed that in case such should be, that they should fire
some of their great guns to give him notice. He
being a stranger to the country, concluded [that] the
enemy had, by some other way, got to the town l,
whereupon he sent his men to the town, and himself
going to the river, near where the fight had been,
asked them how they did, and what was become of
the enemy 3 [They]2 informed him that the enemy
drew off in less than an hour after he left them, and
had not fired a gun at them since". He told them
[that] he had been within little more than a gun
shot of the back of the enemy, and had been upon
them, h&d it not been for thick brushy ground, &c.
Now some of his men returning from the town,
gave him the account, that they went while they saw
i [He] 2 [Who]
* The' name of Clark occurs early among the first claimers
ofthe soil in this part of the country. To Thomas Clark
and Roger Spencer, was sold the island of Arrowseag, as the
Indians called it, but the English, Arrowsike. It appears
also that Clark possessed lands on the main, from whence he
was driven in 1675. Sullivan, 145, 169,173. This if not
the same may be a relative. Mather, Mag., 524, informs us,
that one Lieut. Clark was killed here in a sally in "May,
1690. 15

170 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
the colours standing, and men walking about as not
molested. He presently ordered that all his army*
should pursue the enemy, but they told him that
most of them had spent their ammunition ; and that
if the enemy had engaged them a little longer, they
might have come and knocked them on the head ;
and that some of their bullets were so unsizeable,
that some of them were forced to make slugs while
they were engaged.
He then ordered them to get" over all the wounded
and dead men, and to leave none behind, which was
done by some canoes they had got. Captain Hallf
and his men being first engaged, did great service,
and suffered the greatest loss in his men. But Cap
tain Southworth,f with his company, and Captain
Numposh with the Seconet Indians, and the most of
the men belonging to the town all coming suddenly
to his relief, prevented him and his whole company
from being cut off, &c.
By this time the day was far spent, and marching
into town about sunset, carrying in all their wounded
and dead men ; being all sensible of God's goodness
to them, in giving them the victory, and causing the
enemy to fly with shame ; who never gave one shout
at their drawing off. The poor inhabitants wonder
fully rejoiced that the- Almighty had favoured them
so much ; saying, that if Major Church with his for
ces had not come at that juncture, they had .been all
cut off; and said further, that it was the first -time,
that ever the eastward Indians had been put to flight.
-* How numerous this army was is not told us, but it proba
bly consisted of near 400 men, as his own volunteers number
ed 250, and these men were joined by two other companies
as mentioned in his commission from the Massachusetts gov
ernment. t Captain Nathaniel Hall was of the Massachusetts where
the name is very common at this day. Mather, Mag. II,
filB, says, " he had been a valiant captain in the former war."
% Captain Nathaniel Southworth of Plymouth colony. I
find no particulars of him.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 171
The said Church with his volunteers were wonder
fully preserved, having never a man killed outright,
and but one Indian mortally wounded,, who died;
several more being badly wounded, but recovered.*
After this engagement Major Church, with his for
ces, ranging all the country thereabout, in pursuit of
the enemy and visiting all the garrisons at Black
point, f Spurwink,f and Blue point,§ and went up
Kennebeck|| river, but to little effect. And now
winter drawing near, he received orders from the
government of Massachusetts bay, to settle all the
garrisons, and put in suitable officers according to
his best discretion, and to send home all his soldiers,
volunteers and transports, which orders he presently
obeyed. IT Being obliged to buy hira a horse to go
home by land, that so he might the better comply
with his orders.
* The killed and wounded spoken of above as being
brought over in canoes, were Captain Hall's men. By this
statement reference is only made to the Plymouth forces.
Mather says, that 10 or 12 were killed. Magnalia, II, 515.
t A short distance to the west of Cape Elizabeth, in the
town of Scarborough, and was called the east parish.
X " On the west line of Cape Elizabeth [town] or on the
east line of Scarborough." A small river meets the sea here
ofthe same name. Sullivan, 26, 115.
§ A little to the west of Black point and was the west par
ish of Scarborough. Ib. 213.
1) Sullivan, 31, tells us, that this name, " no doubt," is de
rived " from a race of Sagamores ofthe name of Kenebis."
This noble and beautiful river enters the ocean to the east of
Casco bay, in about 33 d. 42 min., north latitude. It is the
ancient Sagadahoek, and is celebrated as the place where
the first settlement was made in Newengland^ It was on an
island at the mouth of said river, called Stage island, in 1607,
by a colony of 100 persons in two ships under the direction of
Sir John Popham. But the next year, their chief men being
dead, the colony returned to England. An earlier date is
assigned to the discovery ofthe river by the French, namely,
in 1604. See an anecdote of this settlement in the Appen
dix, No. XII, 4.
IT At this time, the whole eastern country was saved by
this expedition. Sullivan, 202.

172 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
The poor people, the inhabitants of Casco, and
places adjacent, when they saw [that] he was going
away from them, lamented sadly, and begged earn
estly that he would suffer them to come away in the
transports ; saying, that if he left them there, that
in the spring of the year, the enemy would come and
destroy them and their families, &c. So by their
earnest request, the said Major Church promised
them, that if the governments that had now sent him,
would send him the next spring, he would certainly
come with his volunteers and Indians to their relief;
and, that as soon as he had been at home, and taken
a little care of his own business, he would certainly
wait upon the gentlemen of Boston, and inform them
of the promise [that] he had made to them ; and if
they did not see cause to send them relief, to entreat
their honours, seasonably to draw them off, that they
might not be a prey to the barbarous enemy.
Taking his leave of those poor inhabitants, some
of the chief men there, waited upon him to Black
point, to Captain Scottaway's* garrison. -Coming
there, they prevailed with the said Captain Scottaway
to go with him to Boston, which he readily complied
with, provided the said Church would put another in
to command the garrison; which being done, and
taking their leave one of another, they set out and
travelled through all the country, home to Boston ;
(having employed himself to the utmost to fulfil his
instructions, last received from Boston ; which cost
him about a month's service over and above what he
had pay for from the Plymouth gentlemen.) And in
his travel homeward, several gentlemen waited upon
the said Major Church, who was obliged to bear their
expenses. f
* No more of this gentleman is found, than what is given in
this place.
t Whether this was a general custom in those days, or not,
I have taken no trouble to ascertain, but it would contribute
very little to the dignity of an office now.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 173
When he came to Boston gentlemen, he informed
them of the miseries those poor people were in, by
having their provisions taken from them by order of
the president,* &c, then went home.
[He] staid not long there before he returned to
Boston, where Captain Scottaway waited for his com
ing, that he might have the determination of the go
vernment of Boston to carry home with him. [ — ]*
It being the time of the small fjox there, ([ — ]2 Ma
jor Church not having had it) [he took]3 up his lodg
ing near the Court house, [and had]4 the first oppor
tunity to inform those gentlemen of the Court [of]
his business. [They]5 said [that] they were very
busy in sending home Sir Edmund, the ship being
ready to sail.
The said Major Church still waited upon them,
and at every opportunity entreated those gentlemen
in behalf of the poor people of Casco, informing- the
necessity of taking care of them, either by sending
them relief early in the spring, or suffer them to draw
off, otherwise they would certainly be destroyed, &c
Their answer was, that they could do nothing till Sir
Edmund was gone. Waiting there three weeks upon
great expenses, he concluded to draw up some of the
circumstances of Casco, and places, adjacent, and to
leave it upon the council board, before the Gover
nour and council. Having got it done, obtained
liberty to go up where the Governour and council
were sitting, he informed their honours, that he had
waited till his patience was worn out, so had drawn
up the matter to leave upon the board before them,
which is as follows.
" To the honoured Governour and council qf the
Massachusetts.
Gentlemen, Whereas by virtue of yours, with Plymouth's de-
1 [and] 2 [and] 3 [taking] * [took] 5 [who]
' * Thomas Danforth.
15*

174 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
sires and commands, I went eastward in the last ex
pedition against the common Indian enemy, where
providence so ordered that we attacked their great
est body of forces, coming then for the destruction
of Falmouth, which we know marched off repulsed
with considerable damage, leaving the ground, and
have never since [been] seen there, or in any place
adjacent. The time of the year being then too late
to prosecute any further design, and other accidents
falling out contrary to my expectation, impeded the
desired success. Upon my then removal from the
province of Maine, the inhabitants were very solici
tous that this enemy might be further prosecuted,
willing to venture their lives and fortunes, in the said
enterprise, wherein they might serve God, their King,
and country, and enjoy quiet and peaceable habita
tions. Upon which I promised to signify the same
to yourselves, and willing to venture that little which
providence hath betrusted me with, on the said ac
count. The season of the year being such, if some
speedy action be not performed in attacking them,
they will certainly be upon us in our out towns, God
knows where, and the inhabitants there, not being
able to defend themselves, without doubt many souls
may be cut off, as our last year's experience wofully
hath declared. The inhabitants there, trust to your
protection, having undertaken government and your
propriety ; if nothing be performed on the said ac
count the best way, under correction, is to demolish
the garrison, and draw off the inhabitants, that they
may not be left to a merciless enemy ; and that the
arms and ammunition may not be there for the
strengthening of the enemy, who without doubt have
need enough, having exhausted their greatest store
in this winter season. I have performed my promise.
to them, and acquitted myself in specifying the same
to yourselves. Not that I desire to be in any action,
although willing to serve my King and country, and
may pass under the censure of scandalous tongues

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 175
in the last expedition, which I hope they will amend
on the first opportunity of service. I leave to ma
ture consideration, the loss of trade and fishery; the
war brought to the doors. What a triumph it will
be to the enemy ; derision to our neighbours, beside
dishonour to God and our nation, and grounds of
frown from our Prince ; the frustration of those,
whose eyes are upon you for help, who might have
otherwise applied themselves to their King. Gentle
men, this I thought humbly to propose unto you, that
I might discharge myself in my trust from yourselves,
and promise to the inhabitants of the province, but
especially my duty to God, her Majesty, and my na
tion, praying for your honours prosperity, subscribe,
Your servant,
BENJAMIN CHURCH.
A true copy given in at Boston, this 6th of February,
1689,* at the Council Board. Attest. T. S."f
Major Church said, moreover, that in thus doing
he had complied with his promise to those poor peo
ple of Casco, and should be quit from the guilt of
their blood. The Governour was pleased to thank
him for his care and pains taken, then taking his
leave of them went home, and left Captain Scotta-
way in a very sorrowful condition, who returned
home sometime after with only a copy of what was
left on the board by the said Church. Major Church
not hearing any thing till May following, and then
was informed, that those poor people of Casco were
cut off by the barbarous enemy ;J and although they
• It should be 1690, or 1689-90. See note 1, on page 147.
t For whose name these initials stand I have not satisfac
torily ascertained.
X In May, 1690. Some forces had just left Casco, and
joined Sir Wm. Phips to go against Portroyal, when an army
of four hundred, or more, French and Indians were discover
ed about the place. " There was a fort near the water, and

176 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
made their terms with Monsieur Casteen, who was
commander of those enemies, yet he suffered those
merciless savages to massacre and destroy the most
of them.
To conclude this first expedition East, I shall just
give you a hint how Major Church! was treated, al
though he was commander in chief of all the forces
out of Plymouth and Boston government. After he
came home, Plymouth gentlemen paid him but forty-
twopounds, telling him, he must go to Boston gen
tlemen for the rest, who were his employers as well
as they. Of whom he never had one penny, for all
travel and expenses in raising volunteers, and ser
vices done ; except forty shillings or thereabout,
for going from Boston to Rhodeisland on their busi
ness, and back to Boston again ; also for sending a
man to Providence for Captain Edmunds,* who
raised a company in those parts, and Went east with
them.
another on the hill, near where the burying ground is, and
another on the rocky ground, south from the place where the
first meeting house stands," in what was the town of Fal
mouth. That near the burying ground was abandoned as
untenable, and both of the others after some time were car
ried by assault. One hundred persons now fell into the
hands ofthe enemy. The French commander promised the
farrisons safety to their persons, and liberty to go to the next
.nglish town, but he kept his promise no longer than while
•he was in possession. The whole country hereabout was
laid desolate, and presented a most dreadful scene of ruin.
The ground was strewed with the bones of the dead, which
Church, on his arrival afterward, gathered up and buried.
Hist. Maine, 202. Magnalia, II, 524.
' * The same who is mentioned in Philip's war, §3. I learn
nothing of his eastern expedition.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 177

THE SECOND EXPEDITION EAST.
In the year 1690 was the expedition* to Cana
da,! an<l Major Walley J often requested Major Church
* Canada had long been considered the source of all the
evils endured by the colonies. Hence the long train of wars
at the expense of so much blood and treasure to " drive the
French out of Canada." Sir William Phips was the chief
mover and executor of this expedition. His fleet, retarded
by unavoidable accidents, did not arrive before Quebeck un
til the 5 October. The next morning, he sent a summons
on shore, but received an insolent answer from the Govern
our. The next day, he attempted to land his troops, but was
prevented by the violence of the wind. On the 8, all the
effective men (12 or 1300) landed on the island of Orleans,
4 miles below the town, and were fired on, from the woods,
by the French and Indians. Having remained on shore un
til the 11, and then learning by a deserter, the strength of
the place, they embarked with precipitation. In their way
to Boston, the fleet was dispersed in a tempest. Some ofthe
vessels were blown off to the West Indies, one was lost on an
island near the mouth ofthe St. Lawrence, and two or three
were never heard of. Holmes, I, 478, 479. No provisions
at home had been made to pay the forces, relying on plun
der ; bills of credit, therefore, were resorted to, which were
the first ever used in this country. Hutchinson, I, 356, 357.
t The derivation of the word Canada, being so curious it
was thought that it would be pardonable to give it a place in
this work. Mr. Bozman, in his excellent " Introduction to
a History of Maryland," 34, says that it is a traditional re
port, that previous to the visiting of Newfoundland by Car-
tier, in 1534, some Spaniards visited that coast in search ef
gold, but its appearance discouraged them, and they quitted
it in haste crying out as they went on board their vessel,
" Aca nada, Aca nada," that is, in English, " There is noth
ing here." The Indians retained these words in their memo
ries, and afterward, when the French came to the country,
they were saluted with the same words, and mistook them
for the name of the country. And in time the first letter was
lost, hence the name Canada. Something amounting to
nearly the same thing may be seen in Mather's Magnalia,
II, 522.
X John Walley, who had the command of the land forces,
under Sir Willian Phips, against Canada. An entire jour
nal, kept by Walley, of that expedition, is preserved in

178 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
that if he would not go himself in that expedition,
that he would not hinder others. He answered the
said Walley, that he should hinder none but his old
soldiers, that used to go along with him, &c.
The said Church going down to Charlestown, to
take his leave of some of his relations and friends,
who were going into that expedition, promised his
wife and family not to go into Boston, the small pox*
being very rife there. Coming to Charlestown, seve
ral of his friends in Boston came over to see him.
And the next day after the said Church came there,
Major Walley came to him, and informed him that
the GoVernour and council wanted to speak with
him. He answered him, that he had promised his
wife and family not to go into Boston ; saying,
[that] if they had any business, they could write to
him, and that he would send them his answer.
Soon after came over two other gentlemen with a
message, that the Governour and council wanted to
have some discourse with him. The answer return
ed, was, that he intended to lodge that night at the
Greyhound, in Roxbury, and that in the morning,
would come to Pollard's-)- at the south end of Bos
ton, which accordingly he did. Soon after he came
Hutchinson, Ap. I, 470. He was judge ofthe superiour court
of Massachusetts, and a member of the council. The church
of Bristol is indebted to him as one of its principal founders.
He is represented, as possessing sweetness of spirit, wisdom
in council, and impartiality as a Judge. He died 11 Janua
ry, 1712, aged 68 years.
* I find no mention of the Small Pox atthis time in Boston
by any author that I have consulted ; but in the History of
Dorchester it is noted, page 24, " that from the first of April,
1690, unto the first of July, 1691, there died in Dorchester
57 persons ; 33 of them ofthe smallpox, the rest of a fever."
Hence from its near vicinity to Boston, no doubt it was very
prevalent there. [Having since seen in Mr. Snow's Histo
ry of Boston, that it did prevail there as mentioned in the
text.] t A publick house, under this name, is yet known in Bos
ton, at the golden ball, Elm street.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 179
thither, received a letter from the honourable Cap
tain Sewall,* to request him to come to the council.
The answer [that] he returned by the bearer was,
that he thought there was no need of his hazarding
himself so much as to come and speak with them ;
not that he was afraid of his Hfe, but because he had
no mind to be concerned ; and further by reason
[that] they would not hearken to him about the poor
people of Casco. But immediately came Mr. Max-
fieldf to him, saying, that the council bid him tell
the said Church, that if he would take his horse and
ride along the middle of the street, there might be
no danger. They were then sitting in council.
He bid [him]1 go and tell his masters not to trouble
themselves whether he came upon his head or his
feet, he was coming. However, thinking the re
turn was something rude, called him back to drink
a glass of wine, and then he would go with him.
So corning to the council, they were very thank
ful to him for his coming, and told him, that the oc
casion of their sending for him was, that there was
a captive come in, who gave them an account, that
the Indians were come down, and had taken posses
sion of the stone fort at Pejepscot,f so that they
i [them]
* Stephen Sewall, I conclude this must be, who was com
mander of the fort at Salem. He was a brother of Judge Se
wall, and sustained several important offices. He married a
daughter ofthe Rev. Mir. Mitcnel of Cambridge, who had 17
children. He died about the 21 October, 1725, greatly re
spected and lamented. Eliot, N. E. Biog. 420.
1 1 learn nothing of this person. The name is common in
Newhampshire. X A fall of water in the Androscoggin. What the true or
thography of this word is, is unknown to me. Sullivan ends
it with a double t, and again alters to Pegypscott. Mather
has it Pechypscot. Some authors write u instead of o in the
termination. Thus the different ways are brought under
the view of the reader, that he may employ which he chooses.
The stone fort was near the falls on the north side of the ri-

180 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. ,
wanted his advice and thoughts about the matter ;
whether they would tarry and keep in the fort or
not 3 and whether it were not expedient to send
some forces to do some spoil upon them 3 and fur
ther to know whether he could not be prevailed
with to raise some volunteers, and go, to do some
spoil upon them 3 He answered them, [that] he was
unwilling to be concerned any more ; it being very
difficult and chargeable to raise volunteers, as he
found by experience in the last expedition.
But they using many arguments prevailed so far
with him, that if the government of Plymouth saw
cause to send him, he would go ; thinking the expe
dition would be short. [He then] took his leave of
them and went home.
In a short time after, there came an express from
Governour Hinjdey, to request Major Church to
come to Barnstable to him, he having received
a letter from the government of Boston to raise
some forces to go east. Whereupon the said Major
Church went the next day to Barnstable, as ordered.
Finding the Governour and some of the council of
war there, [who] discoursed [with] him ; [conclud
ed]1 that he should take his Indian soldiers, and two
English Captains, with what volunteers could be
raised ; and that one Captain should go out of Ply
mouth and Barnstable counties, and the pther out of
Bristol county, with what forces he could raise;
concluding to have but few officers, to save charge.
The said Church was at great charge and expense
in raising of forces. Governour Hinkley promised
that he would take care to provide vessels to tran
sport the said army, with ammunition and provisions,
by the time prefixed by himself; for the govern
ment of Boston had obliged themselves by their let-
1 [concluding]
ver, and was taken in the spring of this year, (1690) after the
English had left it, (probably.) It was 4 miles from the wa
ters of Casco bay. Sullivan, 178, 9.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 1S1
ter, to provide any thing that was wanting. So at
the time prefixed, Major Church marched down all
his soldiers out of Bristol county to Plymouth, as or
dered. And being come, found it not as he expect
ed ; for there were neither provisions, ammunition,
or transports. So he immediately sent an express
to the Governour, who was at Barnstable, to give
him an account that he with the men were come to
Plymouth, and found nothing ready. In his return
to the said Church, [he] gave him an account of his
disappointments, and sent John Lathrop* of Barnsta
ble in a vessel, with some ammunition and provi
sion on board, to him at Plymouth ; also sent him
word that there were more on board of Samuel Al-
lingf of Barnstable, who was to go for a transport,
and that he himself would be at Plymouth next day.
But Ailing never came near him, but went to Bil-'
lingsgate,J at Cape Cod, as he was informed.
The Governour being come, said to Major Church,
that he must take some of the open sloops, and make
spar decks to them, and lay platforms for the soldiers
to lie upon, which delays were very expensive to the
said Church ; his soldiers being all volunteers, daily
expected to be treated by him, and the Indians al
ways begging for money to get drink. But he using
his utmost diligence, made what despatch he could
to be gone. Being ready to embark, received his
* Probably, the ancestor of some eminent men of later
times in Massachusetts. He perhaps was the son of John
Lathrop, who fled from England in the days of persecution,
and afterward settled in Barnstable. The first John died in
1653. t It is thought that this name should have been written
Allen. No pains have been taken to ascertain any thing
concerning this person, but if what Dr. Mather says be cor
rect, he is a descendant of one Thomas Allen, who came to
(his country in 16S8, and was afterward a minister in
Charlestown. Eliot, 20.
X In the town of Eastham. 16

182 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
commission, and instructions from Governour Hiirk-
ley, which are as follows.
[The commission being the same as that for the first expedi
tion is here omitted. It was dated 2 September, 1690.
The instructions, also, differing only in a few unimpor
tant matters, are omitted to give place to more interest
ing information. It may be proper to notice the chief dif
ferences. No men of war vessels attended, nor was Church
directed to confer with any persons except his officers. The
eight pounds per head over and above is not mentioned, and
are signed only by Governour Hinkley . Date, the same as
that of the commission.]
Now having a fair .wind, Major Church soon got
to Piscataqua.* [He]1 was to apply himself to Ma
jor Pike,j- a worthy gentleman, who said, [that] he
had advice of his coming from Boston gentlemen;
also, [that] he had received directions, that what
men the said Church should want, must be raised out
of Hampshire, out of the several towns and garrisons.
Major Pike asked him, how many men he should
want? He said, enough to make up his forces that
he brought with him, three hundred, at least, and
not more than three hundred and fifty. And so in
about nine days time, he was supplied with two com
panies of soldiers. He having been at about twenty
shillings a day charge in expenses while there. Now
i [who]
* The country at the mouth of Pascataqua river went un
der the general name of Pascataqua, but since, the river only,
is known by that name. The word was formerly, and some
times latterly, spelt as in the text, but an a should take the
place of i.
t MajT_r Robert Pike was a person of distinction. He wa*
among the first 28 counsellors appointed by charter, for the
province of Massachusetts bay, wno were to hold their offices
until May 1693, or until others should be chosen in their
stead. He might be the ancestor of the distinguished Nicho
las Pike of Somersworth, to whom we are much indebted for
the best system of Arithmetick that has appeared. An ac
count might perhaps be found of the family in Newhamp
shire, for which I have not had an opportunity.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 183
he received Major Pike's instructions, which are as
followeth. " Portsmouth, in Newhampshire. Sept. 9, 1690.
To Major Benjamin Church, Commander in Chief
of their Majesties'1 forces, now designed upon the
present expedition eastward, and now resident at
Portsmouth.
The Governour and council of the Massachusetts
colony reposing great trust and confidence in your
loyalty and valour, from experience of your former
actions, and of God's presence with you in the same;
in pursuance of an order, received from them com
manding it; these are in their Majesties' names to
empower and require you, as commander in chief, to
take into your care and conduct these forces now
here present at their rendezvous at Portsmouth; and
they are alike required to obey you ; and with them
to sail eastward by the first opportunity to Casco, or
places adjacent, that may be most commodious for
landing with safety and secrecy; and to visit the
French and Indians at their headquarters at Ameras-
cogen, Pejepscot, or any other place, according as
you may have hope or intelligence of the residence
of the enemy; using always your utmost endeavour
for the preservation of your own men, and the kill
ing, destroying, and utterly rooting out of the enemy,
wheresoever they may be found ; and also, as much
as may possibly be done, for the redeeming or re
covering of our captives in any places.
You being there arrived, and understanding your
way, to take your journey back again, either by land
or water, as you shall judge most convenient for the
accomplishing of the end intended ; and to give in
telligence always of your motions, whensoever you
can with safety and convenience.
Lastly. In all to consult your council, the com
manders or commission officers of your several com-

184 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. *
panies, when it may be obtained, the greater part of
whom to determine. And so the Lord of hosts, the
God of armies, go along with you, and be your con
duct. Given under my hand, the day and year above
said, Per ROBERT PIKE."
Being ready, they took the first opportunity, and
made the best of their way to Pejepscot fort, where
they found nothing. From thence they marched to
Amerascogen,* and when they came near the fort,
Major Church made a halt, ordering the Captains to
draw out of their several companies sixty of their
meanest men, to be a guard to the Doctor, and knap
sacks, being not a mile from said fort. And then
moving towards the fort, they saw young Doneyf and
his wife, with two English captives. The said Doney
made his escape to the fort, his wife was shot down,
and so the two poor captives were released out of
their bondage.
The said Major Church and Captain Walton J made
* This river has its rise in Newhampshire and flowing east
ward enters Maine in about 44 d. 20 min. N. Mather, says
this place where they had now arrived at, was 40 miles up
the river. Mag. 528. Perhaps few words have been writ
ten more different ways, than this. The authors of the
Newhampshire Gazetteer prefer that as in the text, ex
cept, that they double the g and change the last e into i.
But people in general, that live on said river, adopt the better
method of Androscoggin.
t He was an Indian, and all we know of him is found in this
history ; except he be the one seized at Wells, mentioned by
Mather, II, 545, and whose name is signed Robin Doney to
the articles of peace at Pemmaquid in 1693. Ib. 543.
X Col. Shadrach Walton of Somersworth N. H. A brave
and valuable officer. In the long wars that followed, he
rendered important services. To recount his actions would
be to write a narrative, much beyond the limits of a note.
More particulars of him may be found in Penhallow's history,
in I Newhampshire Hist. Soc. Collections, than in any oth
er work extant. He was with Col. March, in 1707, in an
unsuccessful attempt on Portroyal. Here he fought a body

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 185
no stop, making the best of their way to the fort,
with some of the army, in hopes of getting to the
fort before young Doney ; but the river through
which they must pass, being as deep as their arm
pits. However Major Church as soon as he was got
over, stripped to his shirt and jacket, leaving his
breeches behind, ran directly to the fort, having an
eye to see if young Doney (who ran on the other
side of the river,) should get there before him. The
wind now blowing very hard in their faces, as they
ran, was some help to them ; for several of our men
fired guns, which they in the fort did not hear, so
that we had taken all in the fort, had it not been for
young Doney, who got to the fort just before we did.
[He]1 ran into the south gate, and out at the north,
all the men following him, except one. [They]2 ali
ran directly down to the great river and falls.
The said Church and his forces being come pretty
near, he ordered the said Walton to run directly with
some forces into the fort, and himself with the rest,
ran down to the river, after the enemy, who ran some
of them into the river, and the rest under the great
falls. Those who ran into the river were killed ; for
he saw but one man get over, and he only crept up
the bank, and there lay in open sight. And those
that ran under the falls, they made no discovery of,
notwithstanding several of his men went in under the
said falls, and were gone some considerable time,
[but] could not find them. So leaving a watch there,
returned up to the fort, where he found but one man
i [who] 2 [who] ij
ofthe enemy and put them to flight, being the only field offi
cer then on shore. Again in 1710, he rendered important
service at the same place, when it was taken by the arma
ment under Col. Nicholson. In a note to page 119, in Pen
hallow's history it is remarked that " He was dismissed from
service" (in 1725) "and was succeeded by Col. Thomas
Westbrook." But on what account he was dismissed, wheth
er from age or misconduct is unknown to me. He is men
tioned no more in Penhallow's history.
' 16*

186 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
taken, and several women and children; amongst
whom were Captain Hakins'* wife and Worumbos'f
wife, the sachem of that fort, with their children. The
said Hakins was sachem of Pennacook,f who de-
* Hawkins or Hogkins. This sachem had been treated
with neglect by Governour Cranfield, which in part may ac
count for his enmity to the English. He made a treaty with
them in 1685, which perhaps, was broken more through the ne
gligence ofthe English than the wish of Hogkins. Bfe appears
to have learned so much of the English language as to pre
tend to write and read. Four letters from under his hand
are preserved in Belknap, I, Appendix, No. XLH, &c One
of which, as a curiosity, is here printed, "May 15, 1685.
Honour Mr. Governor,
Now this day I com your house, I want se you, and I
bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if your
worship when please then you receve my hand then shake
your hand and my hand. You my friend because I remem
ber at old time when live my grant father and grant mother
then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father and
Englishmen they make a good govenant, they friend allways,
my grant father leving at place called Malamake rever, oth
er name chef Natukkog and Panukkog, that one rever great
manynames, and I bring you this few skins at this first time
I will give you my friend. This all Indian hand.
JOHN x HAWKINS, Sagamore."
This letter is the best written of the four, and are all very
similar. I copy it precisely as I find it in Belknap. Two of
the others are signed John Hogkins, and one, Mr. John
Hogkins, the last has no date, and one is dated 16 May, and
the other two the 15, both having 14 signers beside Hogkins.
who, it is probable, were his principal men. The name of
Hogkins or rather Hawkins he received from some English-
"man. His Indian name was Hancamagus. See N. H. Hist.
Sflc. Col. I, 221.
t A sachem ofthe Androscoggins. He was with Madoka-
wando in the celebrated attack on Storer's garrison at Wells,
an account of which may be seen in a succeeding note.
X The country on the Merrimake river, including the pre
sent town of Concord, and the lands above and below, but
how far, cannot be told ; as those people never set any par
ticular bounds to their country, that we know of. See Far
mer's account ofthe Pennacook Indians, in N. H. Hist. Soc.
Col. I, 218. The word should be spelt as in the text, but

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS- 187
stroyed Major Walden and his family, some time
before, &c.
The, said two women, viz. Hakins' and Worumbos'
wives requested the said Church, that he would spare
them and their children's lives ; promising upon that
condition, [that] he should have all the captives that
were taken, and in the Indians' hands. He asked
them how many1? They said, about four score. So,
upon that condition, he promised them their lives,
&c. In the said fort there were several English cap
tives, who were in a miserable condition. Amongst
them was Captain Hucking's* wife, of Oyster river.f
Major Church proceeded' to examine the man,
taken, who gave him an account, that most of the
fighting men were gone to Winterharbour,J to pro
vide provisions for the bay of Fundy§ Indians, who
the author just cited, leaves out one n. Sullivan writes Pen-
nycook. Belknap, whom many, justly in most respects, fol
low, writes it as in the text, with the omission of one n, as
does Mather, whom he follows.
* Hucking's garrison was taken, about the last of August,
1689, in which were a few women and boys. The Indians '
had been in ambush for a number of days, until they had as
certained how many men belonged to the garrison, then as
they all went out into the field one day, the Indians cut off
their retreat, and killed them all excepting one, who escap
ed, being 18 in all. They then went to the garrison and de
manded a surrender, but the boys at first refused, and some
fighting was done ; at length they surrendered on terms of
life, Stc. The assailants found means to fire the garrison,
which hastened the surrender. Mather, Mag. II, 515. This
woman is supposed to be the wife of the owner of the gar
rison. f Now Durham. The country thereabout, was formerly
known by this name.
X At the mouth of Saco river in Maine.
§ A large bay, sometimes called Frenchman's bay, contain
ing the island Mountdesert, 8 or 10 miles to the eastward of
the mouth of Penobscot river. Sullivan, 57, informs us, that
it took the name of Frenchman's bay, from this circumstance.
That with Demotte came over to America one Nicholas
D'Aubri, a French ecclesiastic of respectability, who went
on shore on the west side ofthe bay, and wandering into the

188 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
were to come and join with them to fight the English.
The soldiers being very rude, would hardly spare the
Indian's life, while in examination ; intending when
he had done, that he should be executed. But Cap
tain Hucking's wife, and another woman, down on
their knees, and begged for him, saying, that he had
been a means to save their lives, and a great many
more ; and had helped several to opportunities to
run away, and make their escape ; and that never,
since he came amongst them, had fought against the
English, but being related to Hakins' wiffe, kept at
the fort with them, having been there two years ; but
his living was to the westward of Boston. So, upon
their request, his life was spared, &c.
Next day the said Church ordered that all their
corn should be destroyed, being a great quantity ;
saving a little for the two old squaws, which he de
signed to leave at the fort, to give an account who
he was, and from whence he came. The rest being
knocked on the head, except the aforementioned,
for an example ; ordering them all to be buried.
Having inquired where all their best beaver was ?
they said [that] it was carried away to make a pre
sent to the bay of Fundy Indians, who were coming
to their assistance. ..
Now being ready to draw off from thence, he
called the two old squaws to him, and gave each of
them a kettle, and some biscuit, bidding them to tell
the Indians, when they came home, that he was
known by the name of Captain Church, and lived in
the westerly part of Plymouth government ; and that
those Indians that came with him were formerly
King Philip's men, and that he had met with them
in Philip's war, and drawn them off from him, to
woods in search of curiosities, was left by the boat to his fate.
After three weeks he was found by a boat from the same ves
sel, almost emaciated. From which circumstance it receiv
ed the above appellation. But the waters between Nova-
scotia and the main are generally understood to make the
bay of Fundy.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 189
.ight for the English, against the said Philip, and his
associates, who then promised him to fight for the
English, as long as they had one enemy left. And
said, that ' they did not question, but before Indian
corn was ripe to have Philip's head ;'* notwithstand
ing [Philip]1 had twice as many men as were in their
country ; and that theyf had killed and taken one
thousand three hundred and odd of Philip's men,
women and children, and Philip himself, with several
other sachems, &c. ; and that they should tell Ha
kins and Worumbos, that if they had a mind to see
their wives and children, they should come to
WellsJ garrison, and that there they might hear of
them, &c.
Major Church having done, moved with all his
forces down to Mequait,§ where the transports were,
(but in the way some of his soldiers threatened the
Indian man prisoner very much, so that in a thick
swamp, he gave them the slip and got away) and
i[he]
* See Philip's war, page 82.
t The English.
X Webhannet was the Indian name of Wells. This town
is on the sea board about half way between York and Saco,
being 13 miles from the former. Storer's garrison was in
this town, which was near where the old meeting house
stood, and nearly half a mile south of the present place of
publick worship, and was standing since the year 1760. Sul
livan, 236. The town suffered greatly by the savages.
About 500 French and Indians made a desperate attempt on
the garrison, in May, 1691, and though it had but 15 men,by
the valour of the commander, Captain Converse, and this
few, they were repulsed. A sloop happened to arrive
just before the engagement, which was a help to them,
although they fought on board their vessels. A flag was sent
to Capt. Converse, to persuade him to surrender ; at his re
fusing, the officer said, " We will cut you up as fine as tobac
co before to-morrow morning." He bid them " come on for
he wanted work." Magnalia, II, 532.
§ A small bay or cove in Casco bay. It is generally writ
ten Maquoit. Mather, and after him Belknap wrote Mac-
quoit.

190 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
when they all got on board the transports, the wind
beting fair, made the best of their way for Winter-
harbour ; and the next morning before day, and as
soon as the day appeared, they discovered some
smokes, rising towards Skaman's* garrison. Ho
immediately sent away a scout of sixty men, and
followed presently with the whole body. The scout
coming near a river discovered the enemy to be on
the other side of the river. But three of the enemy
were come over the river, to the same side, [ — ]'
which the scout was of, [but discovering the scout,]
ran hastily down to their canoe. One of which lay
at each end, [ — ]2 and the third stood up to paddle
over. The scout fired at them, and he that paddled,
fell down upon the canoe, and broke it to pieces, so
that all three perished.
The firing put the enemy to the run, who left
their canoes and provisions to ours. And old
Doney,f and one Thomas Baker, an Englishman,
who was a prisoner amongst them, were up at the
falls,J and heard the guns fire, expected the other
Indians were come to their assistance, so came down
the river in a canoe. But when they perceived that
there were English as well as Indians, old Doney
ran the canoe ashore, and ran over Baker's head,
and followed the rest ; and then Baker came to ours,
and gave an account of the beaver, hid at Pejepscot
plain. § And coming to the place where the plunder
was, the Major sent a scout to Pejepscot fort,|| to
see if they could make any discovery of the enemy's
tracks, or could discover any coming up the river.
i [ofthe river] s [ofthe canoe]
* This was on the east side of Saco river, about two miles
below the falls. Sullivan, 180. The name should be spelt
Scammon. Ib.
t Father of young Doney. X The falls in the Saco.
§ In Brunswick, || On Maquoit bay, ,

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 191
[They]1 returned, and said [that] they saw nothing
but our old tracks at the said fort, &c.
Now having got some plunder, one of the Cap
tains* said [that] it was time to go home, and seve
ral others were of the same mind. The Major be
ing much disturbed at this motion of theirs, expect
ing the enemy would come in a very short time,
where they might have a great advantage of them,
&c.
Notwithstanding all he could say, or do, he was
obliged to call a council, according to his instruc
tions, wherein he was outvoted. The said comman
der seeing [that] he was put by of his intentions,
proffered, [that] if sixty men would stay with him,
he would not embark as yet ; but all he could say or
do, could not prevail. Then they moved to the ves
sels, and embarked, and -as they were going in the
vessels, on the back side of Mayr point,f they discov
ered eight or nine canoes, who turned short about,
and went up the river ; being the same Indians that
the Major expected, and would have waited for.
The aforesaid Captain being much disturbed at what
the Major had said to him, drew off from the fleet,
and in the night ran aground.
In the morning Anthony Bracket, having been
advised and directed by the Indian that had made
his escape from our forces, came down near where
the aforesaid vessel lay aground, and got aboard,
[He]3 has proved a good pilot and Captain for his
country. The next day being very calm and misty,
1 [who] a [who]
* From what follows we may suppose this to be one of the
Captains from Plymouth government. But as there were
two, we cannot be,positive which was meant, and but one is
named ; yet, another circumstance might induce us to sup
pose a Newhamp?hire Captain is meant, were it not said that
the Plymouth forces sailed first.
t What, in Sullivan's history, it is thought, is called Mer-
ryconeag: It is a point in the east part of Casco bay. Ma
ther calls it Mares point, II, 557.

192 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
so that they were all day getting down from Maquait
to Perpodack,* and the masters of the vessels think
ing it not safe putting out in the night, so late in
the year, anchored there. [ — J1 The vessels being
much crowded, the Major ordered that three compa
nies should go on shore, and no more. Himself
with Captain Conversef went with them to order
their lodging. And finding just houses convenient
for them, viz., two barns and one house; [and]2
seeing them all settled, and their watches out, the
Major and Captain Converse returned to go on
board. And coming near where the boat was, it
was pretty dark, they discovered some men, but did
not know what or who they were. The Major or
dered those that were with him, all to clap down
and cock their guns, and he called out, and asked
them who they were 1 And they said, " Indians."
He asked them whose men they were1? They said,
" Captain South worth's." He asked them wher«
they intended to lodge "i They said, " In those lip
tie huts that the enemy had made when they took
that garrison."f
The Major told them [that] they must not make
any fires, for if they did, the enemy would be upon
them before day. They laughed, and said, " Our
Major is afraid." Having given them their direc
tions, he. with Captain Converse, went on board the
1 [at Perpodack] 2 [so]
* In the town of Cape Elizabeth, 6 or 8 miles from Port
land. It is also known by the name of Spring point.
t Captain James Converse. A distinguished partizan.
No commander deserved better of their country than he.
Beside his singular bravery in defending the garrison at
Wells, mentioned in note 3, on page 189, the history of this
war abounds with his exploits ; to enumerate which would
far exceed the limits of this note. See Magnalia, II, 529, &c.
X I can find no account of the Indians taking a garrison
here until afterthis. In QueenAnn's or Villebon's war seve
ral persons were killed and some families carried into captivi
ty. Sullivan, 195.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 193
Mary sloop, designing to write home, and send
away in the morning the two sloops which had the
small pox on board, &c.
But before day our Indians began to make fires,
and to sing and dance. So the Major called to
Captain Southworth to go ashore and look after his
men, for the enemy would be upon them by and by.
He ordered the boat to be hauled up, to carry him
ashore, and called Captain Converse to go with him ;
and just as the day began to. appear, as the Major
was getting into the boat to go ashore, the enemy
fired upon our men, (the Indians) notwithstanding
that one Philip, an Indian of ours, who was out up
on the watch, heard a man cough, and the sticks
crack, [and]1 gave the rest an account, that he saw
Indians, which they would not believe ; but said to
him, " You are afraid." His answer was, that they
might see them come creeping. They laughed and
said, [that] they were hogs. " Ah," said he, " and
they will bite you by and by." So presently they
did fire upon our men. But the morning being mis
ty, their guns did not go off quick, so that our men
had all time to fall down before their guns went off,
and saved themselves from that volley, except one
man, who was killed.
This sudden firing upon our Indian soldiers, sur
prised them [so,] that they left their arms, but soon
recovered them again, and got down the bank,
which was but low. The Major, with all the forces
on board landed as fast as they could, the enemy
firing smartly at them ; however all got safe ashore.
The enemy had a great advantage of our forces,
who were between the sun's rising and the enemy,
so that if a man put up his head or hand they could
see it, and would fire at it. However, some, with
the Major, got up the bank, behind stumps and
rocks, to have the advantage of firing at the enemy.
But when the sun was risen, the Major slipped
1 (who]
17

194 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
down the bank again, where all the forces were or
dered to observe his motion, viz., that he would
give three shouts, and then all of them should run
with him up the bank.
So, when he had given the third shout, [he] ran
up the bank, and Captain Converse with him, but
when the said Converse perceived that the forces' did
not follow, as commanded, called to the Major, and
told him [that] the forces did not follow. [He,]1
notwithstanding the enemy fired smartly at him, got
safe down the bank again ; and rallying the forces up
the banlc, soon put the enemy to flight. And fol
lowing them so close, that they took thirteen canoes,
and one lusty man, who had Joseph Rarhsdel's scalp
byhis side. [He]2 was taken by two of our Indians,
and having his deserts, was himself scalped.
This being a short and smart fight, some of our~
men were killed and several wounded. Sometime
after, an Englishman, who was prisoner amongst them,
gave an account, that our forces had killed and
wounded several of the enemy, for they killed seve
ral prisoners according to custom,* &c.
After this action was over, our forces embarked
for Piscataqua. The Major went to Wells, and re
moved the Captain there, and put in Captain Andros,
who had been with him ; and knew the discourse left
with the two old squaws at Amerascogen, for Hakins
and Worumbos to come there in fourteen days, if
they had a mind to hear of their wives and children ;
who did then, or soon after come with a flag of truce
to said Wells garrison, and had leave to come in, and
more appearing came in, to the number of eight,
(without any terms) being all chief Sachems. [They]3
were very glad to hear of the women and children,
viz., Hakins and Worumbos' wives and children.
[They]4 all said three several times that they would
i[who] 2 [who] 3 [and] 4 [who]
* It was said to be a custoiu among most of the Indian na
tions, to kill as many prisoners as they lost in battle.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 195
never fight against, the English any more, for the
French made fools of them, &c. They saying as they
did, the said Andros let them go.
Major Church being come to Piscafaqua, and two
of his transports haying, the small pox on board, and
several of his men having got great colds by their
hard service, pretended [that] they were going to
have the small pox; thiriking by that means to be
sent home speedily. The Major being willing to try
them, went to the gentlemen there, and desired them
to provide a house ; for some of his men expected
{that] they should have, the small tpox; which [they]
readily did, and told him, that the people belonging
to it were just recovered of the small pox, and had
been all at meeting, &c.
The Major returning to his officers, ordered them
to draw out all their men that were going to have the
small pox, for he had provided an hospital for them.
So they drew out seventeen men, that had as they
said all the symptoms of the small pox. He ordered
them all to follow him, and coming to the house, he
asked them how they liked if? They said, "Very
well." Then he told them that the people in the
said house, had all had the small pox, and were re
covered ; and that if. they went in, they must not
come out till they [had] all had it. Whereupon
they all presently began to grow better, and to make
excuses, except one man who desired to stay out till
night before he went in, &c.
The Major going to the gentlemen, told them, that
one thing more would work a perfect cure upon his
men, which was to let them go home; which did
work a cure upon all, except one, and he had not the
small pox. So he ordered *he plunder to be divided
forthwith, and sent away all the Plymouth forces.
But the gentlemen there desired him to stay, and
they would be assisting to him in raising new forces,
to the number of what was sent away ; and that they
would send to Boston for provisions, which they did

196 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
and sent Captain Plaisted* to the Governour and
council at Boston, &c.
And in the mean time, the Major with those gen
tlemen went into all those parts, and raised a suffi
cient number of men, both officers and soldiers.
[They]1 all met at the bankf on the same day that
Captain Plaisted returned from Boston. [The]2 re
turn from the Boston gentlemen was, that the Canada
expedition had drained them so that they could do
no more. So that Major Church, notwithstanding
he had been at considerable expenses in raising said
forces to serve his King and country, was obliged to
give them a treat and dismiss them. Taking his
leave of them, [he] came home to Boston in the
Mary sloop, Mr. Aldenf master, and Captain Con
verse with him, on a Saturday. And waiting upon
the Governour, and some of the gentlemen in Boston,
they looked very strange upon them, which not only
troubled them, but put them in some consternation ;
[wondering] what the matter should be, that after so
much toil and hard service, [they] could not have
1 [who] 2 [whose]
* The name of Plaisted is found in the earlier and later
wars as well as in this. A letter from Roger Plaisted to
Maj. Waldron, who was killed at Salmon falls, 1675, show
ing his desperate situation, is printed in Hubbard, 281.
Whether this was a son or not is not known to me, but from
the author just cited should conclude that it was not. Per
haps he was a near connexion. In 1712, a Mr. Plaisted was
taken at Wells, and ransomed for 300 pounds.
t By the bank I suppose is meant, that part of the town of
Portsmouth, including Church hill, formerly called Straw
berry bank, and was a general appellation for the town.
X The same mentioned further on, as old Mr. Alden, and
Capt. Alden. He lived at Boston, and was one ofthe accus
ed in the celebrated witch age, and was committed to prison
by Hawthorn and Gidney, 31 May, 1692, where he remained
15 weeks; at the end of which time he made his escape. He
afterwards returned, and none appearing against him, was
cleared. See Calef's " More Wonders of the Invisible
World," 2 10 to 214.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 197
so much as one pleasant word, nor any money in their
pockets ; for Major Church had but eight pence left,
and Captain Converse none, as he said afterwards.
Major Church seeing two gentlemen, which he
knew had money, asked them to lend him forty shil
lings, telling them his necessity, yet they refused.
So being bare of money, was obliged to lodge at
Mr. Alden's three nights. The next Tuesday morn
ing Captain Converse came to him, (not knowing
each others circumstances as yet) and said, [that] he
would walk with him out of town. So coming near
Pollard's at the south end, they had some discourse.
[Observed,] that it was very hard that they should
part with dry lips. Major Church told Captain Con
verse that he had but eight pence left, and could not
borrow any money to carry him home, and the said
Converse said, that he had not a penny left ; so they
were obliged to part without going to Pollard's, &c.
The said Captain Converse returned back into
town, and the said Church went over to Roxbury ;
and at the tavern he met with Stephen Braton of
Rhodeisland, a drover, who was glad to see him, (the
said Church) and he as glad to see his neighbour.
Whereupon Major Church called for an eight penny
tankard of drink, and let the said Braton know his
circumstances, [and] asked him whether he would
lend him forty shillings'? He answered, " Yes, forty
pounds if he wanted it." So he thanked him, and
said [that] he would have but forty shillings, which
he freely lent him.
Presently after Mr. Church was told that his bro
ther, Caleb Church of Watertown, was coming with
a spare horse for him, (having heard the night before
that his brother was come in.) By which means the
said Major Church got home. And for all his travel
and expenses in raising soldiers, and service done,
never had but fourteen pounds of Plymouth gentle
men, and not a penny of Boston ; notwithstanding he
had worn out all [of] his clothes, and run himself in
17*

198 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
debt, so that he was obliged to sell half a share of
land in Tiverton, for about sixty pounds, whiqh is
now* worth three hundred pounds more and above
what he had.
Having not been at home long before he found out
the reason why Boston gentlemen looked so disaf
fected on him. As you may see by the sequel of two
letters, [which] Major Church sent to the gentlemen
in the eastward parts, which are as followeth.
" Bristol, November 27, 1690.
Worthy Gentlemen,
According to my promise when with you last, I
waited upon the Governour at Boston on Saturday,
Captain Converse being with me. The Governour
informed us that the council were to.meet on the
Monday following in the afternoon, at which time wo
both there waited upon them, and gave them an ac
count of the state of your country, and great neces
sities. They informed us, that their general court
was to convene the Wednesday following, at which
time they would debate and consider of the matter.
Myself being bound home, Captain Converse was
ordered to wait upon them, and bring you their re
solves. I then took notice of the council that they
looked upon me with an ill aspect, not judging me
worthy to receive thanks for the service I had done
in your parts; nor as much as asked me whether I
wanted money to bear my expenses, or a horse to
carry me home. But I was forced, for want of
money, being far from friends, to go to Roxbury on
foot ; but meeting there with a Rhodeisland gentle
man, acquainted him of my wants, who tendered me
ten pounds, whereby I was accommodated for my
journey home. And being come home, I went to
* About 1716.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 199
the minister of our town,* and gave him an account
of the transactions of the great affairs I had been em
ployed in, and the great favour God was pleased to
show me, and my company, and the benefit I hoped
would accrue to yourselves ; and desired him to re
turn publick thanks ; but at the same interim of time
a paper was presented unto him from a court of Ply
mouth, which was holden before I came home, to
command a day of humiliation through the whole
government, " because of the frown of God upon
those forces sent under my command, and the ill suc
cess we had, for want of good conduct." All which
was caused by those false reports which were posted
home by those ill affected officers that were under
my conduct ; especially one, which yourselves very
well know, who had the advantage of being at home
a week before me, being sick of action, and wanting
the advantage to be at the bank, which he was every
day mindful of more than fighting the enemy in their
own country.
" After I came home, being informed of a general
court at Plymouth, and not forgetting my faithful
promise to you, and the duty I lay under, I went
thither. Where waiting upon them I gave them
an account of my Eastward transactions, and made
them sensible of the falseness of those reports that
were posted to them by ill hands, and found some
small favourable acceptance with them ; so far that
I was credited. I presented your thanks to them
for their seasonably sending those forces to relieve
you, of the expense and charge they had been at ;
which thanks they gratefully received ; and said a
few lines from yourselves would have been well ac
cepted. I then gave them an account of your great
necessities, by being imprisoned in your garrisons,
and the great mischief that would attend the pub-
* Bristol. The Rev. Samuel Lee, I suspect, was then the
minister, as he did not leave America until sometime the next
year. See note 4, page xii.

200 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
lick concerns of this country by the loss of their
Majesties' interest, and so much good estate of your's
and your neighbours, as doubtless would be, on
the deserting of your town. I then moved for a
free contribution for your relief, which they with
great forwardness promoted ; and then ordered st
day of thanksgiving through the government upon
the twentysixth day of this instant. Upon which
day a collection was ordered for your relief, and the
places near adjacent, in every respective town in
this government ; and for the good management of
it that it might be safely conveyed unto your hands,
they appointed a man in each county for the receipt
and conveyance thereof. The persons nominated
and accepted thereof, are, for the county of Ply
mouth, Captain Nathaniel Thomas, of Marshfield ;
for the county of Barnstable, Captain Joseph Lathrop,
of Barnstable ; and for the county of Bristol, myself.
Which when gathered, you will have a particular
account from each person, with orders of advice
how it may be disposed of for your best advantage,
with a copy of the court's order.* The gentlemen
[that] the effects are to be sent to, are yourselves
that I now write to, viz., John Wheelwright, Esq.,
Captain John Littlefield, and Lieutenant Joseph
Story. I deferred writing, expecting every day to
hear from you concerning the Indians, coming to
treat about their prisoners that we had taken. The
discourse I made with them at Ameresscogen, I
knew would have that effect as to bring them to a
treaty, which I would have thought myself happy to
have been improved in, knowing that it would have
made much for your good. But no intelligence
coming to me from any gentleman in your parts,
* The people of Connecticut were forward, also, in con
tributing to those distressed inhabitants. A contribution
was ordered by the general court throughout the colony, and
the clergy were directed to exhort the people to liberal con
tributions for these charitable purposes. Hist. Con. I, 387.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 201
and hearing nothing but by accident, and that in
the latter end of the week by some of ours coming
from Boston, informed me that the Indians had come
into your town to seek for peace ; and that there
was to be a treaty speedily ; but the time they knew
not. I took my horse, and upon the Monday set
out for Boston, expecting the treaty had been at
your town, as rationally it should ; but on Tuesday
night coming to Boston, I there met with Captain
Elisha Andros, who informed me that the place of
treaty was Sacatyhock,* and that Captain Alden
was gone from Boston four days before I came
there, and had carried all the Indian prisoners with
him ; and that all the forces were drawn away out
of your parts, except twelve men in your town, and
twelve in Piscataqua, which news did so amuse me,
to see, that wisdom was taken from the wise, and
such imprudence in their actions as to be deluded
by Indians. To have a treaty so far from any Eng-.
lish town, and to draw off the forces upon what pre
tence soever, to me looks very ill. My fear is that
they will deliver those we have taken, which, if
kept, would have been greatly for your security, in
keeping them in awe, and preventing them from
doing any hostile action or mischief. I knowing
that the English being abroad are very earnest to
go home, and the Indians are very tedious in their
discourses ; and by that means will have an advan
tage to have their captives at very low rates, to
your great damage.f Gentlemen, as to Rhodeisland,
* Sagadahock. On the south side of Kennebeck river, 20
miles southwest of Pemmaqued. Hubbard.
t The treaty here alluded to, was agreed upon by those
sachems that came into "Wells garrison," mentioned on
page 194, "with a flag of truce." Major Hutchinson and
Capt. Townsend went from Boston to Wells, as commission
ers, and after some time, a conference was agreed upon at
Sagadahock, 23 November. They met according to ap
pointment and a truce only, was obtained, and that till 1 May.

202 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
I have not concerned myself as to any relief for
you, having nothing in writing to show to them ;
yet, upon discourse with some gentlemen there
they have signified a great forwardness to promote
such a thing. I lying under great reflections from
some of yours in the eastward parts, that I was a
very covetous person, and came there to enrich, my
self, and that I killed their cattle and barrelled them
up, and sent them to Boston, and sold them for
plunder, and made money to put into my own poc
ket ; and the owners of them being poor . people
begged for the hides and tallow, with tears in their
eyes; and that I was so cruel as to deny them!
which makes me judge myself incapable to serve
you in that matter ; yet, I do assure you, that the
people are very charitable at the island, and forward
in such good actions ;- and therefore, I advise you to
desire some good substantial person to take the ma
nagement of it, and write to the government there,
which I know will not be labour lost. As for what
I am accused of, you all can witness to the. contra
ry, and I should take it very kindly from you to
do me that just right, as to vindicate my reputation z
for the wise man says, " A good name is as precious
ointment." When I hear of the effects of the trea-,
ty, and have an account of this contribution, I in
tend again to write to you, being very desirous, and
should think myself very happy, to be favoured with
a few lines from yourself, or any gentleman in the
eastward parts. Thus leaving you to the protec
tion and guidance of the grest God of Heaven and
earth, who is able to protect and supply you in your
great difficulties, and to give you deliverance in his
own due time. I remain, gentlemen, your most as
sured friend, to serve you to my utmost power.
BENJAMIN CHURCH."
However, 10 captives were redeemed, and at the end ofthe
truce they were to bring the rest to Wells, and make a
final peace. Magnalia, II, 529.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 203
" Postscript. Esquire Wheelwright.* Sir, I en
treat you, after your perusal of these lines, to com
municate the same to Captain John Littlefield,f
Lieutenant Joseph Story, and to any other gentle
men, as in your judgment you see fit ; with the ten
der of my respects to you, &c, and to Major
Vaughan, and his good lady and family. To Cap
tain Fryer, and good Mrs. Fryer, with hearty thanks
for their kindness whilst in those parts, and good
entertainment from them. My kind respects to Ma
jor Frost, Captain Walton, Lieutenant Honeywel,
and my very good friend little Lieutenant Plaisted ;
with due respects to all gentlemen, my friends in the
eastward parts, as if particularly named. Farewell.
B. C."
" To Major Pike.
Honoured Sir, Bristol, Nov. 27, 1690.
These come to wait upon you, to bring the ten
ders of my hearty service to yourself, and lady, with
due acknowledgment of thankfulness for all the
kindness, and favour I received from you in the east
ward parts, when with you. Since I came from
* A son, it is presumed, of the Rev. John Wheelwright,
of whom so much has been said and written concerning Ah-
tinomian principles and land titles. Being contented with
the history of the father, I have not disturbed the asheaof
the son. The venerable ancestor held a deed of certain
lands in Exeter, N. H., from certain Indian Sagamores un
der date, 1629, the " authenticity" of which, has of late, been
examined by two able criticks. The late Governour Plumer
of N. H., first endeavoured to vindicate its genuineness, and
James Savage of Boston, seems to have proved the contrary.
The deed maybe seen in I Belknap, App. No. I. Govern
our Plumer's argument in N. H. Hist. Soc. Col. 299. And
that of Mr. Savage in his edition of Winthrop's Journal, I,
412. t A Lieut. Littlefield is named by Penhallow, 71, as being
slain in 1712, at Wells. It might be lie.

204 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
those parts, I am informed by Captain Andros, that
yourself and most all the forces, are drawn off from
the eastward parts. I admire at it; considering that
they had so low esteem of what was done, that they
can apprehend the eastward parts so safe before the
enemy were brought into better subjection. I was
in hopes, when I came from thence, that those who
were so desirous to have my room, would have been
very brisk in my absence, to have got themselves
some honour, which they very much gaped after, or
else they would not have spread so many false re
ports to defame me ; which had I known before I
left the bank* I would have had satisfaction of them.
Your honour was pleased to give me some small
account, before I left the bank, of some "things that
were ill represented to you, concerning the eastward
expedition, which being rolled home like a snowball
through both colonies, was got to such a bigness,
that it overshadowed one from the influence of all
comfort, or good acceptance amongst my friends in
my journey homeward. But through God's good
ness [I] am come home, finding all well, and myself
in good health ; hoping, that those reports will do
me the favour, to quit me from all other publick ac
tions ; that so I may the more peaceably, and quiet
ly, wait upon God, and be a comfort to my own
family, in this dark time of trouble ; being as one
hid, till his indignation is overpast. I shall take it
as a great favour, to hear of your welfare. Sub
scribing myself as I am, sir,
Your most assured friend and servant,
BENJAMIN CHURCH."
Major Church did receive, after this, answers to
his letters, but hath lost them, except it be a letter
from several of the gentlemen in those parts, in
June following, which is as followeth.
* Portsmouth. See page 196, note 2.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 205
"Portsmouth, June 29, 1691.
Major Benj. Church,
Sir, your former readiness to expose yourself in
the service ofthe country, against the common ene
my, and particularly the late obligations, you have
laid upon us, in these eastern parts, leave us under
a deep and grateful sense of your favour therein.
And forasmuch as you were pleased when last here,
to signify your ready inclination to further service -
of this kind, if occasion should call for it. We
therefore presume, confidently to promise ourselves
compliance accordingly ; and have sent this mes
sage on purpose to you, to let you know, that not
withstanding the late overture of peace, the enemy
have approved themselves as perfidious as ever, and
are almost daily killing and destroying upon all our
frontiers. The Governour and eouncil of the Mas
sachusetts have been pleased to order the raising of
one hundred and fifty men, to be forthwith despatch
ed into those parts ; and, as we understand, have
written to your Governour and council of Plymouth
for further assistance, which we pray you to promote,
hoping if you can obtain about two hundred men, Eng
lish and Indians, to visit them at some of their head
quarters, up Kennebeck river, or elsewhere, which
for want of necessaries was omitted last year ; it
may be of great advantage to us. We offer nothing
of advice, as to what methods are most proper to be
taken in this affair. Your acquaintance with our
circumstances as well as the enemy's, will direct
you therein. We leave the conduct thereof to your
own discretion. But that the want of provision, &c.,
may be no remora to your motion, you may please
to know Mr. Geafford, one of our principal inhabi
tants, now residing in Boston, hath promised to take
care to supply to the value of two or three hundred
pounds, if occasion require. Wc pray a few lines
by the bearer, to give, us a prospect of what we
18

206 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
may expect for our further encouragement, and re
main, Sir, your obliged friends and servants,
William Vaughan,
Richard Martyn,
Nathaniel Fryer,
William Fernald,
Francis Hooke,
Charles Frostj
John Wincol,
Robert Elliott."
(A true copy of the original letter ; which letter
was presented, to me by Captain Hatch, who came
express.) Major Church sent them his answer, the contents
whereof was, that he had gone often enough for
nothing, and especially to be ill treated with scan
dals and false reports, when last out, which he could
not forget. And signified to them, that doubtless
some amongst them, thought they could do without
him, &c. And to make short of it, [they] did go
out, and meeting with the enemy at Maquait, were
most shamefully beaten, as I have been inform
ed* * I will lay before the reader an account ofthe affair hint
ed at, as I find it in Mather, and will only observe, that, that
author is enough inclined to favour the side ofthe English.
" About the latter end of July [1691] we sent out a small army
under the command of Capt. March, Capt. King, Capt. Sher-
burn, and Capt. Walten, who landing at Maquoit, marched
up to Pechypscot, but not finding any signs of the enemy,
marched down again. While the commanders were waiting
ashore till the soldiers were got aboard, such great numbers
of Indians poured in upon them, that though the commanders
wanted not for courage or conduct, yet they found them
selves obliged, with much ado, (and not without the death
of worthy Capt. Sherburn) to retire into the vessels which
then lay aground. Here they kept pelting at one another
all night; but unto little other purpose than this, which was
indeed remarkable, that the enemy was at this time going to

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 207

the third expedition east.
This was in the year 1692. In the time of Sir
William Phips'* government, Major Walley being
at Boston, was requested by his excellency to treat
with Major Church about going east with him. Ma
jor Walley coming home, did as desired ; and to en
courage the said Major Church, told him, that now
take the isle of Shoals, and no doubt had they gone they
would have taken it, but having exhausted all their ammu
nition on this occasion, they desisted from what they design
ed." Magnalia, II, 530.
* Governour Phips " was a Newengland man," born at
Pemmaquid, in 1650-1 ; being, as we are told, a younger son
among twentysix children, of whom twentyone were sons.
By profession he was a ship carpenter. That business he
soon left ; and being an industrious and persevering man,
and applying himself to study, soon acquired an education
competent for the discharge of common affairs, and then
went to sea. On hearing of a Spanish ship's being wrecked
near the Bahamas, proceeded to England, and gave so flat
tering an account of its value, and the practicability of ob
taining it, that he was despatched in one of the King's ships
in search of it ; but returned without success. Yet he be
lieved the treasure might be obtained ; and soon after, the
Duke of Albemarl sent him with two-ships on the same busi
ness. After much excessive toil, and nearly on the point of
abandoning the object, the treasure was discovered, and he
succeeded in bringing from the wreck three hundred thou
sand pounds. But after deducting the Duke's share and the
outfits, and his own great generosity to his men, he had left
only sixteen thousand. He now had conferred on him the
order of knighthood. In 1690 he commanded an expedition
against Q,uebeck,but from unavoidable obstacles did not ar
rive until too late in the season, and was obliged to abandon
the expedition. See note 1, on page 177, where some parti
culars are given. The King now for the first time compli
mented the Newengland agents with the nomination of tneir
Governour, and they nominated Sir William Phips, and he
arrived at Boston, 14 May, 1692, invested with the proper
authority. In 1694, he was sent for to answer some com
plaints in England, but fell sick before he had his trial and
died, 18 Feb. 1695. All represent him as a strictly honest
man, and a real friend to his country. Mather, Holmes,
Eliot, and Allen.

208 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
was the time to have recompense for his former
great expenses; saying also, that the country
could not give him less than two or three hundred
pounds. So upon his excellency's request, Major Church
went down to Boston, and waited upon him, who
said he was glad to see him, &c. After some dis
course [he] told the said Church, that he was going
east, himself, and that he should be his second, and
in his absence, command all the forces. And be
ing requested by his excellency to raise what volun
teers he could of his old soldiers in the county of
Bristol, both English and Indians, received his com
mission, which is as followeth.
" Sir William Phips, Knight, Captain General and
Governour in Chief, in and over his Majesty's
province of the Massachusetts bay, in Neweng
land, To Benjamin Church, Gent., Greeting.
Reposing special trust and confidence in your
loyalty, courage and good conduct ; I do by these
presents constitute and appoint you to be Major of
the several companies of militia, detached for their
Majesties' service against their French and Indian
enemies. You are therefore authorized and requir
ed in their Majesties' names, to discharge the duty
of a Major by leading, ordering and exercising the
said several companies in arms, both inferiour offi
cers and soldiers, keeping them in good order and
discipline, commanding them to obey you as their
Major. And diligently to intend the said service,
for the prosecuting, pursuing, killing and destroying
of the said common enemy. And yourself to ob
serve and follow such orders and directions as you
shall from time to time receive from myself, accord
ing to the rules and discipline of war, pursuant to
the trust reposed in you for their Majesties' service,

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 209
Given under my hand and seal at Boston, the twen-
tyfifth day of July, 1692. In the fourth year of the
reign of our sovereign Lord and Lady, William and
Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of
the faith, &c. WILLIAM PHIPS. ,
By his Excellency 's command. Isaac Addington, Seer."
Returning home to the county aforesaid, he soon
raised a sufficient number of volunteers, both English
and Indians, and officers suitable to command them,
marched them down to Boston. But there was one
thing I would just mention, which was, that Major
Church, being short of money, was forced to borrow
six pounds in money of Lieutenant Woodman, in
Littlecompton, to distribute by a shilling, and a bit*
at a time, to the Indian soldiers, who, without such
allurements, would not have marched to Boston-
This money Major Church put into the hands of Mr.
William Fobes, who was going out [as] their com
missary in that service.
[He]1 was ordered to keep a just account of what
each Indian had, so that it might be deducted out of
their wages at their return home. Coming to Boston,
his excellency having got things in readiness, they
embarked on board their transports, his excellency
going in person with them ; being bound to Pema-
quid.f But in their way stopped at Casco, and buri-
1 [who]
* Six pence.
t This word is better written Pemmaquid as it was former
ly pronounced, and now generally. This place is celebrat
ed as the birth place of Sir William Phips. Several places
are known by this name, but are all in the same vicinity, and
on the east side of Kennebeck river, and about 20 miles from
its mouth. Hubbard. 18*

210 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
ed the bones* of the dead people there, and took off
the great guns that were there, then went to Pema-
quid. Coming there his excellency asked Major Church
to go ashore and give his judgment about erecting a
fortf there % He answered, that his genius did not
incline that way, he never had any value for them,
being only nests for destructions. His excellency
said, [that] he had a special order from their Ma
jesties, King William and Queen Mary, to erect a
fort there, &c. Then they went ashore and spent
some time in the projection thereof. Then his ex
cellency told Major Church that he might take all
the forces with him, (except one company to stay
with him and work about the fort.) The Major
answered, that if his excellency pleased, he might
keep two companies with him, and [that] he would
go with the restj to Penobscot, and places adjacent.
Which his excellency did, and gave Major Church
his orders, which are as followeth.
" By his excellency, Sir WILLIAM PHIPS, Knight,
Captain General and Governour in Chief, in and
over their Majesties' province of the Massachusetts
bay, in Newengland, fyc.
Instructions for Major Benjamin Church.
Whereas you are Major, and so chief officer of a
body ofmen, detached out of the militia, appointed
for an expedition against the French and Indian ene-
* See page 175, and note 8, where an account of the des
truction of Casco is related.
t This fort was called the William Henry, and was the
best then in these parts of America. It was built of stone of
a quadrangular figure, and about 737 feet in compass, mount
ing 14 (if not 18) guns. Whereof 6 were 18 pounders.
About 60 men were left to man the fort. Mather, Magnalia,
II, 536, 587.
X Their whole force was 450 men. Ib.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 211
iny ; you are duly to observe the following instruc
tions. Imprimis . You are to take care that the worship
of God be duly and constantly maintained and kept
up amongst you ; and to suffer no swearing, cursing,
or other profanation of the holy name of God ; and,
as much as in you lies, to deter and hinder all other
vices amongst your soldiers.
Secondly. You are to proceed, with the soldiers
under your command to Penobscot, and, with what
privacy, and what undiscoverable methods you can,
there to land your men, and take the best measures
to surprise the enemy.
Thirdly. You are, by killing, destroying, and all
other means possible, to endeavour the destruction
of the enemy, in pursuance whereof, being satisfied
of your courage and conduct, I leave the same to
your discretion.
Fourthly. You are to endeavour the taking what
captives you can, either men, women or children, and
the same safely to keep and convey them unto me.
Fifthly. Since it is not possible to judge how af
fairs may be circumstanced with you there, I shall
therefore not limit your return, but leave it to your
prudence, only that you make no longer stay than
you can improve for advantage against the enemy, or
may reasonably hope for the same.
Sixthly. You are also to take care and be very
industrious by al possible means to find out and de
stroy all the enemy.'s corn, and other provisions in all
places where you can come at the same.
Seventhly. You are to return from Penobscot and
those eastern parts, to make all despatch hence for
Kennebeck river and the places adjacent, and there
prosecute all advantages, against the enemy as afore
said. Eighthly. If any soldier, officer, or other shall
be disobedient to you as their commander in chief,
or other their superiour officer, or make, or cause

212 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
any mutiny, commit other offence or disorders, you
shall call a council of war amongst your officers, and
having tried him or them so offending, inflict such
punishment as the merit of the offence requires, death
only excepted, which if any shall deserve, you are
to secure the person, and signify the crime unto me
by the first opportunity.
Given under my hand this 11th day of August,
1692. WILLIAM PHIPS."
Then the Major and his forces embarked and made
the best of their way to Penobscot. And coming to
an island in those parts in the evening, landed his
forces at one end of the island. Then the Major
took part of his forces and moved (toward day) to
the other end of the said island, where they found
two Frenchmen and their families, in their houses ;
and, that one or both of them had Indian- women to
their wives, and had children by them. The Major
presently examining the Frenchmen, [demanded]
where the Indians were 1 They told him, that there
was a great company of them upon an island just
by. And showing him the island, [he] presently
discovered several of them.
Major Church and his forces still keeping undis
covered to them, asked the Frenchmen where their
passing.place was 1 Which they readily showed them.
So presently they placed an ambuscade to take any
that should come over. Then sent orders for all the
rest of the forces to come ; sending them an account
of what he had seen and met withal ; strictly charg
ing them to keep themselves undiscovered by the
enemy. The ambuscade did not lie long before an
Indian man and woman came over in a canoe, to the
place for landing, where the ambuscade was laid.
[They]1 hauled up their canoe, and came right into
the hands of our ambuscade, who so suddenly surpris-
i [who]

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 213
ed them that they could not give any notice to the
others from whence they came. The Major ordering
that none of his should offer to meddle with the
canoe, lest they should be discovered. Hoping to
take the most of them, if his forces came as ordered,
(he expecting them to come as directed.) But the
first news [that] he had of them, was, that they were
all coming, [and]1 not privately as ordered, but the
vessels fair in sight of the enemy, which soon put
them all to flight. And our forces not having boats
suitable to pursue them, they got all away in their
canoes, &c. [This]2 caused Major Church to say,
[that] he would never go out again without [a]
sufficient number of whale boats, [the]3 want of which
was the ruin of that action.*
Then Major Church, according to his instructions,
ranged all those parts, to find all their corn, and
carried aboard their vessels what he thought conve
nient, and destroyed the rest. Also finding conside
rable quantities of plunder, viz., beaver, moose
skins, &,c.
Having done what service they could in those
parts, he returned back to his excellency at Peme-
quid. Where being come, staid not long, (they be
ing short of bread) his excellency intended [going]
home for Boston for more provisions. [In the way]4
going with Major Church and his forces to Kenne
beck river ; and coming there gave him further or
ders, which are as followeth.
" By his Excellency the Governour,
To Major Benjamin Church.
You having already received former instructions;
are now further to proceed with the soldiers under
1 [though] 2 [which] 3 [for] * [but before]
* Mather, II, 537, says that five prisoners were taken at
this time.

214 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
YOur command for Kennebeck river, and the places
lucent, and use your utmost endeavours to kill,
destroy and take captive the French and Ind an ene
my wheresoever you shall find any of them and at
your return to Pemequid (which you are to do as
soon as you can conveniently; after your best en
deavour done against the enemy, and having des
troyed their corn and other provisions) you are to
stay with all your soldiers and officers, and set them
to work on the fort, and make what despatch you can
in that business, staying there until my further order.
WILLIAM PHIPS."
Then his excellency taking leave went for Boston,
and soon after, Major Church and his forces had a
smart fight with the enemy in Kennebeck river ; pur
sued them so hard that they left their canoes, and
ran up into the woods. [They] still pursued them
up to their fort at Taconock,* which the enemy
perceiving, set fire to their houses in the fort, and
ran away by the light of them ; and when Major
Church came to the said fort, [he] found about half
their houses standing, and the rest burnt ; also found
great quantities of corn, put up into Indian cribs,
which he and his forces destroyed, as ordered.
Having done what service he could in those parts,
returned to Pemequid. And coming there, employ
ed his forces according to his instructions. Being
out of bread [and] his excellency not coming, Ma
jor Church was obliged to borrow bread ofthe Cap
tain of the man of war, that was then there, for all
the forces under his command ; his excellency not
coming as expected. But at length his excellency
came, and brought very little bread, more than
* TJ"!,.fort was aDOUt 64 mites from the sea- Taconock,
or as Sullivan has it, Taconnet is a great fall of water in the
Kennebeck. At this place, by order of Gov. Shirley, a fort
was built on the east bank of the river (in 1754) and called
wrt Halifax. Minot's Hist. 1, 186.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 215
would pay what was borrowed of the man of war ;
so that in a short time after Major Church, with his
forces, returned home to Boston, and had their wa
ges for their good service done.
Only one thing, by the way, I will just mention ;
that is, about the six pounds [which] Major Church
borrowed as beforementioned, and put into the
hands of Mr. Fobes, who distributed the said money,
all but thirty shillings, to the Indian soldiers, as di
rected, which was deducted out of their wages, and
the country had credit for the same. And the said
Fobes kept the thirty shillings to himself, which
was deducted out of his wages. Whereupon Major
Walley and [the] said Fobes had some words. In
short Major Church was obliged to expend about
six pounds of his own money in marching down the
forces both English and Indians, to Boston, having
no drink allowed them upon the road, &c. So,
that instead of Major Church's having the allowances
aforementioned by Major Walley, he was out of
pocket about twelve pounds over and above what he
had ; all which had not been, had not his excellency
been gone out of the country.

the fourth expedition east.
In 1696, Major Church being at Boston, and be
longing to the house of representatives, several gen
tlemen requesting him to go east again, and the
general court having made acts of encouragement,
&C. He told them, [that] if they would provide
whale boats, and other necessaries convenient, he
would. Being also requested by the said general
court, he proceeded to raise volunteers ; and made
it his whole business, riding both east and west in
our province and Connecticut, at great charge and
expenses. And in about a month's time, raised a

216 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
sufficient number out of those parts, and marched
them down to Boston. Where he had the promise
that every thing should be ready in three weejss,
or a month's time ; but was obliged to stay conside
rably longer. Being now at Boston, he received his
commission and instructions, which are as followeth.
" WILLIAM STOUGHTON,* Esquire, Lieutenant
Governour, and Commander m Chief, in and over
his Majesty's province of Massachusetts bay, in
Newengland, To Major Benjamin Church, Greeting.
Whereas there are several companies raised,
consisting of Englishmen and Indians, for his Majes
ty's service, to go forth upon the encouragement
given by the great and general court, or assembly
of this his Majesty's province, convened at Boston,
the 27th day of May, 1696, to prosecute the French
and Indian enemy, &c. And you having offered
yourself to take the command and conduct of the
said several companies. By virtue, therefore, of the
power and authority in and by his Majesty's royal
commission to me granted, reposing special trust
and confidence in your loyalty, prudence, courage
* Mr. Stoughton was the son of Israel Stoughton of Dor
chester, at which place he was born in 1632. He graduated
at Harvard college, 1650, and engaging in the study of divin
ity, is said to have made an excellent preacher, but was
never settled, Is also said to have possessed good talents
and great learning. It may be allowed that he had a great
deal of some kind of learning, and yet, destitute of much
solid understanding or science. This no one will doubt,
when informed that he was one of the principal judges, who
sat and condemned so many unfortunate persons for the
imaginary crime of witchcraft, in the witch age of Salem ;
and to add to his misfortunes, Dr. Eliot says, that " he was
more obstinate in his errour than others on the bench."
When Phips left the government, he was the commander in
ehief. In 1700 he was again in the office. He died in 1702.
At his expense was the college called Stoughton hall built.
N. E. Biog. 444, 5.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 217
and good conduct. I do by these presents consti
tute and appoint you to be Major of the said several
companies, both Englishmen and Indians, raised for
his Majesty's service upon the encouragement afore
said. You are therefore carefully and diligently to
perform the duty of your place, By leading, ordering,
and exercising the said several companies in arms,
both inferiour officers and soldiers, keeping them in
good order and discipline, commanding them to
obey you as their Major. And yourself diligently
to intend his Majesty's service for the prosecuting,
pursuing, taking, killing or destroying the said ene
my by sea or land ; and to observe all such orders
and instructions as you shall from time to time re
ceive from myself, or commander in chief for the
time being, according to the rules and discipline of
war, pursuant to the trust reposed in you. Given
under my hand and seal at arms, at Boston, the
third day of August, 1696, in the eighth year of the
reign of our sovereign Lord ' William the III, by
the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, &c.
WILLIAM STOUGHTON
By command of the Lieut. Governour, &c.
Isaac Addington, Seer."
"Province of Massachusetts bay. By the Right
Honourable the Lieutenant Governour and Com
mander in Chief.
Instructions for Major Benjamin Church, Com
mander of the forces raised for his Majesty's ser
vice, against the French and Indian enemy and
rebels. /
Pursuant to the commission given you, you are
to embark the forces now furnished and equipped
for his Majesty's service on the present expedition
to the eastern parts of this province, and with them,
and such others as shall offer themselves to go forth
19

218 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
on the said service, to sail unto Piscataqua, to join
those lately despatched thither for the same expedi
tion, to await your coming. And with all care and
diligence to improve the vessels, boats and men un
der your command in search for, prosecution and
pursuit of, the said enemy at such places where you
may be informed of their abode or resort, or where
you may probably expect to find, or meet with them,
and take all advantages against them which provi
dence shall favour you with.
You are not to list or accept any soldiers that are
already in his Majesty's pay, and posted at any town
or garrison within this province, without special order
from myself.
You are to require and give strict orders that the
duties of religion be attended on board the several
vessels, and in the several companies under your com
mand, by daily prayers unto God, and reading his
holy word, and observance of the Lord's day to the
utmost you can.
You are to see that your soldiers have their due
allowance of provisions, and other necessaries, and
that the sick or wounded be accommodated in the
best manner your circumstances will admit. And
that good order and command may be kept up and
maintained in the several companies, and all disor
ders, drunkenness, profane cursing, swearing, disobe
dience of officers, mutinies, omissions or neglect of
duty, be duly punished according to the laws mar
tial. And you are to require the Captain or chief
officer of each company, with the clerk of the same,
to keep an exact journal of all their proceedings
from time to time.
In case any of the Indian enemy and rebels offer
to submit themselves, you are to receive them, only
at discretion ; but if you think fit to improve any of
them, or any others which you. may happen to take
prisoners, you may encourage them to be faithful by

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 219
the promise of their lives, which shall be granted
upon approbation of their fidelity.
You are carefully to look after the Indians which
you have out of the prison, so that they may
not have opportunity to escape but otherwise im
prove them to what advantage you can, and return
them back again to this place.
You are to advise, as you can have occasion, with
Captain John Gorham, who accompanies you in this
expedition, and is to take your command in case of
your death. A copy of these instructions you are
to leave with him, and to give me an account from
time to time of your proceedings.
WILLIAM STOUGHTON.
Boston, August 12th, 1696."
In the time [that] Major Church lay at Boston, the
news came of Pemequid fort's being taken.* It came
* Thus the fort which had cost the country an immense sum
of money, was entirely demolished. This was fort William
Henry, built in" the last expedition. Two men of war were
sent from Boston, early this year, (1696) to cruise off the river
St. Johns, for an expected French store ship ; but unhappily,
the French at Quebeck had despatched two men of war for
the capture ofthe above said fort. These fell in with the two
English vessels, and being more than a match for them, cap
tured one, called the Newport, the other, taking advantage
of a fog, got back to Boston. The French now proceeded ta
attack the fort, being strengthened by the addition of the
Newport, and Baron Castine with 200 Indians. The French
were commanded by one Iberville, " a brave and experienced
officer," and the English fort by one Chubb, without brave
ry or experience. On the 14 July, Iberville arrived before
the fort, and immediately sent in a summons for its surren
der. Chubb returned a mere gasconade for an answer.
Says he, " If the sea were covered with French vessels, and
the land with Indians, yet I would not give up the fort."
Some firing then commenced with the small arms, and thus
closed the first day. The night following Iberville landed
some cannon and mortars, and by the next day at 3 of the
clock, had so raised his works as to throw 5 bombs, into the
fort, to the great terror of Chubb and his men. And to add
to their terror, Castine found means to convey a letter into

220 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
by a shallop that brought some prisoners to Boston,
who gave an account, also, that there was a French
ship at Mountdesart* that had taken a ship of ours.
So the discourse was, that they would send the man
of war,f with other forces to take the said French
ship, and retake ours. But in the mean time Major
Church and his forces being ready, embarked, and on
the fifteenth day of August, set sail for Piscataqua,
where more men were to join them. (But before
they left Boston, Major Church discoursed with the
Captain of the man of war, who promised him, [that]
if he went to Mountdesart, in pursuit of the French
ship, that he would call for him and his forces at Pis
cataqua, expecting that the French and Indians
might not be far from the said French ship, so that
he might have an opportunity to fight them while he
was engaged with the French ship.)
Soon after the forces arrived at Piscataqua, the
Major sent his Indian soldiers to Colonel Gidney,J at
the fort, importing, that " if they held out the Indians would
not he restrained, for he had seen such orders from the King
to Iberville." Upon this Chubb surrendered and the French
demolished the fort. Hutchinson, II, 88 to 90. Mather,
Magnalia, II, 549, says, that the fort contained " 95 men
double armed which might have defended it against nine
times as many assailants." Chubb lived at Andover, where
in February following be was killed by a small party of
about 80 Indians, who fell upon the place. Ib. 554.
* Desert it should be. A very large island covering the
area of about 180 square miles, and nearly 'all the waters of
the bay of Fundy or Frenchman's bay. It was named Morits
Deserts by Champlain, in honour, perhaps, of De Monts
with whom he had formerly sailed. It was once called Mt.
Mansell by the English, which, Mr. Savage (in Winthrop,
I, 23) thinks was so called in honour of Sir Robert Mansell
named in the great Charter.
t There were two men of war now at Boston, which with
some other vessels were sent in pursuit of~the enemy and
came in sight of them, but effected nothing. Hutchinson,
11,91. X Bartholomew Gijlney, one of the judges of 1(592, whose
name is sufficiently perpetuated in Calef s " More Wonders

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 221
York, to be assisting for the defence of those places,*
who gave them a good commend for their ready and
willing services done ; in scouting and the like.
Lying at Piscataqua with the rest of our forces
near a week, waiting for more forces who were to
join them, to make up their complement. f In all
which time heard never a word of the man of war.
On the twentysecond of August, they all embarked
[from]1 Piscataqua. And when they came against
York, the Major went ashore, sending Captain Gor-
hamj with some forces in two brigantmes and a sloop,
to Winterharbour. Ordering him to send out scouts,
to see if they could make any discovery of the ene
my, and to wait there till he came to them.
Major Church coming to York, Colonel Gidney
told him, [that] his opinion was, that the enemy was
drawn off from those parts ; for that the scouts could
not discover any of them, nor their tracks. So hav
ing done his business there, went with what forces he
had there, to Winterharbour, where he had the same
account from Captain Gorham, [viz.,] that they had
not discovered any of the enemy, nor any new tracks.
So, concluding [ffiat] they were gone from those
parts towards Penobscot, the Major ordered all the
vessels to come to sail, and make the best of their
1 [for]
ofthe Invisible World." He was an associate with Haw
thorn and Curwin, in executing the laws against witchcraft.
Small time has been spent for more information of him, and
as little has been found.
* The French were expected to make other attempts
along the coast, which they threatened after their success at
Pemmaquid. t Their whole force, it appears from Hutchinson, II, 91,
was 500 men.
X Captain John Gorham seems from this time through this
and the other expeditions to have acted a conspicuous part.
I have found no other accounts of him.
19*

222 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
way to Monhegin,* which being not far from Penob
scot, where the main body of our enemy's living was.
Being in great hopes to come up with the army of
French and Indians, before they had scattered and
gone past Penobscot, or Mountdesart, which is the
chief place of their departure from each other after
such actions.
Having a fair wind, made the best of their way,
and early next morning they got into Monhegin.
And there lay all day fitting their boats, and other
necessaries to embark in the night at Mussleneckf
with their boats. Lying there all day to keep undis
covered from the enemy. At night the Major order
ed the vessels all to. come to sail, and carry the for
ces over the bayf near Penobscot. But having little
wind, he ordered all the soldiers to embark on board
the boats with eight days provision, and sent the ves
sels back to Monhegin, that they might not be dis
covered by the enemy; giving them orders, when
and where they should come to him.
The forces being all ready in their boats, rowing
very hard, got ashore at a point near Penobscot.§
just as the day broke. [They]1 hid their boats, and
keeping a good look out by sea, and sent out scouts
by land, but could not discover either canoes or In
dians. What tracks and fire places they saw were
judged to be seven or eight days before they came.
As soon as night came, that they might go undis
covered, got into their boats, and, went by Mussle-
neck, and so amongst Penobscot islands, looking very
sharp as they went, for fires on the shore, and for
canoes but found neither. i [and]
* An island on the east side of Kennebeck river, and about
10 miles from the main, celebrated as the place where Capt.
John Smith landed in 1614 ; here he built some houses, tne
remains of which were to be seen when Judge Sullivan wrote1
his history. It is spelt Monheagan.
t A point in Monheagan island.
t The bay of Penobscot. § Mouth of the river.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 223
Getting up to Mathebestucks hills, [and] day com
ing on, landed and hid their boats ; looking out for
the enemy, as the day before, but to little purpose.
Night coming on, to their oars again, working very
hard ; turned night into day, [which] made several
of their new soldiers grumble. But telling them
[that] they hoped to come up quickly with the enemy,
put new life into them. By daylight they got into the
mouth of the river, where landing, found many ren
dezvous, and fireplaces, where the Indians had been ;
but at the same space of time as beforementioned.
And no canoes passed up the river that day. Their
pilot, Joseph York,* informed the Major, that fifty
or sixty miles up that river, at the great falls, the ene
my had a great rendezvous, and planted a great
quantity of corn, when he was a prisoner with them,
four years ago ; and that he was very well acquaint
ed there. This gave great encouragement to have
had some considerable advantage of the enemy at
that place.
So using their utmost endeavours to get up there
undiscovered. And coming there found no enemy,
nor corn planted ; they having deserted the place.
And ranging about the falls on both sides of the river,
leaving men on the east side of the said river, and
the boats just below the falls, with a good guard to
secure them, and to take the enemy if they came
down the river in their canoes. The west side being
the place where the enemy lived and best to travel
on, they resolved to range as privately as they could.
A mile or two above the falls, [they] discovered a
birch canoe coming down with two Indians in it.
The Major sent word immediately back to those at
the falls, to lie very close, and let them pass down
the falls, and to take them alive, that he might have
intelligence, where the enemy were, (which would
* York probably belonged here, for it appears from Sulli
van, 146, that- persons of this name were among the early
proprietors of the lands of Kennebeck.

224 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
have been a great advantage to them.) But a foolish
soldier seeing them pass by him, shot at them, con
trary to orders given, which prevented them [from]
going into the ambuscade, that was laid for them.
Whereupon several more of our men being near,
shot at them. So that one of them could not stand
when he got ashore, but crept away into the brush.
The other stepped out of the canoe with his paddle
in his hand, and ran about a rod and then threw down
his paddle, and turned back and took up his gun,
and so escaped. One of our Indians swam over the
river, and fetched the canoe, wherein was a consider
able quantity of blood on the seats that the Indians
sat on, [and] the canoe had several holes shot in her.
They stopped the holes, and then Captain Bracket*
with an Indian soldier, went over the river, [and]1
tracked them by the blood about half a mile, [where
they] found his gun, took it up and seeing the blood
no further, concluded that he stopped [it,]2 and so
got away.
In the mean time, another canoe with three men
were coming down the river, [and being]3 fired at
by some of our forces, ran ashore, and left two of
their guns in the canoe, which were taken ; and al
so a letter from a priest to Casteen, [giving]4 him an
account of the French and Indians returning over
the lake to Mountroyal,f and of their little service
done upon the Maquasf Indians westward ; only de-
1 [who] s [his blood] 3 [were] 4 [that gave]
* The same person mentioned at page 166.
t Montreal.
| This was the name given by the Dutch to the Fivena-
tions of Indians. See N. Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 44. By the
French they were called Iroquois, between whom their wars
were almost perpetual. An account of what is hinted at in
the text may be seen in Smith's Newyork, 147, 149, and N.
Y. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 67, 68. The expedition was executed
under count De Frontenac now (1696) Governour of Cana
da. He had assembled a great body of his friend Indians
from different nations, which he joined with two battalions

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 225
molishing one fort, and cutting down some corn,
&c. He desiring to hear of the proceedings of De-
borahuel, and the French man of war. And inform
ed him that there were several canoes coming with
workmen from Quebeck, to St. Johns.* Where
since, we concluded, it was to build a fort at the
river's mouth, when the great guns were taken, &c.
It being just night, the officers were called to
gether to advise, and their pilot, York, informed
them of a fort up that river, and that it was built on
a little island in that river ; and that there was no
getting to it, but in canoes, or oh the ice in the
winter time. This with the certain knowledge that
we were discovered by the enemy that escaped out
of the upper canoe, concluded it not proper, at that
time, to proceed any further up ; and that there was
no getting any further with our boats ; and the ene
my being alarmed, would certainly fly from them
(and do as they did four years ago at their fort at
Taconock. Having fought them in Kennebeck river,
and pursued them about thirty miles to Taconock,
they then set their fort on fire, and ran away by the
light of it, ours not being able to come up with them
at that place.)
of regulars. They left Montreal about the first of July, and
with the greatest difficulty penetrated about 200 miles into
the wilderness. Nothing was effected by this great army,
but the burning of a few Indian huts, and torturing a few
prisoners. One circumstance of the latter, as a striking ex
ample of magnanimity, on the one side, and more than sav
age barbarity on the other, shall be related. On the ap
proach ofthe Count with his army to an Indian town, it was
deserted by all its inhabitants, except an aged chief, of near
100 years. He was immediately put to torment. One
stabbed him With a knife, at which he exclaimed, " You had
better make me die by fire, that these French dogs may learn
how to suffer like men," &c. He continued firm until he
expired under the most excruciating torture that could be
invented. * At the mouth of the river St. Johns, in what is now N.
Brunswick.

226 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Major Church then encouraging his soldiers, told
them, [that] he hoped they should meet with part of
the enemy in Penobscot bay, or at Mountdesart,
where the French ships were. So, notwithstanding
they had been rowing several nights before, with
much toil, besides were short of provisions, they
cheerfully embarked on board their boats, and went
down the river both with and against the tide. And
next morning came to their vessels, where the Major
had ordered them to meet him, who could give him
no intelligence of any enemy. Where being come
they refreshed themselves. Meeting then with ano
ther disappointment ; for their pilot, York, not be
ing acquainted any further, they began to lament
the loss of one Robert Cawley, whom they chiefly
depended on for all the service to be done now
eastward. He having been taken away from them
the night before they set sail from Boston (and was
on board Mr. Thorp's sloop) and put on board the
man of war unknown to Major Church, notwithstand
ing he had been at the trouble and charge of pro
curing him. Then the Major was obliged to one
Bord,* procured by Mr. William Alden, who being
acquainted in those parts, to leave his vessel, and.
go with him in the boats, which he readily complied
with, and so went to Nasketf point, where being in
formed was a likely place to meet the enemy. Com
ing there, found several houses and small fields of
corn, the fires having been out several days, and no
new tracks: But upon Penobscot island they found
several Indian houses, corn and turnips. ' Though
the enemy still being all gone, as beforementioned.
Then they divided, and sent their boats some one
way, and some another, thinking, that if any strag
gling Indians, or Casteen himself, should be there-
* The name of Bord or rather Boad as Sullivan has it, is
found among the first inhabitants of Saco. Hist. Maine, 218.
t Or Nauseag, in the town of Woolwich on the east side of
the Kennebeck.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 227*
about, they might find them, but it proved all in
vain. Himself and several boats went to Mountde
sart, to see if the French ships were gone, and
whether any of the enemy might be there, but to no
purpose ; the ships being gone and the enemy also.
They being now got several leagues to the westward
of their vessels, and seeing that the way was clear
for their vessels to pass ; and all their extreme row
ing, and travelling by land and water, night and day,
to be all in vain. (The enemy having left those
parts as they judged, about eight or ten days before.)
And then returning to their vessels, the commander
calling all his officers together, to consult and re
solve what to do ; concluding that the enemy, by
some means or other, had received -some intelligence
of their being come out against them ; and that they
were in no necessity to come down to the sea side
as yet, moose and beaver now being fat.
They then agreed to go so far east, and employ
themselves, that the enemy belonging to these parts,
might think [that] they were gone home. Having
some discourse about going over to St. Johns. But
the masters of the vessels said, [that] [they]1 had as
good carry them to old France, &c, which put off
that design. (They concluding that the French ships
were there.) Then the Major moved for going over
the bay towards Lahane,* and towards the gut of
Cancer,f where was another considerable fort of In
dians, who often came to the assistance of our ene
my, the barbarous Indians. Saying, that by the
time they should return again, the enemy belonging
to these parts would come down again, expecting
that we were gone home. But in short, could not
prevail with the masters of the open sloops to ven-
 [M 
* This name is spelt Layhone in a succeeding page.
t Properly, Canceau, and pronounced Canso. It is the
strait between Cape Breton island and Novascotia connect
ing the Atlantic with the gulf of St. Lawrence.

228 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
ture across the bay.* [They]1 said [that] it was
very dangerous so late in the year, and as much as
their lives were worth, &c.
Then they concluded and resolved to go to Se-
nactaca,f wherein there was a ready compliance.
(But the want of their pilot, Robert Cawley, was a
great damage to them, who knew all those parts.)
However, Mr. John Alden, master ofthe brigantine En
deavour, piloted them up the bay to Senactaca. And
coming ,to Grinstom\ point, being not far from Se
nactaca, then came to, with all the vessels, and ear
ly next morning came to sail, and about sunrise got
into town. But it being so iate before we landed,
that the enemy, most of them, made their escape.
And as it happened [we] landed where the French
and Indians had some time before killed Lieutenant
John Paine,§ and several of Captain Smithson's men,
that were with said Paine. They seeing our forces
coming, took the opportunity, fired several guns,
and so ran all into the woods, [and] carried all or
most part of their goods with them. One Jarman
Bridgway|| came running towards our forces, with a
i [who]
« Bay of Fundy.
t This,, I presume, is what is called Signecto in Gov. Dud
ley's instructions to Col. Church for the fifth expedition. It
is since written Chignecto, and is the northern arm of the
bay between Novascotia and Newbrunswick. Here the tide
rises and falls 60 feet.
X I suppose the reader would get over this word better,
were it spelt better. But the alteration would be immaterial,
as it is the name of a place.
6 The same, I presume, who, in 1676-7, assisted Major
Waldron. in settling a treaty with the eastern Indians, I
learn no more of him than is found in Mr. Hubbard's Nar
349, &c. Of Smithson I learn nothing.
|j Charlevoix, who was better acquainted with French
names than our author, calls him Bourgeois. He was one
ofthe principal inhabitants ofthe place. See Hist. Mas. II,
92, 93. Hutchinson, ib., says, that "Church calls him Bridg-
man." Perhaps he did in his despatches, but it is not so
spelt in my copy.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 229
gun in one hand, and his cartridge box in the other,
[and] calling to our forces to stop, that he might
speak with them. But Major Church thinking [that
this]1 was [done] that they might have some advan
tage, ordered them to run on. When the said
Bridgway saw [that] they would not stop, turned
and ran. But the Major called unto him, and bid
him stop, or he should be shot down. Some of our
forces being near to the said Bridgway, said, [that]
it was the General that called to him. He hearing
that, stopped and turned about, laying down his gun,
stood, till the Major came up to him. His desire
was, that the commander would make haste with
him to his house, lest the savages* should kill his
father and mother, who were upward of four score
years of age, and could not go. The Major asked
the said Bridgway whether there were any Indians
amongst them, and where they lived 1 He shaked
his head, and said, he durst not tell, for if he did,
they would take an opportunity, and kill him and
his. So all that could be got out of him was, that
they were run into the woods with the rest.
Then orders were given to pursue the enemy,
and to kill what Indians they could find, and take
the French alive, and give them quarter if they ask
ed it.
Our forces soon took three Frenchmen, who, up
on examination, said, that the Indians were all run
into the woods. The French firing several guns,
and ours at them. But they being better acquain
ted with the woods than ours, got away. The Ma
jor took the abovesaid Jarman Bridgway for a pilot,
and with some of his forces went over a river, to
several of their houses, but the people were gone,
and [had] carried their goods with them. In rang
ing the woods [they] found several Indian houses,
 MX] 
* Church's savages.
20

230 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
their fires being just out, but no Indians. Spending
that day in ranging to and fro, found considerable
of their goods, and but few people. At night the
Major wrote a letter, and sent out two French pri
soners, wherein was signified, that if they would
come in, they should have good quarters. The
next day. several came in, which did belong to
that part of the town where our forces first land
ed, [and]1 had encouragements given them by
our commander, [viz.,] that if they would assist
him in taking' those Indians, which belonged to
those parts, they should have their goods re
turned to them again,' and their estates should
not be demnified; [but]2 they refused.* Then
the Major and his forces pursued their design.f
1 [who] 2 [which] -ajj
* What Hutchinson, II, 92, observes concerning this very
severe requisition, is too just to be unnoticed. "This was a
hard condition, and in effect, obliging them to quit their
country ; for otherwise, as Soon as the English had left them
without sufficient protection, the incensed Indians would
have fell upon them without mercy."
t " Charlevoix says, (in Hist. Mas. II, 92, 93,) that Bour
geois produced a writing, by which Sir William Phips had
given assurances of protection to the inhabitants of Chi{*nec-
to, whilst they remained faithful subjects of King William ;
and that Church gave ordirs that nothing in their houses,
&c, should be touched ; but whilst he was entertained by
Bourgeois, together with the principal officers, the rest of the
army dispersed themselves among the other houses and be
haved as if they had been in a conquered country." And,
'•' that many of the inhabitants, not trusting .to the promises
of the General [Church] refused to come in, and that it was
very well they did ; for soon after he broke through all
bounds, and left only, the church and a few houses and barns
standing ; and having discovered, posted up in the church,
an, order of Frontenac, the Governour of Canada, for the re-
f illation of trade, he threatened to treat them as rebels, set
re to the church, and the houses which he had spared and
which were now all reduced to ashes ; and having done this,
he presented a writing' which he told them was an acknowl
edgement of their having renewed their subjection to King
William, and would be a security to them in case any Eng
lish should again land among them." Before regarding this

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 231
And went further ranging their country, found seve
ral more houses, but the people [had] fled, and car
ried what they had away. But in a creek [they]
found a prize bark, that was brought in there by a
French privateer. In ranging the woods, took some
prisoners, who upon examination gave our comman
der an account, that there were some Indians upon
a neck of land, towards Menis.*
So a party of men was sent into those woods. In
their ranging about the said neck, found some plun
der, and a considerable quantity of whortleberries,
both green and dry, which were gathered by the In
dians. [They]1 had like to have taken two Indians ;
[but]2 by the help of a birch canoe [they] got over
the river, and made their escape. Also they found
two barrels of powder, and near half a bushel of bul
lets. The French denying [them]3 to be theirs, [and]
said [that] they were the savages ; but sure it might
be a supply for our enemies. Also, they took from
Jarman Bridgway several barrels of powder, with
bullets, shot, spears and knives, and other supplies
to relieve our enemies. He owned that he had been
trading with those Indians along Cape Sablef shore,
with Peter Assnow ; and, that there he met with the
French ships, and went along with them to St. Johns,
and helped them to unload the said ships, and car-.
ried up the river provisions, ammunition and other
goods to Vilboon's fort. J
The Major having ranged all places that were
thought proper, returned back to the place where
i [and] a [who] 3 [it]
account as perfectly correct, it should be remembered that
the Jesuit Charlevoix ever portrays the affairs of the French
in amiable colours.
* On a basin ofthe east arm of the bay between Novasco
tia and Newbrunswick. Morse spells the word two ways,
viz,, Mines and Minas.
t The southwest point of Novascotia.
X This fort was upon the river St. Johns.

232 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
they first landed. And finding several prisoners come
in, who were troubled to see their cattle, sheep, hogs
and dogs lying dead about their houses, chopped and
hacked with hatchets, (which was done without order
from the Major.) However, he told them, [that] it
was nothing to what our poor English, in our frontier
towns, were forced to look upon. For men, women
and children were chopped and hacked so, and left
half dead, with alLtheir scalps taken off; and that
they and their Indians served ours so ; and our sava
ges would be glad to serve them so too, if he would
permit them, which caused them to be mighty sub
missive. And [they] begged the Major that he would
not let the savages serve them so.
Our Indians being somewhat sensible of the dis
course, desired to have some of them to roast, and so
to make a dance. And dancing in a hideous man
ner, to terrify them, said, that they could eat any
sort of flesh, and that some of theirs would make
their hearts strong. [And] stepping up to some of
the prisoners, said that they must have their scalps,
which much terrified the poor prisoners, who begged
for their lives. The Major told them [that] he did
not design the savages should hurt them ; but it was
to let them see a little what the poor English felt,
saying, [that] it was not their scalps [that] he want
ed, but the savages ; for he should get nothing by
them ; and told them, that their fathers, the friars and
Governours encouraged their savages, and gave them
money to scalp our English, notwithstanding they
were with them, which several of our English, there-
present, did testify to their faces, that their fathers
and mothers were served so in their sight.
But the Major bid them tell their fathers, (the fri
ars and Governours,) that if they still persisted, and
let their wretched savages kill and destroy the poor
English at that rate, he would come with some hun
dreds of savages, and let them loose amongst them,
who would kill, scalp, and carry away every French

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 233
person in all those parts; for they were the root from
whence all the branches came, that hurt us. For
the Indians could not do us any harm, if they [the
French] did not relieve and supply them. The
French being sensible of the Major's kindness to
them, kissed his hand, and were very thankful to him
for his favour to them in saving their lives. [They]
owned that their priests* were at the taking of Peme
quid fort, and were now gone to Layhone, with some
of thelndians, to meet the French ships, but for what,
they would not tell.
The commander, with his forces, having done all
they could in those parts, concluded to go to St.
Johns river, to do further service for their King and
country; [so] embarked all on board their trans
ports, -j- And having a fair wind, soon got to Mono-
genest,f which lies a little distance from the mouth
of St. Johns river.
Next morning early, the Major with his forces,
landed to see what discovery they could make ; [so
they] travelled across the woods to the old fort or
falls at the mouth of St. Johns river, keeping them
selves undiscovered from the enemy. Finding that
there were several men at work, and having informed
themselves as much as they could, (the enemy being
on the other side of the river, could not come at
them) returned back. But night coming on, and
dark wet weather, with bad travelling, were obliged
to stop in the woods till towards next day morning,
and then went on board.
Soon after the Major ordered all the vessels to
come to sail, and go into the mouth of the river.
[That] being done, it was not long before the Major
and his forces landed on the east side of the river,
the French firing briskly at them, but did them no
* Castine was mentioned as being there. See note, page
219. t On the 20 September.
X On the north side ofthe river.
20*

234 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
harm. And running fiercely upon the enemy, they
soon fled into the woods. The Major ordered a brisk
party to run across a neck to cut them off from their
canoes, which the day before they had made a dis
covery oft So the commander, with the rest, ran
directly towards the new fort [that] they were build
ing, not knowing but [that] they had some ordnance
mounted. The enemy running directly to their ca
noes, were met by our forces, who fired at them and
killed one, and wounded Corporal Canton, who was
taken. The rest threw down what they had, and ran
into the woods. The said prisoner, Canton, being
brought to the Major, told him, [that] if he would
let his surgeon dress his wound and cure him, he
would be serviceable to him as long as he lived. So
being dressed, he was examined. [He]1 gave the
Major an account of the twelve great guns which
were hid in the beach, below high water mark.
(The carriages, shot, and wheelbarrows, some flour
and pork, all hid in the woods.)
The next morning the officers being all ordered
to meet together, to consult about going to Vilboon's
fort, and none amongst them being acquainted
but the Aldens, who said, [that] the water in the
river was very low, so that they could not get up to
the fort ; and the prisoner, Canton, told the Com
mander, that what the Aldens said was true. So
not being willing to make a Canada expedition, con
cluded [that] it was not practicable to proceed.*
Then ordered some of the forces to get the great
guns on board the open sloops, and the rest to range
the woods for the enemy, who took one prisoner and
brought [him] in. [They]2 in their ranging, found
there a shallop, hauled in a creek. And a day or
two after there came in a young soldier to our forces,
1 [Who] 2 [who]
* The unsuccessful attempt en Quebeck by Sir William
Phips, which was rendered abortive by the lateness of the
season.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 235
who upon examination, gave an account of two more
which he left in the woods at some distance. So
immediately the Major with some of his forces went
in pursuit of them, taking the said prisoner with
them, who conveyed them to the place where he left
them, but they were gone. [They] then asked the
prisoner, whether there were any Indians in those
parts'? [He] said No, [that] it was as hard for Vilboon,
their Governour, to get an Indian down to the water
side, as it was for him to carry one of those great
guns on his back to his fort. For they having had
intelligence by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that
gave them an account of Major Church and his for
ces coming out against them.
Now, having with a great deal of pains and trou
ble, got ail the guns, shot, and other stores aboard,
intended [to proceed] on our design, which we came
out first for. But the wind not serving, the com
mander sent out his scouts into the woods to seek
for the enemy. And four of our Indians came upon
three Frenchmen undiscovered, who concluded, that
if the French should discover them, [they] would
fire at them, and might kill one or more of them ;
which, to prevent, fired at the French, killed one,
and took the other two prisoners. And it happened
that he who was killed, was Shanelere, the chief
man there, &c.
The same day they mended their whale boats,
and the shallop which they took ; 'fitting her to row
with eight oars, that she might be helpful to their
prosecuting their intended design against the enemy,
in their returning homeward. Then the commander
ordering all the officers to come together, informed
them of his intentions ; and ordered that no vessels
should depart from the fleet, but to attend the mo
tions of their Commodore, as formerly ; except they
were parted by storms, or thick fogs. And if so, it
should happen that any did part, when they came to

236 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Passamequady,* should stop there awhile ; for
there they intended to stop and do business, with
the help of their boats against the enemy. And if
they missed that, to stop at Machias,f which was
the next place [that] he intended to stop at. Hav
ing an account by the prisoners taken that Mr. Late-
rilj was there, a trading with the Indians in the
river. [And] encouraging them, said, [that] he did
not doubt but to have a good booty there. And if
they should pass those two places, be sure not to go
past Naskege^ point ; but to stop there till he came,
and not to depart thence in a fortnight without his
orders ; having great service to do in and about Pe
nobscot, &c.
Then Major Church discoursed with Captain
Bracket, Captain Hunewell, and Captain Larking,
(with their Lieutenants) commanders of the forces,
belonging to the eastward parts, who were to dis
course their soldiers about their proceedings, when
they came to Penobscot. And the Major himself
was to discourse his Indian soldiers, and their Cap
tains, who with all the rest readily complied. The
projection being such, that when they came to Pe
nobscot, the commander designed to take what pro-
* Better written Passammaquaddy. Coasters call it Quod-
dy. It is a deep bay, which begins the separation of the
British dominions from Maine.
t The bay of Maehias is separated from Passammaqu6ddy
by Pleasant point on the west. A river flows into this bay
ofthe same name, on which is the town of Maehias.
t Whoever this person might be, we hear no more of him.
only that he was a Frenchman, and had a family at Mount
desert ; that he was taken in the last expedition ; and that
his name was old Lateril or Lotriell according to the early
writers who mention him, which of course, was all they knew
about him.
§ What Sullivan calls Nauseag, I expect, almost up to the
Kennebeck, but on the east side, and now within the town
of Woolwich. See page 226, of this history, where it is spelt
Nasket.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS^ 237
visions could be spared out of all the sloops, and
put [it] on board the two brigantines, and to send
all the sloops home with some of the officers and
men that wanted to be at home. And then with
those forces aforementioned, to wit, the eastward
men, and all the Indians ; and to take what provi
sions and ammunition was needful, and to march
with himself up into the Penobscot country, in
search of the enemy, and if posssible to take that
fort in Penobscot river. Captain Bracket informing
the Major, that when the water was low, they could
wade over, which was at that time, the lowest that
had been known in a long time.
And being there, to range through that country
down to Pemequid, where he intended [that] the
two brigantines should meet them ; and from thence
taking more provisions, viz., bread, salt, and ammu
nition suitable (to send those two vessels home also)
to travel through the country to Nerigiwack,* and
from thence to Amerascogen fort, and so down
where the enemy used to plant. Not doubting but
that in all this travel to meet with many of the ene
my before they should get to Piscataqua. All
which intentions were very acceptable to the forces
that were to undertake it. [And]1 rejoicing, said,
they had rather go home by land than by water,
provided their commander went with them. [He,]2
to try their fidelity, said [that] he was grown an
cient, and might fail them. [But] they all said they
would not leave him, and when he could not travel
any further, they would carry him.
Having done what service they could, at and
about the mouth of St. Johns river, resolved on their
i [who] 2 [who]
* Norridgewock. This name has been subject to almost
as many methods of spelling, as its neighbour, Androscoggin.
It was an ancient celebrated Indian town on the Kennebeck
river, about 84 miles from its mouth by the course ofthe river,
Sullivan, 31, 32.

238 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Intended design. And the next morning, having
but little wind, came all to sail. The wind coming
against them they put into Mushquash cove. And
the next day the wind being still against them, the
Major with part of his forces landed, and employed
themselves in ranging the country for the enemy,
but to no purpose. [But]1 in the night the wind
came pretty fair, and at twelve o'clock they came to
sail. [They]2 had not been out long before they
spied three sail of vessels ; expecting them to be
French, fitted to defend themselves. So coming
near, hailed them, [and]3 found them to be a man of
war, the province galley, and old Mr. Alden* in a
sloop, with more forces, Colonel Hathornef com
mander. Major Church went aboard the Commodore, where
Colonel Hathorne was, who gave him an account of
his commission, and orders, and read them to him.
Then his honour told Major Church, that there was
a particular order on board Captain Southack for him,
which is as followeth.
[To Major Benjamin Church.]
"Bdston, September 9th, 1696.
Sir, His Majesty's ship Orford, having lately surprised
a French shallop, with twehtythree of the soldiers
i [and] 2 [and] 3 [Who]
* The same often mentioned in the preceding pages. See
note 3, on page 196. He was in 1692 imprisoned for witch
craft, and previously examined by Hawthorn, under whom
he appears in this expedition. See Hutchinson, II, 50, and
94. t Col. John Hathorne or Hawthorn. This gentleman,
however unfit he might be to succeed Church, it is certain
that he may now be better employed than when committing
witches at Salem. I learn little of him, excepting what may
be seen in Hutchinson, and Calef. Perhaps he was a son of
William Hawthorn, the first speaker ofthe court of Massa
chusetts, upon record. Hist. Mas. I, 150. He was quite ac
tive in these wars, also in the former. Nothing very brilliant
appears to have been performed under his command.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 239
belonging to the fort upon Johns river, in Novascotia,
together with Villeau, their Captain, providence
seems to encourage the forming of an expedition to
attack that fort, and to disrest and remove the enemy
from that post, which is the chief source from whence
the most of our disasters do issue, and also to favour
with an opportunity for gaining out of their hands
the ordnance, artillery, and other warlike stores, and
provisions, lately supplied to them from France, for
erecting a new fort near the river's mouth, whereby
they will be greatly strengthened, and the reducing
of them rendered more difficult. I have therefore
ordered a detachment of two new companies, con
sisting of about an hundred men to join the forces
now with you for that expedition, and have commis-
sionated Lieutenant Colonel John Hathorne, one of
the members of his Majesty's council, who is ac
quainted with that river, and in whose courage and
conduct I repose special trust to take the chief com
mand of the whole, during that service, being well
assured that your good affections and zeal for his
Majesty's service will induce your ready compliance
and assistance therein, which, I hope, will take up
no long time, and.be of great benefit and advantage
to these his Majesty's territories, if it please God to
succeed the same. Besides, it is very probable to
be the fairest opportunity, that can be offered unto
yourself and men, of doing execution upon the In
dian enemy and rebels, who may reasonably be ex
pected to be drawn to the defence of that fort. I
have also ordered his Majesty's ship Arundel, and
the province Galley to attend this service.
Colonel Hathorne will communicate unto you the
contents of his commission and instructions received
from myself for this expedition, which I expect and
order that yourself, officers and soldiers, now under
you, yield obedience unto. He is to advise with
yourself and others in all weighty attempts. Pray
ing for a blessing from Heaven upon the said enter-

240 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
prise, and that all engaged in the same may be under
the special protection of the Almighty. I am your
loving friend,
WILLIAM STOUGHTON."
The Major having read his last orders, and con-
sidering his commission, found that he was obliged
to attend all orders,* &c, was much concerned that
he and his were prevented in their intended projec
tion, if carried back to St. Johns. Then discoursing
with Colonel Hathorne, gave him an account of what
they had done at St. Johns, viz., that as to the de
molishing the new fort, they had done it ; and [had]
got all their great guns and stores aboard their ves
sels. And, that if it had not been that the waters
were so low, would have taken the fort up the river
also, before he came away. Told him also, that
one ofthe prisoners which he had taken at St. Johns,
upon examination, concerning the Indians in those
parts, told him, [that] it was as hard for Vilboon their
Governour, to get one of their Indians down to the
water side, as to carry one of those great guns upon
his back. And that thev had an account of him
[Church,] and his forces coming to those parts by a
prisoner out of Boston jail. Also, told his honour,
that if they went back it would wholly disappoint
them of their doing any further service, which was
[what]1 they came for to Penobscot, and places ad
jacent. But all was to no purpose. His honour tell-
i [that]
* Church could not but be offended at such boyish conduct,
which will more fully appear in the ensuing narration. Im
portant service, perhaps, might have been done in the exe
cution ofthe plan that Church and. his forces were then about
to enter upon. They would doubtless have relieved the east
ern people from their garrisons in which they had most of
the year been shut up. The savages had hovered around
the settlements from Pascataqua to their extent eastward,
and had between the 7 May, and 13 October, killed and ta
ken about 34 ofthe inhabitants ; 24 being ofthe former num
ber. See Magnalia, II, 549, 50.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 241
ing the Major that he must attend his orders then
received.* And to encourage the officers and soldiers, told
them, [that] they should be wholly at the Major's
ordering and command in the whole action. And to
be short did go back and the event may be seen in
Colonel Hathorne's journal of the said action. f
Only I must observe one thing by the way, which
was, that when they drew off to come down the riv
er again, Colonel Hathorne came off and left the Ma
jor behind to see that all the forces were drawn off.
And coming down the river, in or near the rear, in
the night, heard a person halloo. Not knowing at
* The superceding of Church, says Hutchinson, II, 94,
" was an impolitic measure, unless any misconduct in Church
made it necessary that he should be superceded." But nom
ine of that kind is made appear, and can be accounted for,
only, by supposing that Stoughton had not fully recovered
from the debility he had received in the late Witch Crusade.
t The journal of Hathorne, referred to, is undoubtedly
lost, which we have to regret. Perhaps Hutchinson had the
use of it, as the account which he gives of the expedition is
•somewhat particular. He mentions, II, 94, 5, that Villebon
had timely notice of their object, and the reinforcement ; and
accordingly had made the best arrangements he could to re
ceive them. They effected a landing on the 7 October, not
however without considerable opposition. The same day
(hey raised a battery, and planted two fieldpieces upon it.
With these and their small arms they commenced an attack
upon the fort, which was answered. The following night
being very cold, the English made fires to keep them from
perishing. But this bei:«g a sure mark for the enemy's can
non, were obliged to put them out, and suffer the inclemency
ofthe weather. Church's men suffering more extremely,
being almost bare of clothing from their long service. Dis
couragement now seized them, and they drew off the next
night. Mather makes no reflections on the planning and
executing of this expedition. " The difficulty of the cold
season so discouraged our men, that after the making of
some few shot the enterprize found itself under too much
congelation to proceed any further." So he says, Magnalia,
II, 550. No account is given that any were killed.
21

242 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
first, but it might be a snare to draw them into ; but
upon consideration, sent to see who or what he was,
and found him to be a Negro man belonging to Mar-
blehead, that had been taken and kept a prisoner
amongst them for some time. The Major asked him,
whether he could give any account of the Indians
in those parts 9 He said Yes, they were or had been
all drawn off from the sea coast, up into the woods
near an hundred miles. [They] having had an ac
count by a prisoner out of Boston jail, that Major
Church and his forces were coming out against them
in four brigantines, and four sloops, with twentyfour
pettiaugers, (meaning whale boats) which put them
into [such] a fright, that notwithstanding they were
so far up in the woods, were afraid to make fires by
day, lest he and his forces should discover the
smokes, and in the night lest they should see the
light. One thing more I would just give a hint of, that
is, how the French in the eastward parts were much
surprised at the motion of the whale boats. [They]
said, [that] there was no abiding for them in that
country. And I have been informed since, that
soon after this expedition, they drew off from St.
Johns fort and river.
But to return. Then going all down the river,
embarked and went homeward. Only by the way,
candid reader, I would let you know of two things
that proved very prejudicial to Major Church and his
forces. The first was, that the government should
miss it so much as to send any prisoner away from
Boston before the expedition was over. Secondly,
that they should send Colonel Hathorne to take them
from the service and business they went to do ; who,
by submission, doubtless thought [that] they did for
the best though if proved to the contrary.
So [I] shall wind up with a just hint of what hap
pened at their coming home to Boston. After all

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 243
their hard service both night and day, the govern
ment took away all the great guns and warlike
stores and gave them not a penny for them (except
it was some powder, and that they gave what they
pleased for.) And besides the assembly passed a vote
that they should have but half pay. But his honour
the Lieutenant Governour being much disturbed at
their so doing, went into the town house, where the
representatives were sitting, and told them, except
they did reassume that vote, which was to cut Major
Church and his forces off their half pay, they should
sit there till the next spring. Whereupon it was re-
assumed. So that they had just their bare wages.
But as yet, never had any allowance for the great
guns and stores; neither has Major Church had any
allowance for all his travel. and great expenses in
raising the said forces, volunteers.

tJ, the fifth and last expedition east.
In the year 1703-4, Major Church had an account
of the miserable devastations made on Deerfield,* a
town in the westward parts of this province,! and
the horrible barbarities, and cruelties exercised on
those poor innocent people by the French and In
dians ; especially of their cruelties towards that wor
thy gentlewoman Mrs. Williams, and several others,
whom they marched in that extreme season ; forcing
them to carry great loads. And when any of them
by their hard usage could not bear with it, [they]
were knocked on the head, and so killed in cool
blood. All which, with some other horrible instan
ces done by those barbarous savages, which Major
Church himself was an eye witness to in his former
travel in the eastward parts, did much astonish him.
* A more particular account of the " Destruction of Deer
field" will be given in the IX Appendix to this history.
, t On Connecticut river, about 90 miles from Boston.

244 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
To see a woman that those barbarous savages
had taken and killed, exposed in a most brutish man
ner (as can be expressed) with a young child seized
fast with strings to her breast. [The]1 infant had
no apparent wound, which doubtless was left alive
to suck its dead mother's breast, and so miserably to
perish and die. Also to see other poor children
hanging upon fences, dead, of either sex, in their
own poor rags, not worth stripping them of, in scorn
and derision.
Another instance was, of a straggling soldier, who
was found at Casco, exposed in a shameful and bar
barous manner. His body being staked up, his head
cut off, and a hog's head set in the room ; his body
ripped up, and his heart and inwards taken out, and
private members cut off, and hung with belts of their
own, the inwards at one side of his body, and his
privates at the other, in scorn and derision of the
English soldiers, &e.
These and such like barbarities caused Major
Church to express himself to this purpose. That
if he wefe commander in chief of these provinces,
he would soon put an end to those barbarities, done
by the barbarous enemy, by making it his whole bu
siness to fight and destroy those savages as they did
our poor neighbours, which doubtless might have
been done if rightly managed, and that in a short
time, &c. So that these with the late inhumanities
done upon the inhabitants of Deerfield, made such
an impression on his heart, as cannot well be express
ed. So that his blood boiled within him, making,
such impulses on his mind, that he forgot all former
treatments, which were enough to hinder any man,
especially the said Major Church, from doing any
further service. ,
Notwithstanding all which, having a mind to take
some satisfaction on the enemy, his heart being full,
took his horse and went from his own habitation,
1 [which]

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 245
near seventy miles, to wait upon his excellency, and
offered his service to the Queen,* his excellency
and the country ; which his excellency readily ac
cepted of, and desired Major Church to draw a
scheme for the ensuing action, or actions. So tak
ing leave went home, and drew it, which is as fol
loweth. " Tiverton, February 5, 1703-4.
May it please your Excellency —
According to your request, when I was last with
yourself, and in obedience thereunto, I present you
with these following lines, that concern the prepara
tion for next spring's expedition, to attack the ene
my. According to my former direction ; for it is
good to have a full stroke at them first, before they
have opportunity to run for it. For the first of our
action will be our opportunity to destroy them, and
to prevent their running away, in waylaying every
passage, and make them know we are in good
earnest. And so we being in a diligent use of means,
we may hope for a blessing from the Almighty, and
that he will be pleased to put a dread in their hearts,
that they may fall before us and perish. For my ad
vice is,
First. That ten or twelve hundred good able sol
diers, well equipped, be in a readiness fit for action,
by the first of April at farthest ; for then will be
the time to be upon action.
Secondly. That five and forty or fifty, good
whaleboats be had ready, well fitted with five good
oars and twelve or fifteen good paddles to every boat.
* Anne, who came to the throne of England in 1702. She
reigned until her death in 1714, and then the line of Geor
ges commenced. This war which began in 1703 is general
ly called Queen Anne's war. , Dr. Douglass calls it " Dud
ley's Indian War." But this must be regarded as one of
his loose denominations, for the war had already originated
when Gov. Dudley entered upon his office.
21*

246 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
And upon the wale of each boat, five pieces of Strong
leather be fastened on each side to slip five smalt ash
bars through ; that so, whenever they land, the men
may step overboard, and slip in said bars across, and
take up said boat that she may not be hurt against
the rocks. And that two suitable brass kettles be
provided to belong to each boat to dress the men's
victuals in to make their lives comfortable.
Thirdly. That four or five hundred pairs of good
Indian shoes be made ready, fit for the service for
the English and Indians, that must improve the whale
boats and birch canoes ; for they will be very proper
and safe for that service. And let there be a good
store of cow hides well tanned, for a supply of such
shoes, and hemp to make thread, and wax to mend
and make more such shoes when wanted, and a good
store of awls.
Fourthly. That there be an hundred large hatch
ets, or light axes, made pretty broad, and steeled with
the best steel that can be got, and made by work
men, that [they] may cut very well, and hold, that
the hemlock knots may not break or turn them, to
widen the landing place up the falls. For it may
happen that we may get up with some of our whale-
boats to their falls or headquarters.
Fifthly. That there be a suitable quantity of small
bags, or wallets provided, that every man that wants
may have one to put up his bullets in, of such a size
as will fit his gun, (and not be served as at Casco.*)
That every man's bag be so marked that he may not
change it. For if so, it will make a great confusion
in action. That every man's store of ball be weigh
ed to him, that so he may be accountable and may
not squander it away and also his store of powder,
that so he may try his powder and gun before action.
And that every particular company may have a bar-
* There most of their shot was so large that it was useless,
only as it was hammered, and was not discovered until
an engagement took place with the enemy. See page 166.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 247
rei of powder to themselves and so marked that it
may by no means be changed. That men may know
beforehand, and may not be cheated out of their
lives, by having bad powder, or not knowing how to
use it. And this will prove a great advantage to
the action.
Sixthly. That Colonel John Gorham, if he may
be prevailed with, may be concerned in the manage
ment of the whale boats, he having been formerly
concerned in the eastern parts and experienced in
that affair. And whalemen then will be very service
able in this expedition, which having a promise made
to them, that they shall be released in good season,
to go home a whaling in the fall, your excellency
will have men enough.
Seventhly. That there may be raised for this ser
vice three hundred Indians at least, and more if they
may be had ; for I know certainly, of my own know
ledge that they exceed most of our English in hunt
ing and skulking in the woods, being always used to
it. And it must be practised if ever we intend to
destroy those Indian enemies.
Eighthly. That the soldiers already out eastward
in the service, men of known judgment, may take a
survey of them and their arms, and see if their arms
be good and they know how to use them in shooting
right, at a mark, and that they be men of good reason
and sense to know how to manage themselves in so
difficult a piece of service as this Indian hunting is,
for bad men are but a clog and hinderance to an
army, being a trouble and vexation to good com
manders, and so many mouths to devour the country's
provision, and a hinderance to all good actions.
Ninthly. That special care be had in taking' up
the whaleboats that they be good, and fit for that
service, so that the country be not cheated as for
merly in having jotten boats and as much care that
the owners may have good satisfaction for them.
Tenthly. That the tenders or transports, vessels

248 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
to be improved in this action, be good decked vessels,
not too big because of going up several rivers hav
ing four or six small guns apiece for defence, and
the fewer men will defend them, and there are
enough such vessels to be had.
Eleventhly. To conclude all, if your excellency
will be pleased to make yourself great and us a hap
py people, as to the destroying of our enemies and
easing of our taxes, &c, be pleased todraw forth all
those forces now in pay in all the eastward parts,
both at Saco and Casco bay, for those two trading
houses never did any good nor ever will, and are not
worthy the name of Queen's forts ; and the first
building of them had no other effect but to lay us
under tribute to that wretched pagan crew ; and I
hope will never be wanted for that they were first
built; [ — J1 but sure it is, they are very serviceable to
them ; for they get many a good advantage of us to
destroy our men and laugh at us for our folly, that
we should be at so much cost and trouble to do a
thing that does us so much harm, and no manner of
good : but to the contrary when they see all our for
ces drawn forth, and in pursuit of them they will
think that we begin to be roused up, and to be awake
and will not be satisfied with what they have pleased
to leave us, but are resolved to retake from them
that they took formerly from us, and drive them out
of their country also. The which being done, then
to build a fort at a suitable time, and in a convenient
place, and it will be very honourable to your excel
lency, and of great service to her Majesty, and to
the enlargement of her Majesty's government (the
place meant being at Portroyal.)
Twelfthly. That the objection made against draw
ing off the forces in the eastward parts will be no
damage to the inhabitants, for former experience
teacheth us that so soon as drawn into their country,
they will presently forsake ours to take care of their
own. And that there be no failure in making pre-
i [for]

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 249
paration of these things aforementioned; for many
times the want of small things prevents the complet
ing of great actions. And that every thing be in
readiness before the forces be raised to prevent
charges, and the enemy's having intelligence. And
that the general court be moved to make suitable
acts for the encouraging both English and -Indians,
that so men of business may freely offer estates and
concerns to serve the publick.
Thus hoping what I have taken the pains to write
in the sincerity of my heart, and good affection, will
be well accepted, I make bold to subscribe as I am,
your excellency's most devoted humble servant,
BENJAMIN CHURCH."
Then returning to his excellency, presented the
said scheme, which his excellency approved of, and
returned it again to Major Church, and desired him
to see that every thing was provided ; telling him
he should have an order from the commissary Gene
ral to proceed. Then returned home, and made it
his whole business to provide oars and paddles, and
a vessel to carry them round, and then returned again
to his excellency, who gave him a commission which
is as followeth.
" Joseph Dudley,* Esq., Captain General and Go
vernour in Chief, in and over her Majesty's pro-
* A son of Thomas Dudley, who came to America in 1630,
and who has been celebrated for his bitterness against tolera
tion. Some poetry found in his pocket (says Morton, 151,)
after his death, is so singular, and characteristick of the
times, that I may be pardoned for so much digressing as to
insert a clause of it.
" Let men of God in courts and churches watch
O'er such as do a toleration hatch _
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice,
To poison all with heresy and vice.
If men be left, and otherwise combine,
My epitaph's, I dy'd no libertine."
The subject of this note was born in 1647, graduated at
Harvard College, 1665, and is said to have been eminent for

250 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
vince of the Massachusetts bay, in Newengland,
in America, and Vice Admiral of the same,
To Benjamin Church, Esq., Greeting.
By virtue of the power and authority, in and by
her Majesty's royal commission, to me granted, I do
by these presents, reposing special trust and confi
dence in your loyalty, courage, and good conduct,
constitute and appoint you to be Colonel of all the
forces raised, and to be raised for her Majesty's ser
vice, against the French and Indian enemy and rebels,
that shall be improved in the service to the eastward
of Casco bay ; and to be Captain of the first com
pany of the said forces. You are therefore carefully
and diligently to perform the duty of a Colonel and
Captain, by leading, ordering and exercising the said
regiment and company in arms, both inferiour offi
cers and soldiers ; and to keep them in good order
and discipline. Hereby commanding them to obey
you as their Colonel and Captain ; and with them to
do and execute all acts of hostility against the said
enemy and rebels. And you are to observe and fol
low such orders and directions as you shall receive
from myself, or other, your superiour officer, accord
ing to the rules and discipline of war, pursuant to
the trust reposed in you. Given under my hand and
his learning. He was a commissioner in Philip's war, and his
name may be seen among them at the head of the long treaty
with the Narragansets, in July, 1675. When Andross was
Governour, Mr. Dudley was president of the council, and
was seized upon as belonging to his party, and imprisoned
for some time, and treated with inhumanity. Being sent for
by King William, he embarked in Feb., 1689. The next
year he was sent over as chief justice of Newyork, but he
was never satisfied any where but in the government of Mas
sachusetts. He therefore exerted himself to injure Gover
nour Phips, expecting to succeed him ; but the people pre
vented him by procuring the appointment of the Earl of
Bellomont, whose premature death gave him his beloved of
fice, in which he continued from 1702 to 1716. Gov. Shute
succeeded him, and he died in 1720, aged 73,

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 251
seal at arms, at Boston, the 18th day of March, in
the third year of her Majesty's reign. Anno Dom.
17°3"4- J. DUDLEY.
By his Excellency's command.
Isaac Addington, Seer."
Colonel Church no sooner received his commis
sion, but proceeded to the raising of men, volun
teers, by going into every town within the three
counties * which were formerly Plymouth govern
ment ; advising with the chief officer of each com
pany, to call his company together, that so he might
have the better opportunity to discourse and encour
age them to serve their Queen and country. Treat
ing them with drink convenient, told them, [that] he
did not doubt but with God's blessing to bring them
all home again. All which with many other argu
ments, animated their hearts to do service. So, that
Colonel Church enlisted, out of some companies, near
twenty men, and others fifteen.
He having raised a sufficient number of English
soldiers, proceeded to the enlisting of Indians, in all
those parts where they dwelt, which was a great fa
tigue and expense ; being a people that need much
treating, especially with drink, &"c. Having enlist
ed the most of his soldiers in those parts, who daily
lay upon him, [and] was not less than five pounds
per day expenses, some days in victuals and drink ;
who doubtless thought, (especially the English) that
the country would have reimbursed it again, other
wise they would hardly [have] accepted it of him.
Colonel Church's soldiers, both English and In
dians, in those parts, being raised, marched them all
* Plymouth, Barnstable, and Bristol. This division was
made in 1685, which before were all in one. Supplement to
Morton, 207,

252 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
down to Nantasket,* according to his excellency's
directions. Where being come, the following gen
tlemen were commissionated to be commanders of
each particular company, viz., Lieutenant Colonel
Gorham, Captains, John Brown, Constant Church,
James Cole, John Dyer, John Cook, Caleb William
son, and Edward Church, of the forces raised by Co
lonel Church ; each company being filled up with
English and indians as they agreed among them
selves, and by the Colonel's directions. Captain
Lamb, and Captain Mirick's company, which were
raised by his excellency's direction, were ordered to
join those aforesaid, under the command of Colonel
Church. Matters being brought thus far on, Colonel Church
waited upon his excellency at Boston to know his
pleasure, what farther measures were to be taken ;
and did humbly move that they might have liberty in
their instructions to make an attack upon Portroyal.
Being very well satisfied in his opinion, that with
the blessing of God, with what forces they had, or
should have ; and whaleboats so well fitted with oars
and paddles, as they had with them, might be suffi
cient to have taken it. His excellency (looking up
on Colonel Church) replied, [that] "he could not
admit of that, by reason, [that] he had, by the advice
of her Majesty's council, writ to her Majesty about
the taking of Portroyal fort, and how it should be
disposed of when taken," &c. However Colonel
Church proceeded to get every thing ready for the
forces down at Nantasket, which was the place of
parade. He happening one day to be at Captain Belch-
* The entrance into Boston harbour, south of the light
house. The winter of 1696 was so severe, that sleds and
sleighs frequently passed from Boston to Nantasket upon the
ice. The island of this name was the place of -rendezvous,
and is nine miles from Boston. It contains the "presenttown
of Hull, and is connected to Hingham by a dam.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 253
er's,* where his excellency happened to come. [He]1
was pleased to order Colonel Church to put on his
sword, and walk with him up the common, which
he readily complied with. Where being come, he
saw two mortar pieces with shells, and an engineer
trying with them, to throw a shell from them to any
spot of ground where he said it should fall ; which
when Colonel Church had seen done, gave him great
encouragement, and hopes [thatjthat would promote
their going to Portroyal, which he had solicited for.
And returning from thence, after they had seen them
tried by the said engineer, and performing what was
proposed, [and] coming near to Captain William
Clark's house, over against the horse shoe, his. ex
cellency was invited by Captain Clark to walk over
and take a glass of wine, which he was pleased to
accept of, and took Colonel Church with him. And
in the time they were taking a glass of wine, Colonel
Church once more presumed to say to his excellen
cy ; " Sir, I hope that now we shall go to Portroyal
in order to take it ; those mortars being very suita
ble for such an enterprise." His excellency was
pleased to reply; " Colonel Church, you must say no
more of that matter, for the letter I told you of, I
writ by the advice of her Majesty's council, now
lies at home on the board before the Lords commis
sioners of her Majesty's foreign plantations," &c.
After some days, every thing being ready to em
bark, Colonel Church received his instructions, which
are as follows :
" By his excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq., Captain
, General and Governour in Chief, in and over her
Majesty's province ofthe Massachusetts bay, fyc,
in Newengland, and Vice Admiral qf the same.
i [who]
* Captain Andrew Belcher of Cambridge, and father of
Governour Belcher, I suspect is meant. See page 62, note 5.
22

254 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS
Instructions for Colonel Benjamin Church in the
present Expedition.
In pursuance of the commission given you to
take the chief command of the land and sea forces
by me raised, equipped and sent forth on her Ma
jesty's service, against her open declared enemies,
the French and Indian rebels. You are to observe
the following instructions.
First. You are to take care, that the duties of
religion be attended on board the several vessels, and
in the several companies under your command, by
daily prayers unto God, and reading his holy word.
And that the Lord's day be observed and duly sanc
tified to the utmost of your power, as far as the cir
cumstances and necessity of the service can admit,
that so you may have the presence of God with, and
obtain his blessing on, your undertaking.
You are to take care, that your soldiers have their
due allowance of provisions and other necessaries ;
that their arms be well fixed, and kept fit for service,
and that they be furnished with a suitable quantity
of powder and ball, and be always in readiness to
pass upon duty.
That good order and discipline be maintained; and
all disorders, drunkenness, profane swearing, curs
ing, omission or neglect of duty, disobedience to of
ficers, mutiny, desertion, and sedition be duly pun
ished, according to the rules and articles of war ;
the which you are once a month or oftener, to cause
to be published, and made known to your officers
and soldiers for their observance and direction in
their duty. Let notorious and capital offenders be
sent away to the next garrison, there to be imprison
ed until they can- be proceeded with.
Let the sick and wounded be carefully looked af
ter, and accommodated after the best manner your
circumstances will admit of, and be sent either to
Caseo fort, or to Mr. Peperel's at Kittery, which may
be easiest, so soon as you can.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 255
You are forthwith to send away the forces and
stores by the transports, with the whaleboats to Pis
cataqua, on Kittery side there to attend your com
ing whither you are to follow them with all expedi
tion. You are to embark in the province galley, Captain
Southack commander, and Lieutenant Colonel Gor
ham go on board Captain Gallop ; who are both di
rected to attend your motion on the French side,
after which they are to return. Let Uie commanders
of all the store sloops and transports know that they
sail, anchor and serve at your direction.
When you sail from Piscataqua, keep at such dis
tance off the shore, that you be not discovered by
the enemy to alarm them. Stop at Montinicus,*
and there embark the forces in the whaleboats for
the main, to range that part of the country, in search
of the enemy, to Mountdesart, sending the vessels to
meet you there ; and. after having refreshed and re
cruited your soldiers, proceed to Maehias, and from
thence to Passaniequado ; and having effected what
spoils you possibly may, upon the enemy in those
parts, embark on your vessels for Menis and Signec-
to, to Portroyal gut ; and use all possible methods for
the burning anddestroying ofthe enemies houses, and
breaking the dams of .their corn grounds in the said
several places, and make what other spoils you can
upon them, and bring away the prisoners. In your
return call at Penobscot and do what you can there,-
and so proceed westward.
This will probably employ you a month, or six
weeks ; when you will draw together again, and by
the latter end of June, consider whether you can
march to Norrigwack, or other parts of their plant
ing, to destroy their corn and settlements and keep
* An island considerable distance- from the coast of Maine,
and the same, I suppose, called Martinicus or Mertinicu's on
(he late maps. It is 15 or 20 miles from Vinalhaven island at
ihe mouth ofthe Kennebeck.

256 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
the expedition on foot until the middle of August
next. Notwithstanding the particularity of the aforego
ing instruction, I lay you under no restraint, because
I am well assured of your courage, care, caution and
industry ; but refer you to your own resolves, by the
advice of your commission officers, not under the de
gree of Captains, and the sea commission Captains
(whom you will, as often as you can, advise with) ac
cording to the intelligence you may receive, or as
you may find needful upon the spot.
You are by every opportunity, and once a week
certainly, by some means either by way of Casco,
Piscataqua, or otherwise to acquaint me of your pro
ceedings and all occurrences, and what may be fur
ther necessary for the service. And to observe such
further and other instructions as you shall receive
from myself.
As often as you may, advise, with Captain Smith
and Captain Rogers, commanders of her Majesty's
ships. Let your minister, commissary, and surgeons be
treated with just respects. I pray to God to preserve,
prosper and succeed you.
Given under my hand at Boston, the fourth day of
May, 1704. J. DUDLEY."
Pursuant to his instructions he sent away his trans
ports and forces* to Piscataqua, but was obliged
himself to wait upon his excellency by land to Pis
cataqua in order to raise more forces in the way
thither ; and did raise a company under the command
of Captain Harridon.f Taking care to provide a
* This collected armament consisted of 550 soldiers, in 14
small transports, and was provided with 36 whale boats, and
convoyed by three men of war ; one of 48, one of 32, and one
of 14 guns. Hutchinson, II, 132. Douglass, I, 557.
t This name is spelt Harreden in Penhallow's history ;
but his own signature to the resolve before Portroyal is Har-
radon. No other mention is made of him in the Indian wars
that I have seen.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 257
pilot for them in the bay of Fundy. (Colonel Church
being directed to one Fellows whom he met with at
Ipswich.) And going from thence to Piscataqua
with his excellency, was there met by that worthy
gentleman, Major Winthrop Hilton,* who was very
helpful to him in the whole expedition, whose name
and memory ought not to be forgot.
Being ready to embark from Piscataqua, Colonel
Church requested the commanders of her Majesty's
ships, Captain Smith,f and Captain RogersJ to tarry
at Piscataqua a fortnight, that so they might not be
discovered by the enemy before he had done some
spoil upon them. Then moving^ in their transports,
as directed, got safe into Montinicus,|| undiscovered
by the enemy. Next morning early, fitted out two
whaleboats with men, Captain John Cook in one,
and Captain Constant Church in the other, and sent
them to Green islandlf upon a discovery. And com
ing there, they parted, one went to one part, and the
other to the other part, that so they might not miss
* Abundant materials are preserved for a biography of this
gentleman. He was a direct descendant of one of the first
settlers of Newhampshire in 1623 . He was a successful offi
cer, but like many others was doomed to fall by savage hands.
In addition to what is found in this history, and Penhallow's
Indian Wars, a memoir may be seen in I of Farmer and
Moore's Col. 241, 251. He was engaged in the masting busi
ness in Exeter, where he lived, and having some fine trees
fallen in the woods, went with 17 men to peel the bark off,
to save them from the worms ; but a party of Indians, on
23 June, 1710, fired upon them from an ambush, and killed
the Colonel and two more. Colonel Daniel Plumer of Ed-
ping, informs me that the place where they were killed is
in the present town of Epping, N. H. Perhaps not far from
what is now called the mast way.
t Commander of the Jersey frigate.
X Commander of the frigate Gosport.
§ May 15. \\ See note on page 255.
IT A small woody island about 5 miles south easterly from
Montinicus.
22*

258 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
of what could be discovered. [Here]1 they met with
old Lafaure,* with his two sons, Thomas and Timo
thy, and a Canada Indian.
The enemy seeing that they were discovered, threw
down their ducks and eggs, who had got a consider
able quantity of each, and ran to their canoes, getting
into them, stood directly for the main. [On] look
ing behind them perceived the whaleboats to gain so
fast upon them, clapt side by side, and all four got
into one canoe, which proved of little advantage to
them. For the whaleboats gained so much upon
them, and got so near, that Captain Cook, firing at
the steersman, which was the Indian, and happened
to graze his skull, and quite spoiled his paddling.
Upon which old Lafaure, and sons, seeing their com
panion's condition, soon begged for quarter, and had
it granted. The two Captains with their success
presently returned to their commander taking care
that their captives should not discourse together be
fore they were examined. When brought to Colonel
Church, he ordered them to be apart, and first pro
ceeded to examine old Lafaure, whom he found to
be very surly and cross ; so that he could gain no
intelligence by him.
Upon which the commander was resolved to put
in practice what he had formerly done at Senecto.f
Ordering the Indians to make two large heaps of dry
wood, at some distance one from the other, and to set
a large stake in the ground, close to each heap.
Then [he] ordered the two sons Thomas and Timo
thy, to be brought, and to be bound to the stakes ;
also ordering his Indians to paint themselves with co
lours, which they had brought for that use. Then
the Colonel proceeded to examine, first Timothy;
1 [where]
* Penhallow, 38, in N. H. Hist. Col. I, calls him Monsieur
Lafebure. t The place, which on page 228, is spelt Senactaca. See
note 2 of that page.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 259
[he]1 told him, [that] he had examined his father
already, and that if he told him the truth he would
save his life, and take him into his service ; and that
he should have good pay and live well. He answer
ed, that he would tell him the truth. And [accord
ingly] gave him an account of every thing [that] he
knew, which was all minuted down. He being ask
ed whether his brother Thomas did not know more
than he1? His answer was, yes, for his brother Tho
mas had a commission sent him from the Governour*
of Canada, to command a company of Indians, who
were gathered together at a place where some French
gentlemen, lately arrived from Canada, who were
officers, to command the rest that were to go west
ward to fight the English ;f and that there was sent
to his father, and brother Tom, a considerable quan
tity of flour, fruit, ammunition and stores, for the
supply of the said army. He being asked whether
he could pilot our forces to them *? said no ; but
his brother Tom could, for he had hid it, and that he
was not then with him ? The Colonel asked him what
gentlemen those were that came from Canada *? He
i [and]
* Vaudreuil.
t This is supposed by the historian of Newhampshire, to
be the army of which Penhallow gives an account ; who
mutinied in their march "about the plunder that they had
in view ; forgetting the proverb about dividing the skin be
fore the bear was killed." In consequence of their mutiny
most of them returned ; but a subdivision of them fell upon
Lancaster and Groton, killed two or three persons, and got
some plunder. But this army does not correspond with the
statement given by Dr. Belknap. See page 161, note 2.
After Mr. Penhallow has got quite through with the expedi
tion of Church, and the affair under " Mr. Caleb Lyman" at
the westward, he says, " The French in Canada were now
forming another design on Northampton." Now it appears
to me, that the Doctor is out in his conjecture, and that the
army mentioned by Penhallow was not the one mentioned by
our author. And had he looked into Dr. Douglass, Summa
ry, I, 557, he would have found more particulars

260 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
answered, " Monsieur Gourdan,* and Mr. Sharkee."
Being asked where they were ? answered, " At Pas-
samaquado, building a fort there." Being also asked
what number of Indians and French there were at
Penobscot "? he answered, [that] there were several
families, but they lived scattering. Asked him far
ther, if he would pilot our forces thither 1 [He] an
swered [that] he would if the commander would not
let the savages roast him. Upon which the Colonel
ordered him to be loosed from the stake, and took
him by the hand, told him, he would be as kind to
him as his own father ; at which he seemed to be
very thankful.
And then the Colonel proceeded to examine his
brother Tom. [He]1 told him that he had examined
his father and brother ; and that his brother had told
him every tittle [that] he knew ; and that he knew
more than his brother Timothy did; and that if
he would be ingenuous and confess all he knew, he
should fare as well as his brother. But if not, the
savages should roast him. Whereupon he solemnly
promised that he would, and that he would pilot him
to every thing he knew, to the value of a knife and
sheath (which without doubt he did.)
Then the Colonel immediately gave orders for the
whaleboats to be ready, and went directly over where
the said goods and stores were, and found them as
informed, took them on board the boats, and return
ed to their transports. And ordering provisions to
be put into every man's knapsack for six or eight days ;
so in the dusk of the evening left their transports,
with orders how they should act, and went directly
for the main land of Penobscot, and mouth of that
l [and]
* Guorden appears to be the true orthography of this name.
He was afterward taken as will presently be seen. Sharkee
made a very narrow escape with his wife into the woods.
Penhallow, 17, says he was taken, but he must be mistaken.
This errour is not noted in the N. H. Hist. Soc. Col. See
page 24.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS, 261
river, with their pilots, Tom and Timothy, who car
ried them directly to every place and habitation,
both of French and Indians thereabouts, (with the as
sistance of one De Young* whom they carried out of
Boston jail for the same purpose, [and he]1 was ser
viceable to them.)
Being there we killed and took every one, both
French and Indians ; not knowing that any one did
escape in all Penobscot. Among those that were
taken was St. Casteen's daughter, who said that her
husband was gone to France, to her father, Monsieur
Casteen.f She having her children with her, the
commander was very kind to her and them. All the
prisoners that were then taken, held to one story in
general, which they had from Lafaure's sons, [viz.,]
that there were no more Indians thereabouts, but
enough of them at Passamequado. Upon which they
returned to their transports .with their prisoners and
plunder. The*commander giving order immediately for the
soldiers in the whaleboats to have a recruit of pro
visions for a further pursuit of the enemy. Giving
orders to the transportsto stay a few days more there,
and then go to Mountdesart, (and there to stay for
her Majesty's ships, who were directed to come
thither,) and there to wait his further order.
Then Colonel Church with his forces immediately
embarked on board their whaleboats, and proceeded
to scour the coast, and to try, if they could discover
any of the enemy coming from Passamequado ; mak
ing their stops in the day time at all the points and
places where they were certain [that] the enemy
would land, or come by with their canoes, and at
night to their paddles-. Then coming near where the
i[who]
* In Penhallow, 17, his name is written D'Young and not
D. Young as reprinted in Col. N. H. Hist. Soc. I, 33,
t Baron De St, Castine. See note 1, on page 164.

262 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
vessels were ordered to come, having made no dis
covery of the enemy, went directly to Mountdesart,
where the transports were just come. And taking
some provisions for his, soldiers, gave directions for
the ships and transports in six days to come directly
to Passamequado, where they should find him and
his forces.
Then immediately moved away in the whaleboats,
and made diligent search along shore, as formerly,
inspecting all places where the enemy was likely
to lurk : Particularly at Maehias, but found neither
fires nor tracks. Coming afterwards to the west har
bour at Passamequado, where they entered upon ac
tion. An account whereof Colonel Church did com
municate to his excellency, being as followeth.
" May it please your Excellency,
I received yours of this instant, October ninth,
with the two inclosed informations, that concern my
actions at Passamequado, which I will give a just
and true account of, as near as possibly I can, viz.
On the seventh of June last, 1704, in the evening,
we entered in at the westward harbour at said Pas
samequado. Coming up said harbour to an island,
where landing, we came to a French bouse, and took
a French woman and children. The woman upon her
examination, said her husband was abroad a fishing.
I asked her, whether there were any Indians there
abouts 1 she said ' Yes, there were a great many, and
several on that island.' I asked her, whether she
could pilot me tp them? said 'No, they hid in the
woods.' I asked her, when she saw them 1 answer
ed, '- Just now, or a little while since.' I asked her
whether she knew where they had laid the canoes *?
she answered ' No, they carried their canoes into the
woods with them.' We then hastened away along
shore, seizing what prisoners we could, taking old
Lotriel and his family.
This intelligence caused me to leave Colonel Gor-*

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 263
ham, and a considerable part of my men, and boats
with him at that island; partly to guard and secure
those prisoners. Being sensible it would be a great
trouble to have them to secure and guard at our next
landing, where I did really expect, and hoped to have
an opportunity, to fight our Indian enemies. For all
our French prisoners that we had taken at Penobscot,
and along shore, had informed us, that when we
came to the place where these Canada gentlemen
lived, we should certainly meet with the savages to
fight us ; those being the only men that set the In
dians against us, or upon us, and were newly come
from Canada, to manage the war against us. (Plead
ing in this account and information their own inno-
cency.) And partly in hopes that he, the said Co
lonel Gorham, would have a good opportunity in the
morning to destroy some of those our enemies, (we
were informed [of,] by the said French women as
above) with the use of his boats as I had given di
rection. Ordering also Major Hilton to pass over to the
next island, that lay east of us with a small party of
men and boats, to surprise and destroy any of the
enemy, that in their canoes might go here and there,
from any place, to make their flight from us ; and,
as he had opportunity, to take any French prisoners.
We then immediately moved up the river, in the
dark night, through great difficulty, by reason of the
eddies and whirlpools, made with the fierceness of
the current. And here it may be hinted, that we
had information, that Lotriel had lost part of his
family passing over to the next island^ falling into
one of those eddies were drowned, which the two pi
lots told to discourage me. But I said nothing of
that nature shall do it. For I was resolved to ven
ture up, and therefore, forthwith paddling our boats
as privately as we could, and with as much expedi
tion as we could make with our paddles, and the
help of a strong tide, we came up to Monsieur Gour-

264 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
dan's a little before day. Where taking notice of
the shore, and finding it somewhat open and clear, I
ordered Captain Mirick and Captain Cole, {laving
English companies, to tarry with several of the boats
to be ready, that if any of the enemy should come
down out of the brush into the bay (it being very
broad in that place) with their canoes, they might
take and destroy them.
Ordering the remainder of the army, (being land
ed,) with myself and the other officers, to march up
into the woods with a wide front, and to keep at -a
considerable distance ; for that if they should run in
heaps, the enemy would have the greater advantage.
And further directing them, that if possible, they
should destroy the enemy with their hatchets, and
not fire a gun. This order I always gave at land
ing; telling them the inconveniency of firing, in
that it might be, first, dangerous to themselves, they
being many of them young soldiers. (As I had
sometime observed, that one or two guns being fired
many others would fire, at they knew not what, as
happened presently after.) And it would alarm the
enemy, and give them the opportunity to make their
escape; and it might alarm the whole country, and
also prevent all further action from taking effect.
Orders being thus passed, we moved directly to
wards the woods. Le Faver's* son directing us to a
little hut or wigwam, which we. immediately surround
ed with a few men. The rest marching directly up
into the woods, to see what wigwams or huts they
could discover. Myself made a little stop, ordering
the pilot to tell them in the hut, that they were sur
rounded with an army, and that if they would come
forth and surrender themselves, they should have
good quarter ; but if not, they should be all knocked
on the head and die.
One of them showed himself, [and] I asked who
* The same, who in the late preceding pages is called La*
faure. Sec note I , on page 258.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 265
he was 1 He said ' Gourdan ;' and begged for quar
ter. I told him he should have good quarter ; add
ing further, that if there were any more in the house,
they should come out. Then came out two men.
Gourdan said, they were his sons, and asked quarter
for them, which was also granted. Then came out
a woman, and a little boy. She fell upon her knees,
begged quarter for herself and children, and that I
would not suffer the Indians to kill them. I told
them they should have good quarter, and not be
hurt. After which I ordered a small guard over
them, and so moved presently up with the rest of my
company after them that were gone before. But
looking on my right hand, over a little run, I saw
something look black just by me ; [I] stopped and
heard at alking ; [then] stepped over, and saw a little
hut or wigwam, with a crowd of people round about
it, which was contrary to my former directions. [I]
asked them what they were doing"?. They repli
ed, [that] there were some of the enemy in a house
and would not come out. I asked what house 1
they said, ' A bark house.' I hastily bid them pull
it down, and knock them on tJie head, never asking
whether they were French or Indians ; they being
all enemies alike to me.*
* The Colonel was much blamed for this hasty step ; and
Hutchinson says, II, 133, that he "excused himself but indif
ferently." Of which, however, the reader may judge as
well as he. It does not appear from a long career of useful
services, that Church was ever rash or cruel. From the ex
traordinary situation of his men, rendered doubly critical
from the darkness ofthe night, and the almost certain intel
ligence, that a great army of the enemy were at hand, is
thought to be sufficient excuse for the measure ; the remark
of Hutchinson to the contrary notwithstanding. The same
author, II, 128, excuses the French and Indians for their
cruelty in putting to death prisoners at the destruction of
Deerfield ; because it was necessary to their own preserva
tion, and the English had done so too ; and gives for exam
ple the action of Henry V, who, after the celebrated battle
cf Agincourt, put to death a multitude of his French pfiso-
23

266 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
And passing then to them, and seeing them in
great disorder, so many of the army in a crowd to
gether, acting so contrary to my command and di
rection, exposing themselves and the whole army to
utter ruin, by their so disorderly crowding thick to
gether. Had an enemy come upon them in that in
terim, and fired a volley amongst them, they could
not have missed a shot. And wholly neglecting
their duty in not attending my orders, in searching
diligently for our lurking enemies in their wigwanjs,
or by their fires, where I had great hopes, and real
expectations to meet with them.
I most certainly know that I was in an exceeding
great passion ; but not with those poor miserable
enemies ; for I took no notice of a half a dozen of
the enemy, when at the same time I expected to be
engaged with some hundreds of them ; of whom we
had; a continued account, who were expected from
Portroyal side. In this heat of action,' every word
that I then spoke, I cannot give an account of; and
I presume it is impossible.
I stopped but little here, but went directly up in
to the woods, hoping to be better employed with the
rest of the army. I listened to hear, and looked
earnestly to see what might be the next action.
But meeting with many of the soldiers they told me
[that] they had discovered nothing.; we fetching a
small compass round, came down again.
It being pretty dark, I took notice, [that] I saw
two men lay dead, as I thought, at the end of the
house where the door was; and immediately the
ners, that greatly exceeded the number of his own army.
This was in a barbarous age ; being 200 years before the
settlement of Newengland. Hence it would have been much
easier for him to excuse our hero than the enemy, For ac
cording to the usages of war, he would have been justified in
putting to death prisoners at such a critical time. But these
were Enemies who would not submit ; or what amounted to
the same thing, they would not come out of their house
when ordered by the forces,

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 267
guns went off, and they fired every man, as I thought,
and most towards that place where I left the guard
with Monsieur Gourdan. J had much ado to stop
the firing, and told them, I thought they were mad ;
and [that] I believed they had not killed and wound
ed less than forty or fifty of our own men. And I
asked them what they shot at 1 they answered, ' At
a Frenchman that ran away.' But to admiration no
man was killed but he, [the Frenchman] and one of
our men wounded in the leg. And I turning about,
a Frenchman spoke to me, and I gave him quarter.
Daylight coming on, and no discovery made of the
enemy, I went to the place where I had left Mon
sieur Gourdan, to examine him and his sons, who
agreed in their examinations ; told me two of their
men were abroad. It proved a damage. And
further told me, that Monsieur Sharkee lived several
leagues up, at the head of the river, at the falls, and
all the Indians were fishing, and tending their corn
there ; and that Monsieur Sharkee had . sent down
to him, to come up to him, to advise about the In
dian army* that was to go westward. But he had
returned him answer, [that] his business was urgent,
and he could not come up ; and that Sharkee, and
the Indians would certainly be down that day, or the
next at the furthest, to come to conclude of that
matter. This was a short night's action, and all sensible
men do well know, that actions done in the dark,
(being in the night aforesaid) under so many dif
ficulties, as we then laboured as before related,
was a very hard task for one man, matters being cir
cumstanced as in this action, which would not admit
of calling a council ; and at that time could not be
confined thereunto. At which time I was transport
ed above fear, or any sort of dread ; yet, being sensi
ble of the danger in my army's crowding so thick
together, and of the great duty incumbent on me,
* See note 2, of page 259.

268 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
to preserve them from all danger [that] I possibly
could, for further improvement in the destruction of
our implacable enemies, am ready to conclude, that
I was very quick and absolute iri giving such com
mands and orders, as I then apprehended most pro
per and advantageous. And had it not been for the
intelligence I had received from the French, we took
at Penobscot, as before hinted ; and the false report
[that] the French women (first took) gave me, I had
not been in such haste.
I question not, but those Frenchmen that were slain,
had the same good quarter of other prisoners. But
I ever looked on it, a good providence of Almighty
God, that some few of our cruel and bloody enemies
were made sensible of their bloody cruelties, perpe
trated on my dear and loving friends and countrymen ;
and that the same measure (in part) meeted to them,
as they had been guilty of, in a barbarous manner at
Deerfield ; and, I hope, justly. I hope God Almighty
will accept hereof, although it may not be eligible to
our French implacable enemies, and such others as
are not our friends.
The foregoing journal, and this short annexment,
I thought it my duty to exhibit, for the satisfaction of
my friends and countrymen, whom I very faithfully
and willingly served in the late expedition. And I
hope will find acceptance with your excellency, the
honourable council and Representatives now assem
bled, as being done from the zeal I had in 'the said
service of her Majesty, and her good subjects here.
I remain your most humble and obedient servant,
BENJAMIN CHURCH."
This night's service being over, immediately Col
onel, Church leaves a sufficient guard with Gourdan
and the other prisoners, moved in some whaleboats
with the rest; and as they were going, spied a
small thing upon the water at a great distance, which
proved to be a birch canoe with two Indians in her.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 269
The Colonel presently ordered the lightest boat he
had, to make the best of her way, and cut them off
from the shore. But the Indians perceiving their de
sign, ran their canoe ashore and fled. Colonel
Church fearing [that] they would run directly to
Sharkee, made all the expedition imaginable. But
it being ebb, and the water low, was obliged to land,
and make the best of their way through the woods,
hoping to intercept the Indians, and get to Sharkee's
house before them, which was two miles from where
our forces landed.
The Colonel being ancient and unwieldy, desired
Sergeant Edee to run with him. And coming to
several trees fallen, which he could not creep under,
or readily get over, would lay his breast against the
tree, the said Edee turning him over, generally had
catluck, falling on his feet, by which means [he]
kept in the front. And coming near to Sharkee's
house, discovered some French and Indians making
a wear* in the river, and presently discovered the two
Indians aforementioned, who called to them at work
in the river, [and] told them, [that] " there was an
army of English an Indians just by." [They]1 im
mediately left their work and ran, endeavouring to
get to Sharkee's house. [He]2 hearing the noise,
took his lady and child and ran into the woods. Our
men running briskly, fired and killed one of the In
dians, and took the rest prisoners.
Then going to Sharkee's house found a woman and
child, to whom they gave good quarter. And find
ing that Madam Sharkee had left her silk clothes and
fine linen behind her, our forces were desirous to have
pursued and taken her. But Colonel Church forbade
them ; saying he would have her run and suffer, that
she might be made sensible, what hardships our poor
people had suffered by them, &c. [He] then pro-
1 [who] 2 [who]
* Or, wier, a rack to catch fish in.
23*

270 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
ceeded to examine the prisoners newly taken, who
gave him the same account [that] he had before, of
the Indians being up at the falls, &c. It being just
night, prevented our attacking them that night.
But next morning early, they moved up to the falls,
which was about a mile higher. But doubtless the
enemy had some intelligence by the two aforesaid In
dians, before our forces came, so that they all got on
the other side of the river, and left some of their
goods by the water side to decoy our men, that so
they might fire upon them ; which indeed they effect
ed. But through the good providence of God, never
a man of ours was killed, and but one slightly wound
ed. After a short dispute, Colonel Church ordered
that every man might take what they pleased of the
fish, which lay bundled up, and to burn the rest,
which was a great quantity. The enemy seeing what
our forces were about, and that their stock of fish
was destroyed, and the season being over for getting
any more, set up a hideous cry, and so ran all away
into the woods. They being all on the other side of
the river, ours could not follow them.
Having done, our forces marched down to their boats,
at Sharkee's, and took their prisoners, beaver, and
other plunder which they had got, and put it into
their boats, and went down to Gourdan's house, where
they had left Lieutenant Colonel Gorham, and Major
Hilton, with part of the forces to guard the prisoners,
(and kept a good look out for more of the enemy)
who upon the Colonel's return, gave him an account
that they had made no discovery of the enemy since
he left them, &c.
Just then her Majesty's ships and transports arriv
ing, the commanders of her Majesty's ships told Col
onel Church, that they had orders to go directly for
Portroyal gut, and wait the coming of some store
ships,* which were expected at Portroyal from France.
* No ships arrived, or at least, we have no account of any.
Holmes, II, 65, mentions, sub anno 1705, that a rich ship

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 271
And Colonel Church advising with them, proposed
that it was very expedient and serviceable to the
crown, that Captain Southack in the Province galley
should accompany them, which they did readily ac
quiesce with him in.
Upon which, the Colonel immediately embarked
his forces on board the transports, and himself on
board Captain Jarvis, ordering the commissary of the
stores, the minister, surgeons and pilots all to embark
on board the same vessel with him. Ordering all
the whaleboats to be put on board the transports, and
then to come to sail. The ships standing away for
Portroyal gut, and Colonel Church with the trans
ports for Menis. In their way the Colonel inquired
of their pilot, Fellows, what depth of water there was
in the creek, near the town of Menis ? he answered
him, that there was water enough, near the town, to
float that vessel, they were in, at low water.
So, when coming near, Colonel Church observed a
woody island between them and the town, that they
ran up on the back side of, (the said island) with
all their transports, undiscovered to the enemy, and
came to anchor. Then the Colonel and all his for
ces embarked in the whaleboats. It being late in the
day, [they] moved directly for the town ; and in the
way asked for the pilot, who, he expected, was in one
of the boats ; but he had given him the slip, and tar
ried behind. The Colonel not knowing the difficul
ties that might attend their going up to the town, im
mediately sent Lieutenant Giles, who could speak
French, with a flag of truce up to the town, (with a
named the Siene, was taken, the preceding autumn, by the
English; and that she was bound to Quebeck, with a cargo
amounting to nearly a million of livres. But this was in
June, hence it does not agree with the supposition that said
ship was taken by Church's convoy. He cites Charlevoix,
and the Universal History. Dr. Douglass, I, 557, in this,
as well as many other cases, comes happily to our relief. He
informs us, that this ship " was taken by an English Vir
ginia Fleet."

272 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
summons, which was written before tfjey landed,) ex
pecting their surrender, which is as followeth.
" Aboard her Majesty's Ship Adventure, near the gut
of Menis, June 20, 1704.
An agreement made by the field officers commanding
her Majesty's forces for the present expedition
against the French enemies, and Indian rebels.
Agreed, that a declaration or summons be sent on
shore at Menis and Portroyal, under a flag of truce.
Particularly, we do declare to you, the many cruel
ties and barbarities that you and the Indians have
been guilty of towards us, in laying waste our coun
try here in the east at Casco, and the places adja
cent. Particularly, the horrid action at Deerfield,
this last winter, in killing, massacreing, murdering
and scalping, without giving any notice at all, or op
portunity to ask quarter at your hands ; and, after all,
carrying the remainder into captivity in the height
of winter, (of which they killed many in the journey)
and exposed the rest to the' hardships of cold and
famine, worse than death itself. Which cruelties we
are yet every day exposed unto and exercised with.
We do also declare, that we have already made
some beginnings of killing and scalping some Cana
da men, (which we have not been wont to do or al
low) and are now come with a great army of English
and Indians, all volunteers, with resolutions to Sub
due you, and make you sensible of your cruelties to
us, by treating you after the same manner.
At this time we expect our men of war and tran
sport ships to be at Portroyal. (We having but late
ly parted with them.)
In the last place, we do declare to you, that in
asmuch as some of you have shown kindness to our
captives, and expressed a love to, and desire of be
ing qnder the English government, we do therefore,
notwithstanding all this, give you timely notice, and

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 273
do demand a surrender immediately, by the laying
down your arms, upon which, we promise very good
quarter ; if not, you must expect the utmost severity.
To the chief commander of the town of Menis,
and the inhabitants thereof, and we expect your an
swer, positively, within an hour.
Benjamin Church, Col.
John Gorham, Lieut. Col.
Winthrop Hilton, Maj."
Then moving to the creek, expecting to have had
water enough for the boats, as the pilot had informed
them, but found not water enough for a canoe. So
[they] were obliged to land, intending to have been
up at the town before the hour was out, that the
summons expressed- For their return was, " that
if our forces would not hurt their estates, then they
would surrender, if otherwise intended, they should
fight for them," &c.
But meeting with several creeks, near twenty or
thirty feet deep, which were very muddy and dirty ;
so that the army could not get over them, [and] were
obliged to return to their boats again, and wait till
within night, before the tide served them to go up
to the town. And then [they] intended to go up
pretty near the town, and not to fall to, till morning ;
being in hopes that the banks of the creeks would
shelter them from the enemy. But the tide's rising
so high, exposed them all to the enemy ; who had
the trees and woods to befriend them ; and so came
down in the night, and fired smartly at our forces.
But Colonel Church being in a pinnace, that had a
small cannon placed in the head, ordered it to be
charged several times with bullets, in small bags,
and fired at the enemy ; which made such a rattling
amongst the trees, that [it] caused the enemy to
draw off. And by the great providence of Almighty
God, not one of our forces was hurt that night. But

274 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
as I have been informed, [the enemy]1 had one In
dian killed, and some others wounded, wh:ch was
some discouragement to [them.]2
Next morning, by break of day, Colonel Church
ordered all his forces (and placed Major Hilton on
the right wing) to run all up, driving the enemy be
fore them ; who leaving their town to our forces, but
had carried away the best of their goods, which were
soon found by our soldiers. The bulk of the enemy
happening to lie against our right wing, caused the
hottest dispute there. [They]3 lay behind logs and
trees, till our forces, and Major Hilton, who led them,
came [ — ]4 upon them, and forced them to run.
And notwithstanding the sharp firing of the enemy
at -our forces, by the repeated providence of God,
there was never a man of ours killed or wounded.
Our soldiers not having been long in town, before
they found considerable quantities of strong drink,
both brandy and claret ; and being very greedy
after it, especially the Indians, were very disorderly ;
firing at every pig, turkey, or fowl [that] they saw ;
of which [there] were very plenty in the town,
which endangered our own men. Colonel Church
perceiving the disorder, and firing of his own men,
ran to put a stop to it, [and] had several shot come
very near him. And finding what had occasioned
this disorder, commanded his officers to knock out
the heads of every cask of strong liquor they could
find in the town, to prevent any further disturbance
among his army: knowing, [that] it was impossible
to have kept it from them, especially the Indians, if
it were saved, &c.
Then some of the army who were desirous to
pursue the enemy, having heard them driving away
their cattle, requested the Colonel to let them go.
[He]5 did, and gave them their orders. Captain
Cooke, and Captain Church to lead the two wings,
i [they] a [the enemy] 3 [who] « [on] « {who]

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 275
and Lieutenant Barker,* who led the Colonel's com-,
pany, in the centre. And the said Captain Cooke
and Captain Church desired Lieutenant Barker not
to move too fast ; so that he might have the benefit
of their assistance, if he had occasion. But the said
Lieutenant not being so careful as he should have
been, or at least was too eager, was shot down, and
another man, which were all the men that were kill
ed in the whole expedition. f
Towards night, Colonel Church ordered some of
his forces to pull down some of the houses, and
others to get logs and make a fortification for his
whole army to lodge in, that night; that so they
might be together. And just before night [he] or
dered some of his men to go [and] see if there were
any men in any ofthe houses in the town ; [and] if
[there were] not, to set them all on fire, which was
done ; and the whole town seemed to be on fire all
at once, &c.
The next morning the Colonel gave orders to his
men, to dig down the dams, and let the tide in, to
destroy all their corn, and every thing that was good
according to his instructions ;\ and to burn the for
tification which they had built the day before ; and
when the tide served to put all the plunder which
they had got into the boats. Then ordering his sol
diers to march a good distance one from another,
which caused the enemy to think that there were no
less than a thousand men, as they said afterwards ;
and that the burning of the fortification, and doing
as they did, caused the enemy to think that they were
* Charlevoix, in his account of the taking of Menis, says,
that the Lieutenant General of the English forces, was kill
ed, by which the Lieutenant of Church's company is meant.
t Penhallow in N. H- Hist. Col. I, 34, says " not above six
died in the whole expedition."
X Thus do governments cause such horrid scenes. But is
the crime lessened? They are considered right in the trade
and custom of war. But is it so on that account?

276 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
gone clear off, and not to return again. But it prov
ed to the contrary; for Colonel Church and his for
ces, only went aboard their transports, and there staid
till the tide served. In the night [they]1 embarked
on board their whaleboats, landed some of their men,
expecting they might meet with some of the enemy
mending their dams ; which they did. And with
their boats went up another branch of the river to
another town or village, [and] upon such a surprise,
[that they] took as many prisoners as they could de
sire. And it happened that Colonel Church was at the
French Captain's house when two gentlemen came
post from the Governour* of Portroyal to him, who
was the chief commander at Menis, with an express
to send away two companies of men to defend the
King's fort there ; and to give him an account, that
there were three English men of war come into Port
royal gut, or harbour ; and that the men sent for
must be posted away with all speed. Colonel Church,
as was said before, being there, treated the two gen
tlemen very handsomely, and told them, [that] he
would send them back again post to their master
upon his business. And bid them give him his hearty
thanks for sending him such good news, that part of
his fleet was in so good a harbour. Then reading
the summons to them that he had sent to Menis.
Further added, that their master, the Governour of
Portroyal, must immediately send away a post to the
Governour of Canada, at Quebeck, to prevent his
further sending any of his cruel and bloody French,
and savages, as he had lately done upon Deerfield,
where they had committed such horrible and bloody
outrages upon those poor people, that never did
 |Jhis]  ^
* Monsieur De Subercase, this year came in to be govern
our of Acadie. Portroyal, I suspect, was his principal seat.
The next year he drove the English from Newfoundland,
and destroyed their settlements. Holmes II, 65.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 277
them any harm, as is intolerable to think of; and
that for the future, if any such hostilities were made
upon our frontier towns, or any of them, he would
come out with a thousand savages, and whaleboats
convenient, and turn his back upon them, and let
his savages scalp, and roast the French ; or, at least,
treat them as their savages had treated ours.
¦ [He] also gave them an account of part of that
action at Passamequado, and how that his soldiers
had killed and scalped some Canada men there, and
would be glad to serve them so too, if he would per
mit them, which terrified them very much,* die.
The two French gentlemen that came post, made
solemn promises, that they would punctually do the
Colonel's message to their Governour. So with the
desire of the French people there, that the Govern
our might have this intelligence, Colonel Church
dismissed them, and sent them away; telling the
same story to several of the prisoners, and what they
must expect, if some speedy course were not taken
to prevent further outrages upon the English. The
number of prisoners-)- then present, which were con
siderable, did unanimously entreat of Colonel Church,
that he would take them under the protection of the
crown of England ; making great promises of their
fidelity to the same ; begging with great agony of
spirit to save their lives, and to protect them from
his savages, whom they extremely dreaded.
As to the matter of the savages, he told them,
[that] it would be just retaliation for him to permit
his savages to treat the French in the same manner,
as the French with their savages treated our friends
in our frontier towns. But as to his taking them un
der the protection of the crown of England, he ut-
•This, the commander of Portroyal, says Hutchinson,
.must know to be a gasconade.
t Penhallow says, that in this expedition one hundred pri
soners were taken. So says Dr. Douglass, I, 307 ; probably
on the same authority. 24

278 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
terly refused it ; urging to them, their former perfi
diousness. They also urging to him, that it would be
impossible for any French to live any where in the
bay of Fundy, if they were not taken under the Eng
lish government. For with the benefit ofthe whale-
boats, (as the English called them) they could take
and destroy all their people in the town of Menis,
in one night. But he replied to them, [that] it should
never be. Alleging to them, that when they were
so before, when Portroyal was taken last by the Eng
lish,* that it proved of very ill consequence to the
crown of England, and the subjects thereof in our
frontiers. For that our English traders supplying
them, enabled them (which opportunity they improv
ed) to supply the Indians, our bloody enemies; and,
therefore, he could make no other terms of peace
with them, than, that if the French at Menis, Sig-
necto, and Canada, would keep at home with their
bloody savages, and not commit any hostilities upon
any of our frontiers, we would return home and leave
them. For that we lived at a great distance off, and
had not come near them to hurt them now, had not
the blood of our poor friends and brethren, in all
the frontiers of our province cried for vengeance.
Especially, that late unheard of barbarity committed
* it is situated on the west side of Novascotia, on a river
ofthe same name, which flows into the bay of Fundy. Men
tion has been made ofthe expedition to Canada in 1690, un
der Sir William Phips ; the reduction of Portroyal was exe
cuted under the same gentleman, in the same vear, but pre
vious. It was commanded by Gov, Menival, who built it about
1663. When Phips took it, it was both " ill fortified and ill
provided." See note 1, on page 177. It was in no condition
to stand a siege, and submitted w thout resistance. (Hutch
inson, I, 352.) But it was, in 1705, retaken by the French.
Again in 1710, a large armament under Col. Nicholson went
against it, of which they made an easy conquest. There
were but 260 men to defend it. The English had 5 frigates,
5 lower rales, and 24 transport?. After it was taken the
name was changed from Port Royal to Annapolis roval
which it vet retains. '

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 27:9
upon the town of Deerfield; which wrought sogene-
rally on the hearts of our people, that our forces
came out with that unanimity of spirit, both among
the English and our savages, that we had not, nor
needed a pressed man among them. The Colonel
also telling them, that if ever hereafter any of our
frontiers, east or west, were molested by them, as
formerly, that he would, (if God spared his life) and
they might depend upon it, return upon them with a
thousand of his savages, (if he wanted them,) all vo
lunteers, with our whaleboats, and pursue them to
the last extremity.
The Colonel's warm discourse with them, wrought
such a consternation in them, which they discovered
by their panick fears and trembling, their hearts senr
sibly beating, and rising up, as it were, ready to choke
them. [They] confessed, that they were all his pri
soners, and begged of him, for JESUS' sake, to save
their lives, and the lives of their poor families, with
such melting terms, as wrought relentings in the
Colonel's breast towards them. But however, he told
them, that his intent was to carry as many prisoners
home as he could ; but that he had taken so many,
they were more than he had occasion for, nor desired
any more; and, therefore, he would leave them.
The Colonel resolving the next day to complete all
his action at Menis, and so draw off. Accordingly,
[he] sent his orders to Colonel Gorham and Major
Hilton, with all the English companies, both officers
and soldiers, except some few, which he thought he
might have occasion for, to go with the Indians in the
whaleboats, up the eastward river, where a third part
of the inhabitants lived. That so he might prevent
any reflection made on them, in leaving any part of
the service undone. And therefore, in the evening,
ordered all the whaleboats to be laid ready for the
night's service. And, accordingly when the tide serv
ed, he went with his Indians up the river, where they
did some spoil upon the enemy going up.

280 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
In the morning, several of their transports came to
meet them, to their great rejoicing, whom they went
on board [of] and soon came up with the whole fleet,
with whom they joined, bending their course directly
towards Portroyal, where they were ordered. Com
ing to Portroyal gut, where their ships were, and call
ing a council according to his instructions, drew up
their result, which is as followeth.*
" Present all the Field Officers and Captains of the
land forces, aboard the province Galley, 4th July,
1704, in Portroyal harbour.
We whose names are hereunto subscribed, having
deliberately considered the cause in hand, whether it
be proper to land all our forces, to offend and destroy
as much as we can at Portroyal, all or any part of the
inhabitants thereof, and their estates, we are of opin
ion, that it is not for our interest and honour, and the
country's whom we serve, to land and expose our
selves ; but quit it wholly, and go on about our other
business, we have to do; for this reason, that we
judge ourselves inferiour to the strength of the ene->
my ; and, therefore, the danger and risk we run, is
greater than the advantage we can, or are likely to
obtain ; seeing, the enemy hath such timely notice,
and long opportunity to provide themselves against
us ; by our ships' lying here in the road about twelve
days before we could join them from Menis, where
we were during that time, and being so meanly pro
vided with necessaries, convenient for such an under
taking with so small a number of men, not being
four hundred, capable and fit for service to land ;
and, understanding, by all the intelligence we can
* That any steps should be taken, or even any thing said
about reducing Portroyal, may seem strange, after they had
been so peremptorily refused, by the Governour, as has been
related in the preceding history. See page 253.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 281
get, from both English, and French prisoners, that
the fort is exceeding strong. John Gorham, Lieut. Col.
Winthrop Hilton, Major,
Jos. Brown,
James Cole,
John Cook,
Isaac Myrick,
John Harradon,
Constant Church,
John Dyer,
Joshua Lamb,
Caleb Williamson,
Edward Church."
" Having pursuant to my instructions, taken the ad
vice of the gentlemen above subscribed, and con
sidering the weight of their reasons, I do concur
therewith. BENJAMIN CHURCH."
"Whereas Colonel Church hath desired our opin
ions, as to the landing the forces at Portroyal, they
being but four hundred effective men to land ; and
by all the information, both of French and English
prisoners, the enemy having a greater number of men,
and much better provided to receive, than they are
to attack them, we do believe, it is for the service of
the crown, and the preservation of her Majesty's sub
jects, to act as above mentioned. Thomas Smith,
George Rogers,
Cyprian Southack."
After this they concluded what should be next
done, which was, that the ships should stay some days
longer at Portroyal gut, -and then go over to Mount
desart harbour, and there stay till Colonel Church,
with his transports, came to them.
Being all ready, the Colonel with his transports and
forces went up the bay to Signecto, where they need?
24*

282 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
ed not a pilot, being several of them well acquainted
there. (And [they] had not met with so many diffi
culties at Menis, had it not been that their pilot de
ceived them, who knew nothing of the matter, [and]
kept out of the way, and landed not with them, &.c.)
And coming to Signecto, the enemy were all in arms
to receive them. Colonel Church landing his men,
the commander of the enemy waving his sword over
his head, bid a challenge to them. The Colonel or
dering his two wings to march up apace, and come
upon the backs of the enemy. Himself being in the
centre, and the enemy knowing him, (having been
there before) shot chiefly at him. But through God's
goodness, received no harm ; neither had he one man
killed, nor but two slightly wounded ; and then all ran
into the woods, and left their town with nothing in it.
Having had timely notice of our forces' [coming, they]
had carried all away out of the reach of our army ;
for Colonel Church while there with part of his for
ces, ranged the woods, but to no purpose. Then re
turning to the town, did them what spoil he could,
according to his instructions, and so drew off, and
made the best of their way for Passamequado. And
going in, in a great fog, one of their transports ran
upon a rock, but was soon got off again.
Then Colonel Church with some of his forces em
barked in their whaleboats, and went amongst the
islands, with an intent to go to Sharkee's where they
had destroyed the fish. But observing a springy
place in a cove, went on shore to get some water to
drink. It being a sandy beach, they espied tracks;
the Colonel presently ordered his men to scatter and
make search. [They] soon found De Boisses'* wife,
who had formerly been Colonel Church's prisoner,
and carried to Boston, but returned ; who seemed
very glad to see him. She had with her, two sons,
that were near men grown. The Colonel ordering
them apart, examined the woman first, who gave him
this account following. That she had lived there-
s- * Dubois. Pronounced Duboy.

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS- 283
abouts ever since the fleet went by; and that she
had never seen but two Indians since, who came in
a canoe from Norrigwock ;* [and that they]1 asked
her, ' what made her to be there alone V she told
them [that] she had not seen a Frenchman nor an
Indian, except those two, since the English ships
went by. Then the Indians told her, 'there was not
one Indian left, except those two, who belonged to
the gut of Canso, on this side of Canada. For those
friars coming down with the Indians to Monsieur
Gourdan's ; and finding the Frenchmen slain, and their
hair spoiled, being scalped, put them into a great
consternation. And the friars told them it was im
possible for them to live thereabouts ; for the Eng
lish with their whaleboats would serve them all so ;
upon which they all went to Norrigwock.' Also
told her that ' when the English came along through
Penobscot, they had swept it of the inhabitants, as if
it had been swept with a broom ; neither French nor
Indians escaping them.' [And,] further told her,
that when their fathers, the friars, and the Indians
met together at Norrigwock, they called a council,
and the friars told the Indians, that they must look
out for some other country, for that it was impossi
ble for them to live there.' Also told them [that]
'there was a river called Mossipee,f where they might
live quietly, and no English come near them ; it be
ing as far beyond Canada as it was to it, &c, and if
they would go and live there ; they would live and
die with them ; but if not they would leave them,
and never come near them again.' Whereupon
they all agreed to go away, which they did ; and left
their rough household stuff, and corn hehind them ;
and went all, except those two, for Canada. Also
her sons giving the same intelligence, so we had no
reason to think, but that it was true.
i [who]
* Norridgewock. See note 1, on page 237.
t The river Mississippi I suppose was meant.

284 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS.
Colonel Church having done what he could there,
embarked on board the transports, and went to
Mountdesart. [He] found no ships there, but a
rundlet, rid off by a line in the harbour, which he
ordered to be taken up. And opening of it, found a
letter, which gave him an account that the ships
were gone home for Boston.
Then he proceeded and went to Penobscot. Where
being come, [they] made diligent search in those
parts for the enemy ; but could not find, or make any
discovery of them ; or that any had been there, since
he left those parts ; which caused him to believe
what De Boisses' wife had told him was true.
I will, only by the way, just give a hint of what
we heard since, of the effects of this expedition, and
then proceed. First, that the English forces that
went next to Norrigwock, found that the enemy was
gone, and had left their rough household stuff, and
corn behind them.*
Also, not long after this expedition, there were
several gentlemenf sent down from Canada, to con-
* Reference is here made, it is thought,, to the expedition
under Col. Hilton, in the winter of 1705. He with 250 Eng
lish, and 20 Indians (Dr. Douglass says he had but 220 men)
repaired to Norridgewock on snow shoes, but found no ene
mies to contend with. They burned the deserted wigwams,
and a chapel, and then returned. See Belknap, I, 268, and
Penhallow, 28.
About the same time an express was ordered with snow
shoes for the frontiers, but was intercepted by a scout from
Montreal, who robbed him of 50 pounds in money ; which, on
being taken to Canada, the Governour converted it into a
bow), and called it the Newengland gift, lb., or N. H. Hist.
Soc. Col. I, 43.
t Hutchinson, II, 141, sub anno 1706, mentions that 4 or 5
persons were sent to Canada "for the exchange of prisoners,
who brought back Mr. Williams, the minister, and many of
the inhabitants of Deerfield, with other captives." He men
tions no more than one's being sent from Canada, and that,
after ours had been sent there. Hence it appears that he
was not very well acquainted with the affair; for Penhal
low's history was extant before he wrote, who gives the par
ticulars about it, viz., that on "the 4 May 1705, Capt. Hill,

FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS. 285
cert with our Governour about the settling of a car
tel for the exchange of prisoners ; and that the Gov
ernour* of Canada has never since sent down an
army upon our frontiers, (that I know of) except
sometimes a scout of Indians to take some prisoners,
that he might be informed of our state, and what we
were acting, &c. And always took care that the
prisoners so taken, should be civilly treated, and
safely returned, as I have been informed. [Also,]
that some of the prisoners that were taken gave an
account [to this effect;] so that we have great cause
to believe, that the message [which] Colonel Church
sent by the two French gentlemen from Menis, to
the Governour of Portroyal, took effect, and was a
means to bring peace in our borders, &c.
Then Colonel Church with his forces embarked on
board the transports, and went to Casco bay, where
they met with Captain Gallop, in a vessel from Bos
ton, who had brought Colonel Church further orders ;
which were, to send some of his forces up to Norrig
wock, in pursuit of the enemy. But he being sensi
ble that the enemy were gone from thence, and that
his soldiers were much worn out, and fatigued in the
hard service they had already done, and wanted to
get home, [he] called a council, and agreed, all to
go home; 'which, accordingly they did.
To conclude this expedition, I will just give a hint
of some treatment,-)- [which] Colonel Church had be-
who was formerly taken at Wells and carried to Canada,
was from thence sent to concert the exchange of prisoners."
He gave information that there were about 187 English
prisoners with the French and Indians. "Upon the advice
hereof," the persons mentioned by Hutchinson, were sent to
Canada, and succeeded in rescuing about 60 captives. The
French Governour was kept in suspense by the management
of Governour Dudley. He wished for a neutrality, and dur
ing the time, the frontiers enjoyed peace and tranquillity.
Hutchinson, ib.
* Vaudreuil.
t It appears that Church was censured wrongfully, and
for some time, bore the faults, due only to others. For it

¦286 FRENCH AND INDIAN WARS,
fore and after he came home. For all his great ex
penses, fatigues and hardships, in and about this ex
pedition, viz., he received of his excellency fifteen
pounds, as an earnest penny, towards raising volun
teers. And after he came to receive his deben
ture for his Colonel's pay, there were two shillings and
four pence due to him. And as for his Captain?s
pay* and man Jack ; he has never received any thing
as yet.
Also, after he came home, some ill minded per
sons did their endeavour to have taken away his life ;
for there were some of the French enemy killed,f
[in] this expedition. But his excellency the Gov
ernour, the honourable council, and the house of
representatives, saw cause to clear him, and gave him
thanks for his good service done.}
was generally thought by the people, that Col. Church went
on this expedition, for the express purpose of reducing Port
royal, as it was, by the government, styled the "Portroyal ex
pedition," or, as entered on the council books " an expedition
to Portroyal," not knowing that he was strictly ordered to
the contrary ; therefore, we are not surprised that he should
be blamed, until the truth should be known. The Govern
our was accused of preserving that place to benefit himself
by an illegal trade with the inhabitants. However this may
be, he excused himself by saying, that he had no orders from
the Queen to go against it ; and that her Majesty was to
send over in the spring, a force expressly for that purpose,
as has been previously stated in this history.
* It will be recollected that he was commissioned Colonel
and Captain at the same time, and in the same warrant.
t See page 265. Some of the enemy that would not sur
render. X Thus ends the military achievements of the justly cele
brated Benjamin Church. [The reader is requested to
correct an errour in Dr. Douglass' History, I, 557, 8, where
he observes, that Col. Church made an expedition in 1707-& ;
it was Col. March.]

APPENDIX.

I.— SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES TO, AND
SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH AMERICA, AND THE
TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS BY
THOSE VOYAGERS.

As early as 1508, the natives of North America
began to be carried away by voyagers, sometimes by
force, and sometimes by flattery. At this early pe
riod, one Aubert, a Frenchman, sailed up the river St.
Lawrence, and on his return to France, conveyed off
a number of the natives.* In 1585, a colony was
sent out from England, under the direction of Sir
Walter Ralegh, and was settled at Roanoke. This
was the first English colony planted in America.f
Through their misconduct to the natives, and to one
another, they found themselves in a miserable condi
tion before the end of a year. Sir Francis Drake
returning that way from a cruise against the Spani
ards, gave them a passage to England in his fleet.
Just before the arrival of Drake, a chief, and many
of his men were killed, and afterwards an Indian
town was burned, by order of Sir Richard GrenviUe,
who brought supplies to the colonists.
In 1602, Bartholomew Gosnold sailed from Eng
land, and was the first Englishman that came in a
direct course to this part of America.f He fell in
with the coast near Cape Cod, which he discovered.
Being met near the shore, by the natives in their.ca-
* American Annals, I, 37. t It>. I, 119.
X Belknap, Biog. 1,231.

288 APPENDIX.
noes, was kindly treated by them, and they helped
him load his vessels.*
The next year, Martin Pring arrived on the coast,
and collected a cargo of Sassafras. f The Indians
appeared hostile to this company, and caused them
to leave the coast, sooner than they would otherwise
have done. But this was not without a cause. A
canoe had been stolen from them, and they were
sported with by the sailors, who, to get rid of them,
when they had amused themselves sufficiently, would
set their dogs to chase them away.
In 1605, Captain George Weymouth carried off five
of the natives from the coast of Newengland, against
their consent ; one of whom was a chief.
In 1607, the first permanent colony of Virginia
arrived in the Chesapeak, the twentysixth of April,
and the thirteenth of May, they took a position for
a town ; which, soon after, in honour of King James,
was named James Town. They were annoyed by
the Indians at first, and one person was killed. A
peace was concluded in June following, but it was
of short duration. An attempt, also, to settle a
colony on Kennebeck river was made this year, but
was relinquished the next. J
In 1614, Captain John Smith made a profitable
voyage to Newengland, and made an accurate sur
vey of its coast. The Newengland Indians, in this
voyage, were justly incensed against the English, to
a great degree. When Smith went for England, he
left one Hunt to complete his cargo of fish. This
perfidious man enticed twentyfour Indians on board
his vessel, put them in confinement, and sold them
at Malaga, to the Spaniards, for slaves. In the course
of the year, another vessel came on the coast to trade
with two of those taken off by Hunt, to assist in the
* Sassafras and furs were then the articles of exportation.
t See Belknap's life of Pring. Sassafras was collected
about the islands.. Pring found it on what is now Edgars
town. X See page 171 and note 5.

APPENDIX. 289
business. It was now designed to settle a trading
house, but the Indians soon discouraged them in the
attempt. One of the prisoners had died, and the
other was not permitted to go on shore. But some
approached the ship under pretence of trade, and he
jumped overboard. His friends in the canoes discharg
ed their arrows so thick at the same time, that in
defiance of the English guns, they got him on board,
and paddled off. A number of the English were
badly wounded, and some of the Indians killed. The
English were discouraged, and sailed for England.*
Two other natives, carried away by Hunt, found
means, in time, to get back to Newengland, and in
some measure, allayed the vengeance of their coun
trymen ; by assuring them that the English, in gene
ral, were highly displeased at the conduct of Captain
Hunt.f These, and many other insults on the Indians,
though small, in comparison with those suffered by
their race in South America, were more than enough
to cause them to entertain fearful apprehensions of
every stranger.
Before 1619, perhaps it would have been alto
gether impracticable to have attempted a settlement
in Newengland, previous to this time. The natives-,
before which, were extremely numerous and warlike ;
but this year,f a mortal sickness prevailed among
them, that almost entirely desolated the country ; in
somuch, that the living could not bury the dead.
For when the Pilgrims arrived at Plymouth, the ground
was strewed with human bones. The extent of this
pestilence was from Penobscot to Narraganset.§
* American Annals, I, 184, 185. t Hist. N. H. 1, 10, 11.
X It is not certain that this plague happened in 1619,
though from Johnson and others cited by Holmes, (I, 207,
208,) it appears probable. Morton, 25, says that it was two
or three years before the settlement of Plymouth. Prince,
Chron. 119, thinks this plague raged as early as 1616 or 17,
§ Prince, Chron. 138, and Belknap, Biog. I, 356.
25

290 APPENDIX.

II.— ORIGIN OF THE SETTLEMENT OF NEWENGLAND.
Bigotry and superstition began to lose some
ground in England, as early as 1550. And the per
secutions, and sufferings of the early martyrs of re
ligious freedom, have been the subject of many mas
sy volumes. In 1549, a liturgy had been prepared
by the bishops, and a law passed both houses of Par
liament, " that all divine offices should be performed
according to it."* The clergy were ordered to
conform to the liturgy, under pain of fines and im
prisonment. And, as has always since been the case,
among all sects, the new sect, then denominated Pu
ritans, grew more numerous, in proportion, as the
severity of persecution increased.
In 1607, a congregation fled from England into
Holland, and in 1608, were joined by others, and a
church was there established, according, as they be
lieved, to the principles of the primitive church of
Christ ; having Mr. John Robinson for their pastor.
Their removal from England into Holland, was at
tended with the greatest difficulties, and though over
looked by the chief historians, who have written upon
their history, is certainly among the first articles that
should be related. It formed a part of a. Manuscript
History, written by Mr. William Bradford, one of
their number, which, though since lostf, was in pos
session of Governour Hutchinson, who copied this
valuable part into his "summary ofthe affairs of the
colony of New Plymouth,"! which is as follows.
" There was a large company of them proposed to
get passage at Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that
» Holmes' Annals, I, 50.
¦f At least, it has not been seen since 1775, when the Brit
ish Vandals under Gen. Gage, in a sacrilegious manner, dis
turbed the contents ofthe old south church, where it was de?
posited. '
X In his Hist. Mass. II, No. I Appendix.

APPENDIX. 291
end had hired a ship wholly to themselves, and made
agreement with the master to be ready at a certain
day, and take them and their goods in at a conve
nient place, where accordingly they1 would all attend
in readiness. So after long Waiting and large ex
pense, though he kept not day with them, yet he
came at length and took them in, in the night. But
when he had them and their goods aboard he betrayed
them, having beforehand complotted with the search
ers and other officers so to do, who took them and put
them into open boats, and then rifled and ransacked
them, searching them to their shirts for money, yea,
even the women, further than became modesty, and
then carried them back into the town, and made them a
spectacle and wonder to the multitude, which came
flocking on all sides to behold them. Being thus,
first by the catch-poles, rifled and stript of their
moneys books, and much other goods ; they were pre
sented to the magistrates, and messengers sent to in
form the lords of the council of them, and so they
were committed to ward. Indeed the magistrates
used them courteously, and showed them what favour
they could, but could not deliver them till order
came from the council table ; but the issue was, that
after a month's imprisonment, the greatest part were
dismissed, and sent to the places from whence they
came, but seven of the principal men were still kept
in prison and bound over, to the assizes. The next
spring after, there was another attempt made, by
some of these and others, to get over at another
place. And so it fell out, that they light of a Dutch
man at Hull, having a ship of his own belonging to
Zealand. They made agreement with him, and ac
quainted him with their condition^ hoping to find
more faithfulness in him, than in the former of their
own nation. He bade them not fear, for he would do
well enough. He was by apppointment to take them
in, between Grindstone* and Hull, where was a large
« Grimsby says Belknap.

292 APPENDIX.
common, a good way distant from any town. Now
against the prefixed time, the women and children,
with the goods, were sent to the place in a small
bark, which they had hired for that end, and the men
were to meet them by land ; but it so fell out, that
they were there a day before the ship came, and the sea
being rough and the women very sick, prevailed with
. the seamen to put into a creek hard by, where they
lay on ground at low water. The next morning the
ship came, but they were fast and could not stir till
about noon. In the mean time, the ship master per
ceiving how the matter was, sent his boat to get the
men aboard, whom he saw ready, walking about the
shore, but after the first boat-full was got aboard, and
she was ready to go for more, the master espied a
great company both horse and foot, with bills and
guns and other weapons, for the country was raised
to take them. The Dutchman seeing that, swore his
country oath, ' Sacramente,' and having the wind fair,
weighed anchor, hoisted sails, and away. After en
during a fearful storm at sea, for fourteen days or
more, seven whereof they never saw sun, moon nor
stars, and being driven near the coast of Norway,
they arrived at their desired haven, where the people
came flocking, admiring their deliverance, the storm
having been so long and sore, in which much hurt
had been done, as the master's friends related to him
in their congratulations. The rest of the men that
were in greatest danger, made a shift to escape away
before the troop could surprise them, those only stay
ing that best might be assisting unto the women.
But pitiful it was to see the heavy case of these poor
women in distress ; what weeping and crying on every
side, some for their husbands that were carried away
in the ship, others not knowing what should become
of them and their little ones, crying for fear and
quaking with cold. Being apprehended, they were
hurried from one place to another, till in the end they
knew not what to do with them ; for, to imprison so

APPENDIX. 293
many women with their innocent children for no
other cause, many of them, but that they would go
with their husbands, seemed to be unreasonable, and
all would cry out of them ; and to send them home
again was as difficult, for they alleged, as the truth
was, they had no nomes to go to, for they had either
sold or otherwise disposed of their houses and liv
ings : To be short, after they had been thus turmoiled
a good while, and conveyed from one constable to
another, they were glad to be rid of them in the end
upon any terms, though, in the mean time, they, poor
souls, endured misery enough."
After remaining several years in Holland, they be
gan to fear that their company would finally become
lost, by their connexion with the Dutch ; and that
their efforts to establish the true religion, also lost.
Some of their young men had already engaged in
the military service ofthe Dutch, and marriages with
their young women had taken place. These things
caused much grief to the pious Forefathers ; more
especially, because the Dutch were dissolute in their
morals. Under these considerations, their thoughts were
turned towards America; but, never so far north as
Newengland. Sir Walter Ralegh was about this
time,* projecting a settlement in Guiana, and this
place was first taken under consideration. Here a
perpetual spring was promised, and all the beauties
of a tropical summer. But considering the diseases
which were so fatal to Europeans, and their near
vicinity to the Spaniards,f the majority were against
a removal thither.
At length, they resolved to make their settlement
in north Virginia,f and accordingly they sent agents
* 1617.
t The Spaniards had not actually taken possesion of this
country, but claimed it Belknap, Biog. II, 167.
X North America was then known under the general names
of north and south Virginia, divided by the parallel of 40 d.

25

294 APPENDIX.
to England, to obtain a grant from the Virginia com
pany, and to know whether the King would grant
them liberty of conscience, in that distant country.
The Virginia company were willing to grant them
such privileges as were iii their power, but the bigot-
ted James would agree no further, than " to connive
at them, provided they should conduct peaceably."*
The agents returned the next year, 1618, to the
great discouragement ofthe congregation. Resolved,
however, to make another trial, agents were sent
again the next year, and after long and tedious de-
lays,f a grant was obtained, under the seal of the
company, which, after all this great trouble and
expense, was never used. J
Notwithstanding, their removal was not given up,
and they made ready for their voyage, with what ex
pedition they could. It was agreed that a part
should go before, to prepare the way ; and, accord
ingly, two ships were got ready, one named the
Speedwell, of sixty tons, the other the Mayflower,
of one hundred and eight tons. They first went from
Leyden to England, and on the fifth of August, 1620,
they left Southampton for America ;§ but, they were
twice forced to return, by reason of the bad state of
the lesser ship.
It was now agreed to dismiss the Speedwell, and
they embarked on board the Mayflower, and, on the
sixth qf September, again sailed on their intended
voyage.|| 
N. Prince, 180. Its whole extent was from Florida to the
bay' of Fundy.
* Belknap, Biog. II, 170. American Annals,!, 198.
f Occasioned by dissensions among the Virginia company.
One treasurer having resigned was displeased with his suc
cessor. See Bradford in Prince, 151, 153.
J Because it was taken out in the name of a gentleman,
whom K providence" separated from them.
§ They intended to have settled somewhere near Hudson's
river.
i, || The last port they left was Plymouth.

APPENDIX. 295
Such were the transactions, and such the difficul
ties, attending this persevering company of Pilgrims,
(as they are truly called) in the great attempt, to set
tle a colony in America. As no particulars are pre
served of their voyage, we may now leave them until
they appear on the coast.* ,
III.  LANDING OF THE PILGRIMS AT PLYMOUTH.
After some difficulties, in a voyage of two months
and three days, they fell in with the land of Cape Cod,
on the ninth of November. Finding themselves fur
ther north than they intended to settle, they stood to
the southward ; but soon finding themselves nearly .
encompassed with dangerous shoals, the Captainf
took advantage of their fears, and bore up again for
the cape ; and, on the tenth of November, anchored
in cape Cod harbour. J
On observing their latitude, they found themselves
out of the limits of the south Virginia company.
Upon which it was hinted by some, that they should
now be under no laws, and every servant would have
as much authority as his master. But the wisdom
that had conducted them hither, was sufficient to pro
vide against this evil ; therefore, an instrument was
drawn and signed, by which they unanimously form
ed themselves into a body politic. This instrument
was executed November the eleventh, and signed by
fortyone persons ; that being the number of men,
qualified to act for themselves. Their whole number
* It is related that in a storm a beam of the ship was
thrown out of its place, and that they began to despair, but
some gentleman having a large iron screw, by means of which
it was again forced into its place.
t Jones.
X The Captain ofthe ship was hired by the Dutch to land
them thus far north, because they claimed the country at
Hudson's river, and were unwilling that the English should
get any footing there. See Morton, 13.

296 APPENDIX.
consisted of One hundred and one.* John Carver
was chosen Governour for one year.
* As it must be ever gratifying to posterity to know the
first form of government ever drawn up in their country, and
the names of those who first ventured upon the great under
taking, both are here presented to their view, as I find them
in Mr. Prince's N. Eng. Chronology. In my first edition I
copied from Morton, but on account of some errours in the
names ofthe signers as given in his Newengland's Memorial
I copy from Mr. Prince. However, it is possible that some
small .errours may exist, even in his list; for we know, that
the chirography of 1620, was vastly different from that a
hundred years after ; insomuch, that what Mr. Morton read
for an r, might have been taken afterward for a t by Mr.
Prince, &c, as will appear by comparing those names,' in
which a difference is seen. Mr. Morton writes No. 25, John
Craxton, No. 27, Joses Fletcher, No. 29, Digery Priest, No.
34, Richard Bitteridge, and No. 40, Edward Doten. He
also has No. 32, Edmund Morgeson, but that I suppose to be a
misprint. Both of those authors copied from Gov. Bradford's
MS., as Hutchinson perhaps did, who differs from both. He
writes Nos. 15 and 16, Tilley, No. 20, Ridgsdale, No. 25,
Croxton, No. 37, Gardner. But the most unaccountable dif
ferences exist between authors who have copied from Mr.
Prince's printed book. I need not name any one, in particular,
as all that I have met with, differ in some respect, except the
Editors of the N. H. Hist. Collections, who seem to have
been particularly careful.
" In the nameof God, Amen. We, whose names are under
written the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord King
James,' by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France and
Ireland, King, defender ofthe faith, Stc.
Having undertaken for the glory of God, and advancement
of the christian faith, and honour of our King and country,
a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of
Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually in the
presence of God, and one of another, covenant and combine
ourselves together, into a civil body politick, for our better
ordering and preservation, and fartherance ofthe ends afore
said ; and by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and
offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and
convenient for the general good of the colony. Unto which
we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness
whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names at cape
Cod, the 11th of November, in the year ofthe reign of our
sovereign Lord, King James, of England, France and Ire-

APPENDIX.

297

The day answering to the Eleventh of December,
is Celebrated as the day of the landing of the Pil
grims ;* but on that day, a place was discovered,
and fixed upon for their settlement. Parties before
had landed and made some discoveries.
The same day that the memorable instrument was
signed, a party left the ship, and landed to explore
the country, and get wood, but returned without
making any particular discovery. But a few days
after, (November fifteenth) sixteen men, under Cap
tain Myles Standish, were permitted to go in search

land, the XVIII, and of Scotland the LIV.
1620."

Anno Domini,

No.

1 Mr. John Carver,*
2 William Bradford,*
3 Mr. Edward Winslow,*
4 Mr. Wm. Brewster,*
5 Mr. Isaac Allerton,*
6 Capt. Miles Standish,*
'. 7 John Alden,
8 Mr. Samuel Fuller.t
9 Mr. Christopher Martin*§4
10 Mr. Wm. Mullins,*§ 5
11 Mr. Wm. White,*§ 5
12 Mr. Richard Warren,t 1
13 John Howland, (in Car
ver's family.)
14 Mr. Stephen Hopkins,*
15 Edward Tilly,*§
16 John Tilly ,*§
17 Francis Cook,t
18 Thomas Rogers,§
19 Thomas Tinker,*§
20 John Ridgdale,*§
21 Edward Fuller,*§
22 John Turner,§

23 Francis Eaton,* 3
24 James Chilton,*§ S
25 John Crackston,§ 2
26 John Billington,* 4
27 Moses Fletcher ,§ 1
28 John Goodman, § 1
29 Degory Priest,§ • 1
SO Thomas Williams,§ 1
31 Gilbert Winslow, 1
32 Edmund Margeson,§ 1
33 Peter Brown, 1
84 Richard Britterige,§ 1
35 George Soule, (of Mr.
Wmsloje's family.
36 Richard Clark,§ 1
37 Richard Gardiner, 1
38 John Allerton,§ 1
39 Thomas English,§ I
40 Edward Dorey, }
41 Edward Leister, 5
(both of Mr. Hopkins family.)

101
The above names having this mark * at the end brought
their wives with them. Those with this t did not. Those
with this § died before the end of March. The figures at
the end ofthe names denote the number in each family.
* To reduce old style to new, eleven days are added ; there
fore, the 22 December is celebrated as the landing of the
Forefathers.

298 APPENDIX.
of a convenient place for settlement. They saw five
Indians whom they followed all day, but could not
overtake them. The next day they discovered seve
ral Indian graves ; one of which they opened, and
found some rude implements of war ; a mortar, and
an earthen pot ; all which they took care to re
place ; being unwilling to disturb the sepulchres of
the dead. They found under a small mound of earth,
a cellar curiously lined with bark, in which was
stored a quantity of Indian corn.* Of this they
took as much as they could carry, and returned to
the ship.
Soon after, twentyfour others made the like ex
cursion, and obtained a considerable quantity of corn,
which, with that obtained before, was about ten
busheis.f Some beans were also found.J. This
discovery gave them great encouragement, and per
haps prevented their further removal ; it also saved
them from famine.
After considerable discussion, concerning a place
for settlement, in which some were for going to Aga-
wam,§ and some not so far, it was concluded to send
out a shallop, to make further discovery in the bay.
Accordingly, Governour Carver, with eighteen or
twenty men, set out on the sixth of December, to ex
plore the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather was
very cold,, and the spray of the sea lighting on them,
they were soon covered with ice, as it were, like
coats of mail. At night having got to the bottom
of the bay, they discovered ten or twelve Indians.
about a league off, cutting up a grampus ; who, oil
'"¦Of divers colours which seemed to them a very goodly
sight, having seen none before." Morton, 18.
f Holmes' Annals, I, 201.
~t This was not hardly right, perhaps, but Morton, N. E.
Memoral, 19, says, that in " About six months after they
gave them full satisfaction to their content."
§ Ipswich is supposed to have been meant, as it was known
ty that name in a former voyage.

APPENDIX. 299
discovering the English, ran away with what of the
fish they had cut off. With some difficulty from
shoals, they landed, and erected a hut, and passed
the, first night. In the morning they divided their
company, some went by land, and others in the ves
sel, to make further discovery of the bay, to which
they gave the name of Grampus, because that fish
was found there. They met again at night, and
some lodged on board the shallop, and the rest as
before.* The next morning, December the eighth, as they
were about to embark, they were furiously beset by
Indians. Some of the company having carried their
guns down to the boat, the others discharged upon
them, as fast as they could ; but the Indians shouted,
and rushed on, until those had regained their arms,
and then they were put to flight. One, however,
more courageous than the rest, took a position be
hind a tree, and withstood several volleys of shot,
discharging arrows himself at the same time. At
length a shot glancing upon the side of the tree,
hurled the bark so about his head that he thought it
time to escape. Eighteen arrows were picked up
by the English, after the battle, which they sent to
their friends in England, as curiosities. Some were
headed with brass, and others with horn and bone.
The place where this happened, was on this account,
called the First Encounter.^
The company, after leaving this place, narrowly
escaped being cast away ; but they got safe on an
uninhabited island,! where they passed the night.
* Morton and Belknap.
t Morton, 22. It was before called Namskeket. - Ib. 21.
Dr. Belknap, Biog. II, 202, says, "A creek which now
bears the name of Skakit, lies between Eastham and Har
wich ; distant about 3 or 4 miles westward from Nauset ; the
seat of a tribe of Indians, who (as they afterwards learned)
made this attack."
X This they called "Clark's Island, because Mr. Clark, the
master's mate, first stepped ashore thereon." Morton, 34.'

300 APPENDIX.
The next day, December the ninth, they dried their
clothes, and repaired their vessel, which had lost her
mast, and met with other damage. The next day
they rested, it being Sunday. The day following,
they found a place, which they judged fit for settle
ment ; and, after going on shore,* and discovering
good water, and where there had been cornfields, re
turned to the ship. This was on the Eleventh qf
December, 1620, and is the day celebrated as the
Forefathers' Day.
On the fifteenth, the ship came into the new har
bour. The two following days, the people went on
shore, but returned at night to the ship.
On the twentythird, timber was begun to be pre
pared for building a common store house.f The
next day, the cry of Indians was heard, but none ap
peared. On the twentyfifth, the first house was be
gun. A fort was built on the hill, soon after, (where
the burying ground now is) which commanded the
town and harbour; and, they were diligently em
ployed, until a town was laid out ; to which they
gave the name Plymouth, on account ofthe kind treat
ment they received from the people of Plymouth in
* A large rock near the water, said to be the place where
they first stepped ashore, is shown with a degree of veneration
by the inhabitants of Plymouth. It is a granite of a redish cast,
and has long since been nearly levelled with the surface of
the ground. A large fragment has been placed near the
head of the main street, where it is made a rendezvous for
boys in pleasant evenings. This, as well as the part" from
which it was taken, suffers occasionally under the force of a
dull axe, to add to the entertainment ofthe story ofthe trav
eller. In the engraving of" The Landing of the Pilgrims at Ply
mouth," accompanying this edition, the celebrated rock is
intended to be represented.
t Their provisions and goods were held in common by the
company, at first, but it was soon found by the wise leaders,
that this method was not practicable, and it was soon drop?
ped. Perhaps the chief mover of this wise measure was Gov.
Bradford, as it was adopted in his administration. See Bel
knap, Biog. II, 232, 3.

APPENDIX. 301
England, and that being the place in their native
country from which they last sailed.*
In January, 1621, their store house took fire, and
was nearly consumed. Most of the people nOW were
sick, and Governour Carver and Mr. Bradford were
confined in the store house, when it took fire. In
March, an Indian came boldly into the town, and
saluted them with these words, "Welcome English
men ! Welcome Englishmen !" This was uttered in
broken English, but was clearly understood. His
name was Samoset, and he came from the eastward,
where he had been acquainted with some fishermen,
and had learned some of their language. They
treated him with kindness, and he informed them,
that the great Sachem, Massassoit, f was coming to
visit them ; and, told them of one Squanto, that was
well acquainted with the English language. He left
them, and soon after returned, in company with Mas
sassoit, and Squanto. J This Indian continued with
the English as long as he lived, and was of infinite
service to them. He showed them how to cultivate
corn, and other American productions.
About this time, (beginning of April) Governour
Carver died. Soon after, Mr. William Bradford was
chosen. The mortality that began soon after their
arrival, had before the end of March, carried off for-
tyfour of their number.
Such was the beginning of Newengland, which
is now, alone, a formidable nation. At the death of
the first Governour, it contained Fiftyseven Europe-
* It is remarkable that Captain Smith had called this place
Plymouth in his map of Newengland. Dr. Belknap says,
that it was partly on this account that it was now so called.
t For the particulars of Massassoit 's visit to the Pilgrims,
see page 133, and note 1.
X He was one of those carried off by Hunt, (see page 288)
and got from Malaga to England ; and was entertained by a
gentleman in London, who employed hina to Newfoundland,
and other parts. He was at last brought into these parts by
Mr. Thomas Dermer. Morton, 27, 28.
26

302 APPENDIX.
an inhabitants, and at the end of two hundred years,
it contained upwards of one million six hundred
thousand. As it was my design, only to accompany the Pil
grims until they were seated in the wilderness, I
shall now dismiss the engaging subject, with a short
reflection. Perhaps the annals of the world do not furnish a
parallel to the first peopling of Newengland ; as it
respects purity of intention, judgment and fortitude
in its execution, and in sustaining for a series of years,
a government, that secured the happiness of all. An
object of admiration, justly increasing on every suc
ceeding generation, in proportion to the remoteness
of time. Founded on the genuineness of those au
thorities, who, without the least shade of fable, have
transmitted to us their true history : rendered pecu
liarly interesting, from its minuteness of detail, even
beyond what could have been expected. Insomuch,
that no one can read, without the deepest interest in
their situations ; and seeming, as it were, to live over
those days with them, and to gain a perfect ac
quaintance with a Carver, a Bradford, a Winslow,
and, indeed, the whole train of worthies.
IV.  HISTORY OF THE PE9.TJ0T WAR.
While the number of English inhabitants was
small, their troubles with the Indians were easily set
tled. But as is natural to mankind, as they increas
ed in numbers and wealth, they were too proud to
court the favour of the natives. And notwithstand
ing, great tribute is due to the memory of our venera
ble forefathers, for their almost unexampled resolu
tion, perseverance, and above all, fortitude and wis
dom, yet they were men, and accountable only as
men. " There was a nation of Indians in the southern
parts of Newengland, called Pequods seated on a

APPENDIX. 303
fair navigable river,* twelve miles to the eastward
of the mouth of the great and famous river of
Connecticut;' who (as was commonly reported
about the time when Newengland was first planted
by the English) being a more fierce, cruel, and war
like people than the rest of the Indians, came down
out of the more inland parts of the continent, and by
force, seized upon one of the goodliest places, near
the sea, and became a terror to all their neighbours,
on whom they had exercised several acts of inhuman
cruelty ; insomuch, that being flushed with victories
over their fellow Indians, they began to thirst after
the blood of foreigners, English and Dutch, f that ac
cidentally came amongst them, in a way of trade or
upon other accounts.
" In the year 1634, they treacherously and cruel
ly murdered Captain Stone| and Captain Norton,§
who came occasionally with a bark into the river to
trade with them. Not long after within the compass
of the next year,|| they in like treacherous manner,
slew one Mr. Oldham,!! (formerly belonging to New
Plymouth, but at that time an inhabitant of Massa
chusetts) at Block island,** a place not far from the
mouth of their harbour, as he was fairly trading with
them."ff * Mystic river.
t Some ofthe Dutch that belonged to Manhattans, now
Newyork, had a trading house on Connecticut river, and in
some difficulties with the Indians some were killed.
X Captain Stone was from St. Christophers, and came to
trade in Connecticut river at the Dutch house. Hist. Con.
1,70. § Norton was of Massachusetts and killed the same time.
Ib. || It was in 1636.
IT Some difficulty was occasioned with Mr. Oldham, on ac
count of religious matters, and he was banished out of Mas
sachusetts, but was afterward permitted to return. For a
valuable memoir of him, see Mr. Savage's edition of Win-
throp's Hist. I, 80.
** About 20 miles S. S. W. of Newport, R. I.
ft Hubbard's Narrative.

304 APPENDIX.
How much cause the Indians had for these outra
ges we cannot tell ; they say, that captain Stone sur
prised some of their men, and forced them to pilot
him up the river, and that on his coming ashore, with
two others, was killed while asleep. The English
account is as follows. Having entered the river,
Stone hired some Indians to pilot two of his men up
the river, . who at night went on shore to sleep,
and were murdered by their pilots. About a dozen
of those Indians, who had been trading with Captain
Stone, went on board his vessel, and murdered him,
as he lay asleep in his cabin, and threw a covering
over him. The men were murdered as they appear
ed, one after another, except captain Norton, who de
fended himself in the cook's room, until some pow
der that he had in an open vessel for the quick load
ing of his gun, took fire, and so burned him that he
could resist no longer.
Mr. John Oldham was murdered at Block island
by some of them, or at least the murderers were shel
tered by them. One Gallop, in his passage from
Connecticut, discovered Mr. Oldham's vessel, and on
coming near, found the deck to be covered with In
dians. Gallop now suspected that they had killed
Mr. Oldham. He hailed them, and they gave no
answer, but made off as fast as they could ; he made
for them, and was soon up with them ; fired among
them, and drove all from the deck. His crew being
small, would not venture to board, and so stood off
and took the force of the wind, and ran down upon
them, and nearly overset their vessel. Six of them
were so frightened, that they leaped overboard and
were drowned. He again stood off, and so lashed
his anchor, that when he came down upon them
again, it bored through the bows of the Indians' ves
sel, and four or five more jumped overboard and were
lost. The vessels now stuck fast together, and they
fought side by side, until they drove all below again ;
and then Gallop boarded them, and as they ventur-

APPENDIX. 305
ed up, were taken and bound. He n»t having places
convenient to keep them all, threw one into the sea.
They found the body of Mr. Oldham, covered over
with a sail, with his head cleft to the brains. In
this action, Gallop had with him but one man, and
two boys. On board of Mr. Oldham's vessel were
fourteen Indians ; two or three of whom got in a hole
below, and could not be drove from it. Captain
Gallop then fastened the vessel to his, in order to
take her in, but in a gale she was broken off and
lost. The same year, 1636, the government of Massa
chusetts sent Captain Endicott with ninety men to
avenge these murders, in case the murderers were
not delivered up, and restitution made for the losses
sustained. The Narragansets, who had some hand
in the murder, now submitted to the terms offered
by the .English. Captain Endicott proceeded to
Block island, having with him Captain John Under
bill, and Captain Nathaniel Turner. At their arrival
they were met by about forty Indians, who all fled
into thickets, where they could not be found. They
burned sixty wigwams, and destroyed about two hun
dred acres of corn, and all their canoes, then sailed
for the Pequot country. On their arrival in Pequot
harbour,* several hundreds collected on the shore,
but on learning the business ofthe English, fled into
the woods. The men were landed on both sides of
the river, and the Indians fired some arrows at them
from behind the rocks and bushes. One or two of
the enemy were killed, but no object was effected,
and the troops returned to Boston.
Captain Underhill and twenty men were to pro
ceed from thence to Saybrook fort, and strength
en it. But being wind bound, they went on shore to
take some Indian corn, and were surprised by a large
* At the mouth of Pequot river, now called the river
Thames. 26*

306 APPENDIX.
body of the enemy, who fought them most of the
afternoon. They, however, put the Indians to flight,
and embarked on board their vessel. One man only
was wounded, but they concluded that a number of
the enemy were killed.
As nothing now was expected but war, the Eng
lish took measures to secure the friendship of the
Narragansets, which they effected. They had much
to fear, in case they should join with the Pequots,
being very numerous, their warriours being estimat
ed at five thousand.
Endicott's ill success rather emboldened them than
otherwise, and in the next April, 1637, six men were
killed near Weathersfield, and several women were
captivated. In all thirty had been killed since the
first disturbances took place.
Vigorous measures were now resolved upon by the
people of Connecticut, who raised ninety men; and
shortly after, the other colonies united in the com
mon cause.* The Connecticut troops, under Cap
tain John Mason, on the tenth of May, accompanied
by about seventy Mohegan Indians, under Uncas
their Sachem, embarked down the river for Saybrook
fort ; where, after making proper arrangements, they
* The Massachusetts forces were on their march to join
those of Connecticut, " when they were retarded by the most
singular cause that ever influenced the operations of a mili
tary force. When they were mustered previous to their de
parture, it was found that some of the officers, as well as
the private soldiers, were still under a covenant of works;
and that the blessing of God could not be implored or expect
ed to crown the arms of such unhallowed men with success.
The alarm was general and many arrangements necessary
in order to cast out the unclean, and to render this little band*
sufficiently pure to fight the battles of a people who enter
tained high ideas of their own sanctity." Robertson's His!.
America, II, Book X. Thus while the Boston men were at
war with the spirits of darkness, as they imagined, the Con
necticut men under Mason were left alone to fight the more
dangerous Pequots, as will presently be seen.
?Consisting of 200.

APPENDIX. 307
marched to Narraganset bay. Here they engaged
a large body of the Narragansets, as auxiliaries, and
then proceeded to Nihantic,* where they arrived,
May twentyfourth.
The next morning they were joined by another body
of the Narragansets, which made their Indian force
amount to near five hundred men. After marching
twelve miles, to Pawcatuck river, Captain Mason
halted to refresh his men. The weather was ex
tremely hot, and the men suffered very much. His
Narraganset men now learning that they were going
to attack the Pequot's chief fort, were greatly amaz
ed, and the most of them returned home. One We-
quash, a deserter from the Pequots, now piloted the
army to a. fort at Mystic, At night they encamped
by two large rocks, f and two hours before day, made
ready to attack the fort. They yet had two miles to
march, which took them until near the dawn of day.
The fort was on the top of a hill, and no time must be
lost in making the attack. Their friend Indians now
chiefly deserted them, and they divided themselves
into two divisions, for the benefit of attacking them
in two particular points. The party under Mason
pressed on to the east side, while that under Cap
tain Underhill gained the west. As Mason ap
proached the palisades, a dog gave the alarm, and
an Indian cried out " Owanux ! Owanux !" that is,
" Englishmen ! Englishmen !" Being now discover
ed, they instantly discharged through the palisades,
and then rushed into the fort sword in hand. Here
the battle was severe, and for some time doubtful.
As the moment grew more critical, Mason thought
of the last expedient, and cried out, " We must burn
them ! We must burn them !" and taking a brand of
fire, communicated it to the mats, with which the
wigwams were covered, they were all in a blaze in a
* In Lyme.
t "Between two large rocks in Groton, since called Porter's
rocks." Trumbull, I, 83.

308 APPENDIX.
moment. The English then formed a cire_e about
the fort, and all that ventured out to escape the
flames, were immediately shot down. Dreadful now
was the work of death. Some perishing in the
flames, others climbing oyer the palisades, were no
sooner up than shot down. Uncas, in the mean
time, had come up and formed a circle in the rear,
and in a little more than an hour, the work was com
plete. Six or seven hundred Indians were slain,
and but two of the English, and sixteen wounded.
The army now began the retreat, and a body of
the enemy were soon seen in pursuit ; but a few shot
kept them at a distance. This body of the enemy
had not been in the battle, and on arriving at the
fort, and beholding the dismal spectacle, beat the
ground withi-age, and tore their hair in despair.
The English arrived at their homes in about three
weeks from the time they set out, and the people
were greatly rejoiced at their success.
Sassacus, the chief of the Pequots, and most of
his people, now fled and left their country. But
after some time, it was discovered, that a great body
of them were in a swamp to the westward. Troops,
therefore, were sent from Massachusetts, who joined
others from Connecticut, and they immediately
marched under the command of the valiant Mason,
in pursuit of them. On the thirteenth of July they
arrived at the fatal swamp. Some of the English
rushed in, but were badly wounded, and rescued with
difficulty. At length they surrounded the swamp,
and the fight continued through the most of the
night. By the help of a thick fog, many ofthe war
riours escaped. About twenty were killed, and one
hundred and eighty captivated, who were divided
among the Narragansets and Mohegans. Sassacus,
with a few of his chief men, fled to the Mohawks,
who, at the request of the Narragansets, cut off his

APPENDIX. 309
head ; and thus terminated the Pequot war.* No
thing of great moment occurred until the time of
Philip. V.  REMAINS OF PHILIP'S WAR.
It is intended here, to narrate the most important
circumstances in the progress qf that war at the
eastward, in Maine and Newhampshire.
It was generally thought, that Philip had excited
all of the Indians throughout Newengland, to rise
with him in the war. While this has been doubted
by some, others think it probable, that his endeavours
were used even among the distant tribes of Virginia.f
However this might have been, it is certain, that with
in twenty days from the time the war began in Swan
zey, it began to blaze at the distance of two hundred
miles, even at the northeasterly extremity of New
england. But the war at the eastward is said to have
grown out of the foolish conduct of some of the in
habitants. An insult was offered to the wife of
Squando, a chief Sachem on the river Saco. Some
irregular sailors, having heard that young Indians
could swim naturally, like those ofthe brute creation,
met the wife of Squando with an infant child in a
canoe, and to ascertain the fact, overset it. The
child sunk to the bottom, but the mother diving down,
immediately brought it up without apparent injury.
However, it fell out, that the child died shortly after,
and its death was imputed to the treatment it had re
ceived from the sailors. This so enraged the chief,
that he only waited a fit time to commence hostili
ties. Other causes of the war were not wanting all
along the eastern frontier. A letter was received at
* It was the reflection upon the fate of this once famous na
tion, that gave rise to those beautiful and sympathetick lines
in Dwight's Greenfield hill, Part the fourth, which see in
note 3 to page 146 of Philip's war.
t See Hubbard, Nar. 262.

310 APPENDIX.
Kennebeck, from York, the eleventh July, 1675, giv
ing account of the war at the westward, and that
means were using to disarm the natives along the
shore. Had the Indians entertained no ideas of war
before, they certainly would be justified in making
war upon any that were about to deprive them of the
means of self defence. How much have the Spar
tans, under Leonidas been celebrated for their answer
to Xerxes, when he endeavoured to persuade them
to give up their arms. But the English were not so
generous as the Persian monarch, for he promised
the Spartans a far better country than theirs, if they
would comply. To which they replied, that no
country was worth having unless won by valour ; and,
as to their arms, they should want them in any coun
try. Perhaps the despised Indians deserve as much
honour, in some instances, as the defenders of Ther
mopylae. In an attempt to force the > Indians to deliver up
their arms at Kennebeck, one belonging to the Eng
lish came near being killed. This caused consider
able tumult, but at length was settled, by promises
and hostages'on the part of the Indians. But through
the supineness of their keepers, the hostages found
means to escape ; and, meeting with some of their
fellows, proceeded to Pejepscot, where they plunder
ed the house of one Purchase, an early planter, and
known as a trader among them. The men were not
at home, but no incivility was offered to the women.
This was in September, 1675.
About twentyfive of the English marched out to
take revenge for what had been done. They went
up Casco bay, and landed near the mouth of the An
droscoggin, where they had farms. On coming near
the houses, " they heard a knocking," and presently
saw some Indians ; who it appears, were doing no
harm; but without waiting to know, the English
rushed on them, and some were killed. The Indians
rallied, and wounded many of them before they could

APPENDIX. 31 1
gain their vesesls. Some it appears, even in those
days, stood a little for the rights of the natives, and
ventured to question the virtue of this action. " But,"
says Mr. Hubbard, "if this happened after the mur
der of old Mr. Wakely and family, the English can
be blamed for nothing but their negligence."* But
whether it was or not, does not appear.f The de
struction of this family was horrid. Six persons,
namely, the old gentleman, his son, and daughter in
law, who was far advanced in pregnancy, and three
grandchildren were killed, and mangled in a shock
ing manner. Some of them, when found the next
day, were partly consumed in the flames of their
dwelling, to which the Indians set fire when they
drew off.
At Saco they met with a severe repulse, in an en
deavour to take Major Phillips' garrison. J Captain
Benython had got information by a friendly Indian,
that something was intended against the place, so he
retired into the garrison with Phillips. His house
had not been deserted above an hour, when he saw
it in flames. The savages soon crossed the river, and
were seen skulking by the fences to get a shot at
some about the garrison. Major Phillips went into
a chamber to look out for the enemy, and was wound
ed. The Indians thought they had killed him, and
openly began the attack.; but their Captain being
immediately shot down, they drew a little further off.
They now employed a stratagem to fire the garrison.
They took the large wheels, (used for lumbering, at
a mill near by, which they burned) and erected a
battery upon the axletree, then they ran it back by
taking hold of the tongue or spear, very near the
garrison; when one wheel stuck in the mud, and the
* Narrative, 269.
t Sullivan, Hist. Maine, 199, says it was in July 1675, and
that the name of the family was Wakefield.
X On Saturday, 18 September.

312 APPENDIX. '
other rolling on, gave their helm an oblique direction,
and they were all exposed to the fire of.the English.
They being in readiness, fired from every part of the
fortification at once, killing and wounding about thirty.
The rest gladly gave up the siege and fled. They next
killed seven persons at Blue point, (Scarborough,)
and burned twenty houses.* About the same time,
five persons were killed by the same Indians, while
going up Saco river. In the same month, they burned
two houses at Oyster river, belonging to two families
by the name of Chesly, killed two men passing in the
river, and carried two captive. One Robinson and
son were shot in the way between Exeter and Hamp
ton, about this time. Within a few days, also, the
house of one Tozer, at Newichwannock, was assault
ed, wherein were fifteen women and children, all of
whom except two, were saved by the intrepidity of a
girl of eighteen. She first seeing the Indians, shut
the door and stood against it, till the others escaped
to the next honse, which was better secured. The
Indians chopped the door to pieces, then entering,
knocked her down, and leaving her for dead, went in
pursuit of the others ; of whom, two children, who
could not get over the fence, fell into their hands.
The valiant heroine recovered of her wounds. The
two next days, they showed themselves on I>oth sides
of the river, burned two houses and three barns,
containing a great quantity of grain. And, at Oys
ter river, they burned five houses, and killed two men.
The people were now determined to retaliate. About
twenty young men, chiefly of Dover, obtained leave
of Major Waldron, then commander of the militia,
to hunt the enemy. Having divided themselves into
small parties, one of these came upon five Indians
in the woods, near a deserted house. Two of them
were preparing a fire to roast corn, while the other
three were gathering it. They were at a loss at first
* Sullivan, 215.

APPENDIX 313
how to make their onset, as the Indians were the
most numerous. But at length, concluded to creep
up and knock the two on the head at the fire, without
noise to alarm the others. The first part of their
plan exactly succeeded, the two Indians being laid
dead with the buts of their guns ; but the others heard
the blows and fled.
People in general, now retired to garrison houses,
and the country was filled with consternation. Octo
ber the seventh, Thursday, a man was shot off his
horse, as he was riding between two garrisons at
Newichwannock. Not far from the same place two
others were shot dead the same day. About the
same time, an old gentleman, by the name of Beard,
was killed, and his head cut off and set upon a pole.
This Was at Oyster river. On Saturday, the six
teenth, about a hundred Indians appeared at Newich
wannock, (Berwick now) a short distance from the
upper garrison, where they killed one Tozer, and cap
tured his son. The guns alarmed Lieutenant Plais
ted at the next garrison, who, with seven men, went
out on a discovery, but fell into an ambush ; two or
three were killed, and the others escaped to the gar
rison, where they were closely besieged. In this
perilous situation, Lieutenant Plaisted wrote a letter
to Major Waldron for help, but he was notable to
afford any. The next day Plaisted ventured out with
twenty men to bury the dead, but was again ambush
ed, and his men deserted him. He disdaining to fly,
was killed upon the spot, with his eldest son, and one
more.. His other son died of his wounds. It appears
that the Indians now drew off, for Captain Frost went
up from Sturgeon creek, the next day, and buried the
dead. The enemy next appeared at Sturgeon creek,
about the latter end of the month, and attacked Cap
tain Frost's house, which was preserved only by a
stratagem. Frost had only three boys with him, but
by giving orders in an imperious tone, for some to
march here, and others to fire there, that the Indians
27

314 APPENDIX. *
thought he had a great many men, so went off and
left him. The next day they appeared against Ports
mouth, on the Kittery side, where they killed one
man and burned his house. Some shot from a can
non being thrown among them from a battery on
Portsmouth side, they thought best to disappear. A
party of English pursued them, and recovered most
of their plunder, but killed none. Soon after a
house and two or three barns were burned atQuoche-
co, and three or four persons killed about Exeter and
Lampreyeel river.
At Casco bay, Lieutenant Ingersol's son, with
another man, were killed, while out hunting. Many
houses were also burned. At Black point, Lieuten
ant Augur with his brother were killed. Captain
Wincol of Newichwannock, marched this way for
the relief of bis friends, with about fourteen men.
He soon had a skirmish with the enemy, and lost two
or three of his men. Soon after, as they were march
ing along on the sea side, they were beset by a great
body of Indians; but, chancing to get behind some
timber, from whence they dealt with them with such
effect, that they soon took to the woods, and the
English escaped in a canoe. But nine men from
Saco, having heard the firing, came out to assist their
fellows, and fell into an ambush, and were all killed.
Two persons were killed at Wells in the beginning
of winter. At the same place, one Cross and one
Isaac Cousins were also killed about a week after.
Depredations were suspended on account of the
severity of winter. But before the suspension, up
wards of fifty people had been killed and taken. In
the mean time, a peace was concluded through the
mediation of Major Waldron, which, says Mr. Hub
bard, " might have remained firm enough to this day,
had there not been too just an occasion given for the
breaking of the same, by the wicked practice of some
lewd persons which opened the door, and made way
for the bringyig in all those sad calamities and mis-:

APPENDIX. 315
chiefs, that have since fallen upon those parts of the
country." But this may be considered as the end of Philip's
war in the east, although from other causes a war
continued till 1678.
Many of Philip's Indians mixed with those at the
eastward after the fall of that chief, in hopes of
escaping detection. For they had seen even those
who delivered themselves up, executed, therefore,
they were apprised of their fate. Some that had
killed Thomas Kimbal of Bradford, and carried off
his family, soon after restored them with the hopes of
pardon, but it being doubted whether this was a
sufficient atonement for the whole, they (three of
them) were thrown into Dover jail. The prisoners
considering this only as a prelude to their future
punishment, broke jail, and fled to join the Kenne
beck and Androscoggin Indians. Through their in
fluence another quarrel was begun.
The next remarkable occurrence was the capture
of the four hundred Indians at Quogheco.* For
©ther particulars the reader is referred to Mather's
Magnalia, and Belknap's Newhampshire.
VI.  THE BOLD EXPLOIT OF HANNAH DUSTAN.
This took place in the latter part of Castine's War,
or as others term it "King William's War;" but as
it is evident that Castine was the chief mover of it,
it may very properly be called Castine's War.
On the fifth of March, 1698, the Indians made a
descent on Haverhill in Massachusetts, in which they
took and killed thirtynine persons, and burned about
a half a dozen houses. In the onset, the house of a
Mr. Dustan was fallen upon, and his wife, who had
lain in but a week before, and her nurse, Mary Neff,
were taken. Mr. Dustan was absent when the In-
* An account of the affair is given with the history of Ma
jor Waldron in the third note to page 161.

316 APPENDIX.
dians first appeared about the town, and on hearing
the alarm, ran to the assistance of his family. Meet
ing seven of his children near his house, ordered
them to run, and make their escape to some garrison
in the town, while he entered the house with intent
to help his wife escape. She left her bed at the
warning, but the near approach of the Indians, would
admit only of a flying retreat ; this Mr. Dustan saw
was impossible, from the weak state of his wife. A
moment of horrour and despair brooded over him ; in
which he had to choose whether he would stay and
suffer with her, or make his escape. He resolved on
the latter, knowing that he could be no assistance to
her, amidst an army of savages ; and, that he might
be to his children, in facilitating their escape. The
Indians Were now upon them, but he having a horse,
fled before them, and overtook his children, about
forty rods from the house ; some one of which, he in
tended to have taken on the horse with him, and so
escape. But now he was at a loss, for which one to
take, he knew not ; therefore, he resolved to face
about, and defend them to the last. Some of the
enemy drew near and fired upon them, and Mr. Dus
tan being armed, also fired upon the Indians, at
which they gave over the pursuit, and returned to
share the spoils of the house. Mr. Dustan and his
seven children (from two to seventeen years of age)
got safe to a garrison, one or two miles oft", where
we must leave him to bewail the many supposed
deaths of his wife and infant child.
The Indians, being about twenty in number, in the
mean time, seized the nurse, who was making her
escape with the young child, and taking Mrs. Dus
tan, with what plunder could be found from the house,
set it on fire, and took up their march for Canada.
The infant was immediately taken from the nurse,
and a monster taking it by the feet, dashed out its
brains against a tree. Their whole number of cap
tives was now about twelve, which gradually dimin-

APPENDIX. 317
ished on the march. Some, growing weary and
faint, were killed, scalped, and otherwise mangled,
and left in the wilderness. Notwithstanding the
weakness of Mrs. Dustan, she travelled twelve miles
the first day, and thus bore up under a journey of
near one hundred and fifty miles, in a few days.
On their march the Indians divided, according to their
usual custom, and each family shifted for itself with
their share of prisoners, for the convenience of hunt
ing. Mrs. Dustan, her nurse and an English youth,
taken from Worcester eighteen months before, fell
to the lot of an Indian family, consisting of twelve
persons ; two stout men, three women, and seven
ehildren. The captives were informed, that when
they arrived at a certain Indian town, they were to
run the gauntlet, through a great number of Indians.
But on the thirtieth of April, having arrived at the
mouth of Contoocook river, they encamped upon a
small island, and pitched their tents. As all lay
asleep but Mrs. Dustan, she conceived the bold de
sign of putting the Indians to death, and escaping.
Accordingly, she silently engaged Miss Neff, and
the English youth, to act a part in the dreadful tra
gedy ; infusing her heroism into them, each took a
tomahawk, and with such deadly effect were the
blows dealt, that all were slain save two ; one a wo
man, who fled desperately wounded, the other a boy,
whom they intended to have kept. They then took
off their ten scalps, and returned home in safety.
The government voted them fifty pounds reward,
and Colonel Nicholson, the Governour of Maryland,
made them a valuable present. The island on which
this memorable affair happened, justly bears the
name of Dustan's island.*
* For the principal facts in this narrative I am indebted to
the Magnalia. 27*

318 APPENDIX.

VII.  SCHENECTADA DESTROYED.
"In the dead of winter, three expeditions were
planned, and parties of French and Indians despatch
ed from Canada, on different routes, to the frontiers
of the English colonies. One of these parties, on
February the eighth, 1690, fell on Schenectada,* a
village on the Mohawk river. Such was the fatal se
curity of the people, that they had not so much as
shut their gates. The enemy made the attack in the
dead time of the night, when the inhabitants were
in a profound sleep. Care was taken by a division
of the enemy into small parties, to attack every house
at the same instant. Before the people were risen
from their beds, the enemy were in possession of
their dwellings, and commenced the most inhuman
barbarities. In an instant the whole village was
wrapped in a general flame. Women were ripped
up, and their infants dashed against the posts of their
doors, or cast into the flames. Sixty persons perish
ed in the massacre, and about thirty were captivat
ed. The rest fled naked in a terrible storm and deep
snow. In the flight, twentyfive of these unhappy
fugitives lost their limbs, through the severity of the
season. The enemy consisted of about two hundred French,
and a number of Caghnuagaf Indians, under the
command of D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne.
Their first design was against Albany, but having
been two and twenty days on their march, they were
reduced to such straits, that they had thoughts of
surrendering themselves prisoners of war. The In-
* About 14 miles above Albany, on the west side of the
Mohawk. The country around is a sandy barren, on which
account it was called Schenectada.
t This Caghnuaga is in Canada. There is another on the
Mohawk river, 6 miles below Johnston, but the inhabi
tants here spell it Caughnewaga.

APPENDIX. 319
dians, therefore, advised them to Schenectada : and
it seems that the accounts, which their scouts gave
them of its fatal security, was the only circumstance
which determined them to make an attempt, even
upon this. The enemy pillaged the town, and went
off with the plunder, and about forty of the best
horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find,
were left slaughtered in the streets. The success of
the enemy seems to have been principally owing to
the dispute between Leisler* and the people of Alba
ny, in consequence of which this post was neglect
ed. The Mohawks joining a party of young men from
Albany, pursued the enemy, and falling on their rear,
killed and captivated nearly thirty. "f
VIII. — schuyler's expedition, and other events.
The success ofthe French and Indians against the
frontier settlements of Newengland, had been great,
and the inactivity ofthe people to repel them, had just
ly been an object of blame with the Sixnations ; for
their country must at all times afford a pass to them.
Steps, therefore, must now be taken to retain the
confidence of those people.
Major Peter Schuyler, the Washington of his day,
lived at Albany, where with incredible industry and
perseverance, he made himself acquainted with all
the plans and undertakings of the Sixnations, and as
studiously maintained a friendship with them, which
extended to all Americans. They had received re
peated injuries from the French for a long time, and
something was now necessary to prove to them, that
the English were not afraid to meet them on their
own ground . Accordingly, in 1 69 1 , Major Schuyler,
" with about three hundred men, nearly half Mo-
* Afterwards executed for assuming the government of
Newyork. See Smith's Hist. N. Y. 121 to 129.
+ Trumbull's Hist. U. S. I, 215 to 217.

320 APPENDIX.
hawks and Schakook* Indians, passed Lake Cham-
plain, and made a bold attack on the French settle
ments north of the lake. Meanwhile, DeCallieres, the
Governour of Montreal, spared no pains to give him
a proper reception. He crossed the river with twelve
hundred men, and encamped at La Praire. Schuy
ler attacked and put to flight his out posts and In
dians, pursued them to the fort, and on that com
menced a brisk attack. He had a sharp and brave-
action with the French regulars, and afterward forc
ing his way through a body of the enemy, who in
tercepted him, on his return, made good his retreat.
In these several conflicts, the Major slew of the ene
my, thirteen officers, and in the whole three hundred
men ; a greater number than he carried with him
into the field. "f
Before this, in 1688, twelve hundred warriours of
the Sixnations, made a descent on the island of Mon
treal, slew a thousand of the inhabitants, and carried
off twenty six prisoners, whom they burnt alive.
About three months after, they attacked the island
again, and went off with nearly the same success.
" These expeditions had the most dismal consequen
ces on the affairs of the French in Canada." They
had a garrison at lake Ontario, which they now aban
doned, and fled in canoes down the Cadarackui in
the night ; and, in descending the falls, a great num
ber of men were lost. The warriours then took_pos-
session of the garrison, and twentyseven barrels of
powder fell into their hands. Nothing but the ignor
ance of the Sixnations, in the European art of war,
saved Canada from total ruin ; and, what will ever be
lamented, the colonies, through the caprice of their
European lords, were unable to lend them any assist
ance. With a little help from the English, a period
would have been put to the torrents of biood that
* Trumbull, I, 221, but at 301, he spells it as seen in Phil
ip's war, page 68 except that he used but one t
X Ibid. 221-225.

APPENDIX. 321
flowed until, the conquest by the immortal Wolf and
Amherst, in 1760.
IX.  DESTRUCTION OF DEERFIELD.
In 1703, the plan was laid to cut off the frontier
inhabitants of Newengland, from one extremity to the
other, but it was not fully executed. Though the
eastern settlements from Casco to Wells were de
stroyed, and one hundred and thirty people killed and
taken, the western frontiers remained unmolested,
and were lulled into a fatal security. From the In
dians that traded at Albany, Colonel Schuyler receiv
ed intelligence of a design in Canada to fall upon
Deerfield, of which the inhabitants were informed in
May. " The design not being carried into execution
in the course of the summer, the intelligence was
not enough regarded. But the next winter, 1704,
M. Vaudrieul, [Vaudreuil] Governour of Canada, re
sumed the project with much attention."
The history of this affair from the accomplished
historian of Vermont, Dr. Samuel Williams, is per
haps more particularly interesting, as he is an imme
diate descendant of a principal sufferer, the Rev.
John Williams, I give it in his own words.
" Deerfield, at that time, was the most northerly
settlement _on Connecticut river, a few families at
Northfield excepted. Against this place, M. Vau
drieul sent out a party of about three hundred French
and Indians. They were put under the command of
Hertel de Rouville, assisted by four of his brothers ;
all of which had been trained up to the business by
their father, who had been a famous partizan in their
former wars. The route they took, was by the way
of Lake Champlain, till they came to the French
river, now called Onion river. Advancing up that
stream, they passed over to Connecticut river, and
travelled on the ice till they came near to Deerfield.
Mr. Williams, their minister, had been much appre-

322 APPENDIX.
hensive of danger, and attempted to make the same
impression on the minds of his people, but not with
sufficient success ; but upon his application, the go
vernment of the province had sent a guard of twenty
soldiers for their assistance. The fortifications were
some slight works thrown round two or three garri
son houses, but were nearly covered in some places
with drifts of snow. To this place, Rouville with
his party, approached on February the twentyninth.
Hovering round the place, he sent out his spies for
intelligence. The watch kept the streets ofthe town
till about two hours before day, and then, unfortu
nately, all of them went to sleep. Perceiving all to
be quiet, the enemy embraced the opportunity and
rushed on to the attack. The snow was so high,
that they had no difficulty in jumping over the walls
of the fortification ; and immediately separated into
small parties, to appear before every house at the
same time. The place was completely surprised,
and the enemy were entering the houses at the mo
ment the inhabitants had the first suspicion of their
approach. The whole village was carried in a fev;
hours, and with very little resistance ; one of the gar
rison houses only, being able to hold out against the
enemy. Having carried the place, slain fortyseven of the
inhabitants, captured the rest, and plundered the vil
lage, the enemy set it on fire ; and an hour after sun
rise on the same day, retreated in great haste. A small
party of the English pursued them, and a skirmish
ensued the same day, in which a few were lost on
both sides. The enemy, however, completely suc
ceeded in their enterprize, and returned to Canada
on the same route, carrying with them one hundred
and twelve ofthe inhabitants of Deerfield, as prisoners
of war. They were twentyfive days on their march
from Deerfield to Chambly ; and like their masters,
the savages, depended on hunting for their support.
On their arrival in Canada, they found much hu-

APPENDIX. 323
manity and kindness from the French, and from M.
Vaudrieul their Governour ; but complained muteh
of the intolerance, bigotry, and duplicity of the
priests."* Among the captives was the minister of the town,
Rev. John Williams. As the Indians entered his
room, he took down his pistol, and presented it to
the breast of the foremost, but it missed fire. They
then laid hold on him, and bound him naked as he
was, and thus kept him for the space of an hour. In
the mean time two of the children were carried out
and killed ; also a negro woman. His wife, who was
hardly recovered from childbed, was with the rest
marched for Canada. The second day, in wading a
river, Mrs. Williams fainted and fell, but with assist
ance was kept along a little farther; when at the
foot of a hill she began to falter, her savage master,
with one blow of his tomahawk, put an end to her
miseries. The distance they had to march was at least three
hundred miles. At different times the most of the
prisoners were redeemed and returned home. Mr.
Williams and fiftyseven others arrived at Boston from
duebeck, in 1706. One of his daughters, Eunice,
married an Indian, and became a convert to the Ro
man Catholick religion, which she never would con
sent to forsake. She frequently visited her friends
in Newengland ; " but she uniformly persisted in
wearing her blanket and counting her beads. "f
Mr. Williams, after his return, was invited to preach
near Boston ; but refused every offer, and returned
again to Deerfield and collected his scattered flock,
with whom he continued until 1728; "dying in
peace, beloved by his people, and lamented by his
country." He published a history of his captivity,
which, when Dr. Williams, his grand son, wrote his
' Williams' Hist. Vermont, I, 304-307.
t Holmes' American Annals, II, 63.

324 - APPENDIX.
history of Vermont, had passed through seven edi-
tion«.* X.  RAVAGES OF THE EASTERN INDIANS.
. . In 1707, the frontiers suffered extremely. Oyster
river, Exeter, Kingstown, and Dover in Newhamp
shire ; Berwick, York, Wells, Winterharbour, Casco,
and even Marlborough in Massachusetts, were con
siderably damaged. In 1710, Col. Walton with one
hundred and seventy men made an expedition to
Norridgewock, in the beginning of winter. The
chief of that place was taken and killed,-)- and many
more. The next year is rendered memorable by the
great expedition against Canada; memorable only
for its bad success, and the monstrous debt it brought
upon the Colonies. In 1713, a peace was concluded
with France, in consequence of which the eastern
Indians desired peace with the colonies, which was
accordingly brought about. J It was however, of
short duration. In August 1717, it was renewed at
Arrowsike,§ but was broken within two years after,
* Hist. Vermont.
t His name was Arruhawikwabemt, "an active bold fellow,
and one of an undaunted spirit ; for, when he was asked
several questions, he made no reply ; and when they threat
ened him with death, he laughed at it with contempt." Pen
hallow, 70.
X The delegates met at Portsmouth, N. H., 11 July, and a
treaty was signed the 13. The articles are preserved entire
in Penhallow's History, 82-85.
§ Penhallow, page 90, relates a story concerning the abun
dance of Ducks at this place, which, though we do not doubt
it, is certainly equally astonishing lo many fish stories.
About three days after the renewal of the treaty, " a number
of Indians went a duck hunting, which was a season of the
year that the old ones generally shed their feathers in, and
the young ones are not so well flushed as to be able to fly ;
they drove them like a flock of sheep before them into the
creeks, where without either powder or shot, they killed at
one time, four thousand and six hundred." The English
bought for a penny a dozen.

APPENDIX. 325
and various hostilities committed. The government,
in 1721, ordered a party ofmen to Norridgewock,
their chief town, but on their approach, the Indians
all fled into the woods. One Sebastian Ralle, or
Rolle dwelt there, as a missionary among them, and
was supposed to have stirred up the Indians to hos
tilities, as Castine formerly had. Nothing was effect
ed by the expedition, except the bringing away of
some of Ralle's papers, by which it was discovered,
that he was instigator in the war. This was thought
by the Indians to be such an insult on the divine
agency, that they now made war their business. In
June, 1722, a large body struck a deadly blow on
Merrymeeting bay, a village on an arm of the Win-
nipiasaukee,* where they took nine families.^ Short
ly after, at Passammaquaddy, they took a vessel with
passengers, and burned Brunswick.
War was now declared on the part of the English,
and in February, Col. Westbrook with one hundred
and thirty men, ranged the coast with small vessels
as far as Mountdesert. " On his return he sailed up
the Penobscot, and about thirtytwo miles above the
anchoring place, for the transports, discovered the
Indian Castle. It was seventy feet long and fifty
broad. Within were twentythree well finished wig
wams. Without was a handsome church, sixty feet
long and thirty broad. There was also a commo
dious house for their priest. But these were all de
stroyed, and nothing more was accomplished by the
expedition, than the barbarous business of burning
this Indian village.
* There are many ways used in writing this word, Doug
lass, on the same page has it two ways ; and few early authors
write it alike, but all, or nearly all, seem to aim at the sound
which I have endeavoured to give it. And, as the inhabitants,
who dwell around this lake, pronounce it so, I see no reason
why we should not write it so ; especially, as it was the most
early way, and, no doubt,' so called by the natives themselves
t Most of these were afterward set at liberty. Penhal
low, 91.
28

326 APPENDIX.
Afterwards Captain Moulton wtnt up with a party
of men to Norridgewock, but the village was de
serted. He was a brave and prudent man, and, pro
bably, imagining that moderation and humanity
might excite the Indians to a more favourable con
duct towards the English, he left their houses and
Church standing."
In April, 1723, eight persons were killed or taken
at Scarborough and Falmouth. " Among the dead
was a Sergeant Chubb, whom the Indians imagining
to be Captain Harman, against whom they had con
ceived the utmost malignity, fifteen aiming at him
at the same instant, lodged eleven bullets in his
body. Besides other mischiefs, the enemy, the summer
following, surprised Casco, with other harbours in
its vicinity, and captured sixteen or seventeen sail of
fishing vessels. The vessels belonged to Massachu
setts ; but Goyernour Philips of Novascotia, happen
ing to be at Casco, ordered two sloops to be imme
diately manned and dispatched in pursuit of the ene
my. The sloops were commanded by John Eliot of
Boston, and John Robinson of cape Anne. As Eliot
was ranging the coast he discovered seven vessels in
Winepang harbour. He concealed his men, except
'our or five, and made directly for the harbour.
Coming nearly up to one of the vessels, on board of
which was about sixty Indians, in high expectation
of another prize, they hoisted their pendants and1
cried out ' Strike English dogs and come aboard for
you are all prisoners.' Eliot answered that he would
make all the haste he could. As he made no attempts
to escape, the enemy soon suspected mischief, cut
their cable and attempted to gain the shore ; but im
mediately boarding them he prevented their escape. ¦
For about half an hour they made brave resistance,
„ut Eliot's hand grenadoes made such a havock
among them, that at length, those who had not been
killed, took to the water, where they were a fair

APPENDIX. 327
mark for the English musketeers. Five only reached
the shore. Eliot received three bad wounds, had one
man killed and several wounded. He recovered
seven vessels, several hundred quintals of fish, and
fifteen captives. Many of the captives had been
sent away, and nine had been murdered in cold blood.
Robinson retook two vessels and killed several of
the enemy.
The loss of such a number of men determined the
enemy to seek revenge on the poor fishermen.
Twenty of these yet remained in their hands, at the
harbour of Malagash, [where the remainder of the
vessels lay which they had taken from the English,
and were inaccessible to Captain Eliot.] These
were all destined to be sacrificed to the manes of the
slaughtered Indians. At the very time, that the pow-
awing and other ceremonies, attending such horri
ble purposes, were just commencing, Captain Blin,
who sometime before had been a prisoner among
them, arrived off the harbour ; and made the signal,
or sent in a token, which it had been agreed between
them, should be the sign of protection. Three In
dians came aboard, and an agreement was made for
the ransom both of the ships and captives. These
were delivered and the ransom paid. Captain Blin
in his way to Boston, captivated a number of them,
near cape Sable ; and Captain Southack a number
more, which they brought on with them to Boston."
In September they made a descent on the island
of Arrowsike, where they burned the houses, killed
the cattle, and then retired to their head quarters at
Norridgewock. There was a garrison on the island
of about forty men, but their number was so small
compared with that of the enemy, that no sally was
made. The beginning of the next year, 1724, was alto
gether unfavourable to the English. People were
killed at Cape Porpoise, Black Point, and Berwick ;
also at Lamprey, and Oyster rivers, and Kingston,
in Newhampshire.

328 APPENDIX.
"Captain Josiah Winslow, who had been station
ed at the fort on St. George's river, with part of his
company, had been surprised and cut off. He went
out from the fort with two whaleboats, fourteen White
men, and three Indians. It seems the enemy watch
ed their motions, and on their return, suddenly sur
rounded them, with thirty canoes, whose compliment
was not less than a hundred Indians. The English
attempted to land, but were intercepted, ahd nothing
remained but to sell their lives as dearly as possible.
They made a brave defence, but every Englishman
was killed. The three Indians escaped to report
their hapless fall. Flushed with these successes, the
enemy attempted still greater feats on the Water.
They took two shallops at the isles of shoals. They
then made seizures of other vessels in different har
bours. Among others they took a large schooner
carrying two swivel guns. This they manned and
cruised along the coast. It was imagined that a
small force would be able to conquer these raw sai
lors. A shallop of sixteen, and a schooner of twenty
men, under Captains Jackson and Lakeman, Wdrd
armed and sent in pursuit of the enemy. They Soon
came up with them, but raw as they were, they obli
ged the English vessels to sheer off, and leave them
to pursue their own course, who took eleven vessels
and fortyfive men. Twentytwo they killed, and ihe
others they carried into captivity."
While these affairs were passing at sea, the inland
country suffered also. " Mischief was done at GrO-
ton, Rutland, Northampton, and Dover. In all these
places more or less were killed, some wounded, and
others carried into captivity."
The scene is now to change. The English are
resolved to visit the Indians at their head quarters,
at Norridgewoct. Accordingly, Captains Moulton,
Harman, and Bourne, with two hundred and eighty
men, arrived at Taconnock, up the Kennebeck river,
the twentieth of August. Here they left their boats

APPENDIX. 32§
and forty men to guard them, and proceeded the
next day for Norridgewock. " In the evening they
discovered two women, the wife and daughter of
Bomazeen, the famous warriour and chieftain of
Norridgewock. They fired upon them and killed his
daughter, and then captivated his wife. By her they
obtained a good account of the state of the village.
On the twenty third they came near it, and as they
imagined that part of the Indians would be in their
corn fields, at some distance, it was thought expedi
ent to make a division ofthe army." Captain Har-
man marched with eighty men into the fields. —
" Moulton with the remainder marched directly for
the village. About three o'clock it opened sudden
ly upon them. The Indians were all in their wig
wams entirely secure. Moulton marched his men in
the profoundest silence, and ordered that not one of
them should fire at random, through the wigwams,
nor till they should receive the enemy's fire ; as he
expected they would come out in a panic and over
shoot them. At length an Indian stepping out, dis
covered the English close upon them. He instantly
gave the war hoop, and sixty warriours rushed out to
meet them.- The Indians fired hastily without in
juring a man. The English returned the fire with
great effect, and the Indians instantly fled to the riv
er. Some jumped into their canoes, others into the
river, which the tallest of them were able to ford.
Mouiton closely pursuing them, drove them from
their canoes, and killed them in the river, so that it
was judged, that not more than fifty of the whole vii- ,
lage reached the opposite shore. Some of these
were shot before they reached the woods.
The English then returning to the village, found
father Ralle, the Jesuit, firing from one of the wig
wams on a small number of men who had not been
.in the pursuit ofthe enemy. One of these he wound
ed ; in consequence of which, one Lieutenant Ja-
28*

330 APPENDIX.
qiies burst the door and shot him through the head.
Captain Moulton had given orders not to kill him.
Jaques excused himself, affirming that Ralla was
loading his piece, and refused to give or take quar
ter. With the English there were three Mohawks.
Mogg,* a famous Indian warriour firing from a wig
wam killed one of them. His brother in a rage flew
to the wigwam, burst the door, and instancy killer'
Mogg. The English followed in a rage and killed
his squaw and two helpless children." After the ac
tion Harman arrived and they all lodged in the vil
lage.. " In the morning they found twentysix dead
bodies, besides that of the Jesuit. Among the dead
were Bomazeen,Mogg, Wissememet, and Bomazeen's
son in law, all famous warriours. "f
The inhumanity of the English to the women and
children cannot be excused. It greatly eclipses the
lustre of the victory:;}.
The Norridgewocks were now broken down, and
they never made any figure afterwards. §
XI.  LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.
Perhaps the celebrated story of "Lovewell's
Fight," cannot be given, to interest the present age,
better than in the language ofthe old song, composed
just after it happened. It is a simple and true nar
rative of the affair.
1 Of worthy Captain Lovewell,|| I purpose now to sing,
How valiantly he served his country and his King ;
* In Philip's War there was a chief by this name. Mr.
Hubbard called him " Mug the rogue."
t " The number in all that were killed [ofthe enemy] was
supposed to be eighty." Penhallow, 108.
X " It may," says Penhallow, ib. " be as noble an exploit,
(all things considered) as ever happend in the time of King
Philip." § The above article is taken from Dr. Trumbull's Hist. U.
S. Chap. IX.
. II Captain John Love well lived in Dunstable, Newhamp-

z

APPENDIX. 331
He and his valiant soldiers, did range the woods full wide,
And hardships they endured to quell the Indians' pride.
'Twas nigh unto Pigwacket,* on the eighth day of May,t
They spied a rebel Indian soon after break of day ;
He oh a bank was walking, upon a neck of land,
Which leads into a pondj as we're made to understand.
3 Our men resolv'd to have him and travell'd two miles round,
Until they met the Indian, who boldly stood his ground ;
Then spake up Captain Lovewell, "Take you good heed,"
says he,
" This rogue is to decoy us, I very plainly see.§
_4 " The Indians lie in ambush, in some place nigh at hand,
" In order to surround us upon this neck of land ;
" Therefore we'll march in order, and each man leave his
pack, ||
" That we may briskly fight them when they make their
attack."
5 They came unto this Indian, who did them thus defy,
As soon as they came nigh him, two guns he did let fly,1T
shire, then Massachusetts. " He was a son of Zacheus Love-
well, an Ensign in the army of Oliver Cromwell, who came
to this country and settled at Dunstable, where he died at
the age of one hundred and twenty years, the oldest white
man who ever died in the state of Newhampshire." Far
mer and Moore's Col. Ill, 64.
* Situated on the upper part of the river Saco, then 50
miles from any white settlement. Ib. I, 27. It is in the"
present town of Fryeburg, Maine.
t They set out from Dunstable about the 16 April, 1725.
Symmes', narrative, in Farmer and Moore's Col. I, 27r
$ Called Saco pond. Some call this Lovewell's pond, but
Ldvewell's pond is in Wakefield, where he some time before,
captured a company of Indians, who were on their way to
attack some of the frontier towns.
§ This Indian was out a hunting, and probably had no
knowledge ofthe English, having two ducks in his hand, and
his guns loaded with beaver shot. Symmes and Belknap.
|| The Indians finding their packs, learned their number,
and placed themselves to surround them, when they return
ed. 1T It appears from Mr,. Symmes, that the English saw the
Indian coming, and secreted themselves, firing at him first.

332 APPENDIX.
Which wounded Captain Lovewell, and likewise one man
more,* [jjore.t
But when this rogue was running, they laid him in his
« Then having scalp'd the Indian, they went back to the spot,
Where they had laid their packs down, but there they
found them not,
For the Indians having spy'd them, when they them down
did lay,
Did seize them for their plunder, and carry them away.
% These rebels lay in ambush, this very place Hard by,
So that an English soldier did one ofthem espy,
And cried out "Here's an Indian," with that they started
out,
As fiercely as old lions, and hideously did shout.
8 With that our valiant English, all gave a loud huzza,
To shew the rebel Indians they fear'd them not a straw :
So now the fight began, and as fiercely as could be,
The Indians ran up to them, but soon were forc'd to flee. J
3 Then spake up Captain Lovewell, when first the fight be
gan)
" Fight on my valiant heroes! you see they fall like rain."
For as we are inform'd, the Indians were so thick,
A man could scarcely fire a gun and not some ofthem hit.
."0 Then did the rebels try their best our soldiers to surround,
But they could not accomplish it, because there was apond,
To. which our men retreated and covered all the rear,§
The rogues were forc'd to flee them, altho' they skulk'd
for fear.
He then, having two guns, discharged both, and wounded
¦the Captain mortally.
* Samuel Whiting.
t Ensign Wyman shot him, and Mr. Frye, the chaplain,
and another, scalped him. Symmes.
X Both parties advanced with their guns presented, and
when they came within " a few yards," they fired on both
sides. " The Indians fell in considerable numbers, but the
English, most, if not all ofthem, escaped the first shot." Ib.
Then advancing within twice the length of their guns, slew
nine. Penhallow.
§ Twelve were killed and wounded before they retreated
¦to the .pond. There was a small bank, which served them

APPENDIX. 333
1 1 Two logs there were behind them, that close together lay,
Without being discovered, they could not get away ;
Therefore our valiant English, they travell'd in a row,
And at a handsome distance as they were wont to go.
12 'Twas 10 o'clock in the morning, when first the fight begun,
And fiercely did continue until the setting sun ;
Excepting that the Indians, some hours before 'twas night,
Drew off into the bushes and ceased awhile to fight.*
13 But soon again returned, in fierce and furious mood,
Shouting as in the morning, but yet not half so loud ;
For as we are informed, so thick and fast they fell,
Scarce twenty of their number, at night did get home well.t
14 And that our valiant English, till midnight there did stay,
To see whether the rebels would have another fray ;
But they no more returning, they made off towards their
home, [come. J
And brought away their wounded as far, as they could
15 Of all our valiant English, there were but thirtyfour,
And ofthe rebel Indians, there were about four score.
And sixteen of our English did safely home return,
The rest were killed and wounded, for which we all must
mourn. §
as a breastwork, and, perhaps, saved them from an immediate
defeat. This is the more probable, as but few were killed
afterward. Ib.
* They probably drew off to take care of the wounded.
Symmes nor Penhallow makes no mention that they return
ed again to the fight, after they drew off.
t Forty were said to be killed upon the spot, and eighteen
more died of their wounds. Penhallow.
X Solomon Keyes, after receiving three wounds, crawled
along the shore ofthe pond, where he chanced to find an old
canoe, into which he rolled himself, and the wind wafted
him on several miles toward the fort, which he reached in
safety. He felt his end approaching, when he was in the
boat, into which he had crawled, only to die in peace, and to
escape the scalping knife, but wonderfully revived. Symmes.
§ Eight were left in the woods, whose wounds were so bad
that they could not travel, of whom two only returned. One
ran away in the beginning of the fight.

334 APPENDIX.
16 Our worthy Captain Lovewell among them there did die,
They killed Lt. Robins,* and wounded good young Frye,f
Who was our English chaplain ; he many Indians slew,
And some ofthem he scalp'd when bullets round him flew
17 Young FullamJ too I'll mention, because he fought so well,
Endeavouring to save a man, a sacrifice he fell ;
But yet our valiant Englishmen in fight were ne'er dis-
may'd, - . [made,
But still they kept their motion, and Wyman's§ Captain
18 Who shot the old chief Paugus,|| which did the foe defeat,
Then set his men in order, and brought off the retreat ;
And braving many dangers and hardships in the way,
They safe arriv'd at Dunstable, the thirteenth day of
Mav.1T
In the beginning of the war, one hundred pounds
were offered by the government for every Indian
scalp. , Captain Lovewell and his company in about
* He belonged to Chelmesford. Being mortally wounded,
desired to have two guns charged, and left with him, which
they did. He said, " As* the Indians will come in the morn
ing to scalp me, I will kill one more ofthem if I can." Ib.
t He fell about the middle of the afternoon. He was the
only son of Capt. James Frye of Andover, graduated at Har
vard college in 1728, and was chaplain ofthe company. Ib.
X Only son of Major Fullam of Weston, was sergeant of
the company, and fell in the beginning ofthe fight. Ib.
§ Ensign Seth Wyman of Woburn. He was presented
with a silver hilted sword for his good conduct, and commis
sioned Captain. He died soon after.
U Many of LoveWell's men knew Paugus personally. A
huge bear's skin formed a part of his dress. From Mr.
Symmes' account, it appears that John Chamberlain killed
him. They had spoken together some time in the fight,
and afterward both happened to go to the pond to wash out
their guns, which were rendered useless by so frequent
firing. Here the challange was given' by Paugus, " It is you
or I." As soon as the guns were prepared they fired, and
Paugus fell.
f Wyman and three others did not arrive until the 15th,
but the main body, consisting of twelve, arrived the 13th.

APPENDIX. 335
three months made twelve hundred pounds. This
stimulated them to attack the village of Pigwocket,
where, if successful, they considered their fortunes
sure. It was a heavy loss to the country, but this
nearly finished the war. The Indians formed no
considerable body in these parts afterward. A long
and happy peace followed.
The above song is taken from the valuable Histori
cal Collections of Farmer and Moore.
I cannot refuse the beautiful lines of Mr. Thomas
C. Upham, " a N. Hampshire poet," a place in this
work. They were occasioned by a visit to the place
of Lovewell's Fight.*
Ah ! where are the soldiers that fought here of yore ?
The sod is upon them, they'll struggle no more.
The hatchet is fallen, the red man is low ;
But near him reposes the arm of his foe.
The bugle is silent, the warhoop is dead ;
There's a murmur of waters and woods in their stead ;
And the raven and owl chant a symphony drear,
From the dark waving pines o'er the combatant's bier.
The light ofthe sun has just sunk in the wave,
And along time ago sat the sun ofthe brave.
The waters complain, as they roll o'er the stones,
And the rank grass encircles a few scatter'd bones.
The names of the fallen the traveller leaves
Cut out with his knife in the bark of the trees,
But little avail his affectionate arts,
For the names ofthe fallen are graved in our hearts.
The voice ofthe hunter is loud on the breeze,
There's a dashing of waters, a rustling of trees ;
But the jangling of armour hath all pass'd away,
No gushing of lifeblood is here seen to day.
The eye that was sparkling, no longer is bright,
The arm of the mighty, death conquered its might,
* Taken from Farmer and Moore's Col. 1, 35.

336 . APPENDIX.
The bosoms that once for their country beat high,
To those bosoms the sods of the valley are nigh.
Sleep, soldiers of merit, sleep, gallants of yore,
The hatchet is fallen, the struggle is o'er.
While the fir tree is green and the wind rolls a wave,
The tear drop shall brighten the turf of the brave.
XII.  ANECDOTES, NARRATIVES, &C, OF THE IN
DIANS.
1. Among the first settlers of Brunswick, Maine,
was Daniel Malcolm, a man of undaunted courage,
and an inveterate enemy of the Indians, who gave
him the name of Sungurnumby, that is, a very strong
man. Early in the spring, he ventured alone into
the forest for the purpose of splitting rails from the
spruce, not apprehensive of Indians so early in the
season. While engaged in his work, and having
opened a log with small wedges about half its length,
he was surprised by Indians, who crept up and se
cured his musket, standing by his side. " Sungur
numby," said the chief, " now me got you ; long me
want you ; you long speak Indian, long time worry
him ; me have got you now ; look up stream to Ca
nada." — " Well," said Malcolm, with true sangfroid,
" you have me ; but just help me open this log be
fore I go." They all (five in number) agreed. Mal
colm prepared a large wooden wedge, carefully
drove it, took out his small wedges, and told the In
dians to put in their fingers to the partially clefted
wood, and help pull it open. They did ; he then sud
denly struck out his blunt wedge, and the elastick
wood instantly closed fast on their fingers, and he
secured them.*
2. Origin of the name of a bridge in Salisbury
N. H., known by the name of " Indian Bridge." —
In the fall ofthe year 1753, two Indians, named Sa-
* Farmer and Moore, III, 103.

APPENDIX. 337
batis and Plausawa, came into Canterbury with furs.
They here met two men from Newbury, whom they
knew, but were not pleased at seeing them, and be
gan to make off. Sabatis seemed disposed to do
mischief, but was prevented by Plausawa. The two
Englishmen offered to buy their furs. They refused,
and said they would not sell furs to the English, but
would go to Canada; but afterward they offered to
trade for rum. They had rum, but would not sell
it to them, thinking that they were ill disposed. As
they were about to leave the Indians, one of them,
Plausawa, appeared friendly, and advised them to
avoid meeting with Indians. When they had gone
a little distance from the Indians, Sabatis called
them, and said, " No more you English come here ;
me. heart bad; me kill you." One of the English
replied, "No kill — English and Indians now all
brothers." As they left the Indians, they met one
Peter Bowen going toward them. They told him of
the temper the Indians had showed, and tried to dis
suade him. He replied, that he was not afraid of
them ; that be was acquainted with Indians and knew
how to deal with them. The Indians had got into
their canoe, and were going up the river, when Bow
en called to them, and invited them to go to his
house, and stay all night ; and that he would give
them some rum. They went with him to his house,
which was in Contoocook. The night was spent in
a drunken frolick, in which Bowen did not fail to
act his part ; being much accustomed to their modes
of life. In the midst of the frolick, Bowen took the
caution to unload their guns. The next morning he
took his horse to convey their packs to their boats.
As they were going, Sabatis proposed to Bowen to
run with his horse. A race being agreed upon and
performed, in which Sabatis beat Bowen on. horse
back, at which he was much pleased, and laughed
heartily. After proceeding along a little further,
29

338 APPENDIX.
Sabatis said to him, " Bowen walk woods," meaning
that Bowen was his prisoner. Bowen said, "No
walk woods, all one brothers." Another race soon
followed, in which Sabatis fell in the rear, and Bow
en hearing a gun snap, looked round and saw a flash
from Sabatis' gun, which was pointed at him. He
turned back and laid him dead with a blow of his
tomahawk. Plausawa was further behind, and as
Bowen came toward him, he leveled his gun and it
snapped also ; he then fell on his knees and begged
for his life, but Bowen knew he should be in danger
so long as the friend of Sabatis lived, so he despatch
ed him in like manner. He then hid the bodies un
der a bridge, which were found the next spring and
buried. From this affair is the name of Indian
Bridge derived.* ¦
3. Origin of the peopling of Nantucket by the In
dians. It is told that in a remote period of antiqui
ty, an eagle made a descent on some part of the
coast of what is now Newengland, and carried off a
young Indian in his talons. The weeping parents
made bitter lamentations, and with eager eyes saw
their child borne out of sight, over the trackless
deep. They resolved to follow in the same direc
tion. Accordingly they set out in their canoes, and
after a perilous passage descried the island. They
landed and after much search found the bones of
the child.
4. An anecdote of the colony qf Sagadehock.
" The Norridgewock Indians have this tradition ;
that this company engaged a number of Indians, who
had come to trade with them, to draw a cannon, by
a long rope; that the moment they were ranged in
a strait line, the white'people discharged the piece,
which killed and wounded a number. Their story is,
that the indignation of the natives for this barba-
* Ibid. Ill, 27.

APPENDIX. 339
rous treachery, compelled the company to embark
to save their own lives."*
5. " A letter from King Philip to Governour
Prince, copied from the original, which belongs to
Mr. White, of Plymouth. Tlie words are spelt as in
the original letter."
. King Philip desire to let you understand that he
could not come to the court, for Tom, his interpreter
has a pain in his back, that he could not travil so
far, and Philip sister is very sick.
Philip would intreat that favor, of you, and aney
of the majestrates, if aney English or Engians speak
about aney land, he preay you to give them no an
swer at all. This last sumer he made that promis
with you, that he would not sell no land in 7 years
time, for that he would have no English trouble him
before that time, he has not forgot that you promis
him. He will come a sune as posible he can to speak
with you, and so I rest, your verey loveing friend,
Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek
To the much honered
Governer, Mr. Thomas Prince,
dwelling at Plymouth. f
6. Singularity of the Indian language. Thus the
word Nummatchekodtantamooonganunnonash signi
fies no more in English, than our lusts; arid Noo-
womantammooonkanunonnash no more than our loves.
A yet longer word (if so such an assemblage of let
ters may be called) Kummogkodonattoottummooeti-
teaongannunnonash is to express only our question.^
7. A proof qf King Philip's humanity. The ances-
ter of Col. B. Cole, of Warren, Rhodeisland, came
to this country and settled at Tuisset.§ He in time
* Morse and Parish's Hist. N. Eng. 17.
t Mass. Hist. Soc. Col. II, 40. The Editor writes at the
bottom of the letter, " There is no date to the letter, it was
probably written about 1660 or 1670."
X See Magnalia, I, 507.
§ A neck of land on the east side of Keekamuit river.

340 APPENDIX.
became acqainted with Philip, and always lived in
habits of friendship with him. In June 1675, Philip
informed him that his young men were very eager to
go to war against the English ; but when he could
no longer restrain them he would let him know. Ac
cordingly on an evening previous to the fatal 24,
canoes arrived from Mounthope with advise from
Philip, that Mr. Cole and family must go over to R.
I., as his people would begin the war. They em
barked, and the next morning their dwellings were
burned. Col. B.. Cole, is of the fourth generation.*
8. An Indian Snare. To take large animals they
sometimes built two extensive fences, perhaps a mile
apart at one extremity, and at the other nearly meet
ing, forming an angle, generally, something less than
a right one. At this point or opening they contrived
to bend down a tree of sufficient strength to suspend
the largest animals. " An English mare having once
strayed away, was caught, and like Mahomet's fabled
coffin, raised between the heavens and earth, in one
of these snares. The Indians arriving, and seeing
her struggling on the tree, ran immediately, and in
formed the English that their squaw horse was hang
ing on a tree."f
9. Anecdote of Massassoit. " Mr. Winslow,| com
ing in his bark from Connecticut to Narragenset, —
and he left her there, — and intending to return by
land, he went to Osamekin the sagamore, [Massas
soit] his old ally, who offered to conduct him home
to Plimouth. But, before they took their journey,
Osamekin sent one of his men to Plimouth to tell
them that Mr. Winslow was dead ; and directed him
to show how and where he was killed. Whereupon
there was much fear and sorrow at Plimouth. The
next day, when Osamekin brought him home, they
* Oral account of Col. Cole.
t Morse and Parish's N. Eng. 222.
X Mr. Edward Winslow.

APPENDIX. 341
asked him why he sent such word, &c. He answer
ed, that it was their manner to do so, that they might
be more welcome when they came home."* This
was in 1634.
10. Singular descriptions. Dr. Mather says there
fell into his hands the manuscript of a Jesuit, em
ployed by the French to instruct the Iroquois In
dians in religion ; in which was " one chapter about
Heaven, and another about Hell, wherein are such
thick skulled passages as these." " ' Q. How is the
soyl made in Heaven ? A. 'Tis a very fair soyl, they
want neither for meats nor clothes : 'tis but wishing
and we have them. Q. Are they employed in Heav
en1? A. No ; they do nothing ; the fields yield corn,
beans, pumpkins, and the like without any tillage." '
After a few others that amount to no more or less, it
proceeds thus in the examination of Hell. " ' Q.
What sort of soyl is that of hell1? A. A very
wretched soyl; 'tis a fiery pit, in the centre of the
earth. Q. Have they any light in hell1? A. No.
'Tis always darft; there is always smoke there ; their
eyes are always in pain with it ; they can see noth
ing but the devils. Q. What shaped things are the
devils ? A. Very ill shaped tilings ; they go about
with vizards on, and they terrify men. Q. What
do they eat in hell1? A. They are always hungry,
but the damned feed on hot ashes and serpents there.
Q. What water have they to drink ? A. Horid wa
ter, nothing but melted lead. Q. Don't they die in hell?
A. No : yet they eat one another, every day ; but
anon, God restores and renews the man that was eat
en, as a cropt plant in a little time repullulates.' "
" It seems they have not thought this divinity too
gross for the barbarians. But I shall make no re
flections on it."f
* Winthrop's Hist. N. Eng. I, 138, 139.
f See Magnalia, I, 521, 522. 29*

342 APPENDIX.
XIII.  MASSACRE OF THE CONESTOGOE INDIANS IN
PENNSYLVANIA.
An almost uninterrupted friendship seems to have
existed between the Indians and the inhabitants of
Pennsylvania, until the year 1754. At this period
the French had stirred up the Indians in the back
country, and an Indian war commenced.
About ten years after that, when " many," says
Mr. Proud, " who had been continually flocking into
the province, in later years, having from their inex
perience and ignorance, too despicable an opinion
of that people, and treating them accordingly, were
by this conduct foolishly enraged against the whole
species indiscriminately ; insomuch, that in the lat
ter part of the year 1763, calling to their aid the
madness of the wildest enthusiasm, with which, un
der pretence of religion, certain most furious zealots
among the preachers of a numerous sect, in the pro
vince, could inspire their hearers, to cover their bar
barity, a number of, not improperly named, armed
demi-savages, inhabitants of Lancaster county, prin
cipally from the townships of Paxtang and Donnegal,
and their neighbourhood, committed the most horri
ble massacre, that ever was heard of in this, or per
haps, any other province, with inpunity ! and under
the notion of extirpating the heathen from the earth,
as Joshua did of old, that these saints might possess
the land alone," &c. Thus begins the narrative.
" 'These Indians were the remains of a tribe of the
Six Nations, settled at Conestogoe, and thence call
ed Conestogoe Indians. On the first arrival of the
English in Pennsylvania, messengers from this tribe
came to welcome them, with presents of venison,
corn and skins ; and the whole tribe entered into a
treaty of friendship with the first Proprietary, Will
iam Penn ; which was to last as long as the sun
should shine, or the waters run in the rivers.

APPENDIX. 343
This treaty has been since frequently renewed, and
the chain brightened, as they express it, from time to
time. It has never been violated on their part, or
ours, till now. As their lands, by degrees, were
mostly purchased, and the settlement of the white
people began to surround them, the Proprietor as
signed them lands on the manor of Conestogoe,
which they might not part with ; there they have
lived many years, in friendship with their white
neighbours, who loved them for their peaceable, in
offensive behaviour.
It has always been observed, that Indians, settled
in the neighbourhood of white people, do not increase,
but diminish continually. This tribe accordingly
went on diminishing, till there remained in their
town, on the manor, but twenty persons, namely,
seven men, five women, and eight children, boys and
girls. Of these, Shehaes was a very old man, having as
sisted at the second treaty, held with them by Mr.
Penn, in 1701 ; and ever since continued a faithful
friend to the English ; he is said to have been an ex
ceeding good man, considering his education, being
naturally of a most kind, benevolent temper.
This little society continued the custom they had
begun, when more numerous, of addressing every
new Governour, and every descendant of the first
Proprietary, welcoming him to the province, assur
ing him of their fidelity, and praying a continuance
of that favour and protection, which they had hither
to experienced. They had accordingly sent up an
address of this kind to our present Governour (John
Penn, Esquire) on his arrival; but the same was
scarce delivered when the unfortunate catastrophe
happened which we are about to relate.
On Wednesday, the 14th of December, 1763, fif-
tyseven* men from some of our frontier townships,
who had projected the destruction of this little com
monwealth came all well mounted, and armed with

344 APPENDIX.
firelocks, hangers and hatchets, having travelled
through' the country in the night to Conestogoe ma
nor. There they surrounded the small village of In
dian huts, and just at break of day, broke in upon
them all at once. Only three men, two women, and
a .young boy were found at home ; the rest being
out among the neighbouring white people ; some to
sell their baskets, brooms and bowls, they manufac
tured, and others, on other occasions. These poor
defenceless creatures were immediately fired upon,
stabbed and hatcheted to death ! The good She-
haes, among the rest, cut to pieces in his bed ! All
of them were scalped, and otherwise horribly mang
led. Then their huts were set on fire, and most of
them burned down.
The Magistrates of Lancaster sent out to collect
the remaining Indians, brought them into the town,
for their better security against any further attempt ;
and, it is said, condoled with them on the misfortune,
that had happened, took them by the hand, and
promised them protection.
They were put into the workhouse, a strong build
ing, as the place of greatest safety.
These cruel men again assembled themselves ;
and hearing that the remaining fourteen Indians
were in the workhouse at Lancaster, they suddenly
appeared before that town, on the twentyseventh of
December. Fifty of them armed as before ; dis
mounting, went directly to the workhouse, and by
violence broke open the door, and entered with the
utmost fury in their countenances. When the poor
wretches saw they had no protection nigh, nor could
possibly escape, and being without the least wea
pon of defence, they divided their little families, the
children clinging to their parents ; they fell on their
faces, protested their innocence, declared their
love to the English, and that, in their whole lives,
they had never done them injury ; and in this pos
ture, they all received the hatchet! Men, women

APPENDIX. 345
and children, were every one inhumanly murdered
in cold blood !
The barbarous men, who committed the attrocious
fact, in defiance of government, of all laws, human
and divine, and, to the eternal disgrace of their coun
try and colour, then mounted their horses, huzzaed
in triumph, as if they had gained a victory, and rode
off unmolested !
The bodies of the murdered were then brought
out, and exposed in the street, till a hole could be
made in the earth, to receive and cover them. But
the wickedness cannot be covered, and the guilt will
lie on the whole land, till justice is done on the mur
derers. The blood qf the innocent will cry to heaven
for vengeance.
Notwithstanding the proclamations and endea
vours of the Governour on the occasion, the murder
ers having given out such threatenings against those
that disapproved their proceedings, that the whole
country seems to be in terror, and no one durst
speak what he knows ; even the letters from thence
are unsigned, in which any dislike is expressed of
the rioters.' "
Mr. Proud* adds to the above narrative, that, " So
far had the infection spread, which caused this ac
tion, and so much had fear seized the minds of the
people, or perhaps both, that neither the printer nor
the writer of this publication, though supposed to be
as nearly connected as Franklin and Hall were at
that time, and men of the first character in their way,
did not insert either their names, or places of abode,
in it ! It was printed while the insurgents were pre
paring to advance towards Philadelphia ; or on their
way thither ; it appeared to have some effect, in pre-
* See his Hist. Pennsylvania, I, 326 to 328. [I would re
mind the reader, that no comparison should have been made,
in note 2, to page 147, between the treatment ofthe Indians
in Newengland, and Pennsylvania ; for Mr. Makin wrote
before any material difficulties had occurred in that pro
vince.]

346 APPENDIX.
venting the threatened consequences, by exciting an
exertion of endeavours, in the citizens, for that pur
pose ; and being a relation of real facts, though writ
in a hurry, it was never answered or contradicted."
XV.  TROUBLES WITH THE INDIANS IN THE LATE WAR
WITH ENGLAND.
Before the declaration of war took place between
America and Great Britain, the Indians along the
frontiers, very much alarmed the inhabitants by their
hostile appearance.
The famous Indian warriour, Tecumseh, had been
known for his enmity to civilization, and utter aver
sion to the white people, from the time of Harmer's
defeat ; and, like the celebrated Philip, had extend
ed his endeavours, far and wide, among the various
tribes of his countrymen, to unite them in making
war on the Americans. His eloquence was irresista-
ble, and his success was great. It is sufficient to
observe, that the English had early engaged him in
their cause. Much was also imposed on the credu
lity of those people by a brother of Tecumseh, who
professed the spirit of prophecy, and the art of con
juration ; in the exercise of which, much was effect
ed. He was known by the name of " The Prophet."
In 1811, Governour Harrison of Indiana, met a
large number of chiefs at Vincennes, to confer about
the state of affairs. Tecumseh appeared there, to
remonstrate against the sale of certain lands, made
by the Kickapoos and others. In a speech of great
eloquence, he urged the wrongs of his countrymen,
by the encroachments of the whites, of which he
gave a faithful history. In the Governour's answer,
he advanced something which Tecumseh thought, or
perhaps knew to be wrong. At which he raised his
tomahawk, and twenty or thirty others followed his
example. But Harrison had taken the precaution to
have a sufficient force at hand, which prevented any
acts of violence. This broke up the conference, and
war was soon expected to follow.

APPENDIX. 347
Battle of Tippecanoe. Toward the latter end of
the year 1811, the appearance of the Indians was so
alarming, that Gov. Harrison, with an army of about
2000 men, marched into the Indian country. On
arriving within a mile of the Prophet's town, they
were met by a number of chiefs, who sued for peace,
and begged for their lives. Harrison demanded the
plunder taken froirj the Americans. It being near
night, 6 November, they requested the army to
encamp, and in the morning, they would accede to
his proposals. The intrigue was mistrusted, and the
Governour drew up his army in order of battle, and
encamped for the night. About four o'clock their
camp was attacked with great impetuosity, and the
battle was for some time doubtful and bloody. But
at length, the Indians were overpowered, and the
victory was complete. About 300 of their war
riours strewed the ground of battle. The behaviour
of the Americans, many of whom had never seen
an engagement before, cannot be too much applaud
ed. When the battle began, each took his post
without noise, and with calmness. Their loss in
valuable officers was severe : They were these ; kill
ed, Col. Abraham Owens, the Governour's aid ; Col.
Joseph H. Davies, a very eminent lawyer ; Col.
White, Capt. Warrick, Capt. Spencer, Lieut. Mc-
Mahon, Lieut. Berry, and Capt. Bean.
An Expedition against the Western Indians. —
For the' purpose of driving the hostile Indians out
of the limits of the U. States, an expedition was
on f%ot early in October, consisting of 4000 men un
der Gen. Hopkins. After relieving fort Harrison,
above mentioned, he crossed the Wabash and en
camped but few miles distant. Here discontents
were discovered among the soldiers, which very soon
broke out into open disobedience of orders. This
great army was composed of raw militia, of which lit
tle could be expected ; and, but for the assistance af
forded fort Harrison, the expedition would have been

348 APPENDIX.
rendered entirely abortive. A certain Major rode
up to the General, and with great authority of ex
pression, commanded him to return. Seeing the
state of his men, the General told them, that if 500
would accompany him, he would proceed in quest
of the enemy ; but not a man would turn out. He
then requested them to let him have the direction
for a single day ; to. which they assented. He then
put himself at their head, and ordered them to
march; but they filed off in a contrary direction,
and marched off to fort Harrison ; and the General
followed in the rear. At their encampment in a
great prairie beyond the Wabash, the grass was dis
covered to . be on fire, and driven by a fierce wind
directly toward their camp. This was an Indian
trap. But the Americans set fire to the grass about
them, and were thereby delivered from a formidable
onset by the flames. The same officer, afterward
performed a successful expedition against the In
dians. Affair ofthe river Raisin. Out of sympathy for
the inhabitants of Frenchtown, who were threatened
with an Indian massacre, an imprudent step was
taken by the Americans. Gen. Winchester had ta
ken post at the rapids, when he received a pressing
request from those inhabitants, for his protection.
Accordingly, he despatched Col. Lewis with 300
men for their relief. On his arrival, he found the
Indians already in possession of the place, but he at
tacked them in their works, and drove them from the
place, and encamped on the same ground. Two
days after, 20 December, Gen. Winchester arrived
with the main army. Their force now consisted of
750 men. These operations went on without the
knowledge of Gen. Harrison, the commander in chief,
whose knowledge of the situation of the country,
convinced him of their extreme danger. French-
town is situated only 20 miles from Maiden, a strong
British post, of a superiour force to the Americans,

APPENDIX. 349
and the intervening waters were covered with solid
ice. It was also 70 miles from any American
place, from whence they could expect supplies.
Their situation did not escape the notice of the Brit
ish. Col. Proctor, with 600 English and above
1000 Indians under the two Indian chiefs, Splitlog
and Roundhead, appeared before their camp at day
break, on the 22 January, 1813, and immediately
began the attack. The Americans' works not being
large enough to contain their small force, 150 were
posted without. The numbers of the enemy enabled
him to dispose of his force, as to cut off all means of
retreat. The attack was first made on those without
the fort, who were soon forced to give way. They
fled across the river, and were pursued by the ene
my, and cut to pieces. One hundred men, in two
companies, left the works, and went over to their as
sistance, and shared the same horrid fate. General
Winchester and Col. Lewis, in some manoeuvre, were
taken prisoners. The little army now in possession
of the pickets, maintained the unequal fight until 1 1
of the clock, when Gen. Winchester capitulated for
them. It was particularly stipulated that the wound
ed should be protected from the savages. The
army still consisted of upwards of 500 men, and not
until a flag had passed three times would they con
sent to surrender. But knowing their situation
to be desperate, they consented under assurance
from the British officer, that their lives and proper
ties should be protected. We shall now see, with
what faith the semi barbarian, Proctor, acted. No
sooner had this brave band submitted, than they saw
what was to follow. The tomahawk and scalping
knife were indiscriminately employed among the
dead and wounded ; officer's side arms were wrest
ed from them, and many stript and robbed. About
60 wounded Americans strewed the battle ground,
who, by the kindness of the inhabitants were remov
ed into houses. But horrid to tell, the next day, a
30

350 APPENDIX.
body of those savages were permitted to return, and
after scalping and murdering to their content, set
fire to the town, and all were buried beneath the
conflagration, except a few that could travel, who
were marched into the wilderness.
Defence of fort Meigs. General Harrison had
established his head quarters at Franklintown, previ
ous to the battle of the river Raisin, for the greater
facility of transmitting orders, &c, to the different
posts. After that affair took place, he concentrated
his forces, consisting of 1200 men, at the Rapids,
and there threw up a fort, which, in honour of the
Governour of Ohio, was called fort Meigs. The ene
my made their appearance about the 28 April, and
soon after, began to construct batteries on the op
posite side of the river. But in this business they
proceeded slowly, from the annoyance of fort Meigs,
and were obliged to perform their labours in the
night. They at length succeeded in erecting two
batteries of heavy cannon, and a mortar. These be
gan furiously to play upon the American works, but
were several times silenced. Proctor sent an inso
lent summons to Harrison, to surrender ; he returned
an answer according as it merited. The siege was
continued, and the Indians from the tops of the trees
fired into the fort and killed several men. General
Harrison now received information, that two regi
ments from Ohio, which were expected, were near
at hand. He despatched orders to their - General
for a party to attack the enemy's works at one point,
while a party from the fort, should act simultaneous
ly on another part. Eight hundred men under Col.
Dudley of the Ohio men, and another body under
Col. Miller, were immediately in motion. Col. Dud
ley led his men up in the face ofthe enemy's cannon,
and every battery was carried, almost in an instant,
and the British and Indians fled with great precipi
tation. These fugitives were met by a large body of
Indians under Gen, Tecumseh. This famous war-

APPENDIX. 35 J
nour, expecting the Americans to pursue, formed an
ambush, and waited their approach. Col. Dudley's
men were so elated at their success, that they could
not be restrained from pursuing the fugitives, although
their Colonel used his utmost endeavours. They
accordingly pressed on, and immediately found them
selves surrounded by the savages. Here another
horrid slaughter followed ; but, different from that
at Raisin, for Tecumseh interposed for the lives of
those that surrendered, and not like Proctor, did he
turn his back on those barbarities. He even laid a
chief dead at his feet, for persisting in the massacre.
About 650 men were killed and missing in this af
fair. The lamented Dudley was among the former.
The party under Col. Miller, performed their part
admirably, and after spiking the cannon, returned to
camp with upwards of 40 prisoners. These opera
tions made the enemy relinquish his design, and he
immediately drew off. The distinguished names of
Croghan, Todd, Johnson, Sedgwick, Ritzen, Stod
dard, and Butler will live in the annals of their coun
try. The last mentioned was a son of Gen. Butler,
who fell in St. Clair's defeat.
Battle qf the Moravian towns, and death qf Te
cumseh. After the great naval victory on the lake,
achieved by the American fleet, under the gallant
Perry, Proctor abandoned Maiden, and took a posi
tion on the river Thames. His precipitate move
ments were displeasing to Tecumseh, who thought
the situation of his brethren entirely disregarded, by
their being left open to the Americans. In a speech
to Proctor, he reprobates his conduct in very pointed
terms. He says, "The war before this, [meaning the re
volution] our British father gave the hatchet to his red
children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now
dead. In that war our father [the king] was thrown on
his back by the Americans, and he afterward took
them by the hand without our knowledge, and we are
afraid he will do so again at this time. Listen, you
told us to bring our families to this place, and we

352 APPENDIX.
did so. You promised to take care of them, and
that they should want for nothing. Our ships have
gone one way, and we are very much astonished to
see our father [Proctor] tying up every thing, and
preparing to ran away the other. You always told
us you never could draw your foot off British ground ;
but now, father, we see you are drawing back with
out seeing the enemy. We must compare our fa
ther's conduct to a fat animal, that carries his tail on
his back, but when affrighted, drops it between its
legs and runs off." This though a few detached para
graphs, will serve to give some acquaintance with
the great chief. Proctor, after considerable manoeu
vring, was unable to escape with all his baggage,
being hard pressed by Harrison in every move up
the Thames. At length the two armies met in the
vicinity ofthe Moravian towns, 5 October 1813, and
a fierce battle was fought. Tecumseh's Indians
were in possession of a thick wood, who, with the
British regulars, had formed their line of battle, on
advantageous ground. Gen. Harrison, with his aids,
Com. Perry, Capt. Butler, and Gen. Cass, led the
front line, while Col. Johnson, with the mounted men,
was ordered to charge at full speed, and break their
line. They were immediately in motion, and though
the horses recoiled on receiving the fire of the Brit
ish and Indians, yet, it was momentary, and their im
petuosity bore down all before them. The enemy's
line was broken in an instant and Johnson's mount
ed men were formed on their rear, and poured in a
tremendous fire upon them. The British officers
finding it in vain to rally again at this point, surren
dered. A body of savages under Tecumseh, still
disputed the ground, and Col. Johnson fell, in the
thickest of the fight, almost covered with wounds.
Tecumseh in person flew towards him, with his toma
hawk raised, to give him the fatal blow. Johnson,
though faint from loss of blood, had strength to draw
his pistol, and laid Tecumseh dead at his feet.

APPENDIX. 353
When the mighty chief fell, the Indians all left the
ground. At another point, a division attempted to
make an impression upon the American infantry, but
the venerable Gov. Shelby (one of the heroes of
King's mountain) supported them with another regi
ment, and the enemy were immediately routed.
The hottest of the fight was where Tecumseh and
Johnson fell. Thirty Indians and six Americans lay
within a few yards of the spot. Proctor fled with
great precipitation, but his carriage was taken with
all his papers, and even his sword. Eight pieces of
artillery were taken, six of which were brass. Three
of these were trophies of the revolution, which were
surrendered by Hull. The Americans had not above
50 killed and wounded. Ofthe British 600 were ta
ken prisoners, and 70 killed and wounded, and up
wards of a hundred Indians were left on the field.
Thus ended the Indian wars in the west. Their
combination was now entirely broken up, and the
frontier settlements, which for .a long time had en
dured all the horrours of Indian barbarities, were, in
some degree, liberated.
30* FINIS.

INDEX

In the following Index, some explanations may be wanting, as it differs
from works of this kind in general. All Indian names of places are given ;
but places having only an English name, are not given, unless they have
been noted for some depredation, or having their situations described.
And as every circumstance in a history may be found by an Index of pro
per names, it was thought needless to name them, as it only increases pro
lixity. Assawomset 27, 97.
Asuhmequin 133, 134, 135, 142.
Aubert carries off natives 287.
Augur Lieut., killed 314.
Awashonks 21 to 27, 57, 76 to 83.
85 to 92, 111.

Acushnet 98.
Adams' Hist. Neweng. 30, 32, 49, 68.
Adams President John 151.
Adams Samuel xii.
Addington Isaac 157, 217, 251.
Agamenticus 24.
Agawom 89, 119, 144, 298.
Agincourt battle 265.
Akkompoin, Philip's uncle, killed 110.
Albemarl Duke of 207. [238.
Alden Cap. John 196, 197, 201,228,
Alden John 297.
Alden William 226.
Alderman 47, kills Philip 126.
Alexander dies 18, 134, 148.
Allen's Biog. Diet, xii, xiv, 24, 28.
31, 38, 133, 145, 150, '2, '6, 207
Allen Samuel 181.
Allen Thomas 181.
Allerton John 297.
AUerton Mr. Isaac 297.
Almy Cap. John 18, 40.
Andover 220.
Andros Cap. Elisha 194, 201, 204.
Androscoggin 184, 186.
Andros Sir Edmund 120, 150, 151
152, 154, 164, 173, 250.
Annawon xiv, 106, 124, 127, 129,
131, 132, 133, 134, 136, 137, ta
ken 138, put to death 146.
Annnawon's rock 136.
Aponaganset 50, 51, 98, 100.
Appleton Maj. Samuel 55, 57.
Aquetneck 19.
Arrowsike 163, 169, 327
Arruhawikwabemt 324.

B.
Baker Thomas 190.
Baker Lieut., killed 275.
Barlow's Columbiad iv, 46, 128.
Barns  102.
Barrow Sam 115, 119.
Baxter  49.
Bean Cap., killed 347.
Beard  , killed 313.
Beers Cap., killed 54.
Belcher Cap. Andrew 62, 253.
Belcher Mr., wounded 33.
Bellomont Gov. 250.
Belknap's Amer. Biog. xv, 24, 32,
134, 287, '8, '9, 293, '4, 299, 300.
Belknap's Hist. N. H. xiii, 21, 152,
161, 164, 186, 187, 203, 259, 284,
289, 315, 331.
Bennet Sergeant 57.
Benython Cap. 311.
Berry Lieut., killed 347.
Billington John 297.
Blin Cap. 327.
Bliss Mr. A. 136.
Boad  226.
Bomazeen 329, killed 330.
Bourne Cap. 328.
Bowen Peter 337, 338.
Bozman's Hist. 177.
Bracket Cap. 166, 191, 224, 236, "I.
Bradford Maj. 30, 55, 84, 85, 96.

356

INDEX.

Bradford Mr. Wm. 290, 294, 296,
297, 300, 301, 302.
Bradstreet Gov. 152, 157.
Braton Stephen 197.
Brewster Mr. William 297.
Bridgewater 25.
Bridgway Jarman 228, 229, 230.
Britterige Richard 296, 297.
Broclebank Cap., killed 70.
Brookfield 53.
Brown Cap. John 252, 281.
Brown Mr. James 27, 29, 31.
Brown Peter 297.
Bulkley Gershom 62.
Bull's garrison 57.
Bump John 144.
Butler Cap. 351, 352.
c.
Calefs Hist, witchcraft 196, 220.
Canonchet 73, taken 107, killed 108.
Canonicus, killed 104.
Canton Corporal, taken 234.
Carver Gov. John 133, 296, 297,
293, dies 301, 302.
Carver's Travels 21,
Castine Baron De St. 152, 164, 165,
176, 219, 226, 233, 261.
Caughnewaga, 318.
Cawley Robert 226, 228.
Chamberlain John 334.
Champlain Cap. 220.
Chelmsford 64.
Chesly  312.
Chignecto 228, 282.
Chilton James 297.
Chubb Cap. 219, killed 220.
Chubb Sergeant, killed 326.
Church Benjamin xii.
Church Deac. Benj. xii.
Church Charles xii.
Church Caleb xi, 197. [274, 281.
Church Cap. Constant xi, 251, 257,
Church Edward xii, 252, 281.
Church Joseph xi.
Church Thomas xi.
Clark Cap. Wm. 253.
Clark Gov. 153.
Clark Lieut. 169.
Clark Richard 297.
Clark's garrison 72, 96.
Clark's island 299.
Clinton Hon. De Witt 68.
Cocheco 161, 314.
Goddington Gov. Wm. 38.
Cole Col. B. 339, 340.
Cole Cap. James 252, 264, 281.

Colman Dr. Benjamin iv.
Conestogoe massacre 342 to 345.
Conscience, taken 149.
Contoocook 317, 337. f7 '8.
Converse Cap. James 189, 192, 194,
Cook Cap. John 252, '7, 274, 281.
Cook Elisha 160.
Cook Francis 297.
Cook John 101. %
Cousins Isaac, killed 314.
Crackston John 296, 297.
Cranfield Gov. 186.
Cranston Gov. John 38, 39, 52.
Croghan Geo. 351.
Cross  , killed 314.
Cudworth Maj. 30, 35, 36, 37.
Curwin Jonathan 221.
Cushnet 98. D.
D'Aillebout 318.
Danforth Gov. 156, 160, 166.
Dartmouth 50, 51.
D'Aubri Nicholas 187.
Davenport Cap., killed 68.
Davies Col., killed 347.
Davis Cap. Silvanus M>0, 163.
D'Caliers 320.
Deborahuel 225.
Deerfield 54, 243, 321.
Demot, 187.
Dennison Cap. 56, 64, 73, 107
Dermer Cap. Thomas 501.
D'Frontenac Count 224. 230.
Dillano  101 to 105.
D'Mantel 318.
D'Monts 220.
Doney 184, 1S5, 190.
Dorey Edward 296, 297.
Douglass' Hist. 42, 51, 52, 74,98,
142, 145, 245, 256, 259, 271, 277,
284, 286.
Drake Sir Francis 287.
Dubois 282, 284.
Dudley Col., killed 351. [256, 285.
Dudley Gov. Joseph 250, 251, 253,
Dudley Thomas 152, 249.
Dustan Mrs. Hannah 315 to 317.
Dwight Dr. 146, 308.
Dyer Cap. John 252, 281.
D'Young 261. E.
Earl Ralph 51, 52. ,
Eaton Francis 297.
Edee Sergeant 269.
Edmunds Cap: 52, 176.

INDEX.

357

Eels Cap. 51, 62.
Eliot Rev. John 21.
Eliot Cap. John 326, 327.
Eliot's Biog. Dictionary 28, 62, 145,
150, 152, 179, 181, 207, 216.
Eliot Robert 206.
Endecott Cap. 305, 306. [21.
English, probable numbers of in 1675,
English Thomas 297. F.
Farmer and More's Collections xii,
103, 257, 296, 331, 335, 336, 338.
Fallriver xv, 48.
Fernald William 206.
Fivenations 68.
Fletcher Moses 296, 297.
Fogland ferry 42.
Forbes William 101, 209, 215.
Forefathers' day 300.
Forefathers' rock 300.
Frontenac Gov. 224, 230.
Frost Cap. 813.
Frost Major 203, 206.
Frye Cap. James 334.
Fryer Cap. Nathaniel 203, 206.
Frye Rev. Mr. 330, wounded 334.
Fuller Cap. 36 to 39.
Fullam Sergeant, killed 334.
Fuller Edward 297.
Fuller Mr. Samuel 297.
G.
Gage Gen. 290.
Gallop Cap. killed 58.
Gallop Cap. John 304, 305.
Gardiner Cap. killed 58.
Gardiner Richard 296.
George 21, 79. [221.
Gidney Col. Bartholomew 196, 220,
Giles Lieut. 271.
Gill Mr. 32, 33.
Goff General 54, 55.
Golding Cap. 45, 46, 120, to 123.
Gold island 43.
Goodman John 297.
Gorham Cap. John 221, 247, 252;
255, 262, 270, 273, 279, 281.
Gorton Rev. Samuel 28, 104.
Gosnold Bartholomew 287.
Gourdan Mons. 260, 263, taken 265:
267, 268, 270, 283.
Green island 257.
GrenviUe Sir Richard 287.
Grimstone 291. H.
Hadley 108.
Halifax fort 214.

Hall Cap. Nathaniel 156, 158, 170,
Hammond William, killed 33. [171.
Hancamagus 186.
Hanno xv.
Harman Cap. 326, 328, 329, 330.
Harradon Cap. John 256, 281.
Harrison Gen. 346, 347, 350.
Harris' Hist. Dorchester 178.
Hatch Cap. 206.
Hatfield 55.
Havens Jack 86, 90.
Hawkins 186, 187, 188, 194.
Hawthorne John 161, 196, 221, 238,
239, 241, 242.
Hazelton Charles 22.
Henchman, Cap. 47, 52, 53.
Hill Cap. 284.
Hilton Maj. Winthrop, killed 257,
263, 270, 273, 274, 279, 281, 284.
Hinkley Gov. Thomas 20, 153, 155,
160, 180, 1S2.
Holmes' Amer. Annals xii, 21, 34,
49, 54, 55, 69, 70, 96, 108, 135,
150, 152, 153, 177, 207, 270, 276,
287, 289, 290, 294, 298.
Honeywel Lieut. 203, 236.
Hook Francis 206.
Hopkins Gen. 347.
Hopkins Mr. Stephen 94, 297.
Howland Isaac 89, 90, 91, 114.
Howland Jabez 88, 89, 114, 118, 127,
131, 143.
Howland John 89, 114, 297.
Hoyt's Researches 55, 68, 354.
Hubbard's Narrative xiv, 20, 21, 22,
' 27, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 87, 39,
43, 47, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57,
63, 69, 73, 91, 106, 109, 110,
112, 114, 117, 118, 124, 126,
134, 139, 142, 144, 146, 148, 149,
166, 196, 201, 209, 228, 303, 309,
311, 314, 330.
Hubbard Rev. Wm. xiv.
Huckings Mrs. 187, 188.
Hudibras 24.
Hunt Cap. 288, 289, 301.
Hunter Cap. 49.
Hutchinson Maj. 201.
Hutchinson Cap. 36,53.
Hutchinson's History iii. xiii, xiv, 20,
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 36, 37, 49,
50, 63, 68, 74, 96, 103, 120, 133,
134, 135, 145, 146, 154, 163, 177,
17S, 220, 221, 228, 230, 238, 241,
256, 265, 277, 278, 284, 285, 290,
296, 323.
Hyrcania xv, 354.

Missing Page

Missing Page

360

INDEX

Sherburn Cap. 206.
Siely Cap., killed 58.
Siene, a ship 271.
Signecto 228, 282.
Sippican 89, 106, 143.
Sixnations 68, 320.
Skakit 299.
Smallpox 178, 195.
Smith Cap. John 222, 288, 801
Smith Cap. Thos. 256, '7,281.
Smith Maj. 56, 62. [224, 319.
Smith's Hist. Newyork xiii, 68, 180,
Smithson Cap. 228.
Snow's Hist. Boston 145, 178.
Sogkonate ix, 19.
Sogkonesset 74.
Soule George 297. [281, 327
Southack Cap. Cyprian 238, 255
Southworth Nath. 89, 170, 192, 193
Speedwell, a ship 294.
Squakeag 54.
Squando 309.
Squannaconk 124, 132, 136.
Squanto 301.
Standish Cap. 134, 297.
Stone Cap. 303, 304.
Stoughton Gov. Wm. 216.
Subercase Gov. 276.
Sudbury 65, 69, 70.
Sullivan's Hist. Maine 160, 163, 164,
'6, '9, 171, '6, '9, 180, '7, '9, 190,
'1, '2, 214, 222, '3, '6, 236,'7, 311.
T.
Taconnet 214, 328.
Talcot Maj. 108, 117, '8.
Tecumseh 346, 350, '1, killed 352.
Tilley Edward 296, 297.
Tilley John 296, 297.
Tinker Thomas 297.
Tippecanoe battle 347. [death 146.
Tispaquin 96, 115, 142, '4, put to
Tockamona 111.
Totoson 115, '16, '18, '19.
Treat Maj. Robert 54, 64.
Trumbull's Hist. U. S. xiii, 20, 29
50, 68, 141, 819, 320, 330.
Trumbull's Hist. Con. 29, 37, 38, 50,
'6, 62, 63, 73, 103, '8, 126, 200
Tuisset 339. [303,'7.
Turner Cap. 68, '9, -805.
Turner John 297.
Tyasks 106, 124. u.
Umpame 23.
TJncas, killed 306.
Underhill Cap. 305, 307.

Vaughan Maj. 203, 20 »,.
Vaudreuil Gov. 259, 285, 321, 323.
Villeau Cap. 239.
Villebon 192, 231, '4, '5, 241.
Virginia, ancient limits of 293, 294.
w.
Wachuset 69, 80.
Wadsworth Cap., killed 70.
Waldron Maj. 161, killed 162.
Wallaston Cap. 24.
Walley John 160, 177, 207, 215.
Walton Cap. 184, '5,. 203, '6, '24.
Wamesit 64.
Wampanoags xiii, 48.
Wampom, value of 141, '2.
Wamsutta 134.
Warren Mr. Richard 297.
Warwick 56, 63, 64.
Weetamore 27, 32,47,'8, 50, '7, 103.
Wepoiset 87.
Wequash 307.
Wessagusset 24.
Weymouth 64.
Wheelwright Esq. John 200, '3.
White Mr. Wm. 297.
Wilcox Daniel 17.
Willard Cap. Simon 156, 158.
Willard Maj. 54.
Williams Cap. 122.
Williams' Hist. Vermont 321, '3.
Williamson Cap. Caleb 252, 281.
Williamson's Hist. N. Car. 68.
Williams Rev. John 284, 321, '3.
Williams Rev. Roger 28, 68.
W illiams Thomas 297,
Wincol John 206, 314,
Winepang 326.
Winnipissaukee 325.
Winslow Gilbert 297.
Winslow Hon. Josiah 26, 30, 52,
55, 56, 64, 93, 147.
Winslow Josiah 328.
Winslow Mr. Edward 26, 94, 133,
134, 147, 297, 302, 340.
Winthrop Gov. John 52.
Winthrop's Hist. Ncweng. 24, 91,
96, 104, 145, 203, 303, 341.
Wisememet, killed 830.
Witchcraft 156, 196, 216, 238, 241,
Woosamequin 133, 134.
Worumbos 186, 187, '9 '94.
Wyman Seth 332, '4.
Y.
York Joseph 223, 226.