." rtisil] Librjr) 3900200163407' •YALE-wsiiviEiasirinr- • ILRIBIS^mr • Gift of Prof. Henry W. Farnam OUR SLAVIC FELLOW CITIZENS THE SURVEY SOCIAL CHARITABLE CIVIC A JOURNAL OF CONSTRUCTIVE PHILANTHROPY 'IPHE SURVEY is a weekly magazine for all those who A believe that progress in this country hinges on social service: that legislation, city government, the care of the unfortunate, the cure of the sick, the education of children, the work of men and the homes of women, must pass muster in their relation to the common welfare. As Critic, The Survey examines conditions of life and labor, and points where they fail : how long hours, low pay, insanitary housing, disease, intemperance, indiscriminate charity, and lack of recreation, break down character and efficiency. As Student, The Survey examines immigration, industry, congestion, unemployment, to furnish a solid basis of fact for intelligent and permanent betterment. As Program, The Survey stands for Prevention: Pre vention of Poverty through wider opportunity and adequate charity; Prevention of Disease through long-range systems of sanitation, of hospitals and sanatoriums, of good homes, pure food and water, a chance for play out-of-doors; Pre vention of Crime, through fair laws, juvenile courts, real reformatories, indeterminate sentence, segregation, discip line and probation ; Prevention of Inefficiency, both industrial and civic, through practice in democracy, restriction of child labor, fair hours, fair wages, enough leisure for reading and recreation, compulsory school laws and schools that fit for life and labor, for the earning of income and for rational spending. EDWARD T. DEVINE - EDITOR GRAHAM TAYLOR - ASSOCIATE EDITOR I05 EAST 22D ,58 ADAMS STREET $2 00 YEARLY STREET NEW YORK •*"- ^naL' CHICAGO A "Slav Invader" The picture is of a young woman of Bohemian parentage, a graduate of a university of the Middle West. She was asked to pose in peasant costume to help interpret her people to America. OUR SLAVIC FELLOW CITIZENS BY EMILY GREENE BALCH Associate Professor of Economics, Wellesley College NEW YORK CHARITIES PUBLICATION COMMITTEE 1910 Copyright, ioio, by Emily Greene Balch ^WM* b t'dlS PRESS OF WM. F. FELL CO. PHILADELPHIA PREFACE No critic, perhaps, will be so alive to the defects of this study as is the author, yet it is hoped that the book may have a value of its own. It is at least based upon first hand inquiry both in Europe and in America ; and both are necessary. Acquaintance with any immigrant people in America only is not enough. The naturalist might as well study the habits of a lion in a menagerie or of a wild bird in a cage. To understand the immi grant we should know him in the conditions which have shaped him, and which he has shaped, in his own village and among his own people ; we should study the culture of which he is a living part, but which he is for the most part powerless to transport with him to his new home. He must, however, be known also as he de velops in America in an environment curiously and intricately blended of old and new elements. Convinced of this, I spent the greater part of the year 1905 in Austria-Hungary, studying emigration on the spot, and over a year in visiting Slavic colonies in the United States, ranging from New York to Colorado, and from the Upper Peninsula of Michigan to Galveston. California was unfortunately not reached. One autumn was spent as a boarder in the family of a Bohemian workingman in New York City. Everywhere in Europe and this country, whether or not furnished with letters of introduction, I found Slavs of all classes and kinds ready to show me kindness and lend me intelligent and cordial assistance. While this work has been in progress two most inter esting books by Dr. Edward A. Steiner have appeared which deal with the same subject with an insider's v VI PREFACE close knowledge of conditions. Furthermore, the his torical study of immigration which Professor Walter F. Willcox is conducting for the Carnegie Institute has been proceeding, and it is to be hoped that this will ultimately give us an adequate account of immigration from all the Slavic countries, as well as a history of Irish immigration, — which should have been written long ago, while the men of the famine era were still available as sources of information, — and an account of German, Scandinavian and Canadian immigration, of all of which there is crying need. The Italian and Jewish movements, having fallen in a more socially self- conscious period and at a time when the pressure of for eign colonies in our cities was a source of acute public concern, have been more written of. Students of im migration are also eagerly awaiting the completion of the work of the Commission on Immigration appointed by President Roosevelt. The point of view from which my study was made is that of interest in the social character and consequences of the emigration in question. This is obviously a matter which, in the nature of the case, cannot be ex haustively studied, and in which the personal equation must play a considerable part. Certain aspects of the subject are left outside the program of this study, — among others, the question of routes and of conditions of transportation, and of Austrian and Hungarian legis lation controlling emigration. An important subject which has not been considered is the amount of pauperism and crime among Slavic immigrants. Such data as exist are commonly classified by country of birth and are therefore entirely unusable for our purposes. What inquiries I was able to make were quite inadequate and it was clear that to get trust worthy results (and untrustworthy ones are far worse than none) , would require a long and laborious special investigation. Among points that would repay a fuller study than PREFACE Vll has be/n possible here are the relation of emigration to birth rates and over-population, to subdivision of prop erty, and \o other migration movements (especially to internal migrations) , and to relative wages and costs of livijig: The matter for this book was originally prepared as a series of magazine articles, which appeared in Charities and the Commons during 1906 and 1907. It has, how ever, been revised throughout, brought up to date so far as practicable, and increased by the addition of the first three chapters which are almost wholly new, of con siderable statistical and bibliographical material, and of a reprint of the True Story of a Bohemian Pioneer. Having tried to make the book available to general readers, and especially to busy social workers, and at the same time useful to students, I sometimes fear that in consequence it will fit the taste of neither class. In more cheerful moments, on the contrary, I cherish the hope that the lighter and the heavier parts will mu tually strengthen one another. The subject seems to naturally classify itself in three ways — geographically, racially and by topics. For the European end of the story the first two classifications, the geographical and racial, coincide fairly well, and the subject is taken up province by province and at the same time race by race. Various topics, — causes of -emigration, effects of emigration and so on, — naturally recur in each account. In the study of the Slavs in the United States, on the other hand, it seemed best not to take up separately either the different racial groups or the different sections of the country, but to consider the whole situation, topic by topic, with such incidental recognition of geographical and racial differentia as appeared practicable or necessary. In conclusion I wish to thank the many persons, friends, correspondents and students, Slavs and Ameri cans, in Europe and in this country, who have helped me to gather information and to prepare it for the press. VU1 PREFACE ) Their names are literally too many to include, but I must at least make special mention of my obligations to the unselfish traveling comrade who accompanied me through Austria-Hungary. Emily Greene Ball^i Wellesley College March, 1910 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE List of Illustrations xii List op Maps and Charts xiv List op Tables xv PART I SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE CHAPTER I Introductory 3 CHAPTER II The Slavic Nationalities in Europe 10 CHAPTER III Conditions in Austria-Hungary 28 CHAPTER IV General Character of Slavic Emigration from Austria- Hungary 37 CHAPTER V Bohemian Emigration. . 63 CHAPTER VI Slovak Emigration 85 CHAPTER VII Emigration from Galicia; Austrian Poles and Ruthenians. . . 120 CHAPTER VIII The Slovenians 148 CHAPTER IX Emigration from Croatia 156 ix X TABLE of contents PAGE CHAPTER X The Adriatic Coast of Austria-Hungary 191 PART II SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES CHAPTER XI The History of Slavic Immigration Previous to 1880 205 CHAPTER XII The Newer Slavic Immigration: Since 1880 236 CHAPTER XIII The Present Distribution of Slavs in the United States 253 CHAPTER XIV The Economic Situation of the Slav in America 282 CHAPTER XV Slavs as Farmers 317 CHAPTER XVI Household Life 349 CHAPTER XVII The Organized Life of Slavs in America , 378 CHAPTER XVIII The Question of Assimilation 306 APPENDICES STATISTICAL, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND OTHER NOTES I. Population of Austria-Hungary by Language 429 II. A Peasant Millionaire 4,! III. Austrian Taxes .,2 IV. Slavic Immigrants not Coming to Join Relatives or Friends ... 433 V. Statistical Sources of Information as to Emigra tion from Austria-Hungary .,, TABLE of contents XI PAGE VI. Some Bohemian Nursery Rhymes 444 VII. Slovak Population 445 VIII. Studies of Slovak Emigration 447 IX. Slovak Memorials Published in America 448 X. A Case of Hungarian Political Persecution 448 XI. A Ruthenian Poet in Canada 449 XII. Emigration from Carniola to America. Data From Inquiry Carried on Through the Post Office by the Governor of Carniola Since 1893 451 XIII. Emigration from Croatia-Slavonia 452 XIV. Bohemian and Polish Literature of American Settlement 456 XV. Census Data to 1880 With a Critical Consideration of the Use of the Census For the Purposes of This Study 458 XVI. Father Kruszka's List of the Founding of Polish Parishes Previous to 1880 459 XVII. Slavic Immigration by Nationalities Since 1899. . . . 460 XVIII. Slavic Aliens, Admitted and Departed, 1908-1909 . 463 XIX. Immigrant Arrivals Who Have Been in the United States Before 463 XX. Wages of Unskilled Laborers 464 XXI. Nationality of Men Employed by Anthracite and Bituminous Coal Companies 467 XXII. Statistics of Slavs in Agriculture 468 XXIII. Money Orders to Europe 471 XXIV. Polish Farmers 473 XXV. Census Data as to Intermarriage 475 XXVI. A Polish Criticism of Church Schools 477 XXVII. Percentage of Illiteracy Among Immigrants 14 Years of Age and Over for the Year Ended June 30, 1900 479 BIBLIOGRAPHY 483 INDEX SiS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OPPOSITE PAGE A "Slav Invader" Frontispiece Slovak Peasant Dress 7 A Bosnian Village 13 A Croatian Zadruga 21 Feudal Labor Dues in Bohemia. Abolished 1848 39 Embroidered Bodice of a Slovak peasant 39 Primitive Methods of Production in Slovensko 55 Augustine Herman 67 Bohemian Town Scenes 75 Bohemian and Moravian Scenes 81 Slovak Scenes 89 Slovak Peasant Girls 93 Shepherd in a Slovak Valley 99 An Abode of Misery 99 A Slovak Type 113 Poles From About Cracow 125 Ruthenians and Galician Jews 129 Galician Types 141 A Slovenian Girl 151 Karst Country in Carniola and Croatia 159 Croatian Village Scenes 165 Agram (Zagrab), Capital of Croatia 171 Croatian Types, Lika District 177 Bishop Strossmayer 181 Croatian Scenes 187 On the Coast of the Adriatic 191 In Istria and Dalmatia 193 Sowing in Montenegro 197 A Home in Montenegro 201 Manor House of Frederick Phillips 207 First House in Bethlehem 207 Priests and Patriots 229 Slovak Girl at Ellis Island 237 Bohemian Immigrant 237 Slovak Immigrant Women 243 Slavic Workingmen, Pittsburgh 285 Croatian Saloon in Chicago 307 Croatian Saloon in Hibbing, Minnesota 307 xiii XIV LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OPPOSITE PAGE Polish Market Scene, Stevens Point, Wisconsin 323 Farm Near Polonia, Wisconsin 323 Sod House of Old Time Pioneer 323 Bohemian Home Near Kewaunee, Wisconsin 323 In Old Hadley 329 Slovak Women at Ellis Island 337 A Slovak Family Bound for the West 337 Polish Berry Pickers in Maryland 341 "Griner" Girls (Slovenians) in a Cleveland Hardware Factory 355 In a Pennsylvania Mining Patch 361 A Croatian Butcher's Shop in Globeville, Colorado 365 Croatian Copper Miners, Calumet, Michigan 365 Better Types of "Company" Houses for Slavic Miners .... 373 A Slovak Mass Meeting in Cleveland 379 A Polish Hall in Chicago 379 Titles of Some of the Slavic Newspapers Published in the United States 383 Slavic Churches of One Mining Town 389 A Christmas Manger in a Croatian Church in Pennsylvania . . 407 A Croatian Wedding Party in Allegheny, Pennsylvania 407 Polish Citizens of Massachusetts 413 A Croatian Picnic on Lake Superior 421 LIST OF MAPS "AP PACE I. Location of the Slavic Race 18 II. Political Divisions of Austria-Hungary 30 III. Nationalities of Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States; as Indicated by Language Spoken 32 IV. Austria-Hungary; Physical Features 35 V. Emigration Districts of Austria. Loss and Gain of Population in Austria as the Net Result of Emi gration and Immigration During the Decade Dec. 31, 1890-Dec. 31, 1900, by Political Dis tricts 35 VI. Village Map, Moravia 41 VII. Emigration from Hungary by Counties 105 VIII. Galicia and Bukowina Showing Languages Spoken ... 123 IX. Croatia-Slavonia 173 X. Destinations of Slavic Immigrants for the Decade Ending June 30, 1908 257 XI. Farmers and Farm Laborers; One or Both Parents Born in Austria-Hungary, Poland or Russia. Numbers by States 321 LIST OF CHARTS CHART PAGE I. Census Data for Natives of Specified Countries in the United States, i860, 1870 and 1880 212 II. Immigration from Austria-Hungary, 1 860-1908 246 III. Course of Wages of Unskilled Labor 287 IV. Comparison of Four Chief Occupations: Sons of Na tives of Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and Russia Together 312 V. Chief Occupations: Comparison of the Different Slavic Groups 313 VI. Slavs in Certain Occupations Compared with Totals of all Nationalities in the Same Occupations 315 VII. Comparison, for Certain Occupations, between Slavs and the Three Other Foreign Groups that have the Largest Number in the Given Occupation. . . 316 xv LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE i. Numbers and Location of the Main Slavic Nationalities . 17 ¦*. Persons Occupied in Agriculture. Austrian census of 1890 46 3. Population of Austria; Movement and Density 48 4. Average Daily Wages of Agricultural Laborers, 1891. . . 56 5. Bohemian and Moravian Immigrant Aliens admitted to the United States, 1899-1909 74 6. Total Emigration from Hungary, as Reported by Local Authorities in Hungary, 1896-1906 102 7. Emigration and Re-Immigration, 1905 102 8. Slovak Immigrant Aliens Admitted to the United otates 103 9. Chief Slovak Counties of Hungary. Net Loss and Gain by Emigration and Immigration 104 10. Number of Polish and Ruthenian Immigrant Aliens Ad mitted to the United States, 1899-1909 133 11. Croatia, Percentage of Literacy and Illiteracy 167 12. Immigration, 1899-1909 195 13. Arrivalsof Alien Passengers and Immigrants, 1850-1880 211 14. Slavs in the United States. Census of 1880 213 15. Natives of Austria-Hungary, Bohemia, Poland and Russia, 1880, 1890 and 1900 244 16. Number and Percentage of White Persons of Foreign Parentage Having Either One or Both Parents Born in Specified Countries, by States and Terri tories; Arranged Geographically: 1900 254 17. Destinations of Slavic Immigrants During the Decade Ended June 30, 1908 256 18. Bohemians in the United States 261 19^ Poles in the United States, Estimates of Rev. W. X. Kruszka and of the "Polish Press " 263 20. Poles in Cities. Anonymous Estimate in Polish Press, December 15, 1908 264 21. Bulgarian, Servian and Montenegrin Alien Arrivals, 1899-1909 273 22. Russians; Alien Arrivals, 1899-1909 277 23. Estimates of Total Slavic Population in the United States — By Nationality 280 xvii XV111 LIST OF TABLES TABLE PAGE 24. Alien Arrivals and Departures, 1904-1908 295 25. Immigration and Emigration of Certain Races During the Year Ended June 30, 1909 295 26. Females of Specified Parentage Engaged in Gainful Occupations 353 27. Leading Occupations for Females of Each Specified Parentage. Absolute Numbers and Percentages of all Female Workers ofthe Given Percentage 354 28. Churches of the Slavic Nationalities in the United States 386 APPENDIX TABLES APPENDIX PAGE I. Population of Austria by Language. 1900 429 A. Non-Slavic Languages 429 B. Slavic Languages 430 II. Civil Population of Hungary by Language. 1900 430 III. Austrian Taxes 432 IV. Slavic Immigrants not Coming to Join Relatives or Friends 433 V. Figures from Ports of Embarkation for Emigrants from Austria 436 Figures from Ports of Embarkation for Emigrants from Hungary 437 Figures from German Ports for Emigrants from Hungary. By Destinations 438 Total Oversea Emigration from Hungary by Years as Reported from Ports of Embarkation 438 Number of embarkations and number of passes issued 440 Total Emigration for 1907 from Hungary Proper and from Croatia-Slavonia 441 A. By Sex 44I B. By language 44I C. By destination 442 Heads of Families, or Persons Emigrating Inde pendently 442 A. By Age 442 B. By Occupation 442 Returned Emigrants 443 LIST OF TABLES XIX VII. XII. XIII. XVI. XVII. XVIII XIX. XX. XXI PAGE Slovak Population 445 Emigration From Carniola to America 45 1 Emigration, by Destinations, 1893-1904 451 Number of Married and Single Men, Women and Children Emigrating, 1893-1904 451 Causes of Emigration and Disposition of Prop erty 245 Emigration to North America from Croatia-Sla- vonia. By Counties and Municipalities 452 Croatia-Slavonia Net Loss and Gain by Emigra tion and Immigration 453 Emigration from Croatia-Slavonia to North America During the 'Four Years 1900-1903. 454 A. All Emigrants. B. Persons Emigrating as Heads of Families or Independently 455 C. Persons Accompanying head of Family. .. . 455 Father Kruszka's List of the Founding of Polish Parishes Previous to 1880 459 Slavic Immigration by Nationalities Since 1899. . . . 460 Total Slavic Immigration to the United States for the Decade 1899-1908 460 A. By Countries of Last Previous Residence . . 460 B. By Nationality 461 Immigration to the United States from the Five Main Sources of Slavic Emigrants During the Decade 1899-1908 461 Slavic Immigration by Nationalities 462 Slavic Aliens, Admitted and Departed, 1 908-1 909 . 463 Immigrant Arrivals Who Have Been In the United States Before 463 Wages of Unskilled Laborers 464 Slavs and Hungarians — Northern States 465 Italians — Northern States 465 Slavs and Hungarians — Southern States 466 Italians — Southern States 466 Nationality of Men Employed by Anthracite and Bituminous Coal Companies 467 Number and Per cent of Each Nationality Work ing for 116 Anthracite Companies of Pennsyl vania in 1905 467 Number and Per cent of Each Nationality Work ing for 398 Bituminous Companies of Penn sylvania in 1905 467 LIST OF TABLES APPENDIX PAGE XXII. Statistics of Slavs in Agriculture 468 Percentage of Total Farmers in Each State Whose Parents Were Born in Specified Countries 469 Males Ten Years of Age and Over of Specified Parent Nativity Gainfully Employed as Specified 469 Number Occupied in Agriculture per Thousand Males of Specified Parentage Engaged in Gainful Occupations 47° XXIII. Money Orders to Europe 47 J International Money Orders Issued in the United States and Sent to Italy and the Slavic Countries for Each Calendar Year from 1900 to 1906 471 Amount of Money Orders Sent to Italy and to Austria, Hungary and Russia per Immi grant for the Entire Seven Years, 1900 to 1906 472 Number and Amount (Total and Average) of Money Orders Sent to Italy, Austria, Hungary, and Russia During the Seven Years Ending December 31, 1906 472 Average Amount of Each Money Order Sent to Principal Countries in 1906 472 XXV. Census Data as to Intermarriage 475 Native White Persons of Foreign Parentage 475 White Persons (Native and Foreign Born) of Foreign Parentage 475 White Persons Having Fathers Born as Speci fied 475 White Persons Having Mothers Born as Speci fied 476 Persons of Mixed Foreign Parentage Classified According to Combinations of Parentage 476 XXVII. Percentage of Illiteracy among Immigrants 14 Years of Age and Over for the Year Ended June 30, 1900 470 PART I SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Uber den Bergen sind auch Leute CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY* The importance of American immigration is something Significance that it is easy to underrate, just as it is easy not to see °.f immigra- the forest for the trees. As a matter of fact, has history America anything of equal importance to show since the great folk migrations which marked the breakdown of classic culture and the birth of the new Europe? The era of exploration and colonization of the fifteenth Contest for and succeeding centuries opened up to Europe vast new the "ew regions in every quarter of the globe, but of these the American continents offered incomparably the most im portant opportunities for the spread and development of European civilization. The paramount question of the eighteenth century was not whether medisevalism was to yield its last strongholds to modernism, — a foregone conclusion only ratified by the French Revolu tion, — but rather, who was to hold the body of the North American continent. This was determined externally and apparently by wars and treaties, but more truly by the character of the migration to the new territory. Soldiers, missionaries, traders and trappers necessarily yielded to expanding colonies of permanent settlers. The fate of nations was such that England ac- English quired, as we know, the control both cultural and polit- contro1 ical over this region. The American Revolution broke, for the most important section of the continent, the political tie to England, but only to leave the United States to continue its independent development on the old foundations of English culture. The new world of * In the Bibliography will be found complete references to all writings mentioned in the text or in the foot-notes. SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Other con stituents Immigra tion to 1880 English- speaking or Teutonic the Republic was substantially a renovated and mod ernized England. But with all the English predominance in speech, institutions and views, there were always present con siderable non-English elements; and culture, and to a less degree speech, was from the beginning modified and streaked with other national factors. How important the non-English contributions were is shown in Professor Commons' chapter on Colonial Race Elements.* Since that time, moreover, the country has received an almost continuous inflow which, at first made up of people either English or English-speaking, has gradually come to be of a composition more and more alien to the English in blood, speech and ideas. From the forties to the eighties, Irish and Germans were the chief immi grants. That is, until 1880 the bulk of the new additions to the population were either English in speech or, as Teutons, fairly near in blood to the English. But with the eighties, roughly speaking, began a new immigration wave 0f immigration, greater in numbers than any pre vious influx, differently constituted racially, different in economic character. The thirty years 1880— 1909 brought us over seventeen million immigrants as against less than ten million in the preceding forty years. Not only did numbers thus increase, but during this period three new elements have been com ing to be of main importance among our immigrants; namely, Italians, Jews, and Slavs. It is not until i_8oj9 that it is possible to get the necessary data, but in the eleven years since then these three groups have made nearly "six our oTTevery- ten immigrants, Italians being about a quarter and Slavs over one-fifth of our total immigrant body for that perioct ~~ The figures for the eleven years are: Total immigra tion, 8,514,103; Slavs, 1,849,139 (22 percent); Italians, 2,061, ^48 (24 per cent); Hebrews, 990,182 (12 per cent). The change in economic character referred to con- * Commons, John R.: "Races and Immigrants in America." The new & INTRODUCTORY 5 sisted in a lessened proportion of immigrants coming to settle (especially of those coming to settle as farmers), and an increased proportion of laborers and of men coming without their families with no intention of re maining. In all these characteristics Slavic immigra tion shares. Necessarily this large influx of immigrants permanently affects the substance of the population of the United States. In 1900 only a little over half (53.8 per cent) of the population were what are commonly understood by the term "Americans " ; that is, white people of native parentage on both sides.* The colored population of native parentage accounts for not quite one-eighth (11.9 per cent), and persons with one or both parents foreign make up the remainder of over one-third (34.3 per cent). Even of the "American" half, an indefinite number are descendants of foreign grandparents and of slightly more remote foreign ancestors. To measure what all this means we must remember The two that back of all political developments, of all social in- hlstorv— - stitutions, lie the two great fundamental facts of human population history — land and men. The innate qualities of these v^-onment two determine all the rest. Thus, the character of the continent and the character of immigration have deter mined and are determining the quality of the civilization of this country, perhaps the greatest seat of the white race. There is much alarmist writing about our immigrants, Inimigra- and especially about those who come from the southeast mmes the' of Europe. Whether or not sharing in the alarm, must first we not recognize the movement as one of transcendent importance, and certainly one which it behooves us to understand as far as we can? Yet the facts are realized by comparatively few. Slavs be- Many people are quite unaware that the Slavs have fm™rfam? grown to be not merely a very large part of the total element immigration, but an important element in our permanent * If we add white persons with one parent native born the percentage rises to 60.5. SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Slavic his tory un familiar Complexity of Slavic national groups population. Indeed, as we shall see, reliable estimates show that there are some four to six million now in the United States. We are unaware of these facts partly because the movement is so recent; partly, too, be cause the Slavs are less conspicuous among us than the Italians and Jews. They are less massed in the great cities ; they are not constantly under the eyes of the ready writer and the reformer. A caricature of an Italian or a Jew on a vaudeville stage would be as readily recognized as that of an Irishman. Is this true of any Slavic type? Furthermore, the Slavic group of peoples, whether in Europe or in America, is much less well known to most of us than are any of the Germanic or Latin peoples, or the Jews. Italian and Hebrew immigrants stand against a background of familiar history ; we know something of their homes, their literature and their racial characteristics. This is much less true of the Slavs. To educated people, of course, certain Slavic countries are fairly well known, notably Russia, Poland and Bo hemia ; but even to most of them I suspect southeastern Europe is in something of a snarl. Few perhaps would find it easy to locate precisely the Austrian provinces of the Bukowina or Carniola, or define the status of Bosnia, or even bound Servia or Bulgaria. Not only this, but there is no such person as a Slav any more than there is such a person as a Teuton or a Celt. L All Slavs are primarily members of some distinct nationality; they are Russians, Poles, or what not, as the Teuton is a German or a Swede or an Englishman^. With all but the chief of these Slavic nationalities we are so little acquainted that even their names are often unknown to us. In those places in America where Slavs are most numerous, in mining settlements and the industrial centres formed about great foundries or steel works, there is naturally even less knowledge of obscure groups of foreigners than in more academic circles. The Americans, Irish and others who have to Slovak Peasant Dress. (See page 91) Three types of cloak are shown, a woman's sheepskin coat with wool inside, a man's sheepskin jacket, and a man's cloak of white felt or "hunia," trimmed with braiding and em broidery. Boots of white felt are also shown. The embroidery of the women's dress, often so beautiful, is not conspicuous here. INTRODUCTORY 7 do with them, whether as employers or as fellow workmen or as neighbors, generally neither know nor care enough to attempt any distinctions. Frequently some one name is hit upon, and by that Confused all foreigners of a less familiar sort are called. In some n°mencla- places Slav or Slavish serves to cover all but English- speaking and German people, — even Italians, who are no more Slavs than they are Irishmen. Dr. Warne, in his excellent study of the situation in the coal regions, "The Slav Invasion and the Mine Workers," uses the term in this sense, as it seems to me most unfortunately. In another place all may be called Hungarians, Huns or Hunkies, whether or not they ever saw or heard of Hungary; or they may all be Poles or Polanders or Polacks, whether the name has any application or not. The term Austrians, when used with an attempt at precision, seems generally to designate either Italians from the Austrian Tyrol, or the Slovenes from Carniola and neighboring Austrian provinces. Unfortunately, the unavoidable complexity of Slavic classification is increased by the confusion and multi plicity of the English nomenclature as found in official or semi-official reports and in current literature. To designate the group as a whole, we have the words Slav, Slavic, Slavonic, Slavonian,- and sometimes Slavish, — by some authors spelled Sclav, Sclavonic and so forth. These commonly all mean the same thing, but Slavonian may mean specifically "from Slavonia" (the eastern part of Croatia-Slavonia), and Slavonian and Slavonic are sometimes used to mean Slovak. As regards the names of the different Slavic nationali ties, there are in almost every case a shorter and a longer form, as follows : Russ Russian Croat Croatian Ruthene Slovak Ruthenian Slovakian Serb [ Servian or [ Serbian Slovene Slovenian Czech or Chekh Bulgar Bohemian Bulgarian 8 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Eight • groups of Slavic im migrants Distinct thoughundistinguished The Pole alone has.no variant of his name in good usage, though Polander and Polack are commonly heard. It is interesting to notice that though there is now no authority for this latter form of the name (which is apparently borrowed directly from the Polish word Polak, plural Polaci) it is found in Hamlet: "and meet the sledded Polacks on the ice." I have tried in each case to use the more familiar form which, except for the Slovaks, appeared to me to be the longer one. The Bohemian word Cech I have repre sented by its English equivalent Chekh rather than by the more usual spelling Czech, which is Polish and has nothing to justify its adoption as the English form. Of the thirty-nine groups recognized in the classi fication of the Immigration Department eight are Slav; namely (in order of numerical importance as immigrants) , (i) Polish, (2) Slovak, (3) Croatian and Slovenian, (4) Ruthenian or Russniak, (5) Bohemian and Moravian, (6) Bulgarian, Servian and Montenegrin, (7) Russian, (8) Dalmatian, Bosnian and Herzegovinian.* This does not exhaust the Slav nationalities, as we shall see, but it is enough to thoroughly bewilder most Americans. As a matter of fact, it is often impossible in America to distinguish these national groups, the Slovak, the Slovenians, and so on, especially as the men themselves, ignorant of English, can give little help. Yet the dif ferences are there. The various Slavic nationalities are separated by distinctions of speech, historical experience, national self-consciousness, political aims, and often of religion. In American communities they have different churches, societies, newspapers and a separate social life. Too often the lines of cleavage are marked by antipathies and old animosities. The Pole wastes no love on the Russian, nor the Ruthenian on the Pole, and a person who acts in ignorance of these facts, a missionary for instance, or a political boss, or a trade-union organizer, may find himself in the position of a host who should * For discussion of this classification see page 247. INTRODUCTORY 9 innocently invite a Fenian from County Cork to hobnob with an Ulster Orangeman on the ground that both were Irish. This great group of the Slavs must therefore be studied not merely as a whole in which all lesser outlines are blurred, but separately, each nationality by itself. This is even more true with respect to their conditions in Europe than in this country. Moreover, as has been said, it is only in relation to their European back ground that they can be understood here. And the study of the Slavic world is full of fascination. CHAPTER II THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE Nationality So much of the following account hinges upon ques- has three tions reiating to the racial and political conditions of the Slavs that it may be a convenience to some readers to have a certain small measure of preliminary information brought together to form a background. First, as to the question of Slavic nationality. The idea of nationality is itself a complex one. It is far from being identical with that of the political unit (the state or nation), or with the purely physical conception of race. Three factors at least enter into it: community of blood evidenced by physical likeness, community of language, and community of culture and ideals.* (i) Physical The first of these, racial kinship in the strict sense, lp involves anthropological questions too intricate for dis cussion here. All of the so-called races of Europe are clearly much mixed. Nevertheless, each of them gen erally has certain minor facial and other characteristics which, though not of scientific value, and far from uni versal, yet seem to constitute a type in a popular sense. So too with the Slavs. Although Professor Ripley in his "Races of Europe" calls them "physically an off shoot of the great Alpine race of central Europe," of which we may take the southern Frenchman or the north- em Italian as the type, they are far from a pure or uni form race. Deniker indeed says that it is as useless to seek a Slav type as a Latin or Teutonic one.f Dolicho cephalic and brachy cephalic, tall and short, light and * An interesting discussion of this will be found in the first chapter of Professor Auerbach's "Les Races et les Nationali- t6s en l'Autriche-Hongrie." t Deniker, "The Races of Man," page 345. 10 THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE II dark, all varieties are present. Their intermixture goes back indefinitely far into the mists of prehistoric eras, but in historical times also the inheritance of the Slavs has been complicated by exchange of blood with their va rious neighbors. Thus they have contributed a large though unmeasurable amount to German stock, and have themselves received in turn considerable contributions from Germans and others. Yet amid all these complicated variations there gradu- The Slavic ally forms in the mind of the observer what is felt to be type a type, much as a composite photograph is made up by the merging of many impressions on the sensitive plate. This type, as it has shaped itself in my mind, is short, thick-set and stocky, rather than the reverse ; not grace ful nor light in motion. The face is broad, with wide- set eyes and marked cheek-bones; the nose broad and snub rather than chiseled or aquiline, the forehead rather lowering, the expression ranging from sullen to serene but seldom animated or genial. The eyes are of a distinctive shade, grey inclining to blue. One often sees these honest grey eyes in the dark-faced, dark- haired Croatians or Bosnians, as well as in the blonder northerners. The hair, in my typical Slav, is light in childhood, though never the pure flaxen of the Scandi navian; with added years it turns to a deep brown, dark ening gradually through successive ash-brown shades. The whole suggestion is of strength, trustworthiness, and a certain stolidity, until excitement or emotion lights up the naturally rather unexpressive features. This picture is based upon personal opportunities for obser vation, which have included little acquaintance with Russians. It seems to me to agree fairly well with that of other observers.* * My attempt at a portrait may be compared with Professor Steiner's, in the twelfth chapter of his interesting book, "On the Trail of the Immigrant," and with the excellent photographs by Mr. Lewis Hine, reproduced herewith. There are some ex cellent types in the pictures accompanying Miss Grace Abbott's article on the Bulgarians of Chicago in Charities and the Com mons, Jan. 9, 1909. 12 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE (2) Com- Turning to the second point, community of language, langua7^ we find the situation simpler. The Slavic languages form a well-marked family, clearly related to one another. The people who speak these languages consider themselves and are considered by others as Slavs; those who do not speak them cannot easily find any other test either to prove or in some cases to disprove Slavic affiliations. A common language implies, first, local proximity either past or present; second, some degree at least of common history; and third, it means a continuing possibility of intercourse — in modern times, of intercourse even apart from all except literary contact. It is likely, at least, to imply also a considerable measure of community of ideas and ideals. Furthermore, it facilitates inter marriage, if the prime necessity of proximity be present, and so constantly works toward fusion and physical uniformity. Speech, as a Thus, language is generally, for all practical purposes, nationality the best and sufficient criterion of nationality; a rule, however, to which the Jews form an interesting ex ception. In Austria and Hungary, with their hetero geneous population, it is for the most part regarded as the test, and national feeling so rages that it invades even the domain of the census inquiry as to language. In Austria, the Umgangsprache, or language of ordinary intercourse, is asked for. This form of the question tends to swamp out small minorities, unless where now and then national zeal overleaps the barriers and, for in stance, causes an individual to register himself as the only person in a locality using a given language in ordinary intercourse! One must suppose he talks a great deal to himself. In Hungary the form of the question is altered, and the "mother tongue" is asked for, but as it is expressly provided that a man may select what tongue he chooses, and as heavy pressure is exerted upon every one to count himself a Magyar, the results doubtless underrate all non-Magyar elements. In any case the data as to lan- A Bosnian Village Except for the little mosque in the foreground and the costumes of the men, the scene is typical also of Croatia. THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 13 guage do not reveal the strength of the Hebrew element, which feels itself and is felt to be a markedly distinct group. Here the rubric Israelite, in the data as to re ligious confession, gives the desired information except for baptized Jews. How confused is the situation, is suggested by the answer to a census inquiry quoted by Boeckh, "My mother tongue is Polish, also Hebrew, also German, as happens to be required."* The Slavic languages belong to the great Indo-Ger- The Slavic manic or Aryan linguistic family. If we divide this fam- languages ily into nine groups, as follows: (1) Indian (Hindi, etc.), (2) Iranian (Persian, etc.), (3) Armenian, (4) Hellenic (Greek, etc.), (5) Illyrian (Albanian, etc.), (6) Italic (Latin, modern Romance languages, Roumanian, etc.), (7) Keltic (Welsh, Irish, Gaelic, Breton, etc.), (8) Slavo- Baltic, (9) Germanic (Scandinavian languages, German, Dutch, English, etc.), the Slavic belong to the eighth. This includes the Lettic or Baltic languages as well as the Slavic. Within the Slavic division the existing languages are many, even if we do not count dead languages like the Church Slavonic now used only in church rituals. Their degrees of relationship do not correspond to the Their rela- present geographical situation of the different peoples; tionships on the contrary, one great linguistic group includes the languages of the Russians and of the three South Slav nationalities — Bulgarians, Servo-Croatians and Sloven ians, while another contains those of the Bohemians, the Slovaks and the Poles, who, although neighbors of the Russians, are less nearly related to them in speech than are the distant Slovenians.! * Compare Boeckh: " Die statistische Bedeutung der Volks- sprache als Kennzeichen der Nationalitat." Berlin, 1866. f A table showing relationships of Aryan languages may be found in Edmonds' "Introduction to Comparative Philology for Classical Students." See also Morfill: "Slavonic Literature," page 264, and Safafik: "Geschichte der Slavischen Sprache und Literatur nach Allen Mundarten, " pages 4 and 5. 14 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The chief Slavic lan guages The chief Slavic languages are: I. a. I. Russian : ¦ b. 2. 3- 4- c. Bulgarian Servo-CroatianSlovenian Great Russian Little Russian (Ruthenian, Ukrainian) White Russian Richness of grammatical forms II. 5. Polish 6. Bohemian 7. Slovak There are many dialectic groups within those named, but all that are given in the table doubtless deserve to rank as languages. All of these languages are elaborate, highly inflected tongues, even more so than Greek and Latin, which they resemble in many ways. Some of them even retain quantity as well as accent, which makes them especially fitted for singing or for quantitative verse like the classic* As regards declensional forms Bulgarian is an exception in having almost entirely lost its cases. Bohemian, with seven cases, three numbers (the dual being by no means wholly absent), and three grammatical genders (besides in some cases different forms for animate and inanimate objects), is certainly not simple. The adjective is declined, as well as the noun, and takes a different form if in the predicate. The verbs too are very difficult, having elaborate iterative, frequentative and similar variations. On the other hand the spelling is absolutely logical, and an unerring guide to the pronunciation, and the accent falls uni formly on the first syllable. Russian, on the contrary, has a varying accentuation, impossible to predict, and a complicated orthography. Slavic languages are made to seem much more remote and spelling from ug than they reauy ar6j by the fact that some of them, namely Russian, Servian and Bulgarian, are * Cf. Safarik, page 39. Alphabets THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 15 written in a different alphabet, while others, like the Bohemian, use so-called diacritical marks, or, like the Polish, employ different combinations of letters than ours to represent certain sounds. Cz is a no more unreason able sign than ch to express the same sound; but like any convention, it needs to be explained to be under stood. Another puzzling characteristic of spelling is the frequent omission of the vague vowel sound which goes with a liquid in such words as trn (thorn), srb (serb). The Croatian singer Trnina has recognized this by spelling her name for our benefit with an e. This unfamiliar look of many Slavic words is due in part, as has been said, merely to unfamiliar systems of spelling, but it is not that only. It is a Slavic peculiarity to prefer to have a compound consonantal sound pre cede rather than follow the vowel — to say brada instead of the cognate barba, mleka rather than milk or milch, Igati rather than lugen, while we prefer the contrary.* But besides this, the Slavic tongue easily combines consonants which we cannot manage together, just as we can say sixths and not think it difficult, while to almost any other nationality it is literally inspeakable. I am convinced that this unpronounceable appearance Difficulty of of many Slavic words, and especially of proper names, j^^fbar- really sets up no small barrier to acquaintance. It has rier an actual psychological effect on many minds, awaking a sense not only of strangeness but of impatient rejec tion, as if choking food were offered one. The Pole or Ruthenian in America has more difficulty than the Italian or Jew in handing on his name unaltered to his children, especially if it be a long or difficult one, and not only employers but sometimes even teachers are guilty of the barbarism of arbitrarily making over or replacing a name that strikes them as uncouth or troublesome. As to the third element in nationality, community of (3) Com- culture and ideals, the question will be discussed later ™"™^ of in connection with the question of so-called panslavism. * Cf. Safafik, page 37. i6 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Estimate of numbers The early settlement of the Slavs in Europe Subsequent loss of territorv If the main living Slavic languages are some ten in number, how widespread is their use? In other words, what are the numbers and location of the main Slavic nationalities? It is not possible to give a perfectly precise answer, but Komarow, a Russian authority, offers interesting estimates (see Table i) as to the numbers of Slavs in different national groups and in different geographical divisions. This table shows a total of nearly 98,500,000 Slavs in Europe (out of a total European population in 1900 of some 398,000,000), and a grand total for all parts of the world, of 101,724,000 Slavs. The Slavs are thus almost a quarter of the total population of Europe, and if we consider not numbers but area their relative im portance is still greater, as may readily be seen on Map I. If a line be drawn north from the head of the Adriatic they occupy most of the territory lying to the east of it. The Slavs are not only a numerous and widespread but an ancient European population. From an un known date they have been moving westward in Europe, often in the wake of more aggressive and warlike peoples.* Early in the fifth century they seem to have reached the Elbe to the north, and the country near the head of the Adriatic to the south. In the sixth century they pene trated into Italy and, further east, settled in Greece and the Balkan country. By the end of the seventh century we hear of them in Bavaria, Thuringia, Mecklenburg, Brandenburg and Pomerania.f The Slavs indeed in early times occupied much terri tory which they afterward lost. Slavic tongues were spoken at Kiel, Liibeck, Magdeburg, Halle, Berlin, Dresden, Salzburg, Vienna. Slavs were in Oldenburg, Mecklenburg and Holstein to the north, almost as far * Cf. Leger's "History of Austria-Hungary from the Earliest Time to the year 1889," pages 25, 26, 32. t Pomerania still preserves a form of its Slavic name (po, upon, more, the sea). Cf. Latin mare. It is interesting to note the related name of Pomorski today given to the Slavs of the Adriatic shore. TABLE 1.— NUMBERS AND LOCATION OF THE MAIN SLAVIC NATIONALITIES* Location European Russia Germany Austria-Hungary France England Italy Sweden and Norway Roumania Turkey Bulgaria including East melia Servia Bosnia and Herzegovina. Montenegro Rou- All Europe. Asia America. . . . Total. Russians including Little Russians 66,388,000 15,000 3,096,000 3,000 1,0001,000 16,000 1,000 69,521,000 3,000,000 18,000 72,539,000 Bulgarians 122,000 30,000 30,000 1,000,0001,920,000 10,000 3,112,000 ,112,000 Servians and Croa- tians 8,000 ,960,000 1,000 45,000 2,000 ,646,000,197,000 260,000 6,119,000 10,000 6,129,000 Slovenes 1,260 3° ,000 1,290,000 1,290,000 Bohemians and Slovaks 20,000 60,000 7,007,000 1,0001,000 7,089,000 250,000 7,339.°°° Sorbs (Wends) 136,000 136,000 136,000 Poles including Kassubs 5,912,0002,604,0002,645,000 8,000 5,000 11,174,000 5,000 11,179,000 Total 450,000815,000998,000 11,000 6,000 31.000 1,000 91,000 000,000924,000 657,000 197,000 260,000 98,441,000 3,000,000 283,000 101,724,000 *Komarow: "Karta Slavjanskich Narodnostej." (Chart of Slavic Nations.) St. Petersburg, 1890; as quoted in article "Slawen" in Meyer's Conversations Lexicon. aw w r >< >HO> r wd o w MAP I.-LOCATION OF THE SLAVIC RACE I, Russians. II, Poles. Ill, Bohemians. IV, Slovaks. V, Lusatians (called Sorbs or Wends in the table of Komarow). VI, Slovenes. VII, Servo-Croatians. VIII, Bulgarians. The map is copied from a map, given in Mr. Capck's book on the Slovaks, which "follows the standard map of Erben and the ethnical Russian map of 1867.' THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 19 as the Rhine on the west, and in Bavaria in the south. Leipzig takes its name from Lipa, the Slavic name for lime or linden, the national sacred tree. Place names in itz, zig, a (as for instance Jena), dam (like Potsdam) are Slavic* In Germany proper all that is now visible of the Slavic population which once occupied nearly the whole of North Germany is (outside of the conquered Polish territory) names of places, family names, and little islands of Slavic folk like the Wends or Sorbs of the Lausitzf (Lusatia), whom Komarow estimates at 136,000. The Polabish people who once dwelt on the ElbeJ have vanished, speech and all, though the speech was not en tirely extinct in the early nineteenth century. The Ger mans, expanding eastward, killed out, forced back or overlaid the old Slavic population, and a process of in tentional Germanization was begun which is perhaps at its height today in the efforts to depolonize the Ger man territory which once was Poland. Nowhere do the Germans, whose rdle in history is for Teutonic- ¦ the most part so noble, appear in such a sorry light as in fr-a™n their contact with their Slavic neighbors, whether we think of the Teutonic Knights in Slavic Prussia, § of the persecutors of the Bohemian Hussites, or of the present policy of Prussia in whipping Polish school children for saying the Lord's Prayer in their own lan guage. || Wherever Slav and Teuton have been in con tact there has been friction, and the softer Slav has as a rule been the sufferer. Since the Slavs are and so long have been thus nu merous and widespread in Europe, the question suggests *Cf. Ripley: "Races of Europe," page 239; Morrill: "Slavonic Literature," page 3. f The name is derived from a Slavic word for marsh. Cf. Morfill, pages 34, 35, 247 ff. J The Slavic name for this river is Labe. The name means dwellers on the Elbe. § For a Polish version of this period see Sienkiewicz's spirited novel, "The Knights of the Cross." || See the Press, organ of the Polish Newspaper Association of America, Milwaukee, April 1, 1907. SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Slavicnationalcharacter Lack of aggressive- Lack of cohesion itself, why then have they played in history a part so much less prominent than the Latin and Teutonic peoples? Part of the answer may be, as has just been suggested, Slavic national character. I feel a profound scepticism, however, as to the value of generalizations in regard to the character of nations or races, more especially if it is assumed that such characters are inherited and un changeable. Group types are perhaps quite as much products of social development and imitation, deter mined by historical causes economic and other, as they are the expression of innate qualities. Moreover, gener alizations as to Slavs are particularly dangerous, in that they relate not to any single national unit but to a vast group defined largely by kinship of speech. As in discussions of the Teuton, they have their place, but too often the person making statements as to Slavs has in mind some special group with which he is best acquainted, or which is in point for the moment. I frequently find that by "the Slav" is meant the Rus sian. Now generalizations about Russians are them selves sufficiently hazardous at best; certainly they should not be lightheartedly applied to all Slavs, from most of whom Russians in some ways diverge widely. In any case, it appears to be true that Slavic peoples have not been fitted to play a conspicuous part in the era of bloody struggle which Europe has passed through, during the feudal period and since. In spite of the personal bravery which has made Slavs famous fighters, from the Polish Legion to the Cossacks of the Ukraine or the Croats of the military confines, they seem to lack some element of aggressiveness, something of the instinct to retaliate. The phrase "Das Tauben-blut der Slaven" (the dove blood of the Slav), which appar ently originated with the poet Kolldr, owes its currency to its element of truth. With the exception of the steady expansion of the Russian empire and the extension of Poland in its era A Croatian Zadruga 1. The main dwelling house, where sixty persons were living as one family with property held in common. Some of the young men were in America. 2. One of the farm buildings built about the central yard. THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 21 of political greatness, the Slavs have not shown much gift for state-building. They appear to be deficient in the faculty for cohesion and leadership. Only within the smallest social unit has Slavic political genius evolved stable forms of organization and mutual social control. The Russian communal village or mir, the South Slav zadruga, or communal household, and bratstvo (literally brotherhood), or clan, are developments of the very greatest interest.* But the various early agglomera tions of territory and power under Slavic rulers like Samo or Svatopluk or Boleslav of Bohemia, which for a time seemed to promise a Slavic empire, soon fell to pieces of themselves, or were overpowered, or else were absorbed by the chances of dynastic inheritance. His torians are full of references to the lack of Slavic cohe sion. Seton- Watson,| for instance, says "Suffice it to say that the Slavs have throughout history shown a fissile and centrifugal tendency, and thus the mysterious figures of Samo and Svatopluk are the only Slav empire builders till we reach the days of Peter the Great. Ottocar of Bohemia and Ivan the Terrible are possible exceptions." But quite apart from any supposed national charac- External teristics, there have been three powerful reasons for jyS^° backwardness and disunion in Slavic lands. For one thing, the Slavic peoples are, as may readily be (i) The seen on Map I (page 18), separated into two groups by a j^QSasp strip of non-Slavic population forced between the Rus- northern sians, Poles and Bohemians to the north, and the Slove nians, Servo-Croatians and Bulgarians to the south. This non-Slavic wedge is German in the west, extending in a solid mass through the Austrian provinces of the Tyrol, Styria, Carinthia, Upper and Lower Austria and across into Hungary as far as Pressburg (Poszony). Austria is, indeed, the Eastern Empire (Oester Reich) of the Teuton. Where the German population ends the * For the zadruga see page 161 ; for the bratstvo see the book by Krauss on the customs of the South Slavs, or Mijatovich's books on Servia. f Seton-Watson : "Racial Problems in Hungary," page 15. and south ern group SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE (2) The schism be tween East and West Political and literary results of religious divergence Magyar begins, and to the east of the Magyars lie the Roumanians, extending across to the Black Sea. The Slavs, thus held apart, have been by this fact alone shut off from the possibility of forming a single whole, or of wielding an influence comparable to their numbers. But to this have been added two far more important historical causes which have tended to keep Slavs apart from one another and also outside of the main current of European life. The moral watershed between East and West ran through the Slavic countries, and the greater part of the Slavs found themselves on the eastern side, looking to Byzantium for light, as those of the West looked to Rome. To this day Russians, Bulgarians and Servians are, taking them as a whole, Greek Orthodox, while on the other hand Poles, Bohemians and Croatians are Roman Cathohcs. Safafik, writing forty or fifty years ago, counted about 35,500,000 Greek Orthodox, 18,500,000 Roman Catholic, and 1,250,000 Protestant. The strength of the odium theologicum is notorious, and this difference in ecclesias tical allegiance has been a cause of contention and mutual aversion throughout Slavic history. Moreover, this inclusion of the major part of the Slavs in the Eastern sphere of influence had political and literary as well as religious results. Byzantium as a centre of the world of ideas meant something very differ ent from Rome; something much less vitalizing and significant for the future. The mere fact that the Orthodox Slavs used the Cyrillic or Russian alphabet meant a real barrier between them and the West, a serious obstacle to the interchange of ideas with Catholic Slavs, and to knowledge of one another's literatures. The Roman Catholic Slavs used either the Latin charac ters as we do or the German ones. The latter are still employed by the Sorbs in Germany and till about 1830 were used by the Bohemians also. Polish and Bohemian books intended for the lowest class are still occasionally so printed, and one runs across old Bohemians who can- THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 23 not read Bohemian except in German print and script. Moreover, the Western and Catholic nationalities were in touch with Frenchmen and Germans, and, along the Adriatic coast, with Italians, and were constantly involved in the politics of Western Europe. Thus in a second way the Slavic unit was split in two, — north and south by an alien body of population, east and west by differences of religious, political and literary affiliation. A third and most important factor which kept the (3) Conflict Slavic peoples off the European stage and delayed their ^nd Turks8 political and cultural development was the Tatar and Turkish invasions against which their countries served as a set of buffer states. They were indeed, with Hun gary, the heroic bulwark of Christendom, and in the tremendous struggle great bodies of them were submerged for longer or shorter periods. Russia was not freed till 1489 from a subjection to the Tatars which had lasted two and a half centuries. Turkish misrule came later and lasted longer. The Balkan Slavs suffered under it until 1878, when certain provinces were freed, Servia being made an independent kingdom, Bulgaria a practi cally independent principality, and Montenegro an independent principality, while Bosnia and Herzegovina were given to Austria-Hungary to administer. Thus ended, except for the Slavs of Macedonia, some three centuries of Turkish control which, so far as opportunity for progress goes, might almost be eliminated from Slavic history. Even countries which were not subjugated were al most equally handicapped by incessant border warfare. Poland spent much of her best blood repulsing the Tatars and Turks, and as late as 168 1, under her gallant king Sobieski, was delivering Vienna from its Turkish besiegers. Croatia in all its border parts was organized as the so-called "Military Confines," and its people were withdrawn from normal civil life. This situation was not put a final end to until 1881. In almost every case there was an exhausting drain 24 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Slavic unity Rise of na tionalism on the vital forces of the Slavic peoples, and a most demoralizing degree of uncertainty. A farmer does not need to have his barns burned every harvest time in order to lose his interest in expensive improvements. It is interesting to note how the figure of the raiding Turk pervades the different folk literatures, even the Slovak. All this border warfare and political confusion militated against the growth of capital and the develop ment of architecture and city life, and in general against the evolution of modern societies, non-feudal, industrial and enlightened. Meanwhile, sheltered behind the living barrier of Slavs and Magyars, the rest of Europe was developing and progressing. Not only have Slavic peoples suffered from conflict with external oppressors ; they have also been at various points in bitter conflict one with another. The Poles have suffered at the hands of Russians, the Ruthenians at the hands of both Russians and Poles. Croatians and Servians have rubbed. Yet on the whole there has been, to a rather surprising degree, a sense of a certain unity among the different Slavic nationalities. Long before modern ideas of nationalism had awakened there were evidences of some measure of this "consciousness of kind," and early Slavic history has some interesting examples, already alluded to, of more or less successful efforts toward political union, under Samo, " King of the Slavs," in the seventh century, Svatopluk, King of " Great Moravia, " in the ninth century, and in the tenth century under Boleslav the Great of Poland as king of the Slavs.* But it was with the close of the eighteenth century that national feeling in its modern form awakened under the stimulus of the ruthless way in which national de marcations were disregarded and national organisms cut up or forced under the rule of hated and alien powers. Germany, stirred by Fichte to rise against Napoleon ; Greece and Italy achieving their independence ; *Leger: " History of Austria-Hungary," pages 28-29, 45~49- THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 25 — these are the stock examples. But Poland, when her peasants with their poor scythes went out under Kos- ciuszko against her invaders in 1794, is an earlier in stance. The claims of national feeling grew more insistent Linguistic with the passage of time, and the revolutionary year revivals and 1848 brought to vivid expression not only demands for proche- the constitutional rights of states but passionate yearn- ments ings for the deeper rights of nationalities. There was a renascence of languages that had been relegated to the peasant hut and the nursery; an outburst of national literatures. Along with a revival of the Bohemian, Slovak, and Illyrian (or South Slav) languages came also the desire for a Slavic rapprochement, the so- called panslav movement, the way for which had been prepared by poets and thinkers for years previous. It is interesting to note that even as early as 1 7 1 3 the phi losopher Leibnitz said to Peter the Great, "We are both of Slavic ancestry. You have wrested the world's mightiest powers from barbarism, and I have founded a realm of equal extent. The originators of a new epoch, we are both descendants of that race whose fortunes none can foretell."* This sounds like an anticipation of Herder's prophecy, in his "Ideas on the Philosophy of a History of Mankind," that a great future lay before the Slavic peoples, an era of territorial expansion and of peaceful devotion to arts and economic progress. In 1848, as already said, the growing enthusiasm for The Slav these ideas found expression. A Slav congress met in and^Rus-8 Prague, which, to the vast amusement of its enemies, sian hege- found it necessary to confer in German as the only mony language understood by all. At that date Russia was the only independent Slavic state, for Poland was di vided under three masters, Bohemia was under the heel of Austria, and the other Slavic nationalities under one or another alien rule. Russia was thus given an over powering prestige which she employed to turn the move- *Quoted in Capek's "The Slovaks of Hungary," page 23. 26 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Panslavism Russo-phobia Panslav ism as a ' non-political ideal ment to her own advantage. She has been glad to as sume the title and rdle of "Protector of the Slavs," and was lauded as such by different Slavic deputations at the Ethnographical Congress at Moscow in 1867. Especially in Balkan affairs this has strengthened her influence. The panslavic trend has thus become to a greater or less degree confused with a tendency to look to Russia as the head of the Slavic family, and a desire for political affiliation. For this reason the Poles have held markedly aloof from it, and governments with a Slavic minority among their people have made it a bogey, and often a very convenient one. Thus the Magyars choose to rep resent all nationalistic efforts of the Slovaks as pan slavic agitation and treason. Unfortunately some color was lent to this view by the events of 1848, when the Slovaks welcomed the Russian invaders of Hungary whom Austria had called in against the Magyars under Kossuth, — a policy since bitterly regretted by Slovaks themselves, who now recognize that their lot is indis- solubly bound up with that of Hungary, and who ask only for the just treatment of all citizens at the hands of the ruling race, the Magyars. The Magyar fear of Russian conspiracy often leads to laughable results. I had just heard that it was only by an accident that my girl traveling companion and I had escaped being arrested as Russian spies, when I was amused to find in a book of travels, "Across the Carpathians," published some fifty years before, an account of the actual imprisonment on the same charge of two equally innocent English lady tourists. In reality, so-called panslavism, as voiced, for in stance, by its great apostle, the poet Kollar, is a striving for a non-political and purely spiritual union. In an essay written in 1837 he says, "For the first time in many centuries, the scattered Slavs regard themselves once more as one great people The Slav nation strives to return to its original unity." But the common THE SLAVIC NATIONALITIES IN EUROPE 27 bond "does not consist in a political union of all Slavs, nor in demagogic agitation against the various govern ments and rulers, since this could only produce confu sion and misfortune. Literary reciprocity can subsist in the case of a nation which is under more than one sceptre and is divided into several states. Reciprocity is also possible in the case of a nation which has several religions and confessions, and where differences of writ ing, of climate and territory, of manners and customs prevail. It is not dangerous to the temporal authorities and rulers, since it leaves frontiers and territories un disturbed, is content with the existing order of things, and adapts itself to all forms of government and to all grades of civil life." "Under alien non-Slav rulers, so long as they are tolerant, the weaker Slav races find better guarantees and security for the independence and survival of their language, which under the rule of some more powerful Slav race would, according to the laws of attraction, be entirely absorbed, or would at least commingle and finally vanish away."* KollaVs program, as stated by Mr. Seton-Watson, was: book depots in the various capitals, free public libraries, chairs of Slav languages and literatures, a general Slav literary review, the reform of Slav spelling, comparative grammars and dictionaries, collections of songs, proverbs and folklore. In s6me such shape as this the idea lives in the Political minds of many Slavs to-day. Again, it takes political Panslavlsm form and is a powerful force cautiously reckoned with by continental diplomacy. The Balkans, Servia, Monte negro, Bosnia, Croatia, all Slavic Hungary, all Slavic Austria, Poland, Russia are more or less permeated by it. It is a current which often complicates economic and constitutional movements and groupings in all these regions, and the happy direction of its energy is one of the great problems of European statesmanship.! * Kollar, J.: "Uber die literarische Wechselseitigkeit," quoted by Seton-Watson, page 55. t See Panslavism in the Bibliography. CHAPTER III CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY Importance For the study of Slavic immigration to the United of Austria- states, the centre of interest is Austria-Hungary, not Hungary for ' Slavic im- Russia as might be supposed, although only 17 or 18 per migration cent of all Slavs are subjects of Emperor Francis Joseph, while over 70 per cent are subjects of the Czar. The former country sends us the great bulk of our Slavic immigrants. During the decade 1899-1908 nearly sev enty out of a hundred of them came to us from Austria- Hungary and only twenty-five in a hundred from the Russian empire. Not only this, but the different Slavic nationalities are so placed that all of them except Bulgarians and Russians are to be found within the boundaries of Austria- Hungary. Poles, Ruthenians, Slovaks, Croatians, Ser vians, as well as Bohemians are subjects of the dual monarchy. A study of the stream that comes to us thence is therefore a study of a part at least of every Slavic immigrant group except two, — and those of minor numerical importance, — and an investigation of. Slavic emigration from Austria-Hungary should give us a fair basis for the discussion of the Slavic movement to America. The remainder of the first part of this book is confined substantially to that part of the Slavic world. Geographi- Geographically as well as politically, Austria, to con ditions" sider her first, is very complicated.* With no natural centre or frontier, she is made up of a stretch of adjoining * Physical features are shown on Map IV, opposite page 35 . See also the Bibliography under the titles Austria-Hungary, Austria, and Hungary. 28 CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 29 territories lying like a wreath almost three-quarters of the way around Hungary, which, with Croatia and Bosnia, is set like a kernel within -this embrace. All of the northeastern provinces of Austria, — Moravia, Silesia, Galicia, Bukowina, — are bounded to the south by the arc of the Carpathian range, which separates them from Hungary. The Carpathians are great rounded green hills rather than mountains, except in one place where the peaks of the High Tatra, with their romantic crags and lakes, attract pleasure seekers from both the Hunga rian and the Polish (Galician) sides. From Vienna, south and west, the country is broken by complicated Alpine ranges which run into the Swiss Alps to the west and merge to the south in the Balkans, while the Julian and Dinaric Alps parallel the Adriatic shore. Bohemia and Galicia alone of the Austrian crown- lands have any considerable stretch of open, level land. Hungary on the contrary, apart from mountainous Of Hungary Transylvania and the slopes and foothills of the Car pathians which bar it from the Austrian provinces to the north, is a great fertile plain watered by the Danube and the Theiss which flow across it. Politically, the dual monarchy is nothing short of a Political monstrosity. The relation between Austria and Hun- organization 01 the mon- gary created by the Ausgleich of 1867 is much slighter archy and more formal than is perhaps always realized. The same ruler is emperor of the one country and king of the other. To speak of Emperor Francis Joseph at Budapest is to give bitter offence ; there he is king only. The two countries have in common an army and navy, a tariff, a system of weights, measures and coinage, and three ministers (for war, foreign affairs and finance) , and their "delegations" meet to arrange common affairs. Out side of these matters they stand apart; they have not even a legislature in common, nor the same money nor post-office system. Austria herself is an accidental dynastic agglomeration of kingdoms, archduchies, duchies, margravates and so T»o\ie,fal bo ^giqavnx MAP II -POUTICAL DIVISIONS OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 31 forth, seventeen "crownlands" in all, which the house of Habsburg has brought together as an inheritance. Tu felix Austria nube. Hungary proper is less confusing, since the only dis tinct divisions are the former principality of Transyl vania or Siebenburgen (and even this is now an integral part of the country), and the important Adriatic port of Fiume which, though separated from her other terri tory by the whole width of Croatia, belongs to Hungary, and gives her her only outlet by sea. The "autono mous kingdom" of Croatia-Slavonia, under an elec tive Ban or Governor, is united to Hungary proper somewhat as Hungary itself is united to Austria. To gether these constitute "the lands of the crown of Saint Stephen," or the Kingdom of Hungary. Add to all this the provinces of Bosnia and Her zegovina, which, until they were annexed in 1908, were still nominally under Turkish sovereignty. The geographical and pohtical confusion of the dual Friction be- monarchy is insignificant compared with the confusion nationaliti of tongues, andthe racial or national conflicts and animosi ties which divide it, for the most part cutting across all political and administrative lines. In Bohemia, where the national conflict is perhaps as acute as anywhere in Austria, it is Bohemians (Chekhs) against Germans. To the east in Galicia (Austrian Poland) there is a triple tan gle with Poles, Ruthenians and Jews. Further east still in the Bukowina, the large Roumanian element adds to the complexity. In the northwest there is the Italian Tyrol, and an actively agitating Italian element in Istria, and along the Dalmatian shore, and above all in Trieste. The Slovenes, who form the bulk of the popu lation in Carniola, and a considerable minority at least in Styria, Carinthia and the Coast Lands, are everywhere in conflict with the German element, whether as upper or under dog, and in Trieste with the Italians as well. In Hungary the situation is even worse than in Austria, in proportion as more pressure from above creates an MAP III.-NATIONAUTIES OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY AND THE BALKAN STATES. AS INDICATED BY LANGUAGE SPOKEN Bohemian (Chekh) RuthenianBulgarian Slovak KEY Slavic Races Slovenian mm Polish Italian (including Ladinisch) Servo- [HIP ' 3 Croatian §H^h2 Non-Slavic Races German llllllii A11 • rTTTT - * * | Albanian | ,| I , l Roumanian ]':'.-"-." :Y/.| Magyar | j Based on the map accompanying Royal (British) Commission on Labor; Vol, XI, Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States. CONDITIONS IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 33 intenser national reaction. The almost 3,000,000 Rou manians in and about Transylvania, the 2,000,000 Slovaks in the Carpathian highlands, and the scattered German populations amounting in all to over 2,000,000, are all utterly discontented with Magyar treatment, which too often amounts to arbitrary and cruel per secution. In Croatia, with a population racially fairly homo geneous, religious differences and diverse political as pirations sometimes make trouble between Croatians and Servians in spite of their common blood and common language, and all Croatia is in a constant state of tension as regards Magyar policy and practices. These mutual jealousies and antagonisms would seem enough without being further complicated by external attractions and repulsions — by the " All-Deutsch " movement in Aus tria and outside, by the cry of "Italia Irredenta," by the panslav tendencies already discussed, by Russian and Servian ambitions, and by the whole Balkan problem and the dream of a federated Slavic state to include all the South Slavs.* We in the United States have little conception of Effects of what such conflicts mean. Our racial problems may be "* f^j^ worse; at any rate they are quite different. In Austria and Hungary these are struggles of different cultures, languages (and of political states back of them), to win adherents and power. Men indignantly repudiate the use of languages which they understand perfectly well, and questions of the language of school instruction en gage the most impassioned feelings. Blood has been shed, not so long since, in riots caused by the determina tion of the Germans that the Italians should not have a university at Innsbruck, nor the Chekhs one in Briinn. Even questions which should be purely scientific are troubled by these prepossessions and aims. The awakening of nationalistic feeling has done im- * Some statistical data as to the nationalities of Austria and Hungary are given in Appendix I, page 429. 3 tic feeling 34 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE mense good, but it also does immense harm. The good human energy wasted, for instance, by Germans and Bohemians in merely blocking one another is pitiable. All this not only narrows and embitters, it greatly re tards progress. It must be said, however, that these questions chiefly interest the class which is designated throughout these countries as "die Intelligenz" ; and those absorbed in these questions range from the sort of politicians who love to fish in troubled waters, to the purest and most disinterested idealists. The simple people in the country places, however, who are for the most part the people that come to us, are at home com paratively little concerned with such matters. They are mainly "conscious of kind" in a much narrower range. Each little village is a tiny world in itself, with its own traditions and ways, its own dress, perhaps even its own dialect. The neighbor from the next town, even, is an outsider. In a Bohemian market-place I saw a sign, which might have come out of the guild-merchant period of English history, forbidding "foreigners" to sell to dealers before ten o'clock. It is an interesting question how the transition to the new world affects these racial relations. How emi- In the first place, among some peoples and at some gration points emigration has as a consequence a growth of relations racial feeling. The man whose sense of social solidarity had been limited to his hamlet or parish wakens to a wider group consciousness. The Slovak finds other Slovaks quite intelligible even if of another town, nay even if of another county, and he thus matures for political-racial interests. Political leaders take ad vantage of this heightened racial feeling and of the free dom of the new world to teach their people patriotism as they understand it. For instance, in America, Polish leaders indoctrinate their people with Polish enthusiasm and hopes of a future free Poland, as they could not do in Europe; and the Slovak is taught by his national guides to interest himself in the struggle for national W^^^f ¦ w KD H < W -* K< o>HO S3> -3 O CWO ts * V. Schullern-Schrattenhofen : "Die Oesterreichische Landwirthschaft in ihren sozialen Beziehungen," pages 4 and 6. SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 47 persons known to have emigrated are reported and about two-thirds of them come from agricultural occupations.* The old peasant economy was almost self-sufficing. House industry eked out the farm production. The earthenware for cooking and the pretty flowered crockery, the wooden utensils for stall and house, the farm tools — fork and rake and plough, — the products of spinning- wheel and loom and needle and dye-pot, all were home made, and few were the articles that must be bought for money. This old self-sufficient household economy was, how ever, gradually broken in upon from many sides as industry developed at the expense of agriculture. Even in places where no industry arose the effect of that which was growing up in other countries, afar or nearby, made itself powerfully felt. As a "money econ omy," with purchase and sale, extended, the dependence on household production diminished. Money was needed for taxes. The obvious economy of cheap factory textiles, the superiority of iron pots to earthen ones, indeed the temptation of novel wares of various kinds at low prices, all made new demands for money. With these changes went a rise in standards of living; new goods were available and new desires were contagious. Peasant economy self-sufficing Industry revolution izes the old system * See Appendix V, page 433, or the further figures for Croatia in Appendix XIII, page 452. The American immigration statistics in regard to the occu pation of immigrants, which ought to give complete data on the point in question, are unfortunately worse than use less. For instance, although Ruthenians are generally en gaged in agriculture, of 1400 Ruthenians arriving in 1899, only 3 are reported to have been farmers, 76 farm laborers. Of 16,17.0 Slovaks in 1908, 20 are given as farmers, 6,733 as farm laborers. In 1907, Hungary reported 27,915 Slovaks emi grating to all destinations, of whom 17,334 were engaged in agriculture, 4587 of them on their own account. In the year begun July 1, 1907, the United States authorities reported 23,573 Slovak immigrants, of whom 558 were in agriculture, 52 of them on their own account (as "farmers"). The unreliability of these figures is not hard to understand when an agent who makes them out for all his emigrant clients remarks that he puts down not the past occupation of an emigrant but what will be his occupation in America. (See page 137, note.) 48 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE At the same time with this rise in demands, growth of population without growth of industry made an in creased pressure on the land. The following table is interesting, showing as it does the net loss or gain by emigration and immigration, in connection with the excess of births over deaths, and the density per square kilometer. If the figures were given for arable land instead of for total area they would be more significant; as it is, the greater densities reflect sometimes urban populations and industrial districts, sometimes agricultural over-population. TABLE 3.— POPULATION OF AUSTRIA; MOVEMENT AND DENSITY.* Austrian Crown Lands Bohemia . Moravia. . Silesia. . . . Galicia .... Bukowina. Carniola. . Carinthia . Styria. . . . Goricia and Gradisca. Istria Dalmatia Trieste and its district Tyrol Vorarlberg Salzburg Upper Austria Lower Austria (includes Vienna) All Austria Net Loss or Gain Per Thousand of Population During the Decade i8gi-iooo By Births and Deaths + 10.22 ++ IO.39I2.44 ++ 15-3015-04 + + + 8-35 6.076.I9 ++ 9-39 11.02 +4- M-95 2.71 4-4- 4.67 6.91 ++4- 5-47 5-9i 9-52 + [i. 11 By Migra tion t — 2.0 — 3-32 — 0.09 — 4-58 2. II — 6.51 4-32 O.44 — 3-68 — 2-38 ~ 2-37 + tO.74 4- 0.25 + 4-43 4- 5-64 — 2.80 + 6.97 1.67 Total 4- 8.14 4- 7.07 + ".35 4-10.72-I-12.93 1.84r-75 5-75 + 5-7i 4- 8.64 4-12.58 + J3-43 4- 4-92 + H-34 4- 11. 11 4- 3. 11 4-16.49 4- 9-44 Density per Square Kilometer in 1900 121 no 132 93 70 5i35 60 806946 32 49 27 67 156 87 * "Die Summarischen Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung," 1900, pages xvi and xix. t For a graphic representation of these data by districts see Map V, page 35. SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 49 The old peasant economy had represented a fairly stable Old peasant economic equilibrium. Population was kept more or el°£°™y less at a level by it, since only one son could take his father's place, and consequently it was difficult for more than one to establish a family, unless, indeed, he went away ' ' to seek his fortune. " It was the expectation that everything should go on as it had done. That is the essence of custom, and the peasant world is the world of custom. The results of the breakup of the old system of land Broken up holding were often disastrous. The peasant being free ty — b" to divide his land and feeling that his children all had equal claims, cut up land which was only sufficient to support one household among a number of descendants. The landholder unable to support himself from his own plot sought to eke out his living by working for wages in a population where few could afford to hire labor. In some districts debts, contracted under circumstances which put the borrower at the mercy of a Jewish cred itor, worked havoc. Thus the peasant with mortgage payments which Peasant he could not meet or with children for whom he could t^avoid^de- not provide an adequate patrimony, saw himself face cline in to face with an intolerable decline of social status for % a us , himself or for his children; namely, reduction to the position of a propertyless day laborer. This is the sting which induces many a man among the Slovaks, the Poles, the Ruthenians, to fare over seas or to send out his son to the new land from which men come back with savings. In some cases the country-side had never supported its population; there had always been an exodus, per manent or seasonal, of some of the men and boys, as for instance in some Slovak counties. As the dislocation of the old economy became more serious, and as mo bility of population increased, there was further over flow, — to Germany for the summer farm work, to the cities, to less closely settled districts, (e. g. to Southern. 4 5° SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Not settled poverty but a disturb ance of the budget a cause Emigratingon credit Hungary), to Russia, to Brazil, to the United States. Quicker transportation, and above all, knowledge of the facts, opened the way across the sea, and all the requisites for a heavy emigration movement were present. Some times the head of a family goes to retrieve the family fortunes, sometimes he sends the most promising son. Or a brother goes hoping to earn enough to pay off the in heritance of his co-heirs and buy the sole right to the land which cannot support more than one family. While the grounds of emigration are in the main eco nomic, it is a mistake to suppose that poverty is its cause in the sense that the greater the poverty of a man or district, the greater the impulse to emigration. Poverty, especially a settled poverty to which people have ad justed themselves, and which finds expression in a low standard of living and perhaps in physical deterioration, is not an initiating force. Rather, it means stagnation and lack of any margin of energy for new undertakings. It is when the habitual balance of family budgets is disturbed that a sense of poverty incites to emigration. The misadjustment may be due to a cutting down of income by some disaster, or it may be due to an increase of wants. The result is the same. And this awakening of new wants is a characteristic of our time, affecting one backward and lethargic region after another. It is extremely contagious, and the news that it is anywhere possible to earn more and to live better calls slumbering forces of energy and unrest into sudden life. Emigra tion will then result if there is any opening which prom ises improved circumstances. That is, it will result if there are means to meet the expenses. A district like upper Arva county in Hun gary may be too poor to provide emigrants. The emigrant himself, however, need not have the ready cash for the journey, and in a very large proportion of cases he has not. But if he or his family have land, he can readily borrow, and lacking this, many an emigrant borrows on his personal credit merely. / SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 51 Co-operating with the general economic cause — an Special agrarian economy of a primitive type, dislocated by the Jj?use5: competition of modern industry — are, of course, many more special causes. One of these is the excessive burden of taxes,* which sometimes fall with crushing force on those least able to bear them. A striking story of the visit of a tax collector to a poor Ruthenian family will be found in the Ruthenische Revue, 1904. Military service is another direct and continuing Army cause of emigration. Every man in Austria and Hun- service gary, with certain exceptions, must serve his three years, and he is forbidden to marry till after his liability to this service is past. Undoubtedly the interruption of work caused by the time in the army is in many cases felt as a grievous burden, and many emigrate to escape it, either while they are still under age, or with more or less secrecy during the period of Stellungspfiicht. One constantly runs across cases of men who have emigrated that their boys, one after another, might not be made to serve, or in order to escape their own duty. Nevertheless, it is my impression that the influence of this factor is apt to be exaggerated, and for corroboration' I would call attention to the figures for Carniola in Appendix XII, page 45 1 . Previous to 1863-4, when the time of military service was longer, the desire to avoid the army is said to have been more important as a cause of emigration than it has been since. Another complicating cause is political unrest. Many Political of our Slavic immigrants come from groups which are unrest more or less in the position of the under dog. This is most notable in the case of the Slovaks, but even with other nationalities political discontent and the growing- pains of a yet undeveloped democracy often play a part. I was told, for instance, that emigrants from the rich eastern counties of Croatia-Slavonia, who seem to have no economic reason for leaving home, when asked why they go, say, "Mi ideme trazeti ima li jos pravice * See Appendix III, page 432. 52 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Stimulationby agents na svieto" (We go to see if there is still justice in the world). Generally, however, I think that the effect of such conditions is less to initiate emigration than to cause the emigrant who returns to his old home to feel himself a misfit there, and to decide to take up his per manent residence in America. (See page 118.) Another "cause" of emigration is the advertising and solicitation of transportation agencies. My impression is that the less direct and concrete knowledge of the matter a man has, the more weight he lays on this factor. To ascribe immigration to the steamship companies is a rhetorical commonplace of the kind of speaker who tells us that "the immensity of the problem palls upon the pa triot who confronts it." (The quotation is a literal one.) In the old days the agent was doubtless active, while on the other hand the government gendarmes were ar resting would-be emigrants who had no passes and turn ing them back. Today emigration is free, except for certain provisions to insure the performance of military service, and passes are generally little more than a form; and, on the other hand, advertising and solicitation are carefully regulated. Doubtless even today, however, much soliciting is done secretly. New routes The opening up of new routes and ports of embarka tion has made emigration easier. Havre and Marseilles, Antwerp and Genoa, besides Dutch and Belgian ports, get part of the lucrative business of shipping emigrants. Of late both Austria and Hungary have been seized with a desire to keep all this profit in the country, and also keep a closer control of emigration conditions, by in ducing emigrants to embark at the home ports. That is, Austria would like to see her emigrants sail from Trieste by the Austro-American line and Hungary wishes hers to go by the Cunard line via Fiume. In 1903 there was great excitement in the United States about the contract between the Hungarian govern ment and the Cunard Company, by which the former was said to have guaranteed a fixed number of passengers Hungarian emigration policy SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 53 a year, with a forfeit for all the deficit below that number. This arrangement, if it ever existed, was canceled, at any rate apparently, but for some time the Hungarian government went to the most unwarrantable extremes, not, I believe, to increase emigration, but to force in tending emigrants to embark at Fiume. This whole matter of the policy and practice of the Austrian and Hungarian governments in regard to emigration is a complicated one, to which I can only allude.* In the advertisement and pushing of emigration facili- Agents fa- ties many classes of agents are concerned — agents of cilitate ^ ..... Q rather than various ot our states which maintain or have mam- cause emi- tained officials to stimulate immigration; agents of Sration steamship lines from the central office to the pettiest sub-agent or peddler of tickets ; agents of railroads ; agents of land companies ; emissaries (in the old days at least) of employers, individual and corporate. But whether private or governmental, open or illicit, such stimulation can at most signify little more than greasing the wheels. Where the circumstances are such as to produce emi gration men will learn the facts and act on them in the course of time, even if advertising be absolutely excluded. The importance of the emigration agent is in opening up new regions which are ripe for emigration and in setting the ball rolling. He hastens the starting and makes smooth the course of the avalanche; he is not responsible for more than this. Emigrants, though in many senses ignorant, are men Emigration taught shrewdness by hard lives, and they are venturing not at upon a very costly experiment. They know much better what they are about than Americans generally suppose. The first to go from a given locality at home, the first to try a new district here, report their experi ences directly or indirectly. All but a comparatively few pioneers are acting on advice from their forerunners. Look at our immigration figures (quoted in Appendix IV, page 433) showing whether or not immigrants are coming * For reference see Bibliography under Legislation. 54 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The rdle of accidents Personal motives The true cause — dif ferences in earning power to join relatives or friends. Even the Bulgarian, Servian and Russian immigration, so largely still in a pioneer stage, shows only ten in a hundred who are not coming to join relatives or friends already here. Among the older immigrant nationalities the number falls to be tween two and three in a hundred. This is a condition not, I think, generally realized. To read all that is written about directing the flow of immigrants, dis tributing it to better advantage and so forth, one would suppose that not two in a hundred, but all, were coming with no known reason for selecting one destination rather than another. The general causes at work are intensified at given places and at given times, by all sorts of occurrences. A flood, a conflagration, a new American tariff, an outbreak of phylloxera in the vineyards, or a treaty admitting Italian wine at a lower rate — all these have been actual stimulants of Slavic inflow. As in any mass movement, the individual is more conscious of the purely personal and special motives which have moved him than of the general causes at work. Men emigrate to avoid family friction, to escape a scandal, to see new scenes, to join relatives, because others have gone, and for a thousand other unclassifiable reasons. It still remains true that these causes play on the surface of the stream and do not give it its bulk of energy nor its direction. I have spoken of the dislocation of the old agrarian economy as the cause of emigration. But this, after all, is only a part of the story. The causa causarum is a broader one. The fundamental problem of all economics is how much labor will produce a given product, how much product a given output of labor will produce. In emigration districts things are relatively dear in terms of labor. In America, labor is relatively dear in terms of things. Given an open sluiceway, and men are bound to pour to the place where land, grain, and meat cost least in terms of hours of human energy. Primitive Methods of Production in Slovensko 1. Breaking hemp. This woman had been in America. 2. Herding swine. 3. Dye house with wooden elbows under the eaves for drying cloth. 4. Making shingles by hand. SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 55 That they do cost less in America is due to three main Causes of facts. First, America has a vast wealth of compara- Amencan tively undrained natural resources including above all agricultural land and, of only less importance, metals, minerals, timber and oil. Second, it has an organization of production which is beyond any known to history until the present era, and which is today equaled per haps by Germany alone. This rests on the liberal use of machinery, on specialization of skill, and on elaborate business organization, all of which are impossible in industrially backward countries. Third, citizens of the United States have the immense advantage of practically feeling no military burden; they have no compulsory service, and in the general prosperity the taxation for military affairs, met as it is by indirect taxes, though absolutely large, is scarcely noticed. The whole situation is suggested by a passage that I Cost of ran across in an article on forestry in an Austrian ency- j^nf3 f* clopedia. The author complained of the shocking waste labor of woods going on in some places. This sometimes went so far, he said, that the inhabitants used wood to build fences, simply to save the trouble of having the cows herded. What should we think of the unthrift of an American farmer who should pay an able-bodied person to watch one or two cows day after day, to save building a fence? The instance epitomizes the whole situation, — relatively cheap labor against relatively cheap raw material. What is patent and obvious is, of course, the money Money expression of these facts. Wages are higher in the waSes United States than in Bohemia or Galicia or Dalmatia. Precisely how much higher, it is impossible to say. Complicated forms of payment, with receipts in kind, rights to the use of land, free milk, or fodder, etc., confuse it at one end, and the difference in the cost of living at the other. Table 4 is given for what it is worth. Whatever the amount of the difference is, there is no question of the fact that it is an important one. 56 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE TABLE 4.— AVERAGE DAILY WAGES OF AGRICUL TURAL LABORERS, 1891 Country Bohemia Moravia Silesia Galicia Bukowina Carniola Carinthia Styria Goricia and Gradisca Istria [ Trieste and District J Dalmatia Tyrol and Vorarlberg Salzburg Upper Austria Lower Austria Additional when no board given 0.4 O.IO 0-13 O.I20.90.120.190.17o-iS 0.22 O.I70.20O.I90.22 Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States. Report of "Royal British Commission on Labor, 1894, Vol XI, page 75. Price of land The other chief money expression of the economic ratios of the countries is the price of land, and here again precise comparison is impossible. But it is not only the price of land; it is its availability, its plenty. It is hard for us to reproduce to ourselves the impression which America makes on the European; the sense of space, of opportunity, of a very clamor of the earth to men to come and use it. Our talk of congestion, of being overfilled with hordes of foreigners, strikes a Polish priest, let us say, in a country parish, who does not know the East Side of New York which perhaps dominates the mind of the writer, as not so much ludi crous as hypocritical. When the question is asked whether the emigration movement is to be regarded as a blessing or a curse, one must first distinguish — a blessing or the reverse to whom? And if one begins with the emigrants themselves, one immediately finds himself trying to measure incom- mensurables; to weigh the relative values of things Is emigra tion a good thing for the emigrant? SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 57 which every one will estimate variously, and which the same person will estimate differently in different moods. The old village life may not always be sanitary or clean Advantages or moral, but it is harmonious, complete, self consistent. and dlsad\ T . . ., vantages of Lying aside from beaten routes of travel, many Slavic the old districts retain to an amazing extent an old-world aspect which gives them unspeakable charm. The beautiful costumes, fixed by tradition but differing from village to village, ornamented with exquisite embroidery, hand lace, rich braiding or leather work, are still in many country places the ordinary and general dress. They are seen at their best at the weekly market, in the crowded church during mass, or at a wedding or a dance on the green. The gift of the Slav for color and for music touches the whole life with poetry. Every occasion and act, every wood and hill and stream, has its adornment of custom, superstition or legend which, with its glamour, veils to the sentimental traveler at least, the hard and sordid side of lives often close to actual want. And indeed, the primitive and natural labors of plowman and reaper, of spinner and weaver, of raftsman and shepherd, need no adornment to be beautiful. Sometimes this beauty and harmony of the simple, In any case long-adjusted conditions seem of supreme value; „on(P^sr 1S sometimes narrowness, suffering and degradation seem going to outweigh their advantages tenfold; just as on the other side, the American side, one sometimes realizes only the bright features, and again only the shadows of our tenement and industrial life. But beautiful or degraded, the primitive life is doomed. As household arts come into contact with the world of competition and factory production, they are either blighted, or deformed into sweated house-industries. All the old-world relations of the village are changing as modern agriculture with capitalistic methods gradually replaces the old and tech nically wretched peasant farming. Education is grad ually drying up the superstition, and with it the poetry. 53 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Migration a part of the world process of fusion The per sonal cost Yet, at the cost of what is picturesque, comfort,, intelli gence and morality increase. The change is under way, and the emigration to America is one of its accompaniments. It is also in turn an accelerating cause of the change. Immigration is thus a part of that great leveling and fusing activity which is one side of the historical process. It owes its ease if not its possibility to the cheapness and speed of modern transportation and communication, and it co-operates with them in wiping out local differences, spreading among distant peoples the reciprocal knowledge of one another, and evening up their levels. As Tarde has said, civilization of the prevailing type is becoming planetary; it has gone round the globe and back again. The tendency, as he shows, is to differentiate individuals more sharply as individuals, while lessening the distinc tive differences that used to mark country from country, class from class, even village from village. Dress is a symbol of the change. Instead of a costume, uniform for all persons in one locality, but unlike that of the next, we have one and the same fashion from Paris to Fiji, and yet no two persons dressed alike, but each, within the limits of the mode, individually and according to personal circumstances and taste. If we turn to simpler aspects of the question and ask, "Does the individual emigrant gain?" we have to deal with less vast if still elusive factors. In the first place, emigration always involves pain; pain to those who go, and, above all, pain to those who are left behind. One thing that Americans might with grace remember is that immigrants are inevitably to some extent exiles, separated from the old familiar scenes for which every one sometimes yearns, and divided, even if the more immediate family has all been brought together, from some of those near and dear to them. I traveled from Vienna to Bremen with a group of emigrants, and I shall never forget the suffering of one little woman who was going to join husband and children, but who had just SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 59 said goodby for life to her mother. Where husband and wife, parents and children are separated, it is harder yet. Life among our immigrants is full of such incidents as one told by Miss Byington : " As we waited in one of the little railway stations of Homestead, a Slovak came in and sat down beside a woman with a two-year-old child. He made shy ad vances to the baby, coaxing her in a voice of heart breaking loneliness. She would not come to him, and finally the mother took her away. As they went, the Slovak turned sadly to the rest of the company, taking us all into his confidence, and said simply, " Me wife, me babe, Hungar." But were his family in America, it would mean death for one baby in three ; it would mean hard work in a little dirty, unsanitary house for the mother; it would mean sickness and evil. With them in Hungary, it means for him isolation, and loneliness, and the abnormal life of the crowded lodging house."* What it means to be in a country where one cannot speak the language is, as many a traveler can testify, a feeling that must be experienced to be understood. With me, a sort of inhibition of all expression sets in; it seems as useless to gesticulate or smile as to speak. It is almost as if one could not even think, so pervasive and numbing is the sense that the channels of communi cation are blocked. I get the impression that the women are more apt to be Women homesick than the men, and that in consequence wives fij"d the often make their husbands return against their wishes. As hard a matter of fact, I think the women both lose more and gain less by the change than the men.f They do not like the iron stoves, which do not bake such sweet bread as their old ovens. They miss, I think, the variety of work, *Byington, Margaret F. : "The Mill Town Courts and Their Lodgers." Charities and the Commons, XXI, page 922 (Feb. 6, 1909). fMr. Steiner in "The Immigrant Tide" brings, on the other hand, much evidence to show the special gain of the women in America as regards their personal position. 6o SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The men feel the touch of democracy The hob bledehoy stage employment within doors alternating with field work in sociable companionship with husband or lover and neighbors ; the garden with its row of tall sunflowers or poppies; the care of the chickens and ducks and geese, the pig and the calf; and most of all the familiar, sociable village life where every one knows every one else, and there are no uncomfortable superior Yankees to abash one, and where the children do not grow up to be alien and contemptuous. The men live more out in the world. They get more from America and perhaps had less to lose in the old conditions. In spite of the undemocratic treatment of immigrants which is too common in the United States, and which sometimes makes one's blood boil, they do get in America a sense of being more regarded, of being equals, that is new and very dear to them. To the men it often means expansion. Emigrants returning to Croatia say of America, "There is no sun there like ours, but there is freedom and justice." They comment on the fact that employers and officials treat them like fellow men, not patronizing them nor treating them as if rebellious. So in this country a Croatian informant who could not say hard things enough about the experiences of his fellow countrymen in Pennsylvania, yet said to me with bright ening eyes, "But they love their American employers. The owner will come in of a morning, perhaps, and say ' How are you Mike? How is your wife?' " So far does a little consideration go. The personality that the emigrant develops in America is, I believe, in successful cases something higher, and (at least I wish to believe so) finer than the old. But the change that takes place reminds me of the process by which the individual grows from the grace and simple unconsciousness, the imperfect perfection of childhood, from its dependence and trustfulness and creative fancy, through the ugly period of the shedding of teeth and curls, into the hobbledehoy period of conflicting condi- SLAVIC EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 6l tions — self-assertion and helplessness, rationality and ignorance — into the transitional awkwardness of self- consciousness and uneven development. Thus the emi grant, or emigrant's son or daughter, who is half "Americanized," is often in a disagreeable phase. This is often the case with the emigrant who returns The re- to the old country. He is less docile, less contented, tuT™d emi" perhaps less religious, often self-assertive and rough 8Tan in manner. Sometimes he gives himself airs as an "American," displays the silver dollar that adorns his watch-fob, and turns the heads of the boys with his big ;,' talk. I was asked in Croatia why it was that men who came back from America refused to take off their hats in the bureau of an official. Some of the old neighbors are impressed by such displays of lack of deference; others, especially superiors, are scandalized. Often the returned emigrant is spoiled for hard work, either by overstrain in America or by a change in his , views, but he is also likely to be more enterprising and ambitious — qualities greatly needed in most Slavic villages. These peasants of Austria and Hungary, and above all of Russia, are not in the least accustomed to initiating anything themselves. " Why do you people not mend that hole in the road where everyone has broken down regularly for years?" said a traveler in a Croatian village (so runs the story). "No one told us to do it, sir." Again take Miss Dowie's story of a Ruthenian who was asked what he would charge to shingle a roof. He was dismayed at the idea of undertaking such a con tract, and refused to make any estimate. A Jew was then given the contract, and he came to the same man and offered him a fixed sum, which was accepted, for shingles and shingling, making of course his own profit on the business. The fact is, many Slavs are really living largely in the Slavs, pre- pre-commercial age, where there is no fixed scale of ^rTcom-^ values, and where every possession has its own incom- mercialized mensurable worth to its owner, who has never bought or 62 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Effects on the prop ertied class America's responsibility sold it, or thought of doing so. American life is a whole business college to men from such an environment, but not always an ennobling one. The ruling classes, especially the landlords, dislike the emigration movement, not only because the returned emigrant is less docile, but because they suffer by the diminution of the labor supply and the consequent rise of wages. Indeed, the large land-owner who farms for profit is caught between the upper and nether mill stone. Grain from America, North and South, has lowered prices, and wages have increased. Too often the aristocratic landlord is unbusinesslike and self-indul gent, a poor manager. The consequence is that large estates frequently come into the market through bank ruptcy, and are bought up by peasants in small lots with American money.* The question of how this emigration affects America is the subject of the second part of this study, but one point that may well be emphasized both there and here is that the cost of the emigrant's education need not be so great. Even if, in spite of the change sometimes making itself felt in childish and disagreeable forms, his gain in the happier cases outweighs his loss, yet the loss is apt to be great and, at least in many cases, quite unnecessarily great. It is not a law of nature that the transition should involve so much that is brutalizing and demoralizing as it does in our slums and our mills. Never did I feel that the function and the opportunity of the social settlement were so great as in meeting these people, at once so ready and able to learn of Americans, and in America so seldom having an opportunity to come into touch with what is best in America. * For instances see page 144. Interesting pictures of the difficulties of gentleman farmers in Poland, Hungary and Ger many respectively will be found in three remarkable novels: Freytag's "Debit and Credit," Baroness Orczy's "A Son of the Soil," and Fritz Reuter's "Ut Mine Stromtid" (translated under various titles as "Seed Time and Harvest" or as "An Old Story of My Farming Days"). CHAPTER V BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION On a brilliant autumn day, with white clouds chasing A walk in through the splendid blue above, and the stream beside Bohemia us running as gayly as the blood in our veins, we started out for a tramp in the neighborhood of Strakonice, in Southern Bohemia, to learn what we could of emigra tion from that vicinity. With us went an old workingman who was to take us to visit various families who had been in America them selves or who had members there. He not only knew the neighborhood and its people, but was much interested in our errand — for he had six children in the United States. As we left the orchard path beside the brook, and struck across by field tracks to the nearest village, we had to ask our way now and again of a man doing his fall ploughing, or a woman at work among her cabbages. The countryside was widespread and rolling, with a wooded hill dark on the horizon, and everywhere about us open fields, now bare of crops. The village itself, characteristically clustered about an irregular open space, was given a forlorn appearance by the traces of a recent fire such as are all too common in these close- built settlements, but the low houses with their farm yards and outbuildings looked pleasant and homelike. We found the one we wanted and were hospitably Families of welcomed by a friendly elderly peasant woman, kerchief emigrants on head. As we drank the great mugs of cream which she set before us, and ate her good rye bread, we heard all about the daughter settled in New York, and saw pictures of her, first in her pre-American stage as a heavy- faced, ill-dressed girl; then in America with her husband 63 64 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE (a band-master) and her child, all three with faces in telligent and refined as well as good; and finally, as a widow in a position of some responsibility in a hotel. This was one of the most marked cases that I have met, where the pictures seemed to indicate a great per sonal advance. Too often, when one contrasts a pho tograph of relatives in America with the home sur roundings that it is supposed to adorn, the impression left is that while there is plenty of gain in comfort and in the standard of expenditure, the advantages as regards grace of bearing, real beauty of dress, and per sonal dignity, are all in favor of the peasant stay-at- homes. At another house we found a woman threshing beside her brother-in-law. She had left her husband and two daughters in Nebraska, and returned to look after her old mother, but expected soon to rejoin her husband in the United States. Another house was the home of a family decidedly better off, with the ample barns which are the sign of successful farming the world over. Our time was getting short and we had only a talk at the doorway with the housemother. Her youngest daughter was going to America the next week to join an elder sister, traveling with a girl friend from the next village. " Was there any chance that they could go with us?" we were asked. Our guide All of this was interesting to us, but what we enjoyed most in the day was our guide. His talk, in the more or less imperfect German which even quite "unedu cated" Bohemians generally command, was racy and delightful, partly from its curious blending of ele ments, partly from his entertaining and kindly personality. Now he gave us the story of his uncle who went to America in 1852, one of those who made up the first large wave of over-sea emigration from Bohemia. A shoemaker by trade, he sold his house and went out BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 65 with his wife and two children. According to our guide's account he had various affairs with the Indians as he traveled westward in his prairie schooner, includ ing, if I remember rightly, a gift from him of one of the precious chickens which he carried with him in a cage, and a return gift from the Indians of a nugget of gold done up in a cover of pitch. He became a farmer, but later, after an exciting career during the Civil War selling provisions and carrying pay to the Confederates, he met his death — by hanging, as is supposed. Intermixed with these pictures of Western life were stories of ghosts and devils, told with all the appearance of the most naive belief. Whether this was the art that conceals art or not, we were never sure. The legend of the Strakonice bagpiper who piped to Satan and his companions is one of the best known bits of Bohemian folklore. I preferred the account of the girl who, coming home one evening by the very path that we were then on, suddenly felt a hobgoblin leap upon her shoulders, and found herself obliged to attend person ally to the founding of three chapels (duly pointed out to us), in order that the soul of a blind man, who had been unjustly hanged for a church robbery, might find rest. The event had such an air of actuality that it might have been chronicled in yesterday's Abendblatt. Our guide was a Socialist, and quite of the twentieth century in his politics. Nevertheless, as an old soldier, he had never shaken off his admiration of the emperor, which was evident as he told us of various occasions on which he had seen him, as well as in the greeting which he sent us after our departure — a postal card with a picture of His Majesty on horseback. On the long home tramp he talked to us again of A father of his relatives in America. There are twelve of them there, six of them his own children, and he has a whole box of letters from them. One nephew, who is a little " leichtsinnig, " fought in the Philippines. One sister has a pension on account 5 emi sr ranis 66 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE of her husband's service in the Civil War. A son is a turner by trade and lives in Minnesota, as do various other members of the family. The rest are in "Nevyork." Apparently all are doing well in the world; the. tragedy is on the personal side — in the parting felt to be almost as hopeless as death itself. One married daughter in the West had ceased to write. About the youngest girl, evidently rather flighty even at home, he was heartsore and anxious. He showed us a letter in English, written by her, which he asked us to read to him. It had been mailed to him by mistake, being intended for a young man, making an appointment to meet at a street corner on the East Side. Our guide had surmised as much for himself. We had naturally supposed, when he took a day's leave from his regular work to tramp the country-side with us, that it was to be a business arrangement. But no, he would not hear of such a thing. He could hardly bid us goodby. "It seems to me in a sort of way as if you came from my girls in America," he said; and, with a catch in his old voice, "It is hard to lose six children all at once." Bohemian I have been tempted to tell this episode at length ofefrlvdate because it stands for so many similar experiences and talks. One point in which it is characteristic of Bohe- . mian emigration is in reaching back into a comparatively distant past. Of all Slavic emigration to America (as well as of all from Austria whether Slavic or not), that from Bohemia was the first to be of importance, and in the fifties, the day of the uncle of this tale, it was already very considerable. In colonial There had, indeed, been stray Bohemian colonists in America America from almost the earliest times.* And while these men are interesting mainly to the antiquarian, it ?Further accounts of Bohemian emigrants, in connection with their settlements in the United States, will be found in Chapters XI, XII, and XIII. Augustine Herman Portrait of Augustine Herman said to be drawn by himself. Reproduced from Capek's " Pamatky Cesky Emigrantu v Americe." BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 67 is worth while to bear in mind that "the fathers" were not all English; that even the French, Dutch, Spanish and Swedish settlers by no means completely exhaust our colonial genealogy. Moreover these men, although of no actual historical importance to America, are picturesque figures link ing the stories of old-world countries and new.* The defeat of the Battle of the White Mountain in 1620, at which German Catholicism triumphed over the Chekh Reformers, subjected Bohemia for more than two cen turies to a regime of persecution and oppression. The old Bohemian nobility, executed or exiled for their Hussite faith, were ruthlessly rooted out, and replaced by a carpet-bag foreign nobility who received practi cally all the great landed estates of the nation as a return for services in court or camp. • Thousands of valuable volumes were burned by Jesuit fanatics, the profession of any religion but the Roman Catholic was effectually repressed, and 36,000 families, of which 185 were of the nobility or gentry, emigrated, many of them to Holland. Of these exiles from Bohemia and Moravia the most Harvard's famous was the great Comenius or Komensky-, who to^omeSus came near being president of Harvard College. Cotton Mather writes in his " Ecclesiastical History of New Eng land" (page 128), "That brave old man, Johannes Amos Comenius, the fame of whose worth hath been Trumpetted as far as more than Three Languages (Whereof every one is endebted unto his JanuaJ could carry it, was agreed withal by our Mr. Winthrop, in his travels through the Low Countries, to come over into New England and Illuminate this Colledge and Country in the quality of President: But the Solicitations of the Swedish ambas- * The details of the lives of all these early Bohemian-Ameri cans have been carefully worked out by Mr. Thomas Capek of New York in a little volume written, unfortunately for us, in Bohemian: "Pamatky Ceskjrch Emigrantu v Americe," 1907. A number of references drawn from this book are included in the Bibliography under Bohemians in the U. S. 68 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Augustine Herman Frederick Phillips sador, diverting him another way, that Incomparable Moravian became not an American."* In all probability, too, Augustine Herman of Prague, who came to "New Amsterdam" in 1633, was one of this group. A surveyor, he was present at the purchase of the site of Philadelphia from the Indians, and in re turn for his services in making for Lord Baltimore the first map of Maryland he was given a patent for an estate of some twenty thousand acres, partly in Mary land, partly in Delaware, the celebrated Bohemia Manor. Other estates he called Little Bohemia and Three Bohemian Sisters. The rivers on which they lie are still called by the names he gave them, Big Bohemia River and Little Bohemia River. He was connected with the West India Company, and claimed to be the "founder of the tobacco business in Virginia." His tobacco warehouse was in New York at what is now 33—35 Pearl Street. He and his descendants were con nected by marriage or descent with the most prominent families, the Bayards, the Virginia Randolphs, and many others. About twenty-five years later than Herman came Bedfich Filip (Anglicized as Frederick Phillips). John Jay, the first supreme justice of the United States, whose wife Sara Livingstone was descended from Phillips, wrote: "The first ancestor of this family who settled in this country was Frederick Flypson, a native of Bohemia, where his family being Protestants were persecuted. His mother becoming a widow was con strained to quit Bohemia with him and her other chil dren. She fled to Holland with what little property she could save from the wreck of their estate. The amount of that little not admitting her to provide better for Frederick, she bound him to a carpenter, and he became an excellent workman. He emigrated to New York, which was then under the Dutch govern ment."! In America he became rich, being called "the * Quoted by Capek, page 3. f Quoted by Capek, page 67. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 69 Bohemian merchant prince." He married Catherine van Cortland and built two fine colonial mansions, one the so-called "Castle Phillipse" at Phillipsburgh, and one which the city of Yonkers later bought and used as the City Hall. His descendant, the beautiful \ Marie Phillips who refused the hand of George Wash- < ington, is the heroine of Fenimore Cooper's "The Spy." With the Tory proclivities of the family in the Revolu tion its importance in the male line ceased, though its blood flows in many distinguished families. The Moravian brethren who went as missionaries to Moravian America in 1736, while they represent a spiritual in- ^-e^1011" heritance from that which is most central in Bohemian experience, the Hussite movement, went from Germany, and were themselves largely either German or German ized. Matej Stach, however, the first missionary to Greenland, who died among the Brethren in South Carolina in 1787, was born in Moravia.* Memory has been preserved of a few other stray emigrants to America in the early nineteenth century : a Bohemian associate of John Jacob Astor; Dr. Dignovity of San Antonio, Texas, physician and author (arrived New York, 1832); and Professor Hruby, of Oxford University, Ohio (arrived Baltimore, 1834)4 '7j In spite of stray emigrants there was nothing that Effects of (' could be called an emigration movement from Bohemia ti ^ ^[ % "g till the revolutionary years 1848—9. At this time there was a triple ferment in Bohemia: first, a desire for political independence; second, a resurrection of nation5i__5ejfj£onsciousness symbolized by the revival of the Bohemian language, the use of which among cultivated people had been abandoned for German; and third, a spirit of rehgious questioning and vehement challenge of current Christianity, largely due to reaction againsrtrre" corrupt and "Benighted influence of Austrian clericalism. *For further details of this movement see page 208. f Capek, pages 98-1 12. 70 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE These years brought from Bohemia, as from other countries, political refugees, some of them choice spirits. One of the most influential, not in America, but in Bohemia, was Vojta Ndprstek, who, after ten years in the United States, returned to Prague to devote his life to the spread of enlightenment and liberty, in which he felt that America had much to teach. His main visible monuments are an industrial museum and a library, both in Prague, carried on by his widow in the spirit of international hospitality until her recent death. The Bohemian poet Zeyer wrote for his urn this beautiful inscription: "What remains of the body can be easily put into a small vessel, yet his great heart carried in itself the whole world."* Abolition of Emigration at this time may have been quickened by serfdom two Q^gj. influences besides those of the revolutionary activity of the period. The first of these was the aboli tion in 1848 of serfdom and labor dues in Bohemia, which, for the first time, gave the peasant his personal freedom. The effect of this on emigration was, however, probably slight, as the law did not yet grant the right to emigrate at will. This was first conceded in 1867, and then subject to requirements of military servic'e and of passports. G-old The second possible influence was the discovery of discovery g^ jn California in 1849, which is said to have brought Bohemian gold seekers and to have stimulated the activity of ship agents. The census of 1850 mentions 87 natives of Austria (out of 946 in the United States), as then in California; these were probably Bohemians. Movement Throughout the fifties and early sixties there was a andhs6ixtieseS Pretty steady outflow from Bohemia; most of this was directed to the United States, though in the early sixties many tried for a time going to Russia, apparently not with very happy results. In the ten years 1850-1860, the United States census showed a gain of nearly 25,000 *Cf. Humpal-Zeman, Josefa: "Bohemia: a Stir of Its Social Conscience." • The Commons, July, 1904. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 7 I natives of Austria, which practically, at this time, means Bohemians.* In the home districts the early emigration is by no Stories of means forgotten, as we have seen, and pioneer relatives P10Peer ^ ' r emigrants are all the more remembered because the proverbial uncle in America is a better source of hopeful dreams than any castle in Spain. In Domazlice, in 1905, we were given a very interesting account of the movement by a man who was semi-professionally acquainted with the circumstances: "The earliest went from here in 1845 in a sailing ship and were many weeks at sea. Forty or fifty years ago it was an epidemic. Then the whole family went at once, while now the son commonly goes first, then the daughter, then the parents. Most older people who emigrate now are going out to join their children. The first to emigrate were handwerker, [which would mean carpenters, tailors, shoemakers, butchers, smiths, weav ers, etc.] Peasants, [or as we should say, farmers,] at first would not hear of America; they onty began to go in the sixties. The early emigrants generally settled in the country, while now they go to the cities. It was a hard business then. There were no relatives to go to as there are now. But the children learned the lan guage, 'und sie haben's gut g'habt.'" The grandson of one early emigrant who had recently returned on a visit was evidently a shining example of this good fortune. In general the earlier emigration now seems remote, and indeed, it never had much reaction on the home country. For instance one man who went out about 1855 has sons in the state of Washington, but the fam ily do not write home to Bohemia any more. All their ties with the old country are broken ; they have never been back and would know no one if they came. Another informant was a tailor, one of the last of * As is shown by Buzek, in "Das Auswanderungsproblem und die Regelung des Auswanderungswesen in Osterreich," pages 445-448. 72 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The Bohe mian emi grated to settle Emigration after the Prussian War those who know how to make the pretty peasant cos tumes of this region about Domazlice, where almost alone in Bohemia the old dress has not become obsolete. He was a quaint and attractive figure, bending with his big spectacles over his gay silk embroidery, or raising his intelligent, deeply lined face to talk of the old days or of his son, now a priest in America. In 1854 went the first five families from his place, all to Ohio; in 1866 went three families, also to Ohio; the next year three families and four lads, one to Ohio. One has a brewery, the rest farms. In 1880 three more families went to Ohio. This represents the contribu tion, or part of it, of one little neighborhood. While one must beware of accepting the experience of individuals as the criterion for a whole mass of facts, the impression here given that Bohemian emigration, and especially the early emigration, has been a move ment of settlers, whole families going together, is borne out by all that we know, and notably by the large pro portion of women, children and old persons that has always characterized Bohemian immigration to the United States. For the epidemic character of the earlier movement there is also other evidence, and it is interesting to note that the government tried to check the movement by having it preached against from the pulpit — natur ally without effect. x With 1867 came a fresh impulse to emigration. Besides the newly granted right to leave the country freely, the disastrous war with Prussia in 1866 gave added reasons for going, while in the United States the Civil War was over and everything invited the settler. For the fourteen years before 1867 the Aus trian emigration figures averaged something over 2,000 a year, in 1867 they rose to over 7,000, and for the fourteen years 1867 to 1880 they averaged over 4,000. The real increase was doubtless greater than the figures show, since the registers, — the so-called BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 73 Emigrations Tabellen* — kept by the Austrian authorities, became much less complete after the freedom of move ment granted in 1867 and were abandoned as useless in 1884. These figures are for Bohemian emigration to all countries, and as already said, emigration in the early sixties was largely directed to Russia. The figures for the ports of embarkation do not give data for Bohe mians separately. The American census first gives figures for natives of American Bohemia in 1870; at that time over 40,000 were already c|nsusdata ' ' ^ ' J 1870-1900 in the United States. According to the same census figures, the decade 1870-1880 added 45,000, 1880-1890 not quite 33,000, and the last decade not quite 38,000, with a total of nearly 157,000 Bohemians in this country in 1900. It will- be seen that the decade 1870 to 1880 brought the largest contingent. Although Bohemia appears in the census schedules in Statistics of 1870, it is not till 1882 that the figures of the United J^^tion States immigration authorities distinguish Bohemia authorities among the countries of origin of immigrants, so that American data begin just before the Austrian data fail us. The annual emigration from Bohemia into the United States fluctuates from under 7,000 in 1882 to nearly 12,000 m 1891, and 8000 in 1892. Then came the panic of 1893, which seems to have made itself increas ingly felt till. 1897, when the numbers had declined to under 2,000. In 1898 a new change was made .in the statistics of the immigration authorities. Beginning with 1899, the number of immigrants coming from Bohemia is no longer given, but there is instead a careful classification by races and nationalities. This includes a group, "Bo hemians and Moravians." This brings us to the difficulty involved in the word Who is a Bohemian. Of the population of over 6,000,000 inhab- ° emian- iting Bohemia, not quite two-thirds are Bohemians or * See Appendix V, page 433. 74 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Chekhs by race, or more properly by language. On the other hand, the Chekhs of Bohemia are only a part of the fairly homogeneous Slavic population which makes up the population of most of Moravia and western Silesia, as well as of Bohemia (see Map III, page 32). This situation makes great confusion, and the term Bohemian covers quite a different whole, according as it refers to a territorial or to _a_ racial and linguistic group. The classification " Bohemians and Moravians" made "in our immigration reports means the latter group. That is, it includes practically all persons speaking the Bohemian or Chekh language, or choosing to be reckoned with them; most of these come from Bohemia and Moravia. It does not include Germans, Jews and other non-Bohemians coming to us from , Bohemia. These appear under the appropriate headings. Bohemians Perhaps attention should also be called to the curious not Lripsies £a£e Q£ wor(jS; -which iias given the name Bohemian to the gipsies who, coming to France across Bohemia, came to be known there as Bohemians. Anything less Bohemian in the French sense than the conservative and retiring home life of the Chekh can hardly be imagined. The figures for Bohemian and Moravian immigrants to the United States from the time the new classification was made are as follows: TABLE 5.— BOHEMIAN AND MORAVIAN IMMIGRANT ALIENS ADMITTED TO THE UNITED STATES, 1899-1909.* Year ended No. of June 30, Immigrants 1899 2,526 I9°° 3,060 1901 3,766 I9°2 5, 590 z903 9.591 1904 11,911 J9°5 11,757 *9°6 12,958 x9°7 13,554 1900 10,164 1909 6,850 * Note the steady rise, from two and a half thousand in 1899 up to thirteen and a half thousand in 1907 the year of the last depression, and the progressive decline since. Bohemian Town Scenes 1. Domazlice, showing tower famous in local history and old town-gate roof at end of vista of modern arcaded shops. 2. Market place, Budweis. 3. The roofs of Tabor, the old stronghold of the Heussetes. 4. Naprstek Library and Industrial Museum, Bethlehem Place, Prague. The low building with tiled double roof is the old family home which holds the library; the tall building behind it is the museum. Both were the outcome of Mr. Naprstek's stay in the United States. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 75 Geographically, Bohemia is made up of a central The country plain surrounded by ranges of mountains or hills. It may be noted on Map III that the German settlements, which go back to the early thirteenth century at least, are mainly along the frontiers where also the greater part of the industry and a large part of the mines are to be found. In a general way the land slopes downward toward the north, which is not only lower but warmer and more fertile than the southern parts of the country, the mountains protecting it from the cold winds to which the latter are exposed.* It is mainly from the little-favored southern dis- Geography tricts that emigrants come, and have come from the of Bohemian o > " -"^ emigration begmnmg.t In 1853 and 1854 nearly three-quarters came from about Pilsen and Budweis; and the same region, together with that about Tabor and Pisek and Kuttenberg and Caslau, seems still to send the bulk of the emigration. That is, it comes mainly from dis tricts which are Chekh rather than German, agricul tural rather than industrial, and notoriously infertile. Milcin, a town a little to the north of Tabor, is sup posed to be the coldest spot in the country, and is called the "Bohemian Siberia." In the district about Pisek one sees wide stretches of apparently unusable land, and indeed, pisek is the Bohemian word for sand. The causes of Bohemian emigration are not far to Causes seek, at least in a general way. While, as we have seen, political factors have played a part at times, this move- * In area Bohemia is somewhat less than half as large as Ohio, or more than twice as large as Massachusetts (Massachu setts, 22,133 square kilometers; Bohemia, 51,967; Ohio, 106,- 240), in population more than equal to Pennsylvania and not far from equal to New York (figures for 1900, Pennsylvania, 6,302,115; Bohemia, 6,318,697; New York, 7,268,894). This makes it more dense than any American state except Massachu setts and Rhode Island, which exceed it. (Inhabitants to a square kilometer: Bohemia, 122; Massachusetts, 127; Rhode Island, 133; Belgium, 237.) t Map V (page 35), shows the local distribution of recent Bohemian emigration. With this may be compared Map III, (page 32), showing Chekh and German population, and Map IV (opp. page 35), showing topographical character of the country. economic 76 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Emigration related to economicchanges in Bohemia Characterof move ment ment, like Slavic emigration in general, has been essentially an economic one. At first the great induce ment was the opportunity to get land in America free, or at least for small sums, and the settlement in the United States was characteristically agricultural, in spite of the fact that, as has been said, Bohemian peasants rarely emigrated in the early days. For a movement of this sort no further grounds are necessary than those already discussed, at home political unrest, in America promising openings, and the opportunity — and the knowledge of the opportunity — of getting here. As the movement progressed, the industrial element as contrasted with the agricultural has come more to the fore. In America the best of the openings for home steaders have long been exhausted, and the general trend toward city life and the vast expansion of in dustrial opportunities have naturally turned immigra tion in this direction. Bohemia at the same time has been making the fate ful transition from a mainly agricultural to a mainly in dustrial country, and this change has been accompanied by the usual shifting of population from country to city, from agricultural to industrial districts. Of the whole population only about one-half are living where they were born,* and doubtless a chance to earn more has been the cause of the move in most cases. While in 1869 agriculture and forestry occupied 54.44 per cent of the population, in 1900 the proportion had sunk to 41.12 per cent.f Naturally, therefore, the later Bohemian immigration has been of a somewhat different character from the earlier; more industrial, more urban. Large city colonies began to form among American Bohemians, the Chicago and New York colonies becoming important apparently in the seventies. * Rauchberg, Dr. Heinrich: "Der Nationale Besitzstand in Bohmen," I, page 229. t Ibid., page 459. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 77 The fact is that Bohemia sends a large proportion of Cultural men with skilled trades. According to our immigration ai}d, indu.s- c r Di, . r „ . . ° trial equip- ngures tor 1908 their proportion for all immigrants was ment of im- 16 per cent of those with occupations; among South miSrants Italians it was n per cent; among the Irish 14 per cent; among Bohemians it was 25 per cent. The most numer ous trades were, in this order, tailors, miners, carpenters and joiners, shoemakers, locksmiths, butchers, clerks and accountants, bakers and masons. Except among the miners, a large part of these are probably country people, many of whom would at home have owned their bit of land and combined farming with their trade. Many, if not most, would however have had careful training as apprentices, as well as good ordinary schooling. The small trade or handicraft, organized under Austrian law as a more or less modernized guild, is a very widespread form of production in Bohemia. One of the quaintest sights that I saw there was the funeral procession of a butcher, in which the masters of the trade in costume and with great axes as symbols of the craft, proudly led the way, followed by journeymen and apprentices. It was like getting back into the Middle Ages. With all that is mediaeval in this system it sup plies men with a many-sided skill, an industrial intelli gence, and a fitness for individual work which our spec ialized machine-ridden factories do not produce, but which our employers have often been very glad to make use of. • To turn again to the immigration statistics of 1908, Statistics of it is interesting to note that the proportion of the occuPatlons laborers is among the Bohemian immigrants only about one-sixth what it is among immigrants in general (3 per cent and 18 per cent). The farming class is also rela tively small (n per cent where the proportion for all immigrants is 19 per cent). On the other hand the proportion of servants among Bohemian immigrants is rather high (16 per cent as compared with n per cent of all immigrants). This is 78 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Literacy Local and specialcauses Results of Americantariff connected doubtless with the large proportion of women immigrants. A study of the occupations in America, as shown by the census, of Bohemians as compared with various other classes, will be found in Chapter XIV. It is notable that the Bohemian has so largely main tained in the new world his more highly skilled and more individualized work. He may work on his farm, in a sweat shop at tailoring or cigar making, in his own work shop, or in an office. He is not to be found apparently in the massed bodies of factory labor nor in the mines. As regards literacy, I fancy the figures may be a surprise to many. Taking the American immigration • figures for 1900, we find that of all immigrants of fourteen years and over, those not able to both read and write were 24.2 per cent; among the Germans 5.8 per cent; among the Bohemians and Moravians only 3.0 per cent; among Scandinavians, under 0.8 per cent. Certainly to \ supply only about one-half as many illiterates per hun- ljdred as the Germans is a notable record.* All of this is quite bofne out by the impression one gets of Bohemians both in the United States and in Bohemia. The fact is that in development and condi tions they rank with the immigrant from northwest Europe. The struggle with the Germans is in a sense the master-thread in their whole history, and this contact, even though inimical, has meant interpenetra- tion and rapprochement. No other Slavic nationality is more self-conscious and patriotic, not to say chau vinistic, in its national feeling, and at the same time none begins to be so permeated with general European culture and so advanced economically. Besides the general causes of Bohemian emigration, already mentioned, special causes also have been present, both temporary local conditions or misfortunes, and special circumstances of individual lives. An interesting example of emigration due to specific disasters is that caused by the ruin spread by the * For further comparisons see Appendix XXVII, page 479. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 79 McKinley bill. Take for instance the making of pearl buttons, the forced transfer of which to the United States was so much vaunted. Not only was the in dustry moved, but the workers, against whom there is no tariff, had to come too. At Neuhaus in Southern Bohemia we heard of a whole neighborhood of these people that had emigrated; and among those still clinging to their homes we found men earning $2.40 a week making pearl buttons, who before the Act got 46.oo or even $10. A frequent special local cause of emigration is a strike. Strikes The Bohemian colony in New York apparently grew out of a strike in the Government tobacco factory at Kutten- berg (Kutna Hora) in the seventies.* In Kladno, a coal-mining town rather out of the usual emigration district, we found in 1905 that emigration on a large scale had recently set in locally as a result of an unsuc cessful strike and a fall of wages. In Pilsen I was told that many coal mines had been given up or were being worked with less men, and that as a consequence many miners, unused to agriculture and wanting better wages, had gone to Germany and to America. As to purely individual causes, they are naturally Individual most varied. One man emigrates because his family causes do not approve of his chosen bride; another, because he loves change; another because his accounts are short or because his family think that he may do better in new surroundings. Occasionally I found the feeling that to go to America was a fact that needed explana tion, one that rather implied failure of some sort at home. Occasionally, too, I heard it said that those who emi grated believed that they were going to an easy life in a land of gold. It happened that I heard both these ideas expressed in a place where a considerable emigra tion had only recently set in, and they are, I think, commonly confined to this early phase. As a general * See below, page 357. 8o SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Steamship agents Emigration vs. domestic migration thing, I found people amazingly well informed as to conditions in America, and deeply convinced that work there was harder than at home, and that there was nothing but hunger for the man who did not work. On the whole, too, I found surprisingly few cases of emigrating ne'er-do-wells, and in nearly ten months' investigation I could hear of only one case of assisted emigration. As to the steamship agent as a cause of emigration, his importance, as I have already said, is in the early days of an emigration movement. The old tailor already mentioned told how in the first days of the move ment agents came from Bremen and traveled about and urged and promised. This sort of thing is not done now-a-days, and what solicitation there is seems to be sporadic and occasional. An instance, however, came under our notice in a peasant house not many miles away from Domazlice, where we found a poster of a well-known Bremen firm urging emigration to the southern states, and especially to Texas, with letters from settlers there, and the pleasant assurance that the examination for entrance to the country was less strict in Galveston than in New York. But the importance of these particular exciting causes tends to be greatly exaggerated. The occasional person who goes away under a cloud, or lured by prom ises or baseless hopes, is a drop in the bucket compared to the great number who go for the legitimate reason that they see a better opportunity in America, and who are acting on the advice of relatives and friends who are conversant with the situation on both sides. It should not be overlooked in studying Bohemian (or any other) emigration, that emigration to America is directly related to available opportunities nearer home. As a general thing, a smaller gain in a neighboring dis trict or country will be preferred to the risks and ex penses of going over seas, though this tendency may be modified by all sorts of cross currents of habits, hopes M •;>j» * ¦ -•¦ v-^ j Bohemian and Moravian Scenes 1. Moravian peasant woman coming home from market. 2. Homes of thatcli and stucco in Moravia. 3. Pilgrimage to shrine of the Virgin at Hostein near the Hungarian border. A recent outbreak of typhoid was due to drinking holy water at this shrine. 4. Gos sips near town well, market place of Doma2lice in Bohemia. BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 8l and affinities which may make America seem more desirable or easier to move to than nearer places. Thus many Bohemians leave their homes to go to Germany or to other parts of Austria, notably to Vienna, and especially to the industrial centres of Bohemia itself. For instance, the district about Neuhaus, which form erly sent emigrants to America, is now within the sphere of influence of the Austrian capital, and overflows in that direction. In Vienna wages are much higher * but so is cost of living, and there is said to be small margin for saving, so that little or nothing is brought home. The migration to nearby places is naturally often seasonal or temporary. The house may be simply shut up and left for the time being, with the windows shuttered or boarded up. Those who go to New York sell their property. Emigration is thus a product of two variables — con ditions at home and conditions abroad. The falling off of Bohemian emigration in the nineties was due not only to business depression in America, but to a high tide in the iron and coal industries of Germany and Austria. In regard to the effect of emigration on the old coun- Few Bohe- try, the fact that Bohemian emigration is generally grants a permanent withdrawal of entire families means that return the reaction of America on Bohemia is, as already said, comparatively slight. There are neither large numbers of returned " Americans " with a leaven of new ideas and habits, nor any very considerable influx of remittances. Doubtless many old persons are supported by children in America, but generally the children make every effort to reunite the broken family, either by bringing over the parents or by returning to them. Some doubtless retire on a competence to the old country. One interesting case that I ran across was a teacher * Daily wage: masons, Neuhaus, 48 cents; Vienna, 80 cents; common laborers, Neuhaus, 24 cents; Vienna, 40 cents. These wages are those stated by a local informant as current in 1905. 6 82 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Emigration a moderniz ing force who, finding himself declassed at home by a besetting temptation to drink, emigrated to America and worked in the Carnegie steel works, keeping his social class and education hidden. The facts became known, however, and he was given work as a bookkeeper. He is now living in Bohemia on a small Carnegie pension. Such money as is either remitted to friends in Bohe mia or carried home by returned emigrants, is not enough to have any perceptible effect on the general economy, and Bohemia receives no flow of money avail able as capital, such as has produced very interesting results, as we shall see, in Croatia, Galicia and the Slovak districts of Hungary. So far as American emigration has any cultural effects, it probably goes to enhance the tendency of the civilization of ¦ our times to wipe out all distinctive traits. The nineteenth century brought indeed a great renascence of Bohemian, or Chekh, the national language, which is one of the richest and most highly developed of the Slav linguistic family, and the organ of a noble hterature ; but most of the old-world ways, that is, the specifically Bohemian ways, which once gave the country a more special flavor, are gone or going fast. The wane of The towns afford indeed picturesque and charming bits ; perhaps a cluster of steep red roofs on a slope or in a dip of the hills beside a pond or a stream, and over all a church with the odd, bulbous belfry so characteristic of these parts; or a castle, or a bastion remaining from the former town walls. But, except in parts of Moravia and in the historic district around Domazlice, the original peasant dress is mainly obsolete. Yet even in the Bud weis market, how pretty were scarlet stockings and low slippers under the short petticoats; and everywhere among the women working in the fields, what flashes of the clear bright reds which all Slavs seem naturally to seek and instinctively to know how to use with rare effect. picturesque Bohemia BOHEMIAN EMIGRATION 83 The legends and superstitions, too, the ballads and pretty poetical customs, are becoming more and more matter for the student of folklore, if not for the anti quarian. And in this connection let me recommend that A Bohe- charming httle classic, "The Grandmother," into which mian idy" the author, B ozena Nemec, one of the best-beloved of Bohemian writers, weaves reminiscences of her child hood (she was born in 1820), giving us a succession of pictures — the pilgrimage, the wedding, the ordinary events of farm life — which are not only a mine for the student of comparative custom, but the best possible introduction to Bohemian spirit and ways. Over and over again in our little travels my companion and I pointed out to one another this or that — "Don't you remember, Grandmother always did that, too," or "Grandmother explained this so." That not all the old lore perishes even in America, Traditions at least in the first generation, I had a chance to ob- inAmerica serve in a stay of some months in the family of a Bohe mian workingman in New York. I never could hear often enough an old song, sung properly at Twelfth Night, when the boys go about the village masquerad ing as the Three Kings, one, of course, as a blacka moor. Then there were ballads and nursery rhymes in plenty, some of which are given in Appendix VI. I was especially struck with the way in which the latter paralleled ours while yet they were quite distinct. There were variants of "Knock at the door, peep in" and of " Pat-a-cake " ; there was a combination of "Creep mouse" and of "This little pig went to market," and an amusing string of verses that suggested "This is the house that Jack built," besides others, quite fresh, often with charming melodies. Speaking from the practical point of view, the Community fact that Bohemia is less picturesque than it once of culture was means that the chasm between them and America is less wide. 84 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE In the household that I speak of, after the first strange ness on both sides had worn off, and the barriers of the intense shyness and reserve of Bohemians had given way, I had peculiarly little sense of being an alien in the family, and this was due to our fundamentally similar outlook on hfe, to our having a culture, education, religion fundamentally similar in spite of differences of race, class and sect. CHAPTER VI SLOVAK EMIGRATION One of the most attractive of the Slavic nation- The Home alities is the little group of the Slovaks of Hungary, g* the, though they have no independent history, little fame, and are the very step-children of fortune. They live for the most part in the district which they themselves call Slovensko, along the southern slopes of the Carpathians, which make the boundary of Hungary to the north. It is a lovely but infertile hill country with clear, quick streams and a now diminishing wealth of woods. The Slovak peasants own mainly the poorest parts of the soil of this poor region.* Below them to the south is the rich alfbld or plain which makes up central Hungary, and is the home of the Magyars, or Hungarians proper, a brilliant, masterful race. Here in the plain are the famous pusztas with wide-sweeping wheat fields and immense herds of horses or of cream-colored, wide-horned cattle. This endless expanse shimmers in the hot sun, the level lines cut only by a stiff well-sweep here and there, while on the horizon the fairy Deiibab (the mirage) shows illusive groves and pools. Here the Slovaks sometimes betake themselves to get work, but their homes, with the exception of some scattered colonies, are in the hill country to the north. * A charming illustrated description of the Slovak district which deserves translation is Kalal's "Na Krasnem Slovensku." But the most delightful presentation of this picturesque and winning people is the portfolio of reproductions in color of Joza Uprka's paintings of his countrymen, the Slovaks of Moravia. Mr. Seton- Watson's book, " Racial Problems in Hungary," also has excellent illustrations, some of them in color, and con tains besides an essay on "Slovak Popular Art," by Jurkovic Dusan. 85 86 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Numbers The Slovak tongue The total number of Slovaks is probably 2,500,000 to 3,000,000. In Hungary proper they have (even ac cording to the Hungarian census, which the non-Magyar nationalities claim underestimates their strength) nearly 2,000,000 souls, or nearly 12 per cent of the population. Of this 2,000,000 much the greater part is massed in fifteen northern counties of Hungary, the hill country already mentioned, and in a small adjacent district in Moravia, across the border to the west, where dwell perhaps some 75,000. Smaller numbers are scattered through other parts of Hungary, and in Croatia-Slavonia are 17,000 more. There are probably about 500,000 in the United States.* Both in language and, presumably, in blood, the Slovaks are very close to the Chekhs, so close that Protestant Slovaks use the old Bohemian translation of the Bible, made in 1613 by the followers of Huss. Indeed, till after 1850, when the first Slovak grammar was written, authors of Slovak birth; including the poet Kollar and the scholar Safafik, wrote in Bohemian, re garding that as the literary form of their own tongue. Nowadays newspapers, poetry, novels and other works are published in Slovak, but a person who knows Bohe mian can read them probably more readily than an Englishman reads Burns. The Slovaks claim that their vernacular, as compared with the Chekh, is purer from contamination with foreign idioms, racier, richer in old words that are obsolete or unknown in Bohemia, and above all more musical and euphonious. Admittedly, the Slovaks are singularly rich in folk-songs — like most primitive songs, frequently in a minor key — and in beautiful popular melodies, f The county of Trencsen is especially noted * For Slovak population of Hungary see Appendices I and VII, (pages 429 and 445). For numbers in the United States, see page 266. f See Lichard and Kolisek "Slovak Popular Melodies" and Vajansky "Slovak Popular Poetry" — two delightful essays in Mr. Seton- Watson's "Racial Problems in Hungary." SLOVAK EMIGRATION 87 for the custom of its peasants of singing in parts. As I recall hearing this music ringing from the roadside as the workers walked together to their fields, I seem to see again how splendidly the women carried themselves, how freely and finely they moved in their short petti coats. As has been said, the Slovaks have no independent Slovak history, though the part of the country which makes hlstory their home has been the scene of many wars and romantic episodes, and the Slovaks have made sturdy fighters on many a bitter field. The capital of the ninth century kingdom of Great Moravia was the Slovak town of Nyitra. The Slovaks have endured successively Polish rule, Magyar rule, Tatar invasions, peaceful incursions of German settlers, Hussite raids, and dynastic wars of Hungary. The most striking episode, however, is the semi-independence in the fourteenth century of Matthew of Trencs6n, " Lord of the Waag and the Tatra," who with some thirty fortified castles defied king and pope.* All this has left its impress both on the face of the Ruins and country and in folklore. On almost every crag in leSends some districts stands a ruined castle, all that the most romantic could desire in site and story. Sometimes the legend seems to be purely mythical, as at Beczk6, where a faithless lord is supposed to have been stung in the ear by an adder and to have jumped in a frenzy over the cliff; sometimes it is a mixture of reality and fable, as at Trencseh, where a well, hewn nearly six hundred feet into the solid rock, is explained by a story which tells how the captive daughter of a Turkish pasha was held for ransom, the ransom to be a water supply for the castle which stands high on the rocks above the lovely river Waag, and how this water supply was furnished by the Turkish prisoners who earned their liberty and their lady's by hewing down to water level. Sometimes the legend is actually historical, like the terrible one of *Cf. Capek: "The Slovaks of Hungary," page 103; also Seton-Watson: "Racial Problems in Hungary," page 23. 88 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Csejte, where the Countess BMiory is said to have had three hundred young girls murdered in order to restore her beauty by bathing in their blood. After a terrible cause celebre, in which her guilt was proved, an old woman, her accomplice, was executed, while she was thrown into prison, where she died in 1610. An idea of the way in which war raged all through this now smiling country, and how it centered about the siege of these castles, may be gained from Jokai's novel translated into German as "Geliebt bis zum Schaff ot." Not only in legends but in song the memory of " old unhappy far off things and battles long ago" survives. Especially are the ballads full of reminiscences of the sufferings from the Turks. Village life But of more interest than romantic ruins and tradi- of today tions is the living variety of the people today. The villages, while sometimes dreary, are often full of life and charm. As a quiet pond is a common feature of a South Bohemian village, characteristic of a Slovak village is a brook running through its midst. It is peopled by geese, now plump and sleek, now newly plucked and dismal, by playing children and by women knee-deep in the cold water pounding their linen on little wooden stands. Willows and a foot bridge, and a wagoner watering his horse before he drives through the shallow ford, perhaps complete the picture. If it is a town and not a village, there may be a church, occasionally of some architectural pretensions, and perhaps a good deal else of historical interest, such as the remains of the old wall that kept out the Turks in their day, with a stone cannon ball embedded in its side ; the former gallows hill ; and an old linden which now shades the image of a Christian saint but under which a heathen god may once have been wor shipped (for the linden is the sacred tree of the Slavs) . Gipsies Just outside some of the towns will be seen a gipsy settlement, all dirt, naked children and beggary. One man is squatting over a fire forging a chain, for the Slovak Scenes 1. In Rosenberg in Lipt6 county, home of Father Hlinka. 2. Shingle roofs with orna mented gable ends. Z61yom county. 3. "American" houses in Lipt6 county built by re turned emigrants. 4. Carrying home hemp. Thatch roofed houses in Zemple'n county. 5. A Zolyom mother who wanted to send a picture to her husband in America. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 89 gipsies are clever iron workers. In a grass-roofed hovel, where the air is dense with smoke, a violin hangs on the wall. The boy who owns it may some day be earning gold and glory as a member of one of the gipsy bands which afford the Magyar such extravagant delight, but a gipsy he will remain in every fibre. The return from such a settlement to the Slovak Slovak town or village is a return to another world. Here are ousei long, low houses, neat and clean, ranged with their gable roofs end to end in an even row, flush with the street, the eaves just above the door. The roofs are apt to be of hand-made shingles, for thatch means plenty of grain to supply the straw, and not much grain grows here. The houses are generally either of brick, frequently merely sun dried, or of wood. Often the ends of cross-laid logs or great squared beams show clearly at the corners. But whatever the material, it is generally covered with plaster or raw clay, and either whitewashed or painted some pale shade of buff, blue or green. The houses are generally perfectly plain in their design, though some have pretty woodwork at the gable ends, or patterns painted on the walls or about the windows — a kind of work which is a specialty of the women, who are said to do it freehand.* Of course, conditions vary with localities and with Interiors individual housewives, but my general impression is of interiors tidy and homelike, however deep the mud in the village street. Even an earthen floor may be made to suggest cleanliness. I remember especially a call at a house where the daughter' had recently gone to America to get work. The mother who welcomed us led us through the entry, where a girl was wash ing, into the living room and offered us the tradi tional "bread and salt" — that is, as a matter of fact, a loaf of rye bread and a knife that we might serve * For specimens of Slovak architecture and wall decoration, including a wall painting reproduced in color, see Seton-Watson, pages 88, 204, 320, 352, 354, 356, 358 362 9o SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Spinningbees Costume ourselves unstinted. We honored the pretty old cus tom, and I wished that I had cut off a bigger piece, it tasted so good. The room was low, but scrupulously neat. On the wall hung gay flowered crockery, products of an old home art, specimens of which collectors highly prize. There were double windows, opening casement fashion, and, in the space between, pots of wallflowers. On the bed were piles of square feather pillows, the pride and visible assets of the thrifty housewife. Each has a bright undercover (among rich city people this would be of satin, — yellow, pink, blue or what not), over which is drawn a case of handspun linen, with ends of lace insertion, also handmade, through which the color peeps prettily. It takes some sixteen geese to supply one feather bed. There was a sewing machine and a table on which lay a copy of a Sokol magazine (that is, the organ of one of the universal patriotic athletic associa tions). On the wall were pictures of sacred subjects. These often, even in much poorer homes, make a sort of frieze about the top of the room. Often, too, there hangs over the table a curious little ornament made of a blown eggshell, with tail and wings of pleated paper. This represents a dove and symbolizes the Holy Ghost. In many houses there was a loom, but I think we never saw a spinning wheel, for the spinning season was over. It is only in winter that the famous spinning bees take place, where young and old gather in separate groups to sing, tell legends and, in the case of the girls, receive their lovers who drop in toward the end of the evening. Clothes are kept for the most part in chests which are sometimes painted with rude designs of flowers on a red, blue or green background, and which the bride must bring to her husband well replenished. It is difficult to describe the dress, it varies so from place to place. Every little village has its own pecu liarities, so that its people are distinguishable to the SLOVAK EMIGRATION 9 1 initiated, and this doubtless helps to give a strong sense of local solidarity. Within the village there is the most scrupulous adherence to custom. The ker chief knotted under the chin, apparently carelessly, is in reality arranged in certain folds and at a certain angle, precisely as prescribed by local usage and in a way that is different from that of the next place. The colors are generally harmonious and brilliant, Coloring though in some districts a wonderful effectiveness is gained by heavy embroidery of black on white, with no color. In many places bright-patterned stuffs, usually in large flowered designs, are attractively used for skirt, bodice or apron. The latter is generally the show piece in a woman's holiday costume. I was interested to note the same curious and beautiful combinations of color, most unlike those that we are accustomed to choose, which had struck me years ago on a visit to the settlement of Slavs (Vends) which survives in the Spreewald, near Dresden. The great beauty of these costumes is the embroidery Embroidery which is indeed, with song, the chief art of the Slovak. The women do this work mainly in winter, when their fingers are sufficiently soft again after the field work. They are said to often embroider their patterns without first drawing them, and they work so neatly that the under side is almost as perfect as the upper. The variety of stitches is great, and embroidery is combined with pillow lace and drawn work. The feeling for style is admirable. The designs are conventional and the motives, generally from plant life, are roses, poppy heads, tulips, cornflowers, and so forth. One animal motif, the cock, is also commonly introduced, but per haps the commonest single figure is the heart-shape. Special units of design often have special names, hke the quilting patterns of our grandmothers. Many of these seem to be quite fanciful — the "lover's eye" or the "little window" may have no visible resemblance to the object named. 92 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Girls and married women are generally distinguished, the former as a rule by their long braids, the latter by their caps, which are usually hidden, however, under the universal kerchief. Otherwise the dress is the same from childhood to old age; if the skirts of the district are full and short, they are short for the grandmother, and if long, they are long even for the toddler of three or four. In many places the women wear very short skirts and leather boots to the knees, like a man's. At first these boots strike a stranger as clumsy and unfeminine, but an experience of what mud can be here soon converts one to their good sense, and as to grace they give a new impression when one has an opportunity to see the quick, graceful dancing of the girls, the high heels of their trim-ankled boots clicking the measure. In Transylvania one sees these tall boots made of soft scarlet morocco leather with patterns in gilt nail-heads on the heels. Sometimes, instead of boots, low moccasin like shoes called Krpce are worn, bound with leather thongs about the ankle. These, too, are worn by either sex. One of the prettiest forms of dress is a low square- cut bodice, over a chemise of white linen with full short sleeves, with a wide ruffle above the elbow and a broad band of embroidery — perhaps in orange and canary- yellow silks — across the sleeve just below the shoulder.* Men's dress The men, especially the young fellows, are often great dandies. Sometimes they wear jackets and trousers of cadet-blue cloth, fitted like a glove and braided with black in looping designs. Sometimes they are dressed in white linen, with wide fringed trousers and a narrow, dark-blue apron. It is astonishing how both men and women dig and delve in white linen and still look clean. Especially archaic are the wide-brimmed black felt * Embroidery in this style is pictured in color in Seton-Watson, opposite page 368. Slovak Peasant Girls The girl at the door has just come from church with her prayer book under her arm. Note the tall leather boots and pretty head dress. The other girls are also in holiday dress. The white kerchief covers a lace cap beneath, the little embroidered border of which shows over the forehead. The apron, sleeves and floating cap ends are richly embroidered. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 93 hats, looking almost like the old-fashioned cocked hat, worn by the men in some districts, and the enormous leather belts. Sometimes these appear to be a good foot and a half wide; they are studded with brass trimmings and serve as pouches for all the necessaries, especially tobacco. A very important article of dress for both men and women is the sheepskin garment, made with the wool inside and the leather out, or sometimes reversible according to weather. It may be quite plain or much adorned, — dyed, embroidered, trimmed with applique leather or with brass work, or with borders of wool of a contrasting color. These garments take many forms ; in some places they appear as close-fitting, sleeveless jackets, very pretty and very comfortable; in other places, as long-sleeved coats. Sometimes this coat is made not of sheepskin, but of the heavy home-made felt called hunia. This may be dark brown or blue, but is oftener white and is also used instead of leather for tall boots, which can be kept white and clean by washing. It interested me very much to note how certain characteristic articles of dress— such as the moccasin like shoe, the leather coat, the belt, the kerchief or shawl — appear here and there among all the different Slav nationalities that I have had an opportunity to observe, running through a whole gamut of modifications. Nowhere could the student of the natural history of costume find richer fields. The Slovaks seemed to me comely and sweet-faced, Facial char- rather than beautiful, though there are of course excep- ^denstlcs tions. Among the elders one sees the best sort of physique beauty in the strongly marked lines of character and experience; here "the old, plain men have rosy faces and the young fair maidens quiet eyes." One seems to distinguish two markedly contrasting facial types. There is the round, full face with short nose, high cheek bones and widely separated grey-blue eyes. In 94 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The darker side Intemper ance other places this is replaced by a strongly marked facial contour, with straight, long, sharpset nose and long lantern jaw. Physically they are often splendid creatures, power ful without being heavy, and full of the grace that goes with health and varied activity and the bearing of burdens. Nothing seems too heavy for the women to carry. A child of two or three will be slung com fortably on the back in a linen cloth, and apparently regarded as scarcely an addition to other burdens. The women marry young, bear a child a year — "always either bearing or nursing," is the saying, — and perhaps in consequence grow old fast. Both men and women seem insensible to heat and cold. In summer they will dance gaily under an almost unbearable sun in their sheepskin or wool coats, which represent full dress; in winter the men, I am told, labor in the woods in their shirts without any sort of vest or jacket. They are very hard workers. In the season when field operations are pressing there are often weeks when a man sleeps only four or five hours, and snatches his food as he can. I was told of a peas ant who was hired to thresh for a man whose crop was not so large but that he might have done his own work. The comment of the thresher was, " Er muss doch ein Schwein sein der nur acht Stun den arbeiten will." All these good quahties are handicapped by various unfortunate circumstances acting on the weaker sides of the Slovaks, on their passiveness and lack of initiative and their proneness to drink. Apart from the natural infertility of the soil, intensified as this is by condi tions of landholding and tillage, the great curses of the country seem to be three: political conditions, intemperance and financial exploitation (the last two very closely related) . To the first of these, political con ditions, I will recur later. As to intemperance, all the powers that be seem to favor rather than to restrain drinking. The large SLOVAK EMIGRATION 95 landowner, who is the local great personage, is interested in marketing the products of his distillery. The Jew who pays for the exclusive right of sale and keeps the drinking shop where the rank potato brandy of the countryside is sold, is often the only intelligent man in the little community, the only one who can help in a money difficulty, translate a legal document (always in Magyar), or assist with advice in an emergency. He often controls not only the drink traffic but practically all the retail trade, and is the only man who can supply goods or buy produce. For all these reasons it is essen tial to stand well with him, and his goodwill must be won by buying his wares, especially his liquor. The government also, I am told, is opposed to tem perance agitation as likely to lower revenues, and some years ago actually put a stop to a series of mission ser vices that the Redemptorist fathers were proposing to hold throughout the Slovak counties in the interest of temperance. The local priest is not likely to be a total abstainer, and too often has neither the desire nor the courage to take a decided stand on the question, though there are honorable exceptions. Public opinion, while not so low as in eighteenth century England, or colonial New England, is much below what it is at present in the more advanced countries. One of the most frequent comments of returned emigrants, in re gard to the United States, is in the first place that beer is cheap and abundant in America, and in the second place that men are arrested there for being drunk. "And rich men as well as poor ones; that could not happen here." As to financial exploitation, the local reputation Indebted- of the Jews seems to vary with the credit situation. nesi Where credit institutions have been estabhshed, lending money at 5 £ or 6 per cent instead of at the Jewish rate of 8 or 12 per cent or more, the Jews are often respected and not disliked; but in too many places, where the simple, drink-loving peasants are o6 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE wholly at their mercy, the Jews are accused of getting them into debt, often through tavern bills. There is especial complaint of the way they contrive to get con trol of the woods, which are the only valuable asset of the region, and which are being recklessly cut down by speculators. On these steep chalky hillsides this means destruction of the soil, floods and general disaster. Where there has been a movement to America, the peasants, educated by experience, are said to know how to keep out of the hands of designing individuals.* Illiteracy Among our Slavic immigrants the Slovaks rank second in education — next, but far below, the Bohemians. Our immigration figures for 1900 for those fourteen years of age and over show that of Bohemians, 3 per cent are illiterate; Slovaks, 28 per cent. It is worth noticing, as bearing out my view that we get the pick of the Slovak population, that this is decidedly better than the proportion at home. The Slovak counties range from Gomor, with 28 per cent of the popu lation illiterate, to Ung, with over 67 per cent. Twelve of the Slovak counties are worse than the general Hungarian average (50.6 per cent) of illiteracy, four are better.f Co-oper- One of the promising things I noted is a thriving atlon co-operative movement, in which the priests seem to lead. The co-operative store, served by the members, the co-operative dairy and sometimes the co-operative hall for dancing, co-operative banks, J amateur theatri cals and entertainments, all these things furnish the best possible sort of training in business and in organ ization, apart from more direct benefits. Agriculture For livelihood the main dependence is agriculture. This, in spite of the presence of some other kinds of * Terrible stories of Jewish treachery and exploitation are told in detail in a series of articles by Karl Kalal in the Prague monthly Osveta, 1900, Nos. 3, 4 and 5. t For further immigration data on illiteracy see Appendix XXVII, page 479. { Data as to thirty-two Slovak banks, with a total capital of over 5,000,000 crowns, will be found in Seton-Watson, page 469. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 97 work, is the main occupation — agriculture, that is, including stock raising, but all on a very small scale. As in Russia, the mechanics and factory hands and the wandering peddlers and workers are in most cases simply peasants temporarily employed otherwise than in their fields. The thickly settled village, which to American eyes suggests town life, is surrounded by land belonging to the houses and employing men and women alike. Population is not dense absolutely, but take into consideration the character of the soil, the amount of land held in large estates (and this is apt to be the best situated), the amount that is in woodland or otherwise unfit for tillage, the degree of subdivision of property, the primitive methods and the frequent in debtedness, and it is not hard to understand why, as Hurban Vayansky's pathetic song of the wandering Slovak says, "Our native village does not give bread to her children." As a general thing, agriculture alone is not a suf ficient source of income and must be eked out in other ways. Some of the men have trades, are black smiths, shoemakers, tanners, dyers, and so forth; some are woodsmen and raftsmen, leading a hard and danger ous life, at work in ice-cold water or piloting their floats past rocks and rapids. Some are shepherds, spending the summer at a mountain pasture preparing the famous Liptd cheese, which is exported even to New York. Some, especially in certain poor districts which Wandering have long been unable to support their population, have trades for generations been accustomed to set out on foot either to follow a wandering trade or to sell certain wares, sometimes handmade, sometimes bought abroad. Most characteristic of these wanderers was the Drotar, or as the Germans say, Drahtbinder, who made all sorts of things of wire, sometimes very elaborate and artistic things, but whose commonest task was the mending of broken earthen pots with a skilful wire network. If 7 98 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Specializa tion of wandering trades the pot rang like a bell when done the work was good. As metal pots replaced earthenware the demand for this service grew less, and the selling of all sorts of wire and tin goods and the hke partly took its place. Unfor tunately, in some instances small boys are pressed into the business, and one meets them in Prague and else where — wretched little half-beggars working for what an Italian would call a padrone, with the usual story of a beating if they do not bring home a set sum. In America the wire workers often find employment for their skill in modernized forms of the same craft — making fences, gates and railings, mouse-traps, and small articles, and becoming tinplaters and plumbers.* Mr. Rovnianek reports "In several of the large cities, especially in Philadelphia, New York and Chicago, wire and tinware factories which have been established with Slovak capital and are conducted with Slovak labor, are in a fair way to secure the cream of the trade of this kind in the whole country. A peculiar advantage is derived from the fact that for centuries the tinware of Europe was made largely by the Slovaks. In this country also electrical designs and other skilled work turned out by Slovak plants have obtained a very high position in the markets." f This is interesting as a case where it has been practicable to utilize an old form of ,skill in the new country. Another famous specialty was glass setting, and the wandering Slovak glazier was eagerly watched for when a window pane or the glass of a holy picture needed replacing. Others again dealt in spices, in oils, in fruit; others in dry goods, especially in linen. In some cases this peddling was built up into large, settled wholesale businesses, and well-known firms in Russia, Bucharest, Warsaw, and elsewhere have been developed in this way. Generally these different types were quite specifically located; the wire men came from * Wandering Trades in the Bibliography. t Charities, XIII, page 242 (Dec. 3, 1904). Shepherd in a Slovak Valley An Abode of Misery The house is the home of Slovak " Zeliary," compelled to work for their landlord at starvation wages. Two families shared the house; a man, unable to afford a physician, was dying; in the other a girl had Pott's disease. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 99 Trencsen, the spice dealers from Lipt6 county, the linen merchants from Tur6cz. Modern conditions have greatly militated against Other em- these old Slovak methods of eking out an existence. Ployment •n ¦ /-. 1-, away from Russia, Germany and France, which with the near East home were among the chief markets, have passed laws or laid taxes which shut out the Drotars and the rest, and cheap factory products have underbid them. More modern forms of temporary employment take men to neighboring districts for harvest and other agricultural work, or to the cities for building or factory labor. In the years when Budapest was making its most rapid growth many masons, carpenters and others went, as they put it, "to build Pest," and the slackening of this work is said to have been one cause of increased emigration to America. Factories about Budapest and Pressburg now give employment to considerable num bers, but unfortunately, in the Slovak counties them selves, in spite of minerals, water power and cheap labor, industry is very little developed. Where it does exist it tends to keep men at home since it supplies the ready money which is so needed and of which agricul ture yields so little. Obviously such a situation as has been described means Slovak emi- that many will emigrate if the way only opens. Their o^gin and own land has never fully supported them, and if America spread offers opportunities better not only than the wandering trades, which modern conditions are killing out in any case, but better than the possible earnings as hired hands in neighboring districts and countries, then to America men will go if they can.* The movement seems to have begun in the north eastern part of the Slovak district in Zemplen, S^ros, Szepes (German Zips) and Ung. This district is racially very mixed, containing large numbers of Jews, Germans and Ruthenians, besides Slovaks. The Jews have come in largely from Galicia (Austrian Poland) just across * See Appendix VIII, page 447, for studies of Slovak emigration. SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Early emigrants American immigra tion figures the border, whence many have migrated of late years into the Eastern Slovak counties of Hungary.* They are a cosmopolitan element, alert to find every profit able opening, and have often piloted emigration move ments. The Ruthenians also are an overflow from Galicia, a continuation of the Ruthenian settlement in the east ern part of that province. The German population, most numerous in Szepes, goes back to the founding of sixteen free towns by Saxon settlers in the twelfth century. The Jews and Germans may easily have been the means of infecting the Slovaks with the emigration fever, or it may have begun in other untraceable ways. In any case it began much later than the Bohemian and Polish movements. One hears of sporadic cases of emigration to America from 1864 on; in the late seven ties the exodus was already well marked, and by 1882 it was sufficiently important to be investigated by order of the Minister of the Interior and repressed by gen darmes posted on the frontier. The American immigration figures indicate the first important Slovak influx in 1873, when 1300 immigrants came from Hungary, and a second in 1880, when 4000 came, rising to nearly 1 5 ,000 in 1884.! Mr. Rovnianek says, "Previous to 1882 the immigration had been sporadic, but in that year the people began to come in companies of considerable size, and settled in the mining and industrial regions of Pennsylvania. "J At Bartfeld, a town in S^ros, we had an interesting talk with one of the earliest emigrants, a hatter who went to the United States about 1880. The account he gave was that a Jew from this town (which swarms with Polish Jews of the most typical sort, side curls, * See articles by Karl Kalal on this migration of the Jews in Osv£ta, 1900, Nos. 3, 4 and 5. t The figures do not give Slovaks separately till 1899, but the earlier immigrants from Hungary may be assumed to be in general Slovaks with some Jews and others. % Charities, XIII, page 240 (Dec. 3, 1904). See also below, page 238 ff. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 101 long coats and all) was the first to go. This Jew was a dealer in cloth, but became bankrupt and went to America. He afterward came home, and his account induced others to go, among them the hatter. He went hoping to find work at his own trade, but he could find no one to tell him where hats were made, so that he had to take what employment he could get. He worked as a longshoreman, miner, etc. He was first in New York, then in Drifton, Pa., where there was a mine superin tendent from Austria, then in Cleveland, and later in Boston, where he did get work at hatmaking. Wages in the mines he f ound to be $1.2 5 to $1. '30 above ground, and $2.00 under ground. Passage was cheap in those days — $20 from Hamburg going, and under $23 as far as Oder- burg (the station on the Hungarian border) returning. From the counties where emigration first began the Spread of movement has spread, affecting both the Ruthenians m|nmove" of Hungary in the counties to the east of the Slovaks, and the Slovak counties to the west of the first emigra tion district, and quite recently those to the southwest also. Thus in Z61yom we were told that the movement had set in only three years before (i. e., in 1902) largely as a result of bad harvests and cattle diseases causing debt. Z61yom is, in general, a well-to-do district. It is noted, even in this land of almost universally preserved peasant dress, for the archaism of its cos tumes and customs. In some places the men even wear the tight-braided pigtails, one on each side of the face, which one connects with pictures of Hungarian hussars of the olden time. Emigration from Hungary, far from falling off, has shown, as is proved by the figures of the Hungarian au thorities, an almost steady increase, rising from 24,846 in 1896 to 178,170 in 1906. Of this outflow the Slovaks make only a part. The Roumanians, Germans, Ruthe nians, and other "nationalities" are also emigrating and the Magyar peasantry itself is seriously affected, which is to Magyar statesmen the gravest aspect of the case. 102 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Since 1899 the American data for immigrants by country of origin have merged emigrants from Hungary in the whole group from Austria-Hungary except in the year 1905. The following tables show the Hun garian totals for emigration, 1896-1906, and both the American and Hungarian tables for 1905 : TABLE 6.— TOTAL EMIGRATION FROM HUNGARY, AS REPORTED BY LOCAL AUTHORITIES IN HUNGARY, 1896-1906. Year No. or Emigrants 1896 24,846 1897 I4.310 1898 22,965 1899 43.394 1900 54,767 1 90 1 7J.474 1902 91,762 1903 119,944 1904 97.34° 1905 170,430 1906 178,170 Total. P.402 TABLE 7.— EMIGRATION AND RE-IMMIGRATION, 1905.* Hungarian Figures American Figures ^ Nationality Left Hungary Returned Immigrants En tering u. s. from Hungary 43.754 28,30338,770 17.747 7,287 r7.523 io,376 2,101 4.575 2,453 4.038 2,506 1,0121,885 930 167 45,300 25.75951,009 7,1673-268 22,007t 2,34oj6,853 Croatians Servians Men 122,059 43.802 14,489 3,077 Total 165,861 17,566 163,703 * The figures are not strictly comparable, as the American figures refer to the fiscal year ending June 30, 1905. t Croatians and Slovenians. j Servians, Bulgarians and Montenegrins. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 103 The American figures for Slovak immigrants since 1899, when they were first printed, are as follows: TABLE 8.— SLOVAK IMMIGRANT ALIENS ADMITTED TO THE UNITED STATES Year Ending June 30 Number Year Number 15,83829,24329.34336,934 34.42727,940 !9°5 52,368 38,221 42,041 16,170 22,586 1907 !9°9 Total 345,111 The loss of population by emigration for the two decades preceding 1900 as shown by the census is given for the chief Slovak counties in Table 9.* This table also shows the percentage of Slovaks in the counties where they are most numerous. Map VII, drawn from the same source, shows the relative intensity of emigration in all parts of Hungary as represented by the percentage of the population of 1900 reported by the local authority as having emigrated in 1899-1901. It will be seen how great is the relative intensity of emigration in the Slovak counties. Szepes, Saros, Abauj-Torna, Zemplen and Ung, and these counties alone, show a loss of 5 per cent or over of the population in three short years. In Arva and Gomor the loss is 2 to 3 per cent. In Tur6cz, Lipt6 and Bereg the loss is 1 to 2 per cent. Even these last figures cannot be paralleled elsewhere in Hungary proper. Only in Croatia do we find in Modru§-Fiume county a loss of 2 to 3 per cent and in Agram (Hungarian Zdgrdb) county a loss of 1 to 2 per cent. * Taken from Thirring, Gustav: "Die Auswanderung aus , Ungarn." Bulletin de la Societe Hongroise de Geographie, vol. XXX (1902), page 8; except the figures for Slovak per centage of population, for which see Niederle, "Narodopisna Mapa," page 121. For further data see Appendices V and VII, pages 433 and 445. TABLE 9.— CHIEF SLOVAK COUNTIES OF HUNGARY. NET AND IMMIGRATION. LOSS AND GAIN BY EMIGRATION o 4=. Counties Pozsony (Pressburg) Trencsen Nyitra Bars Hpnt Arva Liptd Tur6cz Zdlyom N6grad Gom5r Abauj-Torna Zempl6n Ung Szepes Saros Slovaks, Per Cent of Total Civil Popu lation 1900 5i 93 73 58 409503 74 89 2741 2332 285866 Net Loss and Gain by Emigration and Immigration. Non-urban Population 1881-1890 Absolute — 13,272 —8,239 —13,811 —5.346 — 2,366 —4,615—2,958 — 109 —1,756 + 16 — 6,450 — 19,912 —16,458— 11,256 — 22,124 — 21,956 Per Cent —5 —3 —3 — 3 — 2 —5— 4 + 0 —3 —13 —5 —8 — 12 —13 1891-1900 Absolute — 14,501 —6,747 — 22,063 — 6,030 — 3,J46 — 7,268 — 2,670 — 2,860 — 2,889 —i,327 —5,95i —14,532— 22,873 — 9,275 — 11,202 — 21,402 Per Cent —5-2 —2.6—5-6 —3-9 —2.9 —8.6 —3-5 —5-7 —2.6—0.6—3-7-9.6—7.6 —6-7 —6.9 — 12.7 For the period Absolute —27.773— 14,986 —35,874 —n,376 — 5,5 ! 2 — 11,883 —5,628 2,969 —4,645 1. 311 12,401 —34,444—39,331—20,531 —33,326 —43,358 Per Cent — 10.6 —6.1 —9-7 —8.0 —5-5 — 14.6 —7-5 —6-5 —4-5 —7-3 — 22.6 — 14.2 — 16.2 — x9-3 —25.8 r >< g o ta > ->. o s; >H Od ta n H MAP VII.— EMIGRATION FROM HUNGARY BY COUNTIES. Total emigration of the period 1899-1901, expressed in percentages of the population of 1900. The scale runs from under 0.5 per cent to 5 per cent or over. io6 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Characterof the emi gration Successive phases Emigration of unmar ried girls The character of the Slovak emigration has been throughout quite different from the Bohemian. Instead of emigrating to settle, taking his family and property with him, the Slovak merely went to America, instead of to some nearer field, to earn needed money. The wife remained, as before, to care for the house, bring up the children and work the land till he should return. Such an emigration movement often runs through quite well-defined phases. First the man goes alone and returns with his earnings, as planned. Then he goes again, and this time decides to settle or at least to remain for some time, and returns and takes out his wife and children. At a later stage, when the routes are better known and parties are frequently starting, the man often sends for his wife to come and join him, without going himself to get her. She is not always eager to begin life again under strange conditions; often she fears to face the long and difficult journey alone with a family of little children. One woman we met just starting out, waiting at the home railroad station with baby and bundles. Her husband, after vainly urging her to come to him, had finally cut off supplies and sent a prepaid ticket, and willy-nilly she was going. Her brother-in-law, a sturdy young man who was traveling with her, was eager for work however hard, and I judged that she too, now that the wrench was over, was ready enough to go. A still later phase is when the unmarried girls begin to go over independently, as the Irish girls have done for so long. And the Slovak girls, like the Irish, go mainly to service. America is to them even more of an Eldorado than to the men. Instead of three or four dollars a month a girl has American wages and almost no expenses. If she secures a good place she is treated with more respect, if not also more kindness, than she is used to; if she is a good maid her industry, cleanliness, honesty and docility are appreciated, and — glory of glories — she wears a hat. A Slovak lady was telling us (as so SLOVAK EMIGRATION 107 many had done) of a former servant who had gone to America and recently written to her from there. "Tell me, it can't be true, can it?" she said. "She writes that she wears a hat. Of course even in America that is impossible. And she says that the master is so kind, he bids her good morning before she has spoken to him." And we tried to explain that in America neither wearing a hat nor greeting last is a hall-mark of the socially superior. Sometimes very young girls go alone; that is, with a party of comparative strangers. A friend told us of going to a village in Nyitra county and finding a little peasant lass, " only fourteen and pretty as a picture," dressed, for the first time in her life, not in her short, full peasant petticoats, but in a long, citified skirt. When asked why she was so dressed up, she answered, "Tomorrow I am going to America." She was to join relatives there, but had only strangers to look to for protection on the way. I must admit that one seldom hears of any evil chance resulting from such journeys, and it is gratifying to note how confident the experienced emigrant is that conductors will be kind in looking after the helpless; nevertheless, it is probably a wise provision of our immigration law of 1 907 which gives the authorities discretionary power to refuse admission to children under sixteen traveling apart from their families. One of the most important questions to us, as regards Favorable any stream of emigrants, is what selective forces are at influer^.gS work. Are we getting the failures who cannot succeed at home — as people say, "the dregs," "the scum"? Or are we getting the best? Among the Slovaks, the main selecting traits would seem to be energy, strength and trustworthiness. The ones who are the most apt to emigrate are those who are ambitious and those whose credit is good, — for they commonly go on bor rowed money. They are therefore those who are physi cally strong and who expect (and are expected) to be able to make "big money" in America by undertaking io8 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Politics and emi gration what is known to be the very hard work here. I was told at the Tatra Bank in Saint Martin that in all the years during which the bank had been loaning money to emigrants, they had never had a case where the money loaned (generally about 400 crowns, or $80), was not repaid in four months. To my inquiry as to what hap pened if a man was absolutely unable to pay, in case of sickness or accident, for example, "Then his brother pays," I was told. A peasant is seldom refused a loan on account of lack of character, though he may be because of absolute poverty. Peasants are "good pay," I was told, gentlemen uncertain, and stories were related to illustrate the peasants' fidelity in discharging a debt, even a questionable one. Of course, there are cases of those who emigrate be cause they have ruined themselves at home by intemper ance, by bad management or through ill-luck, but my conclusion is that, on the whole, we get the pick of the population from which emigration mainly draws, but it does not draw from all strata as we have seen.* While the main causes of emigration are doubtless here also, as among the Slavs generally, economic not polit ical, the political conditions yet play an important part. Aside from desire to avoid military service, and individual cases of persecution,! it is prob ably not very often that political reasons cause a Slovak peasant to leave the country, but on the other hand these are often a chief cause for his finally remaining permanently in America. A more or less conscious sense of being ill at ease, of being regarded as an inferior, *Cf. Stodola: "Prispevok Ku Statistike Slovenska," page 20, note. "If we today observe Slovak villages from which people stream to America, we see that those who remain at home are not the most healthy, industrious, fit to cope with life, nor the most enterprising." t Such for instance, as the case of a Slovak Protestant minis ter, in New York who, as I was informed, was forced to leave Hungary because he refused to preach in Magyar more than two Sundays out of three to a congregation which understood only Slovak. SLOVAK EMIGRATION IOO and on account of his race thwarted in his efforts to progress, makes Hungary unattractive to him. The dark cloud resting over everything in Hungary is the political tension, — not the struggle of Hungary with Austria for advantage in their strange partnership, but internal tension between the different racial elements in the kingdom.* While one must feel with the Slovaks, who are the The Magyar injured party, one cannot help also sympathizing with state idea Magyar statesmen in the difficult position in which they find themselves. They desire to strengthen and expand their national life and to develop the peculiar and in teresting genius of their own strain ; and they find them selves an isolated body of some eight or nine million or so, hemmed in not only by unfriendly states but by a majority belonging to rival nationalities within their own boundaries. Stung by unfriendly prophecies to the effect that the Magyar stock must infallibly be absorbed and perish as a racial entity, they determined at whatever cost to reverse the process and forcibly to assimilate all non-Magyar elements within their borders. The phrase "The Magyar State idea" is on every one's lips for praise or blame, — the idea, that is, that in the state there must be complete unity, or rather uniformity, including uniformity of language. Everything must be Magyar, and Magyar alone. To bring this about in a country where the Magyars are only some 51.4 per cent of thp population, and where through whole countrysides theiV language is absolutely unknown to the mass of the population, is a gigantic and cruel task. /ormerly the language of parliament and of state busi- Forced use neis generally was Latin. People still living recall this °^^r J* Having seen something at first hand of the shocking op- pjession of the Slovaks by the Magyars, I am thankful to Mr. fton- Watson who in his "Racial Problems in Hungary" has Jven a full account of the too little known conditions prevailing a a country for which the general public feels so much interest lid desires to feel so much respect. An account of all this un- Lppy matter will also be found in Mr. Capek's book "The lovaks in Hungary." SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Other op pressive measuresof the Magyars Educational interference era. Then came the unhappy decision to give a forced monopoly in pulpit, school, courts of justice, and so far as possible in daily life, to the Magyar language. This is a very difficult non- Aryan tongue of the agglutinative type, akin to Finnic or perhaps to Turkish, and entirely unrelated to Slavic languages. The Slovaks, who like most Slavs are extremely tenacious, object to this policy on practical as well as on sentimental grounds. Their own language with a little experience practically opens to them the whole Slav world, including Russia (and we have seen what wanderers they are). German, too, which a large proportion of them can speak, is an important medium of business and culture. "But what," they say, "does Magyar open to our children? They come out of school, in most cases, not really masters of it and at the same time illiterate, in their own tongue, which they have not been allowed to learn to read or write. This is a cause of an artificial degree of illiteracy among our people. In America our people learn to read Slovak and come back reading the newspapers." But in Hungary to take a Slovak newspaper or, if an educated man, to speak the Slovak tongue, is to brand oneself in Magyar eyes as a political traitor and\ to insure every possible obstacle in one's path. The uppey schools ("gymnasiums"), formerly conducted in Slovak and founded and supported by private contribution^,, have been closed and the funds sequestrated; the Slovak literary association has been dissolved and its building seized. It is almost impossible for a company of Slbvak shareholders to receive the necessary permission to carry on business even, since the undertaking is con sidered a nationalistic enterprise.* 1 Though the State has pledged itself by law to provide instruction up to the university in the mother tongue (of * A cellulose factory at Saint Martin in Tiir6cz is a well-knot " instance. After standing idle for a long time while the Slovj owners vainly endeavored to get a government license to beg work, it was sold to a Jewish company for less than it was wort and at once was licensed and put in operation. SLOVAK EMIGRATION III each of the nationalities, as a matter of fact the govern ment not only fails to do this, but prevents its being done at private expense, often confiscating school funds when raised. Even to study for the priesthood a Slovak must pass through the Magyar seminary, and there any study of the language of the future flock is treated as ground for expulsion.* The natural consequence is that a Slovak who con tinues his education, religious or secular, beyond the primary school, necessarily receives a purely Magyar training, and partly through assimilation, partly through prudential considerations, generally becomes a "Magyar- one," and like most converts, plus royaliste que le roi. Thus the Slovaks lose their natural leaders by a con stant drafting off of the ablest and most ambitious, and this fosters the Magyar feeling that T6t (Magyar for Slav), is synonymous with ignorance, dullness and poverty. All that is intelligent is assumed to be Magyar. This stupid contempt (for all contempt is stupid), and the desire to appropriate as Magyar all the specifically Slovak productions, is most exasperating. In the beautiful ethnological museum at Budapest all the Slovak treasures of embroidery, costume, etc., ap pear to be Magyar. No other nationality is recognized. Another very trying phase of the Magyarizing process Renaming is the renaming of places. A Slovak village, for in- ° p aces stance, will be given a new Magyar name, a forced translation or a would-be Magyarized form of the im memorial word, and this is felt not unnaturally as a great grievance. When I have asked Slovaks in America what place they came from, they have said to me, plaintively, "I don't know what its name is now; it used to be so- and-so, but they have changed it. " How is a Slovak who does not know Magyar to guess, for instance, that Aranypataka means his old home Zlatd?t The Magyarizing tendency is fostered by the fact that *For a case in point, see Appendix X page 448. tCf. Seton-Watson on these subjects, pages 188, 189,400,478. SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Evil effects of internal strife Effects of emigrationon the home country; the Magyar language has only one word for the two ideas, Magyar and Hungarian. Hungary is Magyar- orszdg (that is, Magyar land) , and one might almost say that this whole wretched business reduces itself to a poor pun. "A Hungarian" (that is, an inhabitant of Hungary) "must of course speak Hungarian" (that is, Magyar) , and if not willingly, then by compulsion. All this bitterness and strife afford many avenues of advance to the unscrupulous, and it is not strange if too often Jews of the type whose only concern in the struggle of nationalities is their own personal advantage become the clever instruments for a great deal of "dirty work" of all sorts. Double honor then to those Jews who, in spite of the bad traditions of a persecuted race and the sinister opportunities afforded by a helpless peasan try, are honorable and just in their dealings. And double honor to those Magyars who unite to love of their own race the magnanimity to appreciate the claims of others, and the wisdom to recognize the folly of a policy which alienates and keeps back millions of their sturdiest citizens. Similarly, double honor to those Slovaks, who in spite of the danger of personal ruin and the daily experience of petty annoyances, which are less heroic but perhaps harder to endure, sacrifice all their prospects in life to loyalty to their own people and to their country as a whole. Meeting such men is one of the greatest pleasures of traveling among the Slovaks. Honor, too, to the quiet and simple people who, except where polit ical inflammation has set in, respect and like all their neighbors, regardless of racial differences. In general there is no antipathy or ill feeling among Slovaks and Magyars. The peasants of both races are generally pro foundly unconscious of any reason for hating one another, regard one another as friends, and inter-marry freely. I frequently asked in Hungary, " Is this emigration to America an advantage or a disadvantage here?" The answer naturally varied with the answerer. A Slovak Type SLOVAK EMIGRATION 113 The employer suffers as has been said from the growing Disadvan- scarcity of labor, especially of farm laborers and servants, taSes and from the consequent rise of wages. The value of land is affected, sometimes rising through the demand of returned "Americans," sometimes falling where emigra tion has been epidemic and has partly depopulated a district. The Magyar dreads the independent spirit and aroused national feeling of those that come back. The thoughtful Slovak passionately regrets the draining away of the lustiest and most energetic of the popula tion ; on the side of the fatherland he sees a great physical and moral loss, and on the side of emigrants a pitiful if inevitable exile. He speaks also with bitter regret of the too numerous cases of demoralization of the stay-at- homes. It is very common for a man to marry and install his young wife, and in a very short time, often in a few weeks, go to America. He is loyal and sends her money. For her, with her unwonted liberty and unwonted money, temptation sets in. Too often he returns to find in the home children that are not his, or to lead an unhappy life with a woman who seems to him stupid and dull after his foreign experiences. One hears, too, the frequent complaint that the home country bears the cost of the rearing of the emigrants through the years when all is outgo, only to see them, as soon as they are in their prime, go to strengthen an in dustrial competitor ; that emigration means the necessity of supporting an undue proportion of the womenfolk, of the aged, the weakly, and the left behind, of those that America refuses to accept and of the unusables generally; and finally, that those who have been to America return, too frequently, either injured by accidents in mines and foundries and on railroads, or worn out with excessive work at a pace to which they are not ac customed and which their diet does, not fit them to endure. However, in considering the balance of advantage to Gains the home country three things must be counted to the 114 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Remit tances America receivesfull return good: the providing in some cases for an excess of popu lation over what the country can properly support ; the influx of money from America ; and the return of emi grants with more awakened personality. As to the amount of money received, complete figures are not to be had. An official investigation resulted in an estimate of $17,000,000 sent to Hungary by emigrants through banks alone in 1903. This money was sent mainly from the United States and doubtless largely by Slovaks. It does not include what returning emigrants brought with them in cash, nor what was sent by postal orders. The postal districts of Kassa in the eastern part of the Slovak district, and Pozsony in the west reported that over $4,000,000 was sent into the Slovak district from America in 1899, a time when the numbers in America were much less than they are now. One banker told me that a Slovak ordinarily sends home $120 a year. Another informant writes me of a place in Zemplen county with 1156 men, which had received $140,000. He adds: "This gives the best idea of the enormous importance of emigration where the average annual income is hardly over $100 or $120. And it is not to be wondered at that the public hold emigration to be beneficial. I have met three men who inaugurated emigration to America in their villages; all were regarded as benefactors of their country, and they were not a little proud of their daring." As to this flow of money, there is a great deal of thought less talk from the side of American interests, as though it represented a loss to America without an equivalent. Granted that it would be better to have the money spent in this country, we may trust the acumen and self- interest of American employers sufficiently to be certain that every dollar of it represents at least a dollar's worth of labor contributed to American production and permanently embodied in our national wealth. As to the use made of this money in the old country, doubtless some of it is spent foolishly and some of it worse than wasted in drink, both by returned emigrants SLOVAK EMIGRATION 115 and by those to whom remittances come from America ; but the bulk of it appears to go to pay off debts, while much is invested in farm tools, much is used to buy land, some goes to pay for a higher standard of living, and some is spent for public purposes, religious and political, such as for rebuilding or decorating a church, for metal crosses in a graveyard, or for patriotic funds. My im pression is that among a population where so little money is in circulation, this "American money" is on the whole a very great blessing. On the whole, the effect on the returned emigrant Why Amer- seems to be less than an American would, at first thought, teach°then0t expect, but it must be remembered that not only is the emigrant man by every instinct and by all his training con- more servative, but that many American ways are incapable of being transplanted to conditions so different. Con sider for a moment a great American factory or a New York tenement house; what hints can they give as to production or as to house building to a Slovak who has gone back to his native village ? With regard to farming, not only are American methods often inapplicable, but they are seen by few Slovak emigrants, — one might almost say by no emigrants who return. The man who takes to farming in America is generally proposing to stay there. In considering the amount of effect that America exerts on those who return, we must furthermore note that the emigrant in any case is apt to see less of Ameri can ways than we are prone to take for granted. A Slovak comes over with a group of his fellows, goes to a Slovak boarding house, a Slovak church, a Slovak store, a Slovak saloon, and a Slovak bank; knows his "boss," himself very likely a foreigner, only by his orders and oaths, and deals with Americans only as the street car conductor shouts to him, "What do you want, John?" or the boys stone his children and call them "Hunkies." In spite of this, America does exert an influence. A American priest in a Slovak village will show you with interest the influence Effects Il6 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE superior "American" houses in his parish, built in the local fashion but more substantial and better kept, and with American novelties, such as glass tumblers, a nickel clock and other little luxuries. Political In America the Slovak is likely to be quickly drawn into a mutual benefit organization of his own nationahty, and here he probably gets an education in nationalistic feeling. How far this is really panslav (that is, Russo- phile), as the Magyars complain, I do not know. At any rate, the Magyars always find panslavism a good cry with which to attack any Slavic activity. My impression is that the Slovak often does return from America with awakened national self-conscious ness, but that he is generally quite unconcerned about distant political Utopias of any sort, and confines his interest to practical local issues, such as education in their mother tongue for his children, and elections to parliament where the Slovaks, with over a tenth of the population, had in 1905 one representative out of 450. At any rate, I can readily conceive why his Magyar superiors feel thaf "America has spoiled the Slovak emigrant." He has more money and he is more am bitious. He has often learned to read, if he did not know how before. He takes a newspaper and has political interests and opinions. Seton-Watson speaks several times of the influence of the Slovaks in America, and of those returned from there : "The returned Slovak emigrants who have saved money in the United States are steadily acquiring small holdings in Hungary, and helping to propagate ideas of freedom and nationality among their neighbors. The growth of Slovak banks since 1900 has been specially remarkable, and though still trifling compared with the large Jewish and Magyar institutions of North Hungary, they are none the less able to hold their own and extend their business "During the past generation many thousands of SLOVAK EMIGRATION 117 Slovak peasants have emigrated to the United States, carrying with them feelings of bitterness and resentment towards the authorities of their native land. They speedily learn to profit by the free institutions of their adopted country, and today the 400,000 Slovaks of America possess a national culture and organization which present a striking contrast to the cramped de velopment of their kinsmen in Hungary. There are more Slovak newspapers in America than in Hungary; but the Magyars seek to redress the balance by refusing to deliver these American journals through the Hungarian post office. Everywhere among the emigrants leagues, societies and clubs flourish undisturbed — notably the American Slovak League (Narodnie Slovensk^ Spolok), the Catholic Jednota (Unity) and the women's league, Zivena. These societies do all in their power to awaken Slovak sentiment, and contribute materially to the support of the Slovak press in Hungary. The self- confidence and manly independence of the returned emigrants contrast with the pessimism and passivity of the older generation, and they are doing much to leaven the Slovak population with new ideas of liberty and justice. The alarm with which the government views this movement was revealed by its summary action against Francis Pollakovic, a young American citizen, in the autumn of 1907."* To quote Seton-Watson further: "Just as the Irish party was financed from America, Aid to na- so the Roumanians of Hungary receive aid from their ^o°g^gnts kinsmen in America, the Serbs from Belgrad, the Slovaks from Bohemia and the United States. The Magyars, instead of treating this as natural and inevitable, in dulge in wild charges of treason and bribery. The chief reason, however, that the grapes are sour is that the * Seton-Watson, "Racial Problems in Hungary," pages 202-3. A fairly full account of the case of Pollakovic who, though an American citizen, was made to serve a term of imprison ment for "incitement against the Magyar nationality "_ in 1907, is given by Seton-Watson, page 321 and Appendix xxiv. Il8 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Magyars have no kinsmen of their own, outside Hungary, from whom they could under any circumstances receive support, whether financial or military."* "It is interesting to learn that English is occasionally employed by returned Slovak emigrants when they do not wish to be understood by the local officials." (Page 283). When I have asked what returned emigrants report about America I have been told that they say (in the German phrase in which it was given to me), "Hier ist ein Mann ein Hund; da ist er ein Herr." (Here a man is a dog; in America he is a gentleman.) The re- Under the circumstances it is not strange that the misfit returned emigrant chafes. It is hard to exert oneself for twenty or even forty cents a day, after the compara tively large wages earned in Pittsburgh steel works or Scranton coal mines. It is hard to be sufficiently sub missive to the pettiest Magyar or Jewish official after an experience of American independence. Naturally, a man who feels thus is looked on with disfavor; his sense of the superiority of American ways does not make him more popular, and the visit to America which was intended to be temporary leads finally to settlement here. Mr. Koukol says, "I spoke of the powerful call their native bit of earth makes upon so many of the immi grants. But frequently, when men go back intending to stay, in response to this call, the old country is not strong enough to hold them. Such was the case with this same John Mlinik. It was his ambition to be a well-to-do farmer in Hungary in a few years, and re cently he and his wife made a preliminary visit to his old home and bought a farm. They remained a few weeks — but those few weeks were quite enough. He came back quite cured. ' Every little clerk in the village looked down on me because I did not speak the official * In Appendix IX, page 448, will be found references to some political memorials published by Slovaks in America. SLOVAK EMIGRATION 119 language, Magyar,' Mlinik said to me. 'He was an official while I was just a peasant. He didn't earn a quarter of what I do, yet I had to bow to him. That made me sore. In America I'm a free man. Besides, I've got a better chance to do well than in the old country. Yes, America is good enough for me.' "* Often the first visit to America is not final ; many men Migration go back and forth a number of times. Of Bohemian back and immigrants entering the United States in 1905 less than six in a hundred had been in the country previously, of the Slovaks nearly a quarter. It is amazing how easily this race, which is at once so migratory and so firmly rooted, makes the long journey. They will return to see the old parents, to attend to a bit of legal business, to settle an inheritance or sell off a bit of land. Some times the wife is sent home to do what is necessary. One such, a simple peasant woman who had gone home on business, knew every detail of the return trip to New York, down to the right street car in Vienna. One boastful gentleman is said to have written home, "As far as Vienna the journey goes well; after that it drags a little." But after all the coming and going, in the end many Final settle- stay permanently in the new home. Thus an emigra- America tion movement which in its inception seemed to be common merely a new phase of the old Slovak wandering indus try, a turning to new fields for temporary employment, comes to be in effect a true emigration, which has transferred to America a substantial fraction of the Slovak nationality. * Koukol: "A Slav's a Man for a' That." Charities and the Commons, XXI, page 594 (Jan. 2, 1909). CHAPTER VII EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA: AUSTRIAN POLES AND RUTHENIANS Galicia, the To many people the word Galicia probably suggests country jittle — if happiiy [t does not vaguely recall the Spanish province of the same name, or even the epistle to the Galatians. Perhaps, if the country is referred to as Austrian Poland instead of as Galicia, it seems more tangible, and Cracow and Lemberg sound as if we knew something about them. But to me at least the names conveyed no idea of the reality until I read, years ago, that inimitable sketch of Miss Dowie's called "A Girl in the Carpathian Mountains," and learned for the first time, among other things, that there are people called Ruthenians, and that they, as well as Poles, inhabit Galicia. It is the largest of the Austrian lands. In area it is more than half as great as the state of New York, with a more numerous population, giving it a density greater than that of New Jersey. It stretches to the north of the Carpathian arc, from Silesia to the Bukowina, divided from Hungary to the south by the range, but cut off from Russia to the north by merely political boundaries. It consists for the most part of the wide, windswept plains from which Poland took its name,* but the southern part is hilly or mountainous. Zako pane, the well-known and lovely Polish summer resort, lies in a nook of the High Tatra, the only real peaks of the chain. These mountains were formerly the haunts of brigands who still figure in legend, song, and dance. The tales * Pole is the Polish word for field. Bukowina means beech woods and refers to the fine forests of that province. situation EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 121 of Przerwa-Tetmajer, translated into German as "Aus der Tatra," are full of them, and the novel of Emil Franzos, " For the Right," is the story of a Ruthenian peasant driven to revolt and outlawry by his inner insistent demand for righteousness.* Even where not so rugged, the hill country exposed to the north and cut off from the south is exceedingly un favorable to agriculture. In high-lying spots the snow sometimes lasts till May and falls again in October, so that even oats do not always ripen, but may have to be cut green to serve merety as fodder. It is not surprising that the living is notoriously poor; rye bread, potatoes, cabbage, "mamaliga," (corn meal porridge), and milk if there is a cow — these are the staples. Meat can usually be afforded only at Christmas and Easter, but there may often be a chicken or duck on the Sunday table. But a worse drawback than the climate is the economic Economic situation; the lack of industry, capital and markets, the backward agriculture, the excessive subdivision of land, and the excessive population — excessive, that is, in proportion to means of profitably occupying it. Thus without capital or commercial traditions, and in an unfavorable geographical situation, Galicia, to create an industry, would have to compete with the highly developed production of Silesia, Moravia, and Bohemia, which lie just to the west and are within the same cus toms territory. The home market in Galicia itself is restricted by poverty and inertia, and the country to the eastward,! where Galicia would have a slight ad vantage of propinquity, is cut off by tariff walls. Agriculture in Europe, as in New England, has suffered from the competition of new sources of supply, and * See also two articles by Wladyslaw T. Benda, illustrated by the author: "Tatra, A Mountain Region between Galicia and Hungary," The Century, vol. 72, pages 169-179 (June, 1906) ; and " Life in a Polish Village," The Century, vol. 76, pages 323-332 (July- 1908). t Except Bukowina, which is in much the same condition as Galicia. 122 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE has found it hard to hold its own except in capitalistic and intensive forms like the beet-sugar industry. In a country like Bohemia this not only furnishes employ ment in field and factory, but supplies the neighboring farmers with fertilizer and extremely valuable feed for their cattle. But Galicia has little of such commer cialized agriculture. Mining, except salt mining, is not of any importance, but considerable petroleum is pro duced. This, however, is largely in the hands of capi talists from outside the country, in some cases of Ameri cans, and brings comparatively little money into Galicia. The Polish district, however, is more advanced indus trially than the Ruthenian or eastern part of Galicia. The The population is mainly Polish in the west and Ruthe- population n-an jn ^e east f/hg Roumanian element, which is strong in the neighboring province of the Bukowina, also makes itself felt in the eastern counties of Galicia. There is besides considerable overlapping and inter mixture, with puzzles for the ethnologists, like the Gorale or mountain folk, and the Huzuls. The moun tains, though a political boundary, seem to have been no serious barrier, for the Ruthenians extend across them in a continuous body into Hungary, while further west on the Hungarian side the Slovaks of Upper Arva show the influence of their Polish neighbors across the moun tains to the north. The best criterion of nationality in this part of the world is religion, and by this test the Poles are 46 per cent of the population, the Ruthenians 42 per cent and the Jews 1 1 per cent according to the Austrian census of 1900. The Ruthenians, though fewer than the Poles, cover considerably more territory, occupying the central as well as the eastern district, and even extending a considerable way westward along the Carpathians, as is shown on Map VIII. In the case of both Poles and Ruthenians, Galicia is only a part of the territory where they live. Each people occupies a continuous area, of which this province con- MAP VIII.-GAUCIA AND BUKOWINA SHOWING LANGUAGES SPOKEN Polish speaking — broken lines Ruthenian speaking — blank Roumanian speaking — oblique lines 124 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE tains a mere slice parted from the rest of the homogen eous population by historical accident and brute force, and the political boundaries which they have drawn. It is accident, too, and force of circumstances that lead me to treat of the emigration of these two great groups in this geographical fashion. Polish immigra tion, much the most important branch of the Slavic influx to America, should be studied as a whole, and at the same time with reference to the special characteristics and history of the separate branches from Galicia, Russia and Germany. I can speak only incidentally of any but the former, although the Russian contingent is the most numerous. In the case of the Ruthenians, confining our attention to the contingent from Austria- Hungary is a less serious matter, for though nearly nine-tenths of them live in Russia, and only one-tenth in Austria-Hungary, almost all who come to us are from Austria-Hungary. Each nationality will first be considered separately. The Poles Of the sad history of Poland, ruined at once by its under three unfortunate internal conditions and by its lack of natural masters J boundaries, every one knows something. Once stretch ing from the Baltic nearly to the Black Sea, and embrac ing a territory greater than the present Austria- Hungary, it is now divided between the three neighboring em pires. In the rough but graphic phrase of a poor Polish woman in America,* "The Polish flag was bust and Germany, Russia, and Austria each took a little bit." Poland lives as a political entity only in history and in the never-failing hopes of its children. The final ad justment of the prey gave Russia the lion's share, with more than three-quarters of the territory, and two- thirds of the sixteen million or so inhabitants. Austria received only about one-eighth of the territory, but about one-fifth of the Polish population, most of them in * Quoted by Elizabeth T. White in her article, "Investigation of Slavic Conditions in Jersey City," published for Whittier House, 1907. Poles from about Cracow EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA "5 Galicia, with a smaller body in the neighboring territory of Silesia. The condition of the Poles under their three sovereigns Differing differs considerably. In Germany, while the Poles conditions have enjoyed order and opportunity for progress along German lines, they have also suffered from the most determined effort to suppress national feeling, to wipe out the Polish language, and of late to forcibly dispos sess Polish land-owners in favor of German. In Russian Poland, while there is not the racial con tempt for all things Slavic which the German is too apt to feel, the Poles have suffered from oppressive special legislation, as well as from the tyranny and corruption which have been the curse of all parts of Russia, and of late, of course, from the disturbed condition of the empire. On the other hand, the country, especially about Warsaw and Lodz, has become a great industrial centre, protected by Russian tariffs and enjoying the vast Russian home market. Here for the first time in their history the Poles, who have always been either nobles or peasants, have developed a middle class, commercial and in dustrial. The Austrian government, in contrast to the Russian and German, has for some time pursued a political policy friendly to the Poles, but nowhere else do they find them selves in so bad an economic plight as in Galicia; the causes for this have already been touched upon. In religion the Poles, in spite of some episodes of Religion Protestantism and even of Unitarianism in the Re formation period,* are almost universally zealous Roman Catholics. So generally is this the case that Galician agents whose business it is to fill out the manifests which are required by our immigration laws, and on which our immigration statistics are based, write a man down a Pole if he is a Roman Catholic, regardless of any other fact. The zealous character of Roman Catholicism * For references on this subject see the Bibliography under Polish Religious History. 126 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE among the Poles, as among the Irish, has political as well as religious roots. To them, too, the political enemy is also the religious opponent. The Russian schismatic, the Tatar heathen, the Turkish Mohammedan, the Swedish Lutheran, were all detestable on patriotic and religious grounds alike. The Ru- The people who share Galicia with the Poles, and whom thenians: j have been speaking of as Ruthenians, have a most nomencla- r ° . . ture confusing variety of names, and the situation is com plicated by the fact that the choice of one or another name often implies political preferences. The official Russian term for them is Little Russians (Malo-Russians) . Again they are called, from words used by themselves, Russniaks or Russinians. The name Ukrainian refers to the great Ukraine district of Southern Russia, and is generally used by those who desire a separate political future for the nationality. Those of a contrary ten dency, who wish to ignore differences and to merge with the Great Russian nationality which is predominant in the empire of the Czar, call themselves simply Russians ; and those who are called Russians in the United States are in a large proportion of cases properly Little Russians. The classification of our immigration reports has for them the heading "Ruthenians (Russniaks)." I have used the term Ruthenian because it seemed to me to be on the whole the most current. It often is used to refer especially to those of the group who live in Austria and Hungary, and as practically all our immigrants come from these countries, it is the most satisfactory for our purpose. Number and This nationality is closely related to the Russians (Great Russians) though distinct in language and his tory. They number some 30,000,000, about 26,000,000 of whom live in southern Russia. Thence they extend over eastern Galicia, the western part of the Bukowina, and across the Carpathians, as already said, into north eastern Hungary, occupying in all a continuous territory half as large again as the German empire. EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 127 Their history, though less well known than that of the Their his- Poles, is also ancient and romantic. Their chief citv, iorJ' ancient androman- Kieff or Kiev, was the capital of the country before tic Moscow was founded in the middle of the twelfth cen tury. When soon after this the invasions of the Tatars began, the wide open steppes of the Ukraine lay exposed to their raids, and thus were created the conditions which moulded the wild, roving life of the Zaporogian Cossacks such as Gogol, himself a Little Russian, has painted in his brilliant story " Taras Bulba." Although they had been free as the winds, and had known neither serfdom nor hereditary rulers, they fell later under the domination of Poles and Russians, and found them to be hard masters. Serfdom, especially, though then the general condition of the common people of Europe, was odious to this liberty-loving race, and their bitter resentment of tyranny has been attested not only by the revolt under Chmyelnicki in 1648 (pictured from the Polish point of view by Sienkiewicz in his famous historical romance, "With Fire and Sword"), and by that of a half century later under Mazeppa (known to us mainly by the incident of his youth popularized by Byron and the circus) , but also by peasant risings of recent years. * Not only in history but in literature the Little Russians Literature have an honorable place. They had free printing presses gua„^n" for secular as well as religious literature as early as the sixteenth century, but many of their best writers, in cluding Gogol, have used the Great Russian language even when their themes were Little Russian, much as Sir Walter Scott wrote his Scotch novels in literary English. In 1798 began a renascence of the language as a literal medium, and it has since been employed by authors of international repute, the greatest of whom is the poet Shevchenko. Like Russians and Servians, the Little Russians use the Cyrillic characters. Appar- * Terrible pictures of oppression by Polish landlords and violent revenge by the Ruthenian peasantry are given in stories of Franzos in his "Aus Halb-Asien, Culturbilder aus Galizien, der Bukowina, Siid-Russland und Rumanien." 128 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE ently Great Russians and Little Russians are mutually quite unintelligible and the best authorities seem to agree that the tongue spoken by the latter is not to be considered as a dialect, but as an independent language. Folksongs Of all Slavic peoples, perhaps the Little Russians are most celebrated for their profusion of popular lyrics. One collector gathered eight thousand in a single district. These songs are of love and war, of haughty Poles and cruel Tatars and love-sick maidens, and are apt to be mournful and tender. I am told that here in the United States the Ruthen ians continue to produce new songs, but that their American lyrics telling of work in the dark mine and of the hardness of the "boss" are neither so fine nor so free in spirit as the old. But on the wide plains of the Canadian Northwest, as independent landowners, they find a more congenial life. Michael Gowda has not only translated into Little Russian Whittier's " Snow Bound" and much other literature, but has written original verse in his own tongue for his countrymen in Canada.* Uniates In religion the Little Russians had always, like the Great Russians, been Greek Orthodox, until in 1595, after various previous attempts, the Jesuits succeeded in bringing large numbers over into the Roman fold. They accepted allegiance to the pope on very favorable terms, however, and were allowed to keep so much of what had always been peculiar to the Orthodox church, that these Uniates, United Catholics, or Greek Catholics, as they are called, are still separated from other Roman Catholics by marked religious differences. f The married priests with their long beards, the mass in Slavonic instead of in Latin, the arrangement of the church with the great gilt screen — the ik6nostas — hiding * A sketch of Gowda's work and an English translation of his poem "To Canada," will be found in Appendix XI, page 449. t Four very instructive articles, "Our Russian Catholics; The Greek Ruthenian church in America," by A. J. Shipman, will be found in the Jesuit magazine, The Messenger, of New York, beginning with the number for Sept., 1904. Ruthenians and Galician Jews 1. Ruthenian shepherd lads. Lads like these, piping among their sheep beside a brook or dancing with their sweethearts on the grass, seem to us absolutely Arcadian. On our streets, speaking broken and vulgarized English, dressed in ill-fitting ready-made clothes, bewildered by their strange surroundings, they are too apt to seem to us "stolid," "low," "mere animals." 2 and 4. Galician Jews. The curls before the ears are a necessity to the orthodox. The fur trimmed cap (see 4) and the long coat are typical. 3. Ruthenian peasant with wooden ware, the product of a considerable house industry. EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 129 the altar, the communion in both kinds given to the laity, the use of the Eastern form of the cross with three cross-bars the lower one oblique, the calendar thirteen days behind the Roman, — all these things make the Greek Catholics or Uniates strange to the Roman Catho lics, in spite of the fact that they are in full communion, members of the same church. Almost the only marks of the severance of the Uniates from the Greek Orthodox and of their Roman connection are the prayer for the pope, which replaces that for the czar as head of the church, and the passage in the creed which affirms the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son as well as from the Father. By no means all Ruthenians in Austria and Hungary are Greek Catholic or Uniate. A considerable number, mainly of those in the Bukowina, are still Greek Orthodox. We have many of their churches in America, generally easily distinguished from the Catholic churches by the display of the three-barred cross. In these churches one sees, here and in Europe, the most naive and touching demonstrations of piety. The head is bared before the crucifix which stands before the church ; on entering the building the forehead is touched again and again to the ground; the ikons are kissed with fervor, and the wonderful chanting of the Greek rite, which permits no instrumental music, fills the congregation with religious emotion. The Ruthenian popas or priests have a very curious Ruthenian status. They long constituted almost a separate caste, Pnests recruited from their own ranks, and marrying their daughters to priests' sons only.* They occupy quite a different position from the unmarried Catholic priest of Western Europe, though I should judge a higher one than the Russian village clergy. As to the advantages of * Intimate and interesting pictures of the life of Ruthenian clerical families will be found in stories by "Dorothea Gerard '; namely, "The Supreme Crime," and "The Wrong Man." 13° SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Relations between Poles and Ruthenians celibacy for the priesthood, opinions of course will vary with belief and experience. A very intelligent Ruthe nian village priest with whom I talked in Galicia held strongly that the married man is the better priest. He thought that unmarried priests are sent by preference to America to avoid scandal among Roman Catholics here, unused to a married priesthood, but that these priests are as a rule morally inferior and much less able to understand the wants and feelings of their people than those with families. I fear that in general it is too often true that priests and ministers sent to serve emi grant colonies of all sorts, Italian, Hungarian or what not, are apt to be unworthy representatives of their class — either dull, bad, or otherwise below the normal. On the other hand one meets shining exceptions, and it happens that I have known a number of Ruthenian priests in this country, of consecration, intelligence and energy beyond the ordinary. One of these was carrying on an intelligence office for his people. Of the many- sided labors of another I have written in a little article, "A Shepherd of Immigrants," originally published in Charities* In the districts of Eastern Galicia where Polish lords were set over a Ruthenian peasantry, the subjection of the latter was embittered by the fact that the Little Russian had always been a freeman, and by the intol erance of the Pole toward a class not only socially inferior, but alien in speech and above all in religion. Modern conditions have not done away with the age-long tradi tions of hostility. In Ruthenian organs are printed tales of incredible cases of barbarity of Poles to Ruthe nian dependents. The Ruthenians claim that Vienna, in order to keep the political friendship of the Poles, has given them a free hand in provincial affairs, and that they use their power to oppress the racial minority and resort to the most shameless political chicanery to effect their purposes. All this, whether true or not, intensifies * Charities, XIII, pages 193-4 (Dec. 3, 1904). EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 131 the ill-feeling, and the friction between race and race, added to the friction between Christian and Jew, is one of the curses of this unhappy province. Much that is inexplicable to Americans in the rela tions of Slavs in this country is explained by old happen ings in Europe. For unfortunately the political and religious tension between Ruthenians and Poles, between Roman Catholics, Greek Orthodox and Uniates is not at once removed by emigration to America. Especially is the Russian state church, which maintains a mission in this country, and counts some fifty Orthodox churches in the United States proper, besides an equal number in Alaska, regarded with great jealousy by Catholics, both Greek and Roman, as proselytizing. After this brief account of the two Slavic nationalities Emigration. of Galicia, let us turn to the history of their emigration, ^t^01^ 1}g Polish emigration is the earlier, and, like the Bohemian, to America has a long past — even without counting John of Kolno who is said to have commanded Danish ships that rounded the coast of Labrador in 1476, or the various scattered settlers of the colonial period, or dwelling too much on the revolutionary heroes Kosciuszko and Pulaski, or on Niemcewicz, friend and biographer of Washington, who is an important figure in Polish literary history. The political movements in Poland in 1 83 1 and 1 848 sent us refugees, andin 1863 a Polish paper was being pub lished in New York and collecting subscriptions for "the January rebellion," including some donations from "Poles of the faith of Moses." In 1854 some three hundred Polish families emigrated from Prussian Silesia to Texas, where they founded a settlement named for the Virgin, Panna Marya.* Up to 1870, however, the movement was still essenti ally sporadic, the number of immigrants small. Their quality was such, however, as to give them a significance ?For a fuller history of Polish emigration to America, see Chapter XI. 132 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Origin and spread of emigration out of proportion to their numbers, and the record of Polish citizens in the Civil War was a brilliant one. The Polish emigration, where it was an economic mass movement, not a political necessity of individuals, and in so far as it did not originate independently, doubtless spread from Germans to German Poles, from them to the Poles in western Galicia, and from them to the Ruthenians of eastern Galicia and the Bukowina. Like emigration movements in general, it was propagated ever more to the East. It was in the decade 1870-1880 that Galicia first began to lose population. In the previous decade immigrants had exceeded emigrants by 67,415. In the following decades, on the contrary, emigrants exceeded immi grants as follows : 1870—1880,1,997; 1881-1890,81,997; 1891-1900, 340,833.* In Galicia, as is so often the case, emigration to Amer ica was only one part of a wider migratory movement. The Poles had long been going as settlers either to east ern Galicia, the Bukowina, or across the Dnieper into Russia. In the early seventies, when this no longer afforded sufficient outlet, a movement began to the industrial regions of Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and lower Austria; and also, with varying fates, to different parts of South America, and to some extent to the United States. The current once started has flowed on at an acceler- census data ating rate, until Polish emigration, drawn as it has been from all three Empires, became of first class importance among immigration movements. While the decade 1870- 1880 added nearly 35,000 natives of Poland to the popu lation of the United States as shown by the census, the decade ending in 1880 added nearly 99,000, and the last decade, 1890-1900, nearly 236,000. In 1900 the natives of Poland in the United States were 383,407,! or twenty- six times as many as a generation earlier, in 1870. American * See Buzek: "Das Auswanderungs-Problem," page 444. t The census further distinguishes the parts of Poland. The 1900 figures are Poland (Austrian) 58,503; Poland (German) EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA •33 The American immigration data do not make it pos sible to specifically distinguish the Poles and Ruthenians till 1899. In that year the Polish immigrants were 28,446 out of a total of 3 1 1 ,7 1 5, or 9 per cent of the whole. As shown in the table below, the numbers rose with some setbacks until they reached over 138,000 in 1907, or nearly 1 1 per cent of the immense wave of immigra tion of that year. The Polish contingent from Germany is throughout subordinate. Until the last two years Russia and Austria- Hungary sent about equal numbers of Poles, sometimes one, sometimes the other leading, but in 1907 and 1908 Russia sent far the largest contri bution. Immigra tion data TABLE 10.— NUMBER OF POLISH AND RUTHENIAN IMMIGRANT ALIENS ADMITTED TO THE UNITED STATES, 1899-1909. Poles from RUTH! N1ANS FROM Year All All Countries ended Austria-Hungary Ger Russia Coun June many tries 3° 1899 11,660 1,271 15. 5'7 28,446 1,400 1900 22,802 *,633 22,500 46,938 .,832 1901 20,288 1,844121,475 43,617 5,288 1902 32>429 3'3i3 33.859 69,620 7.533 1903 37.499 5.252 39.548 82,343 9.843 1904 30.243 ' Austria 4,901 32,577 67,757 9.592 f Austria r9o5 50,785 < 50.45° Hungary 335 3.858 47.224 102,437 14,473 J 10,982 1 Hungary I 3,268 1906 48,803 4,108 46,204 95,835 16,257 1907 59.719 3,888 73.J22 !38,o33 24,081 1908 26,423 2,320 37.947 68,105 12,361 1909 36,483 1,320 37.770 77,565 15,808 150,232; Poland (Russian) 154,424; Poland (unknown) 20,436. These figures include all persons born in the territory which the census still enters as Poland, and include a very large though incalculable proportion of Jews, born in German, Austrian and Russian Poland, as well as Ruthenians and other non-Polish elements, while on the other -hand they exclude the large numbers who are Polish by extraction and feeling, though not by birth. For estimates of their numbers see Chapter XIII. 134 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE The Ru thenian movement Emigration areas "The first man who went to America" The Ruthenian emigration, while smaller and later than the Polish, has proportionately grown much faster. While the flood year 1907 brought between four and five times as many Poles as came in 1899, it brought over seventeen times as many Ruthenians. The Ruthenians almost all came from Austria-Hungary, but how many from each is unknown except for the year 1905, when alone the data are given separately. In that year over 75 per cent of the Ruthenians came from Austria (sc. Galicia), over 22 per cent from Hungary, while from the Russian millions not 200 individuals came. The relative intensity of the emigration movement in different parts of Galicia can be seen on Map V. The whole province showed in the decade 1 890-1 900 a net loss by emigration of nearly 4.58 per cent of its popula tion but this average included various mainly urban districts, which actually gained, as well as many districts which lost only slightly. Some, on the other hand, lost as much as 13 per cent or 14 per cent. By comparing Map V with Map VIII which shows the dis tricts occupied by Poles and Ruthenians respectively, it will be noted that the area which lost 5 per cent or over covers practically all the Polish district (except about Cracow and Lemberg), an adjoining corner of Ruthenian territory along the Carpathians (Lisko and part of Sanok), and most of the Ruthenian districts to the northeast. The place that lost the most was Mielec, near the Tatra and adjoining the Hungarian county of Arva, which lost 14.43 Per cent. It will be noted in Table 3 that Galicia exceeds all other parts of Austria in the excess of births over deaths, which gave it in the decade in question a natural in crease of 15.3 per cent. With a loss by migration of 4.58 per cent, the already overburdened province still added nearly 1 1 per cent to its population in the decade. When making inquiries about the history of an emigra tion movement, one is always hearing rumors about the original emigrant, and in Galicia I drove many rainy EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 135 miles to see a Ruthenian priest who was said to have known "the first man who went to America." His story was as follows: "The first emigrant went in 1877 or 1878. It was in this way. The peasants cannot live on their land. It has been subdivided and subdivided until a man has too little to get a living by, even as they live here. In some places they eked it out by weaving cloth on old house looms during the winter, and hawking it about in the summer. Then the railroad was put through, the transversal road that runs south of the old Lemberg-Cracow line, nearer the Carpathians. That was about 1875. This road brought in factory products from Silesia and other places, and ruined weaving and all the old home industries. One of these weavers, a Pole from about Jaslo I think, used to come up this way with his goods, and in Radocyna there was a peasant that he always stayed with when he was there. The last time he came was a few, years after the railroad was built, and he said his trade was ruined, and he was thinking of going to America. He had heard across the mountains in Hungary that people were going to the United States, and doing well there. "At that time the government was doing all in its power to stop emigration. Letters were opened, and if they praised America they were held back. Of course this was illegal, but the Staathalterei gave orders to do it. The weaver promised that when he got to New York he would let his Radocyna friend know how he got on, but instead of writing it all out he arranged to prick the letter through if things in America were not satis factory. "After a time the man in Radocyna got a letter from his friend in New York, and it was not pricked. So he went to the priest and told him all about the matter; that he was going to New York, but that he did not want his wife or any one else to know, and he got the priest to promise to keep his secret. " He reached New York all right, but he had lost the 136 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE address of the weaver, he could not speak English nor even German, and his money ran out. He was three days without eating anything. He sat down in the street and cried, and a gentleman coming by stopped and spoke to him in Polish, and asked him if he was not a Ruthe nian. He knew him by his clothes. "The gentleman was a literary man, a Pole or maybe a Polish Jew. At any rate, he took the man home with him and employed him for a while until he got work with a telegraph company, and, later on, with a railroad. Wages were better for emigrants then than they are now. In half a year he sent money home to his wife, and after a time he sent for his family. Other people from the village began to go, and from that on, it spread. "The government tried to make the priests read a proclamation against going to America. It said that people would die of hunger there, and the priests were to preach about this to their people. But they had a conference and talked it over together. They knew that money came from America, and that people were treated there like human beings, and they promised one another to all ignore the order. That was in 1880. I have destroyed the proclamation that I had. The government used to send gendarmes to the frontier and arrest those who went over. So the emigrants generally went into Prussia on foot, and took the railroad there. There were all sorts of devices for getting through, such as taking wagon-loads of baskets for sale, and so on. "These peasants have plenty of native wit. One man wrote me that he had finally got through to Bremen all right, but that on the frontier he had been arrested, and as he was being led off he stooped as if to tie up his shoes (moccasin-like affairs, bound about the ankle with thongs) , and picked up a great handful of wet mud and threw it in the face of the man who had arrested him. And while the gendarme was working his eyes clear, he got away. Another man, named Michael, bought his ticket only to the border station, so that it EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 137 would not be supposed that he meant to leave the country. But his wife went with him part way, and she cried so much that it betrayed him, and he was arrested. He got leave from the gendarme to go back for his bundle, and instead of returning with it, got into a second-class compartment of his train. Of course no one dreamed of looking for him there, so he got away too. "The employers are greatly set against emigration be cause it carries off farm hands and raises wages. And so are the Jews. The people here were much in debt to the Jews, who had everything, but America has freed them from that." Such was the story of the beginning of Galician emigra- Cause of tion to America, and almost every point in it is typical Ga!ician 1 •¦ . . . . ' emigration as we know by other investigations — the breaking in upon a hardly balanced peasant economy of modern com petition in the shape of railroad-borne factory wares, the effect on money-lender and landlord, and their conse quent opposition. The conditions out of which Galician emigration Occupations springs are sufficiently ob viousin the Austrian census data , which show not only that Galicia is an overwhelmingly agricultural country, but that agriculture is mainly carried on by families doing all the work themselves, and on the smallest possible scale.* The darkest side of the situation of the Galician Small size of peasant is the extreme subdivision of the land. Feudal holdlngs * As already shown on page 47, one would expect to find Poles and Ruthenians appear in our immigration statistics with an overwhelming proportion of agricultural occupation. But while the United States authorities provide the headings Laborer, Farm laborer, and Farmer, an emigration agent in Galicia, already mentioned, whose business it is to fill out these blanks, told me that if a man has no special trade he enters him as a laborer, even if the man had been a peasant who did no work for wages but farmed his own land inde pendently. He "considered the matter mainly with reference to what the man would become in America." This prophetic method of dealing with the facts naturally vitiates the figures, and makes it impossible to get from them any answer to the important questions as to what proportion are agriculturists, and of these what proportion are independent property owners. i3» SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Lack of opportunity to earn arrangements, as explained in Chapter IV, formerly kept the peasant holdings intact and of regulation size, but since 1868 they have been freely divided between children, and have come to be excessively cut up. Of all the agricultural properties in the country, nearly 80 per cent are "small" (that is, under twelve and a half acres), and nearly half consist of less than five acres* The same facts are reflected in the figures which show what a large proportion of those occupied in agriculture are independent producers or members of their families working with them.f That this excessive subdivision is the main cause of emigration from Galicia is undisputed. When a man has so little land that it can no longer support him, much less provide for his children, he probably gets into debt, and at any rate is in imperative need of money. As already said, for the peasant to lose his land and be come a mere laborer is a great step downward socially, for himself and his descendants, and one which he will sacrifice much to avoid. To keep his land, and if it is mortgaged, to pay the interest, he must find paying work. Farm wages, although they have risen, are far from high, and the demand for farm labor has been lessened in three ways: first, by this rise of wages; second, by the increased use of farm machinery; and third, in some places by the breaking up of large es tates. While opportunities to earn money at farm work are so poor, of opportunities for industrial employment there are practically none. Manufacturing, so highly de- * In the fifty parishes in the political district Skalat, 32 per cent of the "rustical" (sc. peasant) holdings were, in 1882, less than 1 i acres, nearly 60 per cent were under four acres and a half. It is estimated that a man must have fourteen and a fifth acres (10 yokes) to get his living by working his own land and to fully occupy his time. Over 70 per cent have not more than half this, and only about one holding in ten is above this mini mum of independent farming. See Pilat: "Die Auswanderung aus den Podolischen Be- zirken nach Russland in Jahre 1892," page 76. t Cf. Table *, page 46. EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 139 veloped in Russian Poland, has, as already explained, little chance to thrive in Austrian Poland. The con sequence is a forced migration in search of work. Every season carries a horde of so-called Sachsenganger across the border into Germany, to work on farms during the summer,* but increasing numbers reason, "If we must leave home, why not go further, wherever wages may be highest, and stay until we have earned what we need." So the father goes himself to America, or sends his son, to get money to redeem or to enlarge the farm. The money for the passage seems very frequently to Passage be borrowed; if from neighbors, then without any guar- money antee and without interest. A Jew takes from 6 to 10 per cent.f Here, as among the Slovaks, we were told that a peasant can always get credit, and never fails to pay; if he is actually unable to do so, his brother assumes the debt. He almost never sells his land (unless going definitely as a colonist) , though he may raise money by selling a cow or a couple of [pigs or what not. Some times the land is leased to a neighbor, the rent being received beforehand at the rate of seven or eight gulden a yoke, or about $2.00 an acre. It is less and less customary to resort to the Jewish lenders for a loan, especially in western Galicia, where the peasants are more prudent; but even among the Ruthenians money is now more often borrowed from credit establish ments. The reasons why farming in America is or is not Ruthenians attractive to the immigrant are discussed at some g°^°da length in Chapter XV. It is of interest to find that among to farm Ruthenian emigrants, those who wish to acquire land in America and settle are apt to go, not to the United * The number of these so-called Sachsenganger, mostly un married girls and. young men, was estimated for 1900 at 70,000 from Galicia alone. See Buzek: "Das Auswanderungs-Prob- lem," page 483. . tCf the very similar account of Bulgarian conditions in Miss Grace Abbott's article, "The Bulgarians of Chicago." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 653-660 (Jan., 1909). 140 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Women im migrants The drink traffic States, but to Canada, where they can more easily get a farm. The Bukowina has also sent out large numbers of Ruthenian emigrants, but the great bulk of them (up to 1905 at least) were going to Canada, and conse quently did not directly concern the United States. In Canada the Ruthenians are said to succeed better than any other nationality, and in losing those of this group who go out to take up farms, we are losing a set of people sturdy and gifted, although backward in culture.* A large number of both Polish and Ruthenian immi grants are entered in our immigration tables as servants, and these are doubtless mainly women. + Of late, I was told, many peasant girls go to America to earn money. Very often a girl goes over while her intended is serving his three years in the army, and earns enough to prepay his passage. This is in all cases regarded as a debt, and he always repays the money to her. There is no common property between them till after marriage. I was told of forty girls who had recently gone to Chicago to do embroidery, which they had learned in Cracow, and of some who were "coffee cooks" in hotels. Besides the excessive subdivision of land, contributory causes of emigration are doubtless usury and debt, taxes and intemperance, all largely interrelated and all in timately connected with the economic r61e of the Jew. Even more than among the Slovaks, one meets here bitter complaints of Jews, both as usurers and as pub licans. Here the old feudal rule which gave the landlords the monopoly of the drink traffic has lasted, at least as regards retail sale, till now, and the usual lessees of this monopoly (called in Polish propinacja, in German propin- ationsrecht) , are Jews. By a recent law this monopoly expires in 1910, and then, it is said, the United States may expect to receive some ten thousand Jewish liquor * See page 268. t Taking together the three years 1905, 1906 and 1907, we find that of Polish immigrants 29 per cent were women and girls and 16 per cent servants; of Ruthenian immigrants 24 per cent were women and girls and 1 7 per cent servants. Galician Types 1 and 2. Galician Polish 'girls. 3 and 4. G6rale, Polish mountaineers of the Tatra. EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 141 dealers, no longer able to sell drink at home. Sincerely as one must admire the fine qualities of the Jews, this can hardly seem a bright prospect. The Galician emigrants being, as we have shown, al- Illiteracy most wholly small peasants with verv little land, it is and growing %•¦•, . / •,.• ~ intelligence not surprising to find them largely illiterate. Our immigration figures for 1900 make the Ruthenians, with 49 per cent illiterate, the lowest among the Slavic groups, though better than Southern Italians, Syrians or Portuguese. Poles (from Germany, Russia and Austria together) make a considerably better showing with only 31.6 per cent illiterate.* In Galicia one hears much complaint of the lack of schools, which are said to be even scarcer, relative to the population, in the western part of the province than in the eastern. The peasants often combine independently and hire a teacher for themselves for the winter, to teach men, women and children alike. In places where this is done, almost every one can read and write. On the other hand, in a place near Gorlice, the doctor told us that in his district there were only nine schools among thirty villages, and that these schools were so bad that he did not think a quarter of the scholars learned even to read. Sometimes if a teacher complains of truancy he is boycotted, sometimes he is placated with little bribes of eggs and so forth. But conditions are improving, as is shown by the Austrian census figures of 1900. Among the Poles, while nearly 40 per cent of the older men, those from thirty to fifty years old, could neither read nor write, among lads of from ten to twenty the figure sank below 27 per cent. Among Ruthenians the improve ment was much greater, illiteracy declining from nearly 80 per cent to under 37 per cent. Intelligence is growing also ; there is more idea of the world and more desire for education for the children, especially in western Galicia, which forebodes that emi- * For further comparisons see Appendix XXVII, page 479. 142 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE gration will go on increasing, and it seems to be the general opinion that it will increase extensively. The stand- All that has been said of the condition of Galicia ard of hvmg cormotes necessarily a low standard of comfort. Of course the conditions of life among the peasants differ from place to place, and vary, as they do everywhere else, according to the character of individuals. From what I have heard, however, as well as from what I saw, I should say that in general things were even poorer in Galicia than among the Slovaks. I recall the establish ment of a peasant family near Lemberg, better off than many, with a whole series of small farm buildings besides the dwelling house, — granary, barn, wattled bin for Indian corn, cow stall and so forth, grouped about the yard. The old peasant mother, and what we saw of her housekeeping, would have done no credit to any slum, and the farm maid slept in a little, dark, filthy cow-house, where there was no trace of any regard for health or comfort, unless a hole for shoveling out manure on to the heap outside could be called that. One gets a vivid picture of the life of such a maid in Miss Dowie's book, already referred to. A brighter As I paint this dark picture I think of another village, picture a Ruthenian one, where the friendly and intelligent priest took us to call in one peasant home after another. The houses were close together, in an irregular settle ment, and the visitor had to pick his steps amid pools and barnyard compost heaps to pass from one to another. But in spite of primitive conditions, we saw wholesome, friendly, attractive family scenes. The way in which the priest's hand was kissed as he came in had far more of friendly feeling than of formal respect, and girls, interrupted in the midst of a Sunday toilette in the single family room, were neither abashed nor bold, but quietly and deftly finished the braiding of hair and slip ping on of outer garments. These were taken from the little chest which, as the only place for keeping personal articles where closets, wardrobes, bureaus, drawers, EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 1 43 shelves and hooks are alike wanting, is an important piece of furniture. The rooms were low and white washed; the main objects were always the same, — a big earthenware stove, beds, and possibly a bench along the wall. Perhaps a baby's cradle might be added. Many of the people had been to America, and the Immi- conversation would at once turn to that theme. Some f,ranv'l Enghsh would pass from talking Ruthenian with the priest to talking immigrant's English with us. As they did so, a change of mood, of face, of manner seemed to come with the change of speech. They appeared coarser, commoner, less attractive. This was not the first nor the last time that I have noticed this, and it is puzzling and painful. An element in my impression was doubtless ignorance of their language, which screened me from rough expres sions and with this may have gone the glamour of what is strange to one and possibly somewhat idealized. But that is certainly not all. I have talked with a great many of these returned emigrants, and whether in Croatia, Carniola, Hungary, Galicia or Bohemia, they use, even the educated among them, the same singularly dis agreeable lingo — an English that is not so much broken as vulgarized. It may be that the Slavic accent in English happens to be disagreeable to me, just as Italian French is specially unpleasing to the French ear. But I do not think this is the case. Had not Modjeska's English a peculiar charm? It is, I believe, a social effect, a result of being brought American into contact in America with the roughest elements of an ^utearizkig industrial civilization, and under conditions which mean being ordered about, speeded up to match the unwonted American pace, and cursed at for not understanding direc tions. Swearing is an integral part of English as they learn it, and not all are conscious of it — as was one re turned Croatian laborer who was to be dragged up to speak to us because he knew English, but who refused the interview because he "did not know how to talk in English to ladies." Furthermore, their old peasant 144 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Returned emigrants purchaseland courtesy is out of relation with conditions in America. It implies a deference which is not expected and would not be understood, but they, losing this, learn nothing to put in its place. Sometimes immigrants are themselves regretfully con scious of how little opportunity they have to hear good English, learning it, as they do, mainly from those who know it only a little better than they themselves do. One little Ruthenian woman apologized for her poor English, and told us "most people do not speak it right; the people that speak English best are the colored people." A colored woman, she told us, had taught her to use the sewing machine. She evidently not only liked negroes, but regarded them with special social respect ; and while this absence of the prevailing and contagious deprecia tion of them was refreshing, it spoke volumes as to the social standing and opportunities open to an immigrant. This same woman was about to rejoin her husband and keep boarders for him at Duquesne, near Pitts burgh, and invited me to visit her there. If I would come, I should have anything that I liked to drink; whiskey, rum or — with a hasty remembrance of Amer ican prejudices — ginger beer! An interesting result of the emigration to America, and this not alone in Galicia, is, as has already been said, the breaking up of large estates. The large landowner finds times very unfavorable, and as land comes into the market it is apt to be cut up and sold in small lots. In Galicia 50,000 to 90,000 acres are "par- celliert " in this way annually, and often the money for the purchase comes from America. Interesting instances of this process were related to us among the Ruthenians in Hungary. In one case an estate of some 700 acres was for sale. A hundred or so peasants acting together bought this for $40,000. In another case where some $64,000 was to be paid, a lawyer offered to procure the money for them on easy terms, but they said, "Oh, no, we will send to America for it," and they did so. They EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 145 paid $24,000 down, and $40,000 more was sent in the course of two years from America to complete the pay ment. To show how values have risen — this land in Hungary which sold for $64,000, was perhaps a fifth part of an estate which was sold about 1870 for something over $8000. A curious by-result of Galician emigration is an in- Reemigra- creased demand for American agricultural machinery. t.ion and ° J American "McCormick, for instance," said my informant, the exports secretary of an important Chamber of Commerce, "owes his Galician market to the fact that there are workers here who understand how to use his machinery." This is only one instance of what must be in the aggregate a considerable demand for American goods in districts in which returned emigrants spread their use directly or indirectly. One hears interesting accounts of the return of emi grants. In some places they say that the friends of a man who comes back meet him outside the village and bring him his home clothes to put on, that he may not be embarrassed by having to appear in strange Ameri can dress. In other places — among the Slovaks — I was told that an "American" would come to church for a few Sundays in his Yankee clothes, but in the village there would be no one to "do up" his starched shirt for him, and he would soon go back to the old village dress. The transition either to the new life or back to Transition the old is made, on the whole, with surprising ease. not difficult I actually did visit afterward in Duquesne, the Ruthe nian woman who had offered me her hospitality. I found her established, without boarders, in fairly pleas ant and quite well-furnished rooms. She was doing some washing in a clean kitchen where the little girl (who happened to be sick with scarlet fever) sat in a rocking-chair by the resplendent stove with its nickel trimmings. ' Upstairs were irreproachably made beds, and from bureau drawers she took a few little treasures from home, hand-woven cloth and kerchiefs, to show me. 146 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE What re places the old pleasures ? The dance Outside, the whole air was full of rust-colored smoke from the great steel works opposite, where her husband worked. Nearby stood a new and very ornate Ruthe nian Church. In spite of sunny rooms and American plenty, she regretted the change. Perhaps it is only superficially that the transition appears easy. As I have already said, I think the women accustom themselves to America with more difficulty than the men. For one thing per haps they miss the old customs, pretty or grotesque, which can be only imperfectly kept up in the new coun try. At home, there are all the traditional observances at Easter and Christmas and midsummer and harvest home, at christenings and weddings. But here the old- world festivity of the wedding, with its prolonged danc ing and drinking, and all its quaint symbolic incidents,* is too apt to become, in American eyes at least, a drunken row, and to end in fines and disgrace, if not in the lock up. Like all Slavs, both Poles and Ruthenians love danc ing, and perhaps one of the best things that could be done for them in this country would be to help them to have decent and attractive gathering places where they could enjoy themselves without recourse to more or less dubious dance halls. At home they dance a great deal out of doors and one of the most picturesque sights * The Countess Frangoise Kransinska, in her charming jour nal, writing of the wedding of her sister Basia in 1759. speaks of the cap ceremony, which still takes place at Polish weddings in America. "At midnight the music stopped, and the cap ceremony was begun. A stool was placed in the middle of the room, the bride sat down, and the bridesmaids began to undo her hair, singing in plaintive voices the old song, Ah, we are losing you, Basia. Then my honored mother removed the rosemary wreath and the Woivodine Malachowska put in its place a big lace cap. . . . .The cap is very becoming to her, which they say is a sign that her husband will love her very much." Another curious custom which survives among Poles in this country takes place on Holy Thursday, when the boys chase the girls with little rods, and try to strike them. The girls retaliate by trying to throw water on the boys. This is said to be a corruption of a memorial of the scourging in the Passion. EMIGRATION FROM GALICIA 147 of my Austrian journey was one such Sunday afternoon dance on the green in a Ruthenian village. The matrons of the place sat on the grass, or on the steps of an old covered well, and held the girls' sheepskin jackets be tween the dances, or supplied them with a refuge in case of embarrassment. Sometimes the boys and girls danced in whirling couples, like our waltzers, to the fast and furious music of players who stood almost hidden in the thick of the dancing crowd. Sometimes the boys danced by themselves in a ring, with arms outstretched and hands on one another's shoulders. They wore long white linen shirts or tunics almost to their knees, bound about the waist with bright woven girdles; and long, rather wide white linen trousers. The girls, who were very pretty, wore their hair curiously braided from the temple to the nape of the neck, with flowers, dahlias and so on, plastered on behind. Their sheepskin jackets, with the wool inside, were embroidered, and so were the loose straight sleeves of their linen blouses. Their skirts, straight and close, were made by winding a strip of rough dark cloth tightly about their hips. But most striking were the adornments — the peacock's feather tips and the bands of bright bead work, (favors from their fair ones), which ornamented the boys' hats, and the beads and strings of coins round the necks of the girls. These were doubtless heirlooms and indeed one belle who showed us her necklace had a coin with the head of Maria Theresa on it. Another Sunday afternoon, driving around a bend in the road, we came upon a group of three or four young boys and girls dancing to the music of a fiddle. They had left the cattle that they were tending, in order to enjoy themselves just as the older lads and lasses were doubtless doing in the village behind us. One boy brought us a cap full of milky filberts, and as we drove off into the gathering dusk we felt that we too had been in Arcadia. CHAPTER VIII THE SLOVENIANS "Krainers, or Slove nians Their place in history Conflict with German influences "What kind of people are these Griners?" I was asked in Cleveland, and it did not at first occur to me that the unknown word must be a corruption of Krainer, which is what the Germans call the people of Krain — or, as we say in English, Carniola. As a matter of fact, the term is often used for those not only from Carniola, but from Carinthia and other neighboring territory, and indeed for the whole nationality to which they belong, the Slovenes or Slovenians.* They are a South Slav group, close cousins of the Croatians, but with a different, though nearly related, language. Like the Bohemians, they have been brought by their situation into intimate relation with German influences, and have been Germanized to a considerable extent. They seem to have located in and about their present seats in the Eastern Alps in the sixth century, driven before the Avars, and were soon in conflict with their Bavarian neighbors to the west. The conversion of the Slovenes to Christianity by the Germans meant a partial assimilation and absorption by them, the Slavic popu lation of Salzburg and the Tyrol being completely Ger manized. Charlemagne divided the country of the Slovenes into various feudal lordships, and this people has never * They call themselves Slovinci; an earlier name was Vinds or Wends. In the United States the name "Austrian" is often used specifically, as previously said, to mean Slovenes; though in some places in Pennsylvania I have found it used to mean Italians from the Austrian Tyrol. Information as to the Slov enes, ethnical and historical, will be found in Auerbach's "Races et Nationality en l'Autriche-Hongrie," pages 65-80; see also, for those in Hungary, pages 298-300. 148 THE SLOVENIANS 149 known a united or an independent political existence. That they were not without political instinct is indicated by the story which Leger tells in his " History of Austria- Hungary," of a curious ancient custom among the Slo venes of Carinthia at the installation of a new prince. 'The ceremony took place near the town of Celovic (Klagenfurt) . A peasant mounted on a rock to await the coming of the new prince, who advanced, clothed in rustic garments. The peasant asked, 'Who is this who ap proaches?' The people answered, 'It is the prince of this land.' The peasant then asked, 'Is he a good judge? Is he the friend of truth?' and, on receiving a reply in the affirmative, the peasant yi elded his place to the new comer, who mounted the rock and, brandish ing his sword, swore to defend the country of the Slo venes. The people who had imagined it deserved a more brilliant destiny."* In spite of having so little beyond a common language Slovenian to give them a sense of unity or racial significance, the reviva s Slovenes have twice enjoyed a nationalistic revival. The first was at the time of the Reformation, and not only aroused religious zeal (nineteen-twentieths of the population of Carinthia is said to have become Protes tant), but also caused a literary awakening of the language, much as the earlier Hussite movement had done in Bohemia, or as Wiclif did in England. At this time a considerable Slovenian literature appeared, including a translation of the Bible, and a grammar. The Counter Reformation, however, brought about the return of Catholicism and of the literary dominance of the German language. The next Slovenian renascence came as a result of the Napoleonic wars, which for a short time joined most of the Slovenian territory, together with Dalmatia and Croatia, to France as her so-called Illyrian provinces. This led to the "Illyrian movement" in the thirties, * Leger, Louis: "A History of Austria-Hungary from the Earliest Time to the Year 1889," pages 51, 52. 1S° SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE A language in process Numbers andlocation under the Slavic enthusiast and author, Louis Gaj, who endeavored to arouse national feeling among all the South Slavs and to inspire them with a sense of their unity and a pride in their language. Slovenian has ever since been cultivated, but as a literary medium it seems to be still, in some degree, in the making. For instance, I asked a Trieste lady what a sign on a theatre door meant. She said she could not understand it, When I asked her further, she said, "Yes, I speak Slovenian, but I learned it as a child in the nursery; I spent my girlhood away from home and was educated in German. When I came back our language had been changed so much that I often do not know what the words mean." The fact seems to be that the language having been for generations mainly an unwritten dialect of the plain people, words must often be borrowed from other Slavic languages, formed by analogy, or built up from existing roots. I could not help being amused to see one of the collaborators in this process himself reduced to asking a waiter to explain to him dishes on a Slovenian menu card. The folk literature is said to be rich in lyrics and tales, but among the Slovenes one does not get the impres sion of a living, pulsating national tradition as one does, for instance, among the Slovaks, the Little Russians, or the Croatians. This may be in part because the na tional costume has almost passed away. Certainly the people appear much more assimilated to the Germans, and so to the general European type. The Slovenes number probably in the neighborhood of 1,500,000 only. They are massed in a fairly well- rounded region, but are divided politically by ethnically irrelevant boundaries. The great majority live in Aus tria, where 1,192,780 Slovenian-speaking persons were counted in 1900, a figure that the Slovenian's themselves claim is too low. Across the border in Croatia are 19,875, and in two neighboring counties of Hungary > ISlr o z O THE SLOVENIANS 151 are some 68,000 more. There are also perhaps 50,000 in Italy.* In Austria they are found in southern Styria, southern Carinthia, Carniola, Goricia-Gradisca, northern Istria and in and about Trieste. Of these, nearly 40 per cent are in Carniola where more than nine out of ten of the population speak Slovenian. The Slovenians are largely a peasant people, and it is City and noticeable* how often cities, even in the midst of Sloven- country ian districts, are mainly German. For instance, in the city of Cilli the Slovenians are only 23 per cent (to the Germans' 77), while in the surrounding country district they are 97 per cent. This relation of city and country population is a very general one in states where Slavs are confronted with Germans, Italians or even Hungarians. They may flock as laborers to commercial and industrial centres, like Vienna, Fiume or Budapest, but they are prepon derantly country folk. Laibach, or to call it by its Slavic name, Ljubljana, is, however, an example of a city of Slavs. Of its 37,000 inhabitants, more than eight out of ten speak Slovenian. This beautiful city, with its vistas crowned by a snow-capped Alpine range, is indeed not only the capital of Carniola, but unofficially the capital of the Slovenian nationality. In places where there is a strong minority of Slovenians, Racial as in Trieste, they make vigorous efforts to come to the fnctlon top, and everywhere that there is contact with other nationalities there is considerable friction. The Ger mans are prone to carry things with a high hand, the Italians are equally ambitious, and where the Slavs get into the saddle they are complained of in turn.t So much strength is dissipated in Austria in this national jarring. *Auerbach, pages 80 and 299. The figures for Hungary and Italy refer to 1890. fCf. Auerbach, pages 78, 79. IS2 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Mountains and Karst Emigration districts Emigration from Carniola Most of the country where the Slovenians live is moun tainous, from the very beautiful Alps of Styria, Carinthia and upper Carniola, to the Uskok mountains on the Croatian border to the southeast; while to the west, in Istria, stands Monte Maggiore, which gives Abbazia the shelter that makes it an all-the-year-round resort for pleasure and health. Not only is this Slovenian district mountainous, but much of it is karst or limestone waste. To one who has first seen what this can be in Croatia and along the Dalmatian coast, and worst of all in Montenegro, the karst here seems a mild affair. Yet this limestone for mation gives Carniola its most famous features in the grottos of Adelsberg and Saint Canzian. Of course, neither mountains nor karst bode any good to agriculture, and of manufacturing there is little or none in the districts most affected by emigration. Of late years a decline in the iron industry of the Alpine districts of Carinthia and' Styria has sent some miners to America and more to the Westphalian district of Ger many, but so far as I could learn there is no considerable movement to America from Carinthia or Styria. Floods in the narrow Alpine valleys (like that of 1903 in the Canal Thai of Carinthia) and other local causes, lead men to emigrate, but these are individual cases hardly con stituting an emigration movement. Nor did my inquiries on the spot reveal any emigration of the Slovenians from Goricia-Gradisca, though the Italians from the malarial and pellagra-smitten coast districts of the province do emigrate to some extent. It is only from Carniola that there is any noteworthy Slovenian current to America, and here there is an emi gration fever of marked severity. The movement at tracted local attention in 1893 (when it already had a few years' start) through the remittances sent home by emigrants, and the governor of Carniola then ordered an investigation through the post-office. The figures, con tinued since this time, have considerable interest, espe- THE SLOVENIANS I 53 cially as our own immigration reports merge the Slovenians with the Croatians; they are given in Appendix XII, page 451. The Carniolan figures show, for the eleven and a half years represented, a fairly steady increase, culminating in 1903 with over 6500 emigrants. The total for the period was over 30,500, directed mainly to North Amer ica. Where not one in fifty is a woman it is obviously not a family movement; and that it is not undertaken with the idea of permanent settlement is shown by the fact that only 145 sold their property while nearly 6000 did not do so. The study of causes is interesting. Out of the whole 30,561 , only twenty-seven cases are ascribed to fear of military service, and less than one in sixty to indebtedness, the great majority, over five-sixths, going to earn more money. The districts of Carniola most affected seem to be Littai (in upper Carniola), Gottschee (a German dis trict), and especially Chernembl, on the Croatian boundary, each of which suffered the enormous net loss by migration of over 1 2 per cent of its population in the decade 1890-1900, a loss comparable to that of the most severely affected Slovak counties.* The Chernembl district, which was a wine-growing Causes country, with fine vineyards, had suffered much from the phylloxera. The people, it is said, were used to good living, and instead of retrenching when the blow fell, ran into debt and finally had to emigrate in consequence. Some places had depended in part on local house- industries, such as the making of wooden wares and pottery, which the people produced and hawked about. This like the Slovak itinerant trades, was hurt by modern conditions, especially by regulations made in the interests of shopkeepers to restrict peddling. The decline of this source of income was another cause of emigration. Three days spent in driving through the Gottschee and Village life * See Table 9, page 104; also for Carniola as a whole, Table 3, page 48. 154 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Chernembl districts gave us a chance to see the homes of the people and to talk with local officials and returned immigrants. On the whole, it seemed a fairly prosperous countryside. My sharpest impressions are first, of a village where we waited to bait our horses, — its little pond, its comfortable looking houses with their stucco walls trellised with grapevines, its big church, and the women in long sleeveless coats, (the only bit of costume I saw in Carniola), hurrying to Mass; and then of the flowery fields, the vineyard slopes with little storehouses for wine shining white on the hillside, the figure of Saint Florian extinguishing a con flagration rudely painted on the houses and apparently taking the place of fire insurance, and the wayside shrines at which our driver would interrupt a skeptical discussion of church doctrines to raise his hat. Returned At Gottschee, German gymnastic societies were hold- emigrants jng a reurnorl| t0 encourage the Germans of the place to hold out against Slovenian influences, and the village was consequently well filled. We were lucky to get a night's lodging and a chance to get information from the Burgomaster. More interesting was a talk with an upholsterer who had returned home for good, after having lived for some time in Brooklyn. " Life and work," he said, "are more gemutlich here at home. There is eating and drinking in the middle of the forenoon and again in the afternoon, and not such a sense of hurry. In America, men are driven on with cursing" — which he quoted. "The millionaires exploit the workers. A man is used up after a few years, but there is always a young and strong one ready to take his place, and they say to him ' come on.' " This is almost the only note of social criticism that I have heard among emigrants. This man, it must be remembered, was a German and from a big city in America. But nowhere, it seemed to me, did I hear so often as in Carniola, that men returned exhausted or injured. Every one seemed to be struck by this. This THE SLOVENIANS 155 is probably because the Slovenes work in America largely in the most dangerous trades, in mining and iron works especially. I think, however, that it is largely the pace that kills, as our upholsterer friend felt.* Contrasting with his view that America is too stren uous, was that of another man returned after fourteen years in Cleveland. He stayed at home in Carniola only some six weeks, though he had come back meaning to stay longer. He saw so much poverty that he could not stand it, he said. He had given away at least five hundred gulden ($200) since his return home, and was afraid that he would give away everything that he had if he stayed. In America he owns houses and a "Gast- haus" (probably a saloon), and his wife takes lodgers. If he had not left home, he says, he would be a beggar today. When he first went to America he shoveled coal and his wife did washing, but gradually they got on. And the "Krainers" in America do get on. A man Remittances in Mr. Sakser's bank in New York told me that the firm remits at least a million dollars a year, mainly sent home by Slovenians. And this is as near as I can come to telling "what kind of people these Griners are."f * I note that Mr. Devine puts first in his statement of the gist of the situation in Pittsburgh, "An altogether incredible amount of overwork by everybody, reaching its extreme in the twelve- hour shift for seven days in the week in the steel mills and railway switch-yards." Charities and the Commons, XXI. page 1033 (Mar. 6, 1909). See for an account of the physical and nervous strain of the steel workers, ibid., pages 108 1 ff. f See chapter on The Household for picture of Krainer factory girls. CHAPTER IX EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA The South Slavs The Croa tians and Servians With the Croatians we are in the midst of the world of the South Slavs. Of their three branches, the Bulgarians to the east do not come into this study of emigration from Austria-Hungary; the Slovenians to the west we have just considered, and the most numerous group, the Servo-Croatians, which lies between, must now be taken up. In blood and speech the Croatians and Servians, as already explained, are one; beliefs and politics divide them. The poetry, legends, and customs, of which they have so rich and important a treasure, are the same among both peoples, or at least shade into one another. As a race they strike the observer as darker, more graceful and more gracious than their northern kinsmen, though fundamentally similar, and their language seems more liquid and southern in character. As the kingdom of Servia is the chief home and political cynosure of the Servians, that is, of the Orthodox branch of the Servo-Croatian stem, so the kingdom of Croatia- Slavonia, commonly for convenience called Croatia simply, is the centre for the Croatian or Roman Catholic branch. In each case outside the political boundaries are others of the same blood and faith — Servians, notably, in Montenegro, in Novi Bazar across the frontier in Tur key, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina ; Croatians along the Adriatic coast in Dalmatia, where they make up most of the population, in Istria, and in smaller groups else where. Croatia-Slavonia itself with a population of nearly 2,500,000 and an area equal to not quite one- third of the state of New York, is a fairly homogeneous country — markedly homogeneous indeed for Austria- 156 EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 157 Hungary. Eighty-seven per cent of the population speak " Servian or Croatian " and 71 per cent are Roman Catholic* Politically, Croatia-Slavonia is a so-called "autonomous The autono- kingdom" bound to Hungary, much as Hungary is bound ™ous, r . . , , , , . . kingdom to Austria, by old dynastic ties and by a modern political contract which fixes the constitutional relations of the two states. Croatia is of course the weaker party and complains bitterly of the illegal and overbearing policy of Hungary and of her financial exploitation. For instance, though Agram lies midway between Budapest and the port of Fiume, the railroad, which is Hungarian, charges more for freight sent to Fiume from Agram than from Budapest. Croatian firms are obliged to do business under Magyar names and to make their headquarters in inland Budapest. Nevertheless, Croatia with local self government and especially with education in her own control is infinitely better off than the non-Magyar nationalities in Hungary proper. Quite apart from unfair treatment at the hands of Hard Hungary, Croatian conditions have been hard enough. "^ "The Croatians look as if they were dying of consump tion, but they are tougher than wire," said a doctor of the immigration service, out of his years of experience, and the Croatian has had to face conditions which re quired him to be tough. For the most part he has had a hard struggle against both nature and man. The counties to the east, which constitute Slavonia, are rich and under-populated, but toward the west there are often more people than the country under present conditions is fitted to support. f Along the Adriatic coast and for some distance inland, including Lika-Krbava county, * For the rest, 3 per cent of the population speak other Slavic languages, 3.7 per cent Magyar, and 5.6 per cent German; in religion 25.5 per cent are Orthodox, 5 per cent Greek Catholic, 1.8 per cent Protestant and 8 per cent Israelite. t In this largely sterile country, dependent on a backward agriculture, the density exceeds that of Pennsylvania or New York state, and is nearly equal to that of little industrial Con necticut. 158 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE the land is rugged where not actually mountainous, and largely sterile. Much of it is indeed sheer karst or lime stone desert, about as pleasant to try to cultivate as a piece of bare coral. To understand what it means one must drive, day after day, through this country. Even a New Englander, used to fields where "the sheep's noses have to be sharpened so that they can graze be tween the stones," is appalled at what is here called pasture. Great stretches lie almost bare of any green thing, a mere exposure of broken rock surfaces. In many places there are depressions in the stony ground, into which soil washes, and one sees such spots, perhaps fifteen feet across, walled around and carefully cultivated. These dolinas, as they are called, are char acteristic of this limestone region. I counted, I think, forty on one scrubby hillside. The limestone formation also accounts for the wildly romantic character of some of the landscapes in Croatia and adjacent territory; crags, caverns, intermittent waterfalls, rivers that sink into the earth to emerge miles away, or perhaps never more to be seen, and at other places streams that sud denly flow forth full-grown rivers.* Climate In the mountainous parts the famous Bora, the dreaded north wind of the eastern Adriatic shore, is very destructive, and the winters are long and severe. "It is a whole fur coat colder here," said our driver as we drove into an attractive valley where a peasant who had been (as we were told) in Missouri, in Wyoming and in Colorado, was doing his spring ploughing. Here the soil was good enough, but the climate was too rigor ous for much to grow. Another day our driver mentioned as if it were nothing very extraordinary, being once snowed up for twenty days at the inn where we were lunching. But if the winters are cold, the summer sun of Italy blazing on these whitish rocks is scorching hot. * The most noted natural beauty of Croatia proper is the lovely group of the Plitvica lakes. Karst Country in Carniola and Croatia 1. Birth of a river from underground. 2. A sink hole, "dolina," in the Karst; a little deposit of soil worth cultivating though so small. 3. Laibach, capital of Carniola. 4. The grotto of Saint Canzian in Carniola. 5. An island shore of bare Karst. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 59 This Lika district of Croatia was one of the few places where a local type seemed to be distinguishable. One of the common features of the tall and worn looking men, with their thin, serious faces, was a set of curious horizontal wrinkles across their foreheads, which may have meant sun dazzle and may have meant care. The lined face, together with the "mutton chop " whiskers that he wears, give the Lika peasant as he ploughs his stony field a strange, irrelevant likeness to a British man of business. As if his natural difficulties were not enough, the The Croatian, especially the Croatian of the southern border, st?'1lig?ie has had to face a constant struggle with the Turk. Turk Till 1878 the neighboring territory, Bosnia, was Turkish, and men still living remember the bloody fighting on the Cordon. One occasionally gets a vivid suggestion of what it meant. In a Croatian valley, cultivated from side to side, but without a house among the fields, we noticed that the dwellings were all at the edge of the slopes. "Is the valley subject to floods?" I asked, wondering. "Oh, no," was the reply, "but it was necessary to be able to take refuge quickly in the woods and mountains in case of a raid. ' ' Here and there one sees on a hill a castle or fortress built for refugees (Uskoks) and one hears that this or that district has inhabitants who by their dialect are still distinguishable as descendants of unfortunates who formerly fled thither to escape the Turks. Evans, in his most interesting book on Bosnia, has a photograph of a group of such who had taken refuge in Ragusa on the Dalmatian coast. If a hard outdoor life and constant border warfare Military toughened the Croatian, there went with these condi- organization tions certain institutions which in some degree tended to unfit him for independent life in a system of individual competition. The first of these institutions was that of the "Militar Grenze." This dates back as far as 1564, when to protect the border from the Turks a strip of i6o SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Effects of military conditions land along its edge was organized into the Military Con fines or Military Frontier. After a period of subjection to the Turks this military organization was renewed. In 1739 the part of the country not under this organization, "Civil Croatia," comprised only the Zeng, Fiume and Modru§ districts.* All the rest was divided into so-called regiments, its population being placed on a purely military footing, under military command. All men of military age, that is up to sixty, were soldiers. Though living like peasants they were in the emperor's service, with a regular position in the army, subject to active duty for a part of every year, and liable to be called to the colors at any time. These Croatian regiments, the Likaner and others, were not only made use of in local war fare, but were apt to be sent to the front in the dis tant wars in which the Austrians have been constantly engaged. Indeed, the man of the frontier, up to forty or fifty years ago, was more used to fighting than to labor and could not go to his ploughing without his weapons. As is usual under such circumstances, work was then largely left to the women, as it is today in Montenegro where war and hunting still rank, in true barbarian fashion, as the suitable occupations for a man. On this account, it is said, many Croatians have never ac quired habits of steady industry, using their great strength energetically for a few days perhaps, and then idling. Not only was work thus interfered with by this military life, but the natural responsibility for self-sup port was partly lifted by it from the shoulders of the population. As soldiers they were necessary and must be maintained, and their support was eked out with im perial rations and with help in bad seasons. It was not till 1869 that it was decided to do away with * " Die Konigreiche Kroatien und Slavonien auf der Milen- niums-Aufstellung des KOnigreichs Ungarn in Budapest, 1896." Kgl. Landesdruckerei ; Agram, 1896. Historical Sketch, pages 227—235. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA l6l the military frontier, gradually abolish the exceptional conditions and restore the inhabitants to civil life, and it was not till August i, 1881, that the military admin istration was definitively replaced by a system of civil government. The other institution referred to as giving a poor prep- The Za- aration for life considered as an economic battle to be druga or fought single-handed, was the famous and much dis- household cussed "Zadruga" or communal household of the South Slavs.* The German phrase for it, "House Com munion" or "Community" well expresses its nature. Its essence is the custom of owning and carrying on a household and farm, not individually but as a family association. The administration is in the hands of the elected head, generally, though not necessarily, the father or eldest man. The choice depends on character, ability and circumstances. A woman, usually but not always the wife of the head man, is chosen to superintend and direct the women's work and sometimes a woman is made the head of the whole Zadruga. We were in one such communal household not far from Agram, where sixty persons were living in com munism. In the main homestead the living rooms opened off a gallery or verandah, raised a story from the ground. One room was set apart for unmarried girls ; in the main room was a row of big beds along each side, and at one end stood the table at which all the men eat together. The women eat afterwards. In the yard was a well, *The Zadruga is of great interest to students of social in stitutions, and has been the subject of much controversy. Attention was called to it by Sir Henry Sumner Maine in his "Ancient Law" and also in his "Village Communities in the East and West," and by Emile de Laveleye, the Belgian econo mist, in his "De La Propriete et ses Formes Primitives" (trans lated and revised by Karl Bucher in 1879 as "Das Ureigenthum"). Maine and de Laveleye interpret the House Communion as a remnant of an early and once widespread communism. Since their time more detailed and critical studies of the subject have been made. The same institution, or one closely similar, exists or has existed among the Slovaks. For a list of references on the subject of the Zadruga, see the Bibliography under that head. 1 62 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE and about it a variety of farm buildings and also small houses where some of the young married couples live. They eat, however, with the others. This was quite a wealthy Zadruga, with money in the bank, and the old man at its head was likewise the head official of the village. Three of the sons were away, "two in America and one in ' Spittsburg' " (sc. Pittsburg) and the old man seemed to be seized with a sudden sense of yearning, for he twice smoothed his worn hands down my cheeks and said, " Greet Janko for me if you see him in America." In Agram I had a very interesting talk with a gentle man, a literary man of cosmopolitan reputation in Slavic countries as a writer and politician, who was brought up in a Zadruga till the age of ten — a Zadruga, as it hap pened, administered by a woman — and who is a great admirer of the institution. It has, I judge, the good and bad features of communal or semi-communal life in general. There is a lessened appeal to energy and initiative, the lazy man is better off than (in an economic sense at least) he deserves to be, and it is easy to play a rather passive r61e. On the other hand, there is great economy of time, labor and capital and more room for organization of the available forces. One or two women are told off by the elected house mother to do the cooking and household tasks, the others are delegated for field work, herding, and so forth, according to circum stances; and similarly with the men. There are no divi sions among heirs, no law suits, no expensive settlements, and the burden of taxation is lighter. It makes possible a varied and highly social household life, and is, more over, a training in co-operation, tolerance, and more than one beautiful moral quality. Passing of The customs of the Zadruga seem to have made pro drug" gressive concessions to individualism, but not enough to save it. In 1848 in Civil Croatia, and a generation later within the Military Frontier also, the division of Zadru- gas, which was not before allowed, was permitted by EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 163 law. The old associations began thereupon rapidly to dissolve; so rapidly that statesmen before long took alarm at the resulting subdivision of land, and passed a law more favorable to the old communal groups, and prohibiting division where the portions would be smaller than a certain minimum, fixed at from three to eight yokes (about four and a half to twelve acres) in different districts.* When a Zadruga is divided, whether by legal process or secretly by mutual consent to avoid legal expenses and increase of taxation, even a prosperous group too often makes a number of poor if not actually insolvent families. Not only is the land cut up, often into small inadequate lots, but the cattle and necessaries of all kinds are divided, and sometimes the old communal dwelling is torn down and divided beam by beam. There are not ploughs enough to fit out all the separate under takings, and they have not sufficient capital and must resort to loans. Moreover, the individual members lack experience and perhaps capacity, as well as capital, for conducting an independent enterprise, and it is said that the disastrous result of the dissolution of Zadrugas is one of the causes which drive the Croatian peasants to emigrate to America. In general, Croatian living is primitive, with the charm Primitive and the drawbacks that that implies. On a house wall in a Croatian village there was pointed out to us a rude drawing, made perhaps by some child, of the epic hero Marko Kralevitch (Marko, the king's son), the subject of some of the most famous Servo-Croatian folksongs. The hero is said to be not dead but sleeping under the beauti- * In spite of the process of dissolution of these communities, which in some districts has swept them away completely, it was shown by an inquiry in 1890 that nearly a fifth of the popu lation was then living in such communal families. Most of these, however, were small — 8 per cent having ten members or less — and differed from ordinary families, not in size but in the fact that they held their property like a corporation ; no member being at liberty to claim a division or alienate his rights. See Bibliography under Zoricifi. conditionssurvive 164 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Croatian peasant houses ful snowy heights of the Velebit, ready to return and free the land when its hour of direst need shall come; and in the capital of Montenegro we saw a blind gusla player, with a head like a marble Homer, singing historical epics in the square. So near are these people to ages which in Western Europe are far beyond all living memory. A Croatian house of the poorer sort is often very pretty, with its steep shingled roof and whitewashed or stuccoed sides. Frequently there is no chimney, and the little trap door in the roof is kept closed during the winter, so that till spring the smoke has no exit. This is not so bad as it sounds, as the fire is often on a stone hearth in the centre of the house, while to the right and left are rooms which are really more like little dwellings or boxes built inside the house. The smoke rolls through the space above the planking which ceils these, and this part of the building is often crusted with the black, shiny deposit of the soot while the living room is clear of it within. This room may be heated with a stove of un- glazed tiles which is fed from outside the room through an opening in the wall and which, like all European stoves of this type, gives no direct fire heat and no ven tilation, but radiates warmth from its own surface. Such a stove is heated like a Dutch oven, with a brisk fire quickly burned out and usually made only once a day. These Croatian stoves are often made of what looks like a series of unglazed flower-pots embedded, empty, and mouths out, in a mass of clay. This pigeon holed exterior gives a great extent of radiating surface, which is the prime object in all stoves constructed on this principle, and will sometimes give out warmth for three days without needing to be re-heated. Around the stove are rails for drying wet clothes. In poorer houses, there may be simply a fire of twigs and branches on the floor and a baby wrapped in rags lying in the ashes. The family sleep probably in one room, occasionally on straw covered with the curious Croatian Village Scenes 1. In "Lipa." Thirty persons from this house alone are in America. 2 and 3. A town that has benefited by American remittances; it has water supply, street lamps and a savings bank. 4. Roofs protected against the Bora. 5. In OtoCac. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 65 Croatian blankets which are almost as shaggy as the original sheep, and woven in bright, angular patterns. The windows are apt to be small. We heard of people Small having been burned up because they could not get out windows through the windows when the house was on fire and the doorway cut off. But this defect is not confined to Croatia. It was among the Slovaks that a priest told us that he preached against windows "so small that it made an eclipse of the sun if a hen flew in," a figure of speech, suggestive in more ways than one. It was in Galicia that a woman pointed out a small single pane fixed in the wall to the east so that it might be possible to see the sun rise and know when to get up, and ex plained to us that there was no window to the north because the north is evil. The cattle are often accommodated under the same roof Domestic with the family, either on the same level, only separated ammals by a partition, or underneath in a sort of basement stall. I frequently heard, and not alone in Croatia, that families had animals living with them more sociably than this, as the Irish used to have both at home and in America, but I never saw a case — except, indeed, hens straying in and out, and once some small pigs who seemed to have the run of the house. The poor cows, as we saw them emerging after their long winter into the spring sunshine, were pitiable ob jects, with the dirt so caked on their flanks as to tear the flesh and make sores. One official told us of his efforts to get the people to bring their cattle to market clean. Except in this instance of neglect, however, I have never seen or heard anything in Europe or America to suggest other than kind treatment of animals by Slavs of any nationality; neither do I remember ever having seen a child abused among them. In the poor western district of Croatia the peasants, though economical, are said to live much better than the inhabitants of the richer eastern counties. Polenta trousseau 166 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE (com meal mush) is much eaten, sometimes with sauer kraut. But there is plenty of meat, too. No family is too poor to kill a pig at Christmas which will give pork for three months, and in spring there are lambs to furnish fresh meat. The sheep's milk cheese is excellent, but owing to lack of facilities it is not an article of export as it is among the Slovaks. The The marriage customs are interesting. A girl is ex pected, at least in certain districts, to bring a dowry in cluding at the very least a chest and a complete outfit, from cap to shoes, for the bridegroom as well as for her self. I am told this is also the way among the Bul garians, and that the little girl begins on her knitting as soon as she can be taught to hold the needles, since she must have ready stockings for herself and her future husband, enough to last both their lives. The Croatian woman is always knitting as she minds her cattle or goes about her business. In many places the men wear big knit garments such as we call sweaters, and heavy knit socks with a sort of plaid pattern about the ankle. The man need bring no property to his bride, and consequently the birth of a boy whose marriage will en rich the family is far more desired than that of a girl who must be portioned off. A girl who is poor cannot hope to marry. This is in the inland counties, and is in strik ing contrast to the custom on the coast, where a girl marries without a dowry, except that she must have her personal ornaments (necklace of coins and what not). Without these no girl of the coast districts can look for a lover, but for her other property is not essential. The making When a marriage is to be discussed, representatives of the two sides come together, generally the girl's parents and two or three people, very often including a brother, uncle or aunt, to act for the man. The bridegroom and his health are discussed, but his family is a question a hundred times more important. What sort of people are they? Does his father beat his mother? What is his own relation to his brother, his sister? Is his married of a match EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 167 brother a good husband? (and, from the other side — Is the girl's married sister a good wife?) The inquiry may last two or three days or even weeks. The agreement is made simply by passing the word dobro (good). The parents then have a meeting at church or elsewhere. After this the next step is taken ; the representatives of the two sides come formally together, and an hour or so later comes the prospective bridegroom. He gives an apple to the girl and she gives him a handkerchief. In songs a girl is often likened to an apple, and it seems to be a token at once of comeliness and fruitfulness. The customs which accompany the celebration of the The marriage itself are extremely elaborate. A marriage we mg speech which is handed down by verbal memory takes up eight or ten printed pages. A certain student of folklore would not believe that this was genuine till he found a peasant who convinced him by reciting it entire while he held the book.* It is not surprising that where life in general is still Illiteracy so primitive, education too, at least in the sense of "book learning," is backward. The figures of the Croatian census are interesting. They show the following percentages among inhabitants over six years old: TABLE 11.— CROATIA. PERCENTAGE OF LITERACY AND ILLITERACY. Able to read and write: Pee Cent Per Cent Men 23 52-° Women 11 36.0 Able to read only: Men 2 0.75 Women 2 2.0 Able to neither read nor write : Men 74 47-25 Women 87 62.0 The American immigration figures unfortunately treat Croatians and Slovenians as one group. The illiteracy *The above account was given me orally by a Croatian scholar, but for this and much else, see Krauss : ' ' Sitte und Brauch der Sud-Slaven," and also his "Sagen und Marchen der Siid- Slaven." i68 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Language and educa tion School attendance of this group in 1900 was 37.4 per cent, less than that of the Ruthenians (with 49 per cent) but more than that of any other Slavic group.* Fortunately, Croatia, though in much else she chafes under Hungarian domination in spite of her constitution ally recognized autonomy, has a free hand in education. Consequently the Croatians enjoy the great advantage that teaching, alike in the elementary class and the university, is in the native language, the Croatian. This is one of the most beautiful, or at least the most euphonious, of the Slavic tongues, following the apparent law which gives to southern speech more open vowels, fewer combinations of consonants, and in general more liquidity and grace. School attendance is compulsory from seven to twelve years of age, and from twelve to fourteen "continuation classes" are required. In one such class which I saw I judged that these hours of school were a hardship for poor little apprentice boys who came tired and fagged from the shoemaker's bench or the anvil. It ought to be a good thing to have the school period overlap into the working period, but in practice, under industry con ducted for profit, half time systems unless carefully guarded are too likely to mean a double exploitation of a youngster's strength. The attempt to make school attendance universal is far from successful as yet. In Lika-Krbava I was told that nearly two-thirds of the children do not go to school mainly because their homes are scattered. The parents are said to be generally glad to send their boys to school, but less concerned to have the girls learn. In this county there were 10,601 boys at school and 2,720 girls. Sometimes the children cannot go for lack of school room, but in thirteen years this county had built thirty-five new schools and enlarged twenty more; so there is progress. Very interesting was a project of Mr. Krshnjavi, a * See further Appendix XXVII, page 479. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 69 former minister of education. He had picked from coun try schools, a few here and a few there, some fifty of the most promising pupils and sent them at government expense to a "gymnasium" to receive a good secondary education fitting them to enter the university. He was delighted at the progress that they were making, when his retirement from office intervened, and though lack ing only one year of graduation, they were all sent back to their narrow peasant homes. One obstacle to continuous schooling is the excessive number of holidays, where both Catholic and Greek orthodox festivals have to be observed. In some places the weekly market day is a holiday besides, but in this case it is probably taken instead of the Saturday holiday. One must remember that illiteracy does not necessarily Other connote either stupidity or lack of desire to learn, and mf:ans of that it is compatible with all such culture as can be trans mitted orally, which is much more according as a society is more primitive. The printed page was not necessary to the composition of the Iliad and Odyssey, nor to their circulation. "In every village," I was told in Croatia, "there is a library bought by peasants alone, and in winter they often come together to have some one read to them, not only newspapers but more solid literature, such as translations of Tolstoy, Turgenieff, and Do- stoyevsky." Such glimpses suggest what a different thing illiteracy is under different circumstances. Reading clubs are widespread, and together with an inviting room where the papers subscribed for in com mon can be read, are a pleasant feature of village life. Another occasional stimulus is the visit of a troupe Native of wandering actors. We were fortunate in happening rama to see a performance of this kind in the village which I have spoken of under the name of Lipa. The play was a grandiose historical tragedy and was given on an im promptu stage, lighted by two ordinary oil lamps and so small that the dying hero's head lay in the doorway of one of the side exits while his feet stuck out between 170 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE the lamps. The language was Croatian and quite un intelligible to us. Yet over all these obstacles the art of the chief actor triumphed. I think I have rarely been stirred in the same way except by Booth. Duse and Coquelin I have seen in r&les of such a different quality that I cannot make comparisons. Salvini, too, moved in a different world. But these are the names that occur to me in trying to measure the genius of a strolling player in a Croatian village! I am hoping that some good fate may give me another chance to hear Kostic. This village boasted, too, among its teachers, a lady who is said to write very pretty Croatian verse, and who was kind enough to write for me in German the charm ing account of emigration as she has seen it, which is appended to this chapter as "Notes from My Village." Health and As regards health and morality, I cannot say that I morality heard no criticism of the Croatians. Especially are the women of Slavonia, which is much richer than the west ern part of the country, said to be excessively addicted to luxury and beautiful clothes, and in order to gratify these tastes, to limit their families and to conduct them selves loosely. It is hard to say how much such rumors amount to, and they involve a district with which Amer ica has little direct concern. But throughout Croatia, as in some other emigration districts, one hears a good deal of sporadic complaint of the injury to morality through emigration. Though cases where the husband has deserted his family appear to be rare, wives left alone at home sometimes misuse their freedom, and I have heard it said that infanticide has increased. The number of illegitimate births is apt to be high in countries where there are or have been barriers to legal marriage. Under the old system of communal families there was considerable practical restriction on marriage, and the military regulations still forbid a man's marrying between eighteen and twenty-three unless he can prove that there is in the household no woman between sixteen Agram (Zagrab), Capital of Croatia EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 171 and sixty. The military authorities visit the house to make sure that there really is no able-bodied woman available. In spite of these facts the illegitimacy rate seems creditable at 70 per 1000 births. This is worse than in a group of countries including Ireland, Holland, England, Switzerland, Finland, Roumania and Italy (ranging from Ireland with 27 to Italy with 67), but better than Norway, Scotland, France, Germany and Sweden, ranging from 72 to 106 per 1000. The most serious charge I heard made was that in certain villages the population is honeycombed with — as I understood it — venereal disease, so that officials having occasion to go there carry their own eating utensils with them. But in this whole matter the most "ad vanced" populations have nothing to boast of; and any one who knows country life anywhere is likely to be free of the widespread delusion that what is rural is necessarily more innocent than what is urban.* As regards orderliness and safety, about which travelers The popula- returning from any place off the beaten track are often tion orderly asked, I doubt if one could find a safer country than Croatia. I remember one late afternoon in Gospi6, the county town of Lika-Krbava, where we walked through oak woods, purple with a carpet of spring crocus and lit with the sunset, and through roads along which peasants were returning from the long market day and its follow ing carousals, driving home in tipsy excitement. Though we were two women without escort we felt no fear, and apparently had no cause for timidity. In this once wild frontier no case of highway robbery is remembered in forty-five years, and we were asked with incredulity if it could be true, as emigrants reported from America, that they were in danger of being assaulted if they * It is satisfactory to learn that syphilis appears to be one of the rarest diseases among immigrants. For instance, of 3427 patients in the immigrant hospital at Ellis Island in the year ending June 30, 1903, only two were found to be suffering from this disease. See Annual Report of the Surgeon General of Public Health and Marine Hospital Service of the United States for the Fiscal Year 1904, page 194. 172 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE walked home alone with their pay along the lonely stretches of railroad where they worked — that they must go in groups of ten or twelve and carry revolvers . We explained that this could be true, if at all, only in wild and out of the way places. I did not know that Chi cago in April, 1906, would report a carnival of highway murder, nor had I then found myself in the South for bidden to walk anywhere alone on quiet country roads.* Agram I have been speaking of the Croatian countryside, but Croatians are influenced by the life of their national capital as are none of the other nationalities with which we are dealing, except the Bohemians. To a Croatian, to write of his country without speaking of Zagreb (or as we commonly call it, Agram) would be to give Hamlet with the Prince of Denmark left out.f It is a little city with only about 53,000 inhabitants, but it is a capital in the fullest sense of the word. On the hill is what remains of the ancient town, with the residence of the Ban or governor, and curious memorials of the barbarities of the past. Nearby is the quarter which formerly was the domain of the cathedral chapter which of old waged bloody wars with the secular powers. At the foot of the hill is the market place with Ban JellaciS on horseback forever waving his bronze sword. in the direction of Hungary. The market scene itself is like a bed of flowers, the prevailing colors being the white of linen garments and the orange scarlet of ribbons and necklaces and dangling garters, of aprons and em broideries.:!: The modern But most surprising is the modern city with its boule vards and fine residence blocks, and above all its wealth of institutions of culture. As one follows the avenue * For the sake of fairness I will add that I have been told in Pennsylvania of a murder of a paymaster by two Croatians. t For a sketch of Agram by an inhabitant, see Lucerna, Ca milla: "Zagreb," Agramer Tagblatt, April 10, 1909, page 9. {Excellent pictures of Agram market scenes and of other Croatian, Dalmatian and Istrian views will be found in an article, "In Quaint, Curious Croatia," by F. J. Koch, National Geographic Magazine, pages 809-832 (Dec, 1908). H«nciaTii MAP IX.-CROATIA-SLAVONIA County boundaries . . dotted lines Railroads broken lines (Note absence of railroads in Lika-Krbava.) 174 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE north from the railroad station the panorama is for some distance worthy of Paris or Vienna, and in monumental character and absence of any jarring note utterly be yond comparison with anything that I think of in Amer ica. The Fine Arts Building, in which yearly exhibi tions are held, stands by itself in the first block of the central park space; in the same situation in the next square is the Chemistry Building of the University; then comes an open garden with statues; then the building of the South Slav Academy of Arts and Sciences founded by the patriot Bishop Strossmayer, who died while we were in Croatia, full of years and of honor. This latter building contains a permanent collection of painting and sculpture gathered and given by Bishop Stross mayer, an Archeological Museum, etc. Further to the west is the public theatre where Croa tian dramas are given throughout the season. Nearby is the University with its professional schools (another foundation of Bishop Strossmayer' s) and near this again the excellent Art and Industrial School, due, like much else, to the far-seeing plans of the late minister of educa tion, Mr. Krshnjavi, a man who has known how to stimulate and bring forward a whole generation of young artists and authors. To get a little into this atmosphere was like going into the woods in spring, when one feels the new life unfolding on every side. Causes and To turn now to a more special consideration of Croa- emto-ation tian emigration. we may note first that, as regards causes of emigration, Croatia shares with countries like upper Hungary or Galicia the impulse resulting from the aboli tion of feudal serfdom in 1848, and the invasion of the old self-sufficing peasant economy by modern wares and ways. But Croatia suffers not only from the unstable equilibrium of an economy where modern desires are awaking while there is as yet lack of capital, lack of manufactures, lack of railroads, lack of modern agri cultural methods, and in some districts actual lack of sufficient usable soil. Besides all this, certain parts at EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 75 least of Croatia suffer from a forced transition, hurrying the evolution of centuries into a generation — the transi tion from the subjection and partial support of frontier soldiery and from the sheltered mutual dependence of communal family life, to the full responsibility of self- maintenance on an individual footing in a novel competi tive world. ' Croatian emigration to America began first among the Earliest always mobile sea-faring population of Dalmatia and aQ°"j? e seaboard Croatia and the islands which stud the Adriatic coast, where it occurred sporadically before 1850. This population, cut off from the inland by the great limestone range which runs just back of the shore line, has a charac ter and situation all its own, and though chronologically it should be considered first, it will, for reasons of conven ience, be taken up in the next chapter. The present one will deal only with the main body of the Croatians, those of the inland. The original occasion of emigration from the back Modrus- country seems to have been the opening of the first county: railroad to the coast, built in 1873 from Karlstadt to Loss of old Fiume, which started emigration from Modrus-Fiume °c0UPatlons county. Previously freight and passengers had come over the mountains on wheels or on pack animals, and this gave occupation to a large part of the mountain population. An eighteenth century traveler says that this traffic then brought $16,000 or $20,000 into circula tion, and he tells of women carrying heavy burdens on their shoulders for a four or five hours' climb up the mountains, spinning as they went. When on the open ing of the railroad in 1873 this source of earning was cut off, the people had to look elsewhere, for their lands could not support them. In some districts this had always been the case, and surplus hands had sought a living in seasonal employment abroad or in peddling, but after 1873 the difficulty became widespread and by the early eighties people from the northern part of the county were beginning to go to the United States. When we were in a 176 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE village of this district, which I will call "Lipa," whence people had been emigrating to America since 1885, we were told that of a population of 3,400, 1,800 were in America. So many of their people are in Calumet, Michigan, that they refer to it as "New Lipa." I photographed a house from which I was told' thirty persons had gone, and in our little inn the rooms were adorned with pictures of relatives in American finery. Here, as in all the districts of Croatia where there are forests, the men are famous woodsmen. They are masters of the axe, and a good worker can hew accurately to a line for sixty feet. Accordingly, in the United States they often are woodworkers, stave cutters along the Mississippi or lumbermen in Michigan. An interest ing man whom we ran across was a master carpenter who had perfected himself by the old wanderjahr plan, going, as he told us, to Germany, Paris and elsewhere, to learn new ways and bring home new ideas. Now, he said, this is not necessary, as there is a good trades school in Agram. Croatians are said to be clever workmen in general, quick to catch an idea and carry it out. They have a proverb, "What he sees, he makes." I have not hap pened to learn in America whether they have this repu tation here, where they come into comparison with other nationalities. Agram A local cause of emigration which affected the wine- PhUUty: r growing districts, especially those about Jaska and Karl stadt in Agram county, was the phylloxera, which ap parently was brought into the neighborhood of Agram in 1872, by a gentleman who imported some American vines from France. It also got into the Varasdin dis trict and spread from there as a centre. It appeared, too, in Syrmium, coming from across the Danube in Hungary, where it had broken out as early as 1870 or 1 87 1. In consequence of this, emigration began fairly early in the district about Karlstadt and Jaska. It is said to have started in 1884 and 1885, but it greatly in- Croatian Types, Lika District EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 77 creased later, especially in 1900 and 1901. Money has been sent back from America to replant the vineyards with American stocks which are immune to phylloxera, and on which European varieties are afterward grafted. This is an expensive operation, but it is the only way of meeting the evil. About the middle of the nineties the emigration began Lika- from Lika-Krbava. The first men probably went, I Jr 7a. was told, as a result of reading about America in the Lack of papers. This region not only was formerly the scene land of bloody conflicts, as the name denotes, but is largely sterile, stony, and subject to harsh climatic conditions as already described. With a population in 1900 of 208,000 it has only 159,000 yokes of arable land,* which is only about three-quarters of a yoke apiece, and a yoke is ¦ reckoned necessary to feed one person. This is actual over-population, for manufacturers are practically nil, and there is no railroad in a region nearly twice as big as Rhode Island, as may be seen on Map IX. Of course, if culture were intensive it would be a differ ent situation, but the methods are primitive; the plough may be of wood, and the sower, scattering unselected seed, plants weeds with the grain. The oxen and horses are generally small and poor. Stock- A stock joke is that a German tourist wrote, "The Croa- raisinS tians have small, horse-like creatures, called Konje," — konje being the Croatian word for horses. We saw women ploughing with oxen that came only to their waists. The sheep, too, are poor, and even if a better breed is introduced it is said to degenerate, the wool soon be coming poor and harsh in quality. The government, * Lika-Krbava County : Arable land iS9.°°° yokes Meadow 89,000 Pasture 282,000 Woods 464,000 Karst 81,000 1,075,000 yokes A yoke is less than an acre and a half , or more precisely 1.42 acres. 12 i78 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE VarasdinCounty Slavonia Growth and grounds of emigration however, has agricultural stations for experimentation, breeding and teaching of methods, and is making efforts to improve the stock both of animals and plants; and the public schools often have gardens where the children are taught the care of fruit trees and how to graft them. The population has sustained a great blow in the government prohibition of keeping goats. They for merly did much damage to woods, and in this limestone region, which so easily becomes denuded, this is a very serious matter. It might have been regulated, however, without cutting off altogether what had been a very important part of the living of the peasant. We were told that the military authorities notice a falling off in physique of the men, ascribed to lack of the wholesome and strengthening goat's milk formerly available. Of late years, emigration has been extending north into the Varasdin district, which till comparatively recently remained almost unaffected. It is a poor region, and the most densely populated part of the country, with 209 inhabitants to the square kilometer of agricultural land where Lika-Krbava has 135.* Emigrants do not go from the poorest parts of this district, however. Another new field for emigration is the eastern coun ties; that is, Slavonia. Here conditions are just the reverse; the land is rich and thinly populated, with (in Syrmium) only 87 persons to the square kilometer of agricultural land. There have been attempts to colonize this district from Hungary and from the Varasdin district in Croatia, but for some reason population does not seem to flow thither as it might be expected to do. Figures in regard to Croatian emigration are given in some detail in Appendix XIII. Here we see that while in 1899 only Agram county and Modrus-Fiume county sent over a thousand emigrants to North America (and * The figures are for 1894, see "Die Konigreiche Kroatien und Slavonien auf der Milleniums — Landesausstellung * * * in Budapest, 1896," page 33. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 79 neither of them as many as 1500), by 1907 each of the eight counties which compose the country sent over a thousand emigrants and Agram county over 5000, the total rising from 2900 in 1899 to 22,800 in 1907. We see too that the emigrants were mainly young men and most of them engaged in agriculture. The general census figures, as to occupation and land and size of land holdings, some of which are given in the same Appendix, also throw light on the economic causes of the emigration movement. We see for instance that 82 per cent of the total population of the country depend on agriculture, taking this to include forestry and stockraising, that 87 per cent of those engaged in agriculture are either members of Zadrugas, or individual owners and members of their families, and that almost all the land is held in small or dwarf holdings; indeed, out of over 400,000 properties only 930 (or 2 in a thousand) are of medium size and only 209 are large. Not only is the land thus subdivided, but' the propor tion of tillable land is often small; much is in so-called pasture and this is often little more than sheer stony waste land. A minor cause of trouble in Croatia seems to be, as Loans and among the Slovaks and in Galicia, the credit situation. USUIT When money has to be borrowed, as it often must be, it is to be had only at usurious rates. The Croatian does not, like the Galician and the Slovak, complain of Jews, who seem to play no rdle in the country ; but capital is scarce, and what is available is mainly invested in so-called savings banks, which are really companies for conducting a loan business, and are said to pay enormous dividends to the stockholders. Industrial enterprise, which cannot offer such large returns, is unable to com pete, and starves for want of capital. According to an Agram informant the situation is as follows. A peasant must pay 12 per cent for a loan, though a merchant may borrow at 6 per cent. He 180 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE might get better terms from the local branch of the Mortgage Bank at Budapest, but this makes no loan under about $200, and a peasant is apt to want about $40 — for instance, on the occasion of the break-up of a Zadruga, when he must fit himself out for farming his share independently. Let us suppose, then, a man in this situation wanting $40. He secures a loan from the savings bank on his note, for which he must get two or three endorsements. To each person who obliges him in this way he gives a trifle, if only a glass of wine; this might cost $2.40. Then a discount of $1.80 for the next quarter is deducted at once, so that he starts with $35.80 in hand. At the end of three months he must pay interest, and repay at least 10 per cent of the capital. If the loan was made in the autumn, no money has come in at the end of the three months, and he must secure a new loan, also bearing interest. The process may need to be repeated again at the next quarter. Not till autumn is there any money coming in. The proverb is, "The peasant turns himself once in a year." This sort of thing sends many to America, but for the journey they must borrow again, so that a man may well owe $200 by the time he arrives. Sometimes the money is advanced by an individual. One man borrowed $40 of an old woman who asked $60 back at the end of three months! She kept her money in a stocking, and it was a mark of confidence that she admitted that she had it, still more that she loaned it. To her there was nothing excessive in the rate that she wanted. It was indeed a pretium affectionis. Now Raffeisen banks are coming into being, a very important step forward. Such is the account of the credit situation in Croatia, given me by an Agram gentleman. Effects of Croatian emigration is, in the main points, similar to emigration ^e Qaijcjan and Slovak emigration previously described. The situation of the peasants, the going abroad to earn money,, the return of a considerable number (how large Bishop Strossmayer The Croatian patriot, saint and patron of art and letters. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA l8l a raart no one knows), the misfit of the returned emi grant — all of these things recur here. The man who has been to America, we were told, is easily recognized. "You can tell him as far off as you can see him." He carries himself more independently, he works better, he is more interested in education, but he is unfitted for the old life. One man, for instance, went out a mere laborer and returned a skilled work man, but he was not content to stay. Another story was of a man who was seized with such an uncontrolla ble longing for America that he got up in the night and ran away, leaving wife and children. Too many, however, return worn out, though it may be with some money. In America they worked harder than at home, and lived little or no better. They spent themselves to the utmost under the stimulus of the "boss," the climate, and most of all of their own ambi tion. A Croatian gentleman said to me, sadly, "The Americans know how to save themselves, but our men are not so clever." The Croatians, too, seem to make much the same re port about America that we heard elsewhere. A curious story is, however, quite widely rife in Croatia, and the re turned emigrant seems to be responsible for it. It is reported, namely, that in America it is allowable to marry experimentally for a term of years (generally set, I think, at five) . Whether this is a bona fide impression made by American divorces, or whether it is a mere traveler's tale, or possibly a convenient cover for Amer ican experiences of their own, I cannot say. In Croatia, too, the money that flows in from emi- Remittances grants is very considerable. I was informed from a most drain10ney reliable source that in the year 1903 America sent prob ably $10,000,000 to Croatia-Slavonia. The post office alone transmitted $4,600,000. It is, however^ only fair to notice that a part of this inflow is balanced by an outgo ; that a considerable part, in fact, goes to repay loans contracted to cover the expense of emigration. Since 182 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Balance in favor of Europe Standards of peasant life raised Croatian emigrants go mainly to seek temporary em ployment, not to settle, they carry little capital with them; nevertheless, the actual drain is considerable. In 1905, for instance, according to our immigration re ports, 1 22 1 Croatian and Slovenian immigrants brought $50 or more each into the country, or $61,000 at least. If we allow only $15 apiece for the 31,710 others who brought under $50, it makes $475,650 more, or together well over half a million dollars of cash in hand on enter ing the country, for this group alone. If to this we add about $50 as expense of journey and outfit for each of the 35,104 arrivals, we get $175,520 more, or over $700,000 in all. This outflow of money from Europe through emigra tion is a fact which is generally ignored by American and exaggerated by European writers, but it is obvious that the balance of this trade is in favor of Europe; that through the emigrants more wealth flows in than they withdraw. This influx of money naturally makes itself felt. Tile replaces thatch, taxes and debts are paid, field is added to field, better tools and more cattle are bought, phyl loxera-smitten vineyards are replaced with immune vine stocks, churches are built and adorned. It is pleasing, too, to hear of cripples supported by contributions from fellow-villagers at work in America. After the riots in Agram some years ago, some of the political prisoners also received aid from the same source. Another result is that people live better. The price of poultry has risen because the peasants now eat it themselves. They will pay $8.00 or $10 for a suit of "European clothes." Sewing machines seem to be not uncommon, and are widely advertised. Town improve ments are also undertaken. I will instance a specific case. Here jn a parish of 4000 souls, $9500 was received in one year from America, besides $100 or so sent to the church. A good town water supply had been put in, not piped to the houses indeed but available at public EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 1 83 hydrants; street lamps had been put up, and a quite im posing building for a savings bank was in process of erection. Except to employers the movement is financially a Wages and godsend. Wages rise, and so does the price of land. Jf"^?1"63 00 r have risen The rise in land values is in fact often excessive. In some parts of Lika-Krbava, for instance, the soil is poor and stony, but there is no other channel for investment, and the man who has acquired a little money must and will buy land. Competition, together with speculation, has run prices up so that sometimes where arable land formerly cost $60 to $80 a yoke it now costs up to $400, and meadow land is dearer still. In this county a very interesting official inquiry was Effects of made as to the effects of emigration. The civil popula- f^y^tion tion was 208,000. In 1902, 5,619 went to America and Krbava 436 returned. It must be remembered that this repre- County sents an early phase of the movement, and that few would be coming back so soon. In 1903 it was estimated that 8000 were in America. In that year 2795 borrowed money with which to go, and 4317 sent money home, amounting, so far as known, to about $560,860, or not quite $130 from each sender on an average. With this money 41 16 homes were bettered — by paying debts, buying more land or making improvements. Seven homes were reported as impoverished, and twenty-seven as ruined (abandoned?). It is pleasant to be able to clothe these dry bones of statistics with the flesh and blood of Miss Gazvoda's true story. NOTES FROM MY VILLAGE By a Croatian School Teacher Today they are telling in the village that fifteen are going tomorrow to Fiume by the early train — men, women and young girls on their way to America. They were all blessed by the priest after mass. The prayer for their happiness away from home was very moving. All who knelt before the altar were pale, struggling against the tears in eyes which may never see 184 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE this church again. On this consecrated spot they took leave of the fatherland, our dear Croatia, who cannot feed her children because she is not free nor the mistress of her own money. She must let them go among strangers in order that those who re main may live, they and their children and their old people. And the old people die in peace because they have hope; the little ones shall fare better than ever they have done. This morning all went early to confession. With God they go safer on their long journey. Toward evening they can be seen hurrying from house to house taking leave of those that they love. Who can say that there will ever be another meet ing for them? It is very late before they have finished these visits and the family waits for them with impatience. With impatience, how else when this evening or rather the few hours still left are so short? This is the last supper at home. There is no going to bed, for at three they must start for the station as the train goes at four. It is so sad to hear them driving through the village singing a song which expresses all the feelings of their sore hearts. The saddest moment of all is the departure. The train has come, they must get on board. How many tears and sobs and kisses in our little forest and rock-bound station. Friends go with them to Fiume — all but the children and the old folks who . stay in the village alone. In Fiume the girls buy what they need for the journey and a little gold crucifix. That must be bought in the fatherland. So must rings, too. Often the parents buy the betrothal rings for their sons and daughters who marry in America and send them to them. Faith and love come from the homeland. Finally at the ship good byes must be said, the last. One little girl whose older sister was going by train to Vienna, had gone with her to Fiume. But when the train was about to go the little one flung herself down upon the ground in her distress and shrieked terribly. Everyone tried to pacify her but she pressed her little hands over her eyes to hide the engine from her sight, and answered, "It is easy for you to talk, but this hateful engine is robbing me of my sweet sister.'' She was quite ill with suffering and they had much ado to get her away. But it is hardest for the mothers who let their daughters or their sons go. Very late, after midnight, people come home — alone. Now come quiet tears and prayers that God may grant the travelers a safe arrival. With what anxiety and joy do they wait for the news from the agent that their dear ones have reached New York in safety. There relatives are already expecting them and EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 185 the journey can be peacefully continued in their company. Our people generally go to Michigan. In one town there are so many that our people call it "New Lipa." The money for the journey always comes from relatives or friends to whom all is honestly repaid later. The young fellows try to save the money to bring over a young girl. When she comes to America — generally she does not know her suitor — she is married. If she is unwilling, not finding him to her liking, she must pay back the money, but it very often happens that an other lad pays it for her and takes her for his wife instead. Many girls are very fortunate in America. For instance this very day a family is coming home. The wife was poor and ill-favored. Relatives sent her money for the journey to Amer ica and there she married a poor and very humble sort of man. By work and saving they have got together $6,000 in thirteen years. They have six children and with them are now returning. In those days she was poor, ridiculed, alone; now she is well- to-do, respected, the mother of a family. The women are full of curiosity about her. At noon they were all in the street in hopes of seeing her but in vain. She and her family are staying in Fiume and will come to-night, perhaps. My house keeper is her godmother and so awaits her happy godchild with much pleasure for she is to offer her, for purchase, a large meadow which once belonged to the parents of her godchild, but which they were obliged to sell. I think that would be a very pleasant feeling, to be able to buy back again a piece of land lost in one's father's time, and to let the happy grandchildren jump and play about where once the poor grandfather worked and whence misfortune drove him away to die. My housekeeper, who is already sixty-five, cannot tell with out crying how it used to be here in the good old days. Thirty- four years ago there was no railroad. Our splendid highway, the "Lujziane," even then a century old, saw such activity as will never return. All travel was by this road and our people were happy because they always had the opportunity to work and to live in peace. In one house they kept ten servants, men and maids. Day and night the teams with their heavy loads were on the highway. Labor was very cheap, a man got about thir teen cents and a woman six cents a day. To be sure they had good food besides, bread, meat and wine as much as they wanted, and the children of the women servants were fed, too. The wages were low as I have said, yet the people were contented. Some got very rich, but the poor, too, were well provided for. Twenty years ago two men went to America from here, the first from our place to go. Now nearly half the village is in 186 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE America. It is hard to till the fields for there are no workers to be had. Whoever has strength and youth is at work in America. At home are only the old men and women and the young wives with their children. Every wife has much to do for herself. Only poor girls work in the fields. "And they must be paid a crown (twenty cents) a day," sighs my housekeeper and thinks of the better days of old. The women help one another and live from day to day, dragging along waiting for letters and money. The money generally comes in autumn. Everything is bought on credit through the year; the dealer waits, for he knows that in the autumn it will all be paid. If not then, danger threatens the little house or at least the cow in the stall. At Christmas and Easter, too, and at mid-summer presents of a few dollars come to the fortunate ones. Others who have a hard lot wait months and years and never receive anything. The husband forgets his wife, the son his father and mother, the brother his sisters and brothers. The new world with new enjoyments silences his conscience and hardens his heart. Oh, how bitterly those at home feel this ! They not only suffer; they are ashamed that they have been forgotten. One often sees jolly fellows at a dance and in gay company which they did not enjoy at home. That tempts them and so one and another is lost. If a relative is near it is not so danger ous, for the scamp is under some control and one hopes he will become reasonable. But when one who is quite alone gives himself up to the joys of the world then it goes hard. Thank God such cases are very rare with us. If one goes astray he amends even after years and is not lost. Near me lives a woman with her husband and the wife of her younger son who came home last year. Her elder son is still in America. He went twelve or thirteen years ago, leaving at home his wife and two children, a boy and girl. His tempera ment was gay and weak. He soon forgot father and mother, wife and children. He did not write and sent nothing for the support of his family. His poor young wife took it much to heart and died of a decline. His mother had her photographed as she lay on her bier and sent the picture to her hard-hearted son. He sent it back. His own mother cursed him, but he did not change. The little girl was already eight and the son nine when he sent a letter — the children were to come to him. He sent the money, too. The children went accompanied by the sister of his dead wife. When they arrived he fell in love with her and married her. Now the poor children have their aunt for their Croatian Scenes 1 Fetchine water' the white linen costume and the wattled fence are characteristic. 2. In a coast village ;Jmore stones than vegetation. s ' 3 and 4. Spring ploughing. EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 187 stepmother and are very well off. The man has changed greatly and is very watchful of his son, perhaps for fear that he might become as he himself once was. The soul of the dead wife, I think, is satisfied. Another woman was also very unhappy. Her husband left her with six children and went to America. At first he sent news of himself, but after a while he quite forgot his dear ones. A relative of his wife's, who was also in America, had got him in her net and led him astray. For years the wife and children starved. Once she tried to take her life but was saved. The eldest daughter, a young girl as pretty as a picture, wrote con tinually to her father and brought it about that he sent her money for the journey. She set forth with the firmest intention of saving him from his danger and restoring him to her mother. And so it was. The man quite reformed. Today his wife and all his children are already with him. It goes well with them. All that his poor wife suffered is forgotten. The daughter has made a happy marriage and is living contentedly. Last year I saw a big photograph of a wedding. The whole family are in the picture and I was amazed to see how stout the poor wife had grown and how happy she looked. Once I was traveling third class on the train from Fiume because I like to hear the talk of the common people. One learns more in such a trip than in the best school. In the same compartment with me was a woman, young but very sad. She was from the village next ours, the place where the chair factory is for which our women and girls make the cane seats by which they earn their living. She had been in Fiume to sell something. The empty basket stood by her. It was large and must have been very heavy when it was full. In talking with me she gave me a picture of her sad life. She was very poor. Her father had long been dead. Her mother was ailing and was very anxious about her daughter's future. Then came a widower, no longer young, and tried to persuade her that she ought to give him her daughter. But the daughter could not make up her mind to it. "He did not please me." But the mother said, "Take him, my child, and we shall both be provided for." So she married him. Soon he went to America. She was left alone with her little daughter, for her mother died soon after. The child is now nine years old and goes to school. But the father does nothing at all for his family. More fortunate children often strike the poor little girl when she is going home. Then she says to her mother, "Mama, all the children have a father and nobody dares strike them. Why haven't I a father?" Then the poor woman 188 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE weeps quietly. In America the husband leads a jolly life. More than that, he borrows money from people and when they want it back he says, "My wife will pay." And so people from America keep coming to her with bills from her husband. I tried to console her. Heaven knows whether she will ever be happy. What a joy the young husband in America feels when his wife sends him a picture of their first baby. One wrote home, "I can't write much this time for looking at my dear child as it smiles at me from the picture. ' ' He is a locksmith and has been in America a year. Two months ago his wife and baby safely joined him there. She writes how hard it is for her to wear a hat. None of the common people wear them here. But her husband says "You may live with me for years but I shall not go out with you unless you wear a hat." So the woman must be fine. People require it there. Many girls however take especial delight in the hat that they are to wear in America. But photographs are the best proof to what an extent dress is carried in America. One sees the most beautiful hats and dresses on our women. "It has to be so. It is the custom here," they write. But one must marvel at how fine they are. And when they return they look so entirely different. They know better how to behave and • show that they have learned something. All know English even if not quite correctly. All Slavs, especially Croatians, have a great talent for languages. Our peasants learn English very fast. Years ago when the first letter came from America from the two earliest emigrants, it was a hard matter to get it read, for as neither of them could write someone else had written for them but in English. The poor wife had to hunt the neighborhood over until she found an official on a railroad who explained the letter to her after a fashion. I have the story from my house keeper and she tells how the poor wife who had waited months for news moved heaven and earth to get the letter read. Now there would be no difficulty. There are plenty in the village who understand English. The children attend English schools while they are in America and derive great benefit from it when they are grown up. The women who are left here alone almost always remain faithful to their husbands. It is a rare case when now and then one forgets herself. But if it does occur the men show far more feeling and self-control than one might expect. A common peasant in such circumstances has often more strength and insight than an intelligent man from the better classes. In one neighborhood a man married and went soon after to EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA 189 America. His young wife remained with his parents. His un married brother also made one of the household. Suddenly a misfortune. She bore him a child. The parents drove her from the house and wrote her husband how matters stood. She went to Fiume as a nurse and supported herself and her child. The husband not unnaturally was furious and wrote her that she need not expect him to return to her. But with time he forgave her all in the goodness of his heart and wrote for her to come to him. She answered, "I cannot leave my child." Then he wrote again, "Come and bring the child with you," and he at once sent her the tickets both for herself and for the child. She made the journey in dread. "He will kill me"; that was her only thought. But when he met her she could not be lieve her eyes. He first took the baby into his arms and then embraced her. They are living peacefully together. All is forgotten. He loves the child dearly, for they have none of their own. Always when he comes from the mine the poor child is waiting for him like an angel. How much magnanimity this simple peasant has. But the people here are very religious and follow the words of Christ, "Judge not." What especially pleases them is the respect in which workers are held in America. They are better cared for, too, mentally. They have three or four Croatian papers, they have organizations and learn much that they bring home later. They have their priests and churches, but as yet only two Croatian schools. All is founded by the contributions of workingmen. They send a great deal home to the churches, too; they are supporting a poor man, and in 1903, when there were the disturbances in Croatia about the Hungarian flag and the Hungarian inscrip tions on the railroad stations, our brothers in America sacrificed a great deal for the support of the families of those under arrest. They love Croatia dearly. Each one longs for home and wants to die here. We Slavs are so soft-natured. Homesickness is our disease. On account of it many Croatians cannot hold out and return home too soon. The talk is all of America. Our newspapers write so much what a bad thing it is for whole families to go there as they do. But it is no use. People must eat. The stones are hard. There is too little land. The government does nothing for the good of the people. There are no factories, there is no building, no mining. So how can people live and pay taxes? And if the taxes are not paid the cow is taken from the stall, the pillows from under the head. In Slavonia there is no need of emigration, for there the land 190 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE is fertile and people can make a good living. But here in the mountain district and on the coast, in Lika, too, and in Dalmatia, people have to go to America. Only American capital could lessen the stream of emigration. Croatia is a beautiful country. Our mountains doubtless hold great treasures, but we lack the money with which to seek them. Only American capital could bring them to light. We have the beautiful sea, the lovely Plitvica lakes and the fine district about Agram, but we cannot make use of these beauties as a rich and free people could do. We have a sufficient income, but as a public man has said, "Our pockets are in the Hungarian trou sers." The Hungarians have our money and give us just enough to keep us alive. Only a free and independent nation can progress. We are like dead capital. But we hope for our national resurrection. So many have already died in this hope. It is our ideal, our dearest one. For this Zriny and Frankopany died. The innocent blood of our best sons must at last bring us good fortune. On the Coast of the Adriatic 1. Zengg, once a resort of pirates. Note the Castle of Uskoks on height to the left, and the row of warehouses built to protect shipping from the Bora, and the karst character of the country. 2. View near Ragusa. CHAPTER X THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY The very names that belong to all this region — Istria, The coast Dalmatia, Montenegro, Ragusa, Cattaro and the rest — and islands are like "magic casements opening on the foam," and it is hard to settle down to the prosaic facts of emigration. At first sight the country does not seem Slavic. Italy with her architecture and her contagious grace of life, and Turkey, with costumes and manners of the near East, overlay to the eyes the Slavic substance. We naturally approach things on their most familiar side, and just as we are apt to know only a Germanized form of Slavic names — Agram for Zagrdb, Lemberg for Lwdw — so in this region it is the Italian forms of the names that are familiar. We say Fiume, not Rjeka; Ragusa, not Dubrovnik; Montenegro, not Crnagora. But this nomenclature, the Venetian aspect of the cities, and the Italian spoken in the hotels are misleading. The Italian element is indeed prevalent in restricted parts of Goricia-Gradisca and of Istria, in Fiume, and especially in and about Trieste; but for the rest, the population of the whole Adriatic coast of Austria and Hungary is essentially Servo-Croatian. In Dalmatia, which the tourist is prone to regard as a second and more pictur esque Italy, over 97 per cent of the people speak Croatian, or Servian, which is the same language written with a different alphabet. This shore, from above Nabresina at the head of the Gulf of Trieste, to a point beyond the lovely Bocche di Cattaro or about as far south as Rome, stretches in an air line nearly 400 miles. Apart from the peninsula of Istria, we are dealing with a narrow strip of land, broken by fiords and bays, fringed with islands, large and small, 191 192 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE and backed by a singularly rugged limestone range, rich in noble contours and violet shadows. It is a country very fertile where soil is to be had, but as bare as a pile of broken stone where the Bora (the north wind) sweeps it, or the salt spray driven over from the sea blights it, or where the soil has been washed away by the rain. The mountains have been robbed of their forests to make piles on which to build the palaces of Venice, to supply masts for her fleets, or for more prosaic uses since. Consequently they stand largely denuded not only of vegetation but of earth, with naked limestone flanks and peaks, and the streams are likely to be roar ing torrents after a rain and dry at other times. The whole shore is richer in charm than in means of livelihood, and of late is becoming a favorite resort for tourists and health-seekers. Abbazia, frequented the whole year round, is the best-known watering place as yet, but others are deservedly coming into prominence. Its magnificent classic ruins, notable among which are the great palace of Diocletian at Spalato and the amphi theatre at Pola; its picturesque Italianate cities, of which Ragusa, with its brilliant political and literary history, is easily first; the wonderful fiord -like beauty of the Bocche di Cattaro, with the snows of Lovcen, rosy in the sunset, inviting to an exploration of Monte negro; the people thronging its streets and by-ways in various and always picturesque dress in which Slavic and Oriental elements are curiously intermingled,* — all these make a whole in which each island, each town, each valley has its own special note. The people All along the shore and the islands the peasants are at the same time fishermen and bold and skilful sailors. * The costume I will not attempt to describe but will refer the reader to the many books of Dalmatian travel, or to Mr. Ernest Peixotto's charmingly illustrated "Impressions of Dalmatia" in Scribner's Magazine for July, 1906, or the photographs and text of an article " Where East meets West: Visit to picturesque Dalmatia, Montenegro, and Bosnia, " by M. C. Coffin in the National Geographic Magazine for May, 1908. -«* .^T M^^ A r A In Istrea and Dalmatia 1. In Ragusa. A "Greek" woman, apparently afraid of the evil eye of the camera. 2 and 4. Dalmatian women. 3. Women of Castel Muschio on the island of Veelia, off Fiume, carrying water in brass vessels on their heads from a spring far below the town 5 and 6 Wait ing to see the train pass. Dress of the Canale valley. THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 193 Unlike most Slavs, they are also capable traders, a fact that suggests how much environment and example have to do with what we consider national traits. Not only does their land produce articles admirably adapted for export — fish, good wine, olive oil, fruit, including figs and almonds, and of late years the well-known "Dal matian insect powder," made from certain camomile like flowers — but for centuries the coast was under the rule of Venice, the queen of Eastern commerce, and these Slavic coast folk proved apt pupils. Physically the Dalmatian is a splendid type. Eth- Physical nologists note with some surprise the exceptional height tralts of the Dalmatians, and still more that of their neigh bors of Bosnia-Herzegovina. They are among the tall est men of Europe, and not only tall but sturdy and markedly fine in their carriage. They are darker than the more northern Slavs but very often the honest grey-blue eyes of the Slav look out of the swarthy or olive face of the Southerner. Greek blood, too, seems to have left its traces. I wish that I could show the picture of an old man with whom I talked near Ragusa, but he refused to let me photograph him. This fear of a camera I met with more than once here, and here alone, and I wondered if it could be a trace of the eastern superstition of the evil eye. He was in full array — red Dalmatian cap, baggy Turkish trousers of blue, a series of embroidered zouave jackets, one over the other, and a wide girdle stuck full of various articles among which I distinguished only a horn knife-handle and a richly wrought silver sheath. His long pipe he held in his fingers. He was a fine old fellow, grey-haired, erect and friendly, speaking English remarkably well — better, in fact, than he understood it. He had been in America for six years, he told me, thirty-five years ago. He went as a sailor to New York, then again by ship to San Francisco, where he worked at gold mining. He made $60 to $70 a month, working for a big company. "3 194 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Characteris- Such a people as the Dalmatians, so situated, would Dalmatian naturally be mobile, but Dalmatian emigration, which emigration we may take as the type for this region, has a quite different character from that of any other Slavic emi gration movement. It has been, as it were, a long- continued dripping of individuals, not a mass movement growing as a snowball does, like that among the Slovaks and Croatians, nor a family migration, like that of the Bohemians. The men go alone, often making the jour ney as sailors, and simply leaving their ship in port, — a fact which in the past has doubtless brought many into America unregistered, in so far vitiating our statistics. One local informant after another stated with great emphasis that the Dalmatian does not go "like other emigrants" at random,* but to a particular place and friend, and with a very clear idea of what he is about. Causes of There is ground enough for emigration in the general general11 and situation of a rapidly growing population with very little special available soil, so that the most inaccessible spots are ter raced and cultivated, and a teaspoonful of earth in a hol low is made to grow something. f Butbesides this general situation, special causes have been at work. First we may put the decline of the Old commerce, dependent on sails, and, it must be said, on piracy. On the shores of the Bocche one sees dead towns of dream-like streets lined with deserted villas, and at Zeng the proud row of warehouses built to shield the harbor from the Bora, but now out of all proportion to the needs of trade, tells the same story of the victory of steam over sails as do the decaying merchant homes of Salem or Newburyport in New England. A later cause of emigration was a treaty made in 1890, which for the fifteen years that it was in force depressed the price of Dalmatian wine by exposing it to Italian competi- * For reasons for the belief that Slavic emigrants in general also emigrate not at random, but planning to join friends, see above, page 53, and Appendix IV, page 433. t Compare for Dalmatian conditions Table 3, page 48. THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 195 tion and did much to make life impossible to the wine grower, already hard hit by the phylloxera. Other com plaints are of a disease of the insect-powder plants, of failure of fisheries, and of severe winters that have done much damage . The evil results of an extreme subdivision of land are also felt. A yoke, or less than an acre and a half, is said to be the average holding of a small peasant. This would be insufficient if it were not that the soil is so fruitful. I was told that a yoke of good vineyard would produce seventy hectolitres of wine, enough to support a family. In other places one is told that a family can live from the yield of one olive tree! It is hard to say when the Dalmatians began to go to Beginnings America ; it was certainly early. One is said to have °.f emj1&ra" tion to arrived m 1700 by way of India, and apparently a good America many came to look for gold in California after 1849. The close in 1856 of the Crimean War, in which many Dalmatians served on shipboard, seems to have given another impulse. As to numbers, it is also hard to get any definite in formation until 1899, when our immigration tables began to report as one class Dalmatians, Bosnians and Herze- govinians. The number of these coming in 1907 wag over 7,000, of whom most were probably Dalmatians. This was, however, the high tide mark up to date. For the official American figures see the following table : Numbers of emigrants TABLE 12.— IMMIGRATION, 1899-1909 Yeas Dalmatians, Bosnians and herzegovinians Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins 367 67s7 32 1004i736 2036 2639 4S68 73933747188S 94 204 611 1,291 1903 6,479 4.577 =;.S23 1905 1906 n,S48 1907 27,174 1908 18,246 iQog 6,214 196 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE In 1905 a Ragusa steamship agent, then the only authorized agent for all Dalmatia, stated that three or four thousand were going yearly, three-quarters to New York and one-quarter to the Far West; of the latter, nine out of ten were going to California, the others to the Dakotas; but this is a very imperfect account of their final destinations. Shiftings of As is so often the case, emigration to America is population here alsQ but Qne -n a serjes 0f adjustments of popula tion. The exodus to America creates a scarcity of labor which is in turn met by an influx from places that are still worse off economically. For instance I was told that the island of Lissa, where 1700 out of a population of 9914 had emigrated, drew several hundreds of workers from the mainland to carry on its agriculture, and that if the movement continued it would be felt as a great hardship. Similarly Ragusa Vecchia, and other places draw in harvest hands from Montenegro. Remittances As to remittances, it was impossible for me to get data of any value, though what was told me indicated that the Dalmatians dealt with larger sums than most Slavs, which agrees with their reputation for greater aptitude for commerce. Morals and When the men are away, the women attend to the education tillage, whatever it is, and they have the reputation of being excellent vine-dressers. They are said to have a higher standard of morality than the women further inland. In some places it is the custom that a woman shall go to no dance or festivity while her husband is on the sea ; but when he is in port she knows that he is alive and probably having his share of amusement, and she goes with the rest. In general the coast population are more alert, more cultivated by contact with men and affairs than are the people of the interior. Illiteracy They are, however, very illiterate, especially the women. The census of 1900 showed that among" the Servo- Croatians of Austria (that is, practically, the Dalmatians and Istrians), nearly 70 per cent of the men between Sowing in Montenegro Note the house and stall (?) in the background, the small size of the oxen, the round Dalmatian cap and Montenegrin costume of the man. THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 197 thirty and fifty years of age were illiterate, and nearly 90 per cent of the women of the same age. Even among young men between ten and twenty, over half could neither read nor write. This excessive illiteracy is in curious contrast with Dalmatians the exceptionally shrewd, intelligent character of the Sood busi" ness men Dalmatians. In the United States they take not only to the various kinds of work for which their lives as fishermen and sailors have especially fitted them, but to business in various lines. They have apparently especial success in managing restaurants. Illiteracy is not always as great a handicap as one would suppose, even in business. Not long ago in Cleveland I met a gentleman from one of our southwestern states who had come north to interest investors in a mining enterprise. He was a fine-looking man with the speech, bearing and address of a quiet but prosperous American. I learned that he came in 1849 from Dalmatia on his uncle's ship, which he left to look for gold during the California ex citement of that time. His business acquaintances, I am told, wonder why he always leaves them to pick out the particular paper that is wanted from his pile of assay reports and other documents. The reason is that he cannot read, nor write anything but his own name. If the first generation in America overcomes its Develop- deficiencies thus, the second seems to profit to the full by America American advantages. An informant in Galveston, tell ing me of a Dalmatian family said, "The son is an American, pure and simple; there is no evidence of a foreigner about him." Of another Dalmatian of the second generation he said, " He is a great ball player, and a thorough American in spirit. I think they are more readily digested than other people. They are strong and manly, have good morals, make money. They drink a good deal, but in ten years I have known only one drunk ard. As an example of how they get on, take the family of Michael S. I doubt if he could read or write. The eldest son, Stephen, is physically one of the most mag- 198 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Istria Bosnia-Her zegovina nificent looking fellows in town. He holds a responsible position in a shipping agency. The next son is a fine stenographer, and is working in a wholesale commission store. The third, William, has a fruit business of his own. John and Michael junior are both stenographers. One son left the parochial school for the public school when he had made his first communion. He went from the sixth grade parochial to the fifth grade public, but was then put in the seventh." I have taken Dalmatian emigration as the type for this region, and of this and the adjoining coast of Croatia no more need be said here. The Croatian-speaking part of Istria which alone con cerns us is largely mountainous and extremely poor. The emigration thence is numerically slight and quite recent, and is apparently directly due to the opening of the Cunard route from Fiume to New York. It began to be of some importance in 1903, and I was told that Fiume agents incite it. There are no available data. From Bosnia-Herzegovina, the province lying back of Dalmatia, which after having been "administered" by Austria-Hungary since the decision of the treaty of Berlin to that effect in 1878 was so unceremoniously "annexed" in the autumn of 1908, there is also some emigration, though our data do not enable us to dis entangle it from that from Dalmatia. In any case it is numerically unimportant, and gives little excuse for describing this fascinating country nearly half of whose Servo-Croatian population are, by a curious turn of history, Mohammedan, though monogamous by binding custom.* * To those interested I heartily recommend A. J. Evans' "Through Bosnia and Herzegovina on Foot During the Insur rection, August and September, 1875." The book includes a delightful historical account of Ragusa, and descriptions of bits of Croatia. A descriptive article by myself "A Week in Hercegovina and Bosnia," may be found in the Bryn Mawr Alumnae Quarterly of October, 1908, and in the Wellesley College Magazine of May, 1909. THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 199 Montenegro, Servia and Bulgaria lie outside the limits Montenegro, of my study of Slavic immigration from Austria-Hun- oeriV1,a'- gary,* but these countries have been rapidly gaining in importance as sources of emigration, their contingent rising to over 27,000 in 1907, and maintaining itself at over 6000 even in the lean year 1909.! Unfortunately our data give no hint of what proportion came from each country. In the case of Servia and Montenegro it is not important to distinguish them from one another, Montenegrins being also Servians in blood and speech, and divided only politically from the kingdom of Servia. Bulgarians, however, are an entirely distinct group, Slavic in speech and affiliations, but with an unknown element of the blood of the old Bulgars, a people of Asiatic stock, with a speech akin to the Finnic and Mag yar. J Montenegro I visited in 1905, but there seemed little to learn as to emigration. A Dalmatian emigration agent told us indeed that as many as 2000 emigrated yearly from this little principality of not much over 200,000 population, § but that they go wholly to Alaska. In Douglas, Alaska, a Servian paper is or was published, a copy of which was shown us, containing a long poem in which the Eagle and the Vila (the powerful mountain goddess or fairy of Servian folk-lore) discoursed of the destiny of the poor emigrants. The eagle told how they had suffered on the vessel, how a storm had arisen and how the captain was panic-stricken till the emigrants advised him to pray to Saint Nicholas, the patron of voyagers, which he did, after which all was well. I have never observed just this relation between steerage passen gers and captain, but I have seen the design for a statue to * Other Slavic emigration districts which also lie outside this study, as already mentioned, are Russian and German Poland and Russia itself. For some account of Russian immigration, and some further data as to Bulgarian and Servian immigrants see Chapter XIII. t The figures are given above in Table 12, page 195. JCf. Ripley: "Races of Europe," Vol. I, page 421. § Population in 1900, 227, 841. 2 00 SLAVIC EMIGRATION AT ITS SOURCE Montenegrin emigra tion Montenegrins in America . Saint Nicholas, to be erected by grateful returned emi grants in a Croatian village. We were told frequently of the then recent rejection at Ellis Island of some hundred or more Montenegrins. These men had borrowed the money for their tickets, and their forced return was a serious matter for them and theirs. For some time after this the Montenegrin government would grant no more passes; later, the central authorities issued passes, but lower officials were forbidden to do so. I judge, however, that pass ports are not practically a necessity, whether legally re quired or not. In 1904, only 54 passports were issued to America and South America, which certainly could not cover the number of those emigrating, but it was not easy to get further information. As an official in a neighboring Austrian town said to us, " Small states love secrets." In Cetinje, the capital, we met the very usual evidence of interest in emigration to America which is shown by inquiries how to get there, this time inquiries from a tall soldier on sentinel duty ; and a beautiful girl, with the rare, stately beauty of the Montenegrin women, walking home with her knitting through the early twilight to her home on the mountains, an hour away, told us that her brother was in New York. The Montenegrin men do not seem to have a first-class reputation, in neighboring Dalmatia, as workers, but were said to find employment in Cattaro, the Dalmatian port just below Montenegro, because they would work for less money than Dalmatians, who asked two crowns (forty cents) a day. It was said that only two Montene grin women had emigrated, one of them to Buenos Ayres. This shows, if proof were necessary, in how early a phase this emigration movement still is (or was in 1905). With their small numbers it is not surprising that I have not been able to learn much about Montenegrins in America, but I did once run across traces of a party of 35 of them in a Colorado mining camp, where they had A Home in Montenegro No chimney, a roof of dry grass, walls of unmortared stones without windows. THE ADRIATIC COAST OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY 201 left an unenviable reputation for a low grade of living. I saw the rough shacks provided for them in which they had bunked promiscuously, and I remembered the low huts of unmortared stone, with roofs of grass and filled with smoke and children, which I had seen on their naked mountain sides. I thought of the still frequent newspaper accounts of clashes of their bands with the Turks on the frontier, and of how close they stand to the heroic age in which the woman alone labors, since the man must fight and hunt. I recalled the Homeric figure of the blind gusla player singing epic songs in the square at Cetinje (I suppose the only instance in Europe of a living epic) , and I did not wonder that the Monte negrins cannot meet the standards at once of the tenth and twentieth centuries.* * So recently as 1875 the following episode which reads like some mediaeval romance is said to have actually taken place. A young man, for an aggravated crime of seduction, was given the following sentence by the whole village acting as a tribunal. "Milutin, in order that he may do penance before God in his deepest soul for the sin that he has committed, and that he may wash his honor clean before the world must, in the next fight that may occur with the Turks, charge them unarmed, and snatch a weapon from a Turk living or dead, and thus prove that he can appreciate honor and courage." In the revolt of 1875 Milutin fulfilled his strange sentence, which reconciled what was prac tically a sentence of death with the Slavic horror of bloodshed; attacked a division of Turks without any weapon and met his death. See Krauss: "Sitte und Brauch der Sud-Slaven," page 212. PART II SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Ubi bene, ibi Patria CHAPTER XI THE HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION PREVIOUS TO 1880 The time has not yet come when the history of Slavic Accounts of immigration can be written with any thoroughness. sl?vic ?m" The preliminary work must be done by local antiquarian needed'01 societies, state historical associations, writers of mono graphs, and mainly by members of the various nation alities themselves. Meanwhile, unless the work of collecting material is vigorously and systematically carried on, much will be irrevocably lost.* I submit for criticism a rough outline for such a history so far as I have made it out. The reader of previous chapters will find in this ac count a recurrence to persons and events already men tioned in connection with the various separate cradles of emigration, — persons and events which now have to be considered together in chronological sequence as they affect America. To bring together the facts bearing on the same point, wherever they are taken up, reference may be made to the index, which takes the place of some of the cross references which would otherwise be required. *The intelligent and foresighted effort of the Wisconsin Historical Society, under the leadership of Mr. Thwaites, to gather material on foreign settlements in the State before the memory of their early stages is lost, is one that should be gener ally imitated. Unfortunately, the undertaking was not com pleted, but some of the material has been published and some of it is accessible in the society's library at Madison. Among the immigrants themselves it is very naturally the two older groups, the Bohemians and the Poles, who have done most toward getting their history written, and it must be said that both have made creditable beginnings. For a partial bibliography, see Appendix XIV, page 456. 205 colonists 206 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES FIRST PERIOD: SPORADIC ARRIVALS BEFORE 1850. I distinguish three periods, that before 1850, that from 1850 to 1880, and that since 1880. The first is marked by no considerable influx, but by scattered individuals rescued from oblivion by some personal distinction or some touch of the picturesque. Individual The list is headed by a Pole, John of Kolno, previously referred to, who is said to have commanded a vessel from Danzig and to have discovered the Labrador mainland sixteen years before Columbus crossed the Atlantic* In the seventeenth century appear a number of sturdy worthies of Manhattan, including the two Bohemians al ready spoken of, Augustine Herman, Lord of Bohemia Manor, and Bedf ich Filip, who reached what was then New Amsterdam about 1658.! The founder of the distinguished family of the Zabriskies was one Albert Soborowski or Albrecht Zaborowsky, who in 1662 or earlier settled on the Hackensack River in New Jersey. His signature as interpreter is found affixed to an Indian contract of purchase in 1679. One descendant was Abraham O. Zabriskie, an eminent Chancellor of New Jersey, another was the Rev. George Gray, Dean of Harvard College. The family claim descent from the Polish King, John Sobieski, but Mr. Capek argues in favor of their Bohe mian origin. J These men and their descendants inter married with well-known families like that of Gouverneur * I find in the American Pioneer, I, pages 399—400, a communi cation signed Polonus, which states that in "TJlisses," by George Korn, Leyden (?) 167 1, it is mentioned that John Scolnus (that is, John of Kolno, a small town in Masovia in Russian Poland), a Pole in the service of Christian, King of Denmark, discovered the continent of Labrador in the year 1476. See also Kruszka: "Historya Polska w Ameryce," I, page 52. t See pages 68-69. Additional names will be found in Capek's "Pamatky Ceskych Emigrantu v Americe." J See Capek, page 9; Kruszka: "Historya Polska w Ameryce," page 53; New York Gen. Rec, XXIII, pages 26, 33, J39-47 (quoted by Capek). See also Who's Who in America for modern representatives of the name. For part of my in formation I am indebted to a living member of the family. Manor House of Frederick Phillips Built in 1682 — Now the city hall of Yonkers, N'. Y. First House in Bethlehem The place of the Moravian Settlement in Pennsylvania, 1741. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 207 Morris, the Bayards, Jays, Morrisons, Astors and others, and, like all the immigrants of the period before 1850, were quickly merged in the general population. Whether Zaborowsky was a Pole or not, we are in formed that as early as 1659 the Dutch colonists of Man hattan Island hired a Polish schoolmaster for the educa tion of the youth of the community.* One hears of Polish settlers in Virginia, f of Polish indented servants in southern states, J and Proper speaks of a small colony of Polish Protestants who, during the early years of the eighteenth century, settled in New Jersey in the valleys of the Passaic and Raritan.§ Another historical waif is the story already referred to of the unnamed Dalmatian who is said to have gone to California some time before 1700 by way of India. Less shadowy is Sodowsky, who probably settled in what is now New York City in the reign of Queen Anne. He was an Indian trader, and his sons James and Jacob were frontiersmen in the days when white men were first beginning to get a foothold in Kentucky. With Hight and Harrod, James Sodowsky helped make the first "improvement" there, when in 1774 they planted corn at Harrod's Station. This settlement was broken up by Indians. Jacob is said to have made a canoe voyage, and to have reached New Orleans by the Cumberland, Ohio and Mississippi rivers, the first white man after the Spanish and French to descend those streams. It is a disputed point whether or not the name of Sandusky in Ohio is derived from a corruption of the name Sodowsky.[| * Conway, J.: "Catholic Education in the United States," quoted by Kruszka, I, page 53. t Kruszka, I, page 54. j Ballagh, J. C: White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia." Johns Hopkins Univ. Studies in Historical and Political Science, XIII, page 40. § Proper, E. E.: "Colonial Immigration Laws," Columbia College Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, XII, page 81. || For a fairly full though not wholly consistent account of the Sodowsky pioneers see the American Pioneer, I, page 119,' and II, page 325. Cf. also Roosevelt's "Winning of the West," I, page 164. 208 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Moravian brethren Polish patriots There were probably other more or less distinguished colonial families, both Bohemian and Polish, but in formation is scarce. William Paca, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, was of an old and numerous family which may have a Bohemian origin.* Of wider interest was the coming of the thrice win nowed followers of Huss, the "Moravian Brethren." f (See above, page 69.) Exiled from Bohemia as "Bo hemian Brethren," they were later drawn from their refuge in Moravia to Saxony, where Count Zinsendorf gave them protection at Herrnhut. Fired with mis sionary zeal, a small body of this sect landed in 1736 in Georgia, where Count Zinsendorf had procured a grant of land. Here Wesley attended the dedication of their church. By 1739 they had also a missionary colony in South Carolina, but this had to be abandoned, owing to quarrels between the English and Spanish in which the Moravians would not participate and could not remain neutral. In 1740 they were accordingly transported in Whitefield's shallop to Philadelphia. Again difficulties arose, but by 1741 they were established at Bethlehem in the Lehigh Valley. From this as a centre they have founded numerous settlements, and have increased until they now number over 16,000 in the United States. While, as has been said, this movement has an inner connection with Bohemian history, it is hard to say how far it meant an actual infusion of Slavic blood. There may be more than names would indicate, as Bohemians would have been very likely to translate their names (as Schwarz for Cerny) or to conform them to German usage. Our Revolution brought from Poland the national hero, Kosciuszko, together with Pulaski, who died at Savannah, and Niemcewicz, biographer of Washington, three men who with the Frenchman, Lafayette, seem * Capek, page 10. t There is a large and detailed literature of the Moravian movement, much of which can be readily consulted. Cf. Gindely: "Geschichte der Bohmischen Bruder," besides the English authorities. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 209 to lend a touch of exotic romance to the homespun of our own embattled farmers.* The Polish insurrection of 1831 sent us a more con siderable and more abiding contingent including, among many Poles, a Bohemian volunteer in their cause, Dr. Dignovity, later of San Antonio, Texas, where his family are said still to prosper, f A pathetic echo of the fate of some of the Polish exiles is a reminiscence of an American lady who lived as a girl in Troy, New York, some time in the early thirties. She told me that she could never forget seeing there a group of Polish gentlemen, ragged, but obvious aristo crats, working at the cobbled paving of the street with bleeding fingers. A few days later one of these men looked at his torn hands, drew out a pistol and shot himself. The little girl in Troy was not alone in her sense of pity for the exiles, as is manifested in the current litera ture of the day, J and more practically by the grant from Congress of land amounting to thirty-six sections. Two townships were surveyed for them near Rock River, Illinois. § * Kruszka (I, page 54 ff.) gives an account of these heroes and of many lesser early Pohsh immigrants. t Capek, pages 98-105. Capek speaks of various other immi grants of the early nineteenth century, one of them an associate of John Jacob Astor, besides those mentioned above, page 69. X In the New England Magazine of January, 1835, is an inter esting article (unsigned) on the Polish Exiles. It refers with romantic enthusiasm to Poland's wrongs, sufferings and glories, and especially reproaches America with her ungenerous treat ment of those exiles who have come thither. "There have ar rived in the United States about three hundred and fifty exiles of Poland; most of them non-commissioned officers, young men — many of them boys. Of these not even fifty have found employment suitable to their education and former habits; the majority of the rest have applied themselves to hard work, such as they could find, to earn their bitter bread and pass away the dreary days of their exile until their country shall again call them to her rescue; for they will not abandon the hope of one day seeing her free, and nobly refuse to take upon themselves any engagement which will prevent them from obeying her first signal." See also Kraitser: "The Poles in the United States of America," pages 193-6. § Donaldson: "The Public Domain," page 212. 14 2IO SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Refugees of The revolutionary year 1848 also sent us, as has been 1848 said before, political refugees from both Bohemia and Poland, as well as those from France and Germany of whom Carl Schurz is the best known. Of this move ment a well informed Bohemian writes: "The first emigration from Bohemia to the United States took place in the few years succeeding the Revo lution of 1848 in Austria, and the cause therefor was al most entirely political dissatisfaction due to the reaction toward despotism which followed that revolution. These first settlers were of the most intelligent class of people, and in very many cases of the wealthy classes. They established themselves in St. Louis, Missouri, and in Caledonia, Wisconsin (near Racine)."* The gold The gold fever of 1849, as also mentioned in previous fever chapters, brought adventurers to California, some Bohe mians probably, and some Dalmatians. Dalmatians, indeed, being sailors and fishermen, either from the coast or islands of the Adriatic, have come to us now and again from very early times. Statistics of In the period previous to 1850 our immigration statis- immigration tics published by the Treasury Department are of little value to us. They do not mention Austria-Hungary as a country of origin (this first appears in the list in 186 1) but Poland and " Russia except Poland " do appear. For the whole period of thirty years, however, only 495 "alien passengers" are recorded from Poland and 907 from Russia except Poland. Immigrants are not dis tinguished from transient visitors. The figures are doubtless very defective in any case, apart from the fact that German Poles are indistinguishable from Germans and that Bohemians have no rubric at all. United . The census of 1850, to which we then turn to sum up States Cen- ^e resuits 0f this period as well as it can be done, does sus of 1850 r ' not specify either Poland or Bohemia as countries of * "The Bohemian Settlements in Kewaunee County." Anony mous MSS. in possession of State Historical Society of Wisconsin. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION birth.* The Polish immigrants of this period, being mainly from German Poland and Silesia, doubtless are merged with the mass of the German born, who already in 1850 numbered nearly 600,000. Natives of Austria, the bulk of whom were certainly Bohemians, then numbered, so far as registered, only 946. The largest groups were at the doors, so to speak, in New York City (109), New Orleans (129) and in California (87). Inland the beginnings of the later large Bohemian colonies in Mis souri, Illinois and Wisconsin were already apparent. SECOND PERIOD: 1850-1880. THE OLDER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION During this period there was a considerable immigra tion of Bohemians and Poles, the latter still mainly from the German provinces. Bohemian immigration began to be of importance earlier than the Polish, and through out this period continued to outnumber it. The United States figures for arrivals of alien pas sengers for the period are: TABLE 13.— ARRIVALS OF ALIEN PASSENGERS AND IMMIGRANTS, 1850-1880. t Year Poland Russia except Poland Hungary OTHER Austria EXCEPT Hungary 1851-18601861-18701871-1880 1,164 2,027 12,970 4S7 2.532 38,838! 484* 9,960 5,9i4 63,009 Total for the period (i6,i6ii 41,827 10,444 68,923 * For a discussion of census data as a basis for estimating the numbers of Slavic inhabitants see Appendix XV, page 458. t Alien passengers through 1867-68; immigrants since that date. % 192 passengers, the country of whose origin is stated only as Austria-Hungary, are omitted from the figures for 1868. § After 187 1 passengers from Finland are given apart from those of Russia and are not here included. For immigration figures previous to 1892 see "Arrivals of Alien Passengers and Immigrants in the United States from 1820 to 1892." Treasury Dept. Report, 1893. 212 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN- THE UNITED STATES The census results for the period are shown in brief in Chart I. Natives of 1860 1870 1880 Austria 25,061 III Hi 30,508 ¦¦ 38,863 H I Bohemia 40,289 ¦¦ 85,361 Hungary 3,737 IBB 11,526 Poland 7,298 tSSB 14,436 | | 48,557 Russia 3,160 MUM 4.644 3M 35,722 Chart I. — Census Data for Natives of Specified Countries in the United States, i860, 1870 and 1880.* Since so far as our data indicate the Slavs in the United States in 1850 were a negligible quantity in *For percentages and later figures see Table 15, page 244. History of Slavic immigration 213 point of numbers, we may regard those registered in 1880 as added during this thirty year period. We find that in 1880 the census figures were as follows: TABLE 14.— SLAVS IN. THE UNITED STATES. CENSUS OF 1880. Natives of Bohemia 85 361 :: p°^ •' 48,557 1 - ¦/.; ^ & » < ¦¦ ,:> Austria 38,663 [ 122,942 ^ "Russia 35,722 J , 1 // "Hungary ii!s26 iAJ- '\> l I ' Total 2 19,829 It is of course impossible to know just what these figures mean racially. The Bohemian group is evidently large, for besides the bulk of those from Bohemia a considerable number from Austria were probably Bohe mians (or Moravians which amounts to the same thing). The 123,000 from Poland, Austria and Russia were probably mainly Poles and Jews, though in what pro portions it is impossible to say.* The character of the immigration of this period is es- An eco- sentially economic, in contrast with the earlier scatter- nomic , . , . , . , . . , movement mg and largely political movement. Artisans from villages and larger towns and peasants from their fields began to come in numbers, and to come as settlers, with their families and their little capital, making their way to regions that were then pioneer country. Though the bulk of those who came went West, like Political our own young men, to "grow up with the country," and mfluence for much the same reasons, there were of course still those (as there are today) who were influenced mainly by hopes of a freedom that they lacked at home, and various political events increased this element from time to time. The war between Austria and Prussia in 1866 sent us both Bohemians and Poles, and a further emigration of the latter was caused by the Polish in surrection of 1 86 1 and by the course of events in Prussia * It is rather interesting to note the remark in the census of i860 (p. xxix): "Of Russians and Poles speaking the Sclavonian language, this migration has been inconsiderable in amount." 214 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES after the war with France and during the "Kultur Kampf " of the early seventies. An instance of the spirit of the men who came for the sake of their political connections was told me by. the son of a Bohemian pioneer in Texas. A friend from the old country visited the family in their new abode. "Why, Valentine," he said, "at home your pigs are housed better than you are here." "That is true," was the sturdy answer, "but I would rather live here in this log house than in a palace under the Austrian government." It is not strange that the son of a man of this stamp finds himself -a person of influence in his community — in this particular case, judge, editor, and member of the county school committee. In the Chicago schools the teachers notice even today a difference among the Polish pupils between the children of men of intelligence, self-exiled for the sake of ideals, and of the Polish "man with the hoe." It must be said, however, that Polish children in general are con sidered good scholars. A move- In this second period appear for the first time groups ment spon- 0£ some s[ze an(j cohesion. Apparently Slavs have never taneousand rc J unorganized immigrated as organized bodies (unless we count the but grouped Moravians or some of the Russian sectaries) ; but though coming separately or in little bands of relatives or neigh bors, they have a strong tendency to congregate in homo geneous groups, often made up of people drawn together not simply as members of the same national subdivision, but as neighbors in the same home village. This is the natural result at once of social affinities, intensified by iso lation in a strange land among people with a strange tongue, and of the fact that the immigrant who finds a successful location draws over acquaintances from home to settle beside him. Yet while the bulk of our Slavic population are in larger or smaller colonies of their own, it will almost always be noticeable that representatives HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 2 15 are to be found dispersed far and wide, the scouts, as it were, who may lead the way to new settlements. The two chief early routes seem to have been from Bre- Early routes men or Liverpool to either New York or New Orleans, though in the days of sailing vessels there was probably more variety than today in both the goal and the char acter of the journey. From New York the settlers went West, while from New Orleans, Galveston and the other Gulf ports they pushed inland, by the great waterway of the Mississippi, then in all the glory of its steamboating era. Many of those who entered at the Gulf ports, penetrating northward, ultimately found the same goals as their countrymen traveling overland from the east. Many, however, did not go so far but stopped as we shall see at Saint Louis or Cleveland or settled in Texas with out journeying farther. It seems best to consider separately the settlement first of the Bohemians, then of the Poles, and finally of other Slavic groups. Louis settlements £~~BOHEMIAN SETTLEMENT j' The earliest colony of Bohemians was in St. LoUis, In Saint where in 1854 they had already established a Catholic church, and this city has always remained an influential Bohemian centre. Texas also early drew Bohemian immigrants.* The Texas first, it is said, was a Protestant pastor named Berg man, from Silesia, who left home in February, 1848, and came to Catspring, near Austin, where he engaged in farming. A letter from him containing most favorable accounts of Texas fell accidentally into the hands of another Bohemian named Lesikar, and through his persuasions a group of Bohemians who had been thinking of emigrating to Southern Hungary decided * My account of these Texas settlers is drawn from Dr. Habernicht's "History of Bohemians in America. Part III, The State of Texas." The Study is in Bohemian and the un translated title will be found in the Bibliography. ts 2l6 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES with Lesikar to follow Bergman's example. Their story suggests what emigration meant in those days. The voyage from Liverpool to Galveston lasted seventeen weeks. The vessel was crowded with Irish immigrants. The food, which was bad, was served out raw, and each family had to cook for themselves, an arrangement then common. Half of the party died on the journey* Early From this beginning, settlers from Bohemia and hardships Moravia multiplied in Texas, spreading into a number of counties. Their situation was nevertheless a very difficult one. The state which had become a part of the Union only three years before, in 1845, had long been a resort for the most varied elements. The Americans generally carried on large plantations with slave labor, or else had great half wild herds. Cotton and cattle were raised for traffic with neighboring states or with Mexico. Into such a society came Bohemians, Poles and Germans, singly or in small groups, with a little capital only, buy ing comparatively small farms and working them them selves. The Bohemians generally held anti-slavery views which set the Americans against them and sub jected them to all sorts of persecutions. When the Civil War broke out, matters naturally became worse. "They fired on people who wanted to avoid military service as if they had been rabbits, and if one were caught he had to go as a soldier." Some of the unfortunate settlers went to Mexico for awhile, others are said to have hidden in the woods and to have slept in hollow trees. Added to these troubles were the war prices. No goods came through from the Northwest, and what was brought in from Mexico was very dear. I am tempted to cite instances of the careers of some of these early Texan settlers, for instance that of Joseph Petr, whose father emigrated from Moravia when * Friedrich Kapp, long one of the New York State Commis sioners of Immigration, in the years before the Federal authori ties had assumed responsibility, gives similar accounts of the horrible conditions of the early steerage. Indeed, the literature of the subject, both history and fiction, is full of them. • HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 21 7 the boy was eleven — one of six children who could no longer be supported in the old home. The new farm was bought on credit, the whole family had to work early and late, and schooling was out of the question. After five years the Civil War broke out, the eldest son died in the ranks and the sixteen-year-old Joseph was em ployed carting provisions for the soldiers. After the war he learned blacksmithing, and helped with his father's farm and store. He prospered and came to own a thousand acres of good land on which twenty Bohe mian families found their living as employes or tenants. He held a number of offices, served as postmaster, and was twice elected to the state legislature. Thus their native persistence carried the Bohemians through the dark days of their first settlement. Since 1904 Texas seems to have again begun to attract Bohe mians in considerable numbers: in the four years 1905- 1908 over 4000 gave Texas as their destination. In 1906 their number in the state was locally estimated at 60,000, a respectable and respected element of the farming dis tricts.* One of the earliest goals of the Bohemians as well as Wisconsin's of Poles, Germans and Scandinavians, Belgians, and many ^jLants™" Other peoples, was Wisconsin, and the attitude of that state toward immigration probably did a good deal to bring this about. A fact that is easily forgotten in the present state of feeling in regard to immigration is the eager and official solicitation of immigrants that was carried on for years by various states. Mr. Gregory, in a * Haberhicht remarks (page 128), "The Moravians in Texas, conservative in character, have not acquired the energy and alertness, the business spirit, requisite in America; so that they do not accomplish as great a success as they might with their industry, honesty and thrift. Of late years their main crop has suffered from the ravages of the cotton weevil." Habernicht here speaks of Moravians. I have used the word Bohemian as equivalent to Cech (Chekh) and have applied it to natives of Moravia and Bohemia alike. For some further account of Texas settlement see page 228. 2l8 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Federal encouragement paper contributed to the Proceedings of the State His torical Society of Wisconsin in 1901, writes as follows: "The men who controlled the destinies of Wisconsin . . . framed the state constitution and the early statutes in such a way as to encourage foreign settlers to feel at home here, and in this respect Wisconsin's laws have never changed. During a large part of the time since admission to the Union (in 1848), an active propaganda to encourage immigration has been carried on by the state." Wisconsin, like various other states, appointed a Com missioner of Emigration to stimulate the inflow. In 1 8 5 2 the first man to fill this office reported to the Governor that he had been in New York distributing pamphlets in English, German, Norwegian and Dutch, describing the resources of the state. These were handed to immi grants on vessels and in hotels and taverns, and sent abroad; editorials and advertisements were inserted in foreign papers, and he and his assistants talked personally with as many immigrants as possible. He himself says: "It is hardly possible to make a true estimate of the influence exerted by the agency in New York. In formation has emanated from there in every direction, and is now spread over a large and, for our object, most valuable part of Europe." After four years this state canvass for immigrants was suspended for a time, but in 1864 the Wisconsin legisla ture memorialized Congress for the passage of national laws to encourage foreign immigration on the ground that labor was scarce, owing to the war, and that wages had more than doubled. Whether or not as a consequence of this request, Congress did in the same year pass an act to encourage immigration, which, however, was repealed in March, 1868.* Again, in 1879, Wisconsin established a State * Hall, P. F.: "Immigration and its Effects upon the United States," page 202. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 2 19 Board of Immigration to increase and stimulate immigration, with authority to disseminate infor mation. The official circulars mentioned as induce ments the following points: climate, rich lands at a nominal price, free schools and a free university, equality before the law, religious liberty, no imprison ment for debt and liberal exemption from seizure by a creditor, suffrage and the right to be elected to any office but that of governor or lieutenant governor on one year's residence, whether a citizen or not (intention to become one having been declared) ; and full eligibility to^- office for all actual citizens. "There is never an election in the state," one circular continues, "that does not put some, and often very many, foreign-born citizens into office. Indeed, there is no such thing as a foreigner in Wisconsin, save in the mere accident of birthplace; for men coming here and entering into the active duties of life identify themselves with the state and her in terests, and are to all intents and purposes American.'^, We are told "The language above used is, except in rhetoric, identical" with that in an edition of 1884. Besides this direct encouragement by the state "a Other forms similar canvass was maintained by counties and land °[0n° companies, and at a later stage by railway companies, some of them sending agents to travel in Europe."* Of such solicitation at the very beginning of Bohemian immigration 1 found tradition still mindful in the old country. Mr. Senner, formerly Commissioner of Immigration at the Port of New York, said before the Industrial Com mission (Vol. XV, 1901, page 182) that the effect of such advertisement is exaggerated. "There is no doubt that people have been educated to take our advertisements with a large grain of allowance. They look rather more sceptically on these matters than * For all this see Gregory, J. G. : "Foreign Immigration to Wisconsin." Proceedings of State Historical Society of Wis consin, 1 90 1. 2 20 , SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES they did fifteen to twenty years ago." Michigan, Wisconsin and a few other states maintained permanerit colonization bureaus in Europe, "but their success is very small." Granting that experience has led intending immigrants to discount solicitations to emigrate, it is still true that immigrants have felt themselves directly and officially invited and urged to come, and it is not surprising that one often finds them aggrieved and hurt at the tone of too many current references making foreigners synony mous with everything that is unwelcome. Bohemians Wisconsin was, as has been explained, a favorite goal in Wisconsin with both Bohemians and Poles. The Bohemians were at Caledonia, near Racine, on Lake Michigan, in 1844. The first Bohemian newspaper, Slavie, was published here, and here the Bohemian free-thought movement seems to have first taken shape. Within a few years there were settlements in Milwaukee (then a town of about 30,000), and in Manitowoc and Kewaunee counties. The latter now contains the largest colony of Bohemians in Wisconsin (excepting perhaps that in Milwaukee) ; in 1890 it was estimated that three-sevenths of the popula tion of Kewaunee county were of Bohemian extraction. It is therefore particularly fortunate that the col lections of the Wisconsin Historical Society contain the unpublished account of the early days there which I have already cited, and that Miss Nan Mashek has pub lished a spirited if brief account.* I quote from the former: "The first Bohemian settlers in Kewaunee County came from Milwaukee. The inducement offered was the opportunity given for obtaining cheap but good farming lands for which the purchasers could pay, and support themselves at the same time from the timber found upon them. The succeeding immigrants came directly from Bohemia by the solicitation of their friends * "Bohemian Farmers of Wisconsin." Charities, XIII, pages 211-214 (Dec. 3, 1904). HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 221 and relatives already settled here, and almost without exception their reason was a desire to better their mate rial condition. Most of them immediately bought lands, usually with borrowed money, and at once settled upon them, while others worked in the large saw mills at Kewaunee for a part of the year, and upon their lands during the remainder. In about 1870 the larger part of the immigrants were already established here, and since then but few have come. "Though in certain parts of Bohemia peculiarities in Pioneer dress and customs are even now prevalent, they rapidly conditions disappeared among the settlers here, until there is now none at all strikingly noticeable. Very little personal property was brought along, except the ancestral feather bed which yet plays such a prominent part in the baggage of the immigrants of today; each family was usually provided with some money, though funds were not absolutely necessary, because while clearing his newly purchased farm the settler was sure of support from the timber cut. The greatest difficulties encountered were due to the distance of the market and the lack of roads. During the first year Manitowoc, at a distance of thirty miles, was the nearest market, and the roads to that were corduroys through swamp lands. When the village of Kewaunee was settled, the condition of affairs was im proved but even then some farmers were obliged to carry to town on their backs the split shingles they had made, and receiving their pay in flour, return home with the sack on their shoulders. In the fall, supplies were laid in for the whole winter, and if ever the flour gave out, hand coffee mills were used to grind whatever wheat they might have. . . . By far the greater part of the Bohemian emigrants belonged to the agricultural and common laboring classes in the old country." Another Kewaunee County informant,* writing of the old times, says: * Letter from Louis Bruemm'er. MSS. in library of Historical Society of Wisconsin. 222 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES "The old settlers suffered hardships; having bought lands, and their funds [being] exhausted, they were compelled to carry shingles on their shoulders, made by hand, to Kewaunee or Ahnapee in exchange for the necessaries of life, traveling on foot from twenty to thirty miles. The writer lived in an adjoining town of Mishicott in Manitowoc county, in 1854, and had his feet frozen in making cord wood at thirty-seven and one- half cents per cord, where they charged him board with $2.50 per week. He was then fourteen years old, and was expected to earn the pork and bread for the family; he made shingles while his feet were healing, and after being able to walk, loaded 2000 shingles on a hand sled to Mishicott, three miles distant, to trade for flour and pork ; but on trying the merchants, was sorry to find that they would give 'store pay' for shingles, except flour and pork, which must be paid for in cash; but our cash was gone; finally the merchant relented, and furnished me with twenty pounds [of] flour at the rate of $14 per barrel, and the flour was of the same quality as middlings of the present time. Such were the conditions in this county from 1850 to 1857 ; there was a poor market for everything. Success "The soil was good, covered with heavy timber such as maple, beech, hemlock, cedar, basswood or linden, black and white ash, oak and elm. But through hard work and industry, lands were cleared, and in a couple of years they were glad that they had a log cabin, a yoke of oxen, a cow and twenty-five hens, and from five to twenty acres improved land, which partially supported the family. The money and clothing were generally earned by the heads of the families in saw mills, of which there were plenty within a radius of twenty miles, and their lot was better then — even a hundred per cent better — than in their European homes." We will return to a consideration of this thrifty county later, in discussing farming conditions. Another similar informant, from Crawford county HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 223 (Wis.), says that the Bohemians, who are from all parts of the old country, first came in 1857, having been in other states first. They came individually. The first six men (the original gives their names) bought land of the government, but later comers bought from resident farmers or speculators. The numbers have increased gradually. Most came from Chicago, a few direct from Bohemia on invitation of their relatives here. A few have sold and gone farther west. They are, as a class, in dustrious, clean, frugal, honest, patriotic, peace-loving, and intelligent. Their sons and daughters speak both English and Bohemian, but they seldom intermarry with other nationalities. They follow the American mode of farming, but are more industrious. " The effect on their neighbors is Grand, as they envy each other for the common good," says our informant. In spite of their industry, however, not all of these early Bohemians succeeded. Many, I was told, lost their land in the panic of 1859 for a few dollars' indebted ness, and had to abandon farming and join some city colony, many going to St. Louis. St. Louis, Texas and Wisconsin are not the only seats Other set- of early settlements. There were Bohemian colonists, tlements says Mr. Rudis Jicinsky, in an article in the Cedar Rapids Gazette, at about the same time in Wisconsin, New York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Iowa and Texas.* Yet the wooded country of Wisconsin and Minnesota, where the timber supplied a source of income from the first, was sought earlier than the more fertile prairie districts. f The Bohemian settlements on the rich levels of Iowa Bohemians were generally not only later than those to the north, m Iowa but were commonly made, not directly from the old country, but as a second stage by settlers moving from Wisconsin. * Cedar Rapids Gazette, June 14, 1906, page 11. t See page 324 for a comparison of timber and prairie land for settlement. 224 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Pioneerstories Loss of so cial status in America Two stories which I gleaned from a family of these early Iowa settlers had several points of interest. The father's family, of Bohemian peasant stock, came about 1854 to Galveston, and made its way thence by steamer to Houston, Texas, then a small place. The Bohemian settlers there seemed unprogressive, the talk of yellow fever was not cheering, the water was bad, the insect plagues intolerable, and sleep out of the question. The family quickly decided to push on to St. Louis, which meant going back to Galveston to take the St. Louis steamer. On the Mississippi boat there was a set of roughs, and a row took place in which one man was killed. The mother used to tell how' one of these men stood and looked at the little boy as he lay asleep. The father was disgusted with the South after these experiences, and decided to go to Racine, Wisconsin, by way of Galena and Chicago. In Chicago the father fell sick and died, but the family finally reached Racine. They did not remain, however, but joined a party of their countrymen going to Linn county, Iowa, to settle. There were perhaps four families in the party, each with its yoke of oxen. In Iowa the son prospered, until today his fields stretch over the wide rolling slopes as far as the eye can see, and his farmhouse is given over to his superintendent, while he lives with his family in the town. In Iowa he met his wife, whose family came from Bohemia a few years earlier than his. The wife's story is typical of the not uncommon case where the transition to America means a fall, not a rise, in social status. Her family were cultivated, well-to- do people. One son, being involved in the revolution of 1848, was sent to America with family money to invest. The members of the family at home under stood that he was succeeding, and decided to join him, but on arrival they found themselves stranded, as the money entrusted to the son had been swallowed up in a business misadventure. Moreover, by a tragic coincidence of two accidents to letters, they lost touch with another son who had remained in Europe. He as HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 225 well as the family had moved, and on both sides letters were returned as impossible to deliver. The family came first to New York, then went on to Wisconsin, and from there to Iowa, going by train as far as Milwaukee. On their way to Iowa they stopped at a place where one of the party had a log cabin, and here they finally spent a whole season, three families sharing its inconveniences. Blocks of wood were used for chairs, and bedframes were made on the model of a saw-horse. A hole covered with boards served as a cellar in which to store potatoes. In April, 1852, they started out again in regular immi grant fashion. The family had only one wagon for all their luggage, and the daughter, who told me the story, then seventeen, made the three weeks' journey on foot. Every few miles was a farmhouse with the sign " tavern," and at these taverns they would get their meals. They finally reached Cedar Rapids, which now, with Life in 25,000 people, is the sixth city of Iowa, but it was then a jj^lds little place with some thirty houses, the people Americans and a few German laborers. The chief man of the settlement, a judge, asked the father if he did not have a daughter who would come and work at his house. So this delicately reared girl, who had been brought up to go to school, sew and embroider, "not even accustomed to wash the dishes," went out to service on a pioneer farm. None of the family were used to hard work, and it killed the father in a year. But the young are strong to endure, and the daughter grew up and married the prosperous Bohemian farmer whose story has already been told. Their children, girl and boys alike, have had college educations, and the son, on a recent trip to Europe, found their relatives there, one cousin a professor in the University of Vienna, another cousin teaching Greek in a seminary, and an uncle the owner of a large factory. The mother, while glad to have news of her kin, would not like to have her European relatives see her American environment. She cannot forget what she felt to be the degradation of her barefoot, hardworking girlhood. 15 226 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Clevelandcolony of Bohemians Occupa tions Ohio was the seat of another early Bohemian colony, situated in and about Cleveland, where the first comers arrived about 1848. It is interesting to notice that just as Wisconsin was the first goal of Bohemians who later went to Iowa, so Wisconsin was also the intended desti nation of those who started the Cleveland colony, As seems to be often the case, the earliest were Jews, but true Bohemians came directly after; by 1855 there were 19 families, and in 1869 their numbers had grown to over 3000. In spite of all the hardship of the pioneer days, doubly difficult to those who came from a very different sort of life at home, the old people often look back with regret to the "good old times" when numbers were less and intimacy more, and when the very fact of being strangers together in a strange land made internal differences of religious opinion or social class seem trivial. One old lady who came in 1853 said: "At first it was very hard, for the Americans looked upon us with distrust or rather aversion, which I could never explain to myself. Later I learned that it was only our customs — our bare feet and handkerchiefs over our heads — that they objected to." Of the old settlers many were farmers, though their children, like others, have since largely come to the cities. At least a quarter, however, had trades. In 1869, when the Cleveland colony numbered 1749 males and 1503 females, there were 120 carpenters, builders, coopers, etc., 84 masons and stone cutters, 56 tailors, 50 machinists and smiths of various sorts, 44 shoe makers, 22 inn-"keepers, 17 butchers and bakers, 15 store keepers, 13 professional musicians, 11 iron moulders, while others were furriers, tanners, harness makers, upholsterers, watchmakers, dyers, cobblers, bookbinders, printers, brewers, etc. Fifty girls were at service on farms.* * "The Bohemian Colony and Bohemian Societies in Cleve land, Ohio, in North America, published by the Bohemians of HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 227 The Bohemian settlements further west, in Nebraska, the Dakotas and Oklahoma, belong mainly in the period after 1880, although those in Nebraska began in the sixties. The chief city colonies of Bohemians were founded Citycolo- early, but did not grow very rapidly. That in St. Louis, hem'ians°m the first to be of importance, has already been spoken of. New York The colony in New York made its chief gains in the seventies; according to the census it rose during this decade from 1487 to 8093, multiplying itself between five and six times between 1870 and 1880, while in the twenty years from 1880 to 1900 it did not quite double. As already said, many came to New York from Kutna Hora as a result of a strike in the government tobacco factory there in 1878 (?), and this brought it about that many Bohemians went into cigar making in New York, fresh comers being drawn into a trade which already oc cupied many of their fellow countrymen. (See page 357.) The Bohemian colony in Chicago, already in 1870, Bohemians when the census gave it 6277, the largest in the country, m Chicago closely reflects the general movement. The first settlers, coming apparently about 185 1, were political exiles; later there was a more numerous and less select influx of peasants and artisans.* After the fire of 187 1 came a stream of skilled laborers,! and as custom tailoring was then a good trade in Chicago, many Bohemians went into it. Unfortunately the Bohemians as well as Bohemian Jews are to be found in large numbers in sweat-shops. Cleveland on the occasion of the Ethnographical Exhibition in Prague in the year 1905," pages 13—27. The book is in Bohemian. The original title, untranslated, will be found in the Biblio graphy under Bohemians in the United States. * The late Mrs. Humpal-Zeman in her article in "Hull House Maps and Papers" (1895) wrote: "Among these earlier emi grants were men of cultivation and energy, who loved liberty so well that they were ready to undertake all manner of menial service for her sake; and thus one would often find men of edu cation and high social standing engaged in street sweeping, cigar making and other humble occupations; and graduates of the University of Prague working for $2.50 and $4 a week." t Humpal-Zeman, Josef a: "Bohemian Settlements in the United States." Industrial Commission, XV, page 507. 2 28 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Bohemians A subject which certainly should be treated in an the CivifS m historical account of Slavs in America, but which I can War only touch upon without in any way doing justice to it, is the service of both Bohemians and Poles during the Civil War. The anti-slavery sentiment of the former has already been alluded to, and the first regiment that went from Chicago to fight for the Union is said to have been a Lincoln rifle company that some " Bohemian- Slavonian " young men had organized in i860.* The dominating feature in the great Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago is the soldier's monument, just such a monument as stands on every village common in New England; and perhaps nothing so much as this visible sign of blood shed in the same cause bridges the differ ence of national feeling. POLISH SETTLEMENT Polish colo- To turn now to the other important body of Slavic Texas immigrants of this period, the Poles, we find that they, as well as the Bohemians, came early to Texas, and at Panna Marya (the Virgin Mary) their oldest settlement in that state, the first Polish church in America was founded in 1855. I had an interesting talk with a son of one of the original colonists, who spoke gladly of the old times. Rev. Leopold Moczygemba.f a Franciscan mis sionary in Texas, became acquainted with an Irish Catholic who owned land and who suggested its use for a Polish colony. At first there were only fifteen or twenty families, but in all there came a hundred or more; it is not possible to get precise numbers. The first immigrants came by sailing vessels to Gal veston, up the river to Indianola, and thence by wagon, arriving in the early winter. They built huts of boughs and such other material as they could find. The con- * Humpal-Zeman, Josefa: "Hull House Maps and Papers," page 125. t For an account, with portrait, of this early settler, see Kruszka, I, Ch. III. For general conditions in Texas at this time, see above page 216. Priests and Patriots 1. Father Dombrowski, born in Poland in 1842; fought for Polish freedom in the war of '63; obliged to leave his country; entered the priesthood and came to America in 1869. In Detroit he founded a Polish seminary and introduced the order of Felician sisters for teaching, care of orphans, • , Aeiv m 190i' known as the " Patriot priest." 2. Mr. Tomasz Siemiradzki of the Polish Na tional Alliance. 3. Father Baraga, first bishop of Marquette, Michigan; Slovenian missionary to the Indians and author of valuable philological works on Indian languages. Born in 1797 near Lai bach, Carniola. 4. Father Kruszka of Ripon, Wis., author of a history of the Poles in America. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 229 ditions proved very hard, the climate being dry, and all the surroundings strange to them. They had no trouble with Indians, but Texas in those days was a refuge for lawless characters, and the Americans were often unfriendly and violent. "They would take a man and beat him just for the fun of it," I was told. " Several times a Pole bought a horse and in the night it was stolen from him by the men who had sold it." Those who had trades could earn money by going to town "instead of scratching in dry ground." Many left and went North. My informant was nearly eleven years old when his family came to Texas. He served on the Confederate side during the war. He had evi dently prospered; his place, which lay rather apart, spoke of fairly substantial farming, the house was com fortable and solid, and the son was a good looking fellow. The pictures that I carry away from Panna Marya are Panna of the group of children learning their catechism in the Marya cool stone church, the girls in pink, blue and red sun- bonnets, the boys bareheaded and barefooted; of the priest's house with its veranda and flower beds; of the store, a typical country store, with a saddled horse hitched under the live oak before it; of the big, bare schoolrooms in which the children were being taught in English, not of the purest yet not of the worst either — the whole making up an impression of the quiet, rather stagnant life of men still close to the European peasant, yet by no means untouched by America; a life whole some if not very highly evolved. The Panna Marya settlement was quickly followed by other Polish colonies in Texas, five of which founded churches the next year, and eleven others in the course of the next two decades.* In 1906 the Polish population of Texas was estimated at between 16,000 and 17,000. * It is interesting to find that Texas attracted the only repre sentatives of the little group of the Slavs of the Lausitz (the Wends, Lusatians or Sorbs), whom I have heard of as immigrants. Mr. Morfill writes: "In the year 1854 about 400 Sorbs, for the most part from Prussia, emigrated to Texas, under the leader- 23° SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Poles in Wisconsin Course of Polish set tlement We find that the Poles, like the Bohemians, also settled early in Wisconsin, this state now ranking fourth in its number of natives of Poland. The earliest Polish church in Wisconsin was established in Polonia, Portage county, in 1858. In 1906, when I visited Polonia, it counted 360 families and rejoiced in a recently completed and magnificent church towering over the country side, and built at a cost of $70,000. Near the church is an orphanage (connected with the house of the Felician sisters at Detroit), a parish school where, besides the day scholars, are some forty boys who board during the winter, and the modest residence of the priest. The Poles of this district came mainly from Russia, and were said to be "getting on better all the time," though in the previous year hail had destroyed most of the crops, even potatoes. The houses looked well built and homelike, and the whole impression of the place was cheerful, except for the doubt whether the expensive church did not imply a vastly dis proportionate sacrifice. It is, however, fair to note that $36,000 had been given by the present pastor and his predecessor, and that $18,000 was still unpaid. The fact that practically all Poles are Roman Catholics and zealous ones, and that a Polish group is likely to found a church as soon as it is at all numerous, makes the chro nology of the founding of their churches to all intents and purposes an outline of the dates and locations of their settlements. We are fortunate in having this guide to the history of Polish settlement in the data as to the founding of Polish churches compiled by Father Kruszka.* In the twenty-six years 1855 to 1880 inclusive, 85 Polish churches were founded; among them were 17 ship of their pastor, Kilian. Here they settled in Bastrop County and have preserved their native language till the present day by means of their schools and two churches' where the service is conducted in the Wendish language." "Slavonic Litera ture," page 245. * For list of Polish churches, with dates of foundation, for the period before 1880, see Appendix XVI, page 459. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 231 in Texas, 16 in Wisconsin, six in Michigan and six in Missouri. These were the earliest states in the list. The first, as has been said, was that at Panna Marya in Texas, the second at Parisville, Michigan, in 1857, the third that at Polonia, Wisconsin, described above. Of six founded in Illinois, three were in Chicago, the first of them in 1869; of seven in Pennsylvania, the first was in Shamokin in 1870. New York city and Buffalo ap pear in 1873, Minnesota in the same year with three churches, Nebraska in 1876. Detroit is dated 1872, Cleveland, 1875. In fact, it is during the seventies that the Polish move- Census data ment to this country first becomes of much numerical of Polish . movement, importance. Ihe census shows a gam in the decade i860 1860-1900 to 1870 of 7000 natives of Poland (we must remember that Polish Jews are included), in the next decade of over 34,000, figures destined to be quite overshadowed in the two decades of the next period, when the gains were 99,000 and 236,000 respectively.* SLOVENIAN IMMIGRANTS Although Bohemians and Poles made up the main Slovenians: body of Slavic immigration previous to 1880, members Bishop of other groups came also, and among these certain early Slovenians have a special interest. So far as known, the first of this little nationality to come to America was neither a political refugee nor a workingman seeking a better lot, but a Catholic missionary and saint, Bishop Baraga, f the first of a series of Slovenian priests who have * Cf. Chart I, page 212. t My counting Bishop Baraga as a Slovenian (rather than a German) having been questioned, I can only say that over 94 per cent of the population of Carniola today are Slovenian in speech, that Bishop Baraga is counted by Slovenians in this country as one of themselves, and that the other priests who followed him from Carniola are constantly compared and contrasted with German priests. His name, so far as I know, neither bars nor proves a Slavic origin, though Nepomuk, his father's middle name, is that of a Bohemian saint, and his mother's name, de Jencic, is obviously Slavic. That he could speak Slovenian, but perhaps as an acquired language, proves nothing either way, 232 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES devoted themselves to the spread of their religion in the Northwest. Mission to Frederic Baraga was born in 1797 in his father's castle the Indians near t^e beautiful city of Laibach, the capital of Carniola. The gifted, fine natured boy was studying at the Univer sity of Vienna — law and "other useful sciences," and English, French and Italian — when he became convinced of his vocation, and entered the priesthood. After some years in a Slovenian parish he decided to fulfil his long-cherished desire for missionary work among the Indians of the American Northwest. The Leopoldine Society, established in Vienna in 1829 for this work, opened the way, and in 1831 he was with his new supe rior, Bishop Fenwick, in Cincinnati. Here he stayed for a few months, until the season should be sufficiently ad vanced for him to go into the wilderness. Before summer opened he was in his chosen field, the pastor of a flock of Indian converts. For twenty-two years, the happiest of his life, he endured extremities of hardship and peril in the work that he loved, and his elevation to the bishopric in 1853, with its lessened op portunities for personal work, was a genuine cross to him. His newly created see then covered not only the upper peninsula of Michigan, but a great part of lower Michigan, northern Wisconsin, eastern Minnesota, and parts of Ontario, and necessitated exhausting journeys on snow- shoes and in canoes. Once, for instance, this slight, frail man walked on snowshoes twenty-four hours with out resting, in bitter cold, through the deep snow, carry ing a heavy pack, and with nothing to eat but a piece of dry, frozen cake. Prematurely aged by the continued strain of excessive exposures, he died in 1868, at the age of seventy. Besides his religious work, in which he was extraordinarily successful not only in converting since if a German, this would have been necessary, going as he did to a Slovenian parish ; and if a Slovenian, his family, which was apparently of high social position, would probably at the period of his boyhood have thought it bad taste to talk any language but German. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 233 but in moulding and uplifting his Indians, Bishop Baraga distinguished himself by his philological publications, especially by an Ojibway grammar and dictionary, the first, and said to be still the standard, work on the sub ject.* Bishop Baraga's career had the not unnatural result Other of making Catholic leaders in America desire more of Slovenian • i_ 11-1 • priests his breed, while at the same time his influence, especially as exerted during his occasional visits to Austria, stimu lated interest in the American field among his coun trymen. This partly explains the curious fact that while the Poles in America, perhaps nearly 3,000,000 Catholics, with a goodly share of culture as well as zeal, have had no bishop of their own nationality until quite recently, the much smaller and obscurer group of the Slovenians have had five bishops, besides many priests. Of late years their own people have been immigrating in considerable numbers and need Slovenian pastors, but besides these, many Slovenian priests are in charge of non- Slovenian parishes — especially in the diocese of St. Paul, Minnesota. Speaking German as they do, practically as a second mother tongue, and being in general excellent linguists, it is not surprising that they prove a very useful class of priests. Besides these ecclesiastical representatives there were Slovenian other early Slovenian immigrants here and there in the settlements country. For instance, in Calumet, Michigan, there is a flourishing department store owned by the descendants of a Slovenian who came with a fellow countryman as early as 1856 as a peddler or traveling dealer. Slove nians are said to have first appeared in Chicago and in Iowa about 1863, and in 1866 they founded their chief farming colony in Brockway, Minnesota. (See page 339.) They were in Omaha in 1868. About 1873 their present large colony in Joliet was founded. They began to * Those interested to know more of this fine type of a Roman Catholic missionary will do well to read his life by Father Verwyst. 234 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES come to New York about 1878, though not in large numbers till 1893. Like most of the smaller Slavic groups, however, their mass migration falls after 1880.* Besides the three nationalities just discussed, doubtless other Slavic groups were represented in the country dur ing the period before 1880, but none so far as my very imperfect information goes were of special importance until after the new tide of immigration set in with the eighties. SLAVIC DISTRIBUTION IN 1880 In spite of the unsatisfactory character, for our pur poses, of the information supplied by the United States census, f it does give at least certain interesting indica tions in regard to the distribution of Slavs in this country. We find for instance, that natives of Austria, Bohemia, Hungary and Poland, were all represented in every state and territory, with the single exception that there was no Hungarian in New Hampshire. New York state had the largest group of natives of Austria, Bohemia, Poland and Hungary, the total being 32,000, but these of course included a very large number of Polish Jews, and other non-Slavic elements. Wisconsin probably had the largest Slavic population among the states, for her 24,000 natives of the four countries in question were comparatively free from non- Slavic intermixture. They included over 18,000 from Bohemia and Austria, and over 5000 from Poland. The Illinois total stood only 500 below Wisconsin's; in reality, considering the large Jewish contingent in Chicago, the difference in Slavic population was doubtless greater than this suggests. Next to these three states come Minnesota, Iowa, * For very interesting data, of which I have been able to make only a partial use, see the manual prepared for Slovenians in America by Rev. F. S. Sustersic, of Joliet, Illinois, and published there by the Amerikanski Slovenec press in 1903, with the title of "Poduk Rojakom Slovencem." (See also below, page269 ff.) f Discussed in Appendix XV, page 456. HISTORY OF SLAVIC IMMIGRATION 235 Nebraska and Ohio, with 11,000 to 13,000 each, mainly from Bohemia. Michigan had over 8000, of which over 5000 were from Poland, giving this state probably the largest Polish group in the country at that time. Pennsylvania, later to be the Slavic state par excel lence, ranked in 1880 after these eight states, with 8,333. It was, however, one of three states that then had over 1000 natives of Hungary, New York and Ohio being the others. Texas and Missouri had old and consider able Bohemian colonies. Of natives of the four coun tries together, Kansas had over 4000 and California over 3000, the former mainly Bohemians, the latter with a number at least of Dalmatians, though there is no way of estimating how many these were. Finally, it is to be noted that the Bohemians had already made their way to Dakota, 1300 strong. It is at once noticeable how wide is this distribution and yet how large a part of the whole bulk is in the group of neighboring states, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, Minne sota, Michigan, Nebraska, Dakota and Kansas. Of the Bohemians, the most important Slavic group at this date, over 70 per cent were in this region. CHAPTER XII THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 Changes in With the coming of the eighties the original contingent "^f^fvlc1011 °^ Bohemians and Poles began to be overlaid by a immigration much larger volume of newcomers differing in various im portant respects from the old. In the first place, the later Slavic immigrants were largely of nationalities previously little represented in America. Since up to 1899 the American immigration data are classified only by "country of last permanent residence" and not by nationality, it is not possible to get any precise measure of this change in the make-up of the Slavic stream. Neither can the beginning of the movement to America among the newer immigrant nationalities — Slovaks and Ruthenians, Slovenians and Croatians, Bulgarians, Servians and Russians — be dated in any hard and fast way.* Apparently, as already said, the impulse spread from the Poles in Germany eastward to their brothers in Galicia in the latter part of the seventies, and to the Poles in Russia somewhat later. The Slovaks began to come in considerable numbers in the early eighties, and the Ruthenians at about the same time. These three nationalities converge in the eastern Carpathian district, and more or less interpenetrate one another ; and emigration to America having once started, it was natural that so contagious a movement should spread through the whole Carpathian group. More over, among all these peoples trade is largely in the hands of the Jews, who are apt to have international * Discussion 01 the origin and spread of the emigration move ment among the first four of these nationalities will be found in the appropriate chapters in Part I, but for convenience it is re sumed here as a whole. 236 i %&.rtW*l&0WtK\*tf i' M,_ ¦ %1 1 \'i^k 3 Hfv^'1^ y*r~ 'W -¦ . j 8 iVa ... IrPf IK E #^ ¦" 'aH | jfy . ,***»*? ^ p. '-t ¦ - "*^Hk &: m '¦' .^riW.lwfe »'«»¦» - .';- ¦ 'Sf^* ^ K »'. ' ¦¦ i • - '-'Mffiy ¦H& g* - : Slovak Girl at Ellis Island Bohemian Immigrant Photographs by Hine THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 237 affiliations, and it seems often to have happened that some enterprising Jew first among his fellow townspeople became aware of the land of promise across the Atlantic, explored and reported on it, and thus set the stream of immigration flowing. The South Slavs began to come to America somewhat later. Though individual Slovenians came very early, as already mentioned, it was not till about 1892 that the movement became noticeably important among them. In the Croatian group, the Dalmatians, sailors and wanderers, had sent now and then an immigrant from very early times, but it was not till toward the middle of the nineties that Croatians, and especially Croatians from the country back of the coast, began coming in numbers. Servians and Bulgarians are still more recent comers, numerous only since 1902 or so, but growing rapidly. As to Russians, of 66,000 in the last eleven years (1899 to 1909 inclusive), over nine-tenths came after 1902 and over two-thirds in the last three years. The grounds of the earlier immigration may be said to Causes and have been, roughly, the opportunity of acquiring farm- character ing land cheaply if not gratuitously, and in a less degree the desire for the greater political and religious freedom promised by America. In the course of time both these grounds lost their importance. As the supply of de sirable land to be had on easy terms diminished, this incentive to immigration grew weaker, and lessening political unrest in Western Europe allayed the other. On the other hand, the great industrial development of the United States, following after the Civil War, and especially after the hard times in the seventies, meant a great increase in the demand for labor. The Teutonic element of the older immigration, to which the Bohe mian was very similar, was not looking primarily for wage jobs but for independence, especially the inde pendence of the farm owner. The same was largely true of the British immigrants, English, Welsh and Scotch. Besides, neither belonged, in any sense, to the class of 238 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES cheap labor. The Irish alone were not enough to supply the demand for "hands," and French-Canadians, while an important element in New England, have not been numerous elsewhere. Italians and Slavs, proving most available, were consequently called in to meet the want. These newer groups of Slavic immigrants were mainly drawn from more primitive districts than the earlier groups; districts where the population was less in touch with Western Europe. They generally came, not intend ing to take up farms and settle, but hoping to earn money to send back to their homes, to which they planned to return. To this end they sought the best paid work that they could find in mines, foundries, factories and elsewhere. A large proportion of both the old and the new comers were peasants, that is, small independent farmers; but among the new, the proportion of men possessing trades was less, and mere laborers were more numerous. Immigra- Historically, the American origin of the more recent tion induced jmimprration, so far as sucn a movement can have a by em- & 1 ployers specific origin, seems to have been the desire of certain Pennsylvania anthracite mine owners to replace the employes that they found hard to deal with, and es pecially the Irish, with cheaper and more docile material. Strikes were a frequent source of friction, the Molly Maguire affair had caused great bitterness, and it was natural that employers should be on the lookout for new sources of labor supply. In a number of places these raw recruits of industry seem to have been called in as the result of a strike, and there probably were plenty of instances of sending agents abroad to hire men or of otherwise inducing labor to immigrate either under contract or with an equivalent understanding. These proceedings were, of course, perfectly legal up to 1885, when the law forbidding the importation of labor under contract was passed. One story is that the first comers were brought over for a certain mine operator at Drifton, Pennsylvania, THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 239 through an "Austrian" foreman. I have never been able to verify the story nor to date it. I was interested to run across a Slovak hatter in Bartfeld, Hungary, who emigrated about 1880, and told of having gone "to Drifton, where there was an Austrian foreman," who, however, does not appear to have had anything to do with his emigrating.* Mr. Powderly, formerly Commissioner of Immigra tion, testified before the Industrial Commission; "I believe in 1869, during a miners' strike which was then in progress, a man who was connected with one of the coal companies made the statement that in order to defeat the men in their demands it would be necessary to bring cheap labor from Europe, and shortly after that, miners were noticed coming to the anthracite region in large numbers from Italy, Hungary, Russia, and other far-off lands. "f It will be seen that Mr. Powderly mentions a com paratively early date at which the importation of work men under contract was in no way forbidden. But even then such a course, while legal, would have been un popular among workingmen, and probably always more or less sub rosa. This may be one reason why it is very hard to get any definite information about these matters ; but indeed, on both sides of the water, the doings of less than a generation ago are surprisingly hard to ascertain. In Pennsylvania the great early goal appears to have Influx into been, as already indicated, the anthracite coal region of th® ^lt1^ra" the eastern part of the state. The Poles seem to have been the first to come, and right on their heels came the Slovaks. An informant from Hazleton, a district where they appeared quite early, gave me, in 1904, the follow ing account of their first arrival : "They began to come about twenty years ago; a few stray ones came earlier. Nowadays not so many are coming, but at one time they came in batches, shipped *This man's story is told on pages 100-101. t Industrial Commission, 1901, XV, page 32. 240 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES by the carload to the coal fields. When they arrived they seemed perfectly aimless. It was hard for them to make themselves understood, and they would be sent to a man who kept a saloon on Wyoming street. They would land at the depot, and at the beginning they would spend the first night on the platform. I have quartered many in my stable on the hay. One pulled out a prayer book and read a prayer. They were mainly Catholics, but some were Protestants, though we did not know that till later. Sometimes they would go up into the brush and build a fire and sleep, or if it was too cold, just sit there on the ground. As soon as they had earned something, or if they had a little money, they would go to the baker's or get meat of any cheap sort, regardless of its condition. Many were so poor that they came in ¦ old army suits,* their belongings all in one big bundle. At first it was only men that came." Massachu- An interesting account of the coming of the first Poles ers^lHn" to tlie Connecticut valley farms of Massachusetts tells Poles how here, as in Pennsylvania, the influx was in direct response to a demand on the part of employers :f "It was about twenty years ago that the Poles were first brought to the Connecticut valley. In the particular section under consideration, the farmers could not hire men and boys to work on their farms, or girls and women to assist in the house hold work. The demand was pressing. Charles Parsons of Northampton, who has since died, then a pushing, aggressive farmer, conceived the idea of going to New York and Castle Garden and there securing enough of the strong and sturdy immigrants to meet the demand for farm and domestic labor. "The business grew rapidly. Mr. Parsons made weekly trips. Agents at New York told the incoming immigrants as pleasing stories as was necessary to make the Pole see the Con necticut Valley farms as the promised land. Being new and green to America, the Pole at first paid the highest price, and was given the small end of the bargain. The agent in New York had to have a fee for his trouble. Mr. Parsons had to advance * Some of the peasant costumes might easily be mistaken for some sort of uniform. f Boston Daily Globe, June 29, 1902. THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 241 the money to bring the Pole to the farm, and, of course, he had to have a profit also. This meant, as a rule, that the immigrant was practically mortgaged for $10 when he commenced work. It was, of course, to be taken out of the wages to be paid him for his labor. The contract was not particularly bad for either the farmer or laborer. The men came first, and were followed by women and children. How many Mr. Parsons took from New York cannot be stated. The number must have been in the thousands. "Next Francis Clapp of South Deerfield took up the business. Mr. Clapp is one of the substantial farmers of the Mill River dis trict in South Deerfield. He tells his story in this way: "I began with the Poles in 1889. I continued it for six years, and then it was no longer profitable. The Poles had learned by this time to find their own places. In many cases their relatives, who had been working in this country for several years, sent for their friends. They secured places for them. During the six years I secured places for more than three thousand. I sent them to places in each of the si:* New England states, men and women, boys and girls. I treated them well. I found many of them suspicious, but they were 'square' as a rule. The yarns told them by some of the New York agents and by others who desired to make money out of them, at times caused trouble. One day I brought eighteen to South Deerfield. The New York agent had told them that they had friends in the vicinity. Of course I knew nothing of this. I did not have an interpreter, and we could not talk. They realized they had been deceived, and they determined to go back to New York. I succeeded in keeping only three. The other fifteen walked back to New York. They were entirely without money. They were fright ened, and went in a drove. "I had a license from the town to transact the business. I secured a girl as an interpreter who spoke seven different dialects. She could also do as much work in the house as any girl we ever had. She went back to New York after a time, married and went to work in a cigar factory. While they were waiting for places if such happened to be the case or for other reasons they were quartered at my farm. "They seem, when they first come, to be entirely without', nerves. They sleep well under all conditions. Their appetites are enormous. Of course they are given only coarse food. I have known the men to eat from ten to fifteen potatoes at a meal, together with meat and bread. They are very rarely sick. "They make good citizens. Almost without exception they are Roman Catholics, and faithful to their obligations. They/ 16 242 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES | are willing to pay the price to succeed. That price is to work ; hard and save. They do not keep their money about them. They place it in the savings banks. When I first went to New York to get them it cost the farmer nothing. The Pole had to pay the fee for the New York agent, the money which I advanced to pay his fare and other expenses, and the profit I made. Then, as they grew to know the custom better, the Pole paid half and the farmer half. Now the farmer has to pay the whole when the men come from a distance. "As a rule, the men are hired for a season of eight months, the time of outdoor work on the farms, At first the contracts, on an average, were about $80 for the eight months. The Poles were given little money, only as they needed it. They had to work off the mortgage of $10 which they had contracted. They really needed little money. They were fed and lodged, and, as a rule, they had sufficient clothing, for they had little occasion to dress finely. There was a. chance, too, that if they had money they might leave the farmer without help, and so the settlement came at the end of the contract* period. " Roman Skibisky is a young Pole who is quite a daring specu lator as well as farmer. He lives in what was formerly one of the fine old mansions on the broad main street of Sunderland. For several years he has been plunging more or less in onions. Last fall he made his heaviest strike. All told, he purchased about 6500 bushels of onions. They cost him on an average less than forty cents a bushel. He kept them until this spring and sold them at an average of $1.10 a bushel. "Taking out the cost of cold storage and insurance he netted more than $4000 on an investment of about $2600. At one time he could have sold his entire holdings at $1.25 a bushel. His success has not given him a big head. He works barefooted in the field this season just as though he had not made a rich strike. When Mrs. Skibisky was asked what she likes in this country she replied, 'Me happy here.' They have three children." "First Just as in emigration districts in Europe one hears of more than one "first man to go to America," so on this side there doubtless have been many "first comers." Sporadic and experimental trials of the land of the dol lar, both induced and spontaneous, have opened new fields to immigrants. As a spider throws his first thin thread across, and, his anchorage secured, gradually thickens and confirms it, so each immigrant who gets an economic foothold strengthens the bridge between the countries Slovak Immigrant Women Photographs by Hine THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 243 and draws others over. Thus among the Slavs the streams of immigration, once set flowing, have made paths for themselves, and constantly increased in vol ume. As one labor market becomes supplied, new open ings are sought and found. The character of the later Slavic influx naturally Distribu- produced a territorial distribution quite different from tl?n deter- , . , . . . mined by tnat ot the older movement. The new immigrants, demand for guided in the main by the chances of good wages rather Iabor than of cheap land, rapidly found their way to the points where there was a demand for their undaunted though unskilled labor. Once within the country, no contract labor law impeded the employers' agents, and men were drafted off to different places according as hands were needed in mine, coke oven, rolling mill, lumber camp or, less typically, factory. Consequently, while the immi grants of the preceding period had mainly gone to the farming country lying north and west of Chicago, these later comers, answering primarily the call for labor in mines and related industries, found their center of gravity in Pennsylvania, and spread thence through the indus trial districts, especially the industrial districts of the middle West, and above all to the various mining and metal-working centres throughout the country. But though during this period agricultural settlement* Farming has been overshadowed, it has by no means been lacking, especially among the Bohemians and the Poles. It has taken place mainly in the group of states west of the great lakes; but in the Connecticut valley, and else where in the East, the number of "Polanders" who have bought land is also considerable. I have been surprised to see in a Bohemian paper in New York the space devoted to advertisement of Connecticut and other farms. This period has also seen the formation of large urban City _ colonies of different nationalities, in various cities large co omes * Cf. Chapter XV for a discussion of this phase of settlement. 244 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES and small, colonies which often have very curious and interesting distinctive features.* Such a movement as this later Slavic immigration is, however, hard to deal with historically. It has little coherent history, and what it has is still too much in the making to be easily studied or presented. The general facts as to the distribution of Slavic immigrants are shown on Map X, and the data as to each nationality separately are given, so far as I have been able to secure them, in the next chapter. Numerical TABLE 15.— NATIVES OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, BOHE- increase MIA, POLAND AND RUSSIA, 1880, 1890 AND 1900. Census data UNITED STATES CENSUS. Natives of 1880 1890 1900 38,663 85.361 11,526 48,557 35.722 123,271 118,106 62,435 147,440 , 182,644 275.9°7 156,891 145. 7*4 383.407 423,726 Hungary Poland Total 219,829 633.896 1,385.645 Total per cent of foreign born 3-2 6.8 13-4 The period since 1880 has seen not only changes in the racial and economic character of the Slavs coming to the United States but a vast increase in their numbers. * Cf., for the Bohemians of Chicago, Mrs. Humpal-Zeman's account in "Hull House Maps and Papers," and Dr. Alice Masaryk's article, "The Bohemians in Chicago," in Charities, XIII, pages 206-210 (Dec. 3, 1904). On Bohemians in New York see Dr. Jane E. Robbins, "The Bohemian Women in New York," ibid, pages 194-196. In the same issue of Charities Miss Laura B. Garret has "Notes on the Poles in Baltimore," and Miss Sayles an article on "Housing and Social Conditions in a Slavic Neighborhood," which deals with Jersey City. Another study of conditions among the Slavs of Jersey City by Miss E. T. White has been published by Whittier House. Of these various accounts those by the two Bohemian women first mentioned are much the most valuable to those who are seeking true understanding of the life of such a group as is there studied. THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 245 A rough indication of this is the large share of the foreign- born population that comes to be made up of natives of Austria-Hungary (including Bohemia), Poland and Russia. As shown in Table 15, in 1880 they were 3.2 per cent of the total foreign born; in 1890, 6.8 per cent; in 1900, 13.4 per cent. In absolute numbers they in creased in the twenty years over six-fold, from something over 200,000 to nearly 1,400,000. If we consider, not population as shown by the census, but the count of arriving immigrants, the increase is even more striking. In the last decade of our previous period, 1871-1880, Austria- Hungary and Russia* sent us 4. 5 per cent of all immigrants ; in the decade 1 900-1 909 they sent almost 43 per cent. Up to 1899 the best material that we have consists of Immigration the figures, supplied by the immigration authorities, as statlstics to the countries from which immigration is drawn. After that year the immigration figures are also classified according to "races and peoples"! and these not only give us direct information, but throw light on the racial significance of the figures for the different geographical contingents, which are all that we have to go by for the years before 1899. We find that during the decade 1899-1908, the immigration from Austria-Hungary was six-tenths Slavic. Since there is no reason to think that this proportion would be less in earlier years, and since for the same decade 69 per cent of all Slavic immigrants came to us from Austria-Hungary (and for earlier periods this proportion would doubtless be still larger), the Austro-Hungarian contribution to our immigration may be taken as a rough index of the incoming Slavs. A most vivid representation of the growth of the Austro-Hungarian stream is given by Chart II (page 246), * Austria-Hungary presumably includes Bohemia and Aus trian Poland (Gahcia); Russia includes Russian Poland. That is, all Poland except German Poland is included. It must of course be remembered that these groups of immigrants are very mixed racially. t For a criticism of this classification, see below, page 247. 246 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES drawn from the Immigration Reports, which shows how this stream has swollen since 1867. The year 1880, which we have taken as our landmark, shows a sudden Chart II. -K.8509 -338*52 — £65158 275693 rr 156 206011 171989 -113330 -II4S47 62491 39797 33031 65103 -33401 -38638 •57420 76937 71 048 56199 -34174 458H 40265 28680 ¦27309 - 36571 - - 27625 29150 27935 17267 rise, the numbers of that year being almost three times those of the preceding. From this time onward there is an increase, which is, however, sharply checked in 1893 by the depression then beginning. It was not till 1900 THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 247 that the numbers reacted from this to their level of 1892. The culminating point up to date was reached in 1907, after which the recent panic again lessened the influx, and started a new period of decline, though a brief one, since the figures for 1909 (received too late to appear on the chart), indicate a recovery from 168,509 to 170,191.* The change spoken of above by which the immigra- Classifica tion data are presented by racial and national groups ''races^and instead of by country of last permanent residence only, peoples" is a great boon to the student of this subject. The classification was made by one of our best known ethnologists, the late Professor Otis T. Mason, but it is probably impossible to make one that shall be at once practical and quite logical. This one is open to several minor objections. Distinct nationalities like Croatians and Slovenians, Bulgarians and Servians, are lumped together, and at the same time special place is given to a group which is merely a territorial division; namely, Dalmatians, Bosnians, and Herzegovinians (who are Servo-Croatians) . It is hard, however, to explain or excuse the practice of the immigration authorities of including Hebrews in the Slavic group, as was done, for instance, on page 21 of the 1906 report of the Commissioner General of Immigration. In the same report the Lithuanians and Roumanians are also included as Slavic, but this is less objectionable as these peoples, although they never count themselves as Slavs nor are so counted by others, and although they speak non-Slavic languages, probably have much Slavic intermixture, and considerably re semble, in culture and habits, the neighboring Slavic peoples. The same might be said of the Magyars, despite their Mongolian type of speech. The Jew, on the contrary, even the Polish or Russian Jew, is not only remote in blood and speech from all * The years are not calendar but fiscal years ending June 30, so that e.g. 1907 means July 1, 1906, to June 30, 1907. How dif ferently the various Slavic groups were affected by the depres sion may be studied in Appendix XVII, page 460. SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Immigra tion by countriesand peoples Slavs, but moves in another world of ideas and purposes, and plays a very different economic part both in Europe and America. To put him into one class with Slavic immigrants in a table of racial divisions can only create confusion.* The years 1899 and 1908 are the earhest and latest for which full information as to immigrants by races is available. In these ten years the country admitted over one and a half million Slavs, many of whom, however, had been here before or have since returned. It is not uncommon for a Slovak to have made the trip to America eight times, in which case he appears in our figures as eight immigrants. The facts for the period are shown by the tables in Ap pendix XVII, where we see that 69 in 100 of Slavic arrivals came, as already said, from Austria-Hungary, 25 per cent more from Russia, 2 per cent each from Germany and the territory Bulgaria-Servia-Montenegro, 1 per cent from Turkey, and only 1 per cent from all other countries combined. The immigration from Bulgaria, Servia and Montene gro is almost wholly Slavic (96 per cent), that from Austria nearly two-thirds such (61 per cent), while the streams from Russia and Turkey are not far from one- third Slavic, and that from Germany is one-tenth Slavic. Our previous study of conditions in Europe, combined with the American figures, indicates that we have re ceived during the decade 1899-1908 the following groups from the countries named : I. From Austria-Hungary: Bohemians (Chekhs) from Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia (83,698). Poles from Galicia (about 335,651). * For a further consideration of this subject, see Boeckh: "The Determination of Racial Stock among American Immi grants." Quart. Pub'ns. Am. Stat. Assn., X, pages 199-221 (Dec, 1906). THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 249 Slovaks from northern Hungary (about 320,047). Ruthenians from Galicia and northeastern Hun gary (about 102,036). Slovenians from the Austrian province of Carniola and adjacent parts (number unknown).* Croatians from Croatia-Slavonia, Istria, Dalmatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and southern Hun gary (number unknown).* Servians from the same territory (certainly less than 28,677). II. From outside Austria-Hungary : The largest of the three Polish contingents, that from Russia (369,973). The smallest of the three Polish contingents, that from Germany (32,388). Russians proper, from Russia (53,454), only be tween three and four per cent of the total of almost a million and a half immigrants that Russia has sent us in the decade. Servians (beside those from Austria-Hungary) from Servia, Montenegro, Bulgaria (?) and Turkey (?) (number unknown).* Montene grins are Servians from Montenegro. And lastly, Bulgarians from Bulgaria and Turkey, which latter, I suppose, here means Mace donia (number unknown). (See page 274 ff.) A large part of the Slavic immigrants that come from outside the five main fields ( (1) Austria-Hungary, (2) Russia, (3) Germany, (4) Bulgaria, Servia, and Montene gro, and (5) Turkey in Europe) are those who give their last permanent residence as British North America or the United States. The latter rubric was, however, provided only in the 1906 tables, in which it occupies a large space, (1059 Poles, for instance, gave the United States as their last country of permanent residence). Turning now to the consideration of the separate na- Racial tional streams, we note (cf. Appendix XVII) the great grouPs * Unfortunately the immigration data are so grouped as to make it impossible to distinguish Croatians and Slovenians from one another, or Bulgarians and Servians from one another, though these are all separate nationalities with distinct lan guages. 250 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES numerical predominance of the Poles, who make up 44 per cent of the Slav total for the decade. The little peo ple of the Slovaks make the second group, with almost one-fifth of the whole. Third comes the mixed group of Croatians and Slovenians, which the data do not allow us to separate, and which together make over 16 per cent. The other groups are all much smaller. The Bohe mians, who were the most important group of Slavic im migrants in the earlier years, and even in 1880 were not far from twice as numerous in the country as natives of Poland, sank during this period to one-twentieth of the whole; that is, to less than the little group of the Ruthe nians and to scarcely more than those newcomers, the Servians and Bulgarians. Even within the period the emphasis has been shifting. Within the Slavic group, as in European immigration in general, the spread of the movement has trended south and east. Taking 1907, the year of the high tide of immigration, and comparing this with 1899, we see that the different groups have increased at very different rates. The Bulgarian-Servian group rose from under 100 to 27,000, or to two hundred and ninety-one times as many. The related group from Dalmatia and Bosnia increased twenty-fold; the Ruthenians, starting with 1400, rose to over 24,000, multiplying more than seven times; the Russians increased their numbers nearly ten times. The older immigration groups also in creased, though at a less rate; Bohemians and Poles and the Croatian-Slovenian group all about five-fold, while the Slovaks increased less than three-fold, and reached their maximum in 1905. "Alien de- We must, however, be on guard in using any immigra - andneTin- ^on totals not to overlook the fact that they represent flow gross, not net, arrivals. We must allow for the numbers of immigrants returning from the United States. In the appendix to the report of the Commissioner General of Immigration for 1908, an estimate is attempted of THE NEWER SLAVIC IMMIGRATION: SINCE 1880 251 "Alien departures," with the result that the accepted immigration figures should be reduced as follows: 1899 by 41 per cent 1904 by 37 per cent 1900 by 31 1905 by 34 " " 1901 by 28 " " 1906 by 26 " " 1902 by 21 " " !9°7 by 22 " " 1903 by 21 " " 1908 by 73 " " That is, while the total immigration for 1908 was 782,870, the real, net immigration was only 209,867, or not far above a quarter as much, — and for this one year the figures are not estimated but actual.* What then are we to suppose in regard to the Slavic immigra tion ? What proportion of their total of nearly 1 ,700,000 during the decade 1899-1908 represents a net addition to our numbers? We get a side light on this by study ing Table III of the successive immigration reports which gives the number of immigrants of each national ity who have been in the country previously. In Appen dix XIX are given percentages for two years (for 1906 and, for purposes of comparison, for 1900) and I find to my own surprise that the English, Irish and Scotch have the largest proportion and thus appear to come and go the most, and that the Scandinavians and Germans also stand high. The Slovaks have nearly as high a rate of those returning as the Irish, in both years; other Slavs have smaller proportions. Jews, as one might expect, come to stay, and go back and forth less than any other class noted. From these figures we see that while the Slavs, except the Slovaks, are (if the data are correct) less migratory than the average, there is still a large deduction to be made for those entering the country more than once, and in addition to this, for the large though hitherto unknown number who leave and do not return. * For the first time, in 1909, we are getting actual data by nationalities of emigration from the United States. At this writing they are available for July, 1908, to May, 1909. Those for the Slavs drawn from the Immigration Bulletin for July, 1909, are given in Appendix XVIII. 252 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Another indication of the discrepancy between im migration totals and net additions to the population is given by a comparison of the figures for immigration with the United States census. Foreign countries sent us, in the decade 1891-1900, 3,687,564 immigrants. The census of 1900, however, shows a gain of foreign born since 1890 of less than a third as many (1,091,729). Part of this difference, but not by any means all of it, is accounted for by deaths among our foreign-born population. CHAPTER XIII THE PRESENT DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN THE UNITED STATES As regards the distribution of our Slavic population, The data as it is not possible to get full and satisfactory data. We ^{^uSon should like to know, both for the Slavic body as a whole and for each of the nationalities composing it, the total numbers of the group, the size and location of its chief colonies, the states in which it has any considerable representation, and the way in which the area of settle ment has extended. It would also be interesting to know how many of each group are in cities, how many in smaller industrial centers and around mines, how many in rural communities. Unfortunately much of this information is not to be had. The census figures by country of parents' birth are Difficulties given herewith in Table 16, but they supply no precise census ^nd information as to nationalities. Where the political immigra- boundaries of one country comprise many national tl0n ngures • groups, as in Austria and Hungary, and where, on the other hand, racial groups are cut through by political boundaries, as are the Poles, Little Russians and Croatians, the country of birth tells a small part of the story. The statistics of the immigration department as to intended destinations of immigrants, given by nationali ties, for 1899 and succeeding years, are valuable as some indication of the flow of the current, though they doubtless exaggerate the degree of concentration of settlement. In the first place, the states in which the ports of entry are situated, and notably New York state, are credited with all those who arrive with no specific address though 253 TABLE 16.*— NUMBER AND PERCENTAGE OF WHITE PERSONS OF FOREIGN PARENTAGE HAVING EITHER ONE OR BOTH PARENTS BORN IN SPECIFIED COUNTRIES, BY STATES AND TERRI TORIES; ARRANGED GEOGRAPHICALLY: 1900 White Persons Having Either Both Parents Born as Specified or One Parent Born as Specified and One Parent Native States and Territories Austria Bohemia Hungary Poland Russia Number Per cent Number Per cent Number Per cent Number Per cent 2.7 Number Per cent 434,6i7 i-7 356,830 i-4 216,391 0.8 687,671 685,176 2.6 251,618 2-3 41,123 0.4 155.542 1-5 306,335 2.9 434,938 4.1 224278 3" 5,503 822 7,677 H7,58i 22,15697,066 O.I 0.203030.3 i-5 2.72.2 4-Q 1.0 34 14 40 i,572 58 907 30,408 1,847 6,2436,245 U)U)(t) O.I (t) 0.20.7'0.20.2 53 104148 1,361 84 8,283 57,03620,27668,197 (t) 0.10.1O.I (0 1.6 1-3 2.02.8 0.5 524969447 29,412 2,533 14,315 116,949 21,40s 119,781 0.30.60.4 i-7 0.9 2-7 2.7 2.2 1,5661,083 659 40,712 3,783 17,505 259,392 3i,479 78,759 27,157 2-3 1.4 3-4 3-23-3 6,278 1.0 2,925 9,625 1.6 4-5 123,665 1.1 279,290 2.4 51,033 0.4 353,512 30 187,232 1.6 17,494 3,457 29,922 9,836 15,14416,485 4,6718,5362,014 1,692 8,0856,329 1.2 0.7 1.2 0.7 1.01-3 0-5 1.2 0.80.7 1.6 1.6 2.0 33,096 1,152 81,478 5,084 36,223 28,37629,203 8,4043,6546,361 38,471 7,788 2-3 0.2 3-3 0.4 2-52.2 3-o 1.1l'5 2.6 7.6 1.9 25,006 2,131 9,891 1,0811,876 4,223 833 1,4971,797 881882935 3,"3 1.8 0.4 0.4 0.10.10.3O.I0.20.70.4 0.2 0.2 31,760 12,689 126,603 61,091 74,65726,160 1,510 6,9782,112 1,146 7,328 1,478 2-32-55-14-5S-i2.0 0.2090.90.5 1-5 0.4 13,406 2,099 44,997 6,5676,214 io,437 3,378 io,95I 23,90925,689 14,537 25,048 16,527 " 1.8 0.8 6.2 21,473 26,358 2.5 0.3 12,091 1.1 1.6 30,652 1-7 3.638 0.2 3,653 0.2 5,887 0.3 18,537 * U. S. Census, 1900, Population, Vol. I. Table bexxix, page exciv. f Includes persons in the military territory. JLess than one-tenth of 1 per cent. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 255 perhaps with no desire or likelihood of staying in the state, as well as with 'all those who stay there for a short time only and are later distributed thence by employ ment agencies and otherwise. Secondly, too great numbers are ascribed to the states that already have the largest colonies and are best known in the home countries, and where, consequently, incoming immigrants have acquaintances or hope to get work. Many, for instance, strike first for Pennsylvania, and afterwards go from there to West Virginia, Montana, or elsewhere. The Slovak colony of a city like Pittsburgh is equivalent to a big employment and information bureau, and by no means all of those who resort to the city remain there. For example, to a mining camp in Colorado where I was, came a Slovak family just pro cured from Pittsburgh. Thirdly, the totals are exaggerated by counting the same man over every time that he goes home and returns. How serious a misconception this produces has been already discussed (page 250, ff.). Bearing these reservations in mind, however, the Destina- accompanying Map X and Table 17, summarizing the ^°n!? during data as to the intended destinations of immigrants for decade the ten years ending June 30, 1908, have considerable interest. We see that much the largest total contingent of Slavs was headed for Pennsylvania, over twice as many as for New York state, over three times as many as for Illinois. The chief groups for Pennsylvania are (a) the Poles, (b) the Slovaks, (c) the Croatians and Slovenians, (d) the Ruthenians. All four of these nationalities are represented more largely in Pennsylvania than in any other state. The others are comparatively negligible, yet the largest contingent of the Bulgarians and Servians comes here, and the state has more Russians than any other except New York. The Bohemians, however, go elsewhere in larger numbers; namely, to Illinois, which takes first place, to New York, which stands second, TABLE 17.— DESTINATIONS OF SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS DURING THE DECADE ENDED JUNE. 30, 1908 State Pennsylvania. - . New York Illinois New Jersey Ohio Massachusetts- . Connecticut- Michigan Wisconsin Missouri Minnesota Maryland West Virginia- . . Indiana Texas California Colorado Rhode Island... Washington Nebraska New Hampshire Vermont Delaware Kansas Montana Iowa North Dakota. . . Louisiana Virginia Maine South Dakota... Wyoming Arizona Utah Oregon Alabama Tennessee Bohemians and Moravians 7,622 15,072 22,816 1.431 9,914 546 57i 1,154 2,959 i,9341,695 2,198 479 187 6,3°7 211526 49 J85 3,999 6 2826 707 74 1,589 746 6: 158 1 408 131 40 10 3125 Bulgar ians, Ser vians and Montene grins 18,548 7,921 14,082 770 Hi743 7°5133 1,719 755 3.76s 1,287 664 1,038 3,1872,1261,020 595 62 617 44 145 33 I 108 675 108 14 936371 88 168170 626 39 75 555 56 Croatians and Slovenians 121,311 22,04533,962 3,039 28,822 374916 7,769 6,400 8,394 8,503 917 4,932 2,656 1,029 2,8635,78o 39 2,608 332 8 4= 32 2,1002,207 1,062 72 1,108 536 35 269 714 377 I 066 499 219 806 Dalma tians, Bosnians and Herzego- VTNIANS 2,0577,020 4,096 1,449 596 52 no 91 182 1,122 464 7 727 l°3131 2,884 692 10 3527 400 13 II 454 75 14 283 63 281 38 294 14 5 Poles 209,697 159,849 92,53262,97225,87064,37734,28525,733 12,864 4,6044,i759,8314,563 5,069 1,812 38s 535 5,672 x,o6i1,205 3,7953.3SO3,8i7 644 193 381 794138 341 1,094 141 257 2021 9354 103 Russians 12,86617,700 3,7192,717 695 4,061 1,836 47° 39435° 262 2,326 485 77 923 2,850 504202518 183 421 232 7i 301 14 69 1,172 337380 91 240 18 ISO 94 13 24 Ruthe nians 53,899 21,376 2,340 11,205 3,4782,4292,747 522 181798 42s638 507 167 494 100109617 135 14 278314303 93 23 22 389 7875 3046 19 1315 Slovaks 169,116 41,460 21,351 30,510 26,001 2,2589,045 2,646 4,0042,565 1,496 1,300 3,389 2,249 221276 701129 364 79 46 400 70 233278 216 94 73 439461 57 178 21 3S 104 290 35 Total 59S,n6292,443 194,898114,093 107,119 74,80249,64340,10427,73923,532 18,30717,88116,12013,69513,04310,589 9,4426,780 .6,298 5,8674,7024,4044,3224,193 3,8643,46o3,2473,l8s2,375 1,8141,6121,550 1,515 1,2101,2031,1851,041 MAP X.-DESTINATIONS OF SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS FOR THE DECADE ENDING JUNE 30, 1908 Data from Annual Reports of Commissioner General of Immigration. Numbers indicate total of Slavic immigrants reporting a specified destination. Black: over 500,000. Pennsylvania, S95,n6. W. Va. 16,120, Ind. 13,69s, Texas, 13,043, Cal. 10,589, Col. 9442. Cross-barred: 190,000-300,000. N. Y. 292 443, 111. 194,898. Dotted: 1000-7000. R. I. 6780, Wash. 6298, Neb. 5867, N. H. 4702, Vt. Close diagonal: 100,000-120,000. N. J. 114 093, O. 107,119. 4404, Del. 4322, Kan. 4193, Mont. 3864, Iowa, 3460, N. D. 3247, Coarse diagonal: 23,000-73,000. Mass. 74,802, Conn. 49,643, Mich. La. 3185, Va. 2375, Me. 1814, S. D. 1612, Wyo. isso, Ariz. 1515 40,104, Wis. 27,739. Utah, 1210, Oregon, 1203, Ala. 1185, Term. 1041. Broken cross lines: 9000-25,000. Mo. 23,532, Minn. 18307, Md. 17,881, White: Less than 1000. All other. 258 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Settlement Bohemian immigra tion grown lessimportant More urban in character and third, to Ohio; Pennsylvania ranking as fourth choice and just above Texas. The Dalmatian group also made Pennsylvania its fourth choice, after New York, Illinois and California (the latter sought by about 2900).* If in addition to these data as to the trend of the current, we wish to know the actual numbers and loca tions of the colonies of the different nationalities, we have to rely mainly on estimates and on indirect indica tions. From printed and manuscript matter in various languages, and from personal inquiry, I have gathered what I could, with the following results, f BOHEMIANS IN THE UNITED STATES Of late the relative numerical importance of Bohe mian immigrants has decreased; they have ceased to stand to Americans as the type of the Slav. In 1909 they were only about four in a hundred of the Slavic arrivals, and in the period 1880 to 1900, while the cen sus showed an increase of nearly eight-fold for natives of Poland (Jews included), of nearly seven-fold for natives of Austria, and for natives of Hungary an increase of nearly thirteen -fold, the number of natives of Bohemia did not double. The census figures are: natives of Bohemia, in 1880, 85,361; in 1900, 156,891. To some extent the character of the Bohemian immi gration has also altered, and not apparently for the * Outside of the thirty-seven states given in the table, no state has a total of 1000. Arkansas, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Oklahoma taken together show 3426, including over 700 Croatians and Slovenians in Arkansas and New Mexico, and over 300 Bohemians in Oklahoma. Nevada and Idaho to gether have nearly 500, mainly in Nevada, and most of them South Slavs. South Carolina attracted over one hundred each of Poles and Bohemians. Mississippi and Kentucky each at tracted over 100 Croatians and Slovenians. A few South Slavs (over 150 in all) have sought Georgia. Florida and North Carolina have trivial numbers only (100 and 55); Hawaii still fewer (51), including 35 Russians; Porto Rico 30; the Philip pines none. Alaska on the other hand was the goal of 342, in cluding 78 Russians and 243 South Slavs, of whom Monte negrins probably made a considerable part. (Compare page 199.) t For numbers of the various Slav groups engaged in farming, see Chapter XV. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 259 better. For one thing, it seeks the cities somewhat more than it did. In 1880 the fifty largest cities of the country held somewhat under 40 per cent of the natives of Bohemia, in 1900, 50 per cent. This change is due largely to the great growth of the colony, or rather colonies, in Chicago, which added nearly 25,000 natives of Bohemia in this period. Cleveland gained something over 8000, New York not quite 7000, and Baltimore over 1000. St. Louis lost in relative importance as a Bohemian centre, having attracted practically no newcomers, and the other Bohemian city colonies did not receive many. Omaha (with South Omaha) had in 1900 a colony of 32S3; I have no figures for this city for 18S0.* More interesting are the gains, as shown by the census, Gains out- for the districts outside of these few large city colonies. s^d.e the CltlSS Nebraska added over 7000 natives of Bohemia, making it the third Bohemian state, and barely less than New York (16,347 and 16,138). In no other state do the Bohemians make so large a proportion (9 per cent) of the foreign-born population. Oklahoma, with 7 per cent, comes next, and Texas, if Moravians were not counted as Austrians, might show nearly the same proportion. Texas, in spite of being such an old colony, received nearly 6000 (besides Moravians), Min nesota received 3400, the Dakotas together 2400, Oklahoma nearly 1200. These are the chief growing points, and they certainly suggest a wholesome distri bution. Pennsylvania, such a lodestone to the Slovaks, Croatians, Poles and other Slavs, to say nothing of Italians, attracted to its heavy tasks less Bohemians than went to the prairies of the Dakotas alone. It is interesting to note that these figures give a some- The west- what different impression from the table of destinations, t ward move- ' ment of old This is doubtless because many Bohemians who have settlers been in the country for some time move farther west, * See United States Census, 1000, Population, Part I, Table 35, for statistics of foreign born in cities. fSee Table 17, page 256. 260 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Bohemians in feeling Estimates of "Bohe mian" group their places being filled by newcomers from the old country whose influx they neutralize in our census totals. Thus, the data in regard to destinations by no means fully reflect the push westward. Note for instance that the old Bohemian strongholds of Wisconsin and Iowa, though still to a considerable extent the goal for im migrants, made only slight net gains.* The southern states gained but few Bohemians, or else lost some of the few that they had. New Jersey, Mas sachusetts and Connecticut gained merely some hundreds each (New Jersey the most with 631). If we add Kansas, with a gain of 571, we exhaust the list of any important changes of distribution, so far as registered by the census figures for natives of Bohemia. Of more interest than this information as to the number of those born in Bohemia is information as to those who count themselves Bohemians, and who constitute the real strength of the group. In a tenacious race like the Slavic, which has had its national feeling intensified by the fight it has been obliged to make to preserve its na tional existence and above all its own tongue, the third or even the fourth generation may still count themselves as belonging to their ancestors' stock, and be none the worse Americans either. Have the English sympathies of a descendant of a Winthrop or a Lee disappeared in half a score of generations? I estimate from a number of data that in a community perhaps fifty years old, the census figure for those born in Bohemia must be multiplied three or four times to give the number of those who count as "Bohemians." Fortunately, however, we are not reduced to deduc tions of this sort, for we are dealing with a very intelligent and self conscious group who know their own numbers pretty well. The Reverend Valentine Kohlbeck, writing in 1906 in the Champlain Educator, gives a series of esti- * Bohemians destined to Wisconsin in ten years ending June 30, 1908, 2959. Increase in Bohemian-born in Wisconsin, 1880-1900, 297. The corresponding figures for Iowa are 1389 and 255. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 26l mates which are not likely to be without error, but which doubtless indicate, at least in a rough way, the distri bution of the group, and which are shown in Table 18 along with the census figures for purposes of comparison. TABLE 18.— BOHEMIANS IN THE UNITED STATES. State Rev. Mr. Kohlbeck's Estimate of " Bohemians," 1906* Census of 1900. Persons with both Parents Natives of Bohemia! Rank Number Rank Number Illinois I 23 110,000 57,ooo 48,0004S,ooo40,000 38,0003o,oooJ30,000 20,000 18,00015,00012,000 12,00010,000 8,000 6,0005,0002,0002,0002,000 1,500 i.oooj1,0001,000 800 No estimate 2,000 I 2 8 7 54 3 6 1012 9 13M 1511 17 16 19 2321 22 18 24 21 2520 26 Nebraska 77>329 3S.HS2°>253§ Texas Iowa New York 5 6 7 89 IOn1213 14IS16 J718 24,944 29,I35 Ohio \ Minnesota / 3X,°7431,41624,960 6,8025,660 7,222 5,292 4,443 3,285 5,923 1,752 2,467 1,003 566756 606 South Dakota Maryland \ Michigan / North Dakota Pennsylvania New Jersey Indiana 1 Arkansas > California J Massachusetts. • • ¦ ) Virginia 1 Washington J i,533 478 756 43° 8523*9 1,029 Scattered: Total for U. S 517,3°° 325,4oo * Kohlbeck, Rev. Valentine: "The Catholic Bohemians of the United States.'' The Champlain Educator, XXV, pages 36-54. (Jan-Mar., 1906.) t Census, 1900, Population, Part I, Table 38. j Doubtless too low. § Here and elsewhere the presence of Chekhs from Moravia, who make one group with the Bohemians but do not appear in the census figures for natives of Bohemia, help to cause a dis crepancy. Cf. page 217. 262 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE. UNITED STATES POLES IN THE UNITED STATES Father Since the census figures for "Natives of Poland" Kruszka's include Polish Jews and others, they are of little use for gUr6S our purpose, so that it is particularly fortunate that we have so devoted a student of Polish conditions as the Rev. W. X. Kruszka of Ripon, Wisconsin, to fall back upon. The latest estimate of his that I have seen printed was in the Polish Press (Prasa Polska) , a little bi-lingual sheet published in Milwaukee, under date of March 2, 1907. This table shows a total of only a little over 2,000,000 (2,199,411), but Father Kruszka has since written me, under date of January, 1907, that he then put the number at about 3,000,000. A later estimate appeared, unsigned, in the Polish Press of December 15, 1908, with the remark, "Polish immigration, especially from Russian Poland, has been increasing so fast during the last eight years that it is hard to keep track of it. According to Polish immigra tion and colonization agents, the Polish population in the United States numbers 4,000,000, distributed in the following states."* Both estimates are given in Table 19. These figures refer, of course, to all those who, whether themselves born of Polish parents or not, count in the community as Poles. By divisions of the country Father Kruszka's table shows 1,082,000 in the North Atlantic states, 1,033,000 in the North Central, or over 96 per cent of the whole in the North and North Atlantic region. City colo- As regards the urban population, it is impossible to tell what proportion of the Poles are city dwellers, but * Mr. Siemiradski of the Polish National Alliance writes me, August 25, 1909: "The data of Father Kruszka were about as correct as possible for 1907. The last two years did not bring much increase, as during the financial panic many Poles left for the old country, and the influx of new immigrants was not considerable. But of course many Polish children were born in this time, and it would be safer to put the whole number of Poles in the United States as over 3,000,000, and together with Canada about 4,000,000." niesof Poles DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 263 TABLE 19.— POLES IN THE UNITED STATES. ESTI MATES OF REV. W. X. KRUSZKA AND OF THE "POLISH PRESS" Estimate of Rev. W. X. Kruszka Polish Press, March 2, 1907 Number Anonymous Estimate in Polish Press, December 15, 1908 State Number Pennsylvania . . . Illinois New York Wisconsin Michigan Massachusetts. . . Ohio New Jersey Minnesota Connecticut Indiana Missouri Maryland Nebraska Texas Rhode Island Delaware California North Dakota. . . Kansas New Hampshire. Washington Colorado Iowa South Dakota. . . Kentucky Maine Oklahoma Oregon Tennessee Arkansas Montana Indian Territory. Vermont Georgia Alabama Louisiana South Carolina . . Mississippi North Carolina. . Florida Total 422,790 3SS.745355,725I97,045 160,830 128,515 96,11002,78588,So5 61,490 4L335 21,400 19,415 18,77018,74010,310 8,6306,600 6,2705.455 5.320 4.4S04,100 3,7553,36°3-34°3,2I5 2,780 2,6562,6102.575 2,065 i,995i,795 945S6^840 815 650 37 5 .199,41 1 Pennsylvania ] 525,000 New York 1 500,000 Illinois Massachusetts. . . . Wisconsin Michigan New Jersey Minnesota Connecticut Ohio Indiana Missouri Maryland Nebraska Rhode Island Maine Texas West Virginia .... Delaware North Dakota. . . . Kansas California Washington Colorado Iowa Oklahoma Oregon Vermont South Dakota. . . Kentucky Montana Tennessee Other states j Less than 5,000 450,000 300,000250,000250,000200,000 140,000125,000125,000 70,000 60,000 50,00050,00040,000 35,°°°25,00025,000 20,000 15,000 8,0008,000 7,000 6,0006,000 6,000 6,000 6,000 5,0005,000 5,0005,000 Total including Can ada c. 4,000,000 264 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES of Polish city colonies certain estimates are given in Table 20, below. Father Kruszka also in the first volume of his "Historya Polska w Ameryce"* gives a set of estimates of city colonies for 1903, which are at tested in each case by the mayor as, to the best of his information, the number of inhabitants '"of Polish nativity and origin." These are as follows: Chicago, 250,000; Buffalo, and immediate suburbs, about 70,000; Milwaukee, 65,000; Detroit and immediate suburbs, 50,000; Pittsburgh and immediate suburbs, upwards of 50,000; Cleveland and immediate suburbs, 30,000; Toledo, 14,000. TABLE 20.— POLES IN CITIES. ANONYMOUS ESTI MATE. IN "POLISH PRESS," DECEMBER 15, 1908. Chicago and suburbs 350,000 Greater New York 250,000 Buffalo and suburbs 80,000 Milwaukee and suburbs 75,000 Detroit and suburbs 75,000 Jersey City, Toledo, Cleveland, Bay j roT,,]-(1-raH#, City, Manistee. South Bend, St. I ^°nsiaerabie, Louis, Kansas City, St. Paul, Winona, f £{"?" Jaiown Omaha and various other cities . . . . j Course of As to the dates of settlement, Father Kruszka's figures for the founding of Polish churches give some informa tion, f In the decade 1880-1889, the North Central district continued to be the most important. Wis consin shows twenty churches founded during this time, Minnesota seventeen, Michigan sixteen, Nebraska seven, Dakota two. Some of these were in the cities (as Milwaukee, St. Paul, Detroit, and Omaha), some in little places with picturesque Polish names (as Pulaski, Sobieski, Krakow, Gniezno, Opole, Wilno, Tarnow, Chojnice) . About the middle of the eighties Pennsylvania began to gain rapidly, with twenty-seven churches in the decade 1884-1893. Previous to this there had been eight Polish churches in the state, beginning at Shamo- kin in 1870 and Shenandoah 1873. Massachusetts had * Vol. I, page 90 ff. t See above, page 230. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 265 a Polish church in Boston in 1880, in Chicopee in 1887, in Fall River in 1890; Connecticut had one in Meriden in 1 89 1. In the four years 1 888-1 891 New York gained twelve Polish churches, four of them in Buffalo. All of this represents the growth of mining and factory centres among the Poles, in contrast to the homestead settle ments farther west. In the next period, during the eleven years 1890-1900, this growth in industrial districts continued. Pennsyl vania added twenty-eight churches, Illinois twenty-six, including the fourteenth Polish church in Chicago. In New England, Worcester and Holyoke in Massachu setts, New Britain, Ansonia, Bridgeport and Norwich in Connecticut, and Providence, Rhode Island, gained Polish churches. The more agricultural districts were not, however, at a standstill. Wisconsin added twenty-one parishes, and Texas took a fresh start and added eight. On the Pacific, Tacoma was added to the list in 1890 and several other places in Washington soon after. The immigration reports also throw some light on the Immigra- distribution of Poles. During the ten years ended ^destma-aS June 30, 1908, Poles to the number of 743,151 entered tions the country, being, as already shown, 44 per cent of the total Slavic arrivals for the period. Of these Poles, nearly 210,000 sought Pennsylvania, and nearly 160,000 New York state, together almost a half of the Polish immigration of the decade. Illinois, Massachusetts and New Jersey, Ohio, Michigan and Wisconsin, were next in order of popularity. No other state ran to six figures, but thirteen states were the goal of 1000 Poles or more. SLOVAKS IN THE UNITED STATES It is particularly hard to estimate the numbers of this Number of nationality. From the immigration reports we can h°^t* learn how many have come in since 1899 but not how estimate many came earlier, how many have gone away nor how many have been born or have died here. The census lumps them indistinguishably with all the other natives 266 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Destina tions of Slovaks of Hungary. But though the word Hungarian is often used in this country to mean Slovak, and though the Slovaks are probably the largest group of immigrants who have. come to us from Hungary, they probably make less than a third of the Hungarian contingent— to judge from the immigration figures of 1905, the only ones which give the data for Hungary separate from those for Austria.* The fact that the Slovaks are divided religiously makes it harder to get trustworthy estimates for them than for a nationality which, like the Poles, is practically all included in one religious body. The larger number of them are Roman Catholics, but some are Lutherans, some Calvinists, and some members of the Greek Catholic church in which they are hopelessly confused with the Ruthenians. (See Table 28, page 386.) Accordingly estimates of their numbers in this country vary widely. One informant says 750,000, another 500,000. Mr. Capek, in his very interesting book "The Slovaks of Hungary," published in 1906, to which I have several times referred, puts them at "well nigh 400,000." The immigration figures show over 300,000 landed in the last decade alone, but this doubt less includes many double counts, as the Slovak immi grant is prone to go back and forth. In 1905 nearly a quarter of those arriving had been in the country before. As to their distribution in this country, the data for intended destinations of immigrants during the last ten years show that every state and territory f (and Alaska and Porto Rico besides) , was given as a destination by * In 1905 Hungary sent us 163,703 immigrants, of whom 51,000 were Slovaks, 22,000 Croatians and Slovenians, 3000 Ruthenians, and 3000 other Slavs (Slavs of all sorts making in that year 48 per cent of the immigrants from Hungary). Of non-Slavic nationalities she sent Magyars (or Hungarians proper) 45,000, Germans 26,000, Hebrews 6000, Roumanians 7000. These proportions doubtless vary from time to time. f When the "states and territories" are here mentioned, Alaska, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippines are not intended to be included unless specially named. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 267 at least two or three representatives of this pathetic people, so dispersed, yet so devoted to the home that poverty and oppression combine to shut to them. Along with this wide dispersal, however, goes a very marked concentration of their forces in Pennsylvania, to which were destined over half (or 169,116).* New York's share was about 13 per cent (41,460), New Jer sey's about 9 per cent, and so on down through Ohio, Illinois, Connecticut and Wisconsin, to West Virginia with something over 1 per cent. A thousand or two went to each of the following states: Michigan, Missouri, Massachusetts, Indiana, Minnesota and Maryland (1300). Colorado was given by 701 as their destination. RUTHENIANS IN THE UNITED STATES This is another group for which it is as yet impossible Ruthenian to get anything like satisfactory data, and for which numtiers estimates vary widely. An elaborate study of Ruthe nian conditions in America was undertaken by Mr. Baczynski, of Lemberg, in 1906, and when this is pub lished (and translated) we may hope to know more. In 1904 Mr. Ardan wrote in Charities,^ "Even the most conservative cannot today place the number of Ruthe nians in the United States much below 350,000. In ad dition there are 60,000 in Canada and about the same number in Brazil and other South American republics." Other estimates are, "300,000 or more," "250,000," and finally, " 200,000 besides a like number in Canada." The first Ruthenian church, built in 1885 in Shenan- Beginnings doah, Pennsylvania, as already stated, roughly locates the Ruthenians' starting point geographically as well as chronologically. Yet if the greatest number went at first, and still go, to Pennsylvania, they also early found their way west. For instance, in Minneapolis I found that they dated back to 1884. * But note the warning as to deductions from such figures, page 253 ff. t Vol. XIII, page 246 (Dec. 3, 1904). 268 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Destina- For distribution I have again to depend on the de- tions clared destinations of immigrants during the last decade. Of something over 100,000 arrivals, almost 52 per cent (53,899) gave Pennsylvania as their goal, and nearly 20 per cent (or 21,376) New York, but this probably exaggerates the numbers settling in the latter state. New Jersey is according to figures the third favorite goal of the Ruthenians, with over 11,000 intending to go there, but I suspect that many who appear as destined to New York really go to New Jersey. It is significant that while it was not until 1905 that the Ruthenians founded a Greek Catholic or Uniate church in New York City, Jersey City had one fifteen years earlier, and long served the religious needs of the Ruthenians of New York as well as of those of Newark, Hackensack, Bloomfield, Elizabeth and Elizabethport. The only other states named by as many as 1000 Ruthenians were Ohio, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Illinois, in this order, but only four of the states and territories had none (namely, Georgia, Tennessee, Arizona and Nevada). Seeking Ruthenians who wish forfarms commonly go to Canada, either directly from the old country or after saving money here. The movement from the United States to Canada, or more specifically to Manitoba, is said to have begun in 1896, and has probably drafted off some of the pick of the Ruthenians coming to this country.* There are, however, Ruthenian farming settlements in the United States, though I have no clue to their num bers. Instances that have been cited to me are Clayton and Royalton, in Wisconsin, and some places in North Dakota. * For an anecdote bearing on this point see page 352. See also pages 139 and 338. farms DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 269 SLOVENIANS IN THE UNITED STATES The Slovenian missionaries and other early comers Only have already been spoken of, but how much connec- estimates tion there was between these and the mass move ment that set in during the early nineties I do not know.* As to the numbers of the Slovenians we have only estimates, since census figures merge them with all others of Austrian birth or parentage, and the records of the immigration authorities treat them and the Croa tians as one group. But as the Slovenians are a compact nationality, homogeneous in religion (practically all are Roman Catholics), and apparently with no special factions, the estimates can be considered fairly trust worthy. The figures given me in 1907 by Mr. Valjavec, editor of the Glas Naroda (combined here and there with data from other sources), are as follows. In the United States and Alaska there are a little over Locations 100,000 Slovenians. Of these, only a few thousand are and occupa- in the South, most being in the North Atlantic and North Central region. In Pennsylvania there are 25,000 in twenty- three or more places ;f in Ohio 15,000, largely in and about Cleveland (which has 8000 or 9000 by itself) ;% in Illinois over 10,000, besides big colonies in Joliet (with 3000, or, according to a local estimate, 9,000), and Chicago and South Chicago (with 2000) ;§ in Michigan 7000 (the largest group being 3000 or 4000 in * See, however, page 339. t Of these Mr. Valjavec writes that they are ''generally coal miners, laborers in steel works, business men (saloonkeepers, of course ! ! !), proprietors of real estate, and local politicians (espe cially in Forest City, where, during the last few years, Slovenic aldermen were elected)." % This colony has five Slovenian churches in and about the city, and is made up mostly of factory laborers, with "a few busi ness men, doing business, of course, with their countrymen only." § Two churches; colony made up of "factory laborers, busi ness men, real estate." 270 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Few in the North Atlantic states Calumet and the adjacent copper mining settlements);* in Minnesota 12,000, many of them farmers, in twenty places;! in Colorado 10,000 in ten places or more, in cluding Pueblo,} Leadville, and smaller mining centres; in Montana 5000 about the mines and smelters of Ana conda, Butte, East Helena and so on; in California 5000; in Kansas 3000 (farmers and miners) ; in Washington 15,000 (farmers); and 1000 or so in Utah, Wyoming, Idaho and the mines of West Virginia. Some are farming in Indiana, Nebraska and Iowa, some are in the South west and South (in Texas, Arkansas, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana and Mississippi), often as stave makers and lumbermen — in fact, there are said to be Slovenians in almost every state and territory except Georgia. The guidebook for Slovenians in America by the Rev. F. S. Sustersic of Joliet, already mentioned, gives not only a list of places where there are Slovenian colonies, but often the date of settlement and other information of much interest. The small number of Slovenians in the North Atlantic division, outside of Pennsylvania, is striking. In New York city and Brooklyn the guidebook just referred to finds only 1000, and no church; and in all JSfew York state there is mention of only one other colony — 150 persons in Little Falls. New Jersey does not appear in the list at all. § * "In Calumet is the second generation of Slovenians, very prosperous and Americanized. There have they large stores (Vertin Brothers' department store, one square block, is the largest department store north of Chicago in the United States)." t "The first Slovenians coming to America went to Minne sota (homesteaders). They founded a town, by name Krain- town, about forty years ago ; there lives now the second genera tion, all farmers, very prosperous and good Americans." Slove nians in Minnesota are largely farmers and miners. Bishop Trubec of Minnesota is a Slovene. J They are said to have 3000 business men, "real estate, etc.," in and about Pueblo, and 1000 "stockholders of mining prop erty, real estate, etc.," in Leadville. § See above, page 231 ff., for accounts of earlier Slovenian im migration. The immigration data as to destinations are dis cussed in connection with the Croatians in the next section. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 271 CROATIANS IN THE UNITED STATES I here take the term Croatian to include all immigrants, Estimates of from whatever province, speaking the Croatian language. numbers One estimate puts them at 400,000 in the United States; another at from 250,000 to 300,000 divided as follows: from Croatia 150,000, from Dalmatia 80,000 to 100,000, from Istria 25,000, from Bosnia 20,000, from Herzegovina 15,000 and from Servia 5000, besides of late some from the Banat in Hungary. The inhabitants of the Adriatic shore and islands Sources and whom we roughly designate as Dalmatians, were, as destinations already stated, early comers, and the colonies of natives of Austria in New Orleans and San Francisco, mentioned in the census of 1850, i860 or 1870, were doubtless theirs.* Croatians from Croatia came later, and their location has been determined, not like the Dalmatians', by opportunities for waterside industries and fishing, for business and for farming, but by opportunities to labor in mines, furnaces, rolling mills and factories. Never theless, they are said to be in every state and territory, including Alaska. "They are said to be," since for them as for the Slovenians, neither census nor immigration reports give any distinct data, so that estimates alone are available. The largest group of them, however, is undoubtedly in Pennsylvania, where they are put at from 80,000 to 100,000, or according to one estimate, 130,000. A large proportion of these are in and about Pittsburgh and Allegheny. Illinois is credited with 40,000, perhaps half in Chicago, but the estimates of the Chicago colony vary too much to be of any value. Ohio, including the large Cleveland colony, is given 35,000. Other consider able groups are in New York, New Orleans, San Francisco, St. Louis and Kansas City; in Montana at Great Falls, Anaconda and Butte; in Colorado at Pueblo, Cripple * Natives of Austria: New Orleans, 1850, 129; 1870, 253; San Francisco, 1870, 476. 272 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Creek, Crested Butte and Denver; and in Michigan at Calumet. The oldest colonies are said to be those in San Francisco, New Orleans, Mobile and Chicago. Occupations One informant writes that not many are engaged in farming, but that most are engaged in mining different ores, many in railroad work, steel mills, stockyards and stone quarries. Workingmen with trades are chiefly from the larger cities of Croatia and Istria ; stone-cutters especially are from Istria. "Dalmatians are mostly business men, especially in California, New York, New Orleans, Mobile," and I might add Galveston. "The coast has many Dalmatians who have large oyster plants." "It gives me pleasure to state that a large percentage are now starting to settle in the United States for good; many have recently purchased little homes of their own, many are prepared to receive their families from abroad to settle here." The immigration data as to destinations are in this case not distinctive, Croatians being put in one group with Slovenians; but even so, the mixed figures have a certain interest, especially since for the Croatians we have so little American material. We see that the combined group reached a total of 275,800 for the last ten years; of these, 121,311, or 44 per cent, were headed for Pennsylvania. The next largest groups were Illinois (33,962), Ohio (28,822), and New York (22,045); then, at a long interval, Minnesota, Missouri, Michigan, Wisconsin, Colorado. No other state had as many as 5000, but every state and territory, even Alaska, Porto Rico and Hawaii, was the goal of a few of this hardy group of wanderers. Destination figures of immigration depart. ment Countries of origin SERVIANS IN THE UNITED STATES Servians come not only from Servia and Montenegro, where they compose practically the whole population, but from many neighboring countries, where they form a scattered minority more or less substantial, or where they have colonies. The chief sources are Dalmatia, DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 273 where the Greek Orthodox population, which is the same thing as saying the Servian population, makes 4 per cent of the whole; Bosnia and Herzegovina, where they are over 40 per cent ; Croatia, where they are a quarter ; and the Banat and elsewhere in Hungary, where they number between 400,000 and 500,000, or 5$ per cent. The United States census does not include Servia or No separate Montenegro in the list of countries of birth with which it deals, and the unfortunate classification of the immigra tion reports, which, as has been explained, combines Servians with the totally distinct nationality of the Bulgarians, prevents our having any precise data as to numbers or country of origin. The 22,677 "Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins" who arrived during the last decade from Austria-Hungary, were probably mainly Servians from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and the Dalmatian coast and the Banat in Hungary. Of the "Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins" who in the same period came from "Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro" there is no way of guessing how many were Servians from Servia and Montenegro, how many were Bulgarians from Bulgaria. Taken together, they are an immigration group which rapidly increased in importance till checked by the late depression. The figures for the last eleven years were as follows : TABLE 21.— BULGARIAN, SERVIAN AND MONTENE GRIN ALIEN ARRIVALS, 1899-1909. 1899. . / 94 I9°4 4577 1900., 204 1905 5823 1901./. 611 1906 n,548 1902, 1291 1907 27,174 190/, 6479 1908 18,246 1909 6214 OX tj/e Servians in the United States, the Very Rev- Numbers eren.y/Sebastian Dabovich, Administrator of the Holy es ima e Servifen Orthodox Catholic Church in North America, estim\ates* that there are about 200,000, "or 150,000 * Under date of April 8, 1907. liS 274 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES certainly." He places them as follows: New England, 50,000; Southeastern states, 5000; North Middle states, 20,000; South Middle states, 15,000; Northwestern states, 25,000; Southwestern states and territories, 15,000; Alaska, Canada and -Britislr Columbia* 5000; Mexico and Central /American countries, 5000, besides 10,000 "more or leas unidentified roaming, unsettled (gipsies), professionals, etc." A Croatian correspondent estimates Servians from Servia and Montenegro alone as about 10,000 in th£ United States.* / BULGARIANS IN THE UNITED STATES No official As already said,1. Bulgarians and Servians are combined ^hf3, avail" in the immigration tables, and the census does not mention Bulgaria} so that for Bulgarian numbers in the United States we have to rely on estimates. Mr. Albert SonnJchsen, the best authority on the sub ject known to me,f wrote as follows in the summer of 1909: Estimates-of "The general estimate is that between forty and fifty inlrfeUn? d tnousand Bulgars (from Bulgaria and Macedonia) have States come to this country, including those in Canada. Their principal centre was here in Granite City, an outlying suburb of St. Louis, but during the last year the majority of the 10,000 who were here have migrated westward. At present there are less than a thousand here. About 10,000 are now working on the railroad lilies in Montana, the two Dakotas, Iowa and Minnesota. \The belief is they will return here in autumn, but my own impression is, there will never again be 10,000 of theni in Granite City- " Other important centres are Seattle, Butte, 'Monta ma, Chicago, Indianapolis, and Steelton, Pennsylvania;/ but they are too shifting a people to make estimates of ipcheir numbers in those centres of any value. ^ f-' * For discussion of immigration data as to destination ns see the next section, on Bulgarians. f] t Author of "Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit^," and agent on Bulgarians for the Immigration Commission. I DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 275 "I hope you are not making any racial distinctions Bulgarians between Bulgars and Macedonians. I believe the Bui- are B«lg*""- i_ 1 r n x 1 lans whence- gars who have come from Macedonia are registered on soever they Ellis Island as Macedonians, which is bound to be con- come fusing and inaccurate, for Macedonians may include Greeks, Vlachs, and even Turks. The distinction be tween the Bulgars from Bulgaria and those from Mace donia is purely political. Many of those who are regis tered as Greeks are so in church affiliation only, being Slavic by race and tongue. "The majority (I should say about 80 per cent) of the Bulgars in this country are from Macedonia, and nearly all are from one small district in Monastir vilayet ; Kostur, or Castoria. Their reasons for coming are fundamentally economic, but the immediate causes are the revolution of 1904, when half the people in Monastir were rendered homeless by the burning of their villages, and the con tinued persecution of the Greek Church since then, which closed Greece to them as a market for their labor. Not five per cent of the Bulgars in this country came before four years ago. "There seems to be a conspiracy among students of immigration to have all Bulgars from Bulgaria. They remind me of a railroad roadmaster I met some weeks ago. I asked him about one of his gangs, about eighty men, and he told me they were mixed Bulgars and Mace donians. I asked him how he knew the difference. He said he had a keen eye for race characteristics. He had looked the gang over, and one by one picked out the Bulgars; they were darker, bigger, stronger, and the foreman had declared them to be rightly classified. When I visited this gang, I found every one to be a Macedonian, most of whom I had met in the old country. "Within the last month I have visited about ten large gangs of Bulgars working on the railroads. In some I found not a single native of Bulgaria, and in some from two to seven, the gangs averaging fifty men. To one who knows the language, there is no mistake in dis- 276 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Bulgarian- Servian distribution tinguishing. There is as much difference in speech and intonation as between Missouri and County Clare, though the Bulgarian of Bulgarian schools and Macedonian schools is the same. " I have been quite surprised at the similarity between the speech of the Bulgars and Croatians (Horvats). I found I could converse quite freely with them, and that they took me for a Horvat coming from a different pro vince from their own. "I am especially interested in the Slavs. I have great faith in their virility as a race, in proportion as they are unmixed with Turkish or Greek blood." The immigration data give at least some indication of the flow of the Bulgarians and Servians, considered as one group.* Of the total of 76,047 arrivals, 42 per cent came from Bulgaria, Servia, and Montenegro, 25 per cent from Turkey, and 29 per cent from Austria-Hungary. This immigration movement is still in so early a phase that it is doubtful, as Mr. Sonnichsen intimates, if the statement of destinations has much bearing on any per manent location. We see however, that, as with most Slavs, the greatest number (almost a quarter) are first attracted to Pennsylvania. Illinois and Ohio are next in importance, then New York, Missouri and Indiana. But in scattering numbers they have sought every state and territory, including Alaska and Hawaii ; Porto Rico and the Philippines alone do not appear on the list. Such a dissemination of the peoples of the earth some times fills one with amazement. How did no Servians and Bulgarians happen to intend to go to Alaska, or 116 to Oklahoma, or 137 to New Mexico, one wonders. Census fig ures useless for Russians RUSSIANS IN THE UNITED STATES The census figures for natives of Russia are valueless as an indication of the numbers or whereabouts of Russians who, as we have seen, make a very small per * For some discussion of these data see the preceding section on the Servians. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 277 cent of the immigrants from their country, the greater part being Jews, Poles, Finns, Lithuanians and Germans. Russians form the smallest of the Slavic groups of Immigra- immigrants,* only 66,282 having arrived during the tion data eleven years ended June 30, 1909, but during the years 1 902-1 908 inclusive their numbers increased with marked rapidity. The figures are as follows for the eleven years : TABLE 22.— RUSSIANS; ALIEN ARRIVALS, 1899-1909. l899 1774 i9°4 3951 1900 1200 I9°5 374^ 1901 672 1906 5814 1902 1 55 1 1907 16,807 1903 3608 1908 17,111 1909 10,038 It is noticeable that the figures did not decline in 1908, when immigration generally fell off on account of the hard times, and that even in 1909 they declined com paratively little. It is interesting to see how differently the Russian and the Servo-Bulgarian flow was affected: in 1907, the former was 16,807, the latter 27,174; in 1908, the numbers were 17,111 and 18,246 respectively; in 1909, 10,038 and 6214, so that where the Russians were, in 1907, the less by over 11,000, in 1909 they were the greater by almost 4000. This may indicate that the Russian emigration is due to political exigencies rather than to economic considerations. As regards the number of Russians in the country, I Numbers have never found any one bold enough to attempt an u^nown estimate. But as a considerable portion of the immi grants are women, and children under fourteen (indicat ing a family element) , and as those who have been in the United States before are a small fraction of those enter ing (indicating a small proportion of the bird of passage * That is, of groups arranged on racial lines; the classifica tion of the immigration report isolates one portion of the Servo- Croatians on a geographical basis as "Dalmatians, Bosnians and Herzegovinians," and this is the smallest Slavic group of the reports. 278 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Destina tions Colonies element),* it seems not unreasonable to conclude that births in Russian families in this country must have at least counterbalanced both deaths and the outgo of returning emigrants and emigrants' children. f If then we neglect all Russians who entered the country before 1899 (both them and their descendants), we should still have at least sixty or seventy thousand among us, the total number who have entered the country since 1898 being, as said above, 66,282. The table of destinations of these Russian immigrants shows New York as the goal of 17,700, and Pennsyl vania of 12,866. Then follow Massachusetts with 4061 ; Illinois with 3719; California with 2850; New Jersey with 2717; Maryland with 2326; Connecticut with 1836; and North Dakota with 1172. The only places under our flag to which none were going were Utah and the Philippine Islands. Thirty-five were bound for Hawaii and eleven for Porto Rico. There have long been Russian religious colonists in the country. The census of 1880J speaks of "35,722 Russians (predominantly Mennonites) of whom a large majority were those in Kansas (with 8032), New York (with 5438), and Dakota (6493)." Catherinenstadt, in Kansas, has, I am told, a Russian settlement, and there are Russian "Stundists," in this case Baptists, who have settled within six years or so at various points in North Dakota. These are, however, "Little Russians" like the Ruthenians, not "Great Russians" or Russians proper, and came from about Kiew or Kherson. The most famous instance of this sort, however, is the body * It is interesting to compare the Russians with the Bul garian-Servian group in these respects. During the last three years among the former, women made 13.2 per cent of the immi grants, among the latter 3.6; for children under fourteen the figures stand 6.2 per cent and 1.5 per cent respectively, and for immigrants previously in the United States, 2.3 per cent and 2.6 per cent. The Russian movement thus appears to be of a more permanent sort than the other. t It would not be surprising to learn, however, that consider able numbers leave the United States for Canada. t Vol. I, page 468. DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 279 of Doukhobors* who were settled in Canada some years ago, to the number of 7000 or so, under the auspices of the Society of Friends. But for emigrants who are leaving home not for America or reasons of religion, nor politics, but for economic motives, siberia America has to compete with the vast back country of Siberia. The director of the emigration department in St. Petersburg was quoted by the newspapers under date of April 20, 1907, as saying, "This year, owing to the political and economic crisis, 300,000 Russian sub jects will emigrate to America. Hitherto the yearly exodus has been about 250,000, of whom two-thirds were Jews and only 3 per cent orthodox Russians, 1 per cent being farm hands. Now the percentage of Russians and farm hands has increased. Most of the emigrants will go west to Illinois, Minnesota, Nebraska and the Dakotas. They come from the Volga, Dnieper and Don districts, and are hardy and industrious. Though illiterate, they are intelligent and unbigoted. The Government is endeavoring to direct the stream of emigrants to Siberia, but only the poorest go there, the wealthier preferring America. Steamship lines from Libau, Odessa and Helsingfors make the passage across the Atlantic cheaper, easier and surer than that to Siberia, while clever steamship agents canvass the villages and hamlets, securing desirable emigrants." Something more than a year later, the following paragraph appeared: "St. Petersburg, Aug. 31,1908. A great new nation is forming in Siberia. One of the greatest migrations in history has been proceeding so quietly that the world generally has not noticed the movement. During the past twelve months over 500,000 Russians have gone to Siberia, or equal to half the number of immigrants the United States received during that period from the whole world. Prince Vassiltchikoff, minister of agriculture, * See Elkinton: "The Doukhobors," Charities, XIII, pages 252-256 (Dec. 3, 1904). 280 SLAVIC immigrants in the united states has furnished the Duoma with the following figures of the migration across the Ural Mountains. For several years before 1906 it was 60,000 annually. In 1906 it was 180,000. In 1907 it was 400,000. In the first three months of this year it was 420,000, comprising 70,000 families. The accounts of Siberia brought home by the soldiers returning from the Russo-Japanese war, impressed the poverty stricken Moujiks with glowing ideas of Siberia's wealth. They also have little faith in the measures the Grand Council of the Empire is taking to settle the burning agrarian question. The emigrants seldom go singly, or even in families, but gather in col onies for the exodus." Wide dis tribution ESTIMATES OF TOTAL SLAVIC POPULATION Is it not noteworthy as one studies these figures how widely the country is being tried; how, with all the massing of numbers at the great occupation centres, there are scouts as it were of almost every race in almost every quarter? Even to Porto Rico, Alaska, and Ha waii Slavs of the most varied nationalities were found to be making their way. And wherever one emigrant finds an opening others follow. TABLE 23.— ESTIMATES OF TOTAL SLAVIC POPULA TION IN THE UNITED STATES— BY NATIONALITY Nationality Lower Estimate Upper Estimate Bohemians 500,000 400,000 2,000,000 200,000 100,000 250,000 150,000 40,000 60,000 (?) 500,000750,000 4,000,000 350,000 Slovaks Poles Ruthenians Slovenians Croatians, including Dal matians 400,000 Servians Bulgarians Russians 50,000 7o,ooo(?) Total 3,700,000 6,420,000 DISTRIBUTION OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 281 It is obvious from all that has been said, that there is no way of knowing anything like the precise numbers, either of the foreign born of this group of nationalities, or of those who count as belonging to them. For the latter, those who count as Slavs in the community, I have offered such estimates as I have been able to get. These doubtless contain much guess-work, some exag geration, and perhaps, in cases like that of the Croatians and Servians, some overlapping. Yet they unquestion ably have a certain value especially where a group is homogeneous as regards religious faith. The following table brings together these estimates, and it seems to me reasonable to conclude that we probably have not much less than 4,000,000 Slavs in this country at present, and very possibly well over that number. CHAPTER XIV THE ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA Chief occu pations Minor call ings The Pennsylvania coal operator imported the Slav laborer, and to this day it is with the Pennsylvania products — coal and coke, iron and steel — that he is mainly busied. He does not take to the various lines of petty street traffic, such as peddling of small wares and fruit selling, which so often make the first in dustrial step of the Greek, Syrian, Italian and Jew. When the Slav goes into trade it is generally a round higher up, and marks on his part a great rise in the world. Neither are the Slavs characteristically day laborers like the Italians. Of course they are to be found doing rough, undifferentiated work, especially on railroads, but this is not typical. Many are on farms also. But their most characteristic occupation is the often highly paid employment about mines and foundries. No work is too onerous, too exhausting, or too dangerous for them. But though the Slavic group is absorbed chiefly in these four occupations — mining, metal work, common labor and_ agriculture — it also includes many skilled mechanics in building and other trades. Bohemians especially are very frequently to be found in the upper ranks of labor, whether in small independent establish ments of their own or as skilled workmen in large fac tories; they are found, too, in large numbers in the more modest ranks of the business and professional classes. Unfortunately they are also working to a considerable extent in the sweated tailoring shops of Chicago and cigar- making shops of New York. Poles and other Slavs also work in large numbers in factories in Massachusetts and Connecticut, in New York, New Jersey, Ohio, Illinois ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 283 and elsewhere. They are employed, for instance, in textile factories, sugar refineries, wire factories, oil works, stockyards and packing houses. * Worthy of special note is a pearl button factory, imported, work people and all, I am told, as a consequence of the McKinley tariff which ruined the pearl button makers of Austria at a blow, reducing to poverty those who did not emigrate to Ameica.t Among special aptitudes may be mentioned that of the Croatians, who are skilled axemen, for work in lumber camps, stave cutting, and so on. Also that of the Dal matians for all sorts of waterside industries; one hears of them as longshoremen, fishermen and sailors, and as oystermen about New Orleans. They seem also to have a special gift for the catering business, and manage res taurants in places as far apart as Galveston and Boston. Each local and racial group of any size soon comes to Professions support its own saloons, priests, stores, doctors, lawyers, bankers and editors — evolving them, perhaps, roughly in this order. Thus there develops within the group a business and professional class from which most of the national and party leaders are drawn. But the number who come to have a clientage or reputation outside their own group is, naturally, relatively small, though very in teresting. Several are professors in universities, of whom Professor Pupin, of Columbia, is probably the best known. While there are many music lovers among Slavs in Music and America, and while an amazingly large proportion of the art distinguished names on our concert programs are Slavic, I believe that these are almost without exception of Euro- * The charts appended to this chapter, and the remarks under the different national heads in Chapter XIII, give some further information as to occupations. Mr. Koukol's remarks as to the Slovaks are worth quoting: "The Slovaks when they come here are poor, illiterate, have no training, are inured to oppression; yet they have pluck, perseverance, enterprise and courage. From their ranks are recruited many of the foremen in the mills, and an ever-increasing number of merchants." Koukol: "A Slav's a Man for a' that." Charities and the Commons, XXI, page 594 (Jan. 2, 1909). f For the Bohemian end of this story see pages 78-79. 284 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES pean birth and training, artists of whom the Polish Pader- ewski, the Bohemian Dvorak and the Croatian Ternina may stand as types.* Slavs, like Germans, seem not to produce in our country their finest intellectual and artis tic fruits. This is doubtless partly our fault, partly theirs, and partly simply the result of recent transplanta tion. A Croatian sculptor in Chicago explained to me with the conscious tolerance of a cosmopolitan that in America he found himself obliged to do merely commer cial work on buildings and so forth. Said he: "Of course America has not yet reached the point of development where she can care for sculpture. It will come in due time. Croatia is an old country and naturally it is differ ent there." As I had seen something of the vigorous and beautiful work of Franges and other native artists at an exhibition in Agram (Agram in population not the equal of Peoria), this point of view struck me as less grotesque than it might have done otherwise. Wage rates To discuss the wages of Slavic workers would be sim ply to discuss general wages in all the lines in which they are employed. For apart from a certain discount if he cannot speak English or is very " green," the Slavic immigrant receives the usual wages of the place, the industry and the season. In Pitts- Nevertheless, the Pittsburgh district is of such pre- burgh mills ponderant importance for Slavic immigrants that it may and mines f , , ., . ....... be worth while to cite some of the prevailing wage rates there as given by Professor Commons in his study for The Pittsburgh Survey. f * I note, however, that the Rev. Alois Kolisek in an essay on "Slovak Popular Melodies" (page 384) says, "The American Slovaks have recently produced a promising young composer, Vladimir Sasko, a teacher of music at the Music School in Chi cago. His 'Slovak Rhapsodies' are worthy of note." The essay is contained in Seton- Watson's "Racial Problems in Hungary." t "Wage Earners of Pittsburgh." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 1051-1066 (March 6, 1909). Though printed in 1909 the article appears to refer to condi tions before the depression of 1907. Further figures for wages of Slavic immigrants based on data \t WwML ^''^nW^P^ \Wk rrS-Wfc ^ -y , Slavic Workingmen, Pittsburgh Photographs by Hine ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 285 The two great classes of employment that interest us The value of are work in and about the steel mills and in and about EnSlish the mines. The latter, as we shall see, is the better paid. The unskilled laborers in the mills and yards who have little or no knowledge of English and who, as the case stands, have no labor union to help them, get wages vary ing from fifteen cents to sixteen and a half cents per hour. They earn, that is, in prosperous times, $1.35 to $1.65 for a ten-hour day. Section hands on the railroads, who are however mostly Italians, get less than this, per haps thirteen and a half cents an hour. In general a knowledge of English raises the pay two cents an hour. "Eight to ten dollars for a week of sixty hours is thus the level toward which the wages of the unskilled gravitate when competition is free and English unes sential." In the mines of the Pittsburgh district the common Wages of laborer underground gets $2.36 for an eight-hour day. ^J^-fi Td The same class of men in the mills would be getting only $1.80 to $1.98 for a twelve-hour day. Other men in the mines paid by the ton but practically also common laborers earn $2.40 to $3.00 in eight hours, while cor responding work in the mills brings only $2.28 to $2.41 for twelve hours. When we consider more skilled work, it is hard to generalize. We find men in the mines who are earning $3.25 to $5.00 in eight hours, who for somewhat similar work in the mills would be paid an average of $6.25 for twelve hours. There are, however, in the mills certain positions requiring peculiar skill which command ex ceptional pay; for instance, the work of rollers in the rolling mills which yields from $7.00 or $8.00 up to $10 or from New York employment agencies will be found in the article by Frank J. Sheridan, "Italian, Slavic and Hungarian Immigrant Laborers in the United States," Bulletin of the United States Department of Labor, No. 72, pages 403-486 (September, 1907). A table of wages taken from this article will be found in Appen dix XX, page 464. 286 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Effect of immigra tion on wages The course of wages Retrogres sions $i 6 for a twelve-hour day. The men who hold these posi tions are immigrants as well as native born, but they are more properly to be ranked as a sort of foreman than as workmen. The mines offer nothing comparable to these most highly paid jobs in the steel work. One of the most important questions in regard to our immigration is the question how this vast addition to our labor supply has affected the price of labor. Since the pause due to the Civil War over 21,500,000 have entered our ports,* the majority of them laborers. Vast numbers have indeed returned (in the decade 1899- 1908 alone, 3,275,589,! more than one-seventh of the whole number) and thousands more have died here. Yet in 1900 there were at work nearly 9,000,000 white men and boys of foreign parentage, — not very far from half (43 per cent) of all male white workers. One would suppose that America could not have absorbed these myriads without bringing wages down with a run. Notoriously this has not been the case. Chart III, drawn from the carefully computed tables in Dr. Edith Abbott's study of the wages of unskilled labor J seems to show a general upward trend of wages, other than those of farm laborers, from 1840 to 1890, interrupted by the abnormal rise and fall, between i860 and 1880, caused by the Civil War and the depreciation of the currency. From 1890 to 1900 this gain seems not to have been maintained. Yet I suppose that few would hold that the workingman in America has on the whole lost ground economically. Granting this, there has been loss and retrogression for certain classes and at certain points. Some trades, * June 30, 1862-June 30, 1909; 21,663,203. t Ann. Report Comm.Gen. of Immig. for 1908, page 228. See also pages 250-252, 294-296 and appendix XVIII, page 463. % "The Wages of Unskilled Labor in the United States, 1850- 1900." For criticism and explanation of the tables the student is referred to the original. See also, for tables and chart showing relative money wages, real wages and hours of labor, 1840-1899, Bull, of the U. S. Dept. of Labor, No. 38 (Jan., 1902), page 123 ff. ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 287 1845 1855 1865 1875 1885 1895 1905 I I .40—.30— .20— .10— I I I I I I I 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 CHART III.— COURSE OF WAGES OF UNSKILLED LABOR From Dr. Edith Abbott's " The Wages of Unskilled Labor in the United States," 1850-1900 Wages of unskilled labor (from Table X). I Wages of miners (from Table XII). > Wages of agricultural laborers (from Table XIII). -x-x-x- Wages of common laborers, 1890-1900 (from Table XV). 288 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES chiefly those subjected to sweating (and of these not ably the needle trades), have suffered from the influx from Europe. Furthermore, specialization of industry and exaggeration of the seasonal character of production have tended to degrade whole classes of workers, in cluding the tramp labor of the farm ; and the abundant supply of immigrant labor has facilitated both specializa tion and seasonal concentration. Wages in the steel industry of Pittsburgh have just been considered. But if we look a little further back for comparison we find that this industry seems to have offered less and less favorable conditions for the past fifteen years or so. Hours have increased and wages have declined. "It is estimated by many who are in a position to know, that the actual earnings of skilled workmen in the steel mills have declined 20 to 50 per cent since 1897,"* — of the skilled workmen, we must notice. The unskilled laborers, on the other hand, men paid by time, not by the ton, "have had their wages advanced in recent years, while the earnings of tonnage men were declining." The explanation offered by Mr. Fitch, in his admirable Pittsburgh Survey study of the steel industry just quoted, is that the company cuts the wages of those men on whose speed the output depends, in order to increase their exertions. In any case, the class which has been flooded by immigrant labor is not the class which has lost ground, but the reverse is the case. Clogging 1 think we may conclude that the earnings of the rough, immigration manly labor of the country have not in general been on *£e labor pushed backward by the inrush of these hosts of workers with low standards of wages and comfort. On the other hand, it seems impossible to doubt that if there had been no such influx wages would have risen in some degree which it is not possible to calculate. Had our legislation * Fitch, John Andrews : ' ' The Steel Industry and the Labor Problem." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 1079-1092 (March 6, 1909). ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 289 shielded labor by anything corresponding to the protec tion accorded to employers, it would have greatly retarded and curtailed, both for evil and for good, the exploitation of our resources and the growth of our production. Capitalists would have been bidding against one another for "hands" just as their wives have been actually bidding against one another for servants, with results upon which this is not the place to speculate. That the depressing effect of the immigrant on the Reasons labor market has been chiefly of this merely negative wh^ no , ..... worse character — clogging the rise of wages instead of causing a sharp decline — is due to three main causes. First, the vast expansion of industry has supplied new work for the new workers (or for old workers whose empty places the newcomers have then filled), thus minimizing the competition of immigrants with those already in the country. Secondly, labor organizations have done a substantial service, not merely to their own members nor to the working class in general, but to the whole country, in standardizing wage rates within their own fields, and to some considerable extent outside them also. Thirdly, we have to thank the particular character of the immigrants themselves, especially those of the newer type represented by Slavs and Italians, for the fact that they have not done more damage to our wage standards. The first point, the expansion of industry, needs little (i) Expan- elaboration. The total value of our manufacturing ^dustrv products has been given by the census as for 1870, four billion dollars; 1880, five billion; 1890 (the close of the first decade of the new immigration) , nine billion ; 1900, thirteen billion dollars. As a single illustration of the relation of this expansion to Slavic labor I may take the great Punxsutawny coke district, north of Pittsburgh. Practically all the labor about the coke ovens is done by Slavs, and to the ques tion, "Who did this work before these men came?" the answer was, "It was not done." 19 290 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES (2) Organi zation of labor This aspect of the situation was especially prominent in the flush times of 1906, when I was visiting various Slavic centres in this country; at that time the effects of the general expanding trend of our production were intensified by the special effect of the prosperity of the moment. At Galveston I found employers competing with one another on the wharf for the services of ar riving immigrants; in Tercio, Colorado, a few months later, mines could not be worked to the full for lack of men, and from the harvest fields of the Northwest a great cry was going up that there were not enough la borers to gather the crops. When the demand for labor is so great as this we may absorb a million immigrants a year with comparatively little injury to the laborers who are here. As to the second point, the steadying of wage standards through organization; though the Slavs come mainly from districts in which labor and capital have not under gone their modern development, they have proved sur prisingly available union material, as was shown in the great strike of anthracite miners in 1902, and in the strike in the Chicago slaughter houses in 1904. Even when the Slav does not join the union he often seems to have an instinctive class consciousness, quite without theoretical basis, which keeps him from being a "strike breaker." A Croatian physician said to me, "Our people are not in the union, but they respect its rules. It is not that they are afraid and not that they sympathize, but a class feeling." And this among men as innocent of socialism as a Maine farmer could be! In spite of the terrible simplicity which at home too often makes the Slavs the prey of usurers, they can be made to understand the advantage of paying out their hardly won dollars and wasting their costly American time in idleness for the sake of future benefit. An observer of the slaughter-house strike wrote : " Even the young women, the pleasant-looking Slav girls, told very simply and very distinctly what the strike ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 291 was for — no family could live when wages were fifteen or sixteen cents an hour and the number of hours of work amounted to but $5.50 to $7.40 a week. The Slavs live on very little, and the strike meant that they were becoming Americanized to the extent of attempting to raise their standard of living; for there are many people who are living on a margin in the stockyards district all the time. When the girls give a ball they give it for the death fund." The Slav is apt to have a certain mild, immovable Discipline stubbornness which is a valuable quality to take into an industrial struggle. Moreover, in spite of his indi vidualistic temperament, he has shown in the unions capacity for cohesion and discipline. To quote again from the account of the slaughter-house strike : "Another strike order was that they were to stay at home, to stay away from the saloon and the street corner, and not to 'rush the can,' and though the Germans and Irish did not observe this literally, you could see the Slavs actually within their own gates, filling the front porches and spending the morning sitting on the high steps obeying the order implicitly. .... The police said afterwards there were fewer arrests this last summer in the stockyards district than in any previous sum mer At the outset Michael Donnelly had cards printed, in four languages, in which it was ordered that all the laws must be obeyed; that any violence would not be tolerated. It was no uncommon thing to see the foreign men beneath the electric lights, puzzling out, with their fingers on words which came difficultly, the meaning of the order." This adaptability to union life means a political sense (in the best meaning of the word political) with which the Slav has not commonly been credited.* It means * Interesting in this connection is the McKees Rocks strike of the summer of 1909 (on which see various articles in The Survey, e. g., Mr. Paul Kellogg's article in the issue of August 7, 1909, pages 656-665, and articles by Rufus D. Smith and M. T. C. Wing in the issue of October 2, 1909). 292 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Unorganized steel work ers vs. organ ized miners among other things that men inheriting all sorts of racial feuds and animosities, which have been systematically fostered by government for centuries, can and do sink those hatreds in cosmopolitan unions. At one meeting, for instance, interpreters will address their people in Slovak, Polish, Bohemian and Lithuanian. Of whatever unwisdom, and worse, unions may stand accused, they teach at least a nobler, more intelligible and more practi cal lesson in democratic self-government than most ward politics. In the two great industries of the Pittsburgh district, mining and steel work, Professor Commons shows a most striking contrast in both conditions and earnings between the steel trade, in which unionism has collapsed completely, and mining, where it has thriven to the advantage of both employers and men.* He reckons that while "in 1897 the conditions in the mines were similar to those in the mills," since that date, the condi tions of the poorest paid laborers in the mines have im proved 100 per cent and that of their fellow workers in steel perhaps 20 per cent, so that today, " measured by the hour, to the Slavs employed by the same company are paid 90 per cent to 100 per cent more as mine workers than as steel workers." Not only are the miners' hours less and their wages per hour more, but^ the miners have better housing at lower rentals. "Taking everything into account— wages, hours, leisure, cost of * "With a national union able and willing to discipline its local unions, the leading coal operators assert that they can carry on their business to better advantage with the union than with out. If there were no union they would be menaced by petty strikes whenever a few hot-heads stirred up trouble, and at times when the operator might be tied up with contracts to deliver coal. But under the annual agreements with the union the operators are safer in making long contracts, and they can con duct their business on even a closer calculation for labor than for materials whose prices and supplies fluctuate." Commons, John R.: "The Wage Earners of Pittsburgh." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 105 1— 1064 (Mar. 6, 1909). Further references on the subject of immigrants and trade unions will be found in the Bibliography under Labor Organiza tion. ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 293 living, conditions of work — I should say that common laborers employed by the steel companies in their mines are 50 to 90 per cent better off than the same grade of laborers employed at their mills and furnaces; that semi skilled laborers employed at piece rates are 40 to 50 per cent better off in the mines; and that the highest paid laborers, the steel roller and the mine worker, are about on a footing." (Pages 1063, 1064.) The trouble in the steel work, then, has apparently not been the presence of immigrant labor. In both cases a large part of the workers are Slavs, and a large part of the Slavs are unskilled, but while the miners' union has been dominated by the interests of the unskilled, and has prospered, the steel workers' disastrous experience was, as Professor Commons shows, under the guidance of the highly skilled and in their interests. What the absence of unionism has meant in the steel industry not only as to wages but as to morale and loss of personal and political liberty is strikingly shown in Mr. Fitch's study of the Pittsburgh steel industry.* These two things, the expansion of production and the (3) Charac organization of labor, have meant that both the tempta tion and the opportunity for the immigrant to undercut wages have been less than they would have been other wise. The Slav especially has gone largely into employ ments in which wages have been stiffened by both ex pansion and unionism. But a third element in the situa tion has been, as already said, the character of the recent immigrants themselves. In the first place, they have come here to get money; (a) Their their hearts are set on saving money, either to send ^™';^h home or to use here, and their main object, therefore, is to find the best possible wages. Nothing else matters much, and to this end each nationality forms a sort of spontaneous system of industrial intelligence. Con sequently the underbidding of the Slavic immigrant * Fitch, J. A. : "The Steel Industry and the Labor Problem." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 1079-1092 (Mar. 6, 1909). ter of Slavic immigrants 294 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES (b) Their mobility (c) Return to Europe an alterna tive comes less in the shape of taking smaller pay, which he is loath to do, than of "putting up" with more than the English-speaking workingman will tolerate — with poorer accommodations, harder work, longer hours, and espe cially with greater danger. This is a serious matter, but I am now discussing money wages. Besides being thus set on good wages, they are in the second place extraordinarily unhampered in moving to seek them. Adam Smith's dictum that men are of all luggage the most difficult to be transported does not apply to them. They are largely single men unen cumbered by families, and many of those who are married are here without their families, supporting them "on the other side." Both are entirely mobile through being alone and without any sort of local ties. The Slavs at least have no special bias toward great cities, nor any thing more potent than social affinity to bind them to the colonies of their own kind. Whereas Jews, so far as they are not deHebraized, are tied down by their need of "kosher" food and the synagogue to places which sup port a considerable Jewish colony, the Roman Catholic Slavs, on the contrary, find their church practically every where and, Catholic and non-Catholic alike, are ready to try any locality. They do not "congest" except as conditions of employment require it. In the third place, the little farm in the old country. which so many Slavic and Italian immigrants still own, does for them, to a certain extent, what free land in the West did through so many generations for American workingmen and for the earlier immigrants. It gives them, namely, an alternative to wage offers. In other words the employer has not got them in a corner. They came here for high pay, the highest obtainable ; if they do not get what they want in one place, they will go to another, or, if it seems best, they will go home. They thus serve as a sort of shifting ballast. Our periods of industrial shrinkage would be far worse than they are were it not that the usual supply of incoming immigrants ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 295 is then cut down, while large numbers leave the country for the time at least. Thus within two months of the breaking out of the anthracite coal strike of 1902 many Slav miners had sailed for Europe, and in the lean years 1894 and 1895 besides the fact that immigration greatly fell off, those emigrating were nearly three-quarters of those immigrating. Even more interesting was the contraction in the hard times that began in 1907, when not only did immigration fall off by over half a million, or to less than two-thirds of what it had been for the three years before, but the outgoing tide rose from some 400,000 to over 700,000, or to over 77 per cent of the incoming.* The estimated TABLE 24.— ALIEN ARRIVALS AND DEPARTURES, 1904-1908. Year Total alien arrivals Total alien departures 1904 840,714 332, 0191 I9°5 1.059.755 3«5. 1"' 1906 1,166,353 356.257' I9°7 1,438,469 431, 3061 1908 924,695 714,828 1 Estimated. Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration for 1908, page 228. net alien inflow fell from over 1,000,000 in 1907 to about 200,000 (or to little more than one-fifth as many) in 1908; and of four nationalities, Croatians, Slovaks, Italians and Magyars, more went than came, actually lessening their numbers in the country to a marked degree.* TABLE 25.— IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION OF CER TAIN RACES DURING THE YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1909. Immigrant Immigrant Net Nationality Aliens admitted Aliens departed Loss Croatian and Slovenian. . . 20,472 28,589 8,117 Italian (South) 110,547 147,828 37.28i Magyar 24,378 29,276 4,898 Slovak 16,170 23,573 7,4°3 Immigration Bulletin, June, 1909. * For further facts on this subject see above, pages 250-252, and Appendix XVIII, page 463. 296 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES A contrac tile labor supply The unem ployed im migrant We have thus an elastic labor supply on a large scale, and this is an inestimable advantage. The bird of passage has been so much, and often so stupidly, in veighed against that it is worth while to emphasize this point. While England appoints commissions on the unemployed, starts relief funds and subsidizes emigration of her own flesh and blood, our Slovaks or Sicilians return to their farms, when work is not to be had here, and employ themselves at home — vastly to their own advantage and to ours. Conversely when new works are to be opened up, there is a reservoir of indefinite capacity to draw from. On the other hand, when newcomers do find themselves stranded in this country without the means to return, they are of course extraordinarily helpless. Take Miss Grace Abbott's account of the Bulgarians in Chicago in the spring of 1908.* Here we have an immigration movement in its earliest phase, men coming through the inducements of transportation agents and without rela tives established in America who might help in case of need. Unwittingly they came at a bad season of the year and, far more serious, in a year of depression. Had they been acting on the advice of relatives and friends, this would not have happened. The men studied by Miss Abbott had been, on the average, about five months in this country when on April 8 the Chicago newspapers "told the story of 600 unemployed and starving Bul garians who had marched on the City Hall and demanded work," a "demonstration as harmless as it was ineffec tive." Sixteen had had no work at all in this country, and only sixteen had been employed for as much as three months. They had been swindled by agents and contractors. They possessed neither money nor credit; most of them (78 per cent) had mortgaged their farms in Bulgaria to get here, and they had no means of returning. " News began to come from home that the mortgage was * "The Bulgarians of Chicago." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 653-660 (Jan. 9. 1909). ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 297 due, the wife sick or the children needing food." No wonder that they were in despair. Even worse than the situation in large cities was that of unemployed foreigners in some of the many places where the population practically consists solely of the employes of one or more great industries. When these closed, hordes of men with no natural affiliations found themselves out of work in a community which had no means of meeting their needs whether through taxes or philanthropy, except in so far as the employer assumed responsibility. Three reasons have been given why the American labor Displace- market has not suffered more than it has done by the J? . •„, J through 1m- influx of immigrants. Allowing for all these favorable migrants circumstances, it is still true that the presence of a limit less supply of unexacting, unskilled foreign laborers, anxious to get standing room in American employment on any terms, is an infinitely serious fact for the working- man and for every person who cares for America's future. It means for one thing, even granting all that has here been advanced, that Slavic workmen have largely dis placed English-speaking workmen, with higher standards, in whole branches and districts. A notable example of this displacement is in the Schuylkill hard coal field.* The peculiar arrangement in coal mining by which the Anthracite miner is himself a sub-employer of labor, made it at first coa mmm§ appear to the advantage of the English-speaking miner not to oppose the coming of the "foreigners." As Dr. Warne says: " It was not only by the operators and rail road mining companies that the Slav was at first wel comed. Under the contract system in vogue in many collieries, the skilled miner was also able to draw advan tage from this cheaper labor. This self-interest of the * For full accounts compare Dr. Peter Roberts' two admirable studies, "The Anthracite Coal Industry" and "Anthracite Coal Communities" and Dr. Warne's briefer but important account, in "The Slav Invasion and the Mine Workers." Further data, from an article by Frank J. Sheridan, will be found in Appendix XXI, page 467. 298 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES English-speaking miner removed the only obstacle then strong enough to have prevented the Slav's entrance into the industry, and the latter then rapidly spread through out the region, especially in the southern field." The result of this to the laborer employed by the miner was that he "was forced either to work more cheaply or to withdraw from the competition; and in a market usually over-supplied with mine labor, owing among other things to the lack of regular employment the year round, there could be but one result. In a short while the English-speaking laborer was being forced out of that position." But the pressure exerted by the new element was not long confined to the laborers. With poetic justice the newcomers whom the miners had been glad to exploit, ousted the miners themselves as well as their laborers in the end. To quote Dr. Warne again: "In course of time the Slav became not a mere pair of hands but a skilled worker, — to use the terms common in the mines, not a laborer, but a miner. As he had been a cheaper laborer, so he was a cheaper miner." In spite of having moved up a step in his employment he was still un-American in his ways, "had his fewer wants, his lower cost of living, and his lower price for his labor. Moreover, he brought to his new work as a skilled miner that characteristic indifference to difficult conditions which had made him a useful laborer. He would work in poorer seams than the English-speaking miner, and in more dangerous places, and so, as he had driven out the laborer of the older industrial group, he now began as surely to drive out the English-speaking miner. "Yet the pinch of the new conditions for the English- speaking miner lay not so much in a reduction of the wage rate paid him — for that remained practically un changed from 1880 to 1900 — as in those elements which determined his net earnings. The tendency was for these to decrease. The miners' tools grew greater in number ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 299 and their cost rose; the poorer seams, which must now be worked, yielded less coal for a given amount of powder and energy ; certain allowances for what was once called extra work were withdrawn; insurance became at once more necessary and more expensive as the ignorant, daring Slav made mine working more hazardous; the number of pounds required for a ton and the size of the mine-car gradually increased; the dockage system, under which the miner was charged for impurities in the coal he sent out of the mine, also worked more and more to his disadvantage." Down to the strike of 1900 "it was in general true that the real net wages of those of the older industrial group who remained miners were constantly being lessened. Not only did many voluntarily leave the industry; not only were workers being forced out of the mines, but many were compelled to lower their standard of living; others were prevented from raising their standard, while to many the struggle to exist became a most severe battle for the necessaries of life. The pressure on some mine workers was so great as to force their boys of ten der years into the breaker and their girl children into the silk mill, in order that their pittance might add to the family income." Thus, although as has already been said the under bidding of the Slav has been felt less in lower wage rates than in worse conditions, these harder terms may easily mean lower actual earnings even with an unaltered wage rate. Even if earnings are not decreased, the man of American standards may object even more to accepting poorer social conditions for himself and his children than to adapting himself to a smaller income. It is of course not only in the mining world, nor only The reserve in these precise ways, that the pressure of immigrant competition makes itself felt. The employer, whether or not he himself directly or indirectly evokes the ever- flowing stream of fresh labor, is not slow to use the ad vantage that it gives him. He profits unreservedly by 300 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES this self-renewing supply for which, too often, neither he nor the community feel any responsibility. The old phrase, "the reserve army," recurs to one at a sight like that to be seen at the doors of the great Chicago packing houses in the early morning, when the process that is usually more hidden stands nakedly out. Although I was there in a season when the labor market was in general understocked, and at an hour when most of those who were to be taken on for the day had been already selected, there was still a crowd of eager men and boys waiting in the yard on the chance that more hands would be needed later. Now and then a foreman came out and ran them over with his eye and picked out those that he wanted. "He looks for the round-toed shoes," some one said to me; "he wants those fresh from the old country, not Americanized enough to wear factory- made footwear. When they are squeezed dry he can get other fresh comers." Over-exer- Here we touch on the most terrible indictment of dent andin- American employment — the rate at which it uses up jury men. I have already told how in Hungary and Croatia and Carniola and Bohemia it was constantly said that emigrants returned from the United States exhausted if not maimed. Men, we were assured, could not stand American labor more than a few years, after which they came home with their earnings, not worth much for hard labor thereafter. This fact, that he does not expect to have a long earning time in America, makes the Slav miner or steel worker the more eager to earn "big pay day" so long as he is in the country, and also more in different as to how he is housed and what his working conditions are while here. i Thus, the American workingman has to meet the com- / petition of men who not only are used to living more / cheaply than he, but who are working on a spurt, spend- j ing energy which has not been tapped before, at a rate ! which will exhaust their strength in a few years' over exertion. ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 301 I have spoken before of the Slav's apparent indiffer- Indifference ence to danger, and I certainly do not pretend to explain to danSer it. A certain degree of instinctive fatalism is probably one component ; the familiarity that breeds a most dangerous contempt is another ; another may be physical endurance. In a mining company's hospital a nurse told me that if an injured Italian screamed and " took on," they thought little of it, but if a Slav complained they knew that he was very badly, if not fatally, hurt. This indifference to danger may be one of the many elements that go to swell the terrible and excessive death roll of American industry, notably in mines and in metal work. One of the great services of the Pittsburgh Survey Accidents in has been the study of industrial accidents. The black Allegheny record for Allegheny county, in which Pittsburgh is situ ated, shows for the year ending June 30, 1907, 526 men killed and probably over 2000 injured in their work; this is likely to mean 150 hopeless cripples, 97 men with only one hand to use, 75 with only one eye, 470 children left fatherless, and so on. Of the 526 men killed, 189 were born in Austria-Hungary; of these, 117 were killed in steel manufacture, 15 in railroading, 34 in mining and 23 in other work.* Mr. Koukol, Secretary of the Slavonic Immigrant So ciety, states that the report for 1905-6 of the National Croatian Society shows that out of a membership of about 17,000, 95 were killed by accident (almost a third of all deaths) and 85 were permanently disabled. | A study of the causes of nearly 400 accidents led Miss Causes and Eastman to attribute nearly equal numbers of cases l°c^pe '"' (respectively 27.85 and 29.97 per cent) to the victims or their fellow workers, and to employers or their repre- * Eastman, Crystal: "One Year's Work Accidents and their Cost." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 1143-1175 (Mar. 6, 1909). See also, "The Temper of the Workers under Trial," by the same author. Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 561-570 (Jan. 2, 1909). t Koukol, Alois B.: "The Slav's a Man for a' That." Chan ties and the Commons, XXI, pages 589-599 (Jan. 2, 1909). 302 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Relief funds Prevention sentatives. Both are concerned in about 1 6 per cent and in about 27 per cent neither.* The compensation was miserably inadequate measured by the loss of earning power. Six men whose aggregate loss of income she estimates at $123,000, received together $520. This may be an extreme case, but in over half of the cases not a dollar to take the place of lost income was received from the employer ; i.e., nothing at all in cases of injury, nothing over the equivalent of funeral expenses in fatal cases. At best it is bad enough, but the foreigner is al most sure to be at a special disadvantage. In Pennsyl vania the law exempts the employer from paying any thing to the family of an alien on his death, if the family lives in a foreign country,! and in other ways it is more difficult for the stranger to get those meagre rights of compensation which the law allows. The Carnegie Relief Fund and the various relief associations in which the employers interest themselves to some degree, mitigate the situation somewhat, and so do mutual benefit societies, of which the Slavs have a surprisingly good provision. (See page 380, ff.) Miss Eastman states that the National Croatian Society pro vides a sick or accident benefit of $5.00 a week for nine months, and a death benefit of $800 for a payment of fifty-six cents a month. I do not know how far it is fair to the employers to suppose that there would be less waste of life, health and vigor if the labor supply were less abundant, if the men who work for them were nearer to their sympathies in race, religion and tradition, or if, finally, the burden of the injured and the worn-out fell more surely and heavily on the taxpayers, if not on the particular employers.! * Eastman: "One Year's Work Accidents." Table VI, page "57- t Of the 526 men killed in Allegheny county in a year, 149 left dependents in Europe. X Mrs. Florence Kelley, speaking out of her own experience as factory inspector in Illinois, says in her Pittsburgh Survey article on "Factory Inspection" (Charities and the Commons, XXI, page 1113), "In the United States and particularly in ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 303 As it is, some corporations do feel a genuine sense of responsibility, shown, among other things, by the main tenance of hospitals, of which that of the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company at Pueblo, under Dr. Corwin's enthu siastic care, is a fine example. And even more important, there are signs that we are on the eve of effective policies for conserving human life as well as other national re sources. The federal experiments looking toward les sening the loss through mine explosions is one such sign ; another is the recently established inspection serv ice of the United States Steel Corporation, and perhaps the most important is the gathering demand for adequate compensation, the burden of which shall be so placed as to lead to the utmost practicable measure of prevention. In spite of the grisly deduction that must be made for Savings injuries, if we cast up the debit and credit of the immi- grant's situation from his point of view we find, I feel confident, a generally favorable balance. He comes, not only to earn his living, but to save, and he usually succeeds in doing so. At first the results of his thrift are remitted to Europe, or carried home on his Pennsylvania, there is greater need than in other industrial communities for effective factory inspection, because the courts have deprived employers of the usual business incentives to caution and effort for the highest efficiency in life-saving. Under the fellow-servant laws, even as amended, and the assumption- of-risk laws, with the custom of carrying casualty insurance, employers are so largely absolved from paying damages that an unparalleled indifference to the safety of employes has developed within the past quarter century. The waste of life, limb, health and nervous energy of workingmen in the prime of life is so con spicuous in factory work in Pittsburgh that for one with tech nical, professional acquaintance with the processes of industry in other communities, the abiding impression following visits to Pittsburgh is one of horror and depression. Relatively little of this is inevitable." Note also Miss Cro well's comment (in the same study, page 909), on the neglect of certain Company tenements. "Its mills, with their equipment, were repaired and improved in order to increase the quality and quantity of their output. But common laborers were too easily replaced for an effort to be made to conserve their health or well-being by repairing or improving these houses in which they lived. If ten men fell out, ten more were ready to step in and fill their places." 304 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Deposits and remit tances return, but these remittances grow less with the years. "When they first came they used to send home 80 per cent of their wages in savings; the Italians still do so, but the Slavs now send less, perhaps 20 per cent," — so said a Dalmatian banker in a New Jersey city, a man who is the trusted adviser of a whole group of Slavic nationali ties and of those Americans who are trying to get into touch with them. Whether these precise figures are generally true or not, they represent a widespread effect of two causes — of the degree to which families and family interests have been permanently transplanted to this country, and of the rising standard of living. Savings are likely at the beginning to take the shape of hoarding, and the first purchase of the newly arrived im migrant is apt to be a trunk, so that he may have some place under lock and key. But he quickly acquires enough confidence and intelligence to prefer a bank. Some times it is an employer whose timely advice brings this about. I remember a Jersey City manufacturer telling me how he learned that one of his men was keeping $800 in his room, and induced him to deposit it. Sometimes representatives of a man's own nationality on the board of directors help to win his confidence, though in one case it was said that the Lithuanians objected to deposit ing money in a bank where their priest was a director, for fear that he would know how much money they had. Whether as places of deposit for savings or as channels of remittance, private banks are generally not as secure as they should be, and the shame of this is ours so far as we do not provide proper legal safeguards. The report made in 1909 by the New York Commission on Immigration shows that in that state the known liabili ties of insolvent banks with merely nominal assets amounted in one year to nearly $1,500,000. Ten states, including Illinois, Ohio and Wisconsin, report no legisla tion as to this species of bank. The Commission states that "the losses among Jews and Slavs, though very ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 305 heavy, could not be determined with any exact ness. '* Besides their too frequent insecurity, banks where savings may be deposited are in many places not within reach, and where they are so they are generally less avail able than they might be because of the custom, only slowly being broken in upon, which keeps them closed evenings and Saturday afternoons, the very times when they are most needed. In spite of all obstacles and discouragements to thrift, both the deposits and remittances of immigrants reach imposing figures. f In Hazelton, the centre of an im portant anthracite district, I was told in one of the banks that two-thirds of the $5,000,000 of deposits in the three banks of the town were those of the "foreigners." Few of them, I was told, would deposit less than $20 a month, many as much as $50 ; a man depositing the larger sum would be getting perhaps $75 a month. Incomes are greatly helped out by boarders, and some "boarding bosses" save $100 a month. Another very important and early developed form of Mutual ben- thrift is membership in one of the many National Socie- efit societles ties which, along with their various other functions, serve as mutual benefit societies. Some account of these is given in Chapter XVII. As the centre of gravity of the immigrant swings to Purchase of this country, his savings, instead of being laid by for omes use in Europe, are accumulated for the sake of some sort . -- of investment in America. Many buy farms with their savings, but many more buy a house and lot for a home. In some mining places the companies own all available * Report of the Commission on Immigrartion of New York State, appointed pursuant to the provisions of chapter 210 of the laws of 1909, transmitted to the legislature April 5, 1909; pages xiv, 252. See especially pages 24-38 and 190-194. f In Appendix XXIII will be found a discussion of this subject, with tables, drawn from the article by F. J. Sheridan previously referred to, showing the number and amounts of money orders sent to Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Russia for each calendar year, 1900— 1906. 306 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES land, and pursue the policy of refusing to sell any, but in spite of this difficulty large numbers of the men do acquire homes. For instance, in the mining town of Shenandoah, Dr. Roberts estimates that "Slavs" make up about 60 per cent of the population, and own as individuals 25 per cent of the real estate, besides $120,000 worth of property in churches, parsonages, parochial schools and so forth, the whole amounting to $1,320,000 acquired in fifteen or twenty years. If we add three other towns, the total rises to $2,500,000, an average of about $100 apiece.* Building Building and loan associations for the co-operative and loan purchase of homes have been of great assistance. Dr. cLSSOClSXlOTiS Roberts reports sixty-five such associations in the anthracite district. These are made up mainly of mine employes, and in 1900 had helped to put up 583 houses. The report for 1904 of J. S. McCullough, the Illinois auditor of building, loan and homestead associa tions, contains the following remarks as to Bohemian and Polish societies of this sort in that state : "I deem it appropriate to call special attention to the organizations which are designated in this office as the Bohemian and Polish Associations of Chicago. Their simple and economical business methods (occasionally quite crude), their steady growth and general success, the fact that the great majority operate in the territory bounded by Twelfth street on the north and Halsted street on the east, embracing the great stockyards district, and the further fact that the membership is composed almost exclusively of persons of Bohemian and Polish nationality or extraction, renders a separate class ification justifiable. Some of the significant features of their methods are that books, in many cases, are kept * Roberts, Peter: "Anthracite Coal Communities," page 41. It should be said that Dr. Roberts uses Slav in this connection to include Italians — a sense which may perhaps be justified by local usage and convenience, in spite of its ethnological inac curacy. For some data as to Poles in a Massachusetts farming village, see below, pages 328-9. Croatian Saloon in Chicago Croatian Saloon in Hibbing, Mi ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 307 in the foreign language, all payments of dues and interest are weekly, moneys are received only on meeting nights, no regular office quarters are maintained, officers' sal aries are nominal, economy seems to be the watchword, and among the members a fraternal feeling is cultivated. This particular list comprises eighty-one associations with $6,200,000 in assets, 220,000 shares in force, and an approximate membership of 28,000. Of the above number all but seven show an increase of assets during the year — a remarkable exhibit. The industry, thrift and ambition to own a home, prevalent to such a marked degree among these classes, is responsible for the standing and splendid record of these institutions. The people, believing and trusting in them, deposit therein their savings, and hundreds of homes have been and will continue to be acquired through this popular agency."* Occasionally savings may be invested in shares of Business in- stock; for instance, in the town of Calumet, Michigan, T^s^ore^ one hears of workingmen buying copper mining shares. But far more commonly a man who has margin enough for saving, accumulates with the idea of going into business for himself. As Dr. Warne says:f "At first the Slav was found only in the 'patch' — the small group of buildings usually located near a colliery. But today he is filling up and overflowing the small town, and is appearing in the principal thorough fares of the mining cities with his saloon and his butcher shop. He is even reaching higher in the business world. Only recently a banking house has been opened in Shen andoah, conducted exclusively by Slavs. In Mahanoy City Slavs are also largely interested in one of the banks, and its business is growing rapidly." A few hundred dollars will start a little store, perhaps dark and unattractive to American eyes, but stocked with an assortment of simple goods such as the countrymen * Thirteenth Annual Report of the Auditor of Public Accounts of Building, Loan and Homestead Associations of the State of Illinois, pages viii and ix. t "The Slav Invasion," page 105. 308 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES of the shopkeeper desire, including, very likely, highly ornamented prayer books in Slovak or little Russian, gay printed head kerchiefs, sheep's milk cheese from Lipt6, dried wood-mushrooms from Bohemia, the little tin lamps that the miners wear in their cap fronts under ground, and whatever may happen to be wanted of cheap American drygoods or groceries. With this may be combined the sale of steamship and railroad tickets and perhaps an informal employment agency. It seems remarkable that the Slavs, who have been so often accused of lack of individual initiative, and who many of them are commercially very primitive, lacking in all business experience and too often accustomed to being patiently exploited by middlemen in countries where Jews practically monopolize all business, have here succeeded as well as they have done in commercial under takings. Their honesty, and a strongly marked vein of shrewdness, are probably their best assets. One constantly hears praise of Slavs in business dealings, especially for being prompt and sure "in payment.* In Massachusetts, in Connecticut, everywhere, I hear it said that the local merchants prefer them as customers. (a) Saloons What is more lucrative and far more desired than keeping a store is keeping a saloon. It takes more capital, — the estimate for a Polish saloon of the poorer sort in Chicago is $500 for furnishings and an equal amount to pay for the license, — but it gives much more social importance. All the Slavic groups drink a great deal, and at home in Europe the inn or dram shop or public-house, or whatever one chooses to name it, is an important institution. The Irish-American develop ment of the saloon, with all the threads of influence that radiate from it, is an alluring model. The saloon keeper of a Slavic group may be the best man in it; he is at least very likely to be the most influential. It is very probably he who acts first in the matter of building a * One dealer, however, is said to have remarked, "They pay cash because they could not get credit." ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 309 church, and perhaps piety and business combine when he secures its location on a corner opposite to his place of business. Still higher in the social scale than the saloon keepers (3) Banks are the bankers, whose business ranges from small local concerns in mining and farming towns to big city banking houses. The bankers carry on the bulk of the business in steamship and railroad tickets as well as in the trans mission of money. Many of them are well known and very influential men, often with a large political or semi- political following, like Mr. Rovnianek of Pittsburgh among the Slovaks. One does not often hear, I think, stories of defaulting bankers, such as are so pitifully frequent among Italians. Neither do the Slavs appear to have been afflicted Absence of with any serious development of the padrone system, Padrones such as has flourished among Italians, Greeks and Syrians,— a fact the more surprising when one considers the circumstances and the way in which many groups of Slavs have been accustomed to have all their business transacted for them by Jewish middlemen. Very interesting developments, significant, one may Co-opera- hope, though not yet on a large scale, are various co- tlon operative undertakings among Slavic groups; for in stance in Yonkers, where under the lead of a public spirited Ruthenian priest a model tenement was built on a co-operative plan, and other co-operative enterprises were started; at Calumet, where Croatians have started a promising co-operative store with a capital of $30,000 and about one hundred members, mostly "trammers" in the mines, besides masons and other outside workmen; and in Lorain, Ohio, where the Slovaks are just now in corporating a co-operative store said to be capitalized at $10,000 and to propose to deal in groceries and pro visions, dry goods and hardware. The total amount of Slavic capital would naturally be impossible to compute, but it must be enormous. Father Kruszka estimates that in 1900 Poles owned $600,000,000 310 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES worth of city property alone. As early as 1887 the Chicago Tribune calculated that Poles in that one city owned real estate worth $10,000,000. It must not be supposed, of course, that every family has a margin from which even Slavic thrift and abnega tion can save, or even that they all have an income suf ficient to maintain strength and independence. The Slavs, like other working people, have to meet the prob lems of inadequate pay, rising prices, and above all, of growing needs. As the Ruthenian priest already spoken of said to me, "The laborer cannot afford to be an Ameri can. It costs too much. A man must earn at least $2.00 a day to be an American." Again he said, "My people are perishing for lack of vision. ' ' The two lacks — lack of vision and lack of what is materially necessary to satisfactory human living under modern conditions — are in some degree two aspects of the same thing, and neither is confined to any one nationality. ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE SLAV IN AMERICA 311 NOTES ON CHARTS SHOWING OCCUPATIONS OF SLAVIC IMMI GRANTS BY NATIVITY OF PARENTS: MALES 10 YEARS OLD AND OVER The best that we can do toward getting information from the census as to the Slavic group is to study the statistics for those born of natives of Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland, and Russia. In the following notes and charts I use the word "Slavs" to designate this group. These figures unfortunately include not only Slavs but vast numbers of Jews, besides many Germans, Magyars, Lithuanians, a few Tyrolese Italians, and other non-Slavs. Where we are dealing with hard manual labor, which does not attract the Hebrew element, it is probably fair to assume that these statistics represent a group sub stantially Slavic, with some intermixture of Germans, Magyars and Lithuanians. This would not be true of the professions, mercantile pursuits, nor of work like tailoring or cigar making. Although it is certain that the number of Slavs in these occupations is large, it is impossible to isolate and count them. It is also impossible to get from the census any data as to the total number of Slavs in this country, so that no estimate can be made of what proportion of all Slavs (or of any single Slavic nationality) is engaged in a given occupation. The figures on which the charts are based are drawn from Table 23 in the volume on Occupations (Census of 1900). Chart IV shows the number of Slavs in those groups of Chart IV occupations in which they are most numerous, namely miners and metal workers (including census classes 86, 95-100, 112-116); laborers not specified (census class 35); in agricultural pursuits (census class 2, which includes not only farmers and farm laborers but those in lumbering, dairying and stock raising) ; and finally those that I have collected in one group as "mechanics." Chart V 312. SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES This last group is intended to include those that in Germany would be called Handwerker, men with trades, and includes workers in the building trades, leather trades, cabinet makers, coopers, bakers and butchers (census classes, 71-8, 87, 88, 101-4, 108, 109). Black smiths and machinists are not included here but with the metal workers. While this first chart shows the facts for the Slavic group as a whole, it is interesting to see how much the various A. Miners and Workers in Metals. 138,000 B. Laborers not specified. 135,000 Occupied in Agriculture. 105,000 D. Mechanics. 57,000 , I CHART IV.— COMPARISON OF FOUR CHIEF OCCUPA TIONS: SONS OF NATIVES OF AUSTRIA, BOHEMIA, HUNGARY, POLAND AND RUSSIA TOGETHER Slavic nationalities differ among themselves as shown in Chart V. Taking the laborers as 100, we see that the Bohemians have in agriculture (laborers and farmers together) 296, or nearly three times as many, that mechanics are more than three-quarters as many as laborers, and that miners are few. At the other end of the scale, Hungary has more miners by a third than she has laborers, while agriculture and the work of mechanics take relatively very few. It is interesting Laborers not Specified Sons of natives of Bohemia Russia Austria Poland Hungary 12,658 I 100 14,653 100 29,888 100 57,317 I 100 20,029 I 100 MINERS AND Q.UARRYMEN 1821 14 53 29,563 I I 99 15,316 27 26,944 135 Farmers Agricultural Planters and Laborers Overseers 13,656 I 106 65 6,155 12,524 22 1,494 Mechanics 23,058 190 13,398 ¦ 13,398 ill 91 9,090 30 11,872 21 1,502 10,346 111 10,547 35 15,778 4,357 22 CHART V.— CHIEF OCCUPATIONS: COMPARISON OF THE DIF FERENT NATIONAL GROUPS For each national group the number of laborers is taken as ioo and the other occupations are represented by columns adjusted to this. The numbers above the columns are the actual numbers recorded for the specified groups, the numbers below the columns are percentages in terms of the number of laborers. . 3*3 3M SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES to note the excess of farmers over farm laborers among those of Bohemian and Russian extraction. Chart VI Chart VI shows the proportion of Slavs engaged in certain occupations to the total number of persons so engaged. Here the actual size of the totals in the dif ferent occupational groups modifies the showing. Thus the agricultural group among the Slavs, though large absolutely, proves to contribute only eleven in a thousand to the enormous aggregate of nearly 9,500,000 persons engaged in agriculture (of whom over 7,000,000 are of native parentage). On the other hand, in certain minor trades like coke-burning and tanning Slavs make a sub stantial fraction of the whole, and it is notable how large a proportion they make — 143 in a thousand — in the im portant group of miners and quarrymen. If the census data permitted us to exclude the quarrymen from this group, the results would be even more striking, since quarrying is a trade which attracts Italians, Finns and others, but apparently not many Slavs. Chart VII Chart VII compares the Slavs in six occupations with the three other groups of foreign parentage which are most largely represented in that occupation. It should be noted that in this chart the actual size of the different occupational groups is not shown, and that the numbers of the various nationalities in each occupation are rep resented only in terms of their proportion to the Slavs taken as 100. Italians appear in the table among the laborers and the coke burners. The Scandinavians, on the other hand, appear only in the agricultural group. For the rest, the Slavs are brought into comparison with Irishmen, Germans, English and Welsh, and are greatly outnumbered by them in agriculture, as mechanics (in the sense here given to the word) , and less markedly as iron and steel workers and as simple laborers, while in work in mines, coke ovens and allied occupations they lead. Agriculture (2) 105,000: 11 per thousand I Teamsters, Hackmen, etc. (51) I 7,515: 14 per thousand ¦ Steam R. R. employees (63) I 11,582: 20 per thousand . Building trades (71-8) ¦ 25,254: 21 per thousand ¦ Blacksmiths and Machinists (93 and 95) ¦ 10,895: 21 per thousand Textile workers (122-8) 10,994: 38 per thousand Saloonkeepers and Bartenders (39 and 30) 7,733: 45 per thousand All workers in metals (93-100, 112-116) 56,716: 52 per thousand Labor not specified (35) 134,545: 53 per thousand Bakers and Butchers (87 and 88) 10,869: 58 per thousand Iron and Steel workers (94) 27,643: 96 per thousand Leather Curriers and Tanners (103) 4,911: 120 per thousand Miners and Quarrymen (86) 81,426: 143 per thousand ITf^FflWlHTTIIBI miriT' HfrffWITOffiWfWffl I llllL itfJiT liTBiTOBTrBWliniOWWHH Coke, Charcoal and Lime Burners (137) ^^¦^^^¦^^^¦¦^^^^^^^^^^¦^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^¦i 4.463: 309 per thousand CHART VL— SLAVS IN CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS COMPARED WITH THE TOTAL OF ALL NATIONALITIES IN THE SAME OCCUPATIONS The numbers in parentheses following the names of trades refer to census classes. Both absolute numbers and numbers per thousand of all nationalities employed in the same occupation are given. Coke, Charcoal and Lime Burners (137) Slavs 4,463. Germans ... 795. Italians. . . . 681. Irish 565. 100% 18% of the Slavs in this occupation. 15% 13% Miners and Quarrymen (86) Slavs 81,426. 100% English and Welsh... 70 ,031. 86% Irish 51,320. 63% Germans 35,931. 44% Iron and Steel Workers (94) Slavs 27,643. 100% Germans 49,580. 179% Irish 47,365. 171% English and Welsh . . . 19,775. 72% Labor (Not Specified) (35) Slavs 134,545. 100% Irish 270,027. 199% Germans 241,553. 178% Italians 93,901. 69% Mechanics (71-8, 87, 88, 101-4, 108, 109) Slavs 57,363. 100% Germans 329,577. 575% Irish 168,324.293% English and Welsh 78,591.137% Slavs . Agricultural Pursuits (2) .105,492. 100% Germans .775,452.735% Scandinavians. . .304,502. 288% Irish] 277,155. 263% Percentages of total Slavs in the specified occupation. CHART VII.— COMPARISON, FOR CERTAIN OCCUPATIONS, BE TWEEN SLAVS AND THE THREE OTHER FOREIGN GROUPS THAT HAVE THE LARGEST NUMBER IN THE GIVEN OCCU PATION. The Slavs in each occupation are taken as ioo and the columns represent ing other nationalities in the same occupation are proportioned to this. Both their absolute numbers and the percentage of Slavs in the same occupation are given. Figures in parentheses following names of trades refer to census classes. 316 CHAPTER XV SLAVS AS FARMERS Why do peasants from Bohemian beet fields or Croa- Why immi- tian vineyards betake themselves to mines and foundries grants do 1 • r j 1 • „..„. not take up making no use of the experience of a lifetime and of a farming skill which if often primitive is sometimes of a high order? It is not, as is often assumed, because they are eager to taste city life or because the hard tasks and narrow round of country life are irksome, but, with most of them at least, because of the hard necessity of the case, especially in the beginning. The explanation of a Polish writer quoted by Father Kruszka* fully bears out this conclusion. At home, he says, the Polish immigrants either had no property at all or owned at most only a tiny piece of land. In either case the money that they are able to raise when they leave home is hardly more than enough to bring them to America. They cannot think of buying a farm. The position of a farm laborer is not attractive to them because not only does it mean lower pay than other em ployments that are open to them, but it lasts only a part of the year; so necessarily they settle in the city. By the time that a family has saved the considerable sum needed to buy land and begin farming, its members are so accustomed to city life that it would be hard for them to change. There are other difficulties besides those named by this Polish writer. First, we must remember that the ob stacle of language is far more serious on the farm than in the factory. A man once taught his special task in * "Historya Polska w Ameryce," III, page in. This whole chapter on the agricultural situation and the general economic condition of Poles in America has much interesting matter in it, hardly to be found in English. 3i7 318 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES any highly organized work is, once for all, initiated; after the first it is mere repetition. Moreover, in a large in dustrial group there is likely to be a fellow countryman at hand to interpret. On the farm, in contrast to this, there is a constant change of tasks and an endless op portunity for costly and annoying mistakes from inability to understand orders. Further, it is an infinitely less trying change to go from home to a group of countrymen in a foreign country than it is to leave that group to go alone among Ameri cans. Farm life is made forbidding to the foreigner by the strange food, the lack of his own church and, above all, by his separation from those of his own speech and ways. In Europe country life is for the most part village life. There are cases where peasants live scat tered, each on his own land,, but the typical settlement is a village, clustered close, with a church and an open place where perhaps the boys and girls dance on Sunday afternoons and fields about it stretching out on every side. A man may have a long tramp morning and eve ning, but that is all in the day's work as he conceives it. The isolation of the American farmhouse is a drawback both to life as a farm hand and to life as an independent farmer.* * Mrs. Humpal-Zeman lays much stress on this contrast between the lonely farm in America and the traditional holidays, feasts, processions, national music and games which make life gay in the old country. (Industrial Commission, Vol. XV, page 508.) An interesting discussion of conditions on western farms is Mr. E. V. Smalley 's "The Isolation of Life on the Prairie Farm," Atlantic Monthly, Vol. 72, p. 378 (1893). See, too, the admirable discussion of this point by Miss Jane Addams. She says: "Regret is many times expressed that, notwithstand ing the fact that nine out of every ten immigrants are of rural birth and are fitted to undertake that painstaking method of cultivating the soil which American farmers despise, they nevertheless all tend to congregate in cities where their inherited and elaborate knowledge of agricultural processes is unutilized. But it is characteristic of American complacency when any assisted removal to agricultural regions is contemplated, that we utterly ignore the past experiences of the immigrant and al ways assume that each family will be content to live in the middle of its own piece of ground, although there are few peoples on the face of the earth who have ever tried isolating a family on one SLAVS AS FARMERS 319 Another point that we overlook when .we accuse the Reasons for immigrant of being clannish is that he sometimes really "clann"sh- f ears the hostility or the over-reaching greed of American neighbors, with their too common contempt for " foreign ers." I find a Bohemian guidebook advising settlers that in certain localities they will find no fellow country men "so that the immigrant must settle among perfect strangers, in great part cunning and capable of anything, and might easily, in consequence of his ignorance of the language, be deprived of the land that he has taken up and in some cases partly cultivated." On the other hand, among a group of settlers, neighbors at home and now strangers together in a strange land, there is an espe cial degree of mutual helpfulness and comfort. This has great economic as well as moral value. For instance, in a Nebraska county which lost nearly 2000 of its scanty population in the three bad years that followed the panic of 1873, the Bohemian and German homesteaders held hundred and sixty acres, or on eighty, or even on forty. But this is the American way — a survival of our pioneer days — and we refuse to modify it, even in regard to South Italians, although from the day of mediaeval incursions they have lived in compact villages with an intense and elaborated social life, so much of it out of doors and interdependent that it has affected almost every domestic habit. Italian women knead their own bread, but depend on the village oven for its baking, and the men would rather walk for miles to their fields each day than to face an evening of companionship limited to the family. Nothing could afford a better check to the constant removal to the cities of the farming population all over the United States than the possibility of combining community life with agricultural occu pation. This combination would afford that development of civilization which, curiously enough, density alone brings and for which even a free system of rural delivery is not an adequate substitute. Much of the significance and charm of rural life in South Italy lies in its village companionship, quite as the dreari ness of the American farm life inheres in its unnecessary solitude. But we totally disregard the solution which the old agricultural community offers, and our utter lack of adaptability has some thing to do with the fact that the South Italian remains in the city, where he soon forgets his cunning in regard to silk worms and olive trees, but continues his old social habits to the extent of filling an entire tenement house with the people from one village." — "Newer Ideals of Peace," pages 65-67. Much of what Miss Addams here says applies to Slavs as truly as to Italians. 320 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES out, as the Americans could not, against the grasshopper plague, the drought and the hard times. And the reason for this, my American informant assured me, was that Bohemians were more ready to help one another than were the Americans.* Number on In spite of all the difficulties, we do find considerable carais numbers of our Slavic population on farms. The census indicates that they are about 100,000, the majority being independent farmers. They are fairly widely scattered, for twenty-six states each have at least 200 of them. Wisconsin has the largest number, with over 13,000, and South Dakota has the largest proportion, with about n per cent of its whole farming population belonging to the Slavic group, f Bohemians and Poles doubtless make the great majority of the Slavic farmers in the United States. The Bohemians certainly have a larger proportion of their total number on farms than has any other Slavic group and it may be that they have a larger absolute number though an exact knowledge of the facts is impossible. It is common to estimate that one-half of the Bohemians in the United States are living in country places and oc cupied either with farming or with some one of the vari ous employments incident to rural life, from shoemaking to keeping store or acting as notary public. If the com parison be extended to all groups of foreign parentage, BohemiaJ shows a larger proportion engaged in agricul ture than any foreign countries except Switzerland, Den mark and Norway, surpassing even Germany and Sweden. It is interesting to note that Italy has a very low rank in this regard ; even Poland and Russia surpass her, lowered as their place is by the large non-agricultural Jewish element, and only Hungary is below her. Of the Poles, Father Kruszka thinks that barely * An instance of this occurs in " The True Story of a Bohe mian Pioneer ' ' which follows this chapter. t See Appendix XXII, page 469. t The statements refer to persons of specified parentage. F^p^a- MAP XI.-FARMERS AND FARM LABORERS: ONE OR BOTH PARENTS BORN IN AUSTRIA-HUNGARY POLAND OR RUSSIA NUMBERS BY STATES.* Black: over 10,000. Wisconsin 13,327; Minnesota 11,394; Nebraska 11,361; Texas 10,915. Cross-hatched: .5,000 to 10,000. S. Dakota 8,466; Kansas 8,134; N. Dakota 6,800; Iowa 5,951. Fine diagonal: 1000 to 5000. New York 3,750; Michigan 3,645; Okla homa 2.229; Illinois 2,117; Connecticut 2,036; Massachusetts 1,845; New Jersey 1,594; Missouri 1,232; Pennsylvania 1,177; Wash ington 965. Coarse diagonal: 500 to 1000. Ohio 949; Indiana 875; California 780; Oregon 604; Colorado 580. Broken line: 200 to 500. Arkansas 468; Maryland 345; Virginia 226. White: under 200. All others. , ?Census of 1900, Vol. on Occupations, Table 41. Males ten years of age and over engaged as "agricultural laborers" or as " farmers, planters and overseers." 322 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Varieties of farming districts one-third are on farms, yet for 1901 he estimates that 700 out of 900 Polish settlements were agricultural. The total number of Poles on farms, including hired laborers, women and children, he puts at 500,000. Among these are 70,000 farm owners, possessing, as he calculates, an average of about 80 acres apiece. This would give to Polish landowners a total area equal to over two-thirds of Rhode Island. Besides Bohemians and Poles there are larger or smaller numbers of farmers among most of the other Slavic groups and probably among all; certainly Slo vaks, Ruthenians, Slovenians, Croatians, Dalmatians and Russians furnish farmers. Among Servians, Monte negrins and Bulgarians I do not happen to have learned of any, which does not, however, prove a negative. Map XI shows where the Slavs have chiefly taken up land. They are in roughly five groups of states repre senting five kinds of farming. 1. The Wooded States — Wisconsin, Michigan and Minnesota — where the settler had to clear his land and where he today raises wheat, potatoes, dairy products, fruit and vegetables for canning, and so forth. 2. The Prairie States — Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas and the Dakotas — where the settler found the virgin prairie and where he now raises corn and wheat. 3. The Southwestern States — Texas, Oklahoma, Mis souri and Arkansas — where, in parts at least, cotton is king. 4. The Pacific Slope — Washington, California and Oregon — where fruit and especially grapes are grown, and where Bohemians, Dalmatians and Slovenians have settled. 5. The Eastern States — New York, Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey and Pennsylvania — with diversified and " truck ' ' farming. Settlements in Illinois, Ohio, and Indiana, Maryland and Virginia share many characteristics with this group. Polish Market Scene, Stevens Point, Wisconsin Farm Near Polonia, Wis. Sod House of Old Time Pioneer Bohemian Home Near Kewaunee, Wis. SLAVS AS FARMERS 323 When the Poles and more especially the Bohemians Western began to come, scatteringly in the forties and in con- pioneers and siderable numbers in the fifties and later, they passed land-owners almost without stopping through the Atlantic states and through Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, and went on to the states where they could then get land free as home steaders or at cheap rates. Consequently they settled first in Wisconsin, Michigan and Minnesota, where it was necessary to cut timber to clear the land, and some what later in the prairie states farther west, in Iowa, Nebraska and the Dakotas. Those that came up from the Gulf ports settled, too, in Texas. The Bohemian settlements in Kewaunee county, Wisconsin, the early hardships of which have been described in Chapter XI, are a good example of farming in the timber belt.* Today the hard old times seem far behind, and it is pleasant to see signs of prosperity on every hand ; the roomy farmhouses of wood or of yellow brick, with rows of poplars about the yard, the big, well-built barns, the thrifty fields, and the cheese fac tories. ' ' Ten years ago every other farm was mortgaged ; today not one in seven," I was told. Land is worth five times its old value. Where twelve years before Bohemian farmers were borrowing at 8 or 9 per cent, in 1906 they paid 4 per cent. They have a good bank of their own, and altogether are a very substantial class. The Poles were generally poorer than the Bohemians when they began, so that they commonly secured in ferior land, harder to clear and less fertile when cleared. Yet they have done well, too. Portage County, Wis consin, is a great Polish district, and about Stevens Point and Poloniaf in that county I found very good look ing Polish farms with great stacks of yellow wheat straw behind the barns. At Stevens Point it was quaint to see a typical Galician market scene, minus the element of * See also Miss Mashek's admirable article already referred to, "Bohemian Farmers of Wisconsin." Charities, XIII, pages 211-214 (Dec. 3, 1904). tFor further data as to this settlement, see above, page 258. 324 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Farming on woodedland Prairiestates costume, — the big square littered with straw and full of farm wagons and hobnobbing country folk.* Not only were the wooded states easier to reach at first, but it was and is possible to begin with less capital in timber than in prairie country. Today the advantages are probably even more than they were earlier. A land agent in Nebraska connected with a Bohemian farming paper says, "Breaking prairie costs two or three dollars an acre, while land that has been cut over and partly cleared can be planted at once among the stumps with out preliminary expense and yields besides wood enough for buildings and fences. To remove the stumps imme diately costs too much, and if they are of soft wood it takes them twenty-five years to rot away. The whole plan of farming is different on the two kinds of lands, even different ploughs are needed, but no one ever fails who settles in the timber." "Two hundred and fifty dollars," I was told, "is enough to begin farming under such conditions. A man works for two or three or four years in a city, and then makes a start. Many begin with only $50 or $100. Nowadays they buy perhaps 40 acres at $5.00 or $10 an acre, clear as much of it as they can, and build a little shanty. Somehow or other they manage to get an old horse. All the family work, and in winter the man very likely goes off to the woods where he can earn good wages, $35 or $40 a month, with board. "f On a prairie farm conditions differ considerably. No one wants less than 160 acres, and besides land the * An interesting early Polish settlement dating back to 1876 or before was that at Radom, Illinois. The settlers there had worked in Chicago factories till they had saved enough to buy land. They are said to have very comfortable houses, a church, school and hotel, to use the best agricultural machinery, and to enjoy the services of an exceptionally good teacher. The latter was a priest and a patriot, who had lost one arm in the Polish Revolution, He held a position in a Canadian university when he heard of this colony and went there to teach the Polish chil dren. t See for a similar account Kruszka: "Historya Polska w Ameryce," III, page 118, where detailed data are given. SLAVS AS FARMERS 325 farmer must have buildings, machinery and stock. For this at least $1500 is needed. "I always say I will pay no attention to any one with under $1000," the agent said. "They are afraid of mortgages, and pay cash, at $5.00 an acre; therefore they need $800 for the land alone. The rest goes for stock, machinery, breaking the land, and the support of the family till returns begin to come in." Iowa, which formerly attracted many Bohemians, and eastern Kansas are now what Ohio was in the early days; that is, too fully settled and too expensive for the newly arrived immigrant, since land costs perhaps $125 an acre. Yet I was told that a family might even now begin with only $500 by hiring a farm at $3.50 to $4.00 an acre, or by farming on shares (the terms being one-half of the corn crop, two-fifths of the oats). In a town which I visited in Iowa the settlement of Bohemians was an old one, dating back to the fifties and sixties. They are now well established. The old log houses have been replaced by good frame cottages, the old isolation is largely done away with by rural free delivery, and the telephone is in general use. They have a bank and good stores, but I imagine that the great mail order houses in Chicago, which publish special Bohemian catalogues, do a good business among them. We visited the house of one such Bohemian farmer, who came to this country when a child. The house was not large, but a comfortable clapboarded cottage, nicely fur nished, and very neat. Behind it stood what remained of the original little loghouse, now used for some farm purpose. One little daughter played the parlor organ, self-taught; all eight children went to the public school, and talked English among themselves, but Bohemian with their mother. All through this western region, covering our first Indepen- three groups of states, the independent farmer is the type, the type161^ Here the immigrant did not start as a hired laborer and work his way up, but began at once on his arrival 326 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES to farm on his own account. To do this he had to come with his capital in hand ready to invest. We do not realize how much this sort of thing still goes on. For instance, I was told of a group of seven Bohemians going to Nebraska in June, 1906. Most of them had $3000; the poorest had $1900. They had come without their fami lies, whom they were to return to fetch when they had selected their land. In a little town in Texas I met a Bo hemian couple who had just arrived with a considerable sum with which they proposed to buy land. A Bohemian pastor was helping them to select a location, and as he had a fine place of his own with a charming vineyard, they had the benefit of skilled advice. And how good those endless stretches of dark soil on which the cotton was just beginning to sprout must have looked to them. The Pacific Of the Pacific Slope I know nothing at first hand. slope j am .^1^ 0£ fru^ raising, and especially of vineyards and the production of wine carried on with great success by Bohemians and by various of the South Slav groups, notably Dalmatians. One informant tells me of a Dalmatian farm in California through which it takes three-quarters of an hour to drive with a good horse, past corn on the one hand and wheat on the other. This estate is said to be worth from one to two million dollars. Another large enterprise is that of the Bohemian firm, F. Korbel Brothers, founded in 1862 and incorporated in 1903. The census figures give insignificant numbers of Slavs in agriculture in California and Oregon, and even fewer in Washington.* It must be remembered, however, that in California both Bohemian and Dalmatian set tlement dates back to the early days and on this account the figures may not fully represent the presence of Slavic stock. On farms in Slavic farming in the eastern states (meaning here the the East group of states included tinder 5 in the classification given above) has a different history and is of a different * Cf . Appendix XXII, page 469. SLAVS AS FARMERS 327 type. It began later, and occupies more Poles and fewer Bohemians. Whereas in the three western groups of states the majority are independent farmers who came from the old country with money to buy land in America, in this group the hired farm laborer predominates.* Arriving with no means, he earns perhaps $25 a month besides his board. f Before long it may be he marries a Polish girl (who has meanwhile been saving a good part of her weekly wage of $3.50 as a servant) and goes to farming for himself. Interesting examples of Polish farming may be found at many places in the Connecticut valley, J for instance in Massachusetts in the stretch between Northampton and Greenfield, — in Hadley, Hatfield, Sunderland and South Deerfield. The numbers in these places are small compared with those in the neighboring manufacturing centres like Chicopee and Webster, (credited with 5000 Poles each), or Holyoke, Worcester, Palmer, Ludlow, Westfield, Ware, Greenfield, Turners Falls, Clinton and Fitchburg, with their smaller but still considerable * While in the states that I have included in my two western groups the Slavs showed in 1900, nearly seventeen farmers to every ten farm laborers, in the eastern group there were forty- four farm laborers to every ten farmers. By Slavs is here meant persons whose parents were born in Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland or Russia. For an explanation of this usage see page 311. t A local informant supplies the following account of monthly wages of farm laborers for the neighborhood of Deerfield, Mass. 1875-80 (before coming of Poles) $30-135. 1880, for Poles, $8-$ 10 at first. $i6-$i8 after 3 to 5 years. for Americans, Si6-$25. 1907 for Poles, $2o-$28. for Americans, $25-132. 1909 for Poles, $i8-$22. for Americans, $23-828. { This invasion of the Connecticut valley by Poles has at tracted considerable attention. See an article by E. K. Titus in the New England Magazine, Oct., 1903, and a more recent study by Miss Elizabeth S. Tyler in the Smith College Monthly for June, 1909; also articles in the Boston Daily Globe, June 29, 1902, the Springfield Sunday Union of January 7, 1906, the New York Herald of January 14, 1906, and the Boston Evening Transcript, May 8 and August 4, 1909. For an account of the bringing of Poles to this district see above, page 240, ff. 328 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Polish industrial colonies. But the significance of the country settlements lies not in numbers but in the pro portion of the Poles to the native-born, and in the permanence of their position as land-owners. Poles in Old The most striking settlement is at Old Hadley, in Hadley Massachusetts. Here, where Goffe, the regicide, is said to have once helped beat off an Indian raid, two-thirds of the births in 1906 were Polish.* All up and down the beautiful elm-shaded street the old colonial man sions are occupied by Poles. Probably one cause of the attractiveness of these New England farms is the com pact village life, so different from western settlements, with each man on his isolated quarter section. The way up As already said, the typical case here is the immigrant who begins as a hired man at a monthly wage. In this position he learns to raise tobacco and onions, the staples of the district, and after a time may either buy or hire land, or take it on shares. In the latter case the landlord furnishes one-half the seed and all the fertilizer, and receives in return one-half the crop. This plan makes it possible to begin with almost no capital, but many buy outright when they have only $200 or $300, borrow ing the rest (perhaps $1000) either from relatives or on a mortgage. Relatives generally take no interest on loans to one another. Tobacco land is valued at perhaps $180 an acre, onion land at perhaps $150. Amount of Advancing in this way, many have bought farms, or h*k? tT^ at ^eas't a house and lot of land. In 1906, out of 13,000 Poles acres of assessed land in Hadley over 700 acres, or more than a twentieth of the whole, was in Polish hands. Of persons paying taxes on property, they made one in ten. Their holdings were below the average in value, as is natural, but forty-four persons among them owned, * In 1905 natives of Austria and Russia (who are here practically synonymous with Poles), made 372 out of 570 foreign born in a total population of 1,895; that is, they were approxi mately two-thirds of the foreign population and one-fifth of the whole. The other foreign born were Irish no, French Canadian 33, Italian 23, scattering 32. In Old Hadley 1. The home of four or five Polish families. 2. A home of a poorer class, the front used for a small store. 3. One of three farmsteads owned by successful Polish farmer and onion dealer. 4. A colonial home of Old Hadley that now houses four or five Polish families. 5 and 6. Polish door yards. SLAVS AS FARMERS 329 together, real estate assessed at nearly $57,000, or almost $1300 each, besides an average of about $150 worth each of stock and other personal property owned by thirty- seven persons. That is, Poles making not quite 20 per cent of the population of the town owned 5.3 per cent of the taxable area, 5.7 per cent of the taxable value in real estate, and 3.1 per cent of the personal property. These averages and aggregates naturally cover a considerable diversity of individual circumstances. Among the owners of real estate, for instance, they range from one man with over one hundred acres of land, a house, a barn, tobacco sheds, farm stock, etc., to a man with three-quarters of an acre of land and a house and barn worth $300. In a neighboring town we found a man who is said to have made a fortune by "cornering" onions, who owns three farms, and lives with his family in a good, old-fashioned New England farmhouse. When the Poles hire the old American houses, they Housing may use them as tenements, four or five families to a an a or house. Moreover, they may take boarders, and this practice is said to be on the increase except among the well-to-do in towns. One hears stories in Hadley of over crowding and of payments of fifteen cents a night for a place to lie on the floor. Generally a boarder pays per haps $4.00 a month, which covers cooking, but he buys his own food. The farming of the Poles is regarded as inferior by the Americans; their great economic advan tage lies in the fact that not only do they themselves work instead of hiring labor, but that all the members of the family, women and children as well as men, work in the fields.* * A friend in Greenfield writes: "The women and girls, as is necessary in onion weeding, dress like the men in overalls and without shoes and stockings. It is a familiar but picturesque sight, and one typically representative of their great patience, dogged perseverance and thrift, to see them, in blue jeans and huge straw hats, slowly crawling on their hands and knees up and down the long rows, astraddle the slender green onion tops, pulling out the tiny weeds which no machine can reach. They 33© SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Citizenship Polish increase It seems surprising that with so many property owners there are only ten Poles in Hadley who are naturalized. One American, at least, who talked with us about it, was much opposed to their gaining the vote, and if this feeling is common it may be the reason why so few have become citizens. The figures as to property are striking enough, but much less so than the Hadley vital statistics, which show that in the year 1906 the Poles account for 48 per cent of the deaths, 52 per cent of the marriages, and 66 per cent of the births; that is, that they are increasing out of proportion to the native element. In school the children are 136 out 01 573 (24 Per cent), an increase over the year before of 19.3 per cent for the Polish children, while the whole number of children increased only 10.5 per cent. In es timating the importance of this situation we must bear in mind the small scale of it all, and that the figures are for a single year only. We must not suppose, either, that there are many Hadleys; but all these qualifications do not rob the situation of significance. Girls often come over alone as servants, and readily get places. Of thirteen Polish marriages in Hadley in 1906, the bride was entered as servant or domestic in all except one, where she was called a "housekeeper." The bridegrooms were ten "laborers" and three "farm ers." They do not seem to marry excessively early, as the youngest Hadley bride was eighteen, the youngest groom twenty years old. However well one may think of the Pole, the New Englander may be pardoned a pang of regret as he sees the old American stock shrink away, partly through withdrawal to the money-making centres, partly by a sort of racial dry rot which shows itself in the miserably do not stop to rest even on the hottest days, and at noon the women go back to the house, prepare the meal, and bring it out to the men." A very similar account of Polish onion raising in Orange County, New York, is given in an article "The Black Dirt People" by Henry H. Moore in The Outlook for Dec. 25, 1909, pages 949-957. SLAVS AS FARMERS 33 1 deficient birth rate. It is with a rather rueful smile that he observes the swarms of funny little tots, with their tow heads bundled in kerchiefs, that cluster about the doors of the old white farmhouses. But if any one is to be blamed, it is certainly not the hardworking new comer who has left home and all for his chance here. Another difference between East and West is that in The immi- the East there is of course no pioneer element. The g^ant as r pioneer farms bought or hired by Poles, Bohemians and other Slavs anywhere east of Wisconsin and Iowa are farms that Americans have let go. This contrast between the pioneer who brings wild land under the plough and the settler in old communities deserves emphasis because some writers on immigration, as for instance Professor Mayo-Smith, make much of the difference between "colonists" prior to the Revolution and "immigrants" since, on the ground, in part at least, that the latter have done none of the hard work of settling the country. As a matter of fact, a large part of the colonists came to dwell in settled and orderly communities, while from the Revolution to the present moment, and from Kentucky to Alaska, the immigrant has been among the frontiers men and has worked in the van in the conquest of the continent. I shall always recall with pleasure an evening spent on a cool, wide piazza in a little Nebraska town, listening to the story of my Bohemian hostess, which I have tried to reproduce as " The True Story of a Bohemian Pioneer." It was hard to realize that the quiet-voiced, middle-aged lady beside me had lived as a girl in a dug-out, had herself "broken prairie" — heart-breaking labor for a man — had endured storms and famine, rattlesnake bites and plagues of grasshoppers, droughts and floods. It seemed strange that she could have lived to see the treeless and unin habited prairie covered with stacked wheat and shaded farmhouses, and the scattered sod houses replaced by a pleasant, well-built town with a friendly, honest Bohe mian air; with good houses, gardens and shade trees; 332 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES with a court house, churches, a Bohemian cemetery, and an "opera house" for Bohemian theatricals. Agricultural One of the most interesting aspects of the facts here settlement presented is the considerable degree to which Slavic spontaneous r . ; , -,, .•/- • 1 peasants are taking root m the land without any artificial stimulus. So far as I know there has not been any concerted effort to promote their distribution, — nothing, at least, comparable to what has been done to open oppor tunities for agricultural life to Jews and Italians. The Slavs present no such problem of congestion as do the Jews, to render Americans uneasy, nor have they, like the Jews, a body of wealthy men to aid the poorer among them. Neither does any home government concern itself to forward their interests, as Italy concerns herself for her expatriated citizens. One might suppose that the race of the Mir and the Zadruga, the communal village and the "house com munion," would have developed co-operative farming colonies here, but aside from the Doukhobor settlement in Canada, this does not seem to be the case. From time to time co-operative colonies of one sort and an other have been proposed and actually undertaken, but they appear to fail regularly. " It never does among Slavs," agreed three informants in chorus, a Slovenian, a Slovak and a Bohemian.* The r61e of The initiative toward settlement on the land doubtless agent** comes largely from the energy of those who have lands to sell and who use every art to induce settlers to come to them. The so-called immigration departments of the southern and western railroads are vast enterprises, * An instance cited was an agitation started by a Slovenian priest about 1896 for a co-operative farming colony in California with a capital of $40,000. But "they expected too much" and failed. Mrs. Humpal-Zeman, too, writing of the Bohemians, says that attempts at "colonies" fail, and tells of one started on a co-operative basis on a plantation in Virginia by an association formed for the purpose. The plan was started in 1897 in Chicago as a result of the depression of that time, but the families who actually went to the spot did not stay long, and the whole thing broke up. See Report of the Industrial Commission, XV, page 508. SLAVS AS FARMERS 333 spending freely on advertising, traveling agents, excur sions for "colonists" and "home-seekers", on "North ern settlers' conventions" and on every possible method of attraction. For instance, the Santa F^ road has strips of model gardening along its tracks in various places to demonstrate the qualities of soil and climate. These efforts are aimed mainly at drawing settlers from other states, but the suction affects the immigrant from Europe as well as the native American. Moreover, various southern states, through official boards and otherwise, have done much active canvassing for immi grants from abroad. Though they seem not yet to have made the discovery, they are likely in the course of time to learn that in the Southern Slav, as well as in the Bohemian and Pole, they have a thrifty, hard working people, many of whom are used to fruit culture and to a hot sun.* Besides the railroads and the state commissions, there are, of course, numerous private land agents and pro moters. One hears that there have been occasional abominable land promotion schemes, decoying settlers on to wretched land, and one such, real or fictitious, has found a place in literature in Sienkiewicz's heart-rending story, "After Bread,"f which reminds one of nothing so much as of the similar picture in Martin Chuzzlewit. In Chicago I had an interesting talk with a real estate agent who was colonizing Bohemians and Poles in places * For an account of Southern efforts to attract immigrants, see Fleming, W. L. : "Immigration to the Southern States." Pol. Sci. Quar., XX, page 276 (1905). f It is only fair to say that the story is said to have been written in the interests of the Polish landlords with the intention of deterring from emigration. The following frank admission which occurs in this story is interesting, coming from so good a German hater as Sienkiewicz. The land company having failed to survey and allot the land among the settlers, "a body of Germans," says Sienkiewicz, "would have combined together to clear the woods, build houses, and then would have measured off to each man his portion," but the Poles, "at the beginning, wanted each to settle on his own land, to build his own house and to cut down trees on his own lot. . . . Thereupon arose contentions." 334 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES in Lake County, Michigan. He claimed that a family could "make a nice start" with $500. "They would buy, say, eighty acres at $3.50 to $5.00 an acre, making a first payment of a dollar an acre. They could pay up in five years, and after the first two years it would be easy. Building material for the house would cost $100, and they could put it up themselves with the help of the neighbors. Outfit and team would cost $200, and they would have $100 left to live on. A cow and twenty-five chickens would almost make a living." The school authorities had agreed to put up a school house for any three families. He arranged settlements of each nation ality by itself. The Bohemians liked sandy soil, the Poles wanted clay and preferred Wisconsin to Michigan. It would have been interesting to hear the other side and learn how the settlers' actual experience compared with this prospectus. An example of similar efforts on a larger scale is the work of the business agent (himself an American) of a Bohemian farming magazine published in Omaha. He selects a location belonging to some land company, visits the place and judges its characteristics, and proceeds to procure settlers by writing it up, article after article. Guides for Another aid to settlement are handbooks for immi- lmmigran s grantSi giving information as to the relative advantages of different localities, as to fields of employment, range of wages, price of land, crops, and so forth. Of these I have seen two admirable specimens, one for Bohemians,* one, already spoken of, for Slovenians,! both written by men of the nationality in question, in their own language. Here again, in contrast to Professor Ellis's "Guida per gl'Immigranti Italiani," or Mrs. Severance's guide pub lished in many languages, the undertaking represents no outside influence, but comes from within the group itself. * Rosicky, Jan: "Jak je v Americe." Ndrodni Tiskdrny Press, Omaha, Neb., 1906. t Sustersic, Rev. F. J.. "Poduk Rojakom Slovencem." Amerikanski Slovenec Press, Joliet, 111., 1903. SLAVS AS FARMERS 335 The most important question with regard to this whole Transition matter is not how many peasant immigrants have taken J:0 far.m*ng up farming on their arrival here, but rather how many of try the much greater numbers who have gone into industry and mining leave those pursuits later for the farm. The younger generation, brought up in the city, are not likely to go "back to the land" as they grow up. Their associations, ambitions and habits will all be of the town, and there is no immediate outlook for such a change of direction in our school education, or such a shifting of comparative wages and profits in the economic world, as to induce a return current from the city. The first generation, the immigrants themselves, must make the change if it is to be made. "When they arrive is the time to talk land to them but then they have not the money," said one informant, and if they have not saved the needed money before losing their land hunger, then that chance is gone. There are those, however, who save and go to farming with their savings. While most of those who have bought farms have hitherto belonged to the comparatively small number who come with money in hand for this purpose, there are also those who have earned the money here. Sometimes, as seems to be commonly the case among the Poles in the Connecticut valley, the necessary money for independent farming is earned by work as hired farm laborers. In Hadley, for instance, the Polish landowners have been recruited, not from the neighboring industrial centres where Poles and other Slavs are numerous, but direct from Poland, the newcomers arriving with no money in hand, and working first for hire and perhaps later on shares. Sometimes the money to begin farming with is earned in industrial pursuits. How often this is done, it is impossible to estimate. Even in Hadley I was told that men did sometimes come from Pennsylvania mines with their savings. In Pennsylvania itself there are very interesting instances of this current back to the land. In an anthracite county town, in 1904, I had an 336 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES instructive talk with a real estate dealer whose signboard (except the name) I copy. "George Smith spredava loti (lots), hauzi (houses), farmi (farms) za hotove penezi. Ofic (office) jeto pod no. 17^ na West Broad strice (street)." The words in parentheses I have inserted to mark the English words which have been adopted in a more or less Slavonized form. My informant said: "Today the Americans are leaving the farms for the cities and factories; the farms are ruined by the factories making it impossible to get servants. The Slavs are the people who take to farming. The movement has been going on only for the last five or six years, but if it continues at the present rate, they will be in the majority in the farming districts in this neighborhood. A Slav miner will save $1000 to $2 500, seldom more. This would give him a farm of perhaps 50 to 75 acres with a house. If he had only $1000 he could still buy 10 or 12 acres with a little house. They make good farmers. They raise more hay and less 'truck' and stock than the Italians. They are much cleaner. The nationalities represented are chiefly Slovaks, Magyars and Poles, with some Russian Jews." Not only in Pennsylvania but scattered here and there in other states, one comes across larger or smaller num bers thus graduating from industry to the farm.* Among the Several of the minor nationalities, though they have far fewer representatives in agriculture than have the Poles and Bohemians, have farming settlements that are very interesting and many of these were made as a re sult of American savings. Of the Slovaks, one of their leaders, Mr. Rovnianek, wrote in 1904: " At first there was a disposition among them to return to their native country, but in a little while some decided to stay. Then it was that they began to look around them for opportunities to settle on farms and return to the manner of life which they had led at home. There * Cf. the Radom settlement mentioned in note, page 324. Slovaks Slovak Women at Ellis Island Photograph by Hine Photograph by Hine A Slovak Family Bound for the West SLAVS AS FARMERS 337 are now hundreds of Slovak farmers in Pennsylvania, Connecticut and Ohio; and in Minnesota, Arkansas, Virginia and Wisconsin there are colonies of them where for miles on every side the land is entirely in their pos session. It would scarcely be possible to name a state in the Union where a few Slovaks have not settled and obtained farms which they own, having bought them with money earned previously during the time of their employment in the industrial centres."* Father Stephen Furdek of Cleveland, who perhaps knows the Slovak situation as well as any one, is of the opinion that when they get a little money and a little more independent spirit they will turn to farming quite generally. One of the interesting Slovak farm settlements is A Slovak a place called Slovaktown, near Stuttgart, Arkansas, of ^r£ansas which the Rev. J. A. McQuaid writes me,f "There are 250 Slovaks, 50 families, most of them Roman Catholic and a few Lutheran. All own farms, some have 40 acres, some 80, some more. A few young men work for wages away from home; otherwise they are employed on their own land. They were born in the old country, but came to Slovaktown mostly from Pennsylvania and Illinois, where they had worked in mines and factories and on railroads. When they had saved enough money to pay for 40 acres, they would buy from the Slovak Colonization Company of Pittsburgh, but the land being wild and unimproved they would stay on at their old jobs till they had saved enough more money to afford to fence the land and build temporary homes. Some had only $20 or $25 to start with, after the land was paid for, and yet they have succeeded well. They own the land clear, with no mortgages. The chief crops are corn, oats, hay, fruits and vegetables, besides milk for the creamery. They are better farmers than any other * Rovnianek, P. V:: "The Slovaks in America." Charities, XIII, pages 239-244 (Dec. 3, 1904). t This is not given verbatim, but condensed from b ather McQuaid's letter. 1 338 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Croatians buyingfarms Ruthenians go to Canada nationality. They have comfortable, tidy houses, sur rounded by fruit trees and rich gardens; they have barns, and live stock such as cows, horses, mules and hogs. They live and dress well, and instead of having to buy meat, potatoes, sauerkraut, corn and the other things that should abound on a farm, but not always do, they generally have some to sell. The children go to the American public schools, of which there are two in their neighborhood. They learn to read and write both English and Slovak, the former at school, the latter at home from their parents. They are on excellent terms with their American neighbors, who respect as well as like them. They are industrious, honest, of steady habits, intelligent and able-bodied. They love peace and home. Five are school directors and one is a road overseer." This is certainly a cheering account. Among the Croatians there are also instances of settling in the country after saving money at other work in America. For instance, in the copper mining town of Calumet, Michigan, I was told of a movement begin ning among the Croatians there to buy farms in the South and elsewhere. Ten or fifteen families, with savings of $1000 or $2000 each, had gone to Georgia. One man went to Minnesota, where he paid $1500 for his land. Three or four families went to Canada. "They have spent $35,000 on their church in Calumet, but in ten years they will all be gone and will be farming," said my informant. I was also told (what I have not verified), that their colony in Chicago had been 5000 or 6000 strong a few years before, but had in 1906 dwindled to 1000 or 1500, as a result of the numbers that had distributed them selves thence — many to mines and factories, but many also to farms. As we had already learned in Europe, Ruthenians who come meaning to farm generally go directly to Canada. But many also save money from their earnings in the SLAVS AS FARMERS 339 United States and then go to Canada with it, as was done by the Ruthenian whose story is told on page 352 below. In Canada, settlers can get a " quarter section" on home stead terms and keep what money they have as free capital. Galicians (Ruthenians) are said to succeed better than any other immigrants in Canada, to be "all over the country," and as numerous in Canada as in the United States.* In the United States also they have some farming settlements, but apparently not any con siderable number. I was told of a settlement in Royal- ton, Minnesota, made up of men nearly all of whom had worked for five or six years in Minneapolis, and saved perhaps $500 to $1500. Some have log houses, some ordinary frame houses, — "the only thing that costs money is the glass." Another Minnesota settlement was made by men from McKees Rocks near Pittsburgh. The Slovenians' chief farming colony seems to be that Slovenian at Brockway, Minnesota, near Saint Cloud, but this farmers apparently does not belong in the class of agricultural settlement succeeding an industrial phase. This colony dates back fifty years. I understand that one of their Roman Catholic missionaries to the Indians brought over * Some interesting articles on Galicians in the Canadian North west appeared in the Boston Transcript in 1905. The following passage from the first of these, under date of October 17th, seems worth quoting: "Here they have quite overcome the prejudice at first aroused among Canadian-American people, by their sheepskin costume, strange tongue and devotion to the various Greek churches. They have 'made good.' It is hard to see how the Alberta townspeople of other races could get along without them. Their daughters wait on the public tables alertly and mannerly. They are the hotel chambermaids. Housewives depend on them and are well rewarded for teaching them how. At country stopping-places Galician men are hostlers and bartenders at once. They labor on the railways and roads. Not even Yankees are of more adventurous and individualistic spirit. They have initiative, as if by blood. A Galician will join any gang of any nation, he alone, if he sees good money to be earned so. It is because these people, as seen in the towns, are singularly in teresting, that one goes for a long drive to their farming settle ments, wishing to see them at home, confer with their teachers and clergy, get a correct idea of their cabins, methods and whole manner of life. As yet, at Fort Saskatchewan, we are scarcely on the verge of their main settlement." 340 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Advantagesof return current to the land Skill of Slavic farm ers from upper Carniola a group of his countrymen, who cleared the forest and took up homesteads. Even to day they are said, young people and all, to preserve their own language, to its minute local peculiarities.* Of the return current to the land from the larger centres it is impossible to get any adequate measure, but it certainly exists, and whatever its amount, it seems desirable on several accounts. As contrasted with immediate settlement on a farm it brings the Slavic peasant into the more isolated life of the country after he has had a chance to acquire a tinge of American ideas and American standards. He has not lost his thrift and his splendid courage for work, or he would not be there ; and he has had a chance to learn something of the new country. Although the fact that some of the more successful and energetic leave the city colonies may deprive those colonies of possible leaders, still their going away tends to draw others after them from the tenement districts to the land. Mr. Commons is convinced that the foreign family is "assimilated" faster on the farm than in the city. Of this I am not sure. I remember that our only population of long standing in the country which still speaks a foreign language, the "Pennsylvania Dutch," is emi nently rural; and recalling my own observations, the city life, in spite of its foreign quarters, seems to me the stronger solvent. As to the quality of Slavic farming, one naturally hears different reports. I suspect that the American often thinks the Pole or Bohemian a poor farmer because he works on a different plan, while the foreigner, used to small, intensive farming, thinks Yankees slovenly and wasteful. Especially when he takes up old, worn-out farm lands in Virginia or Kentucky, he has small respect * In Rev. F. S. Sustersic's guide for Slovenians in America, I find Slovenian farm settlements mentioned in Iowa, South Dakota, Idaho, and Washington, besides Minnesota. See also above, pages 233, 269-270. Polish Berry Pickers in Maryland Photograph by Hine SLAVS AS FARMERS 341 for the methods of his predecessor, who, he says, " robbed the soil."* The American business agent of a Bohemian farming paper, already quoted, could not say enough in praise of the Bohemian farmers. They farmed better than the Americans. They invested freely in farm machinery. Nothing was too good or too big for them. In the eastern half of Butler county, Nebraska, there were seventeen big steam threshing outfits among Bohemians — some thing to which you could find nothing parallel in the same area anywhere in the United States. The Bohe mian paper of which he was agent had seven times more advertising of farm implements than any other paper in the United States. While the above statements are those of an interested party, all the available evidence points the same way. It would seem, moreover, as though in certain lines, new to us and familiar in Europe, the immigrant should be able to supply very valuable skill. This seems to be especially the case in the sugar-beet industry, in which the labor of Bohemians, who understand beet culture well, is much sought. Of the financial success of Slavic farmers I see no Standard of reason to doubt. My inquiry was undertaken in a time of great general prosperity, and allowance must be made for that fact. Certainly I ran across no "hard luck * The following Massachusetts testimony is interesting: "The Polish farmer uses as up to date methods and implements as the American does. The crops of the Poles compare very favorably with those raised by Americans. In one particular the Pole has taught the American a lesson. Before the coming of the Poles to Sunderland all the farmers crowded down on to the meadow land near the river. The upper terraces were de serted because the soil did not contain the rich river loam. The Poles came and began working these upper lands with which the Yankees refused to have anything to do. They have now de monstrated clearly that the lighter soil is exactly as good for to bacco as any other and as a result the terrace lands have risen tremendously in value. The Pole's faith in the light soil is well justified by the fact that tobacco raised on it was judged the best produced in Sunderland last year." — Tyler, E. T. : "The Poles in the Connecticut Valley." Smith College Monthly, June, 1909, page 581. living 342 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES stories." The only complaints that I heard were from Americans, and they feared not the failure of the foreigners but the low standard of living which made for their economic success. Where, as in parts of the Connecticut valley, there is a large drifting body of farm laborers of the poorest class hired for a few months at a time, one hears of drunken ness, cutting affrays with the police and with one an other, of a low moral standard and brutish overcrowding, of dirt, and of low standards generally. Again, even in this same region, one hears the other side* — they are clean, they Americanize sooner than any other na tionality, business men would rather deal with them than with any class, the elders drink less than they did, and the young people much less than their elders, and they are saving and gaining ground all the time. Prob ably the most widespread contrast with American ways is the custom of women as well as men working in the field. The children work too, and the foreigner's great advantage is that he hires no labor and that a big family is an advantage, not an expense. While this has its bad side, on the other hand it facilitates early marriages and consequently rural morality, and the getting the farmer's wife out of doors has its hygienic advantages. That the standard of living of foreigners is not higher than it is, is certainly to be regretted. But it is rising, and meanwhile a lower standard of living in the country and among independent farmers does not threaten the standard of living of competitors in nearly as dangerous a fashion as among industrial wage laborers. Cases of The large money successes of which one occasionally hears are apt to be made on the speculative side of farming. But the strictly legitimate acquisition of wealth in rich sections is considerable. A farm like the Dalmatian one in California, spoken of above, is naturally * See extracts from an article entitled "Absorbing the Alien," Boston Evening Transcript, August 4, 1909. Appendix XXIV, page 473. financialsuccess SLAVS AS FARMERS 343 a rarity. On the other hand, "a Nebraska farmer who is worth $50,000 or $75,000 is by no means a wonder, and while the majority farm on a smaller scale, they tend to become a substantial class of property owners. The success of those who do succeed advertises farming and stimulates ambition. It also tends to originate new and higher standards of living within the foreign group, where new refinements or comforts among their own people are far more powerfully suggestive than the same things among Americans. When the farmer's son, and sometimes his daughter, goes to the state university or the normal school, or otherwise secures a higher education, the group acquires leaders of its own with a broader outlook. But more important than the exceptional successes are the large number of thrifty farmers' families, poor but "getting on," which offer to the next generation a fair chance of education and advance. THE TRUE STORY OF A BOHEMIAN PIONEER* "I was a little girl when we came to America. My father The journey had been a poor man in Bohemia, and one day a neighbor, a, to Wiscon- well-to-do farmer, came to him and said that he wanted to go to America but that he knew no German (which he regarded as indispensable for the journey), and that if my father, who could speak German, would come with him and help him he would pay his expenses. So it was arranged that way. We got as far as Manitowoc, on the Wisconsin shore of Lake Michigan, where there was a large Bohemian settlement, and there our farmer decided that he could shift for himself and left us. We sat there on the dock by the lakeside, my father, my mother, my little brother and myself without one cent among us. "Well, we got along somehow. I went to school and learned to read, progressing as far as the Fourth Reader, and father saved a little money. At that time Nebraska, which was not admitted as a state till later, in 1867, was attracting settlers and my father decided to migrate from Wisconsin to Nebraska territory. "We started in the autumn of 1866 with a little party of Removal to Bohemian families. I was eight years old then and my brother Nebraska * Reprinted by kind permission from the Chautauquan, Feb ruary, 1908. sin 344 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES several years younger. My father had eight hundred dollars to make a start with, and it seemed a great deal to us, but no other of the families had so little. "We got as far as Saint Joseph on the Missouri River, just south of the Nebraska line, and there my father was persuaded by a blacksmith with whom he had made friends to stay over the winter. This was very good advice, and if any of the party had been more experienced they would not have started till spring in the first place. "So we stayed at Saint Joe, where the traces of the war were still to be seen — remnants of the fortifications, and chain and other debris on the bank where they had been shot from across the river. But the other families went on into Nebraska that fall and got themselves established in a provisional way. But that was all they could do; it was too late to start any farming and the men, all except one cripple, came back and wintered at Saint Joe, where they could get employment, leaving their families on the prairies in the sod houses with the one crippled man. "Also, by the blacksmith's advice, my father bought a pair of oxen, good ones, which proved to be an excellent investment and far more serviceable than the old army horses that the others bought. The horses were cheap, but they turned out to be quite useless; they always balked and finally, when we got to our destination, they ran away. Father also bought my brother a good little Indian pony. ' ' When spring came we started out again and traveled some weeks. The women and children slept in the wagon and the men under it. Going up hill, father would fasten the pony on ahead of the oxen to help them up. "When we got to the Blue River father said: 'According to the map my land should be across there, as I figure it out,' and he was right. We looked about for our neighbors but we could see nothing. Then we heard a. cock crow, but still we could see no house, for we were not used to sod houses. At last we found a bridge of felled tree trunks leading across the river to our neighbor's home. Dug-outs "In those days men either built their houses of sods piled up on the flat prairie or else made dug-outs in the bank of the river. At first we lived in an old dug-out already made, later we made quite a nice one for ourselves. It was tall enough to stand up straight in and the earth sides were whitewashed, but for some time we had no door, having nothing to make one of. Once, that first summer, my father had gone to break some land for a neighbor twelve miles away and had taken my brother with SLAVS AS FARMERS 345 him so that my mother and I were left alone and there came up a fearful storm. That was while we still had no door. In those days when you were driving across the prairie in the dark, you had to be careful not to break through into people's dug-outs. Heavy rains made trouble. Water would leak in and sometimes rats and snakes would come through. As soon as they could the settlers would get into houses made of logs plastered with mud. ' ' Our oxen proved of the greatest advantage to us when it Oxen of came to 'breaking prairie.' Horses were not strong enough for great use that work. Father not only used the oxen himself, but loaned them for nothing to the neighbors. In those days all were the best of friends. It was all for one and one for all. Father also made money with his oxen, 'breaking prairie' for American farm ers. When new emigrants came out, father would go to Nebraska City, sixty-four miles away, to fetch them with his oxen. It took him four days. He had trained them to run and they went fast. So in more ways than one our oxen helped us to get a start. Later father also broke steers for use and this was very profitable. "At first there were many kinds of hardship. The climate Climate was much worse then than it is now. In winter big blizzards would come and last a week ; now we never have them more than a day and night at a time. In summer there were hot winds, such as we have not had now for years, and terrible droughts. In those days there were no trees except along the banks of the rivers. As the country has got settled up and trees planted all about, and especially as the prairie has been ploughed up and cultivated and fields of alfalfa sown, it has made a great difference. The hot winds are said to start in the prairie country; it just breeds them. "One winter, I think that it was the first year, father went to Snowstorms Beatrice, about twenty miles away, with the yoke of oxen and the wagon and nine bushels of wheat. We had had one big fall of snow before he started but soon after another big storm came and he was kept away a week. He had been afraid of what was coming but the neighbors laughed at him. Mother was almost wild when he did not come back. The snow was so deep that where the creek ordinarily was there was now a hill of snow. She went to a neighbor and wanted him to go and look for father, but he had no boots that he could go in. Mother had barely come back to the house to get him a pair when father got home with just the oxen and what he called a 'smick.' He brought nothing with him, but he was glad enough to get back at all. The oxen had refused to face the storm (they never will) and had turned around and broken everything. So he had come home 346 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES as he was, leaving the things in care of a man that he knew who lived near the place where it happened, which was twelve miles off. Mother decided to go back with him to fetch what he had left, leaving me at home alone. Another storm came up and they could not get back for four days. I was only nine years old. After a time I had eaten up all the bread and burned all the wood. I had sense enough to make my way to the river and follow up on the ice to a neighbor's. A woman came back with me and chopped wood for me. Then father and mother got home. They had been only twelve miles off and had expected to return right away, but it had been impossible. A flood "In the spring when all that snow came off at once and rain came besides it made a flood. The land was under water for miles. Everybody had to move out, up on to a hill. The mills could not grind and there was not enough to eat. We used flour mixed with shorts. We gave away almost everything. Mr. H., a well-to-do neighbor, came and borrowed a little corn meal. Famine "That summer we had nothing. The pony ran away and was gone seven weeks. The oxen were used to his leading and would not plough without him. Father went to hunt for him and when he returned he was so worn and changed that we did not know him. We got the pony back, but he was ruined and we sold him for twenty-five dollars. We had no money and nothing to eat. We did have plenty of clothes; we had brought those with us. Many, who had not, used sacking. One time we had nothing but corn meal, not even salt, and we could not swallow it. Mr. V. came once and spent a week with us. He had brought all sorts of things with him and he laughed at us. He had raisins and prunes and so forth. Next year he was in the same straits that we were. He had spent all his money and no more came in. ' ' Now-a-days settlers have a very different experience. It is not at all so hard. They can earn money and buy things and there are railroad facilities. In those days work was often paid for with an order on the store. In 1868 the Northwestern Rail road came to Omaha and other lines soon came to nearby points, but at first there was nothing of the sort. Once father carried a bushel of corn for his chickens ten miles on his back. Locusts "Even worse than the blizzards and floods were the plagues of locusts which came later. We had had them in '69 or '70- but at that time they were not so bad here and did not do so much damage as when they came again. In ' 74 they were much worse and in '75 they hatched here. They have never been so bad since. We heard a sound and it grew dark and we thought that a storm was coming. The sun was hidden. We thought that it was the end of the world. Then they began to come SLAVS AS FARMERS 347 down. In one hour they had eaten everything, even the tobacco. They bent down little trees with their weight. They were so thick on the ground that when we took a step they were over our ankles and our feet made holes, like footprints in the snow. The river was covered with them so that in some places we could not see the water. They would eat the paint off a house and chew up lace curtains. Sometimes they were so thick on the rails that they stopped the trains. The masses of them in the river made a terrible smell afterwards, but it did not seem to cause any sickness. "In those days Indians used often to come through. They Indians were Omahas and Pawnees and they used to visit one another annually, by turns. Sometimes there would be five hundred in a party. They went in single file, five or ten paces apart, at a sort of little trot. It was the government's orders that, to avoid trouble, they were not to go in a bunch. They would gather, however, to camp. They would be two or three days going through. Some traveled on foot but the squaws were mostly on ponies with crossed sticks trailing behind, with the children and goods loaded on the middle. The sticks were young trees and they were fastened with the brush of their tops dragging, which made them springy and elastic. The Indians then were superior to those that we see now-a-days. They looked livelier and were better dressed. "Often, when you least expected it, you would suddenly find a big Indian standing beside you. Shivers went right through a person. They had a regular snaky walk. They would come up and ask for a little flour or want to swap some thing, but they never bothered. They were all right if they were treated right. Some people treated them mean and would not give them anything so of course they suffered. If an Indian got mad or excited he did not care what he did. If we gave one a chicken we just pointed it out in the bunch and he shot it with an arrow. Once my brother wanted a pretty whip that one of them had and gave him a dog and a pair of shoes for it. (A dog the Indians would kill at once and eat.) The Indian said my brother could have the whip, but that first he wanted to carry it with him on his visit and that he would leave it on his return. My brother did not feel that he could make any objection, but he did not expect to see the whip again. On the return however, the Indian brought it. "I grew up a very strong girl. I did all sorts of work, even Breaking to breaking prairie, which is hard work for a man. Once I was prairie ploughing with the girl that my brother married. I was manag ing the oxen while she held the plough. After a time she said that it was too hard work, she could not hold the plough into the 348 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Reading Bohemian Today soil. So we changed work, but she was not used to the oxen and said gee^when she should have said haw and they broke and ran. After that she held the plough. Another time she wanted to ride the mare. I told her that she did not know how, but she insisted and was thrown and a good deal hurt. "Two separate times I was bitten by a rattlesnake. There was no doctor and we did what we could. It was a week before I could put my foot to the ground. "I do not know why my father never taught me to read Bo hemian. In the evenings he used to read aloud to us in Bohe mian and I knew my English reader almost by heart. But it was not till after my marriage that I taught myself to read Bohemian. It was not difficult, as I could speak it and the spelling is perfectly regular when once you understand the system. After my marriage I was delicate for a time. I suffered from my early overwork and exposure. I had leisure and read much in English and Bohemian." This, as nearly as I can repeat it, is the story told me in the soft twilight of a recent Fourth of July by my Bohemian hostess in a Nebraska county town. Out on the lawn her son was setting off fireworks to amuse an adopted grandchild. In doors her husband, also a Bohemian, the well-to-do owner of grist mills on the near-by river which had figured in her story, was reading his paper. Everything spoke of peace and plenty and I wondered what it must feel like to have seen such changes and to have been oneself so active an instrument in bringing about the development from prairie wilderness to tamed and civilized settlement. CHAPTER XVI HOUSEHOLD LIFE* Women are for the most part so scarce among our Women Slavic colonies that they do not present a special in- ^carce and dustrial problem. As yet more men than women immigrate. Among the Slavic immigrants of 1906, for instance, the women were only about one-third of the men, and among those nationalities which have most recently begun to come to us, the Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins, there was not one woman to twenty- five men. Of course many of these immigrants are leaving wives in Europe, yet there is a great excess of unmarried men, f and since they seldom marry outside of their own national group, wives are much in demand. Consequently the girls very generally marry upon their arrival in America, or as soon as they are old enough, though some work a few years before they marry. Women have indeed not only a scarcity value as wives, Taking but considerable economic importance. The man who is boarders so fortunate as to be married can take boarders and lodgers from among his own countrymen, and thus perhaps double the family income, besides gaining in social importance as a "boarding boss." It is, however, not only the desire to make money which leads the Slav, who loves privacy in his family life, thus to open his house. He feels that the young relative or the neighbor's son has a personal claim, and it is often more as a matter * The best and fullest treatment of the various subjects dis cussed in this chapter will be found in Dr. Roberts' "Anthracite Coal Communities." t The Carniolan figures seem to show nearly twice as many single as married men. Appendix XII, page 451 Miss Byington reports 300 Bulgarians in West Homestead among whom were only three women. Charities and the Com mons, XXI, page 916 (Feb. 6, 1909). 349 350 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Not wholly an evil Cooking ar rangements of kindness than of business that he makes room for him. Where else should the poor lad go? he thinks. He has neither money nor work nor serviceable speech. Very likely the price of his ticket has been already advanced, and it is the part of prudence as well as of kindness not to let him run up bills to strangers. He must be shel tered, fitted out with clothes less eloquent of the green newcomer, and above all he must be helped to a job. Under these varied inducements married couples are apt to have their houses full, and too often more than full. This situation has both its good and its bad sides. Americans see the overcrowding and the occasional rows, and are perhaps scandalized at the presence of one woman in a house full of men. They do not realize that for a young fellow to camp with a number of others in one room in the house of some relative or acquaintance may be not demoralizing but a safeguard. It is indeed fair to construe much of the poorest, most crowded living as a temporary "roughing it" on the part of men who have gone out to seek their fortunes; as something intended only as a transition arrangement, just as our own eastern college boys are content for a time with rough living in the far West. It does not represent their standard of living in the sense of what would content them permanently. Sometimes the men pay only for a sleeping place; sometimes they are regular boarders. In a Colorado mining camp $10 a month is a usual price in the latter case. Another arrangement that is very common is for the men to pay a certain sum (perhaps $2.00 a month, perhaps $4.00), for lodging, washing and cooking, and to buy their oWn food. A singular custom that one hears of over and over again, and which seems to be peculiar to the Slavs, is for the men to buy, or get the woman to buy for them, each his own separate daily supply of food.* If a woman has fifteen boarders she may have * Miss Byington, writing of a Bulgarian boarding house in Homestead, Pa., says: "The financial arrangements of such an HOUSEHOLD LIFE 351 the butcher cut off and weigh fifteen pieces of meat, and the men may sit down to supper together, each with his own separately cooked piece before him. A still stranger arrangement which sometimes occurs in the coal mining camps is for the contract to include the services of the woman, not only in having ready, against the return from work, a tub of hot water for the abso lutely necessary daily bath (which makes the dirty look ing coal miner one of the cleanest of workingmen) but in lending her motherly help in the bathing operation itself. She comes in and scrubs the grime off the miner's shoulders where he cannot get at it ! In spite of the fact that the necessities of the situation Objections often seem so well met by families taking boarders, there *° the3 are grave objections to the custom, as tending to result family in overcrowding and in a lowering of the tone of family life, which make it one of the main objects of American criticism. The people chiefly concerned are quite conscious of all this, and as the family prospers and the children begin to grow up, they show happily a very strong tendency to abandon this source of income. A Slovak priest in New York gave me an interesting ac count, of his observations: " In the far West the women often make $80 a month, Evidences with ten or fifteen boarders. That is as much as the gtandaxSs man makes. Yet when the children get to be five or six years old, the parents leave the mining or factory settlement where there are no chances for education, and come to the city where there are schools and kinder gartens. There the man earns only $1.50 a day in a factory, and the wife stays at home and earns nothing. establishment are simple. The boarding boss runs the house, and the men pay him three dollars a month for a place to sleep, for having their clothes washed and their food cooked. In addition, an account is kept of the food purchased, and the total is divided among the men at each pay-day. The housewife purchases and cooks what special food each man chooses to order: beef, pork, lamb, each with a tag of some sort, labeling the order, and all fry ing together. A separate statement is kept of these expenses for each boarder." — Byington, Margaret F. : "The Mill Town Courts and their Lodgers." Charities and the Commons, XXI, page 919 (Feb. 6, 1909). 352 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES In New York city she seldom takes boarders — at most a relative or two. Most women have a child almost every year, and by the time the eldest child is six there are enough little ones to keep the mother busy. The Slovaks do not want to farm, for the American agri cultural system is not suitable. They are used to living in farm villages, not on scattered farms;* they have large families, and on a farm the children cannot go to school. Many did go into farming, but returned to the city on account of the education of the children." The taking of boarders seems indeed to be a transition phase, both for individual families and in general, decreasing as the balance of the sexes in this country becomes more normal. A mission- Interesting in this connection was the story told me ary's story ^y a protestant missionary in one of the most neglected factory slums that it has ever been my lot to see. A Ruthenian who had been coming to his services told him one evening that there had been a christening at his home the day before, that " the evil had conquered him" and there had been drinking; but it was the last time that liquor should come into his house. He notified the eighteen boarders, who, in day and night shifts, occupied the two upstairs rooms of his little house, of his ultimatum; they might of course go to the saloon, but if they stayed on with him, they must bring no drink home. Some left, most remained. The man himself soon after joined the church, and later, through his influence, sixteen of the eighteen boarders did likewise. A little later he came one day to the minister and asked him if he thought it would do to take fewer boarders; his wife had no time to go to church. The minister naturally encouraged him to do so, and he cut the number down by successive reductions to four men, trying to give his wife more time so that he could teach her to read. Finally he said that he wanted to live like the Americans, with no boarders and a parlor "where no *On this point see above, page 318. HOUSEHOLD LIFE 353 one slept." This, too, was accomplished, and the man and his wife and little children occupied a three-room house, with no outsiders. But at this point in his career he had saved money enough to go to farming (if I remember rightly, $3000), and like most Ruthenians who go into farming he moved to Canada. In spite of the state of the marriage market, the number Women of Slavic women who work for wages is absolutely, if not waSe~ 1 i- 1 1 om 1 1 earners relatively, a large one. The census showed among women whose parents were natives of Austria, Bohemia, Hun gary, Poland and Russia, 145,292 gainfully occupied, of whom 36,000 were servants and waitresses alone. I give the following census data for what they are worth. The presence of Hebrew and other non-Slavic elements lessens their significance for our purposes. TABLE 26.— FEMALES OF SPECIFIED PARENTAGE EN GAGED IN GAINFUL OCCUPATIONS Country of Birth op Parents AbsoluteNumbers Percentage of all Females of Same Parent age Percentage of all Occupied Males of Same Parentage Hungary Bohemia Austria Russia 14.631 25.7!925.59° 40,816 38,536 15-714.6J3-912.7 12.3 16.0 25.0 15.0 Poland 18.0 Compare with these data the following : Country of Birth of Parents Absolute Numbers Percentage of all Females of Same Parent age Percentage of all Occupied Males of Same Parentage Ireland 634,201 78,979 538. 19a 26,093 24.820.1 14. 1 8.9 35-°30.020.0 Italy 9.0 Total of native parentage . Total of foreign parentage 3,247,907 2,071,490 16.5 22.023.0 Based on Table lxxii, Volume on Occupations, United States Census, 1900. 23 354 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES TABLE 27 —LEADING OCCUPATIONS FOR FEMALES OF EACH SPECIFIED PARENTAGE. ABSOLUTE NUM BERS AND PERCENTAGES OF ALL FEMALE WORK ERS OF THE GIVEN PARENTAGE Hungary: ' Number Per Cent Servants and waitresses 6087 41.6 Textile mill operatives 1350 9.2 Bohemia: Servants and waitresses 6316 24.6 Tailoresses • • • ¦ 3468 13.5 Tobacco and cigar factory operatives .3367 1 3. 1 Austria : Servants and waitresses 8909 34.8 Tailoresses 1613 6.3 Seamstresses J579 6.2 Dressmakers *534 6.0 Poland : Servants and waitresses 88T5 22.9 Textile mill operatives 5793 J4-9 Tailoresses 3291 8.5 Tobacco and cigar factory operatives .2224 5.8 Russia : Tailoresses 6256 15.3 Servants and waitresses 5853 14.3 Seamstresses 54*9 133 Dressmakers 3014 7-4 Volume on Occupations, U. S. Census, 1900, pages ccxi-ccxii, and ccvii. In house holds In factories The wages of such girls engaged in housework vary, of course, from place to place. In Hadley, Massachu setts, $3.00 a week seemed to be a medium rate, "per haps $2.00 to $2.50 for a quite green girl; at any rate, not over $3.50 for general housework." In Jersey City a Ruthenian agency was placing wholly green girls at $8.00 a month, and those with some experience at $15 and $16. I have generally found that housekeepers who have had Slavic girls give them enthusiastic praise as very clean, very hard-working, ancUdevotedly loyal to the family. Of course one also hears complaints, but it is fair to consider that language is in this case much more of a barrier than with German or even Scandinavian girls.* The number of Slavic women working in shops and * An amusing and sympathetic little story of a Polish girl in housework is "A Bright Green Pole," by Alice Ward Bailey. The Outlook, Feb. 6, 1904. Griner" Girls (Slovenians) in a Cleveland Hardware Factory HOUSEHOLD LIFE 355 factories is also large. These are mainly, I think, unmarried girls, but the Bohemian families in New York city and elsewhere have, as is shown later, the reputation of sending their wives and mothers into tailoring and cigar-making shops to an excessive degree. The kinds of work at which Slavic women are engaged of course vary greatly, from that in a Cleveland hardware factory, where Slovenian girls are engaged in handling iron parts of considerable weight,* to the other extreme of the finest of lace work and embroidery for fashionable New York dressmakers, in which Bohemian and Slovak girls find their old-world handicraft in modified shape standing them in stead here. From a purely aesthetic point of view, no one need wish to see a prettier sight than a Passaic handkerchief factory full of Polish girls in ker chiefs of pale yellow and other soft colors, the afternoon sun slanting across the fine stuff on which they were working. Others work in Yonkers factories, where the preparation of rabbit skins is as offensive to every sense as it is destructive to the lungs; others again pack fuses in Connecticut works, in imminent risk of explo sions. Large numbers, especially of Poles, are in the textile mills of Massachusetts, and so on through an endless variety of occupations, down to the women in a mining settlement who take in washing as their family cares allow. For a more detailed study of Slavic working women I refer the reader to Miss Butler's "Women and the Trades," a study of working conditions in Pittsburgh. She finds the American and German girls turning over the inferior and unpleasant work to newcomers from Poland and Russia, and "these same newcomers, some times by sheer physical strength, sometimes by personal indifference and a low standard, are found competing on the basis of lower wages with men. Work that would other- * Miss Butler found, in and about Pittsburgh, 1954 women in metal work, two-thirds of them Polish and Croatian, some of whom were doing extremely heavy work. Butler, Elizabeth Beardsley: "Women and the Trades," page 228. 356 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES wise never have been given to girls to do, has come into the hands of Polish women."* "A determination to work and earn is uppermost. Marriage is not suffered to act as a hindrance." "These women have the same reputation as have their men-folk for willingness to work hard and put up with poor conditions." . . . "They are in the factory," says Miss Butler significantly, "too much on sufferance for grievances to be worth their while." This I am convinced is the real meaning of much of their supposed indifference to "unpleasant" conditions. Another part of the explanation of such conditions is elsewhere noted by Miss Butler, who says that work rooms that would not long be tolerated by Americans — employers or the general public — have been regarded with indifference when occupied by immigrant workers "perhaps because of inability to share the sensations of a foreigner. ' ' "The Polish women have not the conservatism which keeps the Italian girl at home; they have not the same standard of close knit family relationship," is an observa tion of Miss Butler's which I am inclined to question. I think it is not that the family is less closely knit, but that custom does not impose on Polish girls the seclusion that Italians regard as incumbent on their girls and which makes it improper for Italian girls to attend, for instance, any evening classes at a settlement, (as all other national ities freely do), or in general to move about unchaperoned on pain of loss to the family reputation. "The Polish women," according to Miss Butler, "have pushed their way into a wider circle of industries than have the Jewish girls," which seems surprising, but in these various industries they " are limited by lack of training and by trade indifference, as well as by the stolid physical poise that cannot be speeded at the high pressure to which an American girl will respond. They have not an industrial standard that would tend to * Miss Butler seems to use the term Polish to roughly desig nate the Slavic group. The italics in these quotations are mine. HOUSEHOLD LIFE 357 react progressively upon the character of their work and the arrangement of the workrooms. They accept posi tions that girls of other races regard as socially infe rior. They consent to do . . . the work that leads and can lead to nothing except coarsening of fibre and a final break in strength." Here we meet again the constantly recurring note of the destruction of Slavic workpeople by the conditions of their American employ ment. The Polish working women are, however, not all of this stolid make and in this lowest grade of employment. In canneries and cracker factories Miss Butler found "Polish girls who are lighter handed, fairer, more deli cately built. . . . These girls have rapid work to do. They have the nervous energy to pack or to fill cans at high speed, . . . the quickness that can be spurred higher and higher to the breaking point; who can in two years or three be worked out and thrown aside." Of special historical interest is the part played in Cigar the New York cigar making industry by Bohemian makers women. Dr. Abbott* says that they began to emigrate in 1869. I have often been told of an exodus to this country of women cigar makers, following a strike in tobacco factories of the Bohemian government in Kutna Hora (Kuttenberg) in the seventies.! It is said that "five or six wives would come over together, work at cigar making as they did in Bohemia, and send money back for their husbands' passage." "In Bohemia the men had worked only in the fields, and their wives taught * See the excellent historical study of women in cigar making which makes Chapter IX of Dr. Edith Abbott's "Women in In dustry." The quotations are taken from this source. See also Miss Butler's study, in Chapter V of the book referred to above, on this industry in Pittsburgh. f In a visit to the government tobacco factory at Budweis, in 1905, we found all but fifty of the employes women, two- thirds of whom, we were told, were married. They are given a preliminary physical examination, and if accepted as sound, receive instruction for three months, and are then put on piece rates. There are both sickness and death benefits and dis ability pensions after ten years' service. The work-people are not organized, and are said to be "very Catholic." 358 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Married women in the facto ries. them," after they came over, the relatively unskilled work of bunch making, while the women still did the more skilled and better paid rolling. "The entire united family would take up the manufacture of cigars, emulat ing the industry of the mother," says an article in the New York Tribune of Nov. 6, 1877, quoted by Miss Ab bott. The women were considered by Americans to be more intelligent than the men. The effect of the Bohemian influx was demoralizing to the trade. It was complained that the women dis placed men, and worked for prices that an American would not work for. Probably most serious was the fact that they worked in their tenement homes and helped to make cigar making in New York for a time a sweated industry, till the factory again reasserted itself over the home workroom. Another count against the Bohemian cigar makers is that among them there is "less prejudice against the work of married women than among most other nation alities."* " Many of them say it'pays' to go on with their work and 'hire a cheaper woman' to do part of their housework and look after their children." The effects on family life are discussed by Dr. Jane Robbinsf as follows : " Home life among the Bohemians exists under peculiar difficulties. The mothers work in cigar factories, and besides the factory work they have the bearing and rearing of children, and sewing, cooking, washing and cleaning to do in their homes. "The first result noticed is that every one keeps early hours. At nine o'clock on a winter evening, a block occupied by Bohemian families is wrapped in slumber, * "The percentage of married women employed in the manu facture of cigars and tobacco is larger than in any other indus try in the list given under the manufacturing group, with the single exception of seamstresses; n. 18 per cent of the women in the whole group and 16.4 per cent of those in 'cigars and tobacco' were married." Abbott, page 211. t Robbins, Jane E.: "The Bohemian Women in New York." Charities, XIII, pages 194-6 (Dec. 3, 1904). HOUSEHOLD LIFE 359 the windows of the houses are dark, and there is almost no one on the street. The working day begins at half past five, and the tired mothers must have their children at home and in bed at an early hour. "The most noticeable effect of having the mothers go to factory is that the ordinary masculine aversion to doing woman's work is greatly moderated. The boys run home from their play after school hours, to start the kitchen fire, so that the water may be boiling when their mothers come home. They make beds and sweep and clean house. I have known a boy of eleven to acquire sufficient knowledge of housework so that, at his mother's death, he was able to do all the work for a family of four. Several times I have come into a home and found the strong young husband washing, and not at all embar rassed to be caught at the wash tub. "The older children, both boys and girls, take care of the younger ones. They are trained to responsibility from their earliest youth, and make great gains in both strength and charm of character. A girl of thirteen often has the care of several younger children, besides doing much of the housework for the family. A grandfather or a grandmother, even if very feeble, is a great addition to the family life in furnishing the adult point of view in the absence of both parents. A neighbor, too, in case of sudden emergency, often acts in loco parentis, and a very motherly person will sometimes mother a whole neighbor hood. "One woman that I knew had^ten fine, healthy chil dren — she had never lost a child — and she had been in factory the greater part of the time through the twenty- five years "of her married life. "To those theorists who look for great progress when women shall obtain a position of economic independence, the Bohemian women cigar makers ought to be an in teresting study. The wife, with her quicker fingers, often makes better wages than her husband. I asked a thoughtful Bohemian of the educated class why the 360 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Women did not demand more power, since they contribute so largely to the family finances, and he answered, ' Because they would not consider such a demand fitting.' Husband and wife seem to go on much as they have always done since ' male and female created he them' . "The Bohemians are cut off from the life of the city, partly by their inability to speak English, and partly by their being so overworked that they have no time even to see what other people are doing." Home con- One occasionally hears of Slavic working girls hiring ditions of a room or r0oms together and living in a co-operative girls group, boarding themselves. I have been told that Ruthenian girls do this in New York city. Very com monly, too, they board in families. In Jersey City, for instance, I was told that the girls in the tobacco factory lived in this way paying very reasonable amounts for their accommodations. The stand- Though the Slavic woman has her importance as ard of living wor]smg woman, as servant girl and as "boarding boss," she is infinitely more important as homemaker, helping to set the family standard of living. Standard of living — convenient phrase to indicate so much! What can one say of the standard of living of a group of several mil lions of people, of nine distinct nationalities, representing various degrees of comfort at home and most diverse fortunes here, from the millionaire at one extreme to the "charity organization case" at the other. American- One thing can be said,— the standard in general is ris- lzation ^ng^ thanks to American wages, and is constantly and powerfully influenced by American ways. To one who does not believe that wisdom begins and ends with the "Yankees," this one-sided imitation does not seem all gain. For instance, the flaunting hat, especial badge of Americanization, is not so pretty nor so rational in any way as the discarded kerchief, and American house wives might learn many an appetizing and nutritious dish from foreign neighbors. But in spite of involving some loss, the process of amalgamation through imitation In a Pennsylvania Mining Patch The "company" houses, without clapboards or shingles, have little to recommend them. The fences and summer kitchens, built by the tenants from refuse wood, improve the comfort but not the appearance of the homes. The gutters are really open sewers. The bird houses which add a picturesque touch to these dreary villages are common among the Slavs. HOUSEHOLD LIFE 361 is inevitable. The prestige of American customs as compared with imported ones is overwhelming, and gives one model to the diverse newcomers. Imitation pre pares the way for mutual understanding and co-opera tion among neighbors of different origins. For instance, to an American, bare feet (certainly for grown women) would mean the extreme either of slatternliness or of poverty. To a Slav it means neither, any more than it did to sturdy Scotch women not so long ago. But what does not detract from the woman's health or self-respect does prevent her from being respected by her neighbors, so that shoes and stockings are a necessary preliminary to desirable relations with them, and are soon adopted.* Another thing which gives a false impression of poverty and degradation is the absence of the kind of underclothes to which we are accustomed. A child may be the darling of prosperous working people, well fed and well cared for, yet fill an American visitor with a dismayed sense at once of destitution and indecency. Yet the visitor needs to know only a little social history to realize how recent are our own more prim fashions of underclothing. Here again imitation of American ways is the first step toward equal intercourse. The question of housing for the Slavic laborer is the Housing question of working-class housing in its entirety. Only here the evils are intensified by the ignorance and help lessness of the tenant, and by a feeling, more or less unconscious perhaps, on the part of employers and public, that what is not good enough for Americans is good enough for foreigners. Life in a tenement has at best a temporary and unhomelike feeling which deadens the desire to get rid of evils that may not be for long; and with the Slavs the desire to own a home, which is wide spread and intense among those who have made a permanent settlement here and who have their families * Cf. the remark of the Cleveland Bohemian quoted on page 226. 362 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES with them, often makes the hired home appear only an interim arrangement.* Overcrowd- Overcrowdingf is likely to be the most serious side of inS a low standard of living — serious from its relation to both disease and immorality. To sleep huddled in feather beds in a stuffy peasant hovel is bad enough, but there what air does come in is drawn from all out-of-doors, not from an airshaft, and in summer, at least, women as well as men are in the fields by day letting the fresh air wash their lungs. It is a different matter when the same overcrowding takes place in a city tenement, where the mother stays all day long, and whence the children go to an ill ventilated school room, and the father to a dust laden factory. Above all, overcrowding is objectionable when it brings strangers into the close quarters of the little home. This is the chief evil of the custom of taking boarders into the family, but overcrowding is not always due to an unwise thrift. Too often it is a necessary corollary of prevailing wages and prevailing rents. And I am tempted to quote further Miss Byington's realistic picture of such an overcrowded boarding house, where twenty-four souls were housed in two rooms. "One of these homes consisted of two rooms, one above the other, each perhaps twelve by twenty feet. In the kitchen I saw the wife of the boarding boss getting dinner, some sort of hot apple cake and a stew of the cheapest cuts of meat. Along one side of the room was * I note that Miss Byington says, "This instance I introduce because it is well to recognize that low standards are not neces sarily permanent. When Slavs do buy their homes, the size and attractiveness of them indicates that the unsanitary sur roundings and crowded quarters of early days were simply tolerated until the ambition could be attained. With a house on the outskirts of the town, a garden about.it, and a glimpse of the larger out-of-doors, they begin to feel that the dreams of their emigration have come true." — "The Mill Town Courts and Their Lodgers." t A very valuable study of overcrowding in Homestead will be found in Miss Byington's article, "Households Builded upon Steel." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 1093-1104 (Mar. 6, 1909). HOUSEHOLD LIFE 363 an oil-cloth-covered table, with a plank bench on each side, and above, a long row of handleless white cups in a rack, and a shelf with tin knives and forks on it. Near the up-to-date range, the only real piece of furniture in the room, hung the 'buckets' in which all mill men carry their noon or midnight meal. A crowd of men were lounging cheerfully about, talking, smoking, and enjoy ing life, making the most of the leisure enforced by the shut-down in the mill. In the room above, double iron bedsteads were set close together, and on them comforta bles were neatly laid. Here, besides the 'boarding boss' and his wife and two babies, lived twenty men. The boss himself was a stalwart Bulgarian who had come to this country several years ago, and by running this house, besides working in the mill, had accumulated a good deal of money." Slavs more than Italians seem inclined to use enlarging Diet income to procure hearty food, and especially their two great luxuries, meat and beer. At first they buy mainly soup meat, and it is hard for the butchers to get bones enough to supply their demand, but soon, though they continue to save, they Americanize their marketing and get the best cuts. Miss Byington's tables of expenditure* show an ex- Household ceptionally large percentage for food and an excep- u ge s tionally small percentage for rent, and this result, though based on too few families to be conclusive, tallies with my impressions. The nearest to a family budget that I have been able to secure is the following list, given me by a Croatian co-operative store in Calumet, Michigan, as a typical monthly expenditure for groceries by a miner's family: June 16, rice, $0.25; kidney beans, .25; navy beans, .25; macaroni, .25; vermicelli, .25; noodles, .25; salad oil, .50; onions, .10; cabbage, .25; catsup, .25; chicory, .10. June 20, flour, $2.75; corn meal, .65; rye flour, $1.25; matches, .10. * See "Households Builded upon Steel," page 1095. 364 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES June 21, eggs, $0.22; smoked ham, 1.83; bacon, .90. June 26, rice, $0.25. June 27, s. oil, $0.50; vinegar, .10; eggs, .22. June 28, salt, 0.10. July 5, onions, $0.10; eggs, .22. July 9, Peerless, $0.18. July 10, kerosene oil, $0.15; salt, .10; yeast, .25; onions, .10. July 13, sugar, $0.25; garlic, .20; eggs, .22. July 16, rice, $0.25; cabbage, .35; s. oil, .50; manna, .15; chow-chow, .65; stock fish, .30; soda, .93; coffee, $1.00; tea, ,60; caraway seed, .10; chicory, .10. Total, $18.42. The members of this co-operative store are mostly "trammers," men who earn less than the miners proper. With incomes of $58 or $60 a month, when working every day, a co-operative store bill like this of $15 or $18 would be common. Besides this, money must be found for the butcher's bill, the drink bill, the dry goods bill and the rent. At a Calumet meat market where Croatians trade I was told that they eat more meat than Germans or Americans, a working man eating two or three pounds a day. A family would commonly have a butcher's bill of $25 a month, this amount covering eggs and cheese as well as meat, but not milk, as many kept their own cow. They eat much veal and pork, also fowl. In a Colorado mining settlement I was told at the "company store" that the "Austrians" (sc. Slovenians) buy just about what Americans do — good flour, tea, coffee, sugar, "the necessary staples" such as crackers, canned goods, vegetables, fruit and meat; in all amount ing to from $30 to $60 a month or more for a family of five or so. For rent these men pay the company $2 .00 a month per room; as they ordinarily occupy a four-room cottage, this makes a monthly rental of $8.00. They also pay $1.00 a month to the company for medical and hospital service. The furniture, which they themselves own, is simple and scanty, for they move often; as for clothes, they often have no church which they attend, and there is small demand for "dressing up." For a suit a man A Croatian Butcher's Shop in Globeville, Colorado Croatian Copper Miners, Calumet, Michigan HOUSEHOLD LIFE 365 pays perhaps $10. Fuel is cheap, coal costing only $1.15 a ton, besides which the women and children can often pick up enough to keep the family supplied. Of course such instances are merely illustrative. Anything ex haustive or of the nature of an authoritative average is out of the question.* The expenditure for drink is undoubtedly apt to be Drink large among Slavic laborers. The southern Slavs, like the Italians, are accustomed to use light wines; the northern nationalities are accustomed to liquors, and all seem to take to beer like ducks to water. Indeed, in Croatia a common answer to questions as to what re turning immigrants said of America was, "They say that in America beer is cheap, but that a man is arrested there for getting drunk, and just the same even if he is rich." Besides the immense number of saloons which American Slavs support, they also drink a great deal at home, espe cially in the boarding houses. Miss Byington's table previously mentioned shows a great excess of expenditure for liquor by Slavs. Mr. Fitch in his study of the Pittsburgh steel industry! Hr- ' Though few things compare in forlomness with a Surround- Pennsylvania "mining patch," this is due mainly to '"J^ng6 ' the industry as it is there carried on ; to the shocking patch' ' desolation of the stripped hillsides; the "cave-ins," the settlements mountain-like piles of culm and refuse, the buildings (especially the company tenements), erected without a thought of anything but economy; and worst of all, the streams choked and overflowed with drifted coal refuse. The homes of the Slav miners have not that grassless, hen-ridden look which so often marks the yards of even fairly well-to-do Irish people. The Slavs generally love a garden, and during the coal strike some of the Slav and Lithuanian miners used their enforced leisure to grade and grass their little yards and to make gardens which they have ever since found time to cultivate. ress 374 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Unfortunately their very fondness for a garden con tributes to the miserable aspect of things in a mining patch, as in order to protect the vegetables and flowers they make a fence of such wood as they can find, of old mine props, broken and blackened, of railroad ties and odd sticks of all sorts. Of similar material they also build a more or less ramshackle shed for a summer kitchen, adding greatly to the family comfort in the heat. Appearances, however, suffer by these attempts that really mean thrift, ingenuity and love of beauty and comfort. The little bird-house with which the Slav loves to top his home adds an oddly attractive and pic turesque touch to the clustering shanties. Cleanliness As to cleanliness, in spite of serious drawbacks the ress prog" i Slavs deserve in general a high rank. Those who have I seen dirty households or individuals will dissent vigor- I ously, but more of those who know will, I am sure, agree. Many of these people are exceedingly primitive, but J they are the reverse of a slatternly people. In all this ! matter, and especially if we undertake the gratuitous J folly of invidious comparisons, we must remember that we are viewing a process. "The Irish lived far worse when they first came to Wilkes-Barre than the Slavs ever have done," I was told. "The Irish used to make dug-outs in the hillsides, and live in them with their animals." The living conditions of some of our German immigrants, too, were on a very low level when they first came. But opportunity has meant rise, and there is no doubt that the same rise is occurring rapidly among our Slavic fellow citizens.* As a bit of evidence, I will repeat what was said to me on this point by a Ruthenian informant in western Pennsylvania : * Miss Garret writes of the Poles in Baltimore: "The houses are cleaner than those occupied by any other group of foreigners among us. The halls are whitewashed once or twice a year, the floors are scrubbed (the tenants in turn doing the general work) and the rooms are kept wonderfully neat. . . . Neighbors, business men, doctors, teachers all lay stress on the extreme neatness and cleanliness of the Polish people." Charities, XI, page 273 (Dec. 3, 1904). HOUSEHOLD LIFE 375 "Formerly our people could save and send money home; now if a man has a family he cannot. Prices have risen faster than wages have done, that is one reason ; but the chief reason is that they demand more and live better. For instance, formerly the men never wore an overcoat, no matter how cold it was. They wore blue overalls, no collar and no tie. They had no churches, no societies and no papers. All these things mean ex pense. They still live pretty crowded, but less so than before. From fifty to one hundred of them used to live in one house, not a big one. There were no women among them, and other people would not take them to board. If there was a man who had a wife, all flocked to him. There would be twenty-five boarders in a family, where now there would be eight or ten. Ten years ago they used to have plank shelves for bedding round the wall in some mining patches. Now-a-days all have regular beds." The whole impression left on one's mind is that of an ambitious set of people, eager to get on, of enduring fibre, not at all afraid of hard work. No effort has been made to describe household con- Upper and ditions among Slavic-Americans other than those of ™iddle the laboring class. Among business men and men of the professions the standard of living is regulated as is that of similar American families. The only distinctive characteristic that I note is a greater simplicity, a warmth and quiet intensity of family life, a marked love of music and often of intellectual pursuits, and what seems to an American eye a rather uncritical aesthetic sense. According to circumstances the European or the Ameri can note prevails in the blended tastes of the household, — in the table, the dress, the furniture, the reading. Physically they seem for the most part a rugged people, Physique especially the picked contingent of young ambitious men and women who emigrate. As a general thing they appear not to suffer from our climate, though it is some times complained of. As one sees them at home in Europe, they often seem to be almost insensible to either 376 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES heat or cold. They come largely from districts subject to severe changes of temperature, often very sudden changes. Emil Franzos describes snowstorms blowing across the Galician plains which outdo a Dakota blizzard, and the limestone country, the Karst of the South Slavs, is also a country of violent extremes. On the other hand, the change to city life is very taxing.* Tuberculosis claims its own in unsanitary tenements and workshops. There is a great deal of anaemia, and when the roses fade in the cheeks of a flaxen-haired Polish girl, she is shockingly pale. The Bohemians of New York seem to supply an inordinately large share of cases of hysteria and of suicide. The peasant women of the first generation amaze our women by their endurance. One of their own mid-wives told me that they have as hard confinements as Ameri cans, but that they recover more quickly. In Allegheny a settlement friend went to see a neighbor and found her at nine o'clock barefoot in the yard hanging out clothes. She had borne a child at midnight, after which she had arisen and got breakfast for the men of her family and then done the washing. Even if a woman is physically able to do this sort of thing, she is aged by it — by that and the continuous child-bearing. Yet this is their ideal. "What do your * Miss White in her "Investigation of Slavic Conditions in Jersey City" notes: "The majority of the men and women, all of whom spent their youth in their native land, were found to be strong and hearty. But the children, born and reared in this country, are pale and sickly looking. It is a disheartening fact that they are not profiting by the strength that is theirs by right of inheritance." "Undoubtedly the confinement of these out-of-door children in unsanitary houses and worse than unsanitary backyards, is the cause of their physical de generation." (Page 4.) Compare also Miss Byington: "The Slavs themselves, moreover, are people used to the limitations of country life, and are ignorant of the evil effects of transferring the small rooms, the overcrowding, the insufficient sanitary pro visions which are possible with all outdoors about them, to these crowded courts under the shadow of the mill. And, as we said, their ambition to save and buy property, here or in the old country, is a further incentive to overcrowding." "The Mill Town Courts and their Lodgers," page 922. HOUSEHOLD LIFE 377 people think of Americans?" I asked a Slovenian priest. "Our women despise American women because they have small families," was the prompt reply, and this is a sentiment frequently met with. A very interesting question, and one that is hard to Position of answer, is that of the personal position of the women. women My own impression is that the real, not nominal, balance of power in the household adjusts itself in any country to the relative personal force of the individuals in each case; that common sense, business acumen, temper and quiet force of will, all have their effect, regardless of sex, regardless of theory; and I should confidently look for henpecked husbands in harems and for enfranchised women tyrannized over by men with not one tittle of legal advantage. This is not to say, however, that law, and still more, custom, do not affect the position of the sexes profoundly, and it is suggestive to be told that in Croatia wives warn their husbands that in America things will be different, for women have more power there. Indeed, we found in Croatia especially a widespread and wonderful legend of the position of women in America. "Is it true," an anxious man asked, "that when there is a lawsuit the woman goes to court and attends to it, and the husband stays at home?" I think that it is true that in this country the men learn more respect for the women, and acquire gentler manners toward them; and doubtless, as already said, the relative scarcity of women gives them more weight.* One hears of the husband putting all his earnings into the wife's hands to manage, as is so gener ally the custom among the better class of American workmen — a custom that is likely to make for thrift and wise expenditure. In a higher range of society, among the Bohemians especially, the women are quite active and well organized. They have their own associations and their own papers. *The improved status of immigrant wives in America is a subject frequently and entertainingly illustrated by anecdotes in Mr. Steiner's "The Immigrant Tide." CHAPTER XVII THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA* Slavic or- One °f tne m°st surprising facts in the life of Slavs ganizations in America is the degree to which they are organized into societies. There seems to be nothing in their previous history or experience to lead one to expect this, and it has been an historical commonplace to reproach the Slav with a congenital inability to combine. Yet in their new environment they are notable for the contrary tendency. Many of their associations are small local affairs of the most various sorts. In a New York Bohemian paper I found a list of 95 local societies among this group of perhaps 35,000 people. Many were mere "pleasure clubs," to use the current East Side phrase, while many were lodges of various of their great "national" societies. The national Each of the main Slavic nationalities in the United States has one or more of these national societies, all apparently organized on much the same plan, with a central co-ordinating committee and numerous branches, founded primarily for the object of mutual insurance but also serving many other purposes, and with a member ship defined by national or national-religious lines. When one considers the scattered groups of poor and ignorant immigrants, totally unused to organization and foreign to all ideas of parliamentary procedure, from which these societies must draw a large part of their membership it is remarkable how rapidly they have grown, how highly developed and successful they are. * The facts in this chapter were gathered mainly in 1907, and reference is in general to data of that year, except when otherwise stated. 378 A Slovak Mass Meeting in Cleveland A protest against Hungarian outrages A Polish Hall in Chicago THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 379 When men are scattered in a strange country, the Grounds of "consciousness of kind" with fellow countrymen has a cohesion very special significance. As has been said in a previous chapter, to many an immigrant the idea of nationality first becomes real after he has left his native country; at home the contrast was between village and village, and between peasants as a class and landlords as a class. In America he finds a vast world of people, all speaking unintelligible tongues, and for the first time he has a vivid sense of oneness with those who speak his own language, whether here or at home. The idea of national or racial patriotism is not so new to those from localities in Europe where different nationalities or different churches are intermingled and struggling for power, and where the fires of party zeal are always kept alight. From such districts men often emigrate, already full of national or party consciousness. This is especially marked in the case of leaders, some of whom come to America to enlist recruits for their side in European issues, and to make use of the awakening intelligence of their emigrated fellow countrymen to prepare them to play a more manly part under oppres sion, and to secure for themselves and their brethren fair and reasonable treatment at home. But it is not only common speech and ways, and in Common some cases common political aims, that draw the different mutual^ d groups of immigrants together, but also the sense of economic weakness. The especially dangerous character of the work in the mines and foundries which employ so many Slavs is calculated to enhance their appreciation of the advantages of mutual aid. The result is this great number of Slavic societies, the total membership of which it is impossible to calcu late, especially as one man may belong to several socie ties. Taking the figures as they stand, however, we find for the Bohemians alone about 66,000 members in a dozen or so chief societies. The Slovaks, who are probably about as numerous in this country as the Bo- tional Alii ance 380 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES hemians, appear to have over 120,000 society members.* For other nationalities I have no estimates of totals, only figures for certain individual societies. The The oldest existing Slavic society was founded by the Bohemians at St. Louis in 1854, under the name of the Chekho-Slavonic Benevolent Society, or as it is commonly called by the initials of this name in Bohemian, the C. S. P. S. In the religious controversies which soon divided American Bohemians into two camps, this came to represent the free thinking, anti-Catholic side. It numbers about 23,000 members in 216 branches. Polish Na- The largest single society appears to be the Polish National Alliance, with a membership of 53,000 in 780 branches. This, like the preceding, is much more than a mutual benefit society, though it is that also. In its fine building in Chicago it has not only central offices and committee rooms, but a museum and library and * Rev. Stephen Furdek of Cleveland, in a pamphlet on mutual benefit associations, dated 1908, gives the following figures for Slovak associations : I. Katolicka Slovenska1 Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Union); members, 33,000. Narodnjr Slovensk^ Spolok, (National Slovak Society); 28,000. Grecko Kat. Sojedinenie (Greek Catholic Association); 20,879. Pennsylvanska Grec. Kat. Slovenska Jednota (Penn. Greek Catholic Slovak Union) ; 6,000. Evanjelicka Slovenska1 Jednota (Evangelical [sc. Lutheran] Slovak Union) ; 8,000. Telovicna Jednota Sokol (A gymnastic Society); 3741. Clevelandskd Slov. Jednota; 1000. Passaicka' Slovenskd Jednota; 1000. Neodvisltf Nar. Slov. Spolok (Independent National Slovak Society); 2000. Slovensk^ Venec (literally, Slovak Garland); 1061. Kalvinska Slov. Jednota (Calvinistic [sc. Presbyterian] Slovak Union); 1000. I Kat. Slov. 2enska Jednota (First Catholic Slovak Women's Union) ; 8000. 2ivena, 6000. Pennsylvanska1 Slovenska1 Zenska Jednota; 3000. Evanjelicka Slovenskd Zenska1 Jednota; 1000. (The last four are women's societies.) I find this reference, which may also be useful. Furdek, Stefan: "Zivot Slovakov v Amerike/' (Life of Slovaks in Amer ica) in Tovarysstvo, III, Ruzomberok, Hungary, 1890. THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 381 the printing establishment of its organ, Zgoda (Unity). It has special sections or committees for Education, Agriculture and Industry, Young People, Music, Gym nastics, Charity and the Kosciuszko monument which the Poles are erecting in Washington. It maintains about thirty scholarships, and ninety-two libraries, besides distributing books and pamphlets. Each member con tributes twenty-one cents a month, besides assessments to cover death benefits and one cent a month for charity. One of the most remarkable of these organizations is National the National Slavonic (sc. Slovak) Society, which, I^J^ between 1906 and the time of its foundation in 1890 had paid over $3,500,000 in death benefits, and in the three years ending April 30th, 1906, $350,000 in sick benefits. This society has a markedly patriotic character; it assists Slovak students, ("some 124" in the last year of which I have information), it encourages and dissemi nates Slovak literature, raises funds for Slovak political prisoners in Hungary (where the Slovaks are so bitterly oppressed), organizes patriotic meetings, and generally acts as representative of the nationality. It is interesting to note that it requires members to become American citizens within six years of joining the society. Comparable with these societies are the National Other na- Croatian Society, with 22,000 members, the little Rus- g^f1 socl~ sian National Union with 10,000, and the Slovenian National Benevolent Society. The Croatian National Society is undertaking to found a National University in this country and is appropriating money to this end. Besides these organizations, which are all on a more or Societies on less anti-clerical basis, there are societies often much [^gf101151 / larger organized on a church basis, Roman Catholic, Greek Catholic (Uniate) and Orthodox, and among the Slovaks an Evangelical Union numbering 8000 members. The main life of these societies is naturally in the local The life of organizations or lodges, about which the social life of e ges the group tends to centre, especially among the free thinkers, to whom their society largely stands in lieu 382 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Gymnastic societies Drama of a church. Many have handsome buildings of their own. Here there are usually a restaurant (full of the smell of beer and smoke, but entirely respectable, and frequented by family parties), a large, well-equipped gymnasium, perhaps a library, committee rooms of course, and, more important than all the rest, a large hall for meetings, lectures, dances, concerts and last but not least, theatricals. Singing and choral societies, often with picturesque, reminiscent names, are many. The Polish Singers' Alliance counts about 1,000 mem bers. The Sokols, which correspond to the German "Tur- nerbunds" or gymnastic societies, are as popular and widespread as they are desirable. They give oppor tunity for exercise dignified by a sense of the relation between good physical condition and readiness for service to one's country. Women and children, as well as the men, have their own divisions, classes and uniforms, and the Sokol exhibitions are important and very pretty social events. In Prague, in the summer of 1906, the Bohemian Sokols had an anniversary interna tional meet, at which the American societies were also represented, and performed evolutions, literally in their thousands, in the open air. Theatricals, whether given in some local hall or in a regular theatre hired for the occasion, are, as in Europe, a favorite employment for Sunday afternoons or eve nings. Classic pieces, both literary and operatic, are much enjoyed; for instance, among the Bohemians, Smetana's opera, The Bartered Bride, is often given. On the other hand, one will see a very simple spontaneous little exhibition given with the greatest abandon and delight by a club of hard-worked, elderly women, whose triumphs are hugely enjoyed by their families and neighbors. It is an especial pleasure to them to repro duce the pretty costumes of their old-world youth. Worthy of especial mention are the club, called Snaha (Endeavor), of Bohemian professional women in Chicago, nPABJA — » THE TRUTH ' — — ItH am w«raro nptai.w Bmfraun Hipmiin, n Hunt ¦ opraav JMmsero Pjcotm Spucml inmeRmAn^ r Cesko- ^-w^ BnmUnAiDtritLS^'^Stft^:: "!.'"" I ^DZIENNIK NARODOWY.[^ MBIf.tar* BB JEDNOTA |jg ;u;-vhj (po ipi '"' r L^^Sl J:-1-".- i-i!.Tl*ci|.,;ii „".:--_ — . ¦ ¦ fcS^a :__. r.: --¦ c^. -— 3- irisiSr W^w ™U ..un. .,»,,««, ™u,„ „ „««. , m.»c»nn »u«™ A H, 1 Maiwsi CLio/io.IU, CWifl.1 daU 10 r» ,.,..:. H„u,„ !¦ JJnt, *™ "" u a CBOBOM fmePKKflNOKIH PYGGKFH Titles of Some of the Slavic Newspapers Published in the United States THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 383 and the clubs organized for reading and study among the Socialists of different nationalities. Closely connected with the societies are the news- The Slavic papers, which also have attained a surprising develop- Press ment here. Among the Slovaks, and perhaps among some other nationalities, the circulation of papers in their own language is greater in America than it is at home where the press of a discontented nationality has to meet every sort of political hindrance.* Of daily papers the Bohemians support nine, the Poles seven, the Slovaks, Croatians and Slovenians one each. The number of weeklies is much larger, the Poles heading the list with fifty-four. In Poland (German, Russian and Austrian) the Polish press issues the large number of 657 papers, some appearing two and three times a day. The Slavic-American press represents, of course, very divergent points of view. Many of the papers are conducted by priests for purposes of edification, some are political, of which a part are labor and socialist sheets, and a substantial number find their raison d'etre and support as organs of certain of the societies. Of this type are Zgoda, organ of the Polish National Alliance, with a circulation of about 55,000, or the Organ Bratstva, organ of the C.S.P.S., which is published by the Supreme Lodge of the society at the rate of forty cents a month to each member, and which prints at the beginning of each month the list of deaths and the consequent assessment. Another feature which gives these papers their hold is the news which they bring to homesick exiles of happen ings, big and little, in the old country. One often finds in them more and better European political intelligence / than in our first class papers, and on the other hand, no village occurrence is too small to be reported. Especially in Slovak papers I have noticed the columns of quaint individual happenings, arranged county by county. * The figures furnished me by the kindness of Mr. Rovnianek of Pittsburgh, show twelve Slovak papers published in America with a combined circulation of 112,500, and twenty published in Hungary, with a combined circulation of 48,300. 384 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Some of these publications, especially the monthlies, are literary reviews, others are comic sheets, while others again serve special interests, as for instance the Sokol papers, the Polish Harmonia, the Polsky Farmer and the Bohemian Hospodar (Farmer). One paper, the Zenske Listy of Chicago, is the organ of a woman's society, and is printed as well as edited by women. It is not devoted to "beauty lessons" and "household hints," but to efforts toward woman's suffrage and the "uplifting of the mental attitude of working women." Its 6000 subscribers include dis tinguished Bohemians all over the country, men as well as women. Church or- If the spontaneous and luxuriant growth of private gamzation organizations among the Slavs in America is a sur prising fact, it can of course be no surprise that they organize, or are organized, for religious purposes in this country as in the old. The Roman Catholics are of course the largest group, and they find their own church, the same here as at home, already established and prepared to welcome them to its familiar services. The Protestants, who are per haps a fourth among the Slovaks, a small percentage among the Bohemians, and negligible among the other Slavs, have got into touch, more or less, with the corre sponding churches here, which are willing and eager to help them to establish and extend their organizations. The Orthodox church under the Holy Synod of Russia has some fifty churches in the country outside of Alaska, where there are as many more, not counting the Servian mission, the Syro-Arabian mission, and sixteen churches in Canada. Not only — nor indeed mainly — Russians make up these congregations, though they are subsidized from St. Petersburg. The priests, often very able men, are carrying on an active propaganda among the border land peoples, and especially among the Uniates or United Greek Catholics, who occupy a curious intermediate position, as has been already explained. This propa- THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 385 ganda seems to have had considerable success among Little Russians (Ruthenians) and Slovaks. In Minne apolis I was interested to find among the Little Russians a Uniate church which had gone over bodily from Rome to Russian Orthodoxy. The Bulgarians are Greek Orthodox, but independently organized under the Bul garian Church. In Table 28 an attempt is made to bring together the facts as to the different national groups by denominations. A condition in America which doubtless strikes as Separation strange all these newcomers equally, and which it takes of j h +r < go >¦z, aM Hwa > Slovenian. Croatian. Russian. . Servian. Bulgarian Practically all R. C. 42 priests and 2 bishops. Perhaps 20 par ishes. 10 churches. 2 or 3 churches. About 50 churches in the U. S., (including the above ?). In Alaska, 16 churches and 36 chapels. 6 churches, 1 2 priests, 59,000 regular com municants. * For this schism see page 389. For Protestantism among Poles see Bibliography under Polish Religious History. t Dr. Roberts puts the proportion at 30 to 40 per cent. % Dr. Roberts estimates free-thinkers as fully half of the Bohemians. For accounts of the religious status of immigrants see Grose, Howard B.: "Aliens or Americans." Other references are given in the bibliography under Churches. a wowo>Nm a o t-> s wo> 388 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES The Roman Among the Slavic Roman Catholics the Poles easily Catholics stand first, both in numbers and in zeal. As has already been explained (page 125) they, like the Irish, have been so situated historically, that their political and religious antagonisms coincide, intensifying both. The schismatic Russian tyrant, the heretic Swedish invader, and the Protestant Prussian oppressor with his hated schools — all have tended to make devotion to church and country one indistinguishable sentiment. To people so minded, the situation in America was a strangely confusing one. They found the Catholic church in this country, at least as they came into contact with it, practically an institu tion of the Irish, and the Irish have too generally shown themselves contemptuous of "foreigners," and have not always earned for themselves the love of other classes of immigrants. But apart from any such influence, the natural desire to have a priest of their own tongue and traditions would have made itself felt. Not only the Poles, but other national groups of Roman Catholics, form churches of their own just as soon as they can. They may go for a time to the "Irish Catholic" church, but it is hard to hold them there or in any other church not of their own people. In a certain Colorado mining settlement full of Roman Catholics (Slovenians, Mexi cans, Italians, Slovaks), the only Catholic church was a little adobe building, where mass was served at intervals by a Spanish-speaking priest. I found it full of kneeling Mexicans, their heads bare or covered with black mantil las ; but of all the other Catholics in the place, I saw only one person, a devout old German woman known to every one in the camp as "Grandma." The religious appeal could not make itself felt through the racial barriers. Besides this instinctive segregation there has been a good deal of friction and discontent as to ecclesiastical administration and office. Until a short time ago the Poles, in spite of their numbers and zeal, had not been able to secure the appointment of a single Polish bishop, Slavic Churches of One Mining Town 1. Slovak Roman Catholic. 2. Lithuanian Roman Catholic. 3. Slovak Lutheran. 4. Polish Roman Catholic. 5. Greek Catholic. 6. Greek Orthodox THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 389 while the much smaller group of the Slovenians, for instance, had had five bishops.* A curious and unexpected phenomenon, probably not Divisions in unrelated to all this, has been the occurrence of a Polish the churches schism and the formation here of a so-called "Polish National Church," or Independent Polish Church, which in 1906 was said to number thirteen churches, but which Dr. Peter Roberts reports, in September, 1909, as having 90 churches. Quite apart from this movement, there is another very interesting ferment at work in the Polish churches. Every newspaper reader in districts where there are many Poles, must have frequently run across paragraphs like the following: "Westfield Priest Sues Parishioners. "Westfield, Sept. 20. — As a result of dissensions that have arisen in the Holy Trinity Parish here, twenty suits in action of tort alleging slander and conspiracy to slander have been brought by Rev. X. Y. against leading Poles of this town. In addition to these suits there are four others entered in the Superior Court by Father X. Y., the whole number aggregating $40,000. So serious have been the disagreements that during the services last Sunday the entire police force was obliged to be present at all services to prevent a riot when the dissenting faction made an attempt to collect the funds of the church, independent of the regular collectors appointed by Father X. Y." Apparently these oft-recurring clashes have no doc trinal significance. Rather, they are an effort toward liberty and self-government, embodying itself, like the historic struggles of the English, in the shape of a conten tion as to who shall control the purse strings, and doubt less due to the new financial responsibility of the laity in an unestablished church. A priest may have been used to take with his people a tone of absolute authority which they are led by all the influences of American life, and perhaps not least by the sight of the freer relation of American priests with their flocks, to resent. Then they hear, it may be, of a priest, originally a poor man, *For facts which help to explain this anomaly see page 233. 390 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES dying and leaving a private fortune to relatives. They themselves, spurred on by the priest, arrange a church entertainment to help pay off the church debt. They spare no pains and are apparently successful, but the priest refuses to let the church trustees know how the balance stands, or to give any account of receipts and expenditures in general. They insist, and it leads to an open break. The priest comes to morning mass and finds himself locked out of his "own church" by his church officers. He then calls in the police to force an entrance, and the American newspaper gives the affair a paragraph that makes it appear mere rowdyism or irreligion, which it is very far from being. The free- Among the Bohemians the religious situation is pe- moUfment cunar and deeply interesting. Its roots lie deep in Bohemian religious history. The reformation movement of Huss and his followers having been stamped out in blood after 1620, the Catholicism which Bohemia was forced to accept was apt to be lukewarm when it was not merely nominal. In the nineteenth century the liberal movement of the forties had a religious as well as a political side, and an intense reaction against clericalism and dogma set in. In the free air of America, and under the influence of Robert Ingersoll and the works of Thomas Paine and Herbert Spencer, this resulted not merely in a wide spread ferment of ideas, but in organized and aggressive propaganda. Under the onslaught, Bohemian Catholi cism acquired a new vigor, there was bitterness on both sides, and Bohemians in this country were split into two antagonistic parties. As has been said already, the so ciety known as the C. S. P. S. came to be a free-thinking organization, and its lodges in some degree represent congregations. They frequently carry on free-thought schools, where on Sunday mornings, Saturday afternoons, and other leisure times, the children can be trained in Bohemian grammar and history, and in the views of the free-thinkers. For this purpose a catechism has been THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 391 written. There is also a profoundly pathetic little hand book of addresses, — they can hardly be called services, — for use at their funerals.* The funerals are often con ducted by the president or other member of the lodge of the deceased; in the women's lodges by the women for women. As far as an outsider can judge, this movement is rapidly losing momentum. It is difficult to keep the interest and enthusiasm of the young people. They find little to feed on in teachings so largely merely negative ; nothing in their experience answers to their parents' rancor against the corrupt side of priestcraft as they had seen it in Austria, and the ties of race and speech, which are so powerful a bond among the first generation, influence the later born much less. The free-thought movement was essentially religious, in spite of the crudity of its materialist philosophy and of its propaganda in favor of atheism; it was the work of men, for the most part not of the most highly privileged class in respect of opportunities for culture, but to whom questions of religious belief were the supremely important and the supremely interesting thing in life, and to whom intel lectual sincerity and courage were the breath of their nostrils. As a Bohemian doctor in New York once said to me, "Two Bohemians cannot meet without beginning to talk of religion." The tone of their thought at its best may be illustrated by the following quotation from a lecture on " Free-Thought in America, " by Anton Jurka : "Let us be strong. Let us firmly believe that we are maintaining the position which answers most loyally to the nobility of Nature. Let us, according to our strength, draw from deeds both past and present, faith in a better future, and let us help to build this better future by faith, hope and love; by faith in the noble final goal of mankind, by hope that humanity will reach its goal and will be thoroughly imbued with a culture and enlighten ment not yet dreamed of by us; with a love pure, * See Bibliography under Free-thought. 392 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES self-sacrificing, to Nature, to man, to humanity as a whole." Now that the critical and destructive work is done, there seems to be a great deal of mere indifference to all religious matters, and, as one hears, a good deal of self- indulgent, rather gross living on the part of some who are "free-thinkers as much as they are anything." On the other hand, one also hears of the children of the old fighters for free-thought joining one or another of the Protestant churches, partly perhaps from social reasons, partly, doubtless, from a hunger which negations could not satisfy. In one instance I hear that the free thinkers, as such, have affiliated themselves with Uni tarianism. Socialism An element of life which, if not universal like religion, is common to all civilized countries, is the modern in dustrial system — the system under which capital, labor and science produce an amount of wealth unknown to history, but at the cost of enormous waste of life, health and happiness. The man who is conscious of this as a problem calls himself for the most part a socialist, and such a man, when he comes to America from Europe, finds himself in a very different position from the nation alistic patriot; he does not leave his problem, his ideal aim in life, behind him. The essential features of the new situation, so far as they are industrial, not political, are already familiar. He does not feel himself an out sider with nothing to do but to criticize; on the contrary, he is consciously one, not with his own little group alone, but with working people everywhere, and he finds his old task here. Of the Slavs who come to us, a comparatively small part are from industrial centres where these ideas are in the air. There is, however, a socialistic contingent among them, especially among the Poles and Bohemians, though by no means comparable to that supplied by Germans and Jews. In this country I judge that their numbers do not grow as fast as one might expect. Ac- THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 393 quisition of property makes for conservatism, and the sense of opportunity and at least nominal political equality makes for individualism. Sometimes this individualism has a more theoretical basis, and is a legacy of old struggles against oppressive governments. A Pole or a Bohemian has at least more excuse than an Englishman for transferring his jealousy of government as an alien and selfish power to a country where all authority is, or should be, his own representative and agent. I was talking with a Texas Bohemian, son of a man self-exiled for the sake of liberty, an editor, judge and school committeeman, and I said something of the need of compulsory education laws. Instantly his eyes flashed, and his voice rang: "That would be tyranny." As to the existence or extent of that state of acute Anarchism social exasperation which is what is popularly meant by anarchism and which, at the time of the assassination of President McKinley, appeared to exist among a section of the Poles, I can unfortunately give no information, as I have never come across any traces of it or references to it. Where the next generation will stand on all these The next matters it is hard to forecast, but I suspect that it will generatl0n adopt the same standpoints as Americans under the same conditions. A very radical American friend values our immigrants as good future revolutionary material; the younger generation, he says, grow up quite emanci pated from the old, narrow ideas of their parents and equally free from the political and social traditions that hypnotize Americans. My impression is that this view was suggested to him by experience among the Jews of the East Side, and that it would be more nearly true among that race of thinkers than elsewhere. Neverthe less, the Slav seems to share with the Frenchman and the Jew the power to think out a logical theory and to carry that theory into action. American politics for the most part have not been Politics such as to command great interest apart from purely 394 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES local considerations. Since the days of the anti-slavery movement, which enlisted the generous sympathies of the old generation of liberal immigrants, our politics have involved few questions of wide significance with the exception of some of our social-economic issues. The educated European remains on the outside of Ameri can life quite as much because it is provincial as because he is. Consequently, unless he is made over into a complete American, the foreigner is likely to take part in our politics only as a matter of business, which is to say corruptly. Among the simple-minded yet shrewd fellows at the bottom this is often quite naively and innocently the case. A librarian who is a good friend of the various nationalities who work in her town, asked the Poles who were coming in and out of the library on one election day what they were voting for. They replied cheerfully, pleased that she took an interest in their affairs and that they had so good a market to report, "For two dollars." The whole situation is one which naturally lends itself to log-rolling and political trading. When there are groups of men with their full numerical share of political power, with no use to which they want to put it, and full of clannish feeling, it is very easy for a leader of their own kind to "vote" them as a unit. If he is bid for by the offer of some petty office, it gratifies not only him but his whole group, who feel themselves vicariously honored in the person of the candidate. While the conviction that American politics are corrupt draws in some men, it keeps out others; as a Slovak minister said to me, "My people are not interested in politics; they say, 'Das ist mehr Geldsache' " (that is mostly a matter of money, anyway). Party affil- As to political affiliations, both parties count Slavs as lations members. In the ante-bellum days the slavery issue tended to draw Bohemians and Poles, both of whom supplied gallant soldiers to the Union, into the Republi can ranks. It is interesting to find that the Poles voted THE ORGANIZED LIFE OF SLAVS IN AMERICA 395 for Grant in 1872, the first election in which they were notably interested, not only because of his war record, but because he recognized the French Republic during the Prussian war, while his opponent Greeley was sup posed to have favored Austria in Italy and Germany in Alsace-Lorraine. Another reason for Republicanism has been the simple and intelligible one that the Irish were Democrats. On the other hand, in Chicago both Bohemians and Poles are said to be "normally Demo crats," and the explanation given by Miss Masaryk in the case of the Bohemians is that Republicanism meant the Administration, and that Bohemians were readily led by their past experience to join the opposition. How far Slavs in this country are naturalized it is Citizenship impossible to say, the census figures on the subject being unusable in this case. In Hadley, Massachusetts, as I have already stated, while 47 Poles own property and 123 more pay a poll tax, only two are natural ized, and I judged that the Americans were far from desiring to have more become voters. The policy of the more enlightened Slavic leaders, on the contrary, is to urge citizenship and, as has been said, one at least of the national societies requires it. In many places the Slavic vote is an important con- Slavs in of- sideration. In the Illinois state campaign of 1906, ce both Republicans and Democrats nominated a Pole for the office of state treasurer. One of these- nominees had already served in Chicago as alderman and as city at torney. A number of Poles have sat in state legislatures, both in the lower chamber and, in one instance at least, in the State senate, and there is a pretty story of a Wisconsin Bohemian whose desk in the House was reserved for him on his election as a sort of family per quisite, or rather as a courteous recognition of the ser vices (if I remember the circumstances rightly) of his father and brother, who had preceded him in office. Mr. Sabath, a congressman from Illinois, is said to be a Bohemian. CHAPTER XVIII THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION Forced as similation Modern de velopmentof national feeling Assimilation is much talked of in the United States. Its desirability is so taken for granted that any and every method of hastening it may seem acceptable, until something brings to our attention what bad company this very assimilation keeps. Wherever in the world there are people crying, "We are oppressed," there you are likely to find another set of people protesting, "This is no oppression; it is assimilation — benevolent assimilation." The shout of "Islam or the sword," wrought probably the most rapid assimilation on record. It is a commonplace of history that while the consti: tution of centralized states on a territorial basis, putting an end to feudal disorganization, was the characteristic accomplishment of the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the active ferment of the nineteenth century has been the principle of nationalities. Each group with a racial or cultural unity, and above all with the type and sign of this, a common speech, has been eagerly struggling toward autonomy, or at least toward the right to develop along its own lines and to use its own language. Everywhere this nationalistic movement has revealed fresh human treasures and called forth some of the rarest and finest blossoms of the spirit of mankind. In litera ture it has given us highly differentiated types of new and poignant beauty, doubly welcome in a leveling and cosmopolitan age. Folk lore, art and philology have also felt its vivifying touch. It has evoked the most intense devotion and been the cause of the most heroic sacrifices. On the other hand, it has divided peoples who before 396 THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 397 were hardly conscious of differences, and has narrowed men's sympathies to their own little group, — in striking contrast to the cosmopolitan humanitarianism of the eighteenth century. It has lighted indescribable fires of bitterness. Perhaps no moral agony is greater than to see the language and tradition of one's fathers, one's spiritual birthright, strangled to death by a contemptu ous rival. The Pole in Germany, the Slovak in Hungary, the little Russian in Russia — and how many more — all feel the hand at their throats. It is cruel enough in a case like that of the Germans of the Baltic provinces of Russia; though they see their children forcibly Russified, yet they know that across the border Germany is con tinuing her progress without thought of check. To the Slovak, who knows that if his idiom becomes obsolete in Hungary it nevermore can take its place among the living tongues of men, what must it be to see his school funds confiscated, his press harried and his children systematically taught to despise the language and nationality which he loves with a Slav's obstinate intensity? With these things in mind one turns to the United The Amer- States and finds there a process of Americanization "ran sltua_ going on which must be seen to be comprehended, and which becomes the more impressive the more it is studied. Here are over 75,000,000 people, representa tives of an indefinite variety of human stocks, yet present ing in general an almost painful degree of uniformity. For local color, the short story writer must generally have recourse to sheltered and backward communities, to frontier outposts or to colonies of recent newcomers — all now rapidly losing their peculiarities. It reminds one of the old fable of the traveler's cloak; the wind which boasted that he could easily remove it only made him hug it the closer to him; in the warmth of the sun he felt it a burden, and voluntarily cast it aside. Yet even in the United States assimilation is not quite without signs of difficulty and apprehension and con- view 398 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES flicting purposes — signs of dread and jealousy, on the part of Americans, of the alien influences brought in by the streams of newcomers, and, on the part of the immigrants, of jealousy of American influence and dread of Americanizing pressure. A Polish One comes sometimes with a sense of shock to a reali zation of points of view strange to one's own. Take, for instance, a conversation that I once had with a Polish-American priest. I had said something about "Americans," that they were not apt to be interested in Polish history, or something of the sort. Instantly he was on fire. "You mean English-Americans," he said. "You English constantly speak as if you were the only Ameri cans, or more Americans than others. The History of the United States, published by Scribners, is written wholly from the English point of view, and that is very common. Even such a great paper as the Chicago Tribune is written by men who are just over from Eng land, and who yet speak of foreigners when they mean any Americans but English. For instance, in a recent bank failure they said that many ' foreigners ' would lose, referring to German-Americans and others who had been in the country for generations. A priest born in Balti more of Italian parents, speaking English and Italian equally naturally, will see priests, new come from Ireland, promoted over him because he is a ' foreigner.' " I remarked that if I went to Poland he would not consider me a Pole. "No, that is different," was his reply. "America was empty, open to all comers alike. There is no reason for the English to usurp the name of American. They should be called Yankees if anything. That is the name of English-Americans. There is no such thing as an American nation. Poles form a nation, but the United States is a country, under one government, inhabited by representatives of different nations. As to the future, I have, for my part, no idea what it will bring. I do THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 399 not think that there will be amalgamation, one race composed of many. The Poles, Bohemians and so forth, remain such, generation after generation. Switz erland has been a republic for centuries, but never has brought her people to use one language. For myself, I do favor one language for the United States, either Eng lish or some other, to be used by every one, but there is no reason why people should not also have another language ; that is an advantage, for it opens more avenues to Europe and elsewhere." He was indignant at the requirement of the naturaliza tion law of 1906, making a knowledge of English a condi tion of citizenship. I advanced as an argument for it the fact that the proceedings of Congress are carried on in English, and that to vote intelligently a man must be able to follow them. "In our Polish papers," he said, "the Congressional debates are as fully reported as in the English-American papers, and politics can be as intelligently followed." I did not feel that I could urge that many English-speaking voters seek familiarity with the debates in full in the Congressional Record. The views that I have tried to reproduce here are, I think, not typical, but they certainly suggest a recon sideration of various questions, among others, "What are Americans?" In a composite people like the American, it is inevitable America as that the color of the whole should appear different to 2^,™™ those who view it from different points. The English man is apt to think of the United States as literally a new England, a country inhabited in the main by two classes; on the one hand descendants of seventeenth century English colonists, and on the other newly arrived foreigners. The continental European, on the contrary, is apt to suffer from the complementary illusion, and to believe that practically all Americans are recent European emigrants, mainly, or at least largely, from his own country. Frenchmen have insisted to me that a large 400 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES proportion of the United States is French, and Germans often believe that it is mainly German, and that one could travel comfortably throughout the United States with a knowledge of German alone. This is very natural. A man sees his own country-people flocking to America, perhaps partly depopulating great tracts of the father land; he receives copies of newspapers in his own lan guage printed in America ; if he travels in America he is feted and entertained everywhere by his own country men, and is shown America through their eyes. "I visited for two weeks in Cedar Rapids and never spoke anything but Bohemian," said a Prague friend to me. An Italian lady in Boston said, speaking in Italian, "You know in Boston one naturally gets so little chance to hear any English," much as Americans make the corre sponding complaint in Paris and Berlin. On each side such exaggerated impressions are very hard to shake off. What are the facts? The compo- The figures were given and the subject discussed in an- sition of the Q^gj. connection (see pages 4 and 5), but it seems desir- population able to recapitulate here. In 1900, Negroes, Indians and Mongolians made 12 per cent of the population of the United States; foreign born white persons made 13 per cent more, native born white persons of wholly or partly foreign parentage 21 more, leaving a little over one-half (53 per cent) native whites of native parentage. Of the foreign born and their children, however, over a tenth are English in origin, and something over a third, including the Irish, are English by inherited speech. On the other hand, of the 53 per cent of persons of native white parentage, many have non- English blood, some of them little and remote, some through all four grandparents. During the period in which statistics of immigration have been recorded (i. e., 1820-1909), nearly 27,000,000 immigrants have been counted at our ports, of whom the major part have been neither English nor English- speaking. But the diversity goes back, not to 1820, but, THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 401 as every one knows, to the colonization of the country. Some of the settlements which occupy a place in history, like that of the Swedes in Delaware, did not contribute much blood to the country, but others did so; and what with original non-English settlements, and with the immigration of Germans, Huguenots and, above all, of Scotch-Irish (movements which relatively to the times were very important), it has been estimated that at the time of the Revolution fully one-fifth of the population spoke some other language than English, and that not over one-half were of Anglo-Saxon blood. Such an estimate is uncertain, and it is to be hoped that the publication of the returns for the census of 1790, now under way, may give us some new light; but at least the statement helps to emphasize the fact that pre- Revolutionary America was by no means wholly English. After the constitution of the Republic, whole popula- Background tions were annexed in situ, adding considerable non- and basis of English populations — the Spanish of Florida, the Span- English ish-Mexicans of the southwest and California, and the French of Louisiana, St. Louis and the old Northwest. "But in spite of all temptations to belong to other na tions," the background and basis of the population is and always has been essentially English. It was a group of English colonies that united to form the Republic. The strain that has predominated, the men that have shaped and led the nation, have been mainly English or English-speaking, from the men of Virginia and Massachusetts in the Revolution, to the Southerners, New Englanders and "Yankees" who supplied the native element in the westward movement. The America of John Smith and Cotton Mather, of George Washington and Samuel Adams, of Emerson, Poe and Whitman, of Lincoln and Lee, of Sam Houston and Zebulon Pike and the " f prty-niners " of California, of Cyrus Field and Edison, of Jay Gould and Morgan, of Joseph Smith and Mrs. Eddy, of President Eliot and President Jordan, of Aldrich and Howells and James, of 26 nation 402 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Whistler and Sargent — this is what the world under stands by America, and it is essentially English in blood, and more so in literary and political tradition. Language wields an influence beyond all calculation, and language has tended to keep the country open to English thought, and comparatively inaccessible to other outside currents.* Not only is English generally spoken throughout the country, but it is spoken with surprising uniformity, having much less dialectical variation than the languages of old countries like England and Germany, France and Italy. Anew Yet granting all that has been said as to the English in the United States, it remains true that the other elements which have made a component part of the country since the beginning have not been either thrust out by the English or simply absorbed or altered over by them into their own likeness. There has been thus far an amalgamation, a fusion, creating a new stock which is no longer English, but something distinctive and * According to the census of 1890 persons unable to speak English did not amount to four in a hundred of the total popu lation over ten years old, and of this non-English speaking group nearly four-fifths were foreign born. Among native whites of foreign parentage the numbers sink to nine in a thousand , among native whites of native parentage to under seven in a thousand, or 168,149. This native non-English group included the Spanish speaking population of the Southwest and Cali fornia, the French speaking population of Louisiana (white and colored), some French Canadians of the second generation in New England (certainly under three thousand) and the Penn sylvania Dutch. It is interesting to find that these last decreased by more than fifty per cent between 1890 and 1900, and this sudden decrease of the non-English speaking class among a population settled in the country before the Revolution is a surprising testimony to the accelerating force of the tendency toward English speech. In general the 1900 census gives no information as to inability to speak English among white persons of native parentage, (always speaking of those over ten years old,) but among foreign born whites their proportion has fallen from 15.6 per cent in 1890 to 1 2 . 2 per cent in 1 9 00 and among native whites of foreign parent age from 9 in a thousand to 6, showing, at every point when we can institute a comparison, a gain in knowledge of English in spite of the very heavy immigration of the preceding period. For these data see census of 1890, Population, Part II, pages lx-lxv and 253-277; and census of 1900, Population. Vol. IT, pages cxxiii-cxxvii and 489-501. THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 403 different, — American. Even our English speech is not the English of England. Our physique, our bearing, still more our tone of mind and spiritual characteristics not only are distinguishable from the English, but mark a national type as distinct perhaps as any. In spite of my Polish interlocutor's belief that America is not a nation, it has in truth the deepest right to con sider itself such. It is an organic whole, inter-sensitive through all its parts, colored by one tradition and bound together not only by love of one material motherland but by one conception of the country's mission and of the means — liberty, enlightenment and prosperity — by which that mission is to be accomplished. Many Americans feel bitterly that this unity is now Is immigra- seriously threatened by the increasing variety and num- j^1 a^™_p~ ber of the new contingents of immigrants. In the five- ica? year period following 1900, the immigration other than English and English-speaking amounted to one in twenty of the population in 1900.* Moreover, the foreign popu lation is known to multiply faster than the native element, at least in parts of the country where data have been col lected, and perhaps generally. It is therefore clear that as long as conditions remain unchanged, the relative amount of old American stock must progressively lessen. We say, as long as conditions remain the same, but Immigra- any of these conditions may change. For instance, on tlon Pohcy the one hand the volume of immigration may fall off from economic causes, or it may be checked by American action. On the other, the foreign element may reduce its rate of multiplication to the American rate or less as it becomes Americanized. As regards the volume of immigration, it is obvious that we need not stand passive, as before an uncontrollable natural phenomenon. It stands open to us to permit or refuse admission to the country. * This is gross reckoning without allowance for emigrants returning to Europe. Cf. pages 250, 294 and Appendix XVIII, page 463. 404 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Results to the race Economic interests govern Doubtless the most important issue involved is the racial one. But here we are paralyzed by our compre hensive ignorance of the actual results of race crossings. Those who should be expert give the most contrary opinions. " Only pure races are strong." " Only mixed races are strong." "Mixture within certain degrees of unlikeness is desirable; beyond that line, disastrous." The investigations of the Immigration Commission under Professor Boas, as just now reported in a prelim inary way, appear to point to an unexpected and very rapid assimilation of physical type among the children of immigrants, quite apart from racial intermixture. Whatever the truth as to national eugenics, in prac tice all other considerations are dwarfed by the economic interests involved. The question is and should be dis cussed in its physical, ethical, humanitarian, social and political aspects, but it is decided, in our present stage of moral development, by bread and butter considera tions, from the point of view of American interests. But economic interests themselves diverge and conflict. So far as the nation desires to increase national produc tion, commercial prosperity, dividends and rentals, so far it favors the inflow of labor to increase the product of our national "plant," — of our land capital, and directing energies. On the other hand, so far as the nation desires to raise the standard of living of the mass of the citizens, to extend democracy within the country on economic and social as well as on political lines, — in a word, to raise wages and increase the influence of the workingman, — so far it is opposed to the admission of new and cheaper competitors in the labor market. Plitherto the first set of interests has prevailed, with one main exception. Where, as in the case of the Chi nese, race prejudice has reinforced the economic interests of the employe, those interests have prevailed and the aliens have been excluded. Otherwise the employer's policy has prevailed, subject to certain modifications, — to provisos as to personal character, health, etc., which THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 405 are qualitatively valuable but negligible in a quantitative consideration. The same is true of the law against im porting labor under contract, which modifies in the in terests of the employes the terms under which immigrants may enter the country, but which is easily substantially evaded, does not necessarily cut down the number of arrivals, and is in several respects a two-edged weapon. In this counterpoise of conflicting class interests it is conceivable that the views of those who try to consider the interests of no one class, of no one nation, might turn the balance, or at least make themselves felt to some effect. But the idealists differ among themselves. Some see in the American republic the trustee for Conflicting humanity of an experiment in democracy, the greatest [ears and in scale, the most favored in conditions, of which there is any hope. They believe the Anglo-Saxon to have peculiar ability and tact in self-government, and they see in the dilution of this stock by others, and in every new complication of the problem by extraneous difficul ties, a threat of a world-tragedy — the shipwreck of the American enterprise in democracy. On the other hand, with still wider horizon and still more daring faith stand those who see in this enormous migration a new advance in the slow process of the growth of humanity. They see the newcomers drawn from layers of population where pressure is greatest and progress least possible, into situations where for the first time they meet opportunity; where they not only " have their chance," but where they, and still more their children, do actually gain, not in comfort only, but in freedom, thoughtfulness and self-respect; where with all that they lose, they on the whole profit as men. They see this new freedom, these new demands on life, together with the skill and enterprise to make their realization possible, this new spirit of hope and progress, reacting in turn on the old countries, helping them to reach higher levels. At the same time they hope that the newcomers in America will bring fresh, vigorous blood 406 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES to a rather sterile and inbred stock, and that they will add valuable varieties of inheritance to a rather puritan ical, one-sided culture rich in middle class commonplace, but poor in the power of creating beauty except in the one great field of literature.* Before such a vast world movement as the modern wage migrations it is impossible not to feel awestruck, not to realize how little it is possible for contemporaries to gauge the results and to compute advantages. In the face of this doubt, the burden of proof seems to be on those who would interfere, who would turn back to their crowded homelands the hordes who are moving in the direction of promised advantage to themselves, drawn by the demand of those who desire their services. The cost of It is easy to talk lightly of more or less arbitrary exclu- exclusion sjon rujeS) 0f illiteracy tests, and so forth, until one real izes the sort of social surgery that they involve. It is not possible to lower the portcullis without cutting into living flesh. 'A large proportion of those excluded will necessarily be people bound by the tenderest ties to those already in this country. The individual cases as they occur make this only too real to the spectator in an immigration inquiry court room. The most reasonable rules of exclusion work personal havoc. I have seen a mother fainting before the judges who excluded (as they were bound by law to do) her little feeble-minded boy. The father and elder children were irrevocably planted in America. A return to pogrom-smitten Russia with one child out of her brood would have been bad enough, but she was, as a matter of fact, too far advanced in pregnancy to be able to make the journey. The helpless, weak-minded child had to return without her, to heaven knows what fate, one of the older children being sent back with it. Such cases are inevitable under any hard and fast rule, and one must face them as one * Mr. Joseph Lee contributed an interesting discussion of this chapter in its original form to Charities and the Commons, XIX, pages 1453-5, Jan. 25, 1908, under the title, "Assimilation and Nationality. ' ' A Christmas Manger in \ Croatian Church in Pennsylvania A Croatian Wedding Party in Allegheny, Pennsylvania THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 407 faces the cruel by-results of any well-meant legislation; but it should at least be realized that every exclusion provision multiplies such cases. There is no point at which the stream of immigration can be severed without the most tragic results to individual families. Certain measures can, however, be urged with a united front by persons of the most diverse opinions. Among these measures are, first, the abolition of the steerage and the requirement of the equivalent of the present second- cabin accommodations for all passengers; and secondly, the presence of a United States official and above all of a matron on every vessel bringing any considerable number of immigrants. These requirements, in making immigration more expensive, would restrict it in a natural way and without increasing the number of debarments and deportations. But whatever the future dimensions of the stream of Fusion immigration, it has already irrevocably planted here a great collection of representatives of different peoples. Obviously, if the old unity is to be maintained or regained it must be in one of two ways. Either there must be actual fusion through mingling of blood in intermarriage and the creation of one new common stock, with the unity that this implies, or short of this it must be a spiritual fusion alone — assimilation — the growth into similarity in speech, ways and thoughts. As to the question of racial fusion, we are, as already said, as yet hopelessly ignorant. The biologists are not even ready to go beyond the very vague rule that too wide differences and too little variety are both probably bad. As regards the Slav in particular, there is not very Slavic amal- much to be said in regard to racial amalgamation. It gamatlon might be hoped that the elaborate census tables, ex cerpts from which may be found in Appendix XXV, page 475, as to intermarriage would give information, but little of interest can be derived from them, and one is forced back upon generalities and personal impressions. In the first place, then, there is no physical barrier 408 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES to intermarriage between Slavs and Americans, nor even • so much physical unlikeness as in the case of Italians and Jews, with their more southern characteristics. A Slav of the second or third generation in America would be likely to look, for better for worse, much like "anybody else." I should judge that on the basis of bodily appear ance the much mixed Slavic peoples were at least as similar to the much mixed American stock as, say, the French or the Scandinavians. The barrier is social and psychical, not physical. This barrier is probably overcome most easily in the highest and lowest social classes; on the one hand, in the circles of society where people belong to a more or less cosmopolitan monde, on the other, at the bottom, where attractions of sex and personal convenience are not com plicated by much regard for estranging abstract ideas. The social Elsewhere intermarriage is likely to be deferred till barrier ^e sense of national difference in the individual case has almost reached the vanishing point. The newcomer is likely to overcome his stand-offishness sooner than the old resident. Partly on this account, but more because of the scarcity of foreign women, cases of mixed marriages ' in which the man, the active party in bringing about a marriage, is foreign while the wife is native born, are, as the census figures indicate, over twice as many as cases of a foreign wife with a native husband. It is also interesting to notice that it is nearly five times as common for a foreigner and a native to marry, as for foreigners from two different countries to intermarry. Native, how ever, may mean of the same nationality as the other partner, only of the first generation in America.* * The figures that we have to go by are those of the last census in regard to the parentage of white persons born in this country, and their meaning is subject to many qualifications. It must not be forgotten, for instance, that what appear to be mixed foreign marriages may involve no more mingling than a marriage be tween Russian and Polish Jews, or Austrian and Bavarian Ger mans. On the other hand, the 9,000,000 persons born of un mixed foreign marriages doubtless represent largely marriages contracted before coming to America. See Appendix XXV. dice THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 409 ' I am led to believe that native does mean this in many cases of intermarriage between the native and the foreign born by seeing how persistent and powerful the sense of difference remains, even after all contrasts in speech and way of life have passed away. For example, I recall how a Bohemian-American acquaint ance, an enthusiastic lover of his own people, told me with not unnatural indignation of the offensive attitude of the family of an American girl who was marrying a young Bohemian lawyer, her superior in means, social standing and cultivation. This deep-seated antipathy or contempt for the un- Race preju- like — less than kin being regarded as naturally " less than kind" — is especially to be regretted in a country like ours. The incoming groups bring it with them, and they find it here — and not only among the ignorant. The story comes to me of the wife of a Harvard professor who was relating what a pleasant call she had had from a visiting professor from Paris. " He was very agreeable, but then, after all, he was only a Frenchy," she concluded. Especially is there always a tendency to undervalue any nationality which is known in real life only by representatives of its lower social strata. A rather imposing New York lady whom I met returning from Europe told me that she had been much surprised to find Italy such a civilized country. I must have shown my wonder, for she excused herself by saying that of course she knew better, but she always thought of it as a country of fruit peddlers and dirty, ignorant laborers. To many a New England child the appreciation of the fact that there are Irish people of social prestige comes rather late and with some sense of surprise. So the Germans, the Greeks, the Jews, the Swedes, the Chinese, suffer in the estimation of the half-educated and snobbish wherever they are represented by the poor immigrant class. It is a shock when we meet, not with humiliated acquiescence in our supercilious judgments, but with a corresponding contempt for ourselves; when we learn, 4IO SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Segrega tion Assimila tion inevita ble for instance, that we are physically unpleasant to the Japanese owing to a personal odor which they associate with our meat eating. It is indeed hard for the idea that others do not admire us to penetrate our American minds, but when it does enter it lets in light. The reciprocal feeling of repulsion shows itself espe cially in the tendency of different nationalities to draw apart. The phenomenon is familiar enough in the tenement districts, but the same thing occurs, for instance, in a Texas country town where I found that the Germans and Bohemians, who were the main inhabitants, seemed to mix as little as oil and water. Each of these two nationalities had its own separate public school; in the one, named Germania, both English and German were taught; in the Bohemian school English only, Bohemian not being permitted by the authorities (county or state, I do not know which) . The Americans who used to live in the place had, most of them, moved away. There seemed to be no friction, only a desire not to mingle. One constantly runs across this fact, that the old settlers tend to withdraw as soon as they begin to be irked by a foreign atmosphere. Fusion, then, we can expect only as we outgrow these antipathies and invidious comparisons. Aside from these there is nothing to keep white peoples apart, and it is hard to resist the conclusion that after a lapse of time which no one can forecast, a fused and welded people will be the outcome, and that we are beholding the gradual creation of a new race of mankind. To turn to the previous question, assimilation as dis tinct from fusion, it is clear that the difficulty often lies in the fact that the process is regarded as a one-sided one, as mere absorption or, indeed, as a form of conquest and extirpation. "We two shall be one and I will be the one." As a matter of fact, men grow alike in intercourse as inevitably as two communicating bodies of water reach the same level. But the level reached is a new one, not that of either before the interchange began. THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 41 1 Men mentally copy one another, and Tarde has made The laws of the laws of imitation the subject of brilliant sociological lmltatkm generalizations.* He shows how the choice between the customs in which men differ is sometimes selective — a conscious or unconscious acceptance of the better adapted of the different copies. More often, perhaps, the choice is determined, not by intrinsic superiority, but by some general rule of preference. In a state of society where custom reigns, the preference is for the old and estab lished, as such; where fashion and progress are the ruling ideas, what is novel is preferred for that reason. Again, that which has prestige of any sort is regularly preferred ; the rural mode copies the urban; the boy, the man; the socially inferior, the socially superior; backward nations, the leading nation of the day ; the minority, the majority, and so on. In America each immigrant group exerts a certain American influence on the community into which it comes, and mfluen^e some newly imported customs take root, either because ant they are attractive or useful in themselves, or because the newcomers are so represented as to have local prestige; but the laws of imitation work out on the whole to effect a much greater change in the immigrants than in the old settled American community. In the first place, the convenience of unity makes for Americanization. The different immigrant groups neu tralize one another's influence. In the steerage of an eastward bound liner one finds perhaps Roumanians, Croatians, Jews, Germans, Italians, using English as their lingua franca, — men, some of them from the same village at home, yet unable to speak with one another until now. It is E pluribus unum in a new sense. Again, in America the way to success on a large scale, (whether political or financial or social or literary success), the only way to a national influence or position, is the way out of the Ghetto, Little Italy or "Bohemian * Cf. his " Laws of Imitation," translated from the French by Mrs. Parsons. Holt, 1903. 412 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES Altering family names Town." Thus American ways have practical value, whether good or bad in themselves. Further, the prestige of numbers is on the side of the American example, and the more so the more scattered the newcomers are. In a close colony the influence is the other way for those inside, yet even so, the attraction of the American mass makes itself felt. As in a teacup one sees the little bubbles drawn to the larger ones and merging instantly when once in contact, so the larger life tends to absorb the smaller group. Indeed, the prestige of America, and the almost hypnotic influence of this prestige on the poorer class of immigrants, is often both pathetic and absurd. They cannot throw away fast enough good things and ways that they have brought with them, to replace them by sometimes inferior American substitutes. Especially deplorable is the way in which men alter or discard their family names. The mine boss or petty offi cial hastens or inaugurates the process by refusing to be bothered with what he calls ' ' outlandish ' ' names which he cannot spell. One Lithuanian family explain care fully their real name and add, "We are called Bruno just because father was put down in the boss's book under the name of an Italian who had gone away." In the Pennsylvania mining towns one finds Slavs who call themselves by such names as John Smith or Tim O'Sul- livan or Pat Murphy, in the effort to make Americans of themselves. It is a great pity. The descendants of these men have a right to their paternity, and to the clue to family history given by a family name. Thus under the joint influence of convenience, ambi tion and the natural human desire to be like other people, and especially to be like those who occupy the high seats in the synagogue, the unifying change goes on. The early Polish immigrants, patriots and men of education, melted into the common life so completely that later comers could find no point of attachment with them. The recent Slavic immigrants, Poles and others, have /I j * Fii 11:1 I II £t**~M SPwtHofflE? 9 Hi ^ - . ';¦''.- j Polish Citizens of Massachusetts 1 and 3. Church goers in Northampton, drawn from Polish settlements in Hadley and else where. 2. In Old Hadley. 4. A Polish home in Sunderland THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 413 come in much larger numbers; they have formed con siderable colonies, and their hearts are set, with a strength of desire which we can hardly conceive, on having their children speak their own language as their proper tongue. The consequence is some degree of success in this aim, but it means, I am convinced, only a retardation of the process. In Cleveland a Bohemian -American teacher who took The unas- the school census found one or two young people in their simi a e early "teens," born in this country, yet unable to under stand English. This was considered, however, very un usual. I was told of a Hungarian who went to live in Prague, but there in the capital of Bohemia he never learned the language, as he found he could get on with German which he knew. Later he moved to Chicago and lived in the Bohemian quarter, where he found it indispensable to learn Bohemian, and did so, with toil and pains. I have heard of graduates of Polish schools in Chicago and Baltimore who do not understand Eng lish. I have been in a Polish "sisters'" school where the children were singing Polish songs. ' ' We are little exiles ; Far from our dear home We weep night and day," or something like that, the little round-cheeked boys just in from play on a Chicago sidewalk were chanting. A thousand more items to show the separateness of The second the foreign life in our midst might be piled together, and f^£™n in the end they would all be as nothing against the irresistible influence through which it comes about that the immigrants find themselves the parents of American children. They are surprised, they are proud, they are scandalized, they are stricken to the heart with regret, — whatever their emotions they are powerless. The change occurs in different ways among the educated and the uneducated, but it occurs in either case. The prestige of America and the hatred of children for 414 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES being different from their playmates is something the parents cannot stand against. The result is often grotesque. A graduate at one of our women's colleges, the daughter of cultivated Germans, told a friend: "My father made me learn German and always was wanting me to read it. I hated to have anything to do with it. It seemed to me something inferior. People in the West call a thing ' Dutch ' as a term of scorn. It was not till I was in college that I realized what German literature and philosophy have meant in the world, and that to be a German is not a thing to be ashamed of." Less educated parents, or those using a language less impor tant than German, have a still more difficult task to hold the next generation. "I ain't no Hun, I'm an American," expresses their reaction on the situation. In a Nebraska county town, in a district largely settled by Bohemians, one father of a family told me his experience. The older children, he said, spoke Bohemian excellently, they used to take part in private theatricals in the Bohemian opera house in the town and did well; but the younger children he simply could not induce to take to it. They knew so little that if he sent them with a message in Bohemian they were likely to make mistakes. This, I think, is typical. In remote country settle ments, or in city colonies of a marked national character, there are plenty of exceptions, but I am confident that the rule is as stated by the Nebraska Bohemian. I have found instances of individual Americans learning Pohsh, Bohemian or other languages as a matter of convenience, business or pleasure, or as children among playmates, but I have never heard of a community where the process worked in general away from English, not toward it. Should they With the acquisition of English the children are apt ifslTnnhJf" to *ose their parents' language. Against this the parents strive. It is very common, for instance, for the parents to endeavor to have the children speak only the old language until they go to school, knowing that this is lish only? THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 415 their one opportunity to acquire it, and foreseeing that after the children have entered school, they will speak English not only outside of the home but within it, too, so that it will be impossible to keep English from becoming also the family language. Henceforth the parents must talk with their own children in a foreign medium in which they are consciously at a disadvantage. Is it strange if the parents desire to avoid these diffi culties? What should be the American's attitude toward this question? I personally have no doubt that the right thing to do is to wish the parents Godspeed in their endeavor to have their children learn their language. One of the great evils among the children of foreigners, as every one who knows them realizes, is the disastrous gulf between the older and the younger generation. Disci pline, in this new freedom which both parents and chil dren misunderstand, is almost impossible; besides which, the children, who have to act as interpreters for their parents and do business for them, are thrown into a position of unnatural importance, and feel only contempt for old-world ways, a feeling enhanced by the too common American attitude. One hears stories of Italian children refusing to reply to their mother if spoken to in Italian.* In addition to these considerations, and to the suffi ciently obvious fact that to possess two languages in stead of one is in itself an intellectual advantage, it is to be remembered that the leaders and teachers of the newcomers must be men who can speak both languages, and that it would be a national misfortune if these were solely men of foreign birth, including none of the second, or later, generations in this country. A final and less important consideration is that to know any immigrant language is money in a man's pocket. An unfortunate element of difficulty is a common * Cf. the wise and brief article on "The Struggle in the Family Life," by Miss McDowell of the University of Chicago Settle ment. Charities, XIII, pages 196-7 (Dec. 3, 1904). 416 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES American jealousy of any speech but English. I was amused at the tact with which this feeling was disarmed when some Bohemians once wanted to get permission to use a public schoolroom out of hours for a Bohemian class. " If there should ever be a war," their spokesman said, "our boys would be among the first to volunteer. The Bohemian lad at the front would have to write in English to his mother, and though she could not read his letter she could readily find some one to translate it to her. But the Bohemian letters which he received from her, and which, amid the demoralizing life of the camp have such precious possibilities of influence, would be entirely useless, for he would not be able to read a word of them." The use of the schoolroom was granted. Parochial We cannot be surprised, however much we may regret it, that the duty of maintaining separate schools is urged on their people by clerical and other leaders, on both patriotic and religious grounds. Among the Slavs the Poles have done the most in this field. Both good priests who fear change on account of its threat to all that they hold most sacred, and greedy priests who desire to keep their hold for lower reasons, naturally strain every nerve to encourage parochial schools. Father Kruszka estimates that at the beginning of 1901 there were in the United States about 70,000 pupils in Polish Catholic schools alone. These schools undertake to train the children in religion and in the Polish language and Polish history, as well as in the regular public school branches. English is taught as a subject throughout the classes, and generally some of the other subjects are taught in Eng lish, as, for instance, geography, United States history, and bookkeeping and algebra for those who get so far. It is claimed by those interested, that children leaving these schools for the public schools enter classes above or on a level with those they have left.* I have seen * There are, however, on the other hand critics of the paro chial schools, not only among Americans, but among Poles. In Appendix XXVI, page 477, will be found a clipping on the sub ject from a Polish paper in Milwaukee. THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 417 parochial schools that were subject to criticism from the point of view of modern arrangements for the health and comfort of the pupils, and which were primitive in various ways (the same might be said, alas, of some public schools), but one must admire the devotion of these often very ignorant and poor people, who out of their slender means build and support all these^schools, when free schools are already provided out of the taxes. Outside of the Roman Catholic groups — for instance among the Greek Catholic Ruthenians and the free- < thinking Bohemians — it is very usual to find partitime supplem£n±ajy__schools for religious or patriotic instruc tion, or both. T^LuTwouTdlielmiT^^ one condition — that the strain on the children is not too great. Sunday schools and any reasonable amount of vacation schooling seem quite safe, but it is easy to imagine that such extra work is not always relished by the children, and this is one more element of friction which makes it difficult to modify or delay the Ameri canizing process. While it can be only an advantage to children to learn The claim their parents' language, there can be no question that of Engllsh they should in any case learn English, and learn it well. A child has a right to be furnished with this key to success on precisely the same grounds that he has a right to be given a knowledge of those indispensable arts, reading and writing. And in some cases the state, as guardian of the rights of children, may have to require this, just as it has to require universal primary education. Beyond fulfilling this duty to the children growing up in our midst, there should be no compulsion in this whole matter, no suspicion of coercion or interference, but a confident faith in freedom, a candid recognition of the right of all to be as different as they please, with no reserves and no jealousies. Public libraries should follow the good example of Passaic and other places, and provide books in the languages in which they will be read. The complaints of Poles in a certain district 27 418 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES that they lose their mail because postal employes can speak only English, should be met with a businesslike and cheerful response to their wants. Apart from the prime reason that this is the just and friendly course, any other breeds ill will and discord out of all proportion to the points at issue. We are dealing often with men sore and irritable from European ex periences. A panicky desire to denationalize our immi grants would result in unspeakable disaster, and would have no shadow of excuse. The process of change goes on too fast and too superficially as it is; it needs not forcing, but rather guidance toward what is best in America. Bad Language is not the only, not even the main channel example 0£ inflUence. The example of personal conduct is even more effective. Biologists show us by what natural laws animals take the color of their environment ; for different reasons, but as surely, people do the same. Unfor tunately, from the nature of the case the immigrant generally begins at the bottom. His helplessness makes him sought for as prey by sharpers and grafters; it is all that the immigration officials can do to keep them off as he lands. As soon as he leaves the paternal care of Ellis Island they attack in force. Boarding-house runners, shady employment agents, sellers of shoddy wares, extortionate hack drivers and expressmen beset his way. One hears all sorts of stories of abuses from both Americans and Slavs — of bosses who take bribes to give employment or to assign good chambers in the mine, of ill usage at the hands of those who should be officers of justice, of arrests for the sake of fees,* of * For an illustrative anecdote see page 367. Some account of abuses from which immigrants have suffered in judicial pro ceedings, at the hands of "shyster" lawyers, interpreters and others will be found in the Report of the Commission on Immi gration of the State of New York, 1909, especially pages 54-61. See also Blaxter, H. V.: "The Aldermen and Their Courts." Charities and the Commons, XXI, pages 851-858 (Feb. 6, 1909), and Koukol: "The Slav's a Man for A' That," ibid., pages 589-S98- THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 419 unjust fines, of excessive costs paid rather than incur a greater expense. The litigiousness of the Slavs is exploited by "shyster" lawyers till the immigrants learn wisdom by experience. The suffering and loss are less serious— bad as they are — than the evil lesson. In school the boy who has been cruelly hazed is apt to be cruel to the next crop of victims, and in the same way fraud and harshness tend to reproduce themselves in the larger world. But it is not only direct ill-treatment that is a peril ; the economic pressure and low standards of our lowest industrial strata are in themselves disastrous. "My people do not live in America, they live underneath America. America goes on over their heads. America does not begin till a man is a workingman, till he is earning two dollars a day. A laborer cannot afford to be an American." These words, which were said to me by one of the wisest Slav leaders that I have ever met, have rung in my mind during all the five years since he spoke them.* Be ginning at the bottom, "living not in America but under neath America," means living among the worst surround ings that the country has to show, worse, often, than the public would tolerate, except that "only foreigners" are affected. Yet to foreigners they are doubly injurious because, coming as they often do, with low home stand ards but susceptible, eager, and apt to take what they find as the American idea of what ought to be, they are likely to accept and adopt as "all right" whatever they tumble into. I have been in places in Pennsylvania where all one can say is that civilization had broken down.f Being * Father Paul Tymkevich, a Ruthenian Greek-Catholic priest of Yonkers. Had he been spared, he could have helped his countrymen and us. See "A Shepherd of Immigrants," for some account of his work. Charities, XIII, pages 193-4 (Dec, 1909). f Some of these conditions have since been studied and made public in the Pittsburgh Survey. The worst conditions seemed to be in Allegheny and in outside boroughs. 420 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES The intoxi cation of makingmoney in a city, people could not help themselves individually, as they might have done in the country, and the family with the most decent ideas was dragged down by the general degradation of the environment. From the dance hall at one end of the street, to the white door-bells, all up and down its length, which openly denoted kitchen bar-rooms, everything smelled of lawlessness. The water was known to be infected with typhoid, and had to be boiled to be safe — a considerable expense and trouble, and an excellent reason for drinking other things. In the spring the refuse of the winter stood in heaps before the doors. The deep clay mud made some streets abso lutely impracticable in wet weather. The neighbors mended them by pouring on ashes and miscellaneous dumpage. Assaults, in some cases ending in death, took place night after night, and although the identity of the offender was supposed to be known, or rather because of that fact, no one dared move in the matter. The mayor stood for "running the town wide open," and was said to have investments not only in saloons but in immoral resorts. This is a composite picture. I saw or heard of each thing on the spot, but not all were in the same place. Now consider that it is into surroundings like these that we put our new employes ; that this is the example that we set before our new fellow citizens. Under such circumstances the Americanization over which we are so complacent is by no means all gain. The change is often, also, a change for the worse among those who do not have to begin at the bottom. The intoxication of the change from homes where there is no money to be made and no chance for any sort of advancement, to the boundless financial opportunities (or what appear such) of America, often results in a moral degeneration. Too often the educated immigrant has been imbued by what he has read before coming here with the idea that America is "the land of the almighty dollar," and arrives neither expecting nor desiring any- A Croatian Picnic on Lake Superior THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 421 thing else of the country than the opportunity to get as rich as possible. It is a tragi-comedy to see at once the native American upbraiding the newcomer with having come here' solely to make money (while he himself, very likely, is living in a town which he has chosen purely for the same reason, and which he makes no effort to serve), and the newcomer, making no move to get into touch with American strivings towards ideals, proclaim ing to every one that America is a country where no one cares for anything but material success. Is it strange that a Croatian physician wrote to me Two views from Pittsburgh as follows? of America's "The great question appears to be how soon immi grants can be assimilated, to what degree, and if they are going to be good citizens. It has been found that everybody who gets Americanized becomes a good citi zen, i. e., a shrewd business man who knows his value at the polls, who knows how to outwit the intricacies of the law, and how to be ashamed of his origin, his name and his religion. ... So far, good citizenship is associated with the ideal of a policeman, alderman, political boss, financier, and so forth, all of whom we can reach and see as good American citizens with rather dubious moral qualities, while educated and fine feeling people are out of reach; the immigrant knows nothing of their existence. There is no need to fear that, so long as the flesh pots are full in America, assimilation and the making of 'good citizens' will meet any obstacle; individuals, families, nations will readily submit to every thing American if it only means their material advantage, while they don't expect in this country any moral profit, as there is none to get — for them. I think that it would be a good thing if some one would show to the Americans their real moral standing in the world. Unquestionably, with their freedom and their natural resources there should be much more feeling for righteousness, for tolerance and for art in this country. Had the Ameri cans not the right men in Washington, they would de- 422 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES velop in a few years into the most zealous worshippers of the Golden Calf and of nothing else. All this is, of course, merely my opinion, but it is based upon actual observa tion of the people during seven years. I believe in American, that is in human, ideas, and will hope that the minority will be able to win over the majority and make the people what they ought to be: first of all, honest." This letter is the more impressive because the writer is in the habit of pointing out to his countrymen at home the advantages which emigration, which is very unpopu lar in Croatia, may bring to the country, and what America has to teach. Like Professor Muensterberg, he is heroic enough to tell unpalatable truths to both sides. May they be like Mrs. Browning's anti-slavery message — "very salt and bitter and good." After these disillusioned words from one Slav who has known America in person, it is with a sense almost of heartbreak that one reads the Ode to Columbia which the Slovak poet Hurban Vajansky wrote in prison in Segedin.* He begins by describing the situation in Hungary of those struggling to preserve their nation ality : The old men die beholding only ruin, Their eyes behold no hope, no truth in life, The young men fall away, at once or slowly, Even the strong give up the ceaseless strife; Only a handful still keep up the fight, Only a few lights burn amid the night. Suddenly rises proudly from the ocean A giant woman with majestic face; Shining the drapery of her snowy garments, Her eyes like flames upon the altar place; Her god-like breast like marble fair to see. "You poor forsaken children, come to me." * For his personal history, political position and literary standing, see Capek's "The Slovaks of Hungary" and Seton- Watson's "Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary." THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 423 "O come; I know you bring but humble packets That from your fatherland no gems you bring, That murderous wrath has chased you from your dwellings, From the ancestral soil to which you cling; No gifts I offer, but this one reward — Time for free work, for human rights regard." And they, disgraced here in their native country, Lift up proud heads since o'er the seas they came, And there he speaks aloud who here was silent, And glories there in what he here thought shame. Columbia to him self-knowledge gives, Surprised he finds that only now he lives. Hail to our brothers whom their stepdame cruel Drove from their simple huts, their native sod. Columbia, thou hast smitten off their fetters, Lifting them up to manhood, heaven and God. O land of Christopher, may Christ repay What for my brothers poor thou dost today. O sons of mine, O sisters, O my people, I from my distant prison speak to you. 0 holy, holy heights of Tatra's mountains, Our fathers' fields, naught is on earth like you. This sinful, wretched world does not command Aught lovelier, brothers, than the Slovak land. So in the rigid torment of my prison, Weeping, I call to you my countrymen. Oh, be you faithful to our speech, our music, And if it may be, come, come home again. If not, yet still in heart with us remain. I cease, the jailer shakes the clanking chain.* Another view of what America is to the Slav is that of Father Tymkevich, whom I have already quoted. * A version of the whole poem, by Miss Alice Stone Blackwell, appeared in the Springfield Republican, Jan. 14, 1908; from this I have borrowed freely, while not adopting it as it stands, as I wished to preserve the metre of the original. Both versions are based on an English prose translation kindly made for me by Miss Ethel J. Cablk of New York. It is interesting to compare with this the Ruthenian ode to Canada, quoted in part in Appendix XI, pages 449-450. 424 SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS IN THE UNITED STATES The isola tion of the immigrant America's duty Economically he thought they gain by coming here, "physically and morally, no. In the city they need more morality." Then again, with deep wisdom, "They have no habits. The first step in civilization is to acquire habits, and where can they acquire them? On the streets? In the saloon? "What my people need most is leaders, — leaders to form themselves upon, to give them a standard of am bition. Other people have leaders of their own, strong and influential men among the immigrant body, and Americans who know something about them and are ready to take an interest in them." And again, almost like a cry, the phrase I have pre viously quoted, "My people are perishing for lack of vision." "The Slavs are orphans in this country," he said. And it is in a sense true. It is not chiefly that they have no government of their own, concerned for them g.s Italy is concerned for the Italians; it is far more that [coming to America they are cut off from the life of their old country, without getting into contact with the true life of their new home, from which they are shut off by language, by mutual prejudice, by divergent ideas. To them, both parents are dead, the fatherland that begot them and the foster-mother that supports without cherishing them. In some ways this isolation is harder for the educated than for the laborer. A man like Father Tymkevich himself is in a position of almost intolerable loneliness. Intelligent, sensitive, separated from his own people by all that separates a scholar from peasants, he was a complete stranger in a community unused to look for friends and associates among foreigners. What then ought we to be doing for these strangers in our midst? If we ought not to try to "Americanize" them, have we no obligations toward them at all? It is obviously our plain, duty to give the immigrant (and every one else) fair treatment and honest govern- THE QUESTION OF ASSIMILATION 425 ment, and to maintain conditions making wholesome, decent living possible. This is the minimum required at our hands, not by the Golden Rule — that asks much more — but by the most elementary ethic of civilization. Yet as a matter of fact, this simple, fundamental thing we cannot do. It is not in our power. We can and must do what in the end will be a better thing. We must get our new neighbors to work with us for these things. If their isolation is not to continue, America must come to mean to them, not a rival nation ality eager to make them forget their past, and offering them material bribes to induce them to abandon their ideals. We must learn to connect our ideals and theirs, we must learn, as Miss Addams has demonstrated, to work together with them for justice, for humane con ditions of living, for beauty and for true, not merely formal, liberty. Clubs and classes, libraries and evening schools, settle ments and, above all, movements in which different classes of citizens join to bring about specific improve ments in government or in living conditions, are of in finite value as they conduce to this higher unity, in which we may preserve every difference to which men cling with affection, without feeling ourselves any the less fellow citizens and comrades. APPENDIX APPENDIX STATISTICAL, BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND OTHER NOTES POPULATION OF AUSTRIA-HUNGARY BY LANGUAGE I. Population op Austria by Language. 1900. The facts are expressed in percentages. Where a language is spoken by less than one per cent it is omitted. a. Non-Slavic Languages Province Lower Austria Upper Austria Salzburg Styria Carinthia Carniola Trieste and district Goricia-Gradisca . Istria Tyrol Vorarlberg Bohemia Moravia Silesia Galicia Bukowina Dalmatia All Austria German 95 99 99 68 74 5S i 2 55 94 3727 44 2 22 35-8 Italian- Ladinish 7736 4044 5 Roumanian 31 Magyar i-3 •°3 429 43° APPENDIX 6. Slavic Languages Province Bohemian, Moravian, Slovak Polish Ruthe nian Slove nian Servo- Croa tian Lower Austria Upper Austria 4 62 7122 ¦7 -7 •4 .0 3354 3 .2.8 •7 4241 .2 . i. 3125 94 16 62 14 . 1 .1.2 •3 .4 .2 42 96 Trieste and district. . Goricia-Gradisca .... fi Tyrol Vorarlberg Bohemia Moravia Galicia Bukowina 7 All Austria 23 16 .6 J3 4 ¦7 s For all Other 9. Austria: German 35.8, Slavic 60.4, Italian 2.8, Austrian Census of 1900. Die Summarischen Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung, page xxxix. II. Civil Population of Hungary by Language. 1900. Language Kingdom of Hungary, Inclusive of Croatia- Slavonia Hungary Proper, Ex clusive of Croatia- Slavonia ^ Number Per Cent Number Per Cent Magyar 8,679,014 2,785,2652,114,423^,008,744 1,670,9051,042,022 427,825 394,142 45-4 14.6 n. 0 10.5 8.7 5-5 2.2 2.1 8,588,834 2,784,726 1,980,4231,991,402 188,552 434,641423, J59 329,837 51-4 16.711. 8 11. 9 1.1 2.62-52.0 Roumanian German Slovak Croatian Servian Ruthenian.- Other 19,122,340 100. 0 16,721,574 100. 0 Hungarian statistical year book, Vol. XIV, page 20. APPENDIX 431 The racial complexity is greater than is indicated by the sta tistics of language, since we must add Jews and Gipsies. Of the former there were 826,222 registered as "Israelites" in Hun gary proper in 1900 besides an unknown number of Christianized Jews. Gipsies according to a special count in 1903 numbered 274,940 of whom 104,000 counted themselves as Magyars. If these and the Jews be deducted from the Magyar population, this would lose over a million of its eight or nine million total. It must be remembered, too, that Hungarian statistics are the subject of much criticism by the minor races of Hungary as understating their numbers. Cf. Capek: "The Slovaks of Hun gary," page 145. For further comment on the validity of these statistics see above, p. 12. II A PEASANT MILLIONAIRE The following picturesque account of a, Hungarian peasant appeared in the New York Tribune: Johann Bagi, the peasant millionaire of Hungary, never dropped the old patriarchal custom of presiding at table, around which the men and women and boys of his great farm sat, ranged according to the rank held by each: the overseers nearest the youngest members of the master's own family, the head servants, male and female, next, opposite to one another. Then came the keepers of the linen, the fodder, the granaries, followed by the chief coachman and the rest — ploughmen, horsemen, cattle keepers, cheese and butter women, milkers, men of all work, and maids and boys. Though Johann Bagi and his family and visitors ate off silver as heavy as that used in the Hofburg, he never wore a coat indoors, nor outside, weather permitting. Once, in the good old absolutistic days, he was found some three hours from home, tramping his fields, when a gendarme rode up and asked for his passport. "Need none, as I am on my own ground." "Where do you live?" "If you ride sharply, you may reach the house in two hours and a half." "And you insist that this is your property?" "Yes, all around is mine, as far as your eyes travel." Of course the gendarme thought Johann an impostor, and conducted him to the town lock-up. He was put in a dirty 432 APPENDIX cell, and immediately asked for a bucket of water to clean up. While thus engaged, the governor of the province came to in spect the jail, and discovered the man, with whom only recently he had dined at the emperor's table. Soon after the revolution had abolished feudal landlordism in Hungary, Johann's former master, Count George Karolyi, got into trouble, and the family sent for a Vienna lawyer of high repute to straighten out matters. "I came to see if I could not be of some service to the high born gentleman," said Johann, introducing himself to the new administrator. "My good man," replied the lawyer, regarding the mil lionaire peasant's unpretentious dress, "no use troubling thee. We want a capitalist with about 200,000 florins in cash." "Sorry," said Bagi, "that I did not know the exact figure. I brought what I had in the local bank — 180,000 florins — but the rest can be had from Budapest in about three days. Will that do, your honor?" Ill AUSTRIAN TAXES* The average taxation in Austria in 1899 was 38 crowns per capita. The chief taxes and their sources in 1903 were as follows : Direct Taxes In Million Crowns Land 53.6 House tax 89.9 Tax on industries 87.7 Personal income tax 55.1 Dividend tax 8.6 Salary tax 2.2 Indirect Taxes In Million Crowns From alcohol 86.0 beer 76.0 sugar 100.9 mineral oil (kerosene, etc.) 18.8 meat 16.3 salt monopoly 46.3 tobacco monopoly 225.2 stamps and fees 154.7 railway tickets 16.8 * Twardowski, Dr. J. : " Statistische Daten uber Oesterreich." Vienna, 1902. "Finances and General Economic Conditions of Austria- Hungary for the years 1900-1904." (British) Foreign Office, April, 1905. APPENDIX 433 IV SLAVIC IMMIGRANTS NOT COMING TO JOIN RELATIVES OR FRIENDS Based on data in Annual Report of Commissioner of Im migration for year ended June 30, 1908, page 15. Nationality Total Admitted Not Coming to Join Rela tive or Friend Bohemians and Moravi ans Croatians and Sloveni- Number10,164 20,472 3,747 68,105 12,361 16,170 Number 202 1006 352 IOIO 389256 Per Cent 1.9 4-99-3 1.4 3-1 i-5 Dalmatians, Bosnians and Herzegovinians . . Poles Ruthenians Slovaks Together 131,019 32I5 2.4 Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins Russians 18,24617,111 2410 1169 13.2 6.8 35,357 3579 V STATISTICAL SOURCES OF INFORMATION AS TO EMIGRATION FROM AUSTRIA- HUNGARY There are several sources for data of a statistical sort in regard to Slavic emigration from Austria-Hungary, but even taken all together they are far from giving complete informa tion. The American immigration and census figures are considered elsewhere ; the European sources seem to be as follows : 28 434 APPENDIX I. "EMIGRATIONS-TABELLEN" Under the old r6gime the right to emigrate at will was not admitted. By legislation of 1820 and 1823 the political authori ties were required to keep so-called Emigrations Tabellen, or registers of all persons who "betook themselves to a foreign state with the intention not to return" whether they went with or without official permission. It was not, however, till 1850 that these tables were regularly published (and then apparently only those for Austria). These figures may be found partly in Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete der Statistik, partly in the successive numbers of the Statistische Monatschrift. They are also quoted at some length in Professor Buzek's "Das Auswanderungs- problem" and a few data are given above, page 72. In 1867 freedom of emigration was granted and from this time these official figures became increasingly unreliable, until in 1884 they were given up as too remote from the truth to be useful. The figures show province of origin, sex and age, but not destination. For the period 1850 to 1868 inclusive, i. e., the time during which the data are comparatively valid, they are as follows: Emigrations Tabellen, 1850-1868 Province Lower Austria Upper Austria Salzburg Styria Carinthia Carniola. Istria, Gradisca-Goricia, Trieste and District. . . . Tyrol and Vorarlberg Bohemia Moravia Silesia Galicia and Bukowina. . . . Dalmatia Total. Male 757 1,214 218 148 57 i35 660 1,865 22,351 1,365 745 943 92 3o,55o 583 1,027 222 100 33 87 469962 21,294 1,243 609513 34 27,176 Total J-,340 2,241 440 248 90 222 1,129 2,827 43.645 2,608 1,354 i,456 126 57,726 Age By Age — All Austria 7-17 17-40 40-5050 + Number -7 years 11,723 .12,683•23,798 6,8592,663 Total 57,726 APPENDIX 435 Although the law requiring the registration of emigrants referred to the monarchy, and therefore included Hungary, the Hungarian data are not available so far as known to me. II. FIGURES FROM THE AUTHORITIES AT THE PORTS OF EMBARKATION As a second source of information we have the figures of the authorities at the various ports which serve as gateways for the floods of emigrants. Until comparatively recently this meant for Austro-Hungarian emigration mainly Hamburg and Bremen. Many, however, who started from these German ports went to England and made the journey to America thence. In later years Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Antwerp, Havre and Marseilles, and quite recently Genoa, Naples, Fiume and Trieste, have all become important points of departure. Since the Austrian government felt the need of the informa tion which the old Emigrations Tabellen had at least essayed to provide, the Ministry of the Interior in 1S89 requested the various ports to furnish more complete data and itself collated these figures for its own use. They appear in the Oester reichische Siaiistische Handbuch. The International Statis tical Institute in 1891 also passed a resolution looking toward completer and more uniform reports. Different countries, however, still differ in the fullness of the records which they keep of emigrants leaving their ports. In Germany the embarka tion figures are published in the yearly Berichten des Deutschen Reichscommissdrs fur das Auswanderungswesen and similarly in various other countries. England only distinguishes emi grants as English and foreign (which is of the less ' importance here as Austrian emigrants going via England have already been registered at a continental port), but generally emigrants are distinguished by countries, Austria and Hungary being given separately. For a study on racial lines, however, like the present one, such data afford little information, as an "Austrian" or a "Hungarian" may be of any one of many nationalities. The following figures for the years 1902-1907, are taken from the Oesterreichisches Statistisches Handbuch for 1907 (page 46), and are based on the figures furnished by the authorities of the different ports. They give a good idea of the relative importance of different routes, which however differs for emigrants from different provinces, the Fiume route being convenient for Istria, Dalmatia and Croatia, German routes for Bohemia, and so on. The corresponding figures for Hungary are published 'in the Hungarian statistical yearbooks of which I have used the official French yersion, the Annitaire Statistique Hongrois. ) i 436 APPENDIX co ion^o h r-.NO ^J-00 fO r— 0 O ON H IO t-4 M Tj-NO (N On rooO W co 10 l/-j COCO ^t- ^O 10 o On ON IT- ON00 OO ONOO ^O ro h f» O « On 00 CN! IDOO *+ .Oito (M\0>0 ^ . NO lO t^O o oH«!M « ?dT)M Zo 43» APPENDIX III. Figures from German Ports for Emigrants prom Hungary. — By Destinations Destination Average 1896-1900 Average 1901-1905 1906 1907 Great Britain United States British N. A Brazil Argentina Africa 64 22,967 101 14 9 5° 133 73,066 652 24 610 58 25 98,537 227 2 1,660 1 11 111,634 302 3 836 1 Total 23,205 74,543 100,452 112,787 Year Book, 1907, page 65. IV. Total Oversea Emigration from Hungary by Years as Reported from Ports of Embarkation Year Number 1896 24,846 J897 I4.310 1898 22,965 l899 43-394 190° 54,767 i9°i 7r,474 1902 91,762 !9°3 H9,944 I9°4 97.34o J9°5 170,430 i9°6 178,170 i9°7 209,169 Total 1,098,571 Year Book, 1907, page 65. The Hamburg authorities give figures showing the numbers embarking for America direct and via England. In 1882 the figures were respectively 9,257 and 6,757, while in 1901 with 12,493 going direct across the ocean, only 26 were going via England.* III. THE CENSUS Important information can be deduced from the Austrian and Hungarian census returns. By comparing the population at a given date with that of a previous date plus the excess of birthsjover deaths during the intervening period there can be found the loss or gain which is to be attributed to migration — *Thirring: "Die Auswanderung aus Ungarn," page 25. APPENDIX 439 that is, to the excess of emigration over immigration or the reverse. The difficulties in using this information (apart from complications of detail, as for instance the presence of bodies of soldiers) are three. First, if there has been a loss of population no indication is given as to where the missing population has gone. It may be in South America or it may be just over the boundary. Second, only net results are shown, so that any influx of immigrants (as for instance the considerable immigra tion of Italians into Austria) will neutralize and hide a corre sponding number of emigrants. Third, internal migrations may confuse the significance of the net results. For instance, a rural district might show a loss of population and a city district show a gain and yet the city might have been sending emigrants out of the country (though fewer than were coming in to it from elsewhere), while the country might have sent none abroad in spite of its diminished population. While this is not a very likely supposition, the fact that there is no way of controlling such facts is a serious defect in this method as a means of study ing emigration. Some data obtained in this way will be found for Austria on page 48. For Hungary see page 104. The corresponding figures for Croatia-Slavonia are given in Appendix XIII, page 453. It is interesting to notice how the loss of population in Hun gary differs from the numbers of emigrants registered as em barking. See Thirring, "Die Auswanderung aus Ungarn," pages 19 and 11. Embarkations of Decrease of Population Hungarian of Hungary bv Excess Subjects of Emigration over Period Immigration 1881-1890 186,822 -195,209 1891-1900 .285,317 -184,766 Total 472,139 -379,975 In the first decade more are lacking than the transatlantic movement accounts for, i. e., many emigrated elsewhere than to America; in the second period on the contrary, more are counted as embarking than the net loss of population allows for, which must mean that many returned and many embarked more than once. IV. SPECIAL INQUIRIES AS TO EMIGRATION AT THE POINT OF ORIGIN For Austria in general I have found no special data of this sort, except the figures for Carniola (so far as I know unpub lished) which are given in Appendix XII. 44° APPENDIX For Hungary the situation is quite different since here there are two special independent sources of statistics as to emi grants; namely, reports of passes issued, and reports from local authorities as to those known to have emigrated from the place. As the year 1904 marks a change of law which affected these immigration statistics, it will be well to first consider data collected previous to that time. Hungary; Before August, 1904 (1) Statistics of Passes Since up to August, 1904, passes were to be had only from the Ministry of the Interior at considerable expense of time and money, emigrants as a matter of practice very generally took their chances and emigrated without the required papers. One hears of men satisfying the request of German officials for papers with any sort of Magyar documents that they might happen to have, all being alike unintelligible. The data drawn from passes were unreliable both because many thus went without them and also because men who never emigrated often procured passes, expecting to emigrate or on the chance of wanting to do so suddenly. (2) Reports from Local Authorities From 1899 on, the local authorities (the town clerk, or in the cities, the burgomaster) were required to fill out reports for all persons emigrating whether with or without a passport. These were quite full as to the points to be covered but failed to cover nearly all who actually emigrated. For instance in 1903 the figures for passports, incomplete as these were as a measure of emigration, proved to be larger by over a third than the figures for those reported as emigrating with or without passports. Thirring (pages 19-20) gives the following figures showing how far both sets of Hungarian figures fall below those of the ports of embarkation: Year Figures of European Ports of Embarka tion Hungarian Figures Passes to America Oversea emigrants 1899 1900 .... 1901 .... 1902 . . . 43,393 54,767 70,941 91,762 36.431 44,105 55,724 77,249 26,5150l,O9245,19656,346 Hungary Since August, 1904 (1) Statistics of Passes In August, 1904, a change of law went into effect. Instead of passes being issued only by the Ministry of the Interior they APPENDIX 441 were now to be issued in cities by police authorities, elsewhere by a county official, and were made procurable on written applica tion at a cost of only one crown or about twenty cents. I was told that under the new order few went without passes, and that those going via Fiume all procured them, since the officers of the recently established Cunard service from that port absolutely required these papers. (2) Reports from Local Authorities The new legislation requires reports from the local authorities as to (a) those who have gone without passes and (b) those who have returned. It may be practicable to procure this informa tion in small places where everyone's affairs are known, but in a city it is impossible to keep track of everyone in spite of the elaborate Hungarian system of police registry, which obliges weary travelers to report their arrival often before they have had time to wash their hands or even get off their gloves. An emigrant from a city, or one who leaves a village home and returns, as many are said to do, to Budapest, is likely to escape notice and in so far to invalidate the returns. Publication of Hungarian Data Since January, 1905, the official monthly publication of the Central Statistical Commission has been printing all these various data as they come in, and the Hungarian statistical year books also give them in great fullness. The last year book that I have seen contains among others the following data, all relating to 1907: I. Total Emigration for 1907 from Hungary Proper and from Croatia-Slavonia. A. By Sex From From Hungary Proper Croatia-Slavonia Men 119,712 21,265 Women 47,777 4,228 Total 167,489 25,493 Per 1000 of population 9.3 9.8 B. By Language Magyar 57,974 765 German 35>72i 1.890 Slovak 32,439 298 Roumanian 26,481 10 Ruthenian 4,939 J49 Croatian 1,128 15,461 Servian 7,020 6,494 Other 1,787 426 442 APPENDIX C. By Destination America 149,372 22,828 Germany 6,644 710 Roumania 7,74° 50 Other Balkan States 794 660 Other European States 1,767 1,228 Other parts of the world 1,172 17 Hungarian statistical year book, 1907, page 66. These data are also given in full by counties and cities. II. Heads of Families or Persons Emigrating Independently A. By Age Emigrating to America From From Age Hungary Proper Croatia-Slavonia Under 20 29,300 6,021 20-29 47,868 7,300 3°-39 32,016 5,039 40-49 15,285 2,708 Over 50 1,928 390 126,397 21,458 B. By Occupation From Hungary Proper From Croatia- Slavonia Emigrants to America Slovak Emigrants! (to_all Destinations) Emigrants to America Agriculture Farmers* .... Laborers and servants . . . Miners !2,345 1 I 84,134 71,789 J 805 2,989 283 14,964 369 14,952 6,284 1,617 4,587 1 \ J7,334 12,747 J 386 S61 5i 2,483 24 4,839 1,822 415 12,308 ' 6,971 , ¦ 19,279 Industrial em ployers Commercial em- Employed i n commerce and transportation Intellectual pro fessions Laborers Domestics ervice Other 7 349 19 1,201 35 259 160 149 Total 126,397 27,9I5 21,458 Hungarian statistical year book, 1007, pages 68 and 69. Figures are also given by religious denominations and by months. * The French term is Production du Sol (Patrrons). APPENDIX 447 III. Returned Emigrants To Hunoary To Croatia- Proper Slavonia A. By Sex Myen 37,72i 7,296 Women 5,807 412 Total 43,528 7,708 Per 1000 of population 1.4 ^0 B. By Language Magyars 14,730 136 Germans 6,226 31c Slovaks 11I281 50 Roumanians 6,842 1 Ruthenians 2I336 35 Croatians 345 5,100 Servians I>270 2|'0O0 Other 49S 7I 43,528 7,708 C. By Country whence Returned From America 40,483 6,692 Other 3,045 1,016 Hungarian statistical year book, 1907, page 72. These data are also given by counties and cities, and in an other table ages, occupations, and religion are given by nation alities. IV. Data as to Passports Hungary Proper Croatia-Slavonia Total passports 237,607 49,461 " passports for emigration. .. 178,299 47,534 " persons thereby authorized to travel 301,401 56,599 Total persons thereby authorized to emigrate to America. . 198,886 42,763 Hungarian statistical year book, i907,*page 77. These figures are also given by counties and cities. V. OTHER SOURCES An additional source of information are the data furnished by the Cunard Line as to passengers going and returning in its Fiume vessels. The figures as to persons naturalized or renouncing allegiance (pertes de nationality) are also published, but in 1907 the cases of loss of nationality ascribed to America are three! The corresponding Austrian figures are equally unenlightening. 444 APPENDIX In addition to strictly statistical material Consular Reports sometimes supply valuable material. The Statistische Monatsschrift publishes a continuous series of reports on emigration, which so far as America is concerned are largely a reproduction or working over of American statistics, of the data from the ports of embarkation and so forth. Occasion ally, however, they contain valuable additional material. A com plete list of these articles will be found in the Bibliography under Statistische Monatsschrift. For Carniola and Croatia further statistical data, besides that in the text, will be found in Appendix XII and Appendix XIII respectively. VI SOME BOHEMIAN NURSERY RHYMES I (To be said pointing to the eyes, cheeks, etc., with appropriate pantomime.) "Here are two little candles, [eyes] "Here are two little cushions, [cheeks] "Here is the pulpit, Here is the priest, "Here is the little grave, "Here is the little bell, ting a ling a ling." II "The little mouse was cooking porridge, [to be said tickling the palm of the child's hand] " In an iron sauce pan ; "When it was done, ' She gave it around ; 'To this one she gave it with a little spoon [counting on the fingers and toes] ' To this one she gave it with a little fork, 'To this one she gave it with a little stirrer, 'To this one she gave it with a little ladle, ' And to this one she did not give any, 'And she ran and she ran to camp [running the fingers over the child's side and tickling] ' For the sack of ginger 'Till she got here'' [tickling under the arm]. APPENDIX 445 III "There was a little house, "In the little house was a little table, "On the little table a little dish, ' ' In the little dish a little water, "In the little water a little fish. "Where is the little fish? "Pussy ate it. "Where is pussy? "She ran into the woods. "Where are the woods? "They are burned to dust. " Where is the dust? "The water carried it away. "Where is the water? "The cattle drank it up. "Where are the cattle? "The masters ate them. "Where are the masters? "They lie in the churchyard." The first two of these jingles are translated from an oral version given me in New York. Further Bohemian nursery rhymes may be found in the little Slabikar (or primer), with illustrations by the well known Bohe mian artist Ales, which is used by many Bohemian-American classes. (See Bibliography under Frumar.) VII SLOVAK POPULATION I borrow the following data from Mr. Seton- Watson's "Racial Problems in Hungary," pages 11-12. "The Slovaks form an overwhelming majority of the popu lation in seven counties: Slovaks Arva 80,456 Trencsen 265,838 Lipt6 75,739 Z61yom 1 10,633 Turdcz 38,218 Nyitra 312,167 Saros 114, 132 Percen TAGE Percentage of Slovaks of Magyars 94-7 i-7 92 8 2.8 92 5 3-3 89 4 7.2 73 6 4.2 73 1 18.8 66 1 6.1 446 APPENDIX "In this territory, which covers an area of 22,380 square kilometers, there are thus 997,183 Slovaks, side by side with 114,310 Magyars and 71,497 Germans. Of these latter races, however, the majority live upon the racial frontier, and thus the redistribution of the counties on a racial basis would leave a million Slovaks faced by a minority of 72,993 Magyars and Germans (seven per cent). " In five other counties the Slovaks form over one-third of the population : Szepes 99,240 58.2 Bars 94,777 57-5 Pozsony or Pressburg 153,466 51.1 GomOr 74A17 4°-6 Hont 45,173 39-5 "In these counties there are no fewer than 347,421 Magyars and 60,932 Germans; but as all these counties are situated upon the linguistic frontier, redistribution would in their case also bring about a separation of the two races, and merely leave small German minorities in the counties of Szepes and Bars. "There are also substantial Slovak minorities in the counties of Zemplen (106,064, or 32.4 per cent), Ung (42,582, or 28.1 per cent), N6grdd (64,083, or 26.9 per cent) and Abauj-Torna (35,809, or 22.9 per cent). On the west, the Slovaks extend into Moravia, from the neighborhood of Hodonin (G5ding) almost as far as Kremsier, and in recent years this tiny territory has be come a focus of Slovak national life, where the forces repressed in Hungary by the reactionary policy of the Magyars are able to expand freely. On the east the Slovaks are bounded by the Ruthenes; but the racial frontier has, during the past genera tion, moved slowly but steadily eastwards, at the expense of the latter race, which allows itself to be assimilated more easily than either the Slovaks or the Roumanians. "In addition to the main Slovak districts, there are various racial islets in the neighborhood of Budapest, Komarom (Komorn) and GOdOllo, and in the rich plains of the Banat and the Bacska, near Nagy Becskerek and Neusatz (Ujvidek). The county of Pest contains 33,299 Slovaks, in addition to 24,726 in the capital itself: the county of Bekes, 64,343 (or 23.2 per cent); Bacs, 28,317; Csan£d, 17,239; and Torontal, 14,761. Despite their isolation these little colonies are strongly Slovak in feeling, and being more prosperous and independent than their northern kinsmen, have succeeded in returning a Slovak member of Parliament (in Kolpeny, county of Bacs-Bodrog)." See also Professor Niederle's N arodopisnd Mapa Uherskych APPENDIX 447 Slovak^. (Ethnogi-aphical Map of the Hungarian Slovaks on the basis of the census of 1900.) For the ethnography of Hungary see also above, page 31 ; Map III, page 32 ; and page 86. VIII STUDIES OF SLOVAK EMIGRATION Besides the official statistics there are two studies of Hun garian emigration of some importance in Magyar. One is by Dr. Gustav Thirring, "A Magyarorszagi Kivandorlas es A Kiil- fSldi Magyarsag," Pp. x, 366; tables, charts and maps. Kilian, Budapest, 1904. A review of Thirring's book appeared in Tdr- sadalompolitikai KOzlemenyek (Socialpolitische Mittheilungen) 1, 2. Budapest, 1904. The gist of Dr. Thirring's article also appeared in German as "Die Auswanderung aus Ungarn; Beitrage zur Statistik und topographischen Verteilung der Auswanderung" in the Bulletin de la Sod^U Hongroise de G^ographie, Vol. xxx, 1902 (Also separately printed). The other is by Mr. Lorant Hegediis, "A Magyarok Kivan- dorHsa Amerikaba. Az Amerikai Magyar Telepek — A Felvidek Nyomora — Kiv^ndorlds es Bev^ndorlas Szabalyozasa." (The Emigration of Hungarians to America — The American-Hun garian settlements — The Misery of Upper Hungary — The Regu lation of Emigration and Immigration). Pp. 102, Budapest, 1899. Reprinted from the Budapest Szemle (Review). Mr. Hegedus visited Magyar and other Hungarian colonies in America. Although I do not read Magyar, by having this and the preced ing book translated to me I was able to make some use of them. In Slovak is Dr. Emil Stodola's "Prispevok ku Statistike Slovenska" (Contributions to Slovak Statistics). Pp. 31. Tur- ciansky Sv. Martin, 1902. (Part IV, Emigration to America, pp. 14-21.) Useful also are Dr. Stodola's articles in Die Politik of Prague under dates June 18, 20 and 21, 1902. Another source is a manuscript account of Slovak emigration, kindly prepared for me by Mr. Miloslav Rybak, mining engineer. 44$ APPENDIX IX SLOVAK MEMORIALS PUBLISHED IN AMERICA The following protests as to Hungarian policy have been published by Slovaks in the United States. ' ' Memorial presented by the Roman Catholic priests of Slovak nationality to their Eminences the Cardinal Archbishop, Arch bishops and Bishops of the United States." Pp. 6. Wilkes- Barre, Dec. t, 1902. (Signed by twenty-nine priests). ' ' Memorial addressed by American citizens of Slovak birth to ' the Hungarian members of the Interparliamentary Peace Con gress held in the city of St Louis, Mo., September, 1904." Printed in English, French 'and Magyar, and signed by six presidents of Slovak [societies (representing a combined member ship of 65,000), and by six editors. "Hungary Exposed." No date, author, nor place of publica tion is given. This is the republication in Magyar, with an English translation and an introduction, of "Ministerial Com munication No. 393. Directed, Feb. 4 of the current year, by the Hungarian Minister of Religion and Instruction to the Car dinal Prince Primate, Archbishop of Esztergom in reference to the Spiritual Care of Hungarians who have emigrated to Amer ica." The complaint is that this secret order recommended that the priesthood in America be used for purposes of Magyariza- tion and espionage, and that newspapers are supported to the same end. X A CASE OF HUNGARIAN POLITICAL PERSECU TION Some of the grounds on which three young Slovak theological students were expelled from a Hungarian Catholic College in Vicuna in 1906 are grotesque to the point of the incredible. It was said that they (a) "formed a special group in which they aired their favorite views and drew suspicion on themselves by their somewhat retiring manners;" (b) that they nevertheless propagated Slovak national ideas, and that one of them admitted APPENDIX 449 this, so that inquiry was unnecessary, though it was actually held; further (c) that they were in direct intercourse with two Slovak nationalists "which is in itself a sufficient reason for expulsion from an institute which aims at training patriotic pupils"; (d) "though in the institution every foreign (sic) language is forbidden, they smuggled in Mr. S. and talked Slovak with him." The students were not heard in defence. One of them whose Rector spoke of his mores optimes et pietalem in- signem is now a priest in America. See Seton-Watson, pages 213-4. Mr. Rovnianek, the Pittsburgh banker, came to America in a similar way, having been expelled from a seminary, as I have been told, because a Slovak book was found in his trunk. XI A RUTHENIAN POET IN CANADA A series of articles called "Five Days in Galicia," by E. W. Thomson, appeared in the Boston Transcript, the first one under date of Oct. 17, 1905. The following passage seems worth quoting: "How the Galicians, whether they be German, Polish, or Russian, feel toward their new country may best be told by their own poet Edmonton and the surrounding region know him only as Michael Gowda, interpreter to the Bellamy Agricul tural Implement Company, and a very keen, clever stump speaker at election times. He was a school teacher in Galicia, and has been out here, after escaping from the Austrian army, some eight years. Michael has translated "Snowbound" and twenty more of Whittier's poems into Russian verse. He is engaged on an extensive translation, into English prose, of the popular poetry of his Slav countrymen. Moreover, he is, unless I mistake, a genuine poet himself. Here is a rough versification, made by myself, from his prose English translation of his poem to Canada. : To Canada O free and fresh — home Canada! can we, Born far o'er seas, call thee our country dear? I know not whence nor how that right may be Attained through sharing blessings year by year. 29 45° APPENDIX We were not reared within thy broad domains, Our father's graves and corpses lie afar, They did not fall for freedom on thy plains, Nor we pour out our blood beneath thy star. Yet we have liberty from sea to sea, Frankly and true you gave us manhood's share, We who, like wandering birds, flew hopefully To gather grain upon thy acres fair. From ancient worlds by Wrong opprest we swarmed Many as ants, to scatter on thy land; Each to the place you gave, aided, unharmed, And here we fear not kings nor nobles grand. And are you not, O Canada, our own? Nay, we are still but holders of thy soil, We have not bought by sacrifice and groan The right to boast the country where we toil. But, Canada, in Liberty we work till death, Our children shall be free to call thee theirs, Their own dear land, where, gladly drawing breath, Their parents found safe graves, and left strong heirs To Homes and native freedom, and the heart To live, and strive, and die if need there be, In standing manfully by Honor's part To save the country that has made us free. They shall as brothers be to all the rest, Unshamed to own the blood from which they sprang, True to their Father's Church, and His behest For whom the bells of yester Christmas rang. APPENDIX 451 XII EMIGRATION FROM CARNIOLA TO AMERICA. Data from inquiry carried on through the post office by the Governor of Carniola since 1893 y I. Emigration, by Destinations, 1893-1904 Year 1893 (last half) 1894 1895 1896 i897 '¦ 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 i9°3 i9°4 Total (11J) years) North America 414203 H45 1625 978 1674 32«7 2854 21895IJ9 6511 2883 2S,882 Emigrants to Brazil South America 3 I 7 60 118 S32 96 441 44 17 6 38 2 1 6 1 1024 649 Total Emi gration to America 418 210 r329 2898 11181691 333i 2857 2I955H965122883 3°,56i II. Number of Married and Single Men, Women and Children Emigrating, 1893-1904 Year 1893 (last half) . 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 '899 1900 1901 1902 i9°3 i9°4 Total ( 1 1 J years) Single 218 118 726 i3°7 563 io391946 16651383 3226 4184 i97° 18,345 Married 140 61 426 819 336 532 1148 989 686 1559 1864 662 9222 Wives r3 2 36 187 36 15 63 2427 638342 59i Children 4725 121 544181101 173 174 98 256 360 200 Other Members or House hold (Ange- hbrige) 4 20 41 24 1 5 1 15 21 9 I23 u 452 APPENDIX III. Causes of Emigration and Disposition of Property Cause of Emigration 1893 (last half) . 1894 1895 1896 1897 1898 1899 1900 1901 1902 *9°3 i9°4 v Total (nj years) Property Sold Not sold 10 88 41 11 279 19 563 12 282 5 431 15 920 10 582 12 457 T9 1181 22 698 10 477 145 5999 Hope to earn more 374 143 891 1978 713 1292 276624661920 45136067 2443 25,566 En cum bered prop erty II 86 232458 5150326352 23 4«5 Fear of army service 27 Other 31 56 350 896 38l341 5"339 237534392414 4483 XIII EMIGRATION FROM CROATIA-SLAVONIA I. Emigration to North America from Croatia-Slavonia, By Counties and Municipalities County 1899 1900 1901 1902 1903 1907* Lika-Krbava Modrus-Fiume .... Agram Varasdin Bjelovar Krizevci. Pozega Virovitica Syrmium 46 1300 r453 3 7837 1 5 37 17421 108 1 207 55 2 85 153 2563 2850 78 767 100 6 196 102 3804 4040 H5 1051 342 17 35° 407 3787 5167 199 J333 574 123 290 24393°395616 7658 3389 1551 24242285 P. y ^Municipality 1 1 3 1 48 7 17 3 Varasdin Osiek 27 H3136 Zemun Total for Croatia- Slavonia 2923 3248 6717 9833 11907 22,828 * The figures for 1907 are from the Hungarian statistical year book, 1907, page 65. II. Croatia-Slavonia; Net Loss and Gain by Emigration and Immigration 1881-1890 Absolute Per cent 1891-1900 Absolute Per cent For the Period Absolute Per cent County Lika-Krbava Modrus-Fiume Agram Varasdin Bjelovar Krizevci Pozega Virovitica Syrmium All Croatia-Slavonia. . . Municipality Agram Osiek Total Population Hungary Croatia-Slavonia Together —15,365—15,633 — 10,860 —7,427 + 18,130 + J5.279 + n,949 + 14,029 4- 10,102 + 7,9n + 1,896 — 215,118 + 19,909 — 195,209 —7— 2 —3 + 8 + 9 + 7 + 4 + 27 + 10 -1.6- 1.0 -1.2 — 12,901 —18,037 — 15,164 — 14,112 + 7,347 + 9.Q31 + i,4S9 + 5,23° —37,147 + 18,030 + 33,895 -169,544— 15,222 -184,766 —6-7 —8.2 —3-9—5-5 + 2.8 + 5-i + 0.7 + i-5 —i-7 + 18. 1 + 19-7 -1.1-0.7 -1.1 — 28,266 —33,67°— 26,024 — 21,539 + 25,477 + 24, 310 + i3,4°8 + 19,259 — 27,045 + 25,941 + 5,79i —384,662 + 4,687 -379,975 — 16.2 —16.6 —6.6 —9.4 + 11. 6 + 14.6 + 8.4 + 6.5 —i-5 + 91.4 + 318 — 2.8 + 0.2 — 2.4 >¦dT3W Z a Thirring, "Auswanderung aus Ungarn," pages o-n. en Emigration from Croatia-Slavonia to North America During the Four Years 1900-1903 A. All Emigrants. Total, 31,705 By Religion: Roman Catholic 21,358 Greek Catholic 499 Greek-Oriental 9,584 Lutheran 220 Reformed 18 Israelite 25 Other, or Unknown 1 III. By Sex: Male 28,912 Female 2,793 Total 3I,7°5 By Language: Croatian or Servian 30, 3 39 Bohemian 364 Magyar 297 German 583 Other, or Unknown 122 3L70S 3i,7°5 By Months: January 2769 February , 4°73 March 5653 April 3632 May 2546 June 1584 July 149° August 2736 September 2663 October 182 1 November 1515 December 1223 3i,7°5 > 13 •0 wz a By Sex: Male. . . Female. B. Persons Emigrating as Heads of Families or Independently. Total, 30,682. Of these, 540 were heads of families accompanied by others. By Occupation: •28,377 2,305 Total 30,682 By Age: 1 5 years and less 40 1 15-20 years 6895 Intellectual vocations 30 Agriculture and production of raw material .... 22,741 Industry 1,328 Commerce and transportation 98 Day labor not further specified 6,111 Other 374 20-25 25-3° 30-40 40-50 50-6060 4870 5936 8348 33*7 419 32 Unknown 464 Total 30,682 Total 30,682 By Property: With property 10,590 No property 20,092 Total 30,682 Under 12 years: Male Female C. Persons Accompanying Head of Family. (Familien Mitglieder.) Over 12 years: Male Female Total 1023 34i 300 194 Total 641 Total 382 Grand Total, 1023 These data with the exception of those for 1907 in Table I and the whole of Table II were given me in manuscript by the kindness of the statistical authorities in Agram. For further Croatian statistics see Appendix V, pages 441-443. > MZa UT. 45° APPENDIX XIV BOHEMIAN, AND POLISH LITERATURE OF AMERICAN SETTLEMENT (i) BOHEMIAN The Bohemian Literary Society, I believe, subsidized an attempt of a Mr. Habernicht to write the history of Bohe mians in America, and two or three parts, one on Texas, which I have used, one on Missouri, which I have never been able to secure, were published in Bohemian in St. Louis, but the under taking appears to have fallen through. Mr. Thomas Capek's "Pamatky Cesk^ch Emigrants v Americe" (revised edition, Omaha, 1907), is mainly antiquarian. Much material is in fugitive form, — pamphlets, articles, al manacs, memorial and occasional publications, and so forth. Of these I may mention the following. "Ceska Osadaajeji Spolkov^ 2ivot v Cleveland, Ohio," is an illustrated history of Bohemians in Cleveland prepared for the Prague Ethnographical Exposition of 1895 and published by the Volnost press in Cleveland. Pp. 192. " Pama^nikCesk^chEvanjelick^chCfrkvi Spojen^chStatech"; this is a memorial of Bohemian Protestant churches in the United States, including an account of all Bohemian congregations of the following denominations, Presbyterian, Independent, Re formed, Congregational. Methodist and Baptist, existing in the year 1900; edited by V. Siller, V. Prucha and R. M. De Castello, printed by the Krestansky Posel in Chicago, and liberally illus trated with cuts of churches, ministers and so on. Pp. 290. "Kratke Dejiny a Seznam Cesko-Katolickjrch Osad ve Spoj. Stdtech Americkjrch " is a brief history and register of Bohemian Catholic colonies in the United States, in honor of the twenty- fifth jubilee of the Very Rev. Joseph Hessoun, by Rev. P. A. P. Houst. St. Louis, 1890. Pp. viii, 552. Illustrated. "Pamatnik 5oti Leteho Jubilea C. S. P. S.; 1854-1894"; a memorial of the fiftieth jubilee of the Chekho-Slavonic Benevo lent Society. Illustrated. "Dejiny Cesko-Narodniho Hrbitova v Chicago, 111., etc." A history of the Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago from its founding in 1877 to its 25th anniversary in 1902, by Frank Zdrubek. Geringer, Chicago. Pp. 143. " Ceske Chicago, Adresar Ceskjfch Obchodnfku, 2ivnostnikii a Spolku." Bohemian Chicago, a directory of Bohemian trades- APPENDIX 457 men, business men and associations, including a short history of Bohemian Chicago; published by the Narodna Tiskarna (National Press,) Chicago, 1900. Pp. 252. "Katolfk Cesko-Americky Kalendar," published by the Bo hemian Benedictine press, 616 Allport St., Chicago. " Almanach Cesko-Slovanskeho Lidu v New Yorku a Okoli." (Almanac of the Bohemian-Slavonic people in New York and en virons.) Published yearly by the Ceska Tiskarna, 312 W. 71st St., New York City. "The Catholic Bohemians of the United States," Rev. Valen tine Kohlbeck in the Champlain Educator, xxv, pages 36-54; (Jan.-Mar. 1906). Scattered material may also be found in the Bohemian Voice, a short-lived paper published in English for a short time with the hope of informing Americans about their Bohemian neigh bors. (2) POLISH Father X. W. Kruszka, of Ripon, Wisconsin, has written a "Historya Polska w Ameryce " ("History of Poles in America"), in eight small volumes, published in Milwaukee, the first in 1905, the eighth in 1906, and illustrated with cuts, chiefly of buildings and of Polish priests and leaders. In the Lemberg Magazine Lud, xi, pages 248-269 (Oct. 1905) appeared an article "Ludnosc Polska w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki Polnocnej " by Dr. Michal Janik, based on two trips to America and containing references to several Polish accounts of Poles in America. I have an English manuscript translation of this article. "Polskie Kolonie w Stanach Zjedn. poln. Ameryki e ich Krotkie Dzieje" ("Polish Colonies in the United States and a Short History of Them"), appeared in the Catholic Polish Calen dar for 1895, published at 141 and 143 W. Division St., Chicago. Charles Kraitser's "The Poles in the United States of Amer ica, Preceded by the Earliest History of the Slavonians and by the History of Poland" (Philadelphia, 1837, pp. 196) is a disap pointing Uttle volume. The discussion of Poles in the United States takes up only the last four pages, and consists of the text of a Polish memorial to Congress asking for a grant of land, of the act granting the land, and of complaints of the way in which the Pohsh exiles had been treated by Gallatin and others. 458 APPENDIX XV CENSUS DATA TO 1880 WITH A CRITICAL CON SIDERATION OF THE USE OF THE CENSUS FOR THE PURPOSES OF THIS STUDY For statistical data for the period, 1850-1880, we have nothing better than the census figures presented graphically in Chart I. Unfortunately the use of the census figures as a source of in formation as to Slavic population in the United States is subject to grave drawbacks. For the census does not deal with the question of nationality, but of nativity only, and its list of countries of birth is both incomplete and changing. In 1850, of the countries with which we are concerned, Aus tria and Russia alone were given. In i860 Poland was added, though Poland was and is divided among the three neighboring countries, Germany, Russia and Austria, and is therefore without claim to be considered at present as an independent country. In 1870 Bohemia and Hungary were added to the census list, leaving Austria to mean Austria apart from Hungary and minus two of its seventeen Lander, viz. Galicia (or Austrian Poland) and Bohemia. These changes not only make compari sons impossible, but cause unavoidable pitfalls in getting the facts. Many natives of Bohemia would doubtless say, quite correctly, that they were born in Austria ; many natives of Poland that they were born in Russia, Germany or Austria as the case might be ; while others would reply, as the census plan intended that they should, more specifically. Natives of Moravia, Bohemia's sister province, all appear as Austrians, though to all intents and purposes they make one group with the Bohemians, a group perhaps as homogeneous in blood, speech, feeling and tradition as the Poles. In Texas, for instance, where the "Bo hemians" are mostly from Moravia, the importance of the group is hidden entirely by the registration of all Moravians as natives of Austria in one group with Austrian Germans, Jews, Slovenians, Tyrolese Italians, and so on. On the other hand it is easy to speak as if "natives of Hun gary" were synonymous with Hungarians, "natives of Poland" with Poles, and so on. As a matter of fact this is of course far from being the case. In 1905, for instance, the immigration figures show Hungarians (Magyars) making only a little over a quarter of the immigrants from Hungary, while Russians are under two per cent of the immigrants from the Russian empire and Finland. The Jews especially are a complicating factor, APPENDIX 459 presenting as they do characteristics and problems in sharp con trast with those of other immigrants, but remaining indistin guishable, so far as the census data go, from other persons born in the same country. This difficulty especially affects the Polish data. In 1905 there entered at our ports 92,388 Jews from Russia and 11,114 Jews from Austria; those who came from the Polish provinces of Russia and Austria (that is, doubtless the greater part of them), appear in the census simply as "natives of Poland" and quite distort the facts. Especially as regards concentration in cities the Polish Jews make the census figures for "natives of Poland" almost meaningless as regards Poles. XVI FATHER KRUSZKA'S LIST OF THE FOUNDING OF POLISH PARISHES PREVIOUS TO 1880 The first time a state appears in the list it is in italics. Year of Founding 1855. Panna Marya (Texas). 1856. Bandera, San Antonio, St. Jadwiga, Meyersville, York- town (Texas). 1857. Parisville (Michigan). 1858. Polonia (Wisconsin). 1863. First Milwaukee (Wisconsin). 1864. Pine Creek (Wisconsin). 1866. Washington, Krakow, Clover Bottom, Union (Mis souri) . 1868. Northeim (Wisconsin). 1869. First Chicago (Illinois). 1870. Bluff , New Waverly (Texas) ; Manitowoc (Wisconsin); Shamokin (Pennsylvania) . 187 1. Plantersville, Cottage Hall (Texas); Bay City (Mich igan) ; Second Milwaukee, Hull (Wisconsin) ; Otis ( 1 'iidi'Ct'yicLi . 1872. Marlin, Flatonia (Texas); first Detroit (Michigan); Cincinnati (Ohio). 1873. Bremond, Huntsville (Texas); first Grand Rapids (Michigan) ; first Berlin (Wisconsin) ; second and third Chicago (Illinois); Shenandoah (Pennsyl vania); New York, first Buffalo, Dunkirk (New York); Berea (Ohio); Winona, Delano, Fari bault (Minnesota). 460 Year of Founding i874. 1875- 1876. APPENDIX La Salle (Illinois). Brenham (Texas); Manistee (Michigan); Beaver Dam, Princeton, Independence, North Creek (Wisconsin); St. Joseph (Missouri); Radom (Illi nois); Nanticoke, Excelsior, Blossburg, Pitts burg (Pennsylvania); Jeffersonville, Lanesville (Indiana); Brooklyn (New York); first Toledo, first Cleveland (Ohio). Czestochowa, Anderson (Texas); Poznan (Michigan); Stevens Point, Poniatowski (Wisconsin); Brim- field (Illinois) ; first South Bend (Indiana); second Toledo (Ohio); N. Poznan (Nebraska). First Mt. Carmel (Pennsylvania). Krok (Wisconsin) ; first St. Louis (Missouri). 1877.1878. Kruszka, X. W. "Historya Polska w Ameryce," Milwaukee, 1905; II, pages 6, 7. XVII SLAVIC IMMIGRATION BY NATIONALITIES SINCE 1899 These figures are based on those in the Annual Reports of the Commissioner General of Immigration and in the Monthly Immigration Bulletins. I. Total Slavic Immigration to the United States for the Decade 1899-1908 A. By Countries of Last Previous Residence Country Numbers Per cent of total Slavic Im migration for the Period 1,162,124 424,966 33,42732,396 19,78514,501 69.0 25.0 Russian Empire Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro . Turkey in Europe Other 2.0 1.01.0 Total 1,687,199 APPENDIX B. By Nationality Nationality Polish Slovak Croatian and Slovenian Ruthenian Bohemian and Moravian Bulgarian, Servian and Monte negrin Russian Dalmatian, Bosnian and Herze govinian Total Numbers 743,151322,525 275,800 103,660 84,877 76,047 56,24224,897 1,687,199 461 Per cent of total Slavic Im migration for the Period 44. u 19.016.0 6.0 5-o 4-5 3-o II. Immigration to the United States prom the Five Main Sources op Slavic Emigrants During the Decade 1899-1908 Country Total Immigration from Specified Country Slavic Immigration from Specified Country Slavic Per centage of total Immigration from Specified Country Austria-Hungary 1,893,676 33,649 320,658 1,441,823 52,921 ±,162,124 32,396 33,427 424,966 19-785 Bulgaria, Servia and Mon tenegro 96.0 German Empire Russian Empire 33-°37-0 Turkey in Europe Total 3,742,727 1,672,698 III. Slavic Immigration by Nationalities On Yi:ar 1 Bohemian . Bulgarian, and j Servian and Moravian | Montenegrin Croatian and Slovenian Dalmatian, Bosnian and Herzego- vinian Polish Russian Ruthenian Slovak 1899 igoo 1901 1902 1903 1904 I9°5 1906 I9°7 1908 I9°9 2,526 3,0603,766 5,590 9,59i 11,91 1 n,7S712,938 - 13,55410,164 6,850 94 204 611 1,291 6,4794,5775,823 n,548 "* 27,174 18,246 6,214 8,632 17,18417,928 30,233 32>9°721,242 35-10444,272 - 47,82620,472 20,181 367675 732 1,9041,736 2,0362,639 4,568 " 7,393 3,747 1,888 28,44646,938 43,61769,62082,34367,757 102,437 95,835 ' 138,033 63,10577,565 i,7741,200 672 1,551 3,608 3,96l3,7465,8i4 16,807 * 17,11110,038 1,400 2,8325,288 7,533 9,8439,592 14,47316,257 24,081 12,361 15,808 15,838 29,24329,343 36,934 34,427 27,940 *<». 52,366 38,22142,041 16,170 22,586 > wza APPENDIX 463 XVIII SLAVIC ALIENS, ADMITTED AND DEPARTED, 1908-1909 Races Bohemian and Moravian Bulgarian, Servian, Montenegrin Croatian and Slovenian Dalmatian, Bosnian, Herzego- vinian Polish Russian Ruthenian Slovak July, 1908, to May, 1909, Inclusive Admitted 6,738 6,934 22,2S4 1,889 74,5 = 4 9,522 16,237 26,560 Departed 1,102 3,352 11,120 715 25,204 6,099 t,959 10,224 Increase (4-) or decrease ( — ) + 5,636 + 3,582 + 11,164 + 1,174 + 49,320 + 3,423 + 14,278 + 16,336 For these figures see Monthly Immigration Bulletins. XIX IMMIGRANT ARRIVALS WHO HAVE BEEN IN THE UNITED STATES BEFORE These figures, drawn from Table III of the Annual Report of the Commission General of Immigration, cover the fifteen immi grant groups which were the largest in 1906 and also the four additional Slavic groups which do not come within this list. Slavic groups are in italics ; the rank of groups as regards total numbers in 1906 is indicated by numbers in parentheses. The same figures for 1900 are given in a second column. 464 APPENDIX PERCENTAGE OF IMMIGRANT ALIEN ARRI VALS WHO HAVE BEEN IN THE UNITED STATES BEFORE Nationality 1900 ( 7) English (10) Irish (13) Scotch (11) Slovaks ( 5) Scandinavians ( 6) North Italians ( 4) Germans ( 1 ) South Italians , . . . ( 8) Croatians and Slovenians ( 9) Magyars (14) Ruthenians ( 3) Poles (12) Greeks Dalmatians, Bosnians and H erzegovinians Russians Bulgarians, Servians and Montenegrins. . Bohemians and Moravians (15) Lithuanians ( 2) Hebrews All immigrants XX WAGES OF UNSKILLED LABORERS Data as to the wages of Slavic laborers are given in Mr. F. J. Sheridan's article "Italian, Slavic and Hungarian Unskilled Immigrants in the United States," U. S. Bulletin of Labor, No. 72, Sept., 1907, pp. 427 and 428. The following table, showing as it does higher rates for Slavs and Hungarians than for Italians, is of interest. APPENDIX 46S Number and Per Cent of Italian, Slavic and Hungarian, Unskilled Laborers Sent Out by New York Employment Agencies, Receiving Specified Rates of Wages per Hour I a. Slavs and Hungarians — Northern States. Wage Group Laborers Receiving Each Rate of Wages Number Rate Per Hour Average Rate of Wages Per Day of 10 Hours for Each Group Total Laborers in Each Group Number Per cent Under $0,130 per hour . . $0,130 or under $0,150 per hour $0,150 per hour $0,155 or under $0,175 per hour $0,175 or over per hour. 92 5126 721 10 27 15 9 11 199 27 $0.1250 .1300¦1350.1400.1450 .1500¦IS50 .1600 • 1650 .1667.1700 .1750 .1800.1900.2000 $1.25 1-37 1.501.631.78 62 191721 4-77 14.69 5S-46J 5-54 19-54 Total. •1531 I b. Italians — Northern States. Under $0,130 per hour . . $0,130 or under $0,150 per hour $0,150 per hour $0,155 or under $0,175 per hour $0,175 or over per hour. . Total. 5 800 [,3461,0561,309 345 7,675 72 329 4 143 87 4 327 51 14 $0.1200 .1250 .1300 •1350.1400.1450.1500 •1550.1600.1610.1650 .1660.1700 .1750 .1780 .1850•1875•1945 ¦ 1455 $1.25 1.36 l.SO 1. 61 1.761,46 805 4,056 7,675 639 5-93 29.87 56.53 4.712.96 3° 466 APPENDIX II a. Slavs and Hungarians — Southern States. Under $0,130 'per hour. $0,130 or under $0,150 per hour $0,150 per hour $0,155 or under $0,175 per hour $0,175 or over per hour . . Total 16 84 234 15 285 74 ug 3668 551262 5i $0.1042 ¦ U37 .1250• 1273 • 1300 • 1350 -1367 • 1375 .1400 • 1500 .1600• 1750 .2000 $1.21 1-34 1.501.601.79 582551 262 55 82.38 30.63 . 14-56 3.06 116. Italians — Southern States. Under $0,130 per hour . . $0,130 or under $0,150 r 68 '4 1 14 164 26 f 145 < 124 I 36 2,055 4560 $0.1136 .1166 .1200¦ 1250 .1272 ¦1363 ¦1375.1400 .1500.1600¦1750 1 1- $1.22 f 1-371.501.601-75 286305 2,055 45 60 10.40 11.09 96.19 $0,155 or under $0,175 1.632.18 $0,175 or over Per hour . Total 2 751 .1464 1.46 2,751 "It should be stated that the rates quoted cover 1905 and part of 1906, and therefore the advances in wage rates for laborers, especially in the North, on account of the demand that has taken place generally since that time, are not included in this presentation. In many cases there have been advances of 10 per cent or more." It is of interest to compare these wages with those quoted on page 56. APPENDIX 467 XXI NATIONALITY OF MEN EMPLOYED BY AN THRACITE AND BITUMINOUS COAL COMPANIES The following data are from page 413 of Mr. Sheridan's article quoted in Appendix XX. ANTHRACITE COAL EMPLOYES "The nationality of the anthracite mine workers was secured in detail for the year 1905 by the bureau of industrial statistics of the State of Pennsylvania. "In a total of 92,485 men employed by 1 16 companies out of a total of 140 the numbers were as follows: Number and Per cent of Each Nationality Working for 116 Anthracite Companies of Pennsylvania in 1905 [Compiled from the Report of the Secretary of Internal Affairs of Pennsylvania for 1905 : Part III, Industrial Statistics, pages 458 and 459] Nationality Number Per Cent of Total Nationality Number Per Cent of Total Slavic and Hungarian Italian American, mostly of Slavic and other foreign parentage. . Irish Welsh 36,049 3,975 25,905 6,351 2,397 390 4-3 28.0 6.82.6 Enghsh Scotch German Other nationalities. . . 2,497 289 4,033 10,989 92,485 2.7 ¦3 44 11.9 Total 100.0 BITUMINOUS COAL EMPLOYES " In the bituminous coal-mining region of Pennsylvania 398 companies employing 55,583 men reported nationality in full detail as follows: Number and Per cent of Each Nationality Working for 398 Bituminous Companies of Pennsylvania in 1905 [Compiled from the Report of the Secretary of Internal Affairs of Pennsylvania for 1905 r Part III, Industrial Statistics, page 475] Nationality Slavic and Hungarian Italian American, mostly of Slavic and other foreign parentage. . English Irish Number Per Cent of Total 21 708 6,824 17,347 2,751 731 390 12.3 31.2 5-o r-3 Nationality Scotch Welsh German Eleven other nation alities Total Number 1,189 313 1,721 2,999 55,583 Per Cent of Total 2.1 .6 3-1 468 APPENDIX "It will thus be seen that the Slavic, Hungarian, and Italian races are numerically predominant in both the anthracite and bituminous coal fields of Pennsylvania. "The Slavic races are also numerically strong in the iron and steel industries of Pennsylvania, while in the cotton, woolen, and textile industries their representation is small." XXII STATISTICS OF SLAVS IN AGRICULTURE Map XI shows the distribution of Slavic farmers and farm laborers so far as this can be learned from the census data. By Slavic is here meant those whose parents were born in Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland or Russia. These figures, while the best that are available, are a very imperfect source of information as to Slavic occupations, excluding Slavs of parent nativity other than those specified (for instance, Bulgarians), and including all others of the specified parent nativities, not only Slavs but non-Slavs, as for instance Polish and Russian Jews (to the small degree to which they are on farms), and Hungarians, Germans and other non-Slavic elements from the countries specified. Also the figures give no idea of the numbers of the families of farmers and farm laborers. The difficulty with the mode of presentation followed on Map XI is that it exaggerates to the eye the numbers in large states like Texas, and underrates them in small states like Con necticut, but a presentation not of absolute numbers but in terms of density (proportion to area) or of percentage of popu lation has its own drawbacks. It may be of interest, however, to have the facts as to the per cent of the whole class of farmers and farm laborers whose parents were born in Austria, Bohemia, Hungary, Poland or Russia (i. e., persons having both parents born as specified or one parent born as specified and one native). The figures refer to males over ten, and are based on Table 41 of the volume on Occupations, Census of 1900. States with less than two hundred of the Slavic group are omitted. APPENDIX 469 I. Percentage of Total Farmers in Each State Whose Parents were Born in Specified Countries South Dakota 1 1.06 North Dakota 10.08 Nebraska 6.42 Wisconsin 5.25 Connecticut 4.90 Minnesota 4.65 Kansas 3.12 Massachusetts 3.03 New Jersey 2.51 Oklahoma 2.48 Washington 1.97 Texas 1.93 Iowa 1.65 Colorado 1.57 Michigan 1.25 Oregon 1.20 New York 1.06 California 61 Illinois 48 Maryland 39 Pennsylvania 37 Missouri 28 Indiana 27 Ohio 24 Arkansas 16 Virginia 08 United States 1.12 Including females. 1.07 The following table gives the totals for the United States for each country of birth and each kind of agricultural pursuit separ ately. II. Males Ten Years of Age and Over of Specified Parent Nativity Gainfully Employed as Specified Austria Bohemia Hungary Poland Russia Together Agricultural laborers .... Farmers, plant ers and over seers All others in agricultural pursuits .... 6,1349,086 884 13,356 23,058 443 1,494i,5°2 23J 12,514 11,872 1,100 9,539 !3,390 832 43,°37 58,908 3,49° Total in agri cultural pur suits 16,104 36,857 1 3,227 25,486 23,761 105,435 Cf. Table lxxvi. Census of 1900. Volume on Occupations. It is interesting to note that in every case except that of Poland, farmers are more numerous than farm laborers. It is also interesting to compare different nationalities as re gards the proportions occupied in agriculture, as shown in the next table. 47° APPENDIX III. Number Occupied in Agriculture per Thousand Males of Specified Parentage Engaged in Gainful Occupations (Slavic Groups are in Italics) Birthplace of parents: Hungary 35 Italy 62 Austria 96 Russia 116* Poland 122* Ireland 155 Canada (French) 168 Scotland 212 England and Wales 225 France 248 Canada (English) 264 Germany 281 Sweden 328 Bohemia 354 Switzerland 396 Denmark 444 Norway 546 * For Poles and Russians these figures are unfortunately rendered almost meaningless by the presence of the large Hebrew group from Poland and Russia. APPENDIX 471 XXIII MONEY ORDERS TO EUROPE Besides the statements as to remittances given in the various chapters of Part I the following data are submitted, taken from pages 479-480 of Mr. Sheridan's article quoted in Appendix XX. I. International Money Orders Issued in the United States and Sent to Italy and the Slavic Countries for Each Calendar Year from 1900 to 1906 [Figures relating to money orders are from the annual reports of the transactions of the New York post-office. The amounts are those sent from all post-offices in the United States] Year Ended Money Orders Sent to Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Russia Money Orders Sent to Other Countries Number Amount Number Amount 1900 1901 1902 1903 1904 1905 1906 163,691 263,599395,644 594,565 700,611 966,718 1,179,805 $3,845,251-14 6,251,887.64 10,464,447.48I7,385,759-72 18,997,965.90 26,014,022.0636,798,561.92 840,416901,039 1,014,9041,144,1211,204,8611,356,859 1,577,652 $11,857,176.71 12,742,945.5914,599,437-3416,882,454.90 17,722,935.48 20,167,420.6625,636,781.02 Total .... Av. am't of each or der 4,264,633 $119,757,895.86 $28.08 8,039,852 $119,609,151.70 $14.88 Amount of Immigrants Amount of Money Orders from Money Orders Sent to Aus Austria- Sent to Italy tria-Hungary Hungary and Russia and Russia 1900 $1,362,166.42 " 484,207 $2,483,084.72 0 1,401,689 1901 1,905,611.75 135,996 4,346,275.89 198,647 3,607,795.61 178,375 6,856,651.87 279,336 r903 7,729,257.86 230,622 9,656,501.86 342,104 1904 8,780,255.81 193,296 10,217,710.09 322,297 i9°5 11,092,446.60 221,479 14,921,575.46 460,590 16,239,134.40 273,120 20,559,427.52 480,803 Total $50,716,668.45 1,717,095 $69,041,227.41 3,485,466 " Total number living in the United States, Alaska and Hawaii, as reported by the census. exclusive of 472 APPENDIX II. Amount of Money Orders Sent to Italy and to Austria- Hungary and Russia per Immigrant for the Entire Seven Years, 1900 to 1906 Country Italy Austria-Hungary and Russia Immi grants, 1900 to 1906 (a) i,7I7,°95 3,485,466 Amount of Money Orders Sent $50,716,668.45 69,041,227.41 Amount Per Immi grant $29.54 19.81 "Includes total living in the United States in 1900, together with those arriving from 1901 to 1906. "This table shows that for every man, woman, and child born in Italy and living in or arriving in the United States, $29.54 was sent to Italy during the seven years 1900 to 1906, inclusive, or $4.22 per year per person, and for immigrants from Austria- Hungary and Russia in the same period $19.81 was sent to those countries, or $2.83 per year per person." III. Number and Amount (Total and Average) of Money Orders Sent to Italy, Hungary, Austria, and Russia During the Seven Years Ending December 31, 1906 Country Number of Orders Sent Amount of Money Orders Aver age Amount of Order Italy. . . . Hungary Austria . Russia. . . i.3I4.3S° 709,700892,965 i,347,6i8 550,716,668.45 22,917,566.01 22,452,492.27 23,671,169.13 $38-59 32.29 25-14 17-57 IV. Average Amount of Each Money Order Sent to Prin cipal Countries in 1906 Country Average Amount of Each Order Sent Country Average Amount of Each Order Sent Italy Hungary Austria Russia $40.51 35-2128.80 19.1913.28 Germany $14.96 Norway 22.89 42.52 Great Britain APPENDIX 473 " The total amount of money orders sent in 1906 to all coun tries was $62,435,342.94, and of this the amount sent to Italy and the Slavic countries was $36,798,561.92, or 58.9 per cent of the total, while the number of orders sent was but 42.8 per cent of the whole number. During the seven years there was sent to Italy 30.8 per cent of the number of orders and 42.3 per cent of the total amount of money sent to Austria, Hungary, Russia, and Italy combined, while the Italians constituted but 33 per cent of the total number of immigrants from the four countries. "It is probable that the reason for this is that a greater number of immigrants from the Slavic countries brought their families to the United States than did the Italians. The remittances through the post-offices are but a. small proportion of the total amount transmitted and carried over in person. Large amounts of which there are no records are sent over through the Italian bankers, and also by bankers of other nationalities. "The amount of money transmitted in the ordinary course of business must be allowed for and this would reduce in so far the amount of the remittances really representing the sendings of immigrants." XXIV POLISH FARMERS Compare with the account in the text the following passage from an article in the Boston Evening Transcript, August 4, 1909, called "Absorbing the Alien; Hadley as a New England in Microcosm'': "The Polish people possess qualities of value to any town. They are not transient squatters, but come with the expectation, hope and purpose of making permanent homes. Their industry and thrift are shown in their success with farms given up by the natives. Every member of a Polish family helps in the work of cultivation. It is the pioneer stage with these people, and women and children share in the toil of the father. "Their dealings in a business way amongst themselves and with their neighbors are characterized by shrewdness and caution. They are both thrifty and honest. Obligations are paid promptly. A physician who has a large practice among these people says 474 APPENDIX that his fee is paid on the spot, or if there is no money on hand, within twenty-four hours. This is in striking contrast with the practice in many American homes, where the doctor's account is usually settled last. But if the medical man's at tendance does not, after a few visits, result in improvement, another physician is called in or the patient may be left to die or recover as nature may decree. The same keen sense of money value is seen in the experience of evening schools. Those in charge find that they must make it clear that the studies and instruction possess direct pecuniary advantage and give definite training for wage earning or the attendance falls off rapidly. "It must be acknowledged that the customs and manners of the Poles are crude and in many ways repugnant to American ideas, but their standards of morality are, on the whole, com mendable. An evidence of this is found in their comparatively low death rate as shown in the study of various nationalities in Manhattan for the year 1906. The greatest mortality is from children's diseases and doubtless results from the ignorance of parents. The stock is characterized by a vigor and vitality that must be conditioned on right living. The family is regarded with respect and reverence. " In mental quality the Pole shows his ability to cope with his Yankee neighbor in the market place. His readiness in master ing the art of farming speaks well for his quickness of observa tion and his power to apply information and adjust himself to new conditions. The children are faithful in attendance on school in the grades and often distinguish themselves by their fine standing. Few if any have, so far, entered Hopkins Acad emy, the secondary school of the town. There is a, strong dis position to put the boys and girls to work when the State's requirements for schooling have been met, but this policy is based not so much on lack of interest in education, as it is on the wish to add to the income of the family. As the Poles gain in material prosperity there is every reason to expect that they will seek larger educational advantages for their children and the record of many of these in the lower grades augurs well for their success in the high school. " APPENDIX 475 XXV CENSUS DATA AS TO INTERMARRIAGE (Vol. I, 1900, pages exc, exci, exeii, and Table 56) I. Native White Persons of Foreign Parentage Specified Country Both Parents Born as Specified One Parent Born as Specified and One Parent Native Bohemia Hungary Poland Russia !33, 774 168,449 66,727 290,912247,672 26,281 3J>362 6,031 19,006I5,24i II. White Persons [Native and Foreign Born] of Foreign Parentage Specified Country Both Parents Born as Specified One Parent Born as Speci fied and One Parent Native Austria Per cent 93-991.2 97-297.297.8 Per cent 6 1 Bohemia 8 8 Hungary 2.S Poland 2.8 Russia III. White Persons Having Fathers Born as Specified Specified Country Mothers also Born as Specified Mothers Born in Other Foreign Countries Mothers Native Total Austria Bohemia Hungary Poland Russia Per cent 89-392.0 93-3 94.994.0 Per cent 6.4 2.1 4-52.94.2 Per cent 4-3 5-92.22.2 1.8 Per cent IOOlooIOOIOOIOO 476 appendix IV. White Persons Having Mothers Born as Specified Specified Country Fathers Born as Specified FathersBorn in Other Foreign Countries Fathers Native Total Austria Bohemia Hungary Poland Russia 92-593-395-6 97.897.1 6.0 3-6 3-9 i-7 2-5 i-5 3-1 °-5o-50.4 IOOIOOIOO IOO IOO Persons of Mixed Foreign Parentage Classified Ac cording to Combinations of Parentage (Census, Table 56.) Father Mother Born Father Mother Born Born tn in Born in in Austria Bohemia i,74i Hungary Italy Austria Canada (Eng.) 269 Hungary Norway 17 Austria Canada (Fr.) 62 Hungary Poland 427 Austria Denmark 34 Hungary Russia Austria England 880 Hungary Scotland Austria France 503 Hungary Sweden 46 Austria Germany 14,938 Hungary Switzerland Austria Hungary 2,534 Hungary Wales 17 Austria Ireland 1,005 Hungary Other countries 116 Austria Italy 517 Poland Austria 1,617 Austria Norway 72 Poland Bohemia 771 Austria Poland i,*53 Poland Canada (Eng.) 190 Russia 3,140 Poland Canada (Fr.) 56 Austria Scotland 122 Poland Denmark 18 Austria Sweden 178 Poland England Austria Switzerland 802 Poland France Austria Wales 37 Poland Germany Other countries 1,023 Poland Hungary Bohemia .... Austria 1,676 Poland Ireland Bohemia Canada (Eng.) 154 Poland Italy 336 Bohemia Canada (Fr.) 33 Poland Norway Bohemia Denmark 22 Poland Russia Bohemia .... England 89 Poland Scotland 67 Bohemia France 68 Poland Bohemia Germany 4,024 Poland Switzerland Bohemia Hungary 455 Poland Wales 18 Bohemia Ireland 132 Poland Bohemia Italy n Bohemia Norway 22 Russia Bohemia Poland 294 Russia Canada (Eng.) Bohemia Russia 166 Russia Canada (Fr.) Bohemia .... Scotland 21 6s Bohemia .... Sweden 35 Russia Bohemia Switzerland 395 13,907 Bohemia Bohemia Wales Other countries 223 Russia Russia Germany Hungary. . . . Austria 1,219 Russia 418 24 Hungary Bohemia 728 Italy Hungary Canada (Eng.) Canada (Fr.) 34 Russia Hungary 8 Russia Poland 3,5°6 87 512 Hungary Denmark n Hungary England 274 Russia Hungary France 123 Hungary Germany 6,186 14 1,662 Hungary Ireland 3ro Other countries appendix 477 XXVI A POLISH CRITICISM OF CHURCH SCHOOLS An article in the Milwaukee Press (Prasa), after noting that in a competition among Polish pupils in writing reportorial ar ticles, "All those whose work was below the required percent age were born and educated in this country, " while the success ful competitors were educated in Europe, asks why this was so : "Why, then, are they such poor writers?" To its own query it then replies as follows. "Because of the poor and faulty educational facilities. Being mostly orthodox Catholics, Polish parents are compelled to send their children to Polish parochial schools. All other schools, especially the public schools, are denounced from the pulpit and in the so-called 'church press' as 'unchristian, pagan and demoralizing institutions.' Parents sending their children to any other but the parochial school are denounced, threatened, ostracized, even expelled from the church, and their children are persecuted. "With the exception of those where the priest himself is a sincere educator, the parochial schools are poor, many of them very poor, educational institutions. Reading, writing, arith metic, geography and history are taught in many of them rather superficially. On the other hand many hours every day are spent for reciting catechism and church formulas, which is called ' teaching religion, ' but it is far from being really re ligion. " The result of such poor system of teaching is that the Polish children, after spending six or seven years in the parochial school, can hardly pass an examination for the fifth grade in the public schools — if they want to continue their education in the public school. "The rule in most of the parishes is that the child shall not leave the parochial school until after first communion: and no child is accepted to first communion until after being thirteen years of age. It very often happens that a brighter child fin ishes all the grades in the parochial school at the end of its eleventh or twelfth year. But it is not allowed to leave the parochial school until it is over thirteen years of age. It is required to stay in the parochial school and waste one or two years doing nothing. " Now a child being thirteen years of age, and graduating only into the fifth, or even sixth grade, has three or four more years 478 appendix to study in order to graduate from the public school. Therefore the child that attends a parochial school must study in the common school until it gets to be sixteen or seventeen, some times even eighteen years of age; while the child that attends the public school finishes the same studies when it is about fourteen years of age. "In some parishes, so-called 'high schools' are established for those who have graduated from the parochial school. Not much of importance is taught in these so-called 'high schools,' their main object being to keep the children away from the public school. "You will, please, remember that half of the Polish popula tion here still belong to the ' workingman's class,' and that Polish families are quite large. Therefore very few Polish par ents can afford to send all their children to school after the fourteenth year. " So you can see where the fault is : not with the Polish people, but with the church authorities, who by such queer means compel the people to keep their children in ignorance. " The Polish people realize this more and more. They demand better parochial schools, but their demands are ignored. "Driven to desperation by the purposely poor parochial system, they do not mind any more threats, ridicule and per secution; they see that their first duty towards their children is good schooling. And were the public school authorities not so slow in adding the Polish language to their curriculum in the Polish districts, half of the Polish children would be now in the public schools. "Of course, the church authorities will deny that the system of teaching in the parochial schools is faulty. But you cannot deny facts and results." The view of a Ruthenian priest may be worth quoting: "Education, the school alone, can help. But success can be neither quick nor easy. My people distrust these schools, teaching their children in a language that they cannot under stand themselves. Their whole history prepares them to sus pect ulterior purposes. Perhaps, too, they have sometimes seen political influences at work in public schools. They have most confidence in parochial schools, but as supplementary to the public schools, not as a substitute." appendix 479 XXVII PERCENTAGE OF ILLITERACY AMONG IMMI GRANTS 14 YEARS OF AGE AND OVER FOR THE YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1900 (Slavic groups are in Italics) Turkish 78.7 Portuguese 60.0 Syrian 56.4 Italian (Southern) 54.5 Filipinos 50.0 Ruthenian (Russniak) 49.0 Pacific Islanders 41.0 Mexican 38.3 Croatian and Slovenian 37.4 Bulgarian, Servian and Montenegrin 35.9 Dalmatian, Bosnian and H erzegovinian 32.9 Lithuanian 32.1 Polish 31.6 Russian 28.8 Slovak 28.0 Roumanian 25.1 Armenian 24.4 African -(black) 23.9 Spanish American 22.8 Hebrew 22.8 Korean 22.5 Greek 17.5 Magyar 16.9 Italian (Northern) 11.8 Dutch and Flemish 9.9 Japanese 8.9 Not specified 7.9 Cuban 6.9 German 5.8 West Indian 5.4 Spanish 5.0 French 4.1 Welsh. 3.7 Irish 3.2 Bohemian and Moravian 3.0 Finnish 2.7 Scotch * ¦ 1 English 2.0 Hawaiian 1.9 Chinese 1.4 Scandinavian 0.8 Total 242 Industrial Commission, Vol. XV, pages 282-3. BIBLIOGRAPHY This hst of titles, while not confined to works mentioned in the text, or even to those consulted, is of course in no sense exhaustive. 31 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbott, Dr. Edith: The Wages of Unskilled Labor in the United States, 1850-1900. Journal of Political Economy, i3: 321-367 (June, 1905). Women in Industry; a Study in American Economic History. Pp. xxi, 408. Appleton, 1910. Abbott, Ernest Hamlin: America's Welcome to the Immigrant. 111. Outlook, 72:257-264 (Oct. 4, 1902). Abbott, Grace: The Bulgarians of Chicago. Charities and the Commons, 30:650-660 (Jan. 9, 1909). Absorbing the Alien. Hadley as a New England in Microcosm. Boston Evening Transcript, Aug. 4, 1909. Accidents. See Eastman. Adams, Samuel Hopkins: Pittsburgh's Foregone Asset, the Pub lic Health. Charities and the Commons, 21:940-950 (Feb. 6, 1909). Addams, Jane: Newer Ideals of Peace. Pp. xviii, 243. Mac millan 1904. Aeltere und neuere Magyarisirungs-Versuche in Ungarn mit besonderer Rucksicht auf die Slovaken. Urbanck, Prague, 1876. Pp. 113. Agriculture: For conditions in U. S., see Farming, Bohemians in U. S.; Poles on Farms. See also Austria-Hungary andthe Balkan States; Buchenberger; Galicia; Oester- reichisches Staatsw5rterbuch; Pratt; Schilder; Schullern- Schrattenhofen. Ainsworth, F. H.: Are We Shouldering Europe's Burden? Charities, 12: 134-135 (Feb. 6, 1904). Albania. See Durham. Alden, Percy, Ed. : Hungary of Today: By Members of the Hun garian Government, etc. 111. Pp. xii, 415. New York, 1909. Alexander, William: Picturesque Representations of the Dress and Manners of the Austrians. Illustrated by fifty colored engravings with descriptions. London, 1814. (These are the same plates, in inferior form, as those in Moleville's book.) Allen, Joseph Henry: An Historical Sketch of the Unitarian Movement since the Reformation. "The Polish Breth ren," Ch. iv, 73-97. New York, 1894. Almanach Ceskoslovanskelio Lidu v New Yorku a Okoli. 111. Vol. 1. Ceska Tiskarna (Bohemian Press), 312 West 71st St., New York City. 483 484 BIBLIOGRAPHY The American Pioneer; a monthly periodical, devoted to the objects of the Logan Historical Society, or to collecting and publishing sketches relating to the early settle ment and successive improvement of the country. (Letter from "Polonus" referring to John of Kolno, i, 399; reference to Sodowskys i, 119, and ii, 325.) Cincinnati, 1844, 1843. 2 vols. Annuaire Statistique Hongrois. Traduction ofncielle. Office Central de Statistique du Royaume de Hongrie. Budapest. (Appears annually.),- Arden, Ivan: The Ruthenians in America. Charities, 13: 245- 252 (Dec. 3, 1904). Art. Seejurkovic; Svarc; Uprka. Assimilation. See Addams; Boas; Lee; Tarde. Auerbach, Bertrand: Les Races et les Nationality en Autriche- Hongrie. Pp. 336. Maps. Alcan, 1898. Austria. See Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States; Bae- decker; Colquhoun; Diplomatic and Consular Re ports; Drage; Leger (History of Austro-Hungary) ; Levy; Merse; Oesterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild; Oesterreichisches StaatswOrter- buch; Palmer, E. H. E.; Partsch; Whitman. See also Austrian Statistics, Emigration from Austria- Hungary, and Hungary. Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States. Maps. Royal (Brit ish) Commission on Labor. 1894. Vol. XI, pp. 225. [A treasury of information on economic and social conditions.] Austrian Census of 1900. Die Summarischen Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung; die Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung vom 31 December, 1900, in den im Reichsrathe vertretenen Konigreichen und Landern, Heft I, Oesterreichische Statistik; heraus- gegben von der K. K. Statischen Central Commission, lxxxiii, Vienna, 1902. Austrian Statistics. See, beside above, Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete der Statistik; Oesterreichisches Statistisches Handbuch; Statistisches Jahrbuch der Oesterreich- ischen Monarchie; Statistische Monatsschrift; Twar- dowski. Baedecker, Karl: Austria, including Hungary, Transylvania, Dalmatia and Bosnia. Handbook for Travelers. Pp. 479. Maps. 1900. Bailey, Alice Ward: A Bright Green Pole. Outlook, Feb. 6, 1904. (A story of a Polish house-maid in an American family.) Bain, A. Nisbet: Cossack Fairy Tales and Folk-tales. Trans lated from the Ruthenian. 111. Pp. 12, 290. London, 1894. Balch, Emily G. : A By Election in Hungary ; a Study of Political Crises. Springfield Sunday Republican, Oct. 22, 1905. BIBLIOGRAPHY 485 A Shepherd of Immigrants. Charities, 13: 193-4 (Dec, 1904). Oesterreichische Fragen in Amerikanischer Beleuchtung. • Der Weg; I, No. 24, pp. 3-5; No. 26, pp. 5-7. Vienna, 1906. Review of Rauchberg's Der Nationale Besitzstand in Boeh- men. Political Science Quarterly, 21: 155-8. 1906. The Story of a Bohemian Pioneer. The Chautauquan, February, 1906, pp. 396-403. (Reprinted above, pages 343-348.) A Week in Herzegovina and Bosnia. Bryn Mawr Alumnas Quarterly, 2: 5-22. 111. Oct., 1908. (Also printed in the Wellesley College Magazine for May, 1909.) Ballagh, J. C: White Servitude in the Colony of Virginia. Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and PoUtical Science. 13: 99. 1895. Benda, Wladyslaw T.: Tatra, a Mountain Region between Gahcia and Hungary. Century, 72: 169—179 (June, 1906). Life in a Polish Village. Century, 76: 323-332 (July, 1908). Bibliographies. See Commons (Races and Immigrants in America) ; Edwards, R. H. ; Library of Congress; Strong. Bittner, Bartos: Katechizmus Svobodomysln6 Mladeze; to jest narys mravonky, zalozene na vSdeckem nazoru sv&ta pro skolu i pouceni soukrom6. (Catechism for free- thinking young people; i. e., an outline of morals based on a scientific view of the world, for schools and pri vate instruction.) Geringer, 150 W. 12th St., Chicago. Blackwell, Emily Stone : Columbia. (Translation from Hurban- Vajansky's Slovak poem.) Springfield Republican, Jan. 14, 1908. Blaster, H. V.: The Aldermen and Their Courts. Charities and the Commons, 21: 851-858 (Feb. 6, 1909). Boas, Franz: Race Problem in America. Science, 29: 839-849. 1909. Boeckh, Richard: Die Statistische Bedeutung der Volkssprache als Kennzeichen der Nationalitat. Berlin, 1866. The Determination of Racial Stock among American Immi grants. Quarterly Publications of American Statistical Association, Dec, 1906. Pp. 199-221. Bohemia. See Balch; Bowring; Guide to the Bohemian Section, London, 1906; Leger; Lutzow; Rauchberg. Bohemia, Emigration from. See Consular Officers of the U. S., Reports of; Jonas. Bohemian National Hymn. (Translated.) Charities, 13: 205 (1904). Bohemian Settlements in Kewaunee County, MSS. in possession of State Historical Society of Wisconsin. Bohemian Voice. Vols. 1 and 2. Omaha, Neb., 1892 and 1893. Bohemians in the United States. For a list of authorities on Bohemian settlement in the United States see Appendix xiv, page 456. The authorities listed in this appendix do not for the most part appear in this Bibliography. 486 BIBLIOGRAPHY See also Almanach Ceskoslovansk^ho Lidu v/ New Yorku a. Okoli; The Bohemian Settlements in Kewau nee Count)'; Bruemmer; Capek; Ceske Chicago; Habernicht; Hrbek; Humpal-Zeman; Katolik; Mas- aryk; Mashek; Naprstek; Riis; Robins; Rosicky; Vlach; Zdrubek (History of Bohemian National Cemetery in Chicago). Bosnia and Herzegovina. See Balch; Coffin; Evans; Hender son; Hutchinson; Munro; Peez; Revel. Bovill, W. B. F.: Hungary and the Hungarians. 111. New York, 1908. Bowring, Sir John: Poetry of the Magyars. Preceded by a sketch of the language and literature of Hungary and Transylvania. 1830. Servian Popular Poetry. London, 1827. Specimens of the Russian Poets; with remarks and bio graphical notices. 2 vols. London, 182 1. Wybor Poezyi Polskiey. Specimens of the Pohsh poets with notes and observations on the literature of Poland. London, 1827. Wybor z Basnictiwi Ceskelio. Cheskian Anthology; being a history of the poetical literature of Bohemia, with translated specimens. London, 1832. Brandes: Impressions of Poland. 1888. Browning, Ellen H.: A Girl's Wanderings in Hungary. 111. Longmans, 1896. (Chapter XVII contains a slight description of Slovak character and wedding customs.) Bruemmer, Louis: Manuscript in regard to Bohemian settle ment in Wisconsin in library of Historical Society of Wisconsin. Buchenberger: Oesterreichische Agrarpolitik seit der Grun- dentlastung. Zft. f. d. Gesammt-Staatswissenschaften, PP- 577-93- !899- Building, Loan and Homestead Associations of the State of Illinois, Thirteenth Annual Report of the Auditor of. 1904. Bukowina. See Jandaurek; Kaindl; Mittheilungen des Statis- tischen Landesamtes; Protokolle der Auswanderungs- Conferenzen; Vertheilung des Grundbesitzes in der Bukowina. Bulgaria. See Dicey. Bulgarians. See Abbott, Grace; Sonnichsen. Butler, Elizabeth Beardsley: Women and the Trades. Charities Publication Committee, New York, 1910. Buzek, Dr. Josef: Das Auswanderungsproblem und die Regelung des Auswanderungswesens in Oesterreich. Zft. fur Volkswirtschaft, Socialpolitik und Verwaltung. 10: ^ 441-51 1, 553-595- i9°i- Der Einfluss der Ernten, respective der Getreidepreise auf die Bevolkerungsbewegung in Galizien in den Jahren 1878-98. Statistische Monatsschrift, N. F. 6; 167- 216. 1901. BIBLIOGRAPHY 487 Die Ueberseeische Oesterreichische Wanderung in den Jahren 1896 bis 1898. Ibid., N. F. 6: 72-105. 1900. Byington, Margaret F.: Homestead, A Steel Town and its People. Charities and the Commons, 21: 613-628 (Jan. 8, 1909). Households Builded upon Steel. Ibid., 1073-1104 (Mar. 6, 1909). The Mill Town Courts and their Lodgers. Ibid., 913-922 (Feb. 6, 1909). Capek, Tomas: Pamatky Cesky ch Emigrantu v Americe; Pfi- spevek k dejinam cesko-americk^ho vystehovalectvi. (Memorials of Bohemian Emigrants in America: A Contribution to the history of Bohemian-American Emigration.) Second revised edition, pp. 112. 111. Narodni Tiskarny Press, Omaha, Nebraska, 1907. The Slovaks of Hungary. Slavs and Pan Slavism. Pp. xvi, 214. Maps. 111. New York, 1906. Cechen in Preussisch-Oberschlesien, Die. Stimme eines Ru- fenden aus Preussisch-Oberschlesien. Von einem Sla- ven. Pp. 18. Urbanek, Prag, 1875. Cesk6 Chicago : Adresaf Ceskych Obchodnfku a Spolkii. (Bo hemian Chicago: Directory of Bohemian business men and societies.) Narodni Tiskarny Press, 700-704 Loomis St., Chicago, 1900. Churches. SeeDabovich; Grose; McLanahan; Official Cathohc Directory; Shipman. See also Religious Aspect of Immigration. Cigar Making. See Riis; Robins. Claghorn, Kate Holladay: Changing Character of Immigration. 111. World's Work, 1: 381-387 (1900-1901). Immigration and Dependence. Charities, 12: 135-137 (Feb. 6, 1904). Immigration in its Relation to Pauperism. Annals of American Academy of Political and Social Science, 24: 207-220 (July, 1904). Our Immigrants and Ourselves. Atlantic, 36: 535-548 (1900). Slavs, Magyars and Some Others in the New Immigration. Charities, 13: 199-205 (Dec. 3, 1904). Coffin, M. C: Where East meets West: Visit to Picturesque Dalmatia, Montenegro and Bosnia. 111. National Geographic Magazine, 19: 309-344 (May, 1908). Colquhoun, A. R. and Mrs. E. : The Whirlpool of Europe ; Austria, Hungary and the Habsburgs. 111. Pp. 349- i9°7- Coman, Katharine: The Industrial History of the United States. Pp. xiii, 343, xxiv. Macmillan, 1907. Comenius, Johann Amos: The Labyrinth of the World and the Paradise of the Heart. Edited and translated by Count Lutzow. Pp. 347. London, 1901. Commission on Immigration of New York State, appointed pursuant to the provisions of Chapter 210 of the laws 488 BIBLIOGRAPHY of 1909. Report transmitted to the legislature April 5, 1909. Pp. xiv, 252. Commons, J. R. : Immigration and its Economic Effects. In dustrial Commission, Vol. 15: 293-743. 1901. Immigration and Labor Problems. (In La Follette, Robert M. ed. The Making of America, Vol. 8: 236- 261. Chicago, 1906.) Races and Immigrants in America. 111. Macmillan, 1907. Slavs in the Bituminous Mines of Illinois. Charities, 13: 227-229 (Dec. 3, 1904). Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, xiv, 628. Ginn & Co., 1905. Wage Earners of Pittsburgh. Charities and the Commons, 21: 1051— 1066 (Mar. 6, 1909). Communal Household. See Zadruga. Consular Officers of the U. S., Reports of: Emigration and Immigration. 49th Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representatives, Ex. Doc. 157, 1887. Pp. iv, 748. (See index under Austria-Hungary, Russia.) Jonas, Charles: Emigration from Bohemia, 491-493. Bohemian and Hungarian Emigration to the United States, 493-494; in U. S. Consular Reports, xxxii, No. 114. (1890.) Consular Reports, Special. Emigration to the United States. Vol. 30, 1904. Pp. xv, 210. Austria-Hungary, 1-15; Russia, 104— in. Connor, Ralph: The Foreigner, A Tale of Saskatchewan. Pp. 384. New York, 1909. (A Story of Slavs, especially Ruthenians, in Western Canada.) Conway, J. : Catholic Education in the United States. (Quoted by Kruszka.) Costume. See Alexander; Ferrario; Moleville. Croatia. See Evans; Koch; Kovacevic; Die Konigreiche Kroatien und Slavonien; Monatliche Statistische Mittheilungen (Agram); Viestnik; Volkszahlung vom 31 Dezember, 1900, in den KOnigreichen Kroatien und Slavonien; Zadruga; Zoricic. Crowell, F.Elizabeth: Housing Situation in Pittsburgh. Charities and the Commons, 21: 871-881 (Feb. 6, 1909). Painter's Row. Ibid., 897-910. Crowell, Katharine B.: Coming Americans. Willett Press, New York. Curtin, Jeremiah: Myths and Folk-tales of the Russians, Western Slavs and Magyars. Pp. xxv, 555. Boston,i89o. Czerwinski, Albert: Geschichte der Tanzkunst bei den cultivier- ten Volkern von den ersten Anfangen bis auf der gegenwartigen Zeit. Pp. viii, 264, Leipzig, 1862. Dabovich, Rev. Sebastian: The Holy Orthodox Church or the Ritual, Services and Sacraments of the Eastern Apos tohc (Greek Russian) Church. Pp. 85. Wilkesbarre, Pa., 1898. BIBLIOGRAPHY 489 Dalmatia. See Coffin; Diehl; Evans; Holbach; Munro; Peixotto; Smythe; Wilkinson; Wingfield. Dances. See Czerwinski; Waldau. Daszynska-Golinska, Dr. Zona: Neuere Literatur uber Galizi- sches Agrarwesen. Sozial-Wirtschaftliche Dorfmono- graphien. Archiv fur Social wissenschaft und Social- politik, 20: 720-733, 1904. Deniker, Joseph: The Races of Man; an outline of Anthropol ogy and Ethnography. 111. Pp. xxiii, 611. Scott, London, 1901. Devine, Edward T. : Immigration as a Relief Problem. Charities, 12: 129-133 (Feb. 6, 1904). The Pittsburgh Survey. Charities and the Commons, 21: 1035. (Mar. 6, 1909.) Dicey, Edward: History of the Peasant State. London, 1894. Diehl, C: En M6diterranee. 1901. (Contains Les Souvenirs de la France en Dalmatie.) Diplomatic and Consular Reports (British). Finances and Gen eral Economic Conditions of Austria-Hungary for the years 1900-1904. No. 3343. Annual Series. Pp. 134. April, 1905. Dixon, Charlton: Slovak Grammar for English Speaking Stu dents. Second Edition, pp. 134. Rovnianek, Pittsburgh, 1904. Donaldson, Th.: The Public Domain. Gov. Printing Office, 1884. (See p. 212 for Congressional grant to Polish exiles.) Dowie, Menie Muriel: A Girl in the Karpathian Mountains. London, 189 1: (Also published under the author's married name of Mrs. Norman.) Drage, Geoffrey: Austria-Hungary. Pp. xvii, 846. Dutton, 1909. Durham, Mary Edith: The Burden ofthe Balkans. Pp. xii, 331. 111. London, 1905. High Albania. Pp. xii, 352. 111. London, 1909. Through the Lands ofthe Serb. Pp.xi.345. 111. London,i9o4. Eastman, Crystal: One Year's Work Accidents and Their Cost. I. Why Industrial Accidents Happen. II. What happens after the Accident. Charities and the Com mons, 21: 1143-1174 (Mar. 6, 1909). The Temper of the Workers under Trial. Ibid., 561-570. Work-Accidents and the Law. Charities Publication Com mittee, 1 9 10. Edmonds, J. M.: An Introduction to Comparative Philology for Classical Students. Pp. vi, 2 35 . Cambridge Univer sity Press, 1906. Edwards, Charles E.: Protestantism in Poland, a Brief Study of its History as an Encouragement to Mission Work among the Poles. Westminster Press, Phila., 1901. Edwards, Richard Henry: Immigration. Studies in American Social Conditions, No. 3. (An outline and references for study.) Pp. 32. Madison, Wisconsin. Jan., 1909. 49° BIBLIOGRAPHY Elkinton, Joseph: The Doukhobors. Charities, 13: 252-256 (Dec. 3, 1904). Emigration from Austria-Hungary. See Buzek; Consular Officers; Drage; Graetz; Hegedus; Levay; Mischler; Schwegel; Statistische Monatsschrift ; Stodola; Thirring; Vay de Vaya and Luskod. See also Appendix viii, P- 447- Ethnology. See Boeckh; Capek (The Slovaks of Hungary); Deniker; Ficker; Komarow; Levy; Niederle; Rauch- berg (Die Bevolkerung Oesterreichs) ; Ripley; Slawen. 1 Evans, Arthur John: Illyrian Letters; a selection of corre spondence from Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, Albania, Dalmatia, Croatia and Slavonia, addressed to the Manchester Guardian, 1877. Pp. xxi, 255. Maps. Longmans, 1878. Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina on foot during the Insurrection, August and September, 1875; with an historical review of Bosnia and a glimpse of the Croats, Slavonians, and the ancient Republic of Ragusa. 111. Longmans, 1876. Family Life. See Byington; Garret; McDowell; Sayles; White. Farming. See Hening; Horton; Smalley. See also Bohemians in the U.S., Poles on Farms, and, for conditions in Austria- Hungary, see Agriculture. Faust, Albert Bernhardt: The German Element in the United States; with special reference to its political, moral, social and educational influence. 2 vols. 111. Hough ton, Mifflin, 1909. (For Moravian Brethren see Index.) Fehlinger H. : Die Oesterreicher in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. Statistische Monatsschrift, 1907. Ferrario, Giulio: II Costume Antico e Moderno. etc. Folio. Plates, Milan, 1829. See Index, Vol. XVIII, under Austria, Croatia, Polacchi, Polonia. Russi, Russia, Russinie o Russniachi, Slavinzi, Slavi, Slavoni o Schiavoni, Ungherese, Ungheria. Ficker, Adolf: Ethnographische Karte der Oest.-Ung. Mon archie. Nach Frhr. v. Czoernig's Karte in 4 Blatter, reducirt in 1 Blatt. Mit erklarendem Text. Vienna, 1870. Die Volkerstamme der Oes.-Ung. Monarchie, ihre Gebiete, Granzen und Inseln. Historisch-geographisch und sta- tistisch dargestellt ; mit 4 Karten. Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete der Statistik, Vol. xv, 1869. Fiction. See Bailey; Connor; Foster; Franzos; Freytag; Gerard; Gogol; Harriman; Jirasek; Johnson; Mikszath; Nemec; Neruda; Orczy; Przewa-Tetmajer; Reuter; Ritter; Sandor-Gjalski ; Sienkiewycz; Steiner. First Catholic Slovak Union of U. S. A., Constitution and By laws ; under the patronage of the Virgin Mary, Patroness of Hungary; amended at the XII Convention held in 1906, at McKeesport. Organized in 1890 at Cleve land, Ohio. Pp. 99. (In English and Slovak.) BIBLIOGRAPHY 491 Fitch, John A.: Some Pittsburgh Steel Workers. Charities and the Commons, 21: 553-560 (Jan. 2, 1900). The Steel Industry and the Labor Problem. Ibid., 1079- 1092 (Mar. 6, 1909). Fleming, W. L.: Immigration to the Southern States. Political Science Quarterly, 20: 276-297 (1905). Folk-Lore. See Curtin; Krauss; Mijatovich; Mijatovics; Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Hercegovina. Foster, Maximilian: The Citizen. Everybody s, Nov. 1909, pp. 625-640. Franzos, Carl Emil: Aus Halb-Asien; Culturbilder aus Galizien, der Bukowina, Slid Russland und Rumanien. Second Edition, 1878. For the Right. Translated by J. Sutter, N. Y. 1888. The Jews of Barnow. (8 Stories.) Translated from the German by M. W. Macdowall. (With a preface by Barnes Phillip.) Pp. xxii, 21, 334. Appleton, 1883. Vom Don zur Donau; neue Kulturbilder aus Halb Asien. Contents: Markttag in Barnow. Die Gezwungenen. Mein Onkel Bernhard. Martin der Rubel. Die Literatur der Kleinrussen. Das Volkslied der Klein- russen. Toras Szewczenko. Thodika. Rumanische Sprichworter. Aus Pest's VerbrecherhShlen. Der Ahnherr des Messias. Die Cultur Entwicklung in Halb-Asien. Revised edition, 2 vols. Berlin, 1898. Free-thinkers. See Almanach Ceskoslovanskeho Lidu v New Yorku a Okoli; Bittner; Pohfebni Reci (Funeral Speeches); Spera; Zdrubek. Freytag: Debit and Credit. (A German youth in Poland at the time of the insurrection.) Frumar, Adolph and Jursa, Jan: Slabikaf pro Skoly Obecn6. (Primer for Public Schools.) 111. by M. Ales. Cisafsky Kralovsky Skolni Knihosklad. Prague, 1902 . Furdek, Rev. Stephen: Jednota; Katolfcky Kalendar, pp. 196. 111. 1907. (Contains a list of Catholic Slovak colonies and priests in the United States.) Zivot Slovakov v Amerike. (Life of Slovaks in America.) In Tovarysstvo, Vol. iii (1890). Ruzomberok, Hungary. Galicia. See Daszynska-Golinska ; Dowie; Franzos; Gerard; Jandaurek; Pennell; Pilat; Statistische Mittheilungen uber die Verhaltnisse Galiziens; Thomson. See also Agriculture; Bukowina; Ruthenians. Garret, Laura B.: Notes on the Poles in Baltimore. Chari ties, 13: 235-239 (Dec. 3, 1904). Gerard, Dorothea: (Madame Longardde Longarde) An Impossible Idyll. (Story of an English family in Galicia.) Orthodox. Tauchnitz, 1891. (Story of Galician Jews.) This and the following novel give highly interesting pictures of Ruthenian life, especially in priestly families. 492 BIBLIOGRAPHY The Supreme Crime. Tauchnitz, 1901. The Wrong Man. Appleton, 1896. Gibbons, William Frithey: The Adopted Home of the Hun: A Social Study in Pennsylvania. American Magazine of Civics, Sept., 1895, pp. 315-323. Gogol, Nicolai Vasilievitch: Evenings in Little Russia. Trans. by E. W. Underwood and W. H. Cline. Pp. xxiii, 153. Lord, Evanston, 1903. (Contains, beside preface, The Fair of Sorotchinetz ; An Evening in May; Mid- Summer Evening.) St. John's Eve. Trans, by J. H. Hapgood. Pp. 383. Crowell, 1886. (Contains, beside introduction, St. John's Eve, — same tale as Mid-Summer Evening in preceding volume; Old Fashioned Farmers; The Tale of How Ivan Ivanovitch quarrelled with Ivan Nikif orovitch ; The Portrait; The Cloak.) Evening on the Farm near the Dikanka. (This is another translation of the same or part of the same set of poetical tales full of the superstition and passion of the Little Russian peasant.) Taras Bulba. Trans, by Isabel F. Hapgood. Pp. 295. Crowell, 1886. (A brilliant sketch of Cossack life among the Little Russians of old.) Graetz, Dr. Victor: Ueber die Auswanderungsfrage in Oester- reich. V olkswirtschaftlichen Wochenschrift, Feb. 23, 1905. (Also separately printed. Pp. 26.) Gregory, John G.: Foreign Immigration to Wisconsin. Pro ceedings State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1901, pp. 137-143. 1902. Grose, Howard B.: Aliens or Americans? With Introduction by Josiah Strong. Young People's Missionary Move ment. Pp. 337. New York, 1906. (In series of Forward Mission Study Courses of Am. Baptist Home Missionary Society.) Guide to the Bohemian Section and to the Kingdom of Bohemia. Bohemian Section at the Austrian Exhibition, Earl's Court, London, 1906. Pp. 224. 111. Maps. Wiesner, Prague, 1906. (Contains a brief bibliography of English works relating to Bohemia.) Habernicht: Dejiny Cechu Americkych, Dil tfeti; Stat Texas. (History of American Chekhs; Third Part; the State of Texas.) Copyrighted by the Bohemian Literary Society, 1904. Pp.129. LI- See Appendix xiv, page 456, for further reference to this publication. Hall, Prescott F. : Immigration and its Effects upon the United States. Holt, 1906. Harriman, Karl Edwin: The Home Builders. Pp. 329, London. (Stories of Polish-Americans.) Hegediis, Lorant: A Magyarok Kivandorlasa Amerikaba. • Az Amerikai Magyar Telepek — A Felvidek Nyomora — Kivandorlas es Bevandorlas Szabalyozasa. (The Emi gration of Hungarians to America — The American- BIBLIOGRAPHY 493 Hungarian settlements — The Misery of Upper Hungary — The Regulation of Emigration and Immigration.) Pp. 102, Budapest, 1899. Reprinted from the Buda pest Szemle (Review). Henderson, Major Percy E. : A British Officer in the Balkans. The account of a journey through Dalmatia, Montenegro, Turkey in Austria (sic), Magyarland, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Pp. 302. 111. Lippincott, 1906. Herder, Johann Gottfried von: Outlines of a Philosophy of a History of Mankind. Trans, from the German by Churchill. Pp. xvi, 632. London, 1800. Herzegovina. See Bosnia and Herzegovina. Holbach, Mrs. M. M.: Dalmatia, the Land where East meets West. 111. London, 1908. Holt, Hamilton, editor: The Life Stories of Undistinguished Americans as told by Themselves. With an Intro duction by Edwin E. Slosson. Chapter II, Life Story of a Polish Sweatshop Girl. Pott, N. Y., 1906. Housing. See Byington; Crowell. Hrbek, Sarah: Bohemian Citizens have done much for Cedar Rapids. Cedar Rapids Republican, Semi-Centennial Magazine edition. June 10, 1906. Hruszewski, Michael: Geschichte des Ukrainischen (Ruthen- ischen) Volkes. Vol. 1, Leipzig, 1906. Die Klein Russen. (In Melnik, J. ed. : Russen und Russ- land.) Humpal-Zeman, Josefa: Bohemia: A Stir of its Social Conscience. The Commons, July, 1904. The Bohemian People in Chicago. (In Hull House Maps and Papers. Pp. viii, 230. Crowell, 1895.) Chapter Bohemian Settlements in the United States. Industrial Commission, vol. 15, pp. 507-510. 1901. Hungarian Emigration. American Monthly Review of Reviews, 33 ¦ 354-6- 1906. Hungarians. See Hungary. Hungarian Statistical Year Book. See Annuaire Statistique Hongrois. Hungary. See Alden; Balch (A By Election); Bovill; Bow ring; Browning; Consular Reports; Irby; Pink; Recouly; Seton-Watson. See also Slovaks. Hungary, Emigration From. See Emigration from Austria- Hungary. Hurban-Vajansky : See Vajansky. Hutchinson, Frances H. : Motoring in the Balkans along the High ways of Dalmatia, Montenegro, the Herzegovina and Bosnia. 111. Pp. xiii, 341. McClurg, 1909. Illegitimacy. See Spann. Immigrants' Guides. See Immigration Department, Y. M. C. A. ; Roberts; Rosicky; Severance; Sustersic. 494 BIBLIOGRAPHY Immigration. See Emigration. Immigration Commission, Federal, created under section 39 of the Immigration Act of Feb. 20, 1907. Hearing Jan. 18, 1908, in relation to Section 42 of Immigration Act. Statement relative to the work and expenditures of the Immigration Commission. House of Representatives, 60th Congress, 2nd Session, Document No. 1489, pp. 44. Washington, 1909. Steerage Conditions, Partial Report on. 61st Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Document No. 206. Pp. 46. Wash ington, 1909. Importing Women for Immoral Purposes. Report from the Immigration Commission, transmitting in response to Senate Resolution No. 36 by Senator Lodge a partial report to Congress on the Importation and Harboring of Women for Immoral Purposes. 61st Congress, 2nd Session, Senate Document No. 196. Pp. 61. Washington, 1909. Immigration Department, International Committee of Young Men's Christian Association. The Country to Which You Go. Pp. 12. How to Become a Citizen of the United States. Pp. 10. (For these and various other pamphlet publications address Dr. Peter Roberts, 124 E. 28th St., N. Y.) Immigration, Commissioner General (Federal) of. Annual Reports. 1895 (J. H. Senner); 1896 and 1897 (Her man Stump); 1898, 1899, 1900 and 1901 (T. V. Pow derly); 1902, 1903, 1904, 1905, 1906, 1907 (F. P. Sargent); 1908 (A. Warner Parker, Acting Com. Gen.); 1909 (Daniel O'Keefe). Immigration Statistics, United States, 1820-1892. Treasury Department. Arrivals of Alien Passengers and Immi grants in the United States from 1820 to 1892. Pre pared by the Bureau of Statistics. (Portion of Quar terly Report No. 2, Series 1892-93.) Pp. 151. Wash ington, 1893. Immigration, Superintendent (Federal) of. Annual Reports. 1892 (W. D. Owen), 1893 (Herman Stump), 1894 (J. H. Senner) . Industrial Commission, vol. 15. Reports on Immigration. Pp. cxxvi, 840. 1901. (An invaluable storehouse of information; the rest of the volume is separately paged and is on a different subject.) Industrial Commission, vol. 17. 1901. Labor Organizations, Labor Disputes, and Arbitration and Railway Labor. (Consult index under Foreigners and Immigration.) Irby, Miss: Across the Carpathians. Jandaurek, Julius: Das KOnigreich Galizien und Lodomerien und das Herzogthum Bukowina. 111. Pp.202. Grae- ser, Vienna, 1884. BIBLIOGRAPHY 49S Janik, Michal: Ludnosd Polska w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki Polnocnej. (The Polish People in the United States of North America.) Lud, n, 248-269. Lem berg, 1905. Jirasek, A.: Chodische Freiheits Kampfer. Translated into German by B. Lepaf. Otto, Prague, 1904. (An historical novel of a Bohemian peasant revolt.) Johnson, Emily S. : Landless Men. Atlantic, 99 : 335-345 (March 1907). Ticket for Ona. Atlantic, 101: 106-113 (Jan., 1908). Wife from Vienna. Atlantic, 97: 17-25 (Jan., 1906). Wocel's Daughter. Atlantic, 97: 797-808 (June, 1906). The Younger Generation. American Magazine, 62 : 465- 477 (September, 1906). (Delightful stories of Pennsyl vania mining folk.) Jonas, Charles: Bohemian Made Easy: A Practical Bohemian Course for English-speaking People. Second edition. Pp. 294. Slavic Press, Racine, Wisconsin, 1900. See also Consular Officers. Jurkovic, Dusan: Slovak Popular Art. In Seton-Watson. Racial Problems in Hungary, 352-362. Kaindl, R. F.: Geschichte der Bukowina von der altesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart unter besonderer Beriick- sichtigung der Kulturverhaltnisse. 111. Pp. 232. Pardini. Czernowitz, 1904. Kalal, Karl: O Pusobeni Zidu na Slovensku. (Of the In fluence of the Jews among the Slovaks.) Osveta, 30: 197-202, 303-313. 1900. Pusobeni Zidii mezi Uherskymi Rusy. (Influence of the Jews among the Hungarian Russians [sc. Ruthenians]) Osveta, 30: 402-405. 1900. Na Krasnem Slovensku. Pp. no. 111. Vilimek, Prague (no date). Kapp, Friedrich: Aus und uber Amerika. (Includes Zur Auswanderungsfrage.) Berlin, 1876. European Emigration to the United States. A paper read before the Am. Soc. Science Ass'n. Oct., 1869. Pp. 29. New York, 1869. Immigration and the Commissioners of Emigration of the State of New York. 111. Pp. 241. New York, 1870. Katolik; Cesko- Americky Kalendaf (The Catholic; Bohemian- American Calendar). Vol. 12, 1907. 111. Bohemian Benedictine Press, 696 Allport St., Chicago. Kaupas: The Lithuanians in America. Charities, 13: 231- 235 (Dec. 3, 1904). Kelley, Florence: Factory Inspection in Pittsburgh. Charities and the Commons, 21: 1105-1116 (Mar. 6, 1909). Kellogg, P. V.: The McKee's Rocks Strike. The Survey, 22: 656-666 (Aug. 7, 1909). Kellor, Frances A.: Immigration and Household Labor. A 496 BIBLIOGRAPHY Study of Social Conditions. Charities, 12: 151-152 -(Feb. 6, 1904). Protection of Immigrant Women. Atlantic, 101: 246-255. 1908. Koch, Fehx J. : In Quaint, Curious Croatia. National Geographic Magazine, 19 : 809-832. 111. 1908. Kohlbeck, Rev. Valentine : The Catholic Bohemians of the United States. Champlain Educator, 25: 36-54 (Jan.-Mar., 1906). Kollar, Jan: Ueber die Literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stammen und Mundarten der Slawischen Nation. 2nd edition, Leipzig, 1844. Komarow: Karta Slavjanskich Narodnostej (Chart of Slavic Nations). St. Petersburg, 1890. (Quoted in article " Slawen " in Meyer's Conversations Lexicon.) Konigreiche Kroatien und Slavonien auf der Milleniums — Landesausstellung des Konigreichs Ungarn in Buda pest, 1896. Pp. vii, 258.' Agram, 1896. Koukol, Alois B. : A Slav's a Man for A' That. Charities and the Commons, 21: 589-598 (Jan. 2, 1909). Kovacevic, Dr. Milan: Die Auswanderung. Agramer Tagblatt, April 18, 19, 20, 1905. (See also an article under the same title under date of April 26.) Kraitser, Charles: The Poles in the United States of America, preceded by the Earliest History of the Slavonians and by the History of Poland. Pp. 196. Philadelphia, 1907. Krasinska, Francoise, Countess: The Journal of Countess Francoise Krasinska, great grandmother of Victor Emmanuel. Translated from the Polish by Kasimir Dziekonska. Pp. 182. Port. McClurg, Chicago, 1899. (A charming diary of a little Polish noblewoman toward the end of the 18th century.) Krasinski, H.: The Cossacks of the Ukraine, comprising bio graphical notices of the most celebrated chiefs or atamans, including Chmielnicki, Stenko Razin, Mazeppa, Sava, Zelezniak, Gonta, Pugatchef, and a description of the Ukraine. Krasinski, Count Valerian Skorobahaty: Historical Sketch of the Rise, Progress and Decline of the Reformation in Poland, and of the Influence which the Scriptural Doctrines have exercised on the Country in literary, Moral and Political Respects. 2 vols. London, 1838. Montenegro and the Slavonians of Turkey. London, 1853. Sketch of the Religious History of the Slavonic nations-r" being a second edition of his lectures on this subject, revised and enlarged. Edinburgh, 1851. Pan Slavismus und Germanismus. Krauss, Dr. Friedrich Salomon: Sagen und Marchen der Sud- Slaven, zum grossen Teil aus ungedruckten Quellen. Pp. Hi, 430. Leipzig, 1883. Sitte und Brauch der Sud-Slaven; nach heimischen ge- druckten und ungedruckten Quellen. Pp. xxvi, 681. Vienna, 1885. BIBLIOGRAPHY 497 Slavische Volksforschungen ; Abhandlungen uber Glauben, Gewohnheitsrechte, Sitten, Brauche und die Guslaren- lieder der Slid Slaven, vorwiegend auf Grund eigener Erhebungen. Leipzig, 1908. Volksglaube und religiOser Brauch der Siid Slaven. Pp. xvi, 176. 1890. Kruszka, X. Waclaw: Historya Polska w Ameryce; Poczatek, Wzrost i Rozwoj Osad Polskich w Polnocnej Ameryce w Stanach Zjednoczonychi Kanadzie. (Polish History in America ; origin, growth and distribution of Polish colonies in United States and Canada.) Eight i2mo volumes, 1905-1906. Milwaukee, Kuryer Press. Kucera, Magdalena: The Slavic Races in Cleveland. Charities, 13- 377-378. i9°4- Labor, U. S. Department of. Charts Exhibited at the Pan- American Exposition. (Chart III, showing relative real wages — wages measured by wholesale price, 1840-1899.) Bulletin No. 38. (Jan., 1902.) Labor Organization and Immigrants. See Commons; Fitch; Industrial Commission, vols, xv and xvii; Kellogg; Mitchell; Ripley; Roberts; Smith; Stewart; Warne; Wing; Wright. Language. See Boeckh; Die Statistische Bedeutung, etc.; Dixon; Edmonds; Jones; Mametej; Ruthenian- American Vocabulary; Safafik; Slavonian-English and English-Slavonian Dictionary; Slovak American Interpreter. Lee, Joseph: Assimilation and Nationahty. Charities and the Commons, 19: 1453— 1455. 1908. Leger, Louis Paul Marie: Cyrille et Methode: Etude Historique sur la Conversion des Slaves au Christianisme. Pp. xxv, 230. Paris, 1868. Etudes Slaves. Voyages et Litterature. Pp. viii, 347. Paris, 1875. A History of Austro-Hungary from the earliest times to the year 1889. Translated from the French by Mrs. Birkbeck Hill with a preface by Edward A. Free man. Pp. xxxiv, 672. Map. Putnam, 1889. Le Monde Slave. Pp. xxii, 344. 2nd edition. Paris, 1897. Nouvelles Etudes Slaves. Histoire et Litterature. Pp. iii, 406. Paris, 1880. Recueil de Contes Populaires Slaves. Traduits sur les textes originaux. Pp. xiv, 266. Paris, 1882. Russes et Slaves. Etudes politiques et litteraires. Ie Serie; II Serie; III Serie. La Save, le Danube et le Balkan. Voyage chez les Slovenes, les Croates, les Serbes et les Bulgares. Pp. x, 279. 2nd edition. Paris, 1889. Souvenirs d'un- Slavophile. Pp. 314. Paris, 1905. Legislation as to Emigration. See Levay; Whelpley. 32 498 BIBLIOGRAPHY Levay, Baron Louis de, Royal Commissioner of Emigration: The Hungarian Emigration Law. North American, 182: 115- 122. 1906. Levy, Daniel: L'Autriche-Hongrie; Ses Institutions etses Nation- alites. Paris, 1871. Library of Congress: A List of books (with references to periodi cals) on Immigration. Compiled under the direction of Appleton Prentiss Clark Griffin, Chief Bibliographer. Third issue with additions. Pp. 157. Government Printing Office, Washington, 1907. Lichard, Milan and Kolisek, Rev. Alois: Slovak Popular Melodies. (In Seton-Watson's Racial Problems in Hungary, 372-391.) Life Story of a Hungarian Peon. Independent, 63: 557-564. 1907. Literature. See Bowring; Comenius; Kollar; Mijatovics; Morfill; Murko; Safafik; Lutzow; Skultety; Talvi; Wratislaw. See titles in Seton-Watson's bibliography, Racial Problems in Hungary, p. 528. Lithuanians. See Kaupas. Little Russians. See Ruthenians. Lovejoy, Owen R.: The Slav Child: A National Asset or a Lia bility. Charities, 14: 882-884 (July, 1905). Loydold, L.: Die Ein- und Auswanderung durch den Hafen von New York im I Semester, 1908. Statistische Monatsschrift, N. F. Pp. 13: 637-666. 1908. Lutzow, Count F. N. H. V.: Bohemia; an historical sketch. Pp. xviii, 438. Maps. London, 1896. A History of Bohemian Literature. Pp. xii, 425. Apple- ton, 1899. Lectures on the Historians of Bohemia. Ilchester Lectures for 1904. Pp. vii, 120. London, 1908. The Life and Times of Master John Hus. Pp. xi, 398. 111. Dent, 1909. The Story of Prague. Pp. xix, 206. 111. London, 1902. McDowell, Mary E.: The Struggle in the Family Life. Charities, 13: 196-7 (Dec. 3, 1904). McLanahan, Samuel: Our People of Foreign Speech. A handbook distinguishing and describing those in the United States whose native tongue is other than English, with particular reference to religious work among them. Pp. 105. Maps. Revell, 1904. Magyars. See Hungarians. Mailath, Joseph: Studien uber die Landarbeiterfrage in Ungarn. Wiener Staatswissenschaftliche Studien, Vol. vi, Heft II. Map. Deuticke, 1905. Die Magyarische Staatsidee, Kirche und Nationalitaten in Ungarn. Geschildirt von einem Slovaken. Pp. 56. Prague, 1887. Mamatej, Albert: Novy Americky Tlumac. (New American Interpreter) [Slovak]. Pp.291. Rovnianek, Pittsburgh. BIBLIOGRAPHY 499 Masaryk, Dr. Alice G. : The Bohemians in Chicago. Charities, 13: 206-210 (Dec. 3, 1904). Mashek, Nan: Bohemian Farmers in Wisconsin. Charities, 13: 211-215 (Dec. 3, 1904). Maurice, C. Edmund: The Revolutionary Movement of 1848-9 in Italy, Austria-Hungary and Germany, with some examination of the previous thirty-three years. Pp. xxiv, 515. 111. London, 1887. Mayo-Smlth, Richmond: Theories of Mixtures of Races and Nationalities. Yale Review, Vol. 3. Mayr, H. V.: Statistiche Monatsschrift, 1897. Melnzlngen, Dr. Franz von: Die Binnenlandische Wanderung und ihre Ruckwirkung auf die Umgangssprache nach der letzten Volkszahlung. N. F. vii : 693-729. Statistische Monatsschrift, 1902. Die Wanderbewegung auf Grund der Gebiirtigkeitsdaten der Volkszahlung vom 31 December, 1900. Ibid., i9°3- Merse, Max: L'Autriche a l'Aube du XX Siecle. Preface de M. d'Estournelle de Constant. Pp. vii, 175. Paris, 1904. Mijatovich, Chedomil: Servia and the Servians. Boston, 1908. (A story of Magyars and Slovaks in Hungary.) Mijatovics, Elodie Lawton: The History of Modern Serbia. Pp. xiv, 272. London, 1872. Serbian Folklore. Popular tales selected and translated . edited with an introduction by the Rev. W. Denton. Pp. vi, 316. London, 1874. Kossovo. Serbian national songs about the battle of Kossovo in one poem. Tr. London, 1881. Mikszath, Kalman: St. Peter's Umbrella. Translated from the Hungarian by B. W. Worswick, with Introduction by R. Nisbet Bain. Pp. xii, 289. 1901. Miners. See Commons; Roberts; Warne. Mischler, E.: Die Auswanderung aus Oesterreich-Ungarn. Sozialpolitisches Centralblall. Aug. 1, 1872. MiSik, Stefan: Kostol a Fara v Hnilci, Kratka Monografia. (Church and parish in Hnilec; a brief monograph). Turc. Sv. Marten. 1895. Mitchell, John: Organized Labor. Its Problem, Purposes, and Ideals, and the Present and Future of American Wage Earners. Chap. XXI, The Immigrant and the Living Wage. Pp. xii, 436. 111. Phila., 1903. Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete der Statistik. Herausgegeben von der K. K. Statistischen Central Commission. Vienna, 1852-1874. Mittheilungen des Statistischen Landesamtes des Herzogthums Bukowina. Edited by Anton Zachar. Czernowitz. Moleville, M. Bertrand de: Translated by R. C. Dallas. The Costume of the Hereditary States of the House of Austria, Displayed in fifty colored engravings, with Descriptions and an Introduction. London, 1804. 500 BIBLIOGRAPHY Monatliche Statistische Mittheilungen herausgegeben vom Konigl. Stat. Landesamte in Zagreb. (In German and Croatian.) Montenegro. See Coffin; Krasinski (Montenegro and the Slavonians of Turkey) ; Revel; Wilkinson. Moore, Henry Hoyt: The Black Dirt People. The Outlook, 93: ¦<¦ 949-957 (Dec. 25, 1909). Morrill, W. R.: History of Poland. (The Story of the Nations Series.) New York, 1893. The Dawn of European Literature. Slavonic Literature. Pp. viii, 264. S. P. C. K. London, 1883. Slavonic Literature. S. P. C. K. London, 1883. Munro, A.: Rambles and Studies in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Dalmatia, with an account of the proceedings of the Congress of Archeologists and Anthropologists held in Aug., 1894. 111. Edinburgh, 1895. Murko, Matthias: Deutsche Einfliisse auf die Anfange der Slavischen Romantik. Graz, 1897. Music. See under Lichard. A bibliography of Bohemian, Moravian and Slavak composers and folksongs will be found in Seton-Watson's Racial Problems in Hungary. Pp. 526, sq. Nagel, Dr. Emil: See Statistische Monatsschrift, 1883, 1884, 1885. Naprstek, Vojta: Pametni Listek. Pp. 18. 111. Prague, 1894. National Civic Federation. Facts about Immigration: being the Report of the proceedings of Conferences on Immi gration held in New York City, Sept. 24 and Dec. 12, 1906, by the Immigration Department of the National Civic Federation; containing also a description of the work of the Immigration Department and a brief summary of the objects of the National Civic Federa tion. Pp. 151. Jan., 1907. National Slavonic Society of the U. S. A. Constitution and By- Laws. Organized Feb. 16, 1890, revised and adopted at the Convention held at Connellsville and New Haven, Pa. . . . 1906. (In Enghsh and Slovak.) Pp. 185. Press of P. V. Rovnianek & Co. Pittsburgh, 1906. Nemec, Bozena: The Grandmother, A Story of Country Life in Bohemia. Translated from the Bohemian with a biographical sketch of the author, by Frances Gregor, B. L. Pp. 352. McClurg, 1892. (A little Bohemian Classic. A charming story of Bohemian country hfe.) Neruda, Jan: Kleinseitner Geschichte. Trans, by Franz Jurenka. Reklam, Leipzig. (Charming stories of Prague life. A Bohemian classic.) Niederle, Dr. Lubor: Narodopisna Mapa Uperskvch Slovaku na Zaklade Scitani Lidu z Roku 1900. (Ethnograph ical Chart of the Hungarian Slovaks on the basis of the Census of i9oo.)"^jPp. 208. Maps. Wiesner, Prague, 1903. BIBLIOGRAPHY 501 Norton, Eliot: The Need of a General Plan for settling Im migrants Outside the Great Cities. Charities, 12: 152-154 (Feb. 6, 1904). Oesterreichisches Statistisches Handbuch. 1882 (?)-i9o7. K. K. Statist. Zentral Kommission. Vol. 26, 1907. For earlier years see Statistisches Jahrbuch der Oester- reichischen Monarchie. Oesterreichisches StaatswOrterbuch. Ulrich und Mischler. See articles on Agrarverfassung Ausgedinge, and other subjects. Oesterreichisch-Ungarische Monarchie in Wort und Bild; Auf Anregung und unter Mitwirkung des Kronprinzen Erzherzog Rudolf. 25 vols. 111. Vienna, 1886. Official Catholic Directory. Wiltzius Co., Milwaukee. Orczy, Baroness: A Son of the Soil. (A story of Magyar life.) Osada, Stanislaw: Historya Zwiazku Narodwego Polskiego i Rozwoj Ruchu Narodowego Polskiego w Ameryce Polnocny. (History of the Polish National Alliance and Development of the Polish National Movement in North America.) Pp.747. 111. Press of the Polish National Alliance, Chicago, 1905. Palmer, E. H. E. : Austro-Hungarian Life in Town and Country. 111. New York, 1903. Palmer, Frances E. : Russian Life in Town and Country. Pp. 11, 320. 111. Putnam, 1901. Panslavism. See Capek (The Slovaks of Hungary. Chaps, ii and iv) ; Colquhoun (Chap, xiii) ; Drage (Austria-Hungary, pp. 543, 548-559); Kollar; Krasinski (Pan Slavismus und Germanismus, Sketch of Religious History of the Slavonic Nations) ; Leger (Etudes Slaves, Le Monde Slave, Nouvelles Etudes Slaves (Russes et Slaves Series I); " Panslawismus " (Article in Meyer's Conver sations Lexicon); Stead, Wm. ; Seton-Watson. Partsch, Joseph: Central Europe. Pp. xiv, 358. Maps. 111. Appleton, 1903. Peasant. See Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States ; Buchen- berger; Galicia; Mailath Oesterreichisches Staats- worterbuch; Pratt; Schullern-Schrattenhofen. See also Agriculture. Pfliigl, Richard v.: See Statistische Monatsschrift, 1903, 1905, 1906, 1909. Peez, Carl: Mostar und sein Culturkreis; ein Stadtebild aus der Herzegovina. Pp. 13, 245. 111. Leipzig. Peixotto, Ernest C. : Impressions of Dalmatia. Scribner's, 40 : 1-18 (1906). Pennell, Joseph: The Jew at Home. 111. Pp. 105. Appleton, 1892. (A one-sided and very unfavorable account of the Polish and Russian Jews and of Jewish towns in Galicia.) 502 BIBLIOGRAPHY Philology. See Language. Pilat, Dr. Th. : Die Auswanderung aus den Podolischen Bezirken nach Russland im Jahre 1892. Statistische Monats schrift. Pp. xix, 61-87 (I^93). Pink, Luis H.: The Magyar in New York. Charities, 13: 262-263 (Dec. 3, 1904). Pohfebni Reci nad rakvi a u hrobu pro vesker6 Damsk6 Spolky. (Funeral Speeches over the coffin and at the grave, for Ladies' Societies.) Pp. 36. Geringer, 150 W. 12th St., Chicago. Poland. See Brandes; Krasinska; Krasinski; Morrill; Sien- kiewycz. See also Galicia. Die Polen in Rheinisch-Westfalischen Kohlenbezirk. Alldeut- scher Verband. Munich, 1902. (Interesting on the question of assimilation.) Poles on Farms. See Kruszka; Moore; Sanford; Titus; Tomkiewicz; Tyler (articles in Boston Daily Globe (June 29, 1902), Springfield Sunday Union (Jan. 7, 1906), New York Herald (Jan. 14, 1906), Boston Evening Transcript (May 8, 1909, and Aug. 4, 1909). See also under Farming. For conditions in Austria- Hungary see Agriculture. Poles in the United States. Besides above references on Poles on Farms, see The American Pioneer; Bailey; Ballagh; Conway; Donaldson; Garret; Harriman; Janik; Krait- ser; Kruszka; Osada; Polish Exiles; Polskie Colonie; Proper; Roosevelt; Sanford; Tomkiewicz. See also above, Appendix xiv (1), page 457. Polish Exiles. New England Magazine, 8: 33-40 (Jan., 1835). See also series of four sonnets called "Slavonia" by J. G. Percival; two based on quotations from Russian, one from Polish, one from Bohemian, ibid., pp. 88-90. Polish Religious History. See Allen; Edwards; Krasinski. Polskie Kolonie w Stanach Zjedn. Poln. Ameryki i ich kr6tkie Dzieje. (Polish Colonies in U. S. A. and a brief history of them.) Pp. 226-247, Kalendarz Katolicki na Rok Zwyczajny 1895. Press of Ludi Polskiego w Ameryce. 141-143 West Division St., Chicago. Pratt, E. A.: Organization of Agriculture. New York, 1904. Probst, Dr. Friedrich: See under Statistische Monatsschrift, 1892 and 1893. Prochazka, Karel: Kolarovicti Dratenici; Narodopisna Studie. (The Tinkers of Kolarovice; an ethnographical Study.) Pp.96. 111. Cyrillo-Methodius Publishing House, Prague. Proper, Edward Emberson: Colonial Immigration Laws. Colum bia University Studies in History, Economics and Public Law, xii. Pp. vi, 91 (1900). Protokolle der in der Zeit vom 9 Marz bis 7 December 1900, bei K. K. Landesregierung in Czernowitz abgehal- tenenen Auswanderungs-Conferenzen. Pp. 148. Czern owitz, 1 90 1. The same for the Conferences of April 20 to May 10, 1901. Pp. 164. BIBLIOGRAPHY 503 Przewa-Tetmajer, Kazimierz. Aus der Tatra. Translated by Immendorf, J. von. Pp. 259. Marchlewski, Munich. 1903. (In Internationale Novellen Bibliothek.) Radic, Stjepan: Moderna Kolonizacija i Slaveni. Maps. Pp. vi, 374. Matica Hrvatska, Agram, 1904. Rambaud: L'Ukraine et ses Chansons Historiques. Revue des Deux Mondes, 1877. Rauchberg, Dr. Heinrich: Die BevOlkerung Oesterreichs auf Grund der Ergebnisse der Volkszahlung vom 31 Dec, 1890. Vienna, 1895. Der Nationale Besitzstand in Bohmen. Leipzig, 1905. 3 vols. Reviewed by E. G. Balch in the Political Science Quarterly, 21 : 155-8 (1906). Recouly, Raymond: Le Pays Magyar. Alcan, 1903. Religious Aspects of Immigration. See Crowell, K. B.; Ed wards; Grose; McLanahan; Roberts; Steiner; Strong. See also Churches. Reuter, Fritz: Ut Mine Stromtid (Translated as "Seed Time and Harvest," or "An Old Story of my Farming Days.") Revel, H. A. : Aus den schwarzen Bergen, novellen aus Herzego vina und Montenegro. Pp. 173. Stuttgart, 1904. Riis, Jacob: How the Other Half Lives. Pp. xvi, 304. Scrib ner's, 1890. (Chap. XII. The Bohemians — Tenement House Cigar Making.) Ripley, Wm. Z. : Race Factors in Labor Unions. Atlantic, 93: 299-308. 1904. Races in the United States. Atlantic, 102:745-759. 1908. Races of Europe. 2 vols. Ritter, WiUiam: Fillette Slovaque. Paris, 1903. Roberts, Peter: Anthracite Coal Communities; a Study of the Demography, the Social, Educational and Moral Life of the Anthracite Regions. Pp. xiii, 378. New York, 1904. The Anthracite Coal Industry, with Introduction by Pro fessor W. G. Sumner. Pp. 261. Macmillan, 1901. English for Coming Americans; a rational system for teaching English to Foreigners. Pp. 82. New York, 1909. Heeding the Call of a Million Men. The Young Men's Christian Association at work for Emigrants and Immigrants. Paper presented at the World's Confer ence of Young Men's Christian Associations. Barmen- Elberfeld, Germany, 1909. Pp. 30. Pubhshed by Industrial Department of International Committee of Y. M. C. Associations. 124 East 28th St., New York City. The Sclavs in the Anthracite Coal Communities. Chanties, 13: 215-222 (Dec. 3, 1904). Robins, Dr. Jane E.: The Bohemian Women in New York. I. Their Work as Cigar-makers. II. Home work among them. Charities, 13: 195-196 (Dec. 3 ,1904). 504 BIBLIOGRAPHY Romanczuk, Julian: Die Ruthenen und ihre Gegner in Galizien, Pp. 40. Stern, Vienna, 1902. Roosevelt, Th. : Winning of the West. (Reference to Sodowsky, i, 164; see also index.) Rosicky, Jan: Jak je v Americe; pro pouceni nove do Ameriky pfijetych krajinii ze sv6 zkusenosti 45-letiho pobytu v Amerike a 30-letiho pusobeni zurnalictickeho napsal Jan Rosicky ridici rolnick£ho Casopisu "Hos- podaf". (How it is in America; written for the infor mation of fellow countrymen newly come to America, by Jan Rosickjr, managing editor of the agricultural paper Hospodar, from the experience of his 45 years' stay in America and 30 years' journalistic activity.) Pp. 48. 111. Narodni Tiskarny (National Press) Omaha, 1906. Rovnianek, P. V.: The Slovaks in America. Charities, i3: 239-245 (Dec. 3, 1904). Royal (British) Commission on Labor. See Austria-Hungary and the Balkan States. Ruthenian-American Vocabulary and Phrase Book. (The title of the original is in Ruthenian.) Pp. 112. Svo- boda Press, Scranton, Pa. Russia Emigration from; Consular Officers. See Consular Re ports Ruthenians. See Arden; Connor; Franzos; Hruszewski; Ram baud; Romanczuk; Ruthenische Revue; Sembratowycz; Thomson. See also Galicia. Ruthenische. Halbmonatsschrift ; Editors Basil R. v. Jaworskyj, Dr. Andreas Kos, Roman Sembratowycz. Vol. 1, 1903. Rybak, Miloslav: The Slovak Emigration. (Unprinted MSS., 33 PP-) Safafik, P. J.: Geschichte der Slawischen Sprache und Litera- tur nach alien Mundarten. Tempsky, Prague, 1869. Sandor-Gjalski: Erzahlungen. Trans, from the Croatian by Ida Fiirst. Pp. 96. Reklam, Leipzig. (Stories of Croatian Life.) Sanford, Albert Hart: The Pohsh People of Portage County. Proceedings of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin at its 55th Annual Meeting. Pp. 259- 288. 111. Madison, 1908. (This article was un fortunately unknown to me when writing of this Pohsh settlement. See above, page 230.) Sanitation. See Adams, S. ; Wing, F. Sasinek, Franz V.: Die Slovaken; eine Ethnographische Skizze. Second revised edition. Pp. 50, Prague, 1875. Sayles, Mary BueU: Housing and Social Conditions in a Slavic Neighborhood. Charities, 13: 257-262 (Dec. 3, 1904). SchUder, Sigmund: Agrarische Bevolkerung und Staatseinnah- men in Oesterreich. Pp. viii, 170. Vienna, 1906. Schimmer: See Statistische Monatsschrift, 1886, 1887. BIBLIOGRAPHY 505 Schmid: See Statistische Monatsschrift, 1888, 1890. SchuUerV-Schrattenhofen, Dr. Hermann: Die Oesterreichische Landwirthschaft in ihren socialen Bezielungen. In Sociale Verwaltung in Oesterreich am Ende des 19 Jahr- hunderts. Band I, Heft V. Pp. 1-40. Vienna, 1900. Schwegel, Dr. H. (Vice consul for Austria-Hungary in Chicago) : Die Einwanderung in die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, mit besonderer Rucksicht auf die Oester- reichisch-Ungarische Auswanderung. Zeitschrift fur Volkswirtschaft, Social Poliiik nnd Verwaltung. 13: 160—207 (I9°4)- "Scotus Viator." See Seton-Watson. Sembratowycz, Roman: Das Zarentum im Kampfe mit der Zivilisation. Pp. 56. Stern, Vienna, 1905. Seton-Watson, R. W. ("Scotus Viator"): Racial Problems in Hungary. Pp. xxvii, 540. Plates. Constable, London, 1908. Servia. See Bowring; Durham; Mijatovich; Mijatovics. Severance, Mary F. : A Guide to American Citizenship. Pp. 48. 1909. (Published in various languages.) Sheridan, Frank J.: Itahan, Slavic and Hungarian Unskilled Immigrant Laborers in the United States. U. S. Bulletin of Labor, No. 72. Pp. 403-486. Sept., 1907. Shipman, Andrew J.: Our Russian Catholics: the Greek Ruthenian Church in America. Part I: The Greek Church and the Union, 251-260. Part II: The Greek Cathohc Church of Today, 430-452. Part III: The Greek Catholics in the United States, 570-579 and 663-673. The Messenger, vol. 13, 1904. Messenger Office, 27-29 West 16th St., New York. Sienkiewycz, Henryk: With Fire and Sword. An historical novel of Poland and Russia. Translated from the Pohsh by Jeremiah Curtin. Boston, 1890. The Deluge. An historical novel of Poland, Sweden and Russia. Translated by Jeremiah Curtin. 2 vols. Boston, 189 1. Pan Michael. An historical novel of Poland, the Ukraine and Turkey. Trans, by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1896. \ (These three novels in this order are the famous \ "trilogy.") "; After Bread. A Story of Polish Emigrant hfe to America. Trans, by Vatslaf A. Hlasko and Th. N. Bullick. Pp. 165, 59. (The author, perhaps influenced by the opinions prevaihng in conservative and agrarian Polish circles, pictures Polish immigrants who perish miserably in America.) Fenno, N. Y., 1897. On the Field of Glory. An historical novel of the time of King John Sobieski. Trans, by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1896. Hania (and other stories). Trans, by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1900. Knights of the Cross. (A story of the struggle of Poland 506 BIBLIOGRAPHY against the Teutonic Knights.) Trans, by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1900. Sielanka, a Forest Picture, and other stories. Trans. by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1898. Yanko the Musician and other Stories. Trans, by Jeremiah Curtin, Boston, 1893. (All the stories in this collec tion besides others, are also contained in "Sielanka." Skultety, Jozef: Venec Slovenskfch ndrodn^ch piesni. (Anthology of Slovak national songs.) Pp. 288. Turc St. Martine, 1897. Slavic Alliance in Cleveland. Short account of the history, its founding, its function and aims. (Title translated, pubhshed in various Slavic languages.) Cleveland, 1904. Die Slaven und die Nationalitatenfrage; Gedankenskizze von einen Slovaken. Pp. 40. Prag, 1881. Slavonian-English and English-Slavonian Pocket Dictionary. (Slavonian here means Slovak.) Pp. 116. Emil Nyitray, 77 First Ave., N. Y. Slavonic (sc. Slovak) Evangelical Union of America, Incorporation and Bylaws of. (In English and Slovak.) Pp. 72. Press of Slovenska Pravda, 19 Main St. Freeland, Pa., 1903. Slawen, article in Meyer's Conversations Lexicon. Slovak American Interpreter. Nov)f Anglickjr Tlumocnik pre Slovakov v Amerike. 5th edition. Pp. 108. Press of Slovak v Amerike, 198 East 10th St., N. Y. 1904. Slovaks. See Aeltere und Neuere Magyarisierungs Versuche in Ungarn; Balch (A By Election); Browning; Capek; Hegediis; Irby; Jurkovic; Kalal; Lichard; Die Magyar- ische Staatsidee; Misik; Niederle; Ritter; Rybak; Sasinek; Seton-Watson; Die Slaven und die Nation- alitaten frage; Stodola; Die Unterdruckung der Slovaken; Uprka; Vajanskjr. See also Emigration from Austria-Hungary. Slovaks in the United States. First CathoUc Slovak Union of U. S. A.; Furdek; National Slavonic Society ofthe U. S. A. ; Rovnianek. SmaUey, E. V.: The Isolation of Life on the Prairie Farm. Atlantic Monthly, 72: 378-382 (1893). Smith, Rufus D.: Some Phases of the McKee's Rocks Strike. Survey, 23: 38-45 (Oct. *, 1909). Smythe, E. A., Viscountess Strangeford: Eastern Shores of the Adriatic. 1864. Somogyi, Mano: A Hazai Vandoripar es Vandorkereskedes (Wandering Dealers and Workers). Pp. 61. Buda pest, 1905. Sonnlchsen, Albert: Confessions of a Macedonian Bandit. Pp. 268, 111. Duffield, 1909. Spann, Dr. Othmar: Die Unehelichkeit in Oesterreich nach Volkstammen und ihre Entwiklung im letzten Jahr- zehnt. Statistische Monatsschrift. N. F. 14: 120-122 (1909). BIBLIOGRAPHY 507 Spera, Josef: Maly Katechismus v Otazkach a Odpovedich pro^ cesko-americke gkoly die Katechismu Patera Cipina (Little Catechism in Questions and Answers for Bohemian-American schools after the catechism of Cipina). Pp. 80. Geringer, 150 W. 12th St., Chicago. Statistische Mittheilungen iiber die Verhaltnisse Galiziens. Edited by Dr. Th. Pilat. Statistisches Bureau des Galizisches Landes-Ausschuss. Lemberg. Statistische Monatsschrift. Herausgegeben vom Bureau der K. K. Statistischen Central Commission. 1875. In this official statistical monthly have appeared a series of papers on Austrian emigration, as follows: Schimmer, G. : Auswanderung Oesterreichs 1876. iii, 523-4. 1877. Auswanderung Oesterreichs im jahre 1877. v, 27. 1879. Auswanderung nach den Ver- einigten Staaten von Nord America, v, 423-4. 1879. Auswanderung Oesterreichs im Jahre 1878. vi, 32. 1880. Auswanderung aus Oesterreich, im Jahre 1879. vii, 129-130. 1881. Auswanderung Oesterreichs, im Jahre 1880. viii, 138-9. 1882. Auswanderung Oes terreichische, im Jahre 1881. viii, 595-6. 1882. Nagel, Dr. Emil: Auswanderung aus Ungarn. ix, 509. 1883. Oesterreichs Auswanderung im Jahre 1882. x, 141-2. 1884. Auswanderung Oesterreichs im Jahre 1883. X1> 40-41. 1885. Schimmer: Auswanderung aus Oesterreich im Jahre 1884. xii, 34-6. 1886. Auswanderung aus Oesterreich im Jahre 1885. xiii, 132-4. 1887. Schmid: Auswanderung. die iiberseeische oesterreichische im Jahre 1886. xiv, 39-42. 1888. Auswanderung, die iiberseeische oesterreichische in den jahren 1887 und 1888. xvi, 149—164. 1890. Probst, Dr. Friedrich: Auswanderung, die uberseeische oesterreichische insbesondere in den Jahren 1889 und 1890. xviii, 1-25. 1892. Auswanderung, die uberseeische oesterreichische im Jahre 1891. xix, 379-388. 1893. Pilat, Prof. Dr. Th. : Auswanderung, die, aus den podo lischen Bezirken nach Russland xix, 61-87, J893- Mayr, H. v. : Die uberseeische oesterreichische Wanderung, 1892-1895. N. F. ii, 580-601, 1897. Buzek: Die uberseeische oesterreichische Wanderung in den Jahren 1896 bis 1898. N. F. v, 72-105, 1900. Meinzingen, Dr. Franz von: Die binnenlandische Wander ung und ihre Rtickwirkung auf die Umgangssprache nach der letzten Volkszahlung. N. F. vii, 693-729, 1902. Pflugl, Richard v.: Die uberseeische oesterreichische Wanderung in den Jahren 1899-1901. N. F. viii, 496—532, 1903. Meinzingen, Franz v. : Die Wanderbewegung auf Grund der Gebiirtigkeitsdaten der Volkszahlung vom 31 Dezember, 1900. N. F. viii, 133-161, 1903. Pflugl, Richard von: Die uberseeische oesterreichische Wanderung in den Jahren 1902 und 1903. N. F. x, 344-407, 1905. Die uberseeische oesterreiche Wan- 508 BIBLIOGRAPHY derung in den Jahren 1904 und 1905 und die Ein- wanderungsverhaltnisse in den Wichtigsten uber- seeischen Staaten in diesen Jahren. N. F. xi, 495-509, 573-629, 1906. Fehlinger, H. : Die Oesterreicher in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika. N. F. xii, 172-5, 1907. Loydold, L. : Die Ein- und Auswanderung durch den Hafen von New York im I Semester 1908. N. F. xiii, 637-666, 1908. Pflugl, Richard v.: Die uberseeische oesterreichische Wanderung in den Jahren 1906 und 1907 sowie die Einwanderungs und sonstige Verhaltnisse in den wichtigsten Einwanderungs Staaten. N. F. xiv, 239-256, 308-324, 355-384, 408-440, 1909. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Oesterreichischen Monarchie (con tinued by Oesterreichisches Statistisches Handbuch). Statistikai Havi KOzlemenyek (Monthly Statistical Publications). Edited and Published by the Royal Central Statistical Commission. Budapest. Stead, W. T. : The Arrival of the Slav. Contemporary Review, 1909. Steerage. See Immigration Commission, Steerage Conditions; Kapp; Vay de Vaya and Luskod. Steiner, Edward A. : The Immigrant Tide, its Ebb and Flow. 111. Pp. 370. N. Y., 1909. The Mediator: A tale of the Old World and the New. Revell, 356, 1907. (A picture of Ghetto Life.) On the Trail of the Immigrant. 111. Revell, 1906. Stewart, Ethelbert: Influence of Trade Unions on Immigrants. In La Follette, Robert M. ed. The Making of America, vol. 8. Pp. 226-235, Chicago. Stodola, Dr. EmU: "Prispevok ku Statistike Slovenska" (Contributions to Slovak Statistics). Pp. 31. Tur- ciansky Sv. Martin, 1902. Part iv, Emigration to America, pp. 14-21. Die Auswanderung der Slovaken nach Amerika. Articles on Slovak Emigration in Die Politik of Prague (June 18, 20, 21, 1902). Strong, Josiah (Editor) : Immigration. Facts of Immigra tion; The Immigrant and the City; Exclusion Laws; The Church and the Foreigner. (Part of The Gospel of the Kingdom, a course of Study for men and women on Living Social Problems in the Light of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.) Published monthly by the American Institute of Social Service. Bible House, Astor Place, N. Y. Pp. 65-72. (June, 1909). SusterSic, Rev. F. S.: Poduk Rojakom Slovencem. Ki se hocejo naseliti v Amerik. (A Guide for Slovenians.) Amerikanski Slovenic Press. Joliet, 111., 1903. Svarc, V.: The Culture which the Slav Offers America; the Handicraft and Industrial Exhibition conducted by the Slavic. Alliance of Cleveland. Charities, 14: 875- 881 (July 1, 1905). BIBLIOGRAPHY 509 Talvl (Mrs. Robinson born Therese von Jacobi): Historical View of the Languages and Literature of the Slavic Nations, with a sketch of their Popular Poetry; with a preface by Edward Robinson, D.D., LL.D. Pp. ix, 412. Putnam, 1850. Tarde.JGabriel: The Laws of Imitation. Translated by Elsie Clews Parsons, with an Introduction by Franklin H. Giddings. Pp. xxiv, 404. Holt, 1903. Taxation. See Diplomatic and Consular Service; Drage; Twar- dowski. Thirring, Gustav: Die Auswanderung aus Ungarn; Beitrage zur Statistik und topographischen Verteilung der Auswanderung. BuUetin de La Societe Hongroise de Geographie. Vol. xxx, 1902 (also separately printed, pp. 29). This is practically the gist of the following Magyar work. A Magyarorszagi Kivandorlas es A KulfOldi Magyarsag. Pp. x, 366; tables, charts and maps. Kilian, Buda pest, 1904. Reviewed in Tarsadalompolitikai Kozle- menyek (Social-politische Mittheilungen) by Banyasz Laszl6. Thomson, E. W.: Five Days in Galicia. (A series of articles in the Boston Evening Transcript, the first of them under date of Oct. 17, 1905, describing Ruthenian settlers in Canada). Titus, Edward Kirk: The Pole in the Land of the Puritan. New England Magazine, N. S. Pp. xxix, 162-166 (Oct., 1903). Tomkiewicz, J. W. S.: Polanders in Wisconsin. Proceedings State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1901. Pp. 148-152, 1902. Travels. See Durham; Evans; Henderson; Hutchinson; Irby. See also Albania; Dalmatia; Hungary; Servia. Twardowski, Dr. J. v.: Statistische Daten iiber Oesterreich. Pp. 125. Leipzig, 1902. Tyler, Elizabeth S.: The Poles in the Connecticut Valley. Smith College Monthly, 16 : 579-586 (June, 1909). Umlauft, Friedrich: A. Hartleben's kleines statistisches Taschen- buch iiber alle Lander der Erde. Vienna, 1905. Uprka, Joza: Vybor jeho Praci (Selections from his work). (This work contains 39 large and very fine reproductions in color and one etching from Uprka's pictures of the Slovaks of Moravia. Accompanying text [in Bohe mian, French or German] by Joseph Klvaria and V. Mrstik. The Bohemian text has extra illustrations in black and white and in color.) Published in two parts by "Unie," sold by B. Koci, Frantiskovo Nab. 14, Prague (1901). United States Census. Unterdriickung der Slovaken durch die Magyaren. Pp 76, Prague, 1903. 510 BIBLIOGRAPHY J [ Vajansky, Svetozar Hurban: Slovak Popular Poetry. In Seton- X Watson, Racial Problems in Hungary, pp. 362-372. ">4 yay de Vaya and Luskod: To America in an Emigrant Ship. Living Age, 252 : 173—182 (1907). (From the Monthly Review.) An account by a Hungarian chaplain of the voyage from Fiume to New York and of Hungarian causes of emigration. Vertheilung des Grundbesitzes in der Bukowina. Statistische Monatsschrift, N. F. Vol. xvii, pp. 642-5 (1902). Verwyst, Rev. P. C: Life and Labors of Rt. Rev. Frederic Baraga, first bishop of Marquette, Michigan. To which are added short sketches of the Aims and Labors of other Indian Missionaries of the Northwest. Wilt- zius, Milwaukee, 1900. Viestnik, Kr. Zemaljskoga Statistickoga Ureda v Zagrebu. (Statistical publications of the royal statistical Bureau in Agram.) Vlach, J. J.: Our Bohemian Population. Proceedings State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1901. Pp. 159-162, 1902. Volkszahlung vom 31. Dezember, 1900, in den Konigreichen Kroatien und Slavonien: Hauptergebnisse nach Ver- waltungs-Gemeinden, herausgegeben vom Kg. Stat. Landesamte in Zagreb. (In German and Croatian.) Pp. 34. Agram, 1902. The same, Hauptergebnisse nach Wohnorten (in German and Croatian). Pp. 360. Wages. See Abbott ; Commons ; Fitch ; Labor, Dept. of; Sheridan. Waldau, Alfred: Bohmische Nationaltanzen. 2 vols. Prague, i860. Wandering Trades, Slovak. See Prochazka; Somogyi; Kalal. Warne, F. J.: The Coal-mine Workers: A Study in Labor Organization. Pp. 252. Longmans, 1905. The Slav Invasion and the Mine Workers ; a study in Immi gration. Pp. 211. Lippincott, 1904. Some Industrial Effects of Slav Immigration. Charities, 13 : 223-226 (Dec. 3, 1904). The Union Movement among Coal-mine Workers. Bulletin of U. S. Bureau of Labor, No. 51. Pp. 380-414. (Mar., 1904.) Watchorn, R.: Gateway of the Nation. Outlook, 87 : 897- 912 (1904). Whelpley, F. D.: Control of Emigration in Europe. North American Review, 180 : 856-867 (June, 1905). White, Elizabeth T.: Investigation of Slavic Conditions in Jersey City. Printed for Whittier House [a Jersey City Settlement], 1907. Whitman, S.: The Realm of the Habsburgs. London, 1893. Wilkinson, J. G.: Dalmatia and Montenegro. 2 vols. London, 1848. Wing, Frank E.: Thirty-five Years of Typhoid. Charities and the Commons, 21 : 923-937 (Feb. 6, 1909). BIBLIOGRAPHY 511 Wing, M. T. C: The Flag at McKee's Rocks. Survey, 23 : 45-46 (Oct. 2, 1909). Wingfield, W. F.: A Tour in Dalmatia, Albania, and Monte negro, with a Sketch of the Republic of Ragusa. London, 1859. Wissenschaftliche Mittheilungen aus Bosnien und der Herze govina. Gerold's Sohn, Vienna. Women Immigrants. See Abbott; Butler; Immigration Com mission; Kellor. Wratislaw, Albert Henry: Lyra Ceskoslovanska. Bohemian folk songs, ancient and modern, translated from the original Slavonic, with an introductory essay. London, 1849. Native Literature of Bohemia in the 14th Century. Four lectures on the Ilchester Foundation, 1878. Wright, CarroU D.: Influence of Trade Unions on Immigrants. Bulletin of U. S. Bureau of Labor, No. 56, pp. 1-8 (Jan., 1905). Zadruga. (The titles under this head are not listed separately under authors' names.) Bogisic, Dr. V. : Zbornik Sadasnjih Pravnih Obiiaja u Juznih Slovena (Collection of present customary laws among the South Slavs), Agram, 1874. Demelic, F. : "Le Droit Coutumier des Slavs Meridionaux" d'apres les recherches de M. V. Bogisitsch, Paris, 1877. De La Forme dite Inokosna de la Famille Rurale chez les Serbes et les Croates, Paris, 1884. Cuculic, Milorad v.: Studija o Zadruznom Zakonu. (A study of the Zadruga law.) Agram, 1884 and 1885. Halladi, Franz: A German translation of the Croatian law as to land-holding associations (Grundgenossenschaf ten) . Hardtmann, Vienna. Ivic: Die Hauscommunionen. Semlin, 1874. Janovic & Gruic: Slavs du Sud. Paris, 1853, Pp. 104-5. Laveleye, Emile de: De la Propri6t6 et ses Formes Primi tives (translated into German by Karl Bucher as Das Ureigenthum. 1879). Maine, Sir Henry Sumner: Ancient Law. Village Communities in the East and West. Peisker: Die Serbische Zadruga. Popovic: Recht und Gericht in Montenegro. Agram, 1877. (Pp. 32-50.) Spevac, Dr. J. : O Juristicnoj Naravi Zadruge. (On the juridical character of the Zadruga.) Agram, 1884. v. Tkalec: Das Staatsrecht des Furstenthums Serbiens, Leipzig, 1858. (Pp. 60-66 ) Turner: Slavisches Familienrecht. Strassburg, 1874. (For Zadruga see pp. 2, n, 15, 50.) Utjesenovic: Die Hauscommunion der Siidslawen. Vienna, 1859. Vojnovic, Dr. K. v.. Seoska Obitelj Kod Hrvata i Srba. (The Peasant Family among Croatians and Servians.) Agram, 1885. 512 BIBLIOGRAPHY Vrbanic, Dr. F.: Rad Hrvatskoga Zakonarstva na Polja Uprave od g. 1861. (Croatian Administrative Legisla tion since 1861.) Agram, 1893. (Said to contain an especially instructive passage on Croatian Zadruga legislation.) Zoricic, M.. Die bauerliche Haus-Communion. (See below.) Zdrubek, Frank B. : Dejiny Cesko-Narodnfho Hfbitova v Chi- cagu, Illinois, od jeho Zalozeni 1877 do jeho 25-leti jubilejni slavnosti 1902. 111. Pp.144. Geringer, Chicago. Pohfebni Reci s pfidanim feci pfi pojmenovani ditek, fee kmotra, a podekovani otce. (Funeral addresses with additional speeches for use at the naming of chil dren, speech of the sponsors and thanks of the father.) Pp. 56. Geringer, Chicago. ZoriEic, MUovan: Demographische Arbeiten in den KOnigreichen Kroatien und Slavonien. Pp.70. Agram, 1887. Die bauerliche Haus-Communion in den Konigreichen Kroatien u. Slavonien. VIII International Congress for Hygiene and Demography. Budapest, 1894. Pp. 21. Separately printed^ Budapest, 1897. Nasi izseljenici u sjedinj. drzavama Americkim. (Our Emigrants to the U. S. A.) Viestnik kr. Zemaljskoga Statistickoga Ureda u Zagrebu. 2 : 108, 1900. (This appears to be mainly if not wholly based on American material.) Statistische Skizze der KOnigreiche Kroatien und Sla vonien. Pp. 170. Agram, 1885. INDEX 33 INDEX Abandoned farms, 328-31, 340 Abbazia, 152, 192 Abbott, Edith. Women in In dustry, 357 Abbott, Grace. Bulgarians of Chicago, 296 Accidents and injuries, 113, 154-5, 3°o-3°3 Actors, Croatian, 169-70 Adriatic coast, conditions and emigration, 191— 201 Advertising for immigrants, 52-53, 218-20, 332-35 Africa, immigration to, from Hungary, 438 Africans, ilhteracy, 479 Agents, as factors in emigra tion, 52-53, 80, 218, 279, 296, 332-34 Agram, 172—74, 284 Agrarian systems — Austria- Hungary, 38-49 ; Croatia, i59-°3; Galicia, 135, 137-38, 144 Agricultural conditions, Aus tria-Hungary, 37-49, 85, 96- 97, 120-22, 135, 137-38, 144, 152, 158, 177-79, 194-95, 43J-32 Agricultural machinery, use of, 145, 34i Alabama, Poles in, 263 Alaska — Montenegrins in, 199; Servians in, 274 Alien departures, 250-52, 286, 294-96, 463 Allegheny — Conditions in, 419; Croatians in, 271 Allegheny County, industrial accidents, 301 Alpine race, Slavs an offshoot of, 10 American employers, immi grant opinions of, 60, 107, 128, 154, 189, 300 American ideals, 405-466, 421- 25 American labor in Pennsyl vania coal mines, 467 American law, immigrant con tempt for, 367 American politics and Slavic immigrants, 393-95 American racial decline, 328- 31, 377, 403, 406 American Revolution, Polish soldiers in, 208—209 American-Ruthenian lyrics, 128 American sharpers and the im migrant, 296-97, 418—19 American type, 397-404, 410 American women — -In indus tries, 355-56; Slavic opinion „ °f- 377 . . Americanization of Slavs, 34- 36, 45, 56-62, 82, 113-19, 143-44, i54, 181-83, r97~ 98, 224-25, 284, 289-90, 34o, 352, 360-61, 370-77, 389-425 Americans — Attitude toward foreigners and immigrants, 399, 408-10; definition of, 398-403; proportion in pop ulation, 5, 400—402 Amsterdam, embarkation sta tistics, 436 Amusement places for immi grants, 146, 382 Anaemia among Polish immi grants, 376 Anarchism among Slavic Amer icans, 393 Animals, humane treatment in Croatia, 165 Anthracite coal miners, 238- 40, 290, 295, 297-99, 467 Anthracite coal strike, 1902, 290, 295 Antislavery views among im migrants, 216, 394 Antwerp, embarkation statis tics, 436-37 5*5 Si6 INDEX Architecture — Croatian, 164, 172-74; Slovak, 89 Argentina, Immigration to, from Hungary 438 Arkansas — Bohemians in, 261* Poles in, 263; Slavic farm ers, 469; Slovaks in, 337 Armenians, illiteracy, 479 Army service. See Military service. Art crafts among the Slovaks, 89-91, in, 355 Artists, Slavic, 284 Aryan languages, classification, 13 Assimilation — Bohemian im migrants, 207, 221-25, 260; Dalmatians, 197-98; Slavs, 27, 36, 58, 290-94, 310, 340, 342,396-425; Slovaks, 337- 38. See also Germanizing; Magyarizing. Assisted emigration, 50, 80, 139 Associations. See Organiza tions. Austria — Population, 48, 429- 30; Wages, 56, 432 Austria-Hungary — Conditions in, 28-36; emigration from, 28, 34-62, 73-74, 102-105, 133, I52-53, 178-79, 183, 246, 248-49, 433-44, 460-61 ; ethnical map, 32 ; maps, 30, 32, 35; money orders sent to, 471-73; political condi tions, 29-33; population by languages, 429-31 Austrian Poland. See Galicia. Austrians — How name is ap plied, 7, 148; in the U. S., 211— 13, 234, 244, 254; occu pations, 312-313, 353-54 Autonomy, modern struggle for, 396 Back-to-the-farm movement, 335-4o Bakers — Bohemian, 77, 226; Slavic, 314 Balkan Slavs — R61e in Euro pean history, 23-24 Balkan States — Ethnical map, 32 ; immigration to from Hungary, 442 Ballads — Bohemian, 83; Slo vak, 88 Baltimore, Bohemians in, 259 Bank deposits of immigrants, 304-309 Banks — Insecurity of private banks, 304-305 ; Slavic, 308- 309 Baraga, Frederic, Slovenian bishop, 231-33 Bards, Montenegrin, 164, 201 Bar-tenders, Slavic, 314 Bathory, Countess, legend of, 87-88 Beet-sugar industry, Bohemia, 122 Belgians in the United States, 217 Benefit societies. See Mutual benefit societies. Bergman, Silesian immigrant to Texas, 215 Bethlehem, Penn., Moravian settlers, 208 Bishops among Poles in United States, 233, 388-89; among Slovenians in United States, 233, 389 Bituminous coal miners, Penn sylvania, 467 Blacksmiths — Slavic, 315; Slo vak, 97, 226 Blizzards — Galicia, 376; Ne braska, 345-46 Boarding costs for farm labor, Austria, 432 Bohemia— Conditions in, 31, 63-84,122; emigration from, 63-84, 434; population, 48; wages, 56 Bohemia Manor, Maryland, 68, 206 Bohemian Brethren, 67-69, 208 Bohemian churches in the U. S. , 215, 386 Bohemian exiles, 67-69, 208- 210, 224, 227 Bohemian language, 14-15, 22—23, 82, 430 Bohemian literature of Ameri can settlement, 456-57 Bohemian nursery rhymes, 444-45 Bohemian societies in America, 377-80 Bohemians — As farmers, 37, INDEX 517 46, 56, 77; emigration from Croatia-Slavonia, 454; forms and use of name, 7-8, 73-74; illiteracy, 96, 479 ; in Europe, statistics of , 1 7 ; occupations, 46, 76-78; statistics of, 17, 70—78, 248, 460—64 Bohemians in the U. S., 63-84; Bohemian literature of, 456- 5 7 ; building and loan associ ations, 306-307; distribu tion and history, 206-28, 254, 256-61, 281; farmers, 214—17, 221, 224, 243, 320— 36, 341; land owners, 323; mine and foundry workers, 317; occupations, 226-27, 282, 311716, 320, 353-57, 470; statistics, 244, 248—50, 254, 256-61, 281, 433, 460- 64; women workers, 355, 376-77 Bookbinders, Bohemian, 226 Bora, 158 Bosnia— Conditions and emi gration, 198, 249; Servians in, 156, 273 Bosnians — How name is ap plied, 8; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 195, 249-50, 433, 460-64 Bratstvo, 21 Brazil, Slavic immigration to, 438,. 45 r Breaking prairie, 347-48 Bremen, embarkation statis tics, 436 Brewers, Bohemian, 226 Brigands, 120 British Columbia, Servians in, 274 British immigrants, character of, 237 British North America — Slavic immigration from, 249; Sla vic immigration to, 438 Brockway, Minn., 330-31 Budweis — Emigration from, 7 5 ! government tobacco fac tory, 357 Buffalo, N.Y., Poles m, 231, 263 Buffer states in European his tory, 23-24, 86-87, I27, 159 Building and loan associations, 306-307 Building trades, Slavic labor, 77, 226, 282, 314 Bukowina — Conditions in, 31; map, 123; population, 48; wages, 56 Bulgaria, conditions and emi gration, 199, 240 Bulgarian churches in the U. S., 387 Bulgarian language, 14, 199, 276 Bulgarians — Forms and use of name, 7, 8, 275; illiteracy, 479; in Europe, statistics of, 17; in the U. S., 195, 199, 237, 249-50, 273-76, 281, 296-97, 433, 460-64; na tional characteristics, 275- 76; occupations, 274 Businessmen — Bohemian, 282; Dalmatian, 272; Slavic, 305- 310, 442-55 Butchers — Bohemian, 77, 226; Slavic, 314 Butler, Elizabeth B. Women and the Trades, 355 Caledonia, Wis., Bohemian settlers, 210, 220 California — Bohemians in, 70, 210— 11, 261, 326; Dalma tians in, 195-96, 207, 210, 235,326; Poles in, 262; Rus sians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 235, 326; Slovenians in, 270 Calumet, Michigan — Co-opera tive store, 309 ; Croatians in, 272, 309, 338; Slavic prop erty owners, 307; Slovenians in, 233, 270 Canada — Russians in, 279; Ruthenians in, 128, 140, 268-69, 338-39, 353, 449- 50; Servians in, 274 Carinthia — Conditions and em igration, 148-55; population, 48; wages, 56 Carnegie Relief Fund, 302 Carniola — Conditions and emi gration, 148-55, 232-33, 249, 451-52; occupations, 46; population, 48; wages, 56 Carpathian region, 29, 33, 85, 120, 236 Carpenters, joiners and build ers, Bohemian, 77, 226 5i8 INDEX Castoria, Bulgarians from, 275 Caterers, Dalmatian, 283 Catholic church. See Roman Catholic church. Causes of emigration, 48-56, 67, 69-72, 75-81, 99-101, 108, 118-19, 131, 135, 137- 38, 140, 152-53, l63, I74- 80, 194-96, 208—10, 213, 218, 237-44, 275, 277-79, 452 Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Bohe mians in, 223-25 Celebrations among Slavic im migrants, 366-67 Celibacy among Ruthenian priests, 130 Census data, criticism of for this use, 458-59 Census of 1850, 2 10-2 11 Census of 1850-1880, 211-213 Census of 1900, 252, 254, 261 Central America, Servians in, 274 Chalupnik, 43 Charcoal burners, Slavic, 314-15 Cheap labor, immigration and wages, 77, 237-44, 282-310, 465-66 Chekh, forms of name, 7, 8 Chernembl, 153 Chicago — Bohemians in, 76, 227, 259, 306-307; Bulga rians in, 296-97; Croatians in, 271, 338; Jews in, 234; packing-house strike, 1904, 290-91; Poles in, 214, 231, 263, 306-307; Slovenians in, 233, 269 Child-bearing among Slavic peasant women, 376-7 Child labor, in mining dis tricts, caused by immigra tion, 299 Child peddlers, 98 Chinese illiteracy, 479 Choral societies, 382 Church and state, separation of, effect on Slavic immi grants, 385 Church organization among Slavic immigrants, 384-90, 459-6o Church schools. See Parochial schools. Church Slavonic language, 13 Cigar makers — Bohemian, 79, 227, 282, 357-60; Slavic, 354 Citizenship, among Slavic im migrants, 330, 395, 424-25 City, movements toward, 76, 99, 151, 226-27, 243-44, 259, 264, 317-19, 336, 351, 376 Civilization— Changes in, 56- 62; factors of, 4, 424 Civil War, American — Bohe mian soldiers in, 216-17, 228; Polish soldiers in, 132, 228, 229 Clannishness of immigrants, 319, 398-400, 410-17 Clapp, Francis, Poles brought to Massachusetts by, 241 Class consciousness, among Slavs, 290 Classification of nationalities, 13-14, 17—18, 122, 126, 245- 49, 272-73, 275, 277 Cleanliness, among Slavic im migrants, 374 Clerks and accountants, Bo hemian, 77 Cleveland, O. — Bohemians in, 215, 226, 259; Poles in, 231; Slovenians in, 155, 269 Climate — Croatia, 158; Galicia, 121, 376; Nebraska, 345 Clothes. See Costumes; Dress. Clubs and societies among im migrants, 117, 301-302, 305- 306, 377-95 Coal mining and immigrant labor, 238-40, 282, 297-99, 467 Cobblers, Bohemian, 226 Coke burners, Slavic, 282, 289, Colonies of immigrants in the U. S., 131, 176, 209-10, 214- 15, 220, 226—29, 233, 243— 44, 259, 264, 270, 274, 278, 324, 337-39 Colonization bureaus. See Agents. Colorado — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slovenians in, 270 Colorado Fuel and Iron Com pany, 303 Comenius, Harvard's invita tion to, 67-68 Commassation, 41 Commerciahsm in American life, 420—22 Commercial traits of Slavs, 44, INDEX 519 61-62, 193, 196, 272, 282, „ 473-74 Communistic institutions, 21, 161—63, Compensation for injuries, 302- 303 Competition — Slav and Ameri can labor, 284—301, 342; women and men, 355-56, 358 Congestion of population, causes and nationalities, 294, 342, 350-51, 362-63 Congressional encouragement to immigration, 218 Congressional land grants to Poles in U. S., 209 Connecticut — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 262; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 254 Connecticut valley, Slavs in, 240-42, 327-29, 342 Consciousness of kind. See Social consciousness. Conservation of human hfe, 302-303 Continuation schools, in Croa tia, 168 Contract labor, and immigra tion, 238-39, 297-98, 405 Cooking arrangements in im migrant boarding houses, 350-51 Co-operative boarding groups, 360 Co-operative movements — Slavs in America, 309, 332, 363-64; Slovaks in Europe, 96 Coopers — Bohemian, 226; Cro atian, 283; Slovenian, 270 Cossacks, 127 Cost of living — American fac tors in reducing, 54-55; Slav boarders, 329, 350-51; Slav families, 363-73 Costumes— Bohemian, 72, 82; Dalmatian, 192-93; Gali cian, 147; Slavic, 57-58; Slovak, 90-93, 101; Slove nian, 154 Cottagers, Austria-Hungary, 43 Counter Reformation, 149 Credit, in Croatia, 179-80 Crime — Croatia, 169-72; Slav immigrants, 366-70 Crimean War, impulse to Dal matian emigration, 195 Crnagora. See Montenegro. Croatia. See Croatia-Slavonia. Croatian churches in the U. S., 387 Croatian, forms and use of name, 7, 8 Croatian ianguage. See Servo- Croatian language. Croatians — Artistic ability, 284; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; emigration from Croatia- Slavonia, 454; emigration from Istria, 198; farmers, 177-79, 272, 338; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 167-68, 176-83, 237, 249-50, 256, 271-72, 281, 295, 433, 460- 64; national characteristics, x56, 159-60; occupations, 176, 271-72, 283, 455; sense of national tradition, 150 Croatia-Slavonia — Civil popu lation by languages, 430; conditions and emigration, 156-90, 249, 441-43, 452-55; map of county boundaries and railroads, 173; occupa tions in, 176; political rela tions, 31; Servians in, 273; Slovaks in, 86 Cubans, illiteracy, 479 Cultural elements and effects, 57-62, 82-84, 89-93, lr7, 127-28, 141-47, 150, 167— 74, 189, 192, 209, 224, 227, 283-84, 310, 370-73, 380-95, 406 Culture as "a factor in nation ahty, 10, 15 Culturkampf, as impulse to emigration, 214 Czech, forms of name, 7, 8 Dabovich, Rev. Sebastian. Es timate of Servians in U. S., 273-74 Dakotas — Bohemians in, 227, 235; Dalmatians in, 196; Poles in, 262; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 320, 469; Slavs in, 254, 261 Dalmatia — Conditions and em igration, 152, 156, 191-98, 520 INDEX 249; occupations in, 46, 192; population, 48; Servians in, 273; wages, 56 Dalmatians — How name is ap plied, 8; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 195-98, 210, 237, 249-50, 258, 271-73, 281, 433, 460-64; national char acteristics, 193, 196-97; oc cupations, 46, 192, 272, 283, 326 Dancing, 146—47 Dangerous occupations, Slav labor in, 154-55, 282, 294, 298-99, 300-301, 355, 379 Day laborers — Austro-Hunga rian peasantry, 43; emigra tion from Croatia-Slavonia, 455; nationality of immigrant labor, 238, 282, 464-66; pro portion among immigrants, 77, 286, 312-15, 442; wages, 55-56, 285-90, 293, 463-66 Deaths by industrial accidents, 301-303 Delaware — Poles in, 262; Slavic immigration to, 68 Democratic party among Slavic Americans, 395 Detroit, Poles in, 231, 263 Dignovity, Dr., Bohemian im migrant, 69, 209 Displacement of English-speak ing labor, 297-301 Distribution of immigration — Causes of, 217—20, 227—28, 233, 237-44, 320-38; statis tics, 234-35, 253-81, 320-30, 459—60, 468—69 Distribution of Slavs in Eu rope, 16-19 Division of labor — Demands on intelligence, 317-18; effect on wages, 288 Dolinas, 158 Domazlice, emigration from, Domestic animals, in Croatia, 165, 177 Doukhobors in Canada, 279, 332 Dowry, among Slavs, 42, 166 Drahtbinder, 97 Drama — Among Bohemian im migrants, 382; Croatian, 167—70 Dress — Among Slavic immi grants, 360-61, 370-72. See also Costumes. Dressmakers, Slavic, 354 Drifton, Penn., an early goal, 238-39 . Drink habit. See Liquor habit Drotars, 97, 99 Dubrovnik. See Ragusa. Dug-outs in Nebraska, 344 Duquesne, Ruthenian family in, 144 Dutch, illiteracy, 479 Dyers — Bohemian, 226; Slo vak, 97 Early settlers in the United States, 63-84, 131-34, 205-34 Eastern States, farm condi tions, 322, 326—31 Eastman, Crystal. Study of industrial accidents, 301 Economic changes due to emi gration, 62, 81—82, 112-119 Economic changes due to im migration, 4-5, 286-90, 297- 3IQ Economic conditions in Amer ica — As a factor in immigra tion, 218-20, 237-44, 247, 282-377,404-405,452; con trasted with Austria-Hun gary, 54-56, .317-1.9 Economic conditions in Europe, in relation to emigration, 49- 62, 70,75-81,99,108,121-22, 135-41, 152-53, 163, i74-8o, 194-96, 213, 275, 279, 452 Economic conditions of immi grants — Bohemians, 221-22, 224, 226—27, 229—30; Poles, 317; Slavs, 282-348, 379-81, 455 Education — Efforts for, among immigrants, 351-52, 381-84, 416-17, 474, 477-78; higher education of Slav immi grants, 283, 343, 381; in Croatia, 157, 167-70; in Dalmatia, 196-97; in Gali cia, 141; in Hungary, 110- 11 Embarkation statistics, 435-38 Embroidery, Slovak, 91-92, in, 355 Emigrants, return to home country, 61, 102, 116-19, INDEX 52i 144-45, 154, 181, 286, 294- 96, 300, 443, 463 Emigration — Causes, 48-56, 67, 69-72, 75-81, 99-101, 108, 118-19, 131, 135, 137- 38, 140, 152-53, 163, 174-80, 194-96, 208-10, 213, 218, 237-44, 275, 277, 452; char acter of, 37-201, 213, 223, 227, 237-43, 258-59, 279, 283, 293-94, 442; effects on America, 4-5, 62, 114, 286- 90,297-310,398-425; effects on home country, 62, 81-82, 112-119, 144-45, 181-83; ef fects on the emigrant, 56- 62, 63-64, 1 13-19, 143-44, 154-55, 170, 181-83, !97-98, 224-25, 284, 289-90, 340, 352, 360-61, 370-77, 389- 425 ; from Austria-Hungary, 433-44; from Slavic coun tries, 34-201, 433-44; from the U. S., see Emigrants re turn to home country. Employers' liability, 301-303 Encouragement of immigra tion, federal, 209, 218; state, 218-20; commercial, 52-3, 80, 219—20, 279, 296, 332—4 Endurance of Slavic peasant women, 175, 376 English — Domination of, in America, 3-4, 398-403; il literacy, 479; in the U. S., 3-4, 237, 315, 398-403; oc cupations, 315 English language as spoken by Slavic immigrants, 143—4 English language, persons in U. S. not speaking, 402 English language, relation to the immigrant's language, 414-18, 478; value to immi grant, 285, 411, 417 English-speaking labor, as af fected by Slav labor, 284- 301 Environment — Along Adriatic coast, 191-93; as a factor in civilization, 5, 193, 196, 411, 418-20; in Austria-Hungary, 28-36; in Bohemia, 75; in Croatia, 157-65; in Galicia, 120-31; in Slovensko, 85; of American farmers, 318- 19, 322; Slovenians, 152 Epic singers, Montenegro, 164, 201 Ethnical maps — Austria-Hun gary and Balkan states, 32; Galicia and Bukowina, 123; Slavic distribution in U. S., 257 Eugenics, American, 403-404 Europe, 18; languages spoken in Galicia and Bukowina, I23 Europe, map showing location of Slavic races, 18 European history, Slavic forces in, 20-27, 87-88, 127, 148- 49, 1.59 Exclusion of immigrants, cost of, 406—407 Exhaustion from American overwork, 154-55, 181, 300, 357 Factory industries, Slavic, 99, 139 Factory workers, Slavs in, 282 ; Slavic women in, 354-60 Family budget, 363-64 Family life. See Household life. Famines in Nebraska, 346-47 Farm villages, 318-19 Farmers — Austrian, 469 ; Bo hemian, 37, 46, 58, 77, 214- 17, 221, 224, 320—36, 341, 469; Carniolan, 46, 56; Cro atian, 177-79, 272, 338, 455; Dalmatian, 46, 56; Galician, 46, 56, 137-39; Hungarian, 469; Italian, 318-20; Polish, 46, 56, 137-39, 320-36, 469, 473-74; Russian, 279, 320, 469 ; Ruthenian, 268-69, 338- 39; Slavic, 312-48, 442, 455, 469-70; Slovak, 336-38; Slo venian, 233, 270, 339—40; wages, 56, 138 Farming by Slavic immigrants, 115, 139-40, 217, 220-21, 224, 233, 243, 268—69, 270, 282, 312-48, 468-70 Farming, co-operative, 332 Farm labor — Relation to im migration, 4, 76-77, 240-42, 279, 318, 327, 342, 442, 469; wages, 56, 138, 286, 327, 432 Farm life in America, 317-19, 323-25, 338, 342-48, 352 522 INDEX Farm machinery, use of, 145, 34i Farm, return to the, 335-40 Farm servants, in Austria- Hungary, 43, 46, 56, 142 _ Farm settlement, promotion of, 332-38 Federal encouragement to im migration, 209, 218 Fee system, abuse of, 367-68 Feudal survivals in Austria- Hungary, 38-42, 149 Filip, Bedrich, 68-69, 206 FiUpinos, illiteracy, 479 Finns — Illiteracy, 479; occu pations, 316 First comers, to Pennsylvania mines, 238; the rdle of, 242 Fishermen, Dalmatian, 192, 283 Fitch, J. A. The Steel Indus try and the Labor Problem, 293 Fiume — Embarkation statis tics, 436-37; Italians in, 191; political relations, 31 Florida, Poles in, 263 Folklore and songs — Bohe mian, 65, 83; Slovak, 86-87 Folksongs — Croatian, 163-64; Ruthenian, 128 Food of Slavic immigrants, 363-64 Forest destruction — Adriatic coast, 192; Slovensko, 95 Franciscan missionary in Tex as, 228 Free-thought movement among Bohemian immigrants, 220, 381, 390-92 French, illiteracy, 479 French-Canadians — In the U. S., 238, 353; occupations, 353 Friends, Society of, 279 From my Village, 183-90 Fuel in Slavic households, 365 Furdek, Father, 337 Furriers, Bohemian, 226 Gaj, Louis, leader of "Illy rian" movement, 150 Galicia — Conditions in, 31, 120- 47; emigration from, 120- 47, 248; map, 123; occupa tions, 46, 137, 140; popula tion, 48; wages, 56 Galicians in Canada, 449-50 Galveston, Tex., 80, 216, 224, 228, 290 Gazvoda, Miss. From my Vil lage, 183-90 Genoa, embarkation statistics, 436 Georgia — Moravians in, 208; Poles in, 263 Germanization of Slavic peo ples, 19, 21-22, 125, 148-49, 154, 191, 397 German language in Austria- Hungary, 429-30 Germans — Conflict with Bohe mians, 78; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; emigration from Croa tia-Slavonia, 454; illiteracy, 78, 479; in Austria-Hun gary, 33, 445-47; in Bohe mia, 75; in Hungary, 445- 47; in Slovensko, 99-100; in the U. S., 4, 78, 133, 210- 11, 217, 315, 374, 460-64; occupations, 315, 353 Germany — Slavic immigration from, 248-49; Slavic immi gration to, 139, 442 Gipsies — Called Bohemians, 74; in Austria-Hungary, 431; in Slovensko, 88-90 Glass setting, Slovak trade, 98 Gold discovery in California, cause of emigration, 70, 210 Goral6, 122 Goricia-Gradisca — Conditions and emigration, 152, 191; population, 48; wages, 56 Gottschee, 153-54 Government policies, toward emigration, Hungarian 52- 53; Austrian, 135-36; Mon tenegrin, 200; Italian protec tion to emigrants, 332 Gowda, Michael, Ruthenian- Canadian poet, 128, 449-51 Graft, immigrants as victims of, 367-68, 418 Granite City, Mo., Bulgarians in, 274 Grasshopper plague in Nebras ka, 346-47 . Great Britain, immigration from Hungary, 438 INDEX 523 Great Russians, 126 Greek Catholics, 128-30, 266, 268, 384-87 Greek Orthodox church, 129, 131, 156,273, 275, 384-87 Ureeks— Illiteracy, 479; occu pations, 282 "Griners", 148, 155 Guide books for immigrants, 218-19, 319, 334 Guslars, 164, 201 Gymnasia, Slovak, no Gymnastic societies, 382 Hackmen, Slavic, 314 Hadley, Mass., Polish inhab itants, 330, 335, 473~74 Hamburg, embarkation statis tics, 436 Handbooks for immigrants, 218-19, 3X9, 334 Handicrafts and trades — Bo hemian, 77; Slovak, 97-99, 355 Harness makers, Bohemians, 226 Hats, significance of, to Slavic women, 106-7, 188, 226, 360, 371-2 Hausler, 43 Havre, embarkation statistics, 436737 Hawaiians, illiteracy, 479 Hazelton, Penn. — Bank de posits by immigrants, 305 ; churches in, 385 ; first Slavic immigrants, 239-40 Health — Croatians, 157, 170- 71; Slavic immigrants, 375- 77 Hebrews. See Jews. Hermann, Augustine, Bohe mian immigrant, 68, 206 Herzegovina—Conditions and emigration, 198, 249; Ser vians in, 156, 273 Herzegovinians — How name is applied, 8; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 195, 249, 433, 460-64 History, factors of, 4 Holidays, in Croatia, 169 Home industries, peasants of Austria-Hungary, 47, 57, 91- 93- r53, 164-65 Home life. See Household life. Homesickness, 58-60 Horvats, 276 Hospitals maintained by em ployers, 303 Hours of labor, 285-88, 465 House community, 21, 161-63 Household art, 47, 57, 89-93 Household life — Bohemians, 42, 63-64, 84; Croatians, 161-67; Galicians, 142; Ru thenians, 142-46; Slavic im migrants, 349-77; Slovaks, 89-93 Houses — Bohemian, 82; Croa tian, 164-65; Galician, 142; Moravian, 42 ; Slovak, 88- 00 . Housing, American immi grants, 329, 361-63 Houseworkers, Slavic, 354 Hruby, Professor, Bohemian immigrant, 69 Hungarians — In the U. S., 102, 211-13, 234-35, 244, 248- 49, 249-52, 254, 266, 295, 460-67; occupations, 313, 353-54 Hungary — Civil population by languages, 430; conditions in, 28-36, 109; emigration and immigration, 101-105, 437-44; government poli cies, 52-53, 109-12, 1 17-18, 157, 397, 447-49; maps, 30, 32, 35, 105; racial statistics, 445-47 " Hunkies," 7, 115 Hussites, 67-69, 208, 390 Huzuls, 122 Hysteria among Bohemian im migrants, 376 Ideals as to America's mean ing, 405-406, 421-25 Illegitimacy, among Croa tians, 170-71 Illinois — Bohemians in, 223, 256, 261; Croatians in, 271; Poles in, 209, 231, 262, 324; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 234, 254, 306-307; Slove nians in, 233, 269 524 INDEX Illiteracy among immigrants, 78, 96, no, 141, 167-69, 196-97, 479 Illyrian movement, 149-50 Imitation, laws of, 411, 418 Immigrant arrivals who have been in the U. S. before, 463- 64 Immigrants — Effects of Amer ican life upon, 34-36, 45, 56-62, 82, 113-19, 143-44, 154, 181-83, 197-98, 224- 25, 284, 289-90, 340, 352, 360-61, 370-77, 389-425; il literacy of, 479; not coming to join relatives or friends, 433; rejected at Ellis Isl and, 200; return to home country, 61, 102, 1 16-19, 144-45, *54, 181, 250-52 Immigration — Effects on Amer ica, 4—5, 62, 114, 286—90, 297-310, 398-425; encour agement by boards and agencies, 52-3, 218-19, 332- 35; policy for the U. S., 403-407; statistics, 210-13, 244-52, 254, 261-62, 273, 277, 281, 295, 400, 403, 433, 438-42, 451, 460-64, 471-72 Immigration to the U. S. — Austrian, 211-13, 234, 244, 249-52, 254, 438-42, 460- 61 ; Belgian, 217; Bohemian, 63-84, 206-28, 234, 243-44, 248-50, 254, 256-61, 281, 306-307, 433, 460-64; Bos nian, 195, 249-50, 433, 460- 64; Bulgarian, 195, 199, 237, 249-50, 273-76, 281, 433, 460-64; Croatian, 167-68, 176-83, 237, 249-50, 256, 271-72, 281, 433, 460-64; Dalmatian, 195-98, 210, 237, 249-50, 258, 271, 281, 433, 460-64; German, 4, 78, 210- n, 217, 249, 460-64; Her- zegovinian, 195, 249, 433, 460-64; history of Slavic, 205-52; Hungarian, 102, 211-13, 234-35, 244, 249- 52, 254, 266, 438-42, 460- 67; Irish, 464, 467; Italian, 464, 467, 471-72; Jewish, 4, 6, 213, 226, 234, 236-37, 247-48, 251, 279, 294, 458- 59, 461; Lithuanian, 464; Montenegrin, 195, 199-201, 249, 273-74, 433, 460-64; nationalities and signifi cance, 3-9, 234, 237-38, 247-52, 254, 280-81, 315- 16, 398—425, 460—64; peas ants, 37-201, 213, 221, 227, 279, 321, 442; Polish, 131- 34, 140, 206-31, 234, 236, 244, 248—50, 254, 256, 262— 65, 281, 306-307, 433, 460- 64; re-immigration, 119, 251, 463-64; Russian, 133, 210- 13, 237, 244, 248-50, 254, 276-81, 433, 460-64, 471- 72; Ruthenian, 132-33, 236, 249-50, 256, 266-68, 281, 433, 460-64; Scandinavian, 217, 464; Scotch, 464; Ser vian, 195, 199—201, 237, 249-50, 272-74, 281, 433, 460-64; Slavic, 234-35, 247- 52, 280-81, 460-64, 467, 471-72; Slovak, 96, 100- 103, 107, 236, 249-50, 256, 266-67, 281, 433, 460-64; Slovenian, 152-53, 231-35, 237, 249—50, 256, 269—70, 281, 433, 460-64; Turkish, 248-49, 276, 460-64; Welsh, 315, 467 Indebtedness — Croatians, 179- 80; Poles, 137, 47 3-74; Slavic emigrants, 49, 452; Slovaks, 95-96; Slovenians, 153 Indentured servants in the South, 207 Independent farmers — Eastern states, 335 ; Middle West, 325-26 Indiana — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 262; Slavic farm ers in, 469; Slavs in, 254 Indians — Missions to, 232; Nebraska, 347 Indian Territory, Poles in, 263 Indo-Germanic languages, 1 3 Inducement of immigration by employers, 238-39, 240- 41 ; see also Encouragement of immigration. Industrial accidents. See Acci dents and injuries. Industrial expansion in the U. S., relation to immigrant la bor, 237-44, 289-90, 404-405 INDEX S2S Industrial groupings, 6, 43- 47, 76-78, 97-99, 137-40, !52-53, 176, 192-93, J96- 97, 213, 226-27, 237-44, 270-72, 274, 282-84, 311- 48, 353-54, 442, 455, 465-70 Industrial system, modern, 392 Infanticide, Croatian, 170 Influence of returned emi grants. See Return to home country. Injuries. See Accidents and injuries. Inn-keepers, Bohemian, 226 Insect powder, Dalmatian, 193 Intemperance — Da lmatians, 197; Ruthenians, 140-41; Slavic immigrants, 342, 365- 70; Slovaks, 94-95 Interest and usury — America, 323, 328; Europe, 95, 139, 179-80 Intermarriage. See Racial fu sion. Investments by immigrants, 305-10 Iowa — Bohemians in, 223-25, 260-61, 325; farming con ditions in, 325; Poles in, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469 ; Slavs in, 234, 254; Slovenians in, 233 Irish — Illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 4, 6, 77, 106, 238, 315, 368, 374, 464, 467; occupa tions, 315, 353-54 Irish Catholics, attitude to ward foreigners, 388 Iron and steel workers — Bohe mian, 226; Croatian, 272; Pittsburgh conditions, 285- 90, 293, 301; Slavic, 282, 293, 312, 314—15; Slovenian, !55 Isolation. See Social barriers; also Farm villages. Istria — Croatian emigration from, 198, 249, 272; Ital ians in, 10 1 ; population, 48; Servians in, 156; wages, 56 Italian-Ladinish language in Austria-Hungary, 429 Italians — Farmers, 318-20; il literacy, 479; in Austria- Hungary, 33, 148, 152, 191; in the U. S., 4, 6, 77, 295, 315, 464-67, 471-73, 4791 occupations, 282, 315-16, 318-20, 353, 465-66; wages, 464-66 Italy, money orders sent to, .471-73 Itinerant trades, 97, 153 Japanese, illiteracy, 479 Jersey City, Greek Catholics in, 268 Jesuits, in Bohemia, 67 ews — Classification, 247-48; illiteracy, 479; in Austria- Hungary, 95—96, 99—100, 112, 122, 140—41, 179, 431; in the U. S., 4, 6, 213, 226, 234, 236-37, 247-48, 251, 279, 294, 458-59. 461; oc cupations, 282, 311, 356; sense of nationality in, 12- 13, i12 John of Kolno, 131, 206 Joliet, 111., Slovenians in, 233, 269 Kansas — Bohemians in, 235, 261; Poles in, 262; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 235, 254; Slo venians in, 270 Karst, 152, 158, 376 Kassubs in Europe, statistics of, 17 Kentucky, Poles in, 207, 263 Kewaunee county, Wis., Bo hemian settlers, 210, 220, 323 Kinship, racial. See Racial kinship. Kladno, emigration from, 79 Kohlbeck, Rev. Valentine. Estimates of Bohemians in the U. S., 260-61 Kollar, apostle of Panslavism, 26—27 Kolno, John of, 131, 206 Komensky. See Comenius. Korbel Brothers, California, 326 Koreans, illiteracy, 479 Kosciuszko, 208 Kostur, 275 Krainers, 148, 155 Kruszka, Rev. W. X. Esti mates of Poles in the U. S., 526 INDEX 262; list of the founding of Polish parishes previous to 1880, 459-60 Kulturkampf, impulse to emi gration, 213-14 Kuttenberg, emigration from, 75, 79, 357 Labor unions — effect on wages, 285, 289-93; Slavic work ers, 290—93 Labrador, 131, 206, Lace makers, Slovak, 355 Laibach, 151 Land agents as factors in farm settlement, 332-34 Land grants to Poles in U. S., 209 Land holdings — In Austria- Hungary, 39-42, 62, 116; in Croatia, 159-63; 179; in Dalmatia, 195; in Eu rope, of immigrants, 294; in Galicia, 135, 137-38, 144; Slovak, 116 Land, inducements for immi gration, 218—20, 237, 323 Land owners, Slavic-Ameri can, 306—10, 322, 325—28 Land prices and availability — America, 56, 323-325, 328, 334; Croatia, 183; Galicia, 139, 145 Land purchases by returned emigrants, 62, 116, 144-45, 182, 183, 185 Land tenure, Austria-Hun gary, 38-43 Language as a factor in na tionality, 10, 12, 15, 22-23, 69, 317-18, 402 Languages, diversity in Slavic countries, 31-33, 1 10-12, 123, 429-31 Latin language, in Hungarian parliament, 109 Leadership, among immigrants, 283, 308-309, 343, 379, 394, 424 Leather curriers, Slavic, 314 Legends and traditions — Bo hemian, 65; Croatian, 163- 64; Polish, 120; Slovak, 87- !8 Lesikar, Bohemian immigrant, 215-16 Libraries — Books in foreign languages, 417-18; in Cro atia, 169; in Slavic organi zations, 381-82 Lika-Krbava, 158-59, 177, 183- 90 Lime burners, Slavic, 314-15 Limestone deserts, 152, 158, 192, 376 Lipt6 cheese, 97 Liquor habit — European Slavs, 94-95, 140-41, 197; Slavic immigrants, 342, 365-70 Liquor traffic — R uthenians, 140-41; Slovaks, 94-95 Lissa, 196 Literature, as a nationalizing force, 22, 27 Lithuanian s — Classification, 247; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 464 Littai, 153 Little Russians — In Europe, 17; in the U. S., 278; name for Ruthenians, 126; sense of national tradition, 150 Liverpool, embarkation sta tistics, 437 Ljubljana. See Laibach. Loans — America, 323, 328; Slavic countries, 50, 80, 95- 96, 108, 139, 179-80 Local history and source ma terial, 205 Locksmiths, Bohemian, 77 Locust plague, Nebraska, 346- 47 Lodges among Slavic immi grants, 381-82 Longshoremen, Dalmatian, 283 Lorain, Ohio, co-operative store, 309 Louisiana — Bohemians in, 211; Poles in, 263 Lower Austria — Population, 48; wages, 56 Lusatians, 229 McCormick machinery in Galicia, 145 Macedonia, Bulgarian immi gration from, 249, 275 Macedonian revolution, 1904, as cause of emigration, 275 Machinists — Bohemian, 226; Slavic, 314 INDEX S27 McKeesport, saloons in, 365-66 McKee's Rocks strike, 1909, 291 McQuaid, Rev. J. A. Account of Slovaktown, 337-38 Magyar language — Enforced use of, no— 12, 117; number speaking in Austria-Hun gary, 429-30 Magyarizing policies in Hun gary, 109-112, 117-118, 157, 397, 447-49 Magyars — Classification, 247; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; emi gration from Croatia-Sla vonia, 454; illiteracy, 479; in Austria-Hungary, 33, 85, 101, 109-112, 117-118, 445- 47; in Hungary, 445-471 in the U. S., 295 Mahanoy City, Slav property owners in, 307 Mail order business, among farmers, 325 Maine — Poles in, 263; Slavs in, 254 Malarial regions, 152 Malo-Russians, 126 Manitowoc County, Wis., Bo hemian settlers, 220 Manufacturing industries, Slav ic, 99, 139 Manufacturing products, value of in the U. S., 289 Marko Kralevitch, 163 Marriage ages, Slavic immi grants, 330, 342 Marriage between races. See Racial fusion. Marriage customs — Croatian, 166-67; Polish, 146; Slavic, 366-67, 372 Married emigrants from Car niola, 451 Married women in factories, 358-60 Maryland — Bohemians in, 261 ; Poles in, 262; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 68 Mason, Otis T. Classification of immigrants, 247 Masons, Bohemian, 77, 226 Massachusetts — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 262, 327-29, 341, 473—74; Russians in, 278; Slavic farmers in, 469, 473-74; Slavs in, 240-42, 254, 327-29 Matrons on immigrant ships, 407 Mechanics, Slavic, 312, 315 Mennonites in the U. S., 278 Metalworkers, Slavic, 312, 314 Mexicans, illiteracy, 479 Mexico — Bohemian immigrants to, 216; Servians in, 274 Michigan — Bohemians in, 223, 261; Croatians in, 176, 272; immigration policies, 220; Poles in, 231, 235, 262 ; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 2 35, 254; Slovenians in, 232—33, 270 Middle West — Early settlers, 207—35, 323; farming indus tries in, 322; later immigra tion to, 243, 254, 274, 279 Mielec, 134 Migrations of peoples, 3-9, 406 Milcin, 75 Militar Grenze, 159-61 Military frontier, 159-61 Military organization, in Croa tia, 159-61 Military service, as cause of emigration, 51, 108, 153, 452 Milwaukee — Bohemians in, 220; Poles in, 263 Mine explosions, Federal in vestigation of, 303 Miners — Bohemian, 77, 79, 313; Croatian, 272; homes of, 372-74; Pittsburgh condi tions, 285-90, 293, 299, 301; Polish, 313; Slavic, 238-40, 282, 293, 297-99, 312-15, 442, 467; Slovenian, 155 Mining industries, Austria- Hungary, 79, 122 Minnesota — Bohemians in, 2 2 3, 261; Poles in, 231, 262, Ru thenians in, 339; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 234, 254; Slovenians in, 233 Mir, Russian, 21 Mississippi, descent of, 207 Mississippi, Poles in, 263 Missouri — Bohemians in, 210, 235, 261; Poles in, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469 ; Slavs in, 254 Mobility of Slavic labor, 294-96 528 INDEX Moczygemba, Rev. Leopold, 228 Modrus-Fiume, 175 Mohammedans, Slavic, 198 Molly Maguire troubles, 238 Monastir, Bulgarians from, 275 Money making, intoxication of, 420-22 Money remittances of immi grants, 82, 114, 144-45, x52, 155, 181-82, 186, 196, 303- 305, 47J-73 Montana — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 263; Slovenians in, 270 Monte Maggiore, 152 Montenegrins — How name is applied, 8; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 195, 199-201, 273-74, 433, 460764 Montenegro, conditions and emigration, 152, 156, 160, 199-201 Morals — Croatians, 170-71; Dalmatians, 196-97; Poles, 474; Slavs, 342, 365-70; Slovaks, 113 Moravia — Slovaks in, 446 ; vil lage land holdings, 40-43; wages, 56 Moravians — How name is ap plied, 8, 74; illiteracy, 479; in America, 69, 74, 208, 216-17, 433, 458, 460-64; statistics of population, 48, 430 Mortgages on American farms, 323 Music, Slavic love of, 87, 163- 64, 226, 283, 372-73, 382 Musicians — Bohemian, 226; Slavic, 283 Mutual aid among immigrants, 319-20, 345, 349-50, 359, 379 Mutual benefit societies, 116, 302, 305-306, 378-81 Names, personal, Americaniz ing of, 412 Naming of places Magyarized in Hungary, 1 1 1 Naples, embarkation statistics, 436 Napoleonic wars, effects on nationalism, 149 Naprstek, Vojta, Bohemian immigrant, 70 National antipathies, 8-9, 12, 24, 31-36, 109-12, 116-17, 125, 130-31, 151, 226, 291- 92, 379, 388, 396-97, 409-10 National characteristics — Americans, 398-402 ; Bul garians, 275-76; Croatians, 156, 159-60; Dalmatians, 193, 196-97; Poles, 241- 42, 356, 473-74; Russians, 279; Slavs, 20-27, 44-47, 57-62, 283, 290-94, 300- 301, 365-78; Slovaks, 87-95 National Croatian Society, 301-302 National groupings, 6-9, 17— 18, 28, 122, 126, 150—51, 191, 234-38, 244-81, 460-64, 467, 470 National revivals, 24—27, 33- 36, 69, 78, 116— 19, 125—26, 140-41, 396-97 National societies among Slavic immigrants, 117, 301-302, 305-306, 378-81 National types, 10-11, 93-94, 158-59, 193, 397, 403-404, 410 Nationality, factors of, 10, 20, 122, 193, 260, 378-79, 396- 97, 411-18 Naturalized Slavs, 330, 395 Nebraska — Bohemians in, 227, 259, 261, 319-20, 341, 343- 48; homestead experiences in, 319-20, 343-48; Poles in, 231, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in, 235, 254; Slovenians in, 233 Needle trades — Slavic women in, 354; wages, 288 Negroes, Slavic opinion of, 144 Nemec, Bozena, Bohemian au thor, 83 Neuhaus, 79, 81 New England, Servians in, 274 New Hampshire — Hungarians in, 234; Poles in, 262; Slavs in, 254 New Jersey — Bohemians in, 206, 261; Poles in, 207, 262; Russians in, 278; Ruthe nians in, 268; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slavs in,- 254; Slo vaks in, 267 INDEX 529 New Orleans — Austrians in, 271; Bohemians in, 211; port of entry, 215 Newspapers, 117, 119, 131, 220, 383-84 New York City — Bohemians in, 68—69, 79, 206, 227, 259, 357, 376, 378; Poles in, 131, 206—207, 211, 263; port of entry, 215; Slovenians in, 270 New York State — Bohemians in, 223, 256, 261; Croatians in, 272; Dalmatians in, 196; Hungarians in, 235; Poles in, 209, 231, 262; Russians in, 278; Ruthenians in, 268; Slavic farmers in, 469 ; Slavs in, 253-56; Slovaks in, 267; Slovenians in, 234, 270 Niemcewicz, 131, 208 North America, Slavic immi gration to, 451-55 North Atlantic States, Slavic immigration to, 254 North Carolina, Poles in, 263 North Central States — Ser vians in, 274; Slavs in, 254 Northwestern States, Servians in, 274 Novi Bazar, Servians in, 156 Nursery rhymes, Bohemian, 83, 444-45 Occupations — Austrians, 313, 353—54; Bohemians, 46, 76— 78, 220-21, 226-227, 282, 3J3, 32°, 353-57;. Bulgar ians, 274; Croatians, 176, 271-72, 283, 455; Dalma tians, 192, 272, 283, 326; English, 315; Finns, 316; French-Canadians, 353; Ger mans, 315, 353; Greeks, 282; Hungarians, 313, 353- 54; Irish, 315, 353-541 Ital ians, 282, 315-16, 318-20, 353, 465-66; Jews, 282, 311, 356; Poles, 46, 282-83, 3X3, 320-21, 353-56; Russians, 313, 320, 353-541 Ruthe nians, 137-40; Scandina vians, 315; Slavs, 45-47, 213, 237-44, 282-84, 289, 311- 48, 353-54, 442, 455, 465- 70; Slovaks, 97-99, 355; Slo- 34 vemans, 151, 153, 270, 355; Syrians, 282; Welsh, 315; of women, 349-60 Ode to Columbia, 422-23 Office holders, Slavic Ameri can, 395 Ohio — Bohemians in, 215, 223, 226, 258, 261; Croatians in, 271; Hungarians in, 235; Poles in, 231, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469 ; Slavs in, 235, 254; Slovenians in, 155, 269 Oil workers, Slavic, 283 Ojibway grammar and dic tionary, 233 Oklahoma — Bohemians in, 2 2 7, 261; Poles in, 263; Slavic farmers in, 469 Old Hadley, Poles in, 328 Omaha — Bohemians in, 259; Slovenians in, 233 Open field system, 39-44 Oregon — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 263; Slavic farm ers in, 469 Organizations among Slavic immigrants, 117, 301-302, 305-306, 377-95 Overcrowding in immigrant homes, 294, 342, 350-51, 362-63, 376 Overwork, effects of, 154-55, 181, 300, 360, 365 Oxen, on Nebraska farms, 345 Oyster industry, 272, 283 Paca, William, 208 Pacific Islanders, illiteracy, 479 Pacific slope, farm conditions on, 322, 326 Packing-house labor, 272, 283, 290 Padrone system, 309 Panna Marya, Tex., Polish set tlement, 228-29 Panslavism, 25-27, 33-36, 116 Parochial schools — In the U. S., 416-17; Polish criticism of, 477~78 Parsons, Charles, Poles brought to Massachusetts by, 240-41 Passaic handkerchief factory, 355 , Passaic library, 4i7 53° INDEX Passports for emigrants, 440- 41, 443 Patriotism, among immigrants, 34-36, 78, 116, 228, 379 Pearl button industry, effect of tariff on, 79, 283 Peasant millionaire, 431-32 Peasants — Austria-Hungary, 37-49, 431-32; Bohemian, 63-66, 70, 82-84, 213, 221, 227; Croatian, 157-90; Dal matian, 192-93; emigration from Croatia-Slavonia, 455; European life, 318; Galician, 135, 137-38, 141-47; immi gration to U. S., 37-201, 213, 221, 227, 321, 377, 442; Slo vak, 85-99, i°8; Slovenian, r5i Peddling — Slavs, 282; Slovaks, 98; Slovenians, 153 Pellagra regions, 152 Pennsylvania — Bohemians in, 261; Bulgarians in, 276; Croatians in, 271; farm con ditions in, 335-36; Irish in, 467; Italians in, 467; Mora vians in, 208; nationality of coal miners in, 467; Poles in, 231, 262; Russians in, 278; Ruthenians in, 268; Slavic farmers in, 469 ; Slavs in, 235, 238-40, 243, 254-58, 467; Slovaks in, 267; Slo venians in, 269; Welsh in, 467 Pennsylvania Dutch, 340 Pensions for employes, 82 Persecution of immigrants in Texas, 216, 229 Personal example as a factor in Americanization, 418-20 Personal motives for emigra tion, 54, 79-80 Petr, Joseph, Bohemian immi grant, 216-17 Phillips, Frederick, Bohemian immigrant, 68-69, 206 Phylloxera, as a cause of emi gration in Croatia, 54; in Carniola, 153, 176-77 Physique of Slavs, 11, 87, 93- 94, 158-59, 193 Piece work, Pittsburgh wages, 288, 293 Pilsen, emigration from, 75, 79 Pioneer conditions in the Uni ted States, 214-35, 319-20, 323, 33i, 343-48 Pisek, emigration from, 75 Pittsburgh — Croatians in, 271; wages and conditions in, 284-90, 301-303, 419 Plumbers, Slovak, 98 Poetic feeling — Bohemians, 83 ; Slavs, 57 Polacks, 7, 8 Poland, Austrian. See Galicia. Poland, partition and condi tions, 124-26 Poles — Attitude toward Pan slavism, 2 6 ; emigration from Galicia, 120-47, 248; farmers, 46, 56, 137-39; how name is applied, 7, 8; illiteracy, 479; in Europe, 1 7 ; occupations, 46; oppression of Ruthe nians, 130-31; proportion in population, 122, 132 Poles in the U. S. — Building and loan associations, 306- 307 ; character of immigrants, 236; distribution, 206-31, 234-35, 254, 256, 262-65, 323- 24; farmers, 320-36, 473-74; history of settlement, 131- 34,206-31, 457; landowners, 323-24; national character istics, 241-42, 356, 473-74; occupations, 282-83, 3II_i6, 320-21, 353-56, 470; Polish churches, 459-60; property, 309-10 ; servants, 140 ; statis tics, 31-34, 230-31, 234-35, 244, 248-50, 254, 262-65, 281, 433 Polish churches in the U. S., 228-29, 230-31, 233, 264-65, 386-89, 459-6o Polish criticism of parochial schools, 477-78 Polish exiles, 209-10, 214 Polish insurrection, 183 1, im pulse to emigration, 209 Polish insurrection, 1861, im pulse to emigration, 213 Polish language, 14-15, 22, 123, 430 Polish literature of American settlement, 457 Polish societies in America, 380 Political leaders, among Slavic immigrants, 283, 394 INDEX S3i Political qualities of Slavic Americans, 392-95 Political unrest, as a factor in emigration, 51-52, 69-70, 108—12, 116— 19, 210, 213—14, 227, 237, 275, 277, 279 Pollakovic, Francis, 117 Polonia, Wis., Polish settlers, 230, 323 Population of Austria-Hun gary — By language, 429-31; numbers, movements and density, 48, 75, 102-105, 122, 126, 132-34, 150-51, 153, 157, 176-79, 196 Population of the U. S. — Com position, 400-402 ; propor tion of Slavs, 234-35, 245-52 Portage county, Wis., Polish settlement, 323 Ports of embarkation for emi grants, 52, 215, 43S-38 Ports of landing for emigrants, 2!5 Portuguese, illiteracy, 479 Pottery mending, 97-98 Poverty, effects of, 50 Prairie settlers, 223 Prairie states, farm conditions in, 322, 324—26 Pre-Columbian discoveries, 131 Press, Slavic- American, 383-84 Priests — Ruthenian,. 129-30; Slovenian, 231-33 Pfikazy, Moravia, 40-42 Primitive survivals, 44, 57, 61- 62, 65, 77, 83, 88-91, 128, 142, 146, 161-67, r77> J93, 201 Printers, Bohemian, 226 Professions — Bohemians in, 282; Slavs in, 283, 442, 455 Property owned by Slavic im migrants, 305-310, 322, 325- 29, 455 Protestantism among Slavs, 22, 67—69, 122, 125, 149, 207, 215, 266, 384, 392 Prussian war, 1866, impulse to emigration, 72, 213 Public libraries and books in foreign languages, 417-18 Pulaski, 208 Punxsutawney coke district, 289 Pupin, Professor, 283 Quakers, 279 Quarrymen, Slavic, 313-15 Race prejudice in the U. S., 404, 409-10 Racial analysis — Austria-Hun gary and Balkans, 32, 99- 100, 122, 126, 156, 429-31, 445-47 J immigration, 3-9, 28, 73, 100, 102—103, 126, I32-35- 153, 183, 195, 234- 38, 244-81, 295, 313-18, 353-54, 433, 460-64, 467, 47o Racial decline, Americans, 328-31, 403, 406 Racial fusion, 399, 402, 404, 407-410, 475~76 Racial kinship, as a factor in national types, 10-11 Racial v i t a 1 i t y — Croatians, 157; depletion of, 154-55. 178, 181, 300-303, 376; Slavs, 276 Radom, 111., Polish settlers, 324 Raftsmen, Slovak, 97 Ragusa, conditions and emigra tion, 191-93 Railroad labor — Accidents, 301; Bulgarians, 274-75; Croatians, 272; Slavic, 282, 297, 314; wages, 285 Railroads — In Croatia-Slavo nia, map of, 173; stimulation of immigration by, 52-3, 219-20, 296, 332-33 Rate cutting, Pittsburgh mills, 288 Reaction of Emigrants on Home Country. See Return to home country. Reading Clubs, in Croatia, 169 Real estate owned by Slavic immigrants, 306-310, 329, 336 Reformation. See Protestant ism. Re-immigration to the U. S., 119, 251, 463-64 Rejected immigrants, 200 Relief funds for injured em ployes, 302 Religious divergences of Slavs, 22, 67-69, 122, 125-26, 128- 532 INDEX 31, 149, 156, 198, 266, 269, 278-79, 380-81, 384-90 Religious societies among Sla vic immigrants, 38 1 Remittances of immigrants, 82, 114, 144-45, 152- 155. 181-82, 186, 196, 303-305, 47I_73 , • tt Renaming of places m Hun gary, 111 Repression of emigration, 135- 36, 200 Republican party among Sla vic Americans, 394-95 "Reserve Army" of laborers, 299-300 Restaurant keepers, Dalma tian, 197, 283 Return to home country, 61, 102, 116-19, 144-45, 154, 181, 250-52, 286, 294-96, 300, 443, 463 Revolution of 1848-9, as cause of emigration, 69, 174, 210, 224, 227 Rhode Island — Poles in, 262; Slavs in, 254 Rjeka. See Fiume. Rock River land grants, 209 Rolling mills, wages in, 285 Roman Catholic church — Among Ruthenians, 128-30; effects on civilization, 22-23; in Bohemia, 67; in Croatia, 156-57; in Poland, 125 Roman Catholic church in the U. S. — Bohemian, 215, 386; Croatian, 387; Irish, 388; Polish, 228—29, 230—31, 233, 264-65, 386, 389, 459-6o; Ruthenian, 386; Slavic, 294, 384-90; Slovak, 386; Slo venian, 231-33, 269, 387 Rotterdam, embarkation sta tistics, 436 Roumania, Slavic immigration to, 442 Roumanian language, 123, 429-30 Roumanians — Classification, 247; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; illiteracy, 479; proportion of population, 33 Round toed shoes, 300 Rovnianek, P. V. , Slovak leader in America, 98, 336-37, 449 Royalton, Minn., 330 Russia — Attitude toward Pan slavism, 25-26; money or ders sent to, 471-73; Slav emigration from, 28, 248-49; treatment of Poland, 124-25 Russian, forms and use of name, 7, 8 Russian language, 14 Russian Orthodox church, 129, 131, 384-87 Russians — Illiteracy, 479; in Europe, 17; in the U. S., 133, 210-13, 230, 236-37, 244, 249-50, 254, 276-81, 433, 460-64, 471-72; occu pations, 313, 320, 353-54 Russification, 397 Russinians. See Ruthenian. Russniak. See Ruthenian. Russophobia, among Magyars, 26 Ruthenian churches in the U. S., 386 Ruthenian, forms and use of name, 7, 8, 126 Ruthenian language and litera ture, 14, 123, 127—28, 430 Ruthenian poet in Canada, 449-5o Ruthenians — Emigration of, 99-101, 120-47, 44T; emi gration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; farmers, T37-39, 268-69, 338-39; his tory of, 127; illiteracy, 168, 479; in Canada, 128, 140, 268-69, 338-39, 353, 449-5°; occupations, 137-40; pro portion in population, 122, 126, 249 Ruthenians in the U. S., 132- 33, 249-5°, 256, 267-69, 281, 338-39, 433, 460-64 Sachsenganger, 139 Sailors, Dalmatian, 192, 283 St. Louis — Bohemians in, 210, 215,227,259; Bulgarians in, 274 Saloon keepers, Slavic, 308- 309. 3r4 Salt mining, in Austria-Hun gary, 122 INDEX 533 Salzburg — Population, 48; wages, 56 Sandusky, origin of name, 207 San Francisco, Austrians in, 271 Sanitary conditions, among Slavs, 57, 142, 164-65 Savings of immigrants, 304-310 Sawmill laborers, Bohemian, 221 Scandinavians — Illiteracy, 479 ; in the United States, 217, 315, 464; occupations, 315 Scotch — Illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 464 Seamstresses, Slavic, 354 Section hands. See Railroad labor. Segregation of nationalities, 410, 413 Selective forces, 45, 67—70, 76- 80, 99, 106—107, !59. 176, 194, 210, 213—14, 217, 223, 227, 238-43, 271, 279, 282— 83, 294, 317-20, 322, 370 Serbian, forms of name, 7 Serfdom — Austria-Hungary, 38-39; Bohemia, 70; the Ukraine, 127 Servants, 77-78, 106-107, r4°. 226, 330, 353-54,442; wages, 327, 354 Servia, conditions and emigra tion, 199 Servian churches in the U. S., 387 Servians — Forms and use of name, 7-8; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443; emigration from Croa tia-Slavonia, 454; illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 195, 199- 201, 237, 249-50, 272-74, 281, 433, 460-64; relation to Croatians, 156 Servo-Croatian language, 14, 156, 168, 191, 430 Servo- Croatians — Conditions and emigration, 156-201; in Europe, 17 Settlements, social, function and opportunity of, 62, 425 Shenandoah, Slav property owners in, 306, 307 Shepherds, Slovak, 97 Shipping, effect of steam power on, 194 Shoemakers — Bohemian, 7 7 ; Slovak, 97 Siberia, emigration to, 279-80 Silesia — An early emigrant from, 215; population, 48; wages, 56 Singers, Montenegrin, 164, 201 Singing and choral societies, 382 Singing, Slovak part singing, 87 Skilled labor — Immigration of, 77, 98, 227, 272, 282-83; wages, 285, 293 Slav congresses, 25 Slavic immigrants, 291, 293- 94, 298, 310, 329, 343, 350- 53- 356, 360-75 Slavic languages, 12-19, 25, 32, 43° Slavic hterature, 22, 27 Slavo-Baltic languages, 1 3 Slavonia, conditions and emi gration, 178 Slavonian, how name is ap plied, 7 Slavonic, how name is applied, 7 Slavs. See Distribution; Emi gration; European history; Industrial groupings ; Na tional characteristics; Na tional groupings; National types; Occupations; Relig ious divergences; etc. Slovak churches in the U. S., 386 Slovak, how name is applied, 7 Slovak language, 14, 86, no, 43o Slovak societies in America, 379-8i Slovaks — Condition and emi gration, 85-119, 441, 447-49; emigration from and return to Hungary, 441, 443, 447'. farmers, 336-38; illiteracy, 479; in Europe, 17; in the U. S., 96, 98, 100-103, 107, 236, 249—50, 256, 266—67, 281, 283, 295, 379-81, 433, 449, 460-64; national char acteristics, 87-95; occupa tions, 97-99, 355; political unrest, 51, 109—12, 116-19, 422, 446, 449; proportion of population, 33, 86, 248, 445- 47 ; sense of national life, 534 INDEX 116-19, 150, 446; in Hun gary, 85-119, 445-447 Slovaktown, Ark., 337 Slovenian churches in the U. S-, 231-33, 269, 387 Slovenian, how name is ap plied, 7, 8, 148 Slovenian language and hter ature, 14, 148—50, 430 Slovenians — Conditions, his tory and emigration, 148-55, 433; farmers, 233, 270, 339- 40; ilUteracy, 479; in Eu rope, 17; in the U. S., 152- 53, 231-35, 237, 249-50, 256, 269-70, 281, 295, 433, 460- 64; occupations, 151, 153, 270, 355; proportion in pop ulation, 17, 150-51; racial friction, 31, 151 Slovensko, conditions in, 85- 119 Slovinci, 148 Small holdings, 39-42, 116, 135, 137-38, 144, 163, 179. 195 Soborowski, Albert, 206 Social barriers, 15, 21, 31, 59, 317_I9. 354, 388, 408-10, 424 Social consciousness, among Slavs, 34, 290, 378-79 Socialism among Slavic Amer icans, 392-93 Socializing forces, 5, 10-16, 20- 24, 62, 127, 214, 223, 226, 228, 230, 290—94, 317—20, 377-79, 418-20, 425 Social life among Slavic immi grants, 146-47, 317-19, 366- 67, 381-83 Social settlement, function and opportunity, 62, 425 Social wastes, 178, 181, 300- 3?3>. 357, 376, 392 Societies. See Clubs and socie ties. Sod houses, 344-45 Sodowsky family, 207 Sokols, 382 Sonnichsen, Albert, Estimates of Bulgarians in U. S., 274- 76 Sorbs — In Europe, 17; in the U. S., 229 South America, Slavic immi gration to, 438, 451 South Atlantic states, Slavic immigration to, 254 South Carolina — Moravians in, 208; Poles in, 263; Slavs in, 69 Southeastern states, Servians in, 274 Southern states — Efforts to at tract immigrants, 333; wages for day laborers, 466 South Slavs, 148, 150, 156, 237, 333 Southwestern states — Farm in dustries in, 322; Servians in, 274 Spanish Americans, illiteracy, 479 Spanish, illiteracy, 479 Specialization of industry. See Division of labor. Speech. See Language. Speeding of labor — 143, 155, 181, 288, 300-303, 356-57; wage, 288 Standards of living — Peasants of Austria-Hungary, 43-48, 50, 142, 182, 200-201 Steamship agencies, as fac tors in emigration, 52-53, 80, 279, 296 Steel workers. See Iron and steel workers. Steerage, 216, 407 Stevens Point, Wis., Pohsh settlers, 323 Stimulation of Immigration. See Encouragement of immi gration. Stock raising — Croatia, 177; Slovaks, 97 Stockyards labor — Croatian, 272; Slavic, 283, 290, 300 Stone cutters — Bohemian, 226; Croatian, 272 Storekeepers — Bohemian, 226; Slavic, 307-308 Stoves, Croatian, 164 Strike breakers, 290 Strikes — Cause of emigration, 79,227,238-39; Slaviclabor in, 290—93 Strolling players, 169-70 Students, Slovak, expelled from college, 448-49 Styria — Emigration from, 152; population, 48; wages, 56 Sugar-beet industry, 341 INDEX Sugar refinery labor, 283 Suicide, Bohemian immigrants, 376 Sweatshops — Bohemian, 227, 282,358; wages in, 288 Syphilis, rare among immi grants, 171 Syrians — Illiteracy, 479; oc cupations, 282 Tailoresses, Slavic, 354 Tailors, Bohemian, 77, 226, 227, 282 Tanners — Bohemian, 226; Sla vic, 314; Slovak, 97 Tariff, cause of Bohemian emi gration, 78-79 Tatar invasions, 23, 127 Tatra mountains, 120-21 Taxation, cause of emigration, 5i. 432 Teamsters, Slavic, 314 Tennessee, Poles in, 263 Teutons — Contact with Slavs, 19, 21-22; immigration of, 4, 237 Texas — Bohemians in, 214-17, 224-35, 259, 261, 458; Poles in, 131, 209, 228—29, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469 Textile workers, Slavic, 283, 3i4, 354-55. 468 Theatricals among Slavic im migrants, 382 Three-field system of agricul ture, 40 Timber, farming. See Wooded states Tinkers, 97-98, 153 Tinplaters, Slovak, 98 Tinware factories, Slovak, 98 Tobacco workers — Bohemian, 79, 227; Slavic, 354 Trade agreements, 292 Traders, Dalmatian, 193 Trades. See Occupations. Transportation agencies, as factors in emigration, 52-53 Transportation conditions, 216 Transportation improvements, effects on emigration, 52, 106, 173, 175, 185, 194, 279 Transportation routes, 52, 173, 215. 279. 435-38 Trencsen, Matthew of, 87 Trieste — Embarkation statis- 535 tics, 436-37; Italians in, 191 ; population, 48 ; Slovenians in, 151; wages, 56 Troy, N.Y., Polish immigrants, 209 True Story of a Bohemian Pioneer, 331, 343-48 Tuberculosis among Slavic im migrants, 376 Turkey, Slavic immigration from, 248-49, 276, 460-64 Turkish immigrants, illiteracy, 479 Turkish invasions of Europe, 23-24, 86-87, 159 Tymkevich, Father Paul, 419, 423-24 Tyrol— Population, 48; wages, 156 Ukrainian, name for Ruthe nians, 126 Unemployment, among Slav immigrants, 296-97 Uniates, 128-30, 266, 268, 384- 8.7 . Unionism. See Labor unions. Unitarianism, among Slavs, 125, 392 United Catholics, See Uniates. United Greek Catholics. See Uniates. United States immigration. See Immigration. United States, maps, 257, 321 United States Steel Corpora tion, inspection service, 303 Unskilled labor. See Day la borers. Upholsterers — Bohemian, 226; a returned Carniolan, 154 Upper Austria — Population, 48; wages, 56 Vajansky, Hurban. Ode to Columbia, 422-23 Varasdin county, Croatia, 178 Venereal diseases, 171 Vermont — Poles in, 263; Slavs in, 254 Vienna, wages and cost of liv ing in, 8 1 Village life — Bohemia, 82, 88; Carniola, 154; Croatia, 169, 171, 183-90; Galicia, 142; 536 INDEX Slavic, 37-43, 318; Slovak, 88-93, 97 Vinds, 148 Virginia — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 207 ; Slavic farmers in, 469 Vital statistics, Hadley, Mass., 33° Vorarlberg — Population, 48 ; wages, 56 Wages — Farm labor in Aus tria-Hungary, 55-56, 432; Neuhaus and Vienna, 81; Slavs in the U. S., 284-90, 299, 354, 464-66 Waitresses, Slavic, 353-54 Wall decoration, Slovak, 89, 163 Wandering actors, 169-70 Wandering trades, 97, 153 Washington state — Bohemians in, 261; Poles in, 262; Slavic farmers in, 469; Slovenians in, 270 Washwomen, Slavic, 355 Watchmakers, Bohemian, 226 Wedding celebrations, 366-67 Welfare work, 303 Welsh — Illiteracy, 479; in the U. S., 315, 467; occupations, 315 Wends, 17, 148; in the U. S., 229 West — Dalmatians in, 196; Slavs in, 213, 254 West Indians, illiteracy, 479 White Mountain, battle of, ef fect on Bohemia, 67 Whittier's "Snowbound," 128, 449 Windows in peasant houses, 165 Wine-growing regions, 153, 176-77, 194-95 Wire workers^-Slavic, 283; Slovak, 97-98 Wisconsin — Austrians in, 234; Belgians in, 217; Bohemians in, 210, 217-23, 234, 260-61, 323; Germans in, 217; im migration policies, 218; Poles in, 230, 234, 262, 323—24; Scandinavian settlers, 217; Slavic farmers in, 320, 469; Slavs in, 234, 254 Wisconsin Historical society, 205 Woman movement, among Slavs, 359-60, 384 Women — American, Slavic opinion of, 377; as field workers, 87, 160, 196, 329, 342 ; competition with men, 355-56, 358; dress, 57-8, 72, 82, 90-92, 147, 192, 360-1, 370-2; economic position of, 349-60; effect of emigration on, 59—60, 113, 144—46, 170, 187-89, 376-77; emigration from Austria, 434; emigrants from Carniola, 45 ii emigra tion from Croatia-Slavonia, 454-55', endurance, 175, 376 Women — Immigration to U. S., 106—107, 14°, !53, 200, 226, 277, 349, 469; occupations, 349-60; physique, morals and culture of Slavic women, 87, 113, 167, 170, 175, 196; position of, among Slavic immigrants, 359-60, 377; Slavic, on farms in the U. S., 469; wages, 354. See also Home industries; Household life. Women's publications, Bohe mian, 384 Wooded states, farm condi tions in, 322, 324 Woodsmen — Croatians, 176, 283; Slovak, 97 Workingman, contrasted with peasant, 44 Workmen's compensation, 302- 3°3 Yankees defined, 398 Yonkers — Co-operative tene ment houses, 309; Women in factories, 355 Zaborowsky, Albrecht, 206 Zabriskie family, 206 Zadruga, 21, 161-63 Zagrab. See Agram. Zakopane, 120 Zeliary, 30 Zinzendorf, Count, 208 Z<51yom, 10 1 SOCIAL FORCES By EDWARD T. DEVTNE Editor The Sur vey t General Secretary of the New York Charley Organization Society j Schlf i Professor of Social Economy, Columbia University t Author of ** Principles of Relief," "Misery and Its Causes," "Efficiency and Relief," "The Practice of Charity," etc. Twenty-five editorials which discuss subjects of permanent interest have been chosen for this volume from among the six score or more written under the heading Social Forces in The Survey. Together they embody Dr. Devine's social philosophy in a most impressive way. He displays in an admirable degree the spirit which will unite varied interests in a strong, united effort against a common foe. — " The Catholic World." An interesting summary of social ideals and forces coming to the front in American thought and life. — Boston " Evening Transcript." Consistent, optimistic, stimulating. — Louisville " Journal." l2mo, 22 6 pp. Price, postpaid, $1.25 HOW TWO HUNDRED CHILDREN LIVE AND LEARN By RUDOLPH R. REEDER, Ph.D. Superintendent New York Orphan Asylum, Hastings-on-Hudson, New York An interesting description of the moving of an orphanage from a " barracks " institution in the city to country cottages. The author believes in educating the children, not by books alone, but by the sort of training that prepares them for actual life. Every page is full of warm life, anecdote and story. " Gives a new meaning to child training, and iUustrates in a vivid way the importance of education outside of books." — " Review of Reviews." 12mo, 248 pages. FuUy illustrated. Price, postpaid, $1.25 VISITING NURSING IN THE UNITED STATES By YSSABELLA WATERS Henry Street (Nurses') Settlement, New York The whole book is so practical and the suggestions are so con crete that persons wishing to establish visiting nursing need only this volume as their guide, and those interested in existing organ izations can gain from it many new ideas of administration and efficiency. The Directory of organizations employing trained visiting nurses is a most valuable feature. " The entire nursing profession will welcome this work." — " The Trained Nurse and Hospital Review." 367 pages. Price, postpaid, $1.25 CHARITIES PUBLICATION COMMITTEE 105 E. 22d St., New York J 58 Adams St., Chicago RUSSELL SAGE FOUNDATION PUBLICATIONS THE PITTSBURGH SURVEY The most significant piece of investigation the country has seen. — "American Magazine.'* The findings of the Pittsburgh Survey are to be published in six volumes during 1910, under the editorial direction of Paul U. Kellogg, Director of the Pittsburgh Survey. The first two of these books are now ready: — WOMEN AND THE TRADES •By ELIZABETH BEARDSLEY BUTLER Former Secretary of the Consumers* League of New Jersey This is the first general survey of the occupations open to wage-earning women in an American city. Pittsburgh is not only a great workshop; it is many workshops; and in these workshops 22,000 women work beside the men. Their ages range from fourteen to fifty. Ten per cent of them live away from home. Less than two per cent are in touch with social agencies for recreation — such agencies as Jane Addams has proclaimed indispensable. 8vo, 440 pages t 40 full-page illustrations "D-i,--, P/-*c+-t-,^> iA tf 10 of women at their work, by Lewis W. Hine. * rltwIS, JT Ubl.pd.lU, J) J-./Z, WORK-ACCIDENTS AND THE LAW •By CRYSTAL EASTMAN Attorney-at-Law j Secretary New York State Industrial Accident Commission During the year studied, five hundred industrial wage-earners were killed at their work in Allegheny County, Pa. The story of their hazards is dramatic and compelling. The purpose of the investigation was two- folds to see to what extent such accidents can be prevented ; and to see if the burden of them falls where in justice it should. A clear and convincing analysis. 8vo, 350 pages t 38 full-page illustrations by "P-J.-,, Pnctna iA tf CJ\ Lewis W. Hine, Joseph Stella, and others. r TICS, JTOStpaiO, J>*.03 The entire set of the Pittsburgh Survey volumes, to be issued at $1.50 net each will be as follows : THE PITTSBURGH DISTRICT— Symposium by John R. Commons, Florence Kelley, Robert A. Woods, Peter Roberts, Charles Mulford Robinson and others. THE STEEL WORKERS— John A. Fitch. HOMESTEAD: THE HOUSEHOLDS OF A MILLTOWN-Margaret F. Byington. WOMEN AND THE TRADES— Elizabeth Beardsley Butler. WORK-ACCIDENTS AND THE LAW— Crystal Eastman. PITTSBURGH: THE GIST OF THE SURVEY— Paul U. Kellogg. ** No superficial comment. It dives deep into the lives of common men." — Collier's Weekly. Address .'orders, inquiries, and requests for announcements of forthcoming volumes as published to CHARITIES PUBLICATION COMMITTEE 105 East 22d Street, New York iLT UNIVERSITY a 3 aUH2_ Q 0_1 £ 3ACL7 1 b