liiii»ataS8e*i|t:- t.7.ii^j^^i^-y--4 YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY RALPH ALLEN. THE LIFE AND TIMES OF RALPH ALLEN OF PRIOR PARK, BATH, INTRODUCED BY a g>t)ort account of JLpncombe ann caiiticombe, WITH NOTICES OF HIS CONTEMPORARIES, INCLUDING BISHOP WARBURTON, BENNET OF WIDCOMBE HOUSE, BEAU NASH, Etc. WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS. R. E. M. PEACH, Author of Bath, Old and Ne-w; Historic Houses in Bath ; History of the Bath Abbey Church; The Hospital of St. John Baptist; Street-Lore of Bath; Annals of Swains-wick; Rambles about Bath; History of Freemasonry in Bath; &'c. 'Quick and improved correspondence is the life of trade." LONDON: D. NUTT, 270-271, STRAND. CHAS. J. CLARK, 4, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, W.C. 1895. " / would the great world grew like thee; Who growest not alone in power And knowledge, but by year and hour In reverence and in charity.'' TO RALPH E. ALLEN, ESQUIRE, OF HAMPTON MANOR, BATH, COLONEL OF THE 2ND BATTALION EAST YORKSHIRE REGIMENT, THIS LIFE OF HIS DISTINGUISHED RELATIVE, RALPH ALLEN, ESQUIRE, OF PRIOR PARK, BATH, IS DEDICATED, WITH THE MOST CORDIAL FEELINGS OF RESPECT AND ESTEEM BY THE AUTHOR. CONTENTS. Preface . PAGE ix Introduction : — The Roman Period . . i The Saxon Period . 7 The Norman Period . . .19 The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period . . .25 The Reformation Period . . . -39 Life and Times of Ralph Allen . . . 45 Combe Down . . . .81 Bathampton and Batheaston . . 83 Allen's General Characteristics . 86 "Low-Born" and "Hmnble" . 90 Prior Park ... Stables and Pavilion Central Mansion The Royal Mineral-Water Hospital Postal Organization .... Social and Private Life of Ralph Allen at Prior Park Social Life at Prior Park Bishop Warburton The Rev. Richard Graves and Warburton . Claverton Manor Politics, Party, and Pitt Correspondence in Relation to the Contemplated Vacancy by the Advancement of Henley The One-Headed Corporation Caricatures . Allen's Retireraent from Public Life 97 106108 114121 126 129 135150151 IS4159180 185 vi Contents. Correspondence with Mr. Strah an . '^ Local Postal Arrangements following Allen's Death ^°3 Pedigree of the Bennet Family ^'-' Beau Nash . 214 Appendix : — Will of Ralph Allen . . 226 Prior Park at the Present Day 242 Index . . 243 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Portrait of Ralph Allen .... Frontispiece Linkman's Torch Extinguisher in Rivers Street, Bath . . vii Gateway and Carriage Drive, Prior Park . • xvi Map shewing Course of Wansdike, near Bath 3 Allen's House, North Parade, Bath . 69 Sham Castle . . 7' " The Dry Arch", Warminster Road . 77 Bathampton Manor . 84 Hip Knob, at Bathampton ... 96 Carriage Entrance, Prior Park, within second Lodge Gate 97 Prior Park and Tramway, from a Print of the Period . 105 The Mansion, Prior Park ... . 109 The Palladian Bridge, Prior Park 112 Pope's Walk . . . . • 1 1 5 Monument erected to the Memory of Ralph Allen by Bishop Warburton . . . -143 The Terrace, Claverton Manor 152 Caricature — " The One-Headed Corporation" . 181 Do. Sequel to " The One-Headed Corporation" 183 Mausoleum of Ralph Allen ... 188 Linkman's Torch Extinguisher in Russell Street, Bath 206 Widcombe Old Church and House . . .212 Brook at Batheaston .... 247 PREFACE. E have thought, in pondering for some years over a Biography of Ralph Allen, more complete than any yet published, that such a biography would be imperfect unless it were preceded by a short historical sketch of the ancient manor of Lyncombe, to the latter annals of which Allen lent a unique interest. Concerning Lyncombe — known only by that name from the earliest Saxon down to the Norman period, but in later times subdivided into the parishes of Lyncombe and Widcombe — we have endeavoured to supply merely such information as the general reader would care to possess without much trouble or research ; and limited as that information may be, it is not to be found succinctly stated in any one book with which we are acquainted. The Biography of Allen may fairly claim the attention of the general reader. Starting life very young under every kind of disability, pecuniary and social, Allen honourably amassed an ample fortune, which he dispensed in princely viii Preface. fashion, and attracted to his mansion at Prior Park some of the foremost " men of light and leading" during one of the most stirring epochs of English history ; and the mere narrative of such a life, passed in such times, cannot be otherwise than interesting. Allen, however, has claims not only on our interest, but as a Postal Reformer he has claims on our gratitude ; for — if we estimate his work with a due consideration of his opportunities and of the age in which he lived — it is scarcely too much to say that he was perhaps the most distinguished servant ever employed in the Post Office. An enormous capacity for work, extraordinary powers of organization, an almost unrivalled mastery of details, a readi ness to sink himself in his work, an unruffled temper, a serene patience, winsomeness in attracting the well-disposed, and tact in dealing with rogues in such a way as to disarm them and yet secure their allegiance at the same time ; — surely all these rare qualities were never so severely tested at the Post Office as they were in the case of Allen, who found the postal system in such a chaotic condition, faithfully reflecting the folly of the government and the knavery of many of the subordinate officials, that none but a genius of the most resolute and commanding type would have dared to grapple with it. Our admiration is kindled, as we follow the poor Post Office boy, with no advantages but those of a clear brain and a resolute and energetic temperament, skilfully and honorably surmounting great difficulties on his road to personal suc cess ; and our gratitude is excited, when we think of the conspicuous benefits which he conferred on the nation by his postal reforms ; but, after all, the greatest charm connected with Allen is the marvellous charm of his personal character Preface. ix as established by a large and varied body of competent and independent witnesses. Pope has immortalised Allen as one who would " Do good by stealth, and blush to fmd it fame". Bishop Warburton wrote : — " He (Allen) is, I verily believe, the greatest character in any age of the world. ... I have studied his character even maliciously, to find where the weakness lies, but have studied in vain." Fielding, in To-m Jones, speaks of Squire AUworthy {j,.e., Allen) as walking on his terrace one morning, when, " in the full blaze of his majesty, up rose the sun, than which only one object in this lower creation could be more glorious, and that Mr. AUworthy presented, — a human being replete with benevolence, medi tating in what manner he might prove himself most acceptable to his Creator by doing most good to his creatures." Bishop Hurd, not a man likely to be carried away by an excess of generous emotion, on publishing a new edition of his Moral and Political Dialogues, prefixed to it a portrait of Allen, with the following words from Seneca : " Si nobis animum boni viri liceret inspicere, o quam pidcliram faciem, quam sanctam, quam ex magnifico placidoque fulgentem videre- mus ! Nemo ilium amabilem qui non simul venerabilem diceret" How highly esteemed Allen was by the elder Pitt (Lord Chatham), the correspondence contained in this Bio graphy will show ; it is sufficient here to quote this one sentence from Pitt's letter to Mrs. Allen on the occasion of her husband's death : " I fear not all the examples of his virtues will have power to raise up to the world his like again." If the Biography of Allen can rouse the interest, the X Preface. gratitude, and the affection of the general reader. Aliens special claim on Bathonians should assuredly never be for gotten by us ; for it was from Bath that his light shone forth, first to the ends of the Kingdom, and afterwards to every part of the world where English History and English Litera ture are read ; and no one man ever so signally benefited and .glorified our city. He founded the Mineral-Water Hospital ; he gave a fresh and enduring impetus to the Bath stone trade ; he infused a purer spirit into the Bath Corporation, which he rescued from the corruption into which it had fallen during the generations and the century that preceded him ; he took the lead in all good works, and lavished his hospitality and his wealth on all those who, possessed of talent or of merit, were brought to his notice ; but not I the least pleasing trait in his character was the helpful sympathy which, as our local annals abundantly prove, he was ever ready to extend to interesting or deserving persons whom he himself sought out and found "any way afflicted or distressed — in mind, body, or estate". The marvel is how Allen found time to cultivate the graces and courtesies of private life amidst the exacting demands of business and public work. The superintendence of the building of his mansion, the management of his estates at Hampton, Claverton, and Combe Down, the direction of a vast stone business, the anxieties and labour connected with the execution of the Government postal contracts, and a predominant share in municipal duties, did not exhaust his time or his energies ; he seemed to be always fresh, always calm, never in a hurry, and found ample leisure for the occupations and duties of a hospitable and benevolent pnvate gentleman. Preface. xi Allen's position as the foremost citizen of Bath, in his own or any age, was clearly recognised at the time ; and the wonder is that historical justice and proportion have been sub sequently so far lost sight of and ignored that the popular mind associates the renaissance of Bath with Beau Nash. Yet the relative proportions of Allen and Nash were forcibly stated, at a time when both of them were living, by Burton in his Iter Bathoniense. Nash's everlasting white hat and his black morals were happily hit off by Burton, who saw in Nash nothing but a frivolous and an unprincipled rake ; while Allen is described in these glowing words : " Tandem invent virum; instar mille unu7n .... virum inter Bathonienses suos facile principem, quem undequaque prce- senteni parietes ipsi loquuntur!' If Bath had depended for her popularity solely on the capricious favours of the merely fashionable and pleasure- seeking world, her questionable prestige might well have departed with Nash ; but Bath owes her continued import ance to causes more enduring than fickle fashion — to the interest excited by her venerable antiquity, to the perennial efficacy of her springs, to the salubrity of her climate, to her geological conditions, to the beauty of her surroundings, to the general air of cultivated repose which pervades the place, and, in later times, to her convenient position on two great railway systems (Great Western and Midland). In such a city the two Woods, contemporaries and protegis of Allen, saw a suitable field for the execution of noble architectural designs ; educationalists recognised an appropriate scene for " the still air of delightful studies", which should raise Bath to the foremost place amongst the educational centres of the Kingdom ; and a large number of the cultured classes have xii Preface. found pleasant, convenient, and economical quarters for a permanent home ; and it is to these and other stable ele ments, not to changing fashion, that Bath must ever look for all-round benefits and for her continued prosperity and importance. Seeing that Allen was so greatly esteemed, not only by his fellow-citizens, but by men of the highest rank and influence in the land, we may well be astonished that there is no record of royal honours offered to him, especially as he was a staunch Hanoverian ; but, of course, honours may have been offered to him, though there is no record of the fact, and Allen's refusal to accept them would not surprise us, nor should we expect to hear a word on the subject from his lips — his unostenta- tiousness and his dignified reserve being remarkable traits in his remarkable character. In illustration of this point, we would draw special attention to Allen's short letter (p. 203) in reply to Mr. Strahan. It is pathetic and even melancholy to reflect that the days of such a man were darkened at their close ; but so it was, and the result came about in a way familiar to most readers. When George III acceded to the throne in 1760, Newcastle and Pitt were co-ordinate leaders of a remarkably strong Whig Ministry, which had achieved a rapid succession of brilliant victories abroad and suppressed faction at home ; but the new King, resolved to take the reins of government into his own hands, contrived by the agency of a reptile class of politicians — called "King's Men" — to oust first Pitt and then Newcastle, in the midst of the Seven Years' War, and to patch up, in 1763, what Pitt considered an inglorious peace. The peace, however, was acceptable to a large class of people, and numerous addresses of congratulation were sent to the Preface. xiii King, and amongst other places from Bath ; and in the Bath address, inspired by Allen, who was the leading spirit in the Corporation, the King was thanked " for an adequate peace". The word adequate turned out to be unfortunate, and there is no doubt that Allen, if he could have foreseen the conse quences, would have avoided the word, though it faithfully represented his opinion. Pitt, who was at that time Member for Bath, and owed his seat there to Allen's influence, took offence at the term adequate, " so repugnant to my unalterable opinion, . . . and fully declared by me in Parliament", that he resolved to resign his seat at the next dissolution of Parliament ; and thus the two friends parted, with expressions of sincere esteem on both sides and regretting their honest differences of opinion. But Pitt, who still retained over the people that ascendency which he held at the time ofthe accession of George III (when Macaulay says that " in the House of Commons not a single one of the mal contents durst lift his eyes above the buckle of Pitt's shoes"), had given a serious rebuff to the Bath Corporation and, through the Corporation, to Allen, the leading member of it. Simultaneously with this, Allen's health, undermined by cancer, began to break down. Then came the old story ; the lion was sick, asses kicked him, and Allen became the subject of caricature (pp. 179-185), originating, it is believed, from Pitt's worshippers in London and circulated in Bath. It is only reasonable to suppose that Allen smarted under these caricatures, for " Of all the griefs that harass the distressed. Sure the most bitter is a scornful jest ; Fate never wounds more deep the generous heart, Than when a blockhead's insult points the dart" ; xiv Preface. but whatever Allen's feelings may have been, he never expressed them. Not only did no word of murmur or complaint escape his lips, but he confirmed by an additional codicil the codicil which he had appended to his will in 1760 — the codicil of 1760 running as follows: "For the last instance of my friendship and grateful regard for the best of friends, as well as the most upright and ablest of Ministers that has adorned our country, I give to Right Honble William Pitt the sum of one thousand pounds", etc. In a month or two afterwards he was forced by ill- health to retire from the Corporation ; and happily his dark days were shortened, for before the close of the year following the untoward address he had breathed his last. The Great Commoner was not so fortunate ; he gradually lost his hold on the country, and completely so when he ceased to be the Great Commoner and became the Earl of Chatham in 1766, about which time his intellect (and, some think, his character) began to deteriorate, and he entered upon dark days, from which the cloud was rarely, if ever, wholly lifted, down to the time ofhis tragic death in 1778. The caricatures to which we have referred are responsible for the idea entertained in some unreflecting quarters that Allen was dictatorial, and this idea has been hastily appro priated by superficial readers, who have not gone beyond the caricatures and studied Allen's character all round. Another idea, the exact contradictory of that just mentioned, is that Allen, while overflowing with the milk of human kindness was deficient in the stronger elements of character ; and for this notion Fielding is largely answerable, but we must bear in mind that it would have been inconsistent with Fielding's Preface. xv general plan to portray anything beyond the softer and more amiable qualities of his model ; and, moreover, it is absurd to wholly identify a novelist's representation of character with his model, just as it would be absurd to wholly identify the domestic scenery amidst which Squire AUworthy moves with the scenery of Prior Park. These apparently contradictory ideas are easily reconcilable. Allen could be firm and resolute on supreme occasions, when he maintained it was " the duty of every honest man, after he has made the strictest inquiry, to act pursuant to the light which the Supreme Being has been pleased to dispense to him" (p. 179) ; and Allen was also conspicuous for all the gentle and amiable attributes of humanity ; but those who study his character in its totality, and have eyes to see, find no difficulty in realising the conception of gentleness and strength har moniously blended in a beautiful character, set off and adorned by " the white flower of a blameless life". " His life was gentle ; and the elements So mixed in him, that Nature might stand up And say to all the world : ' This was a man'." To such a man the author is conscious of having done but scant justice, and it would have been very gratifying to him to have handed the results of his own labours and researches to more competent men, who might have been found willing to undertake the task ; but this opportunity has not presented itself, though the author still hopes that some one may yet arise, who, animated with the same love for the subject, but endowed with a larger measure of literary skill, will utilise all the available materials and throw them into a more artistic XVI Preface. and pleasing form. Meanwhile, the author tenders his sincere thanks to Colonel Allen for permission to consult the family archives, and to Mr. Austin King, Colonel Allen's courteous and accomplished solicitor, for facilitating the examination of these archives. INTRODUCTION. THE ROMAN PERIOD. T may be well to give a brief summary of the origin of names appertaining to this very beautiful part of our city. One of the most remarkable characteristics of historic cities is the vitality of ancient names, and this fact is signally illustrated in the case of Bath, and more especially in Lyncombe and Widcombe. Four of the most remarkable objects of anti quity round or near our city are the Wansdike, Via Badonica} Via Julia^ and the Fosse. The first of these is unquestionably the most ancient work, being possibly executed some three ^ The Via Badonica in its construction was similar to the Fosse. Whilst the latter extended northward, the former extended from London, and formed a junction with the Fosse at Bathford. Upon this road, in fact, the London Road, via Devizes and Marlborough, ofthe last century, was made. ^ The Via Julia was constructed by the Romans as a strategic road to enable them to get into Wales from Bath. They found the British station between them and the Severn — the almost impregnable station of Stoke — a stockaded defence on the scarp of the village now called Northsioke. The Romans got round it from Lansdown, from which they made a detour. They had penetrated to the Severn when they evacuated the country, but the road was used for centuries. B 2 Introduction. centuries before the arrival of the Romans. The aborigines or earliest historic inhabitants of Britain, are supposed to hav( been Celts, once, no doubt, the dominant race in Europe, whc migrated from Gaul several centuries previous to the Christiai era. For a considerable time they seem to have continuec in peaceable possession of their acquisitions, till a fresh bod} of adventurers from Gallia Belgica (thence called Belgce), o Celtic origin, pushed across the Channel, and made a landing on the south-western parts of England. But the prio possessors of the coast were not easily to be driven from it the numerous earthworks and barrows in Cornwall, Devon shire, Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Hampshire, and Wiltshin prove that the success of the invaders was very gradual, anc that many a bloody battle was fought ere they gained ; permanent settlement in this island. At length, fatigued anc perhaps exhausted by this contest, the two tribes agreed to ; compromise, by which a certain allotment of territory was t( be made to the Belgse, who should thereafter cease to disturl the possessions of the old inhabitants of the country. Tc mark the limits of this district, the immense and extendec ditch and mound called Wansdike were constructed ; th< term, which sufficiently explains its nature and design, bein^ derived from the Celtic word GwaJian, or separation. Thi; ditch is still in many places sixteen feet deep, the vallun being placed on the south side. This work (which left all th( western counties in possession of the Belgae) commences a- Andover in Hampshire, and passes from thence nearly in £ straight direction to Great Bedwin. From thence it crosse; the forest of Savernake and the Downs of Marlborough These downs remain in their ancient condition, and the Wansdike, therefore, is still seen in its pristine condition It then visits Tan Hill, Sheppard-Shord, Heddington passes through Spye Park, appears on the lawn at Lacock Abbey, and may be traced on Whitley Common, neai The Roinan Period. Monks' House. At Bathford we again meet with a bank, which tradition asserts to be the Wansdike. This may be pursued for a considerable distance, making an intermediate line between Hampton Manor House and Church ; but at the row of elms, below the canal, half a mile from Hampton, it disappears. From this point till it enters Smallcomb Wood, on Bathwick Hill, its course seems to be through the bottom, a district which has been ploughed up and otherwise interfered with, so that the traces are less perceptible, the dorsum (or ridge) being almost obliterated. When, however, we come to the uncultivated steep of Sniallcomb Wood, it . becomes again sufficiently conspicuous not to be mistaken ; B 2 4 Introduction. crossing the Claverton road, it proceeds through the firs to the enclosure at Prior Park, and crosses the lawn above the house in a diagonal line and south-western direction. On reaching the wall that separates the park from the road, it forms the basis of the fence for 200 yards. Issuing from the park at the upper lodge gate, and crossing the road to Bath, it follows the course of a halter-path or bridle-road, and becomes the right-hand bank of the same, appearing very lofty, and bearing on its summit several fine beech and oak trees. The nicest investigation cannot now detect it till we reach the ancient Warminster road, vid Entry Hill and Combe Down, just at the point opposite the intersection of the South Stoke Lane, and that leading from Newton to Warminster. These two public ways it crosses, and then forms, for half a mile, the bold basis of a stone wall of separation between arable fields, which is reared so high, by availing itself of this ridge, as to be seen at a considerable distance. At Burnt-House Gate it crosses the Wells Road, and, pursuing a lane for a short distance, takes the brow of the hill which curves through the middle of an arable field. For a short distance its progress is again obscured, but we soon perceive the ridge once more, in the foundation of a hedge, which drops down a descent towards Englishcombe Wood,i having a coppice on the left hand. The next meadow discovers it in great perfection. Having crossed and ascended the western side of it, Wansdike penetrates into English combe Wood, and follows the brow of the rock entirely through its shades. Thence it intersects a farmer's barton, a few yards to the south of the church ; and pushing on to the westward through an orchard, enters a meadow, where it appears in its original grandeur, exhibiting a mound twelve feet high, and a deep trench on the south side. A quarter of ' The most perfect and characteristic example of this interesting relic iu this locality. The Roman Period. 5 a mile to the westward of the church it makes a sudden bend to the southward, and is lost for some time, but presents itself again at Stanton Prior, Publow, Norton, and Long Ashton, and at length loses itself in the Severn sea near Portishead, after having pursued a course of nearly ninety miles in length. We shall have occasion to speak of the Fosse Road when we refer to the excavation of the oolite in early times, and the part that that great Roman work played in Bath in relation to the Norman city and vast Abbey raised by de Villula. Now, interesting as are these records, it must be observed that later history reveals the fact that the two sections of the Celts were assimilated, and ultimately became as one people, and during the Roman occupation were known as the BelgcB. After the departure of the Romans from Britain, moreover, it is clear that this people had made great advances in civiliza tion and in the art of government. The departure of the Romans in the fifth century encouraged them to attempt the government of England and Wales ; but with equal certainty it excited the Picts and Scots — i.e., Caledonians of the Celtic race — to renew those attempts which the Romans had kept in check by the Cumberland Vallum, or Picts' Wall. With more or less success the Belgse struggled against these formidable and rapacious foes. It was during this struggle that the Roman city of Bath gradually became a scene of desolation. The magnificent buildings which the Romans left behind them fell, partly by unavoidable neglect, partly by violence, into ruins. In the early part of this struggle the Belg« invited the Saxons into Britain to help them. They came, drove back these Picts and Scots, and formed themselves into small States, leaving the Belgs in possession of Bath, as well as other cities and territory. In the year 557 it was that, after earlier futile attempts, the Saxons, under Ceaulin and Cuthwin, advanced to and en- 6 Introduction. trenched themselves at Sodbury ; and it is curious here to note that they were assisted materially by one of the minor roads made by the Romans connecting this portion of Gloucestershire with Cirencester by way of Birdlip Hill. They then advanced to meet the British, under their chiefs Commail, Candidan, and Farinmail, whom they utterly defeated ; and Bath, with all dependent upon it, fell for the first time under Saxon rule. It is necessary, in order to understand Bath history, and more especially as it concerns Lyncombe and Widcombe, to state, if only in the briefest manner, the part played by the Roman road called the The Fosse, signifying Artificial Way. " For arts,i military and civil, that become a wise government, the Romans beyond compare exceeded all nations, but in their roads they have exceeded themselves. It is altogether astonishing to consider how they begirt the whole globe, as it were, with new meridians and great circles, all manner of ways. " Magnorum fuerat solers haec cura Quiritum Constratas passim concelebrare vias." It has been said that the Romans, " as well as use, studied eternity in all their works"; and the truth ofthe saying is con spicuously illustrated by their wonderful works in the city of Bath. Their prescience, not less than their constructive genius, strikes us with wonder to this day. Bath manifestly was the object of their special, perhaps their supreme care, and for obvious reasons. There was an exhaustless supply of stone and coal, and the great Fosse road they constructed was made to intersect their city so that it should pass close to those coal fields with which the district abounds, as well as those vast stone quarries, which were not only to meet all the wants of early civilisation, but which, in a measure, are to this day evidences of the scientific skill and the industry of the Romans. ' Iti?i. Cur., vol. i, p. 75. The Saxon Period. THE SAXON PERIOD. The British period after the departure of the Romans, we have already partly referred to. It was a period of violence and bloodshed, which did not cease with the early Saxon occupation. The efforts of Arthur and successive chief tains, whose valour and achievements, it may be, pass under his name, for a time kept the Saxon " hordes from the shores of the Baltic" in check, but only for a time. The first Saxon conquerors were not more civilised, but perhaps more cruel, than the British whom in the sixth century they overcame at Dyrham. We can trace to them no superior policy, no apparent desire to organize and develop the resources of the country, no wise and systematic toleration of the British, who were by this time materially weaned from their isolated habits and rude savage camp life by the influence of the Belgse. In this the Saxons exhibited a marked contrast to the Romans, of whose power and organizing genius they had at that period ample evidence before them, but were unable to imitate. Warner, in the chapter on the " Saxon and Danish History of Bath", gives a picture, a hundred years after the Saxon conquest, of what he calls " the new reUgious rites, less elegant [than those of the Romans and more disgusting], poured into the temples of Aquce Solis; and the fanes and altars of Minerva, Apollo, Jove, Hercules, and Diana beheld themselves polluted and deformed by the monstrous mixture of Celtic worship with their own classical ceremonials." The distinguished historian is here indulging in one of those fits of absurd exaggeration to which he was so prone, and of which he gives us another example in his description of the corrupt state of Christianity, almost before the sound of it had been heard in the Kingdom of Wessex. The first picture is simply a carica- 8 Introduction. ture, the Roman temples having for the most part, during the prolonged internecine contention, fallen into partial ruin, from which the Saxons rescued many of those altars and those wonderful examples of Roman art which we possess to this day. In the second instance he indulges in the language of the modern fanatic in condemning the terms used by Osric' in d^G^ in granting one hundred manentes to Bretana to found 1 Osric was not originally a Wessex chief He was King of the Huiccii, who occupied Worcestershire, Warwickshire, and part of Gloucestershire. He was an absolute and wise ruler. The Saxons in this part of Wessex had, for loo years after the battle of Dyrham, been subject to frequent attacks by the Belgse, and had become weak and demoralised. This period, indeed, was one of bitter humiliation to Bath ; and the accession of Osric to power here, with the consent of Kentwin, King of Wessex, was, in fact, the beginning of Saxon rule, Saxon laws, and Saxon civilization. ^ The Very Rev. H. Donald M. Spence, D.D., Dean of Gloucester, the custodian, claims to have made the very important discovery that the actual remains of Osric, King of Northumbria, who was buried a.d. 729, lie beneath the beautiful shrine erected to his memory, which stands on the right hand of the high altar in the choir of Gloucester Cathedral. This shrine is the work of Abbot Malvern, Abbot of Gloucester in the days of Henry VIII, and it has been generally supposed to be merely a memorial — simply a cenotaph, or empty tomb. This supposition probably arose from the distance back to which the interment dates — namely 1,162 years. Britton speaks ofthe memorial as a " cenotaph, or empty tomb", and all local guide-books repeat what is now believed to be a mistake. It was certainly a natural thing to doubt that the remains of one who had passed away in the eighth century were preserved, and that the dust ofthe bones ofthe founder ofthe Abbey still reposed beneath its sacred roof It seems incredible (as the Dean remarks in a short history of the discovery he has had printed for private circulation) that the hallowed dust of Osric could have escaped the ravages of war, time, and neglect, the forays of the Vikings and Norman pillage, the confiscations of Henry VIII, and the yet more dangerous guardianship of Cromwell's Ironsides. Thus it was that successive historians spoke of the memorial as simply an empty tomb, and that the statement until now has never been questioned. Dean Spence adopted the tradition of his predecessors in the Deanery The Saxon Period. g a nunnery, merely because Osric uses the pious language of that and a later period, in that he performs the good deed for the redemption ofhis soul, a formula of almost universal adoption of Gloucester Cathedral, until quite recently. It is stated in Leland's notes, which he made in the course of his official visit to Gloucester Abbey, by the desire of Henry VIII, shortly after the dissolution in 1540, that "Osric, founder of Gloucester Abbey, first laye in St. Petronell's Chapell, thence removed into our Lady Chapell, and thence removed of late dayes and layd under a fayre tombe of stone on the North side of the High Aultar. At the foote of the tombe is this, written on a Norman pillar, ' Osricus rex primus fundator hujus monasterii, 681.'" There is no reason to suppose that Leland's " memory" was inaccurate, since it was probable that he had heard it from an eye-witness of the translation of the founder's remains from the Lady Chapel. It was reasoned, therefore, that the memorial tomb marked the actual resting-place of the remains of the great Northumbrian King and founder of the Abbey. Two panels were taken out of the stone loculus, and a long leaden coffin was disclosed, lying exactly beneath the King's effigy. The contents of the coffin dis closed the remains of a very ancient interment. Much of the cement which had once fastened down the stone effigy of Osric had fallen into the end of the coffin, broken by the weight of the superincumbent figure, and a few small bones were discovered mingled with the cement. No attempt was made to discover Royal insignia or fragments of vesture, and the remains were left untouched. Dr. Spence claims that by this search he has verified beyond all doubt the statement of Leland in 1540-41, concerning the translation of the remains of the Royal founder of Gloucester Cathedral, and that the beautiful tomb, known as Osric's tomb, is no mere monument raised in pious memory of the King, but the actual resting-place of the founder's remains. The importance of this discovery lies in the fact that it is believed that, in the tomb of Osric, Gloucester may claim the guardianship of the oldest known remains of the Saxon kings. Fragments are known to exist in other minsters. Winchester possesses some of the ashes of Kynegils, King ofthe West Saxons, who died a.d. 643 ; and at Durham the skull of King Oswald rests with the bones of St. Cuthbert. But beyond these it is not known that the remains of any Saxon kings have been preserved. The fact of the remains of King Osric being found in a leaden coffin is thus of almost unique interest. The lead coffin probably replaces a more ancient stone loculus. I o Introduction. then and centuries after in similar documents. This grant by Osric was one of many others of that period. As Mr. Grant Allen says — " Before the conversion to Christianity we have not a single written document upon which to base our history ; from the moment of Augus tine's landing we have the invaluable works of Baeda, besides a vast number of charters or royal grants of land to monasteries and private persons. These grants, written at first in Latin and afterwards in Anglo- Saxon, were preserved in the monasteries down to the date ofthe Disso lution, and then became the property of various collectors. " Those who judge monastic institutions only by their later and worst days, are apt to forget the benefits which they conferred upon the people in the earlier stages of their system. The state of England during the first Christian period was one of chronic and bloody warfare. With such a state of affairs as this, it became a matter of deep importance that there should be one institution where the arts of peace might be carried on in safety ; where agriculture might be sure of its reward ; where literature and science might be studied, and where civilising influences might be safe from interruption or rapine. The monasteries gave an opportunity for such an ameliorating influence to spring up. They were spared eyen in war by the reverence of the people for the Church : and they became places where peaceful minds might retire for honest work, and learning, and thinking, away from the fierce turmoil of a still essentially barbaric and predatory community. At the same time, they encouraged the development of this very type of mind by turning the reproach of cowardice, which it would have carried with it in heathen times, into an honour and a mark of holiness. Every monastery became a centre of light and of struggling culture for the surrounding district. They were at once, to the early English recluse, universities and refuges, places of education, of retirement, and of peace, in the midst of a jarring and discordant world." Now it must be mentioned here that in reference to the development of the various physical resources, from Osric to Eadgar, the Saxons did little. They found one road and they left one road — the Roman Fosse. The Romans had long before discovered those vast oolite beds whence they derived their supplies to construct those magnificent temples and other edifices which, in their fall, through neglect during the The Saxon Period. 1 1 later Belgae and the early Saxon rule, fell near and into those baths, the ruins of which a happy accident revealed in 1755.^ Then, it must be observed, not only did the Romans con struct this celebrated way, the Fosse,'' but they also constructed three other primary fundamental ways — Icening Street, Waiting Street, and Hermen Street ; and this vast system traversed the kingdom from south-west to north-east. Besides these, there were many subordinate or subsidiary ways in Britain connecting various stations, besides the Via Badonica. [See note on page i.J The importance of the Fosse passing through the steep ascents at Lyncombe will be understood when it is shown that throughout the ages, from the earliest times of the Romans until the beginning of the last century, every stone used in building and every bit of coal consumed in the city and suburbs came from the Down quarries in Lyncombe, and from the coalfields in the country in a direct line beyond ; all being brought with comparative facility, by means of sledges, down the road which we now call Holloway. That now despised road or way, dating from the Christian 1 Those who desire to study the whole question of this discovery in 1755 will need no other authorities than Dr. Lucas and Dr. Spry, both of which are cited by the author in the work (The Thermal Baths of Bath) which he edited for H. W. Freeman, Esq., in 1888, pages 17 to 25, which citations are accompanied by the artist Hoare's beautiful plan. It was in 1878 that the portion now open was uncovered. The masonry and dibris which had fallen into this Roman work about the early part of the seventh century had in the next four centuries become so consoli dated that, towards the close of the eleventh century, the first Norman bishop, John de Villula, built his palace immediately over it, the remains of which were still standing in the sixteenth century, and are described by Leland. After de Villula it was never occupied by Bishop or Prior. An ancient record, quoted by Bishop Hobhouse, states that it was let for I OS. per annum and fell into decay. 2 The Celto-Saxon name is used to describe nearly all the Roman works, and the same remark applies to much of the Norman period to this day. 1 2 Introduction. era, is, beyond all doubt, not only the most ancient one we possess, but is, moreover, the road identified with much of the ancient greatness of our city, and with the promotion and preservation of its prosperity for centuries. We forget all this when we enter that squalid suburb. If, half-way up the " Holloway", we turn to the left, we see the origin of the com paratively modern name ; there are the denudations which indicate whence much of the oolite was hewn of which mediaeval Bath was built. Ascending, still on the line of the Fosse, we pass the ancient " Repway"^ until we come to the " steppe'' (if it may bc so called) opposite Westfield, and there on the left we see the exhausted quarry whence all the stone required for completing our revered Abbey was obtained.^ Proceeding, we come to those sites to the right and left, on Odd Down,^ where the Romans, with their almost instinctive foresight, perceived not only stone, but stone possessing all the qualities they needed for structures which were to have lasted for all time, as the existing Roman baths attest. Their vast basilica and temples were for the most part built with le^stone hewn with scientific skill from the quarries close to the site of the grand city they raised. It has been said, with absolute truth, that the Saxons were \ } Rope Way or Rope Walk. It signified also a public way or walk ; a^d, in fact, was the field at the rear of Beechenclifif, and opposite Elm Place. 2 Much of the stone of de Villula's Cathedral was worked in from the walls of the ancient Roman buildings. ' Odd Down. Collinson, who was a careful antiquary, says the name is derived from Woden. The early Saxons appear to have regarded the Wansdyke with some superstition, and hence they called it Vodenerdic. The dyke passed close to this down, and therefore would be called Woden Down, of which Odin or Odd is the corruption. Wood gives a similar origin, but he adds two or three absurd suggestions. The early Saxon kings were in the habit of tracing their descent to Woden, " father of victory, wisest of gods and men." Woden, in fact, was their " bogie" man, before they became enlightened by Christianity. The Saxon Period. 13 neither road-makers nor architects. We cannot, in any part of the beautiful and historic domain of Lyncombe, from the time of Osric to the death of Harold, find a trace of a road or a building attributable to them. Every local name that was known from the time of Osric, or before, until now, is Saxon, or Celto-Saxon ; and yet we can only form a conjecture, founded on historic analogy, it is true, that the ancient Saxon chiefs palace and wie, or village, stood on or near the site of the old Widcombe Church. It is more than probable that Osric, by whom the nunnery was founded, built a small church near it. But the only ecclesiastical edifice of which we have any account is that built by Offa in the eighth century on the site of the present Abbey, and which survived to be the scene of the most important event of the Saxon rule, the crowning of Eadgar. Much that preceded that event savoured of violence and bloodshed ; but, so far as Bath is concerned, amidst all this there was a progressive advance in civilisation, and in the development of constitutional forms of legality and municipal order. With the final triumph of Christianity all the forma tive elements of Anglo-Saxon Britain are complete. We see it, even at this time, a rough conglomeration of loosely- aggregated principalities, composed of a fighting aristocracy and a body of unvalued serfs ; while interspersed through its parts are the bishops, monks, and clergy, centres of nascent civilisation for the seething mass of noble barbarism. The country is divided into agricultural colonies, its only wealth being land. We want but one more conspicuous change to make it into the England of the Augustan Anglo-Saxon age — the reign of Eadgar — and that one change is the con solidation of the discordant kingdoms under a single loose overlordship. To understand this final step we must glance briefly at the dull record of political history. King Eadgar succeeded Eadwig in 958 as King of all three provinces, then finally uniting the whole of Teutonic England into one king- 1 4 Introduction. dom. Eadgar was not crowned till years after being called to the throne ; this has been to some a matter of surprise, but it must be remembered that Eadgar and his great adviser Dunstan had good reason for delay, and that was the complete supremacy of Eadgar's power. The oft-repeated tradition, that Dunstan delayed the ceremony to punish Eadgar for his sins, is nonsense. Dunstan knew when to use pious terrors, and when to exercise the wisdom of the statesman. When that great ceremonial took place it was in the Cathedral of Offa,^ in the " ancient West Welsh Royal City of Bath", by St. Dunstan, probably the first Englishman who seriously deserves the name of statesman. He was, says Mr. Allen, born in the half-Celtic region of Somerset,^ beside the great Abbey of Glastonbury, and a good deal of the imaginative Celtic temper ran probably with the blood in his veins. But he was above all the representative of the Roman civilisation in the barbarised England of the tenth century. He was a painter, a musician, a reader and a scholar, in a world of fierce warriors and ignorant nobles. The Saxons were simple, and, even in their rudest state, not without domestic virtues. They were unaccustomed to state and ceremony. They were " skilful in the use of the sword and the spade, of the oar and the sail". They were brave and warlike, and were, in their perpetual incursions upon British soil, the dread of the Britons and almost a terror to the Romans. The remarkable quality about these Saxons, however, was their innate sense of order and the power they possessed of ruling themselves in their village communities, and their inability to grasp those great principles in the 1 The story of Offa's church having been destroyed by the Danes is a fiction, resting upon much the same evidence as that which o-oes to show that de Villula's cathedral at a later period was destroyed by fire ; both stories are baseless. ' We, Bathonians, claim him as a native of Weston, close to our city. The Saxon Period. 15 growth and development of cities which so peculiarly characterised the Romans and the Normans. It was, however, not only in architecture, but in all the arts demanding genius, taste, and execution, that the Saxons signally failed. Nor does it seem to have been the result of indifference ; on the contrary, it is clear that they aimed at excellence, for the coins that have been found of the seventh to the tenth centuries are distinguished for the excellence and purity of their metal and the utter meanness of their design and execution. It is singular that a people and a government such as the Saxon, roughly speaking, in whom the organizing and governing faculty seemed to be innate, should have lacked the faculty referred to.' With all the disturbing elements, from the earliest Saxon times down to the Conquest, we trace that distinguishing characteristic, the recognition of legal principles ; and out of this instinct gradually were developed those municipal regula tions which in time became the basis of our national laws and liberties. Our own city is, perhaps, the most notable illustra tion of the truth of this statement, and there would be special reasons for it. If Bath had occasionally been the focus of rebellion and violence, it was favoured by successive chiefs and kings. It was a royal city, with all the privileges and immunities which its rank conferred ; and these advantages grew and attained to that comparatively complete state of municipal government which the Normans found in force, and 1 Of Saxon antiquities we are unable in Bath to boast of a single example. This is the more remarkable, seeing that Bath was, probably, more closely associated with Saxon rule than any other city. Since the publication, in 1807, of Ducarel's HistoricE Anglicance, only one perfect example of Saxon architecture has been discovered, viz., the church at Bradford-on-Avon, which is eminently characteristic of Saxon faults and, in a measure, of Saxon merits. The old church of Saxon architecture, St. Peter's, at Oxford, built by St. Grymbald in 886, is well known. (See Leland's Collectanea, vol. vi, and Archceologia, ) 1 6 Introduction. which, to their honour be it said, they fostered and encouraged, until it assumed that complete corporate form in the thirteenth century which lasted until the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The Manor of Lyncombe was ecclesiastical property from the time of Osric in the seventh century down to the Con quest ; nor is it too much to say that it was in its compactness, fruitfulness, and beauty, and from its contiguity to the capital city, the gem of all the Church's possessions in Wessex. And again this supremacy was maintained, in spite of waste and mismanagement, from the time of John de Villula down to the Dissolution. But there was another advantage which the city derived from the domain of Lyncombe. The resources of this large range of fertile land were enormous. Cattle were fed on its plains and in its combes. The corn-fields lay to the south of what, after the Conquest and the Domesday Survey, was called the Wide Combe,^ and on the south-east slope of Beechen Cliff, and the corn was made into flour in the two ancient mills deriving their water-power from that stream which still retains its Celtic name of Lyn. This stream, with its occasional pools, formerly wider and with greater volume than now, taking its rise in the hills to the west, flowed down the combe at the foot of those slopes which it watered and enriched. This was and is the Lyn proper ; but there is another stream, whose watershed is at the top of the wide- combe, and which originally flowed down the centre. This stream formed a dam at the bottom of the manor fields, and, having turned the mill wheel, passed through a culvert and joined its sister stream near the end of the combe, flowing on together towards the second mill,^ turning its rude wheel, and then gently retiring into the Avon. On the southern slopes, at the western end of Greenway 1 This is a term first employed in Domesday to denote its character and its separation from Lyncombe, for local convenience. ^ These mills are referred to in Domesday, each being gelded at los. The Saxon Period. \j Lane, there were splendidly cultivated fig-groves and vine yards, the latter producing wine in abundance, and of a quality something like that of a thin dry port ; while every species of vegetable was cultivated then (as now) on patches here and there throughout the various vills or farms, by the villeins, who, more highly favoured than that class in general under feudal law, held the land by the modified tenure of the law of socage. The ancient village was scattered about the sides of the combe, but besides this there were other houses in dififerent parts of the manor, especially on the slope of Beechen Cliff; and there is little doubt that on Akerland, on the eastern side of the cliff, the chief cultivators or villeins resided. From Odd Down a pleasing view may be seen of the vale of South Lyncombe, but to see it in all its varied and extended beauty the spectator must descend some distance, and enter the grounds near Westfield, whence it may be seen from the true picturesque point of view. There is no possibility of classify ing valleys, but this landscape is perfect in its calm repose and picturesque beauty. " To be beautiful is enough," said Thackeray ; but to beauty and grace must be added its variety of scenery and remarkable richness of soil and productiveness. On the south it is bounded by the Barrow ridge.^ An 1 Near this ridge is the }nound or barrow, which has been the subject of much controversy. Doubtless, this arose from Wood's absurd descrip tion of it, first published in 1749. He says : " This mound seems to me to have been King Bladud's sepulchre, for it stands within half-a-mile of a place called Hakim — a name expressive not only of a wise and learned philosopher, but the very title given to Zoroaster — and it is so situated as to make the angle of a triangle with Hakim and the Castle of Inglescomb." This theory, even supposing that Bladud was a real personage, is not only absurd, but is based, archaeologically, upon an erroneous theory. "Barrow" is an Anglo-Saxon word, beorh, signifying a hill, and is liable to be con fused with the names derived from " burgh", an earthwork. Some forty years ago the mound was examined, and found to be stone from base to summit. C 1 8 Introduction. adequate description of the rest of the scene would be difficult. Turning from the west to the east we are in Mid-Lyncombe, near the site of the Priors' Park, the most historic portion of the manor before us. " Straight mine eye hath caught new pleasures, Whilst the landskip round it measures." This scene appears to have been the centre of interest in ancient as well as in modern times. Where now stands the venerable sixteenth-century church, there formerly, as early as the ninth century, stood the Saxon church ; and on that same site was erected its Norman successor, which was super seded by the present. On the site of, or near, the Widcombe House stood the ancient thane's or chief's manor house, around which were grouped the dwellings of the freemen or en franchised citizens. From the time of Eadgar, through the Danish epoch and the restored Saxon rule, little occurred to affect the interests of the city or the development of Lyncombe. Fresh taxation was imposed by Edward the Confessor, but although the same terminology was employed as under the Domesday Survey to describe its import, yet it differed essentially, from the fact that in the Saxon system the admeasur- ment was by rule of thumb, whereas the Norman .system was approximately accurate. Hide, carucate, and many other terms were all Anglo-Saxon, but they are all perpetuated in Domesday. During the Saxon period in the City of Bath we really know little of the ecclesiastical governmant and policy. The entire manor of Lyncombe, as we have seen, was Church property, and all that concerned its management and Church government was under the direction of an ecclesiastical digni tary, subordinate to the ancient see of Sherborne. This see comprehended the whole of Wessex (Dorset, Somerset Wilts The Norman Period. 19 Devon, and Cornwall) until 704. King Ina in that year divided the province into two portions — Winchester and Sherborne. It was in 1075 that Sherborne was removed to Salisbury. Again, in or about 905, the county of Somerset was taken out of Sherborne to form the diocese of Wells, and finally the see of Sherborne was wholly dismembered to form two sees, which ultimately were recorded under the see of Exeter, now again separated nearly upon the ancient lines in the see of Truro. The see of Wells was created about 905, the first bishop being Athelm, between whom and Giso (1059) there were thirteen bishops. Giso was a native of Lorraine, and was chaplain to Edward the Confessor. He experienced much of the ill usage which honest prelates in those days received from such monarchs as Edward, having been banished the country. Singular as it may seem, Giso was recalled from banishment and reinstated in his see by the Conqueror, after which he continued to preside over his diocese until his death in 1087; and then began a new regime. THE NORMAN PERIOD. It is evident that so far as the Conquest affected Bath, its influence and general effect were by no means prejudicial. All the traditions and customs of the later Saxon times were respected. The local government was carried on upon the old lines without interference or arbitrary check of any kind ; indeed, it is evident that all that was capable of expansion and development in the Saxon municipal system was con tinued after the Conquest. Warner says : " That the English [however] were rather surprised into submission than completely conquered, Willifim soon discovered from the general dis- C 2 20 Introduction. contents which growled around him, and the many plots and insurrections which succeeded each other on every side. The attempts of enemies, foreign and domestic, kept him in continual anxiety, and at length induced him to adopt measures so severe against his English subjects as justify all the censures passed upon his conduct, and all the execrations with which they have loaded his memory. But amidst regulations the most un justifiable, exactions the most unconscionable, and laws the most tyrannical, the Conqueror occasionally exhibited specimens of sagacity which mark him at least for a discerning politician, if not an amiable character." This, perhaps, was the general estimate formed of William up to Warner's time. Mr. Freeman, however, gives us a very different picture of the Conqueror. He gives a vivid descrip tion of William's character, his genius and statesmanship : — " Now that the Norman duke has become an English king, his career as an English statesman strictly begins, and a wonderful career it is. Its main principle was to respect formal legality wherever he could. All William's purposes were to be carried out, as far as possible, under cover of strict adherence to the law of the land of which he had become the lawful ruler. He had sworn at his crowning to keep the laws ofthe land, and to rule his kingdom as well as any king that had gone before him. And assuredly he meant to keep his oath. But a foreign king, at the head of a foreign army, and who had his foreign followers to reward, could keep that oath only in its letter, and not in its spirit. But it is wonderful how nearly he came to keep it in the letter. He contrived to do his most oppressive acts, to deprive Englishmen of their lands and offices, and to part them out among strangers, under cover of English law. He could do this. A smaller man would either have failed to carry out his purposes at all, or he could have carried them out only by reckless violence. " When we examine the administration of William more in detail, we shall see that its effects in the long run were rather to preserve than to destroy our ancient institutions. He knew the strength of legal fictions ; by legal fictions he conquered and he ruled. But every legal fiction is outward homage to the principle of law, an outward protest against unlawful violence. That England underwent a Norman conquest did in the end only make her the more truly England. But that this could be was because that conquest was wrought by the Bastard of Falaise, and by none other.'' The Norman Period. 2 1 Nothing, perhaps, in that early age marked more distinctly the instinctive wisdom and statesmanship of William than the great Domesday Survey. In its general results it not only led to a- more accurate knowledge of property, but it formed an approximately correct basis, on which assessment for taxation, local and general, was to rest. It was a measure, moreover, which enabled him to ascertain the number and state of his own demesne lands, and, what was equally im portant, to obtain a clear knowledge of the estates held by the tenants in capite, i.e., estates held in direct tenure from the Crown. Another result followed, namely, it enabled the king to obtain an exact knowledge of those estates which he had lavished upon his nobles, and thus to take care that they should be subject to equitable taxation. In a sense, this great measure was the first great step towards the settlement of real property, founded upon a definite law and a definite method of levying. The Saxon method was arbitrary and ill-defined. The tenures were more or less uncertain, and the holdings, according to Saxon customs, often insecure. The Domesday Commissioners appointed for every shire made their inquisi tions upon the oath of juries empanelled on the occasion to ascertain the quantity of land in every county, rape} lathe^ hundred^ liberty,^ etc., together with the number of freemen, socmen, villeins, slaves, cattle, sheep, hogs, horses, which each estate contained ; to take an account of the cities, towns, vills, and hamlets ; the quantity of arable and pasture land, wood, 1 Rape, a division of a hundred or shire ; a geographical expression. 2 Lathe, a part or large division of a county. ' An indefinite expression, a territorial or.administrative district, peculiar to Southern and Central England. In the North it is called a Wappen- take. In earHer times it represented loo hides, the hides differing in extent in various counties. * A district exempt, as a community, from certain legal conditions and taxation of county government. 2 2 Introduction and meadow. There is no doubt, says Hearne, that the Norman Survey was one of the greatest strokes of policy ever accomplished. " The Burgh of Bath we account to have been at the date of the Con quest the capital of Somerset. By ' capital' we mean the seat of the Summa Justicia, of the highest, though by no means the only, Crown Court which existed in the county. " Bath, previous to its constitution as a burgh, which was towards the end of the tenth century, was but a member, however valuable, of an estate of Royal Demesne. . . . " The Burgh of Bath, together with whatever pertained to it of royal estate, came to the hands of King Edward at his accession. Whether by way of dotation, or by subsequent gifts, the king seems to have bestowed the whole upon his wife, Edith. The estate, thus passing from the Crown, was then subject to hidation, and so became geldable. ^ On the other hand, it retained one great note mark of royalty. It continued to be a seat of high justice. Queen Edith herself exercised the function of a high justiciar. She paid the Tertius Denarius of the crown-pleas of Bath to her brother Harold, while Earl of Somerset. Queen Edith retained Bath, and her office as a high justiciar, after the Conquest. Surely it was in that capacity that on February 28th, 1072, she presided in the Church of Wilton over that memorable contract, whereby the Saxon Thane, Alsor, sold the Somerset manor of Combe to Giso, Bishop of Wells. This Combe was Monkton Combe, with Combe Down, the former consisting of 720, and the latter 173 parochial acres. Such a transaction could have had no validity save by warranty of the King or his vicegerent." ^ That is, it became subject to the ordinary laws of taxation, based upon hidation or admeasurement, the hide differing in extent in different counties ; in Somerset it was about 249I acres. Originally, in its essence, it was a tencmc7tt or occtipatioii of uncertain area calculated to bear a certain weight of taxation. When such property ceased to belong to the king, it became geldable, that is, to accurate measurement or hidation and taxation. At the death of .Queen Edith the Burgh of Bath reverted to the Crown, and King William dishidated the Burgh. This process of dishidation involved no benefit to the tenant, the king in such a case simply remitting all taxes and royalties due to himself There were other meanings of the word hide in connection with the lands ; but we confine ourselves strictly to its accepted meaning in relation to Domesday. The Norman Period. 23 On the death of WilUam, the Burgh reverted to Rufus, by whom it was sold to John de Villula of Tours, Giso's successor in the see of Wells. The sale purported to convey the Burgh and its local privileges and all its appurtenances as previously enjoyed by the King's father, but the justiciarship did not pass by the grant of William to the Bishop, but was entrusted to Edward of Salisbury, then Sheriff of Wiltshire, who was filling the said office at the date of Domesday. At the same date the Burgh and Manor of Batheaston was being farmed of the King by the burgesses as a body corporate, Edward of Salisbury now paying the Tertius Denarius of the Crown- pleas of Bath to the King, as Comes.^ It was in 1086 that John de Villula succeeded Giso as Bishop of Wells ; and shortly afterwards Rufus sold the Burgh to the Bishop,'-^ the sale purporting to convey the said borough, its local privileges and all its appurtenances, as previously enjoyed by the King's father. The estate thus acquired did not include the external territory, as is shown by the fact that the Tertius Denarius, the "third penny", brought only £\\, whereas the Crown Pleas of that jurisdiction realised;^ 33 per annum. The local territory within the borough comprised the Abbey-fee inBath, Bade Caput AbbaticB, consisting of twelve acres of meadow (the King's Mead), and a further area being in the old burgh within the walls, Lyncombe and Widcombe {Lincuma), Walcot and Bathwick. This last district was then 1 In ancient Rome a companion of, or attendant on, a great person. The corporate body paid the tax to the Earl of Salisbury, the King's Comes or representative. ' It is curious to note the construction put by all the guide writers and many others upon this transaction. They seem to have thought it meant literally that William sold, ancl the Bishop bought, Bath bodily, and was able to rule and govern it as he pleased. It simply meant that de Villula acquired the King's legal rights in property subject to the laws then in force ; the justiciary being Edward of Salisbury as representative of the Crown. 24 Introduction. called Wicke or Wica ; and the late Mr. Eyton, in his most valuable work on Somerset Domesday Studies, implies that the Wica was divided into three. He says : " Alured, a Saxon Thane (a term signifying a member of a rank above that of a freeman, but below that of a noble), appears in Domesday as tenant-in-capite of two hides in Wica, one of which he held in demesne. The name given to him in 1084 was from his estate in Wick (now Bathwick)." This is one of the few slips made by the accomplished author. There were two Wicks. Bath wick, distinct altogether from Lyncombe, was Wick or Wica proper ; the Wick held by Alured was on the western part of Lj'ncombe, known as Berewyke or Berwick^ (prefix Bere or Ber, signifying water, from its contiguity to the small stream which runs just below it), the tithes of which were assigned to St. Mary de Stall in Bath. There is no trace of any other ancient village in Bathwick than the one which stood on the site of Bathwick Street. At the northern extremity of this village, near the bank of the river, stood the small Early Norman church, within a quaint little churchyard. This church had been patched up in every conceivable style of architecture until it would no longer hold together, and was pulled down in 1 8 14. The aggregate acreage sold to the Bishop was 3,348 statu tory acres, to which must be added Woolley (Wilega or Heorleia) as an integral part of Wica, with an area of 366 acres, thus making an aggregate of 3,714. ^ The modern corruption of the word is " Barracks". The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 25 THE NORMAN AND PRE-REFORMATION PERIOD. From the death of Giso in 1087, and the accession of John de Villula to Wells in 1088, the city of Bath seems to have undergone no change in relation to the Church. The Saxon church of Offa was still standing, and the rites of the Church were still carried on therein. By whom or under what dignitaries the ecclesiastical affairs of Bath had been directed under Saxon rule there is little or nothing to show. It is certain that some sort of state and pomp was maintained, under a deputy prelate, or one subordinate to the Bishop. Formerly the heads of religious houses and certain other dignitaries were deemed prelates.^ •' A prioure that is a prelate of any church Cathedralle Above abbot or prioure with-in the diocise sitte he shalle." The Abbot's dwelling before 1092 was called the Manerium, and belonged to the see. Of such houses, besides that in Bath, there were thirteen in the diocese. It was, no doubt, in 1087, and before the death of William I, that John de Villula was appointed to the see of Wells, in succession to Giso. This fact effectually disposes of the state ment that he practised medicine in the city of Bath, whatever he may have done in Tours, in which city he received Holy ' Professor Earle reminds us that there used to be in the garden of Weston Vicarage a coffin slab incised with the name of a priest who is entitled " Antistes", a name equivalent to prelate. Prior is an official in the monastic Orders next in dignity and rank to an abbot. Before the thirteenth century he was called provost, and prior seems to have meant any superior or senior. If in an abbey, and an assistant ofthe abbot, he is called a claustral prior ; if in a priory, he is called a convejitual prior. There were many other kinds of priors. 26 Introduction. Orders. When de Villula was invested with the Bishopric of Wells, Bath would have been under his jurisdiction. Whatever the preferments and privileges may have been which he obtained from Rufus for the 500 marks could have made no difference in his ecclesiastical status. He seemed for some reason to have preferred Bath to Wells, and to have transferred the seat of his episcopal power and administration to the former city in 1091, four years from the time of his investiture at Wells. This transfer of the see from Wells to Bath led to important and immediate changes in Bath, and in Lyncombe and Widcombe. De Villula was a man of the type of St. Dunstan, only with less of that great man's fiery reUgious zeal and temperament. He found the mean Saxon church still standing, and this he pulled down. The great prelate showed that if he and his countrymen could not make roads, he and they could conceive and carry out magnificent designs. De Villula's cathedral was one of the most stately in the land. The monastery at the south-west end, and the palace immediately in front over the Roman Bath, and the baths he constructed, one for the Bishop and one for the monks, all point to a completeness and a grandeur surpassing all others before and after. The level of the site, as the foundations show, was raised very much above that of the Saxon building. Even its ruins bore witness to that beauty and dignity and grand construction which had been allowed in successive ages, by shameful neglect, and in spite of episcopal remonstrance and censure, to fall into premature neglect and utter ruin.i 1 The details of these particular facts are all given in Britton's History ofthe Abbey, edited by R. E. M. Peach, 1887. The bases of the pillars on the north side are preserved. Gratings are placed above them, and these, on being removed, admit of a personal descent. Taking the position of these pillars themselves, and their relative distances, the length and breadth of the ancient structure is shown to have been double the length of the Abbey. The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 27 The great work carried on by de Villula in this city was only a part of his achievements during the thirty-five years of his episcopate. He developed the episcopal domain of Lyn combe and Widcombe, which by the great Domesday survey had been brought more under equitable and judicial authority and management. Above the Wide Combe, which we now call Prior Park, the Bishop built the Grange and such offices as were necessary in the cultivation and development of all those higher tracts which extended eastward, southward, and westward. In the lower parts of the estate he also did all that was known in his day to foster the cultivation of the slopes, with their vineries, fig groves, and orchards, which the Saxons had promoted. But as early as Bishop Jocelyn in the thirteenth century, the prior and monks brought upon themselves episcopal censure for their neglect and mismanage ment of all the resources placed under their control. At the Reformation the Grange and the group of minor buildings on the estate were little better than the dilapidated buildings on a sixth-rate farmstead. But this was not the worst, for the timber had suffered, so that all the umbrageous beauties of the hills and the combes had disappeared. We must recur however, to de Villula. Professor Earle says, no doubt with much truth, that " a person who reads through the history of Bath does, in effect, read a history of England in small, because there is no im portant epoch that is unrepresented in the history of our immediate locality, and that from the very earliest times." Most people who have given any attention to the annals of Bath, recognise the force of the Professor's remarks. He likewise calls attention to some of the remains of Norman architecture, etc., to be seen in various churches near Bath, and makes especial reference to St. Michael's intra muros, which, he says, was near the present St. Michael's. This is a misconception. St. Michael's intra muros was near the site 28 Introduction. of the Cross Bath; and at the period when Mr. Lansdown made a sketch of it, partly real, partly ideal,^ more of the structure was in existence than at present. The church in question enters partly into this history at a later period. Besides this early Norman church, dedicated to St. Michael, there was another beyond the walls, which stood on the site of the old bowling-green^ in Green Street. This was succeeded by the curious little sixteenth- century structure which stood on the spot occupied by the present church, and was surrounded by a quaint churchyard. There was another Norman church, to which we shall briefly refer, St. Mary Magdalen. This church was not only Norman in its character, but in its historical associa tions, especially in connection with the Hosate or Hussey family. The first of the Hosate family was Walter, a knight who came over with the Conqueror. He had various possessions near and around Bath. His son, likewise Walter, was con temporary with de Villula ; and whilst the great prelate was raising his vast cathedral, Walter was erecting that little Norman church near the Fosse in Holloway, in Lyncombe. It was saved from destruction by Prior Cantlow in 1495. Hosate designed the church for the Lepers' Hospital, of which at that time there were two others in the city in connection with the mineral springs. The Hussey family were long associated with Bath and the neighbourhood, their seat having been at Shockerwick.^ 1 More than sixty years ago. ^ When this old bowling-green was built over in the last century many human graves and bones were discovered, not merely indicative of an ancient, churchyard, but of an ancient church. ' Shockerwick derives its name from Adam de Socherwicke, who lived as early as the reign of Henry II. He held of the Bishop of Bath as part of a knight's fee. Under the feudal system this tenure signified a /^r«- quiste or ownership ofa certain amount of land, and bound the owner to definite military service and other obligations — The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 29 In 1322 there is a curious decree of Bishop John de Drokensford with regard to the vicarial endowment of St. Mary in Bath [with Widcombe Chapel], hitherto undefined and so leading to strife between the Priorj^, the Appropriator, and the Vicar, J. de Did marton. The Vicar was to have manse, etc., tithe of wool and hay in Widcombe, Lyncombe, and Berwick, with milk and smaU tithes, obituary services, legacies, and all customary dues, and to find a resident Chaplain at Widcombe. Prior to have great tithes of the villeinage and of other parishes in Lyncombe, of lands of John de Weston, and the Brethren of St. Mary Magdalen ; to bear all "onera". One copy to be kept in Priory, one by Bishop's registrar. "For that dangerous fight The great Armenian King made noble Bevis Knight." After passing from the Socherwicke family the manor, with Batheaston, Bathford, and much besides, came into the possession of the Hosate (now softened into Hussey) family, whose principal seat was called Husei and then Hussey Court, standing on or very near the present mansion. The Husseys, during the reign of Edward III, sold the manor to Sir Walter de Creyk, whose family continued to occupy the old mansion until the manor, with Batheaston and Bathford, in the reign of Richard 1 1, passed to the family of WilHam Brien. Sir Guy, his son, left two daughters, Philippa and Elizabeth. From PhiHppa, the elder, the manors passed to her husband, John Devereux ; from him to the Scroops ; thence to Boteler, Earl of Wiltshire, through his wife Avicia, whose heir was Humphrey Stafford. In the reign of Edward V the manors were held by Edmond Blunt, then by Simon, who lived at the aforesaid Hussey Court. In the reign of Philip and Mary the manors were held by Thomas Earl of Northumberland. Hussey Court then suffered from neglect, until in 1667 Shockerwick was sold, with Batheaston, to James Lancashire ; and from that time until about eighty years after, when Shockerwick passed into the possession of the Wiltshire family, not much can be recorded of it. The Court had become a ruin, scarcely one stone standing upon another, and the Park little better than open fields. Then, with the Wiltshires, came the great transformation, the revival of all that was picturesque and beautiful in the charming domain. 30 Introduction. Another reference should be made here. In the first map of Bath extant, 1568 or 1572, by Smith ofthe Heralds' Office, by whom a general survey of the large towns and cities of the kingdom was made, he represents, on the south bank of the Avon, close to the entrance to the bridge, a small Early English Church, which has been a puzzle to antiquaries. Mr. Emanuel Green inclines to the opinion that it was not intended to represent an ecclesiastical edifice at all. It must, however, be remembered that the early maps were very reaUstic ; and, moreover, there exist tangible grounds for believing that an ecclesiastical edifice did stand near that spot. Mr. Austin King thinks it is the Church of St. Mary extra muros, or that, inasmuch as it is not mentioned by Leland, it may have been a second Oratory. We do not think so, but incline to the belief that it was a small church or chapel-of-case to St. Mary Magdalen. One of the interesting aspects of early local history is the growth or evolution of early names, early local laws, and early customs. Now when we speak of Lyncombe we are too apt to think the term itself is as old as, and no older than, the Con quest, whereas the name is very ancient, and, in fact, older than Bath itself It is as old as the Saxon rule in Bath. The name of Bath has changed with every dynastic change of govern ment, and this was in a sense a necessity. Names, however, of ordinary and general detail used by the Saxons were preserved in the local nomenclature for centuries after the Norman Con quest. The value and importance of this fact in relation to local historical investigation, as well as in itself, cannot be over rated, and it constitutes an especial interest in this ancient part of our city. But what is so remarkable to note in our own history is the gradual process of legal evolution — to observe how, amidst internecine contentions and occasional violence, the municipal or .self-government system, as opposed to the centralizing or The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 3 1 bureaucratic, was gradually taking root. In this respect we may claim even more than Professor Earle, inasmuch as these municipal rules were administered in a popular form as early as the tenth century,i and after the Conquest the system grew and assumed more popular and definite proportions. We, moreover, from time to time get clear and interesting aspects of legal procedure. We had in the twelfth century achieved the '' Reign of Law" — i.e., the recognition of those principles of human government in their appUcation to pro perty and conduct ; those general rules of external human 1 From the Conquest until the thirteenth century, the chief officer was called the Prepositor, or bailiff, and the place of meeting the burg-mote or moot-court. [The word is A. S. motian, cite to a meeting ; mot gemot, a meeting.] The earliest mayor referred to by Warner is John Savage, 'n 1412, but the name is much more ancient, as will be seen by the follow ing document, which is a copy translation by the late Mr. H. Riley of a Deed belonging to the Bath Corporation : — " Know present and to come, that 1 Walter, Son of Serle, in my lawful power have given to Juliana, daughter of William Springod one seid to the south of the Stalls of Bath which I bought of Robert Prither for 4 marks and a half mark of Silver ; to hold and to have to himself and to whomsoever he shall wish to give or assign it ; rendering for it yearly to the Lords of the fee at the Feast of St. Michael 7 pence, and at Heck day 5 pence for Land gable (Land tax) for all service exaction and demand. And that this my gift may have the strength of perpetual security, this present charter I have corroborated with the impression of my seal. These being witnesses, Caskil de Westone, John Duport, at that time Mayor of Bath, Andrew the clerk, Geoffry Wissi, Hugh de Aystone, Thomas Sweyn, Walter Cabbell and many others." [It will be seen by this document that surnames at this date were beginning to be used.] (" Date about .\.D. 1230. It contains perhaps the very earliest mention of a Mayor of Bath. The device of the Seal has much of the appearance of an ancient gem.") — H. R.'s note. The first Mayor of London was in 1208. " This yere began the names of Mayers and Sherefs" {Arnold's Chronicle). Bath, therefore, was not far behind the capital. 3 2 Introditction. action which are enforced by a sovereign political authority ; rules of human conduct presented by established usage or custom. Henry II had bruised the heel of feudalism, and in our small way we were soon to see and feel some of its effects in Somersetshire and our city of Bath, of which some examples may be cited, chiefly relating to Lyncombe and Widcombe. Mr. Emanuel Green, who has done so much for Bath history, has recently edited for the Somerset Record Society a volume, Pedes Finium, commonly called "Feet of Fines", from 1196 to 1307, a work of unusual interest. Roughly rendered, it may be said to mean an account of fines paid to the King for licences to alienate lands, for freedom from knight's service, for pardons, wardships, and ordinary justice. Nor is this all, for it also shows the manner in which surnames were first acquired. Several cases are quoted, all of which are highly interesting ; but one instance will suffice to illustrate the manner in which law and justice were administered, and how in its administration it tended to fix names^ on individuals, to perpetuate and explain ancient nomenclature in localities. Feet of Fines. Somerset. 44 Henry III. At Westminster in the quinzaine of Easter ; between William de Berewyk, querent ; and Thomas, Prior of Bath, deforciant ; for common of pasture which William claimed to have in the lands of the Prior in Lincumb and in the wood of Horscumb by fine made at Exeter between David de Berewyk father of William, whose heir he is, querent ; and the aforesaid Prior, deforciant ; for the said common of pasture : and whereof William complained that by the said fine he ought to have common for all his cattle in Lincumb in all the hill of Lincumb and in all the fields of the Prior^ in the said vill of Lincumb, and in a meadow called Sydenham 1 With reference to the history of surnam.es, those acquired by reason of legal decisions, or by ownership of distinctive estates, were of a much earlier date than those of the dwellers in cities and towns, who, early in the fourteenth century, were called after their professions and their various callings. 2 The Prior here referred to was Prior Thomas, who was a litigious The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 33 after the hay is lifted and the corn carried : the Prior contrary to the said fine deforced him of the common of pasture. The Prior acknowledged that William in future should have pasture throughout all the manor of Lmcumb, and the wood and pasture of Horscumb,^ for ten oxen with the o.xen of the Prior, and likewise pasture in the said places for beasts at grass (otiosa), with the Prior's beasts at grass, according to the free tenement which William held in Berewyk the day this concord was made ; except the enclosures and closes underwritten, namely, Dolemede, the vineyard, garden, grove next the court, park, Akeriond, Mellecroft, and Bicchenclyve, in which William shall have no common. If it happen that the Prior re move his oxen or beasts at grass from any cause, William by this fine, may keep his oxen or beasts at grass to feed in the said pasture without hindrance from the Prior. Further, the Prior gave and granted to WilHam a messuage in Berewyk and four acres and a half of meadow in the manor of Lincumb, namely, an acre on the hill near the quarry (quarry opposite Westfield), an acre under Repwey (or rope-walk), towards the Fosse, two acres in the tilled ground called Clyves, half an acre of meadow in Charlemede near the Brodecroft (Broad Field, above the park), and the messuage under the garden of the said William, ecclesiastic, between whom and the civil powers and the citizens frequent misunderstandings occurred. In this contest with William and David de Berewyk, the Prior doubtless wanted to wrest from them the " pasture'' referred to, to add to the Prior's Park, which was immediately adjoining. At the same time, Prior Robert was a man of considerable energy, which in the main was well directed. Edward I assigned Bath, with its barton and appurtenances, to his consort Eleanor in dower for her life. The assign ment was speedily retracted, and the rights were granted by Bishop Burnell to the churches of Bath and Wells, " except the berton of Bath which the prior and convent hold of us in fee-farm." This act of justice was no doubt due to the sagacity of Robert and his successor, Walter de Aona (Avon), who was the receiver of the monastery. Prior Thomas died in 1 26 1, and was succeeded by Walter. Thomas de Winton was Prior in 1301, and was succeeded by Robert de Cloppecote in 1303. In 1321 Bishop John de Drokensford addressed to him the following remon strance : — " Has heard of scandalous waste of revenues, and consequent stinting of monks' diet, etc., exhorts him by most sacred motives to be a careful steward and a kindlier ruler in word and deed." 1 Most of the local names quoted in this reported judgment we have dentified. They are all pre-Norman. D 34 Introduction. which messuage Master John Teyke once held ; to hold to William of the Prior, doing therefor the regal services to the said tenements belonging : and the Prior warranted against all men. Further the Prior quit claimed all the right he had to demand or to have com mon of pasture in the meadows of WilHam in Lincumb and Berewyk, namely, in la Brodecroft, Wychegenemed (the Wyke Mead), and Cher- mesmed (Cherrymead, now Perrymead), so that William may enclose, ditch, or hedge, and cultivate and take profit from, the said meadows at his will, without hindrance from the Prior. For this William remitted all the damages which he was said to have suffered by reason of the Prior not having held to the aforesaid fine, to the day this concord was made ; and be it known that the fine first made between the said David and the Prior for the said common of pasture, by this fine is annulled." Somerset Fiftes. 41 Henry III, a.d. 1256-7. At Exon in the octave of St. Martin ; between William de Berewyk, querent ; and Robert de Atterbere, impedient ; for fifteen acres of land, excepting one rod, in Berewyk and Lincumb. Plea of warranty of deed was summoned. Robert acknowledged the right of William as being by his gift, to hold of him, rendering yearly one clove gillyflower at Easter, and doing to the chief lord ofthe fee all services belonging ; and Robert warranted against all men : for this William gave one sore sparrowhawk. At Exon in the morrow of AH Souls ; between WiUiam de Berewik, claimant ; and Adam, Master of the Hospital of St. John of Bath, tenent ; for a messuage in the suburb of Bath. William acknowledged the right of the Master and Brethren, to hold of him, rendering per annum five shillings, half at Easter and half at Michaelmas, and doing to the chief lord of the fee all services belonging ; and William warranted against all men ; for this the Master gave William one sore sparrowhawk. These ancient references cast a very vivid light upon ancient legal and local nomenclature, many of the names referred to in the document being retained until this day ; for instance, the wood and pasture of Horscumb, now called Horsecombe Bottom, at Midford ; the meadow called Sydenham, situate near the Midland Railway Station ; the Dolemeads, now a familiar locality in Widcombe parish, near the river, was no doubt in times even previous to the reign of Henry III the scene of charitable doles, made from time immemorial by the The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 35 various religious orders. Here the ancient vineyard and garden grove next the court are again referred to. The reference, moreover, to Bicchenclyve establishes beyond all controversy the origin and meaning of the name. Wood affected a far-fetched and learned derivation. He, for instance, without any apparent authority, calls it Blakeleigh, and as an alternative meaning, the CUff near the Beech Avenue, and the latter only as a modern invention of his own time. The name is a very natural one. The south bank of the Avon, even as late as 1700, was a shelving beach, which was embanked in the early part of the century, when the Avon was " canalized" and Claverton Street built. Beechenclyve is manifestly a form of Beachenclyve, or Cliff near the Beach. The term clyve is used by many of the old authors — " And romying on the clyve by the sea." Chaucer, Good Women. " Here es a knyght in theis klevys, enclosside with hilles." Morte Arthure. Another form of the word is clough or cleugh, applying more especially to a cleft or rift. " Into a grisly clough This and that maiden yod." In our edition of Britton's History of the Bath Abbey we have endeavoured to trace the history of the Priors in relation to the property and their dealings with the Cathedral. It was in the time of Prior Cloppecote that the Lyncombe and Wid combe estate began to be neglected, the Grange and granaries to fall into disrepair. Episcopal remonstrance was useless; and this strange anomaly occurred: the Prior obtained per mission to establish two fairs annually, the one in Lyncombe^ and the other on their manor of Barton ; both having been 1 This fair was held for many years at the foot of Holloway, and until recently, i.e., from the sixteenth to the eariy part of the present century. That of Barton came to an end at a much earlier date. D 2 2,6 Introduction. a source of great profit to the Prior. The monks complained of oppressions, so that the bishop, Drokensford, interfered on their behalf ; and it was at this period, about 1324, that, partly by the neglect of some of his predecessors, but especially of Cloppecote himself, de Villula's cathedral fell so much into dilapidation, that a general collection was made throughout the diocese towards its repair. It is clear from historical evidence that Bishop Jocelyn of Wells, in the thirteenth century, was the last Bishop who systematically exercised a vigorous and personal supervision over the Bath prior, monastery, and the domain ; and further, from the end of that century the fact appears to be certain that although men like Cantlow, Bird, and Holway^ (or Gybbs) were men of holy lives and good intentions, the state of things was such as to defy their best efforts to improve them ; so that when the great crisis came a general wreck ensued. The rhonks were not only too numerous, but nothing could be said for them ; they were drones, and ate up the honey — more honey than the estate could produce. Bath was not in a posi tion to make a successful stand at the Reformation. Some of the Church estates had been well managed — for instance, Montacute, Bruton, and Waltham — hence, so far as the pen sions, gratuities, and compensations were concerned, better terms were awarded than to the Bath community. The func tions of the three Somersetshire Royal Commissioners, of whom Layton acted for Bath, were to report to Cromwell on the state of the woods and lands, and on the internal adminis tration of the finances generally. Layton, although a lawyer, must have been, even for those days, very illiterate. This man, 1 The pension to Holway is set forth as foUows : " ffurst to William Holewey, prior, for his yerely pencon in mone, xxx/." " More is appoynted to hym for his dwelling howse, one tenement sett and lying in staUes strete wiin the Southgate of bathe, wherein one Jeffrey Stayner lately dwellyd, being ofthe yerely rente of xxj." The Norman and Pre-Reformation Period. 37 in writing to Cromwell, gives a horrible account of the monks, and, it would seem, of the utter helplessness of the Prior : " Hit may please yo'' goodness to vnderstande that we haue visits bathe wheras we fownde the priour (Holloway) a ryght vertuose man and I suppos no better of his cot (cloth) a man simple and not of the gretesteste wite, his monkes worse than I haue any fownde yet both in ... . and adulterie, sum one ofthem haueying X women sum VI I Ith and the rest so fewer. the howse well repared but foure hundredth poundes in dett." This was not edifying, and the estate at " Wydcomb" might well be impoverished, its grange, its granaries, and its cattle- sheds dilapidated, and its woods cut down, and a "^^^^ of foure hundredth poundes" ! One is reminded of Chaucer's quaint lines : "A monk, when he is reccheles,'- Is likned to a fissch that is waterles. This to seyn,^ a monk out of his cloystre." Kennet says that the poverty of the surrounding clergy was so great that most of them in Henry VIII's time took to farming, and were very much alarmed when the statute, 21 Hen. VIII, seemed to prevent them from leasing land of the convents any longer. But one finds it difficult to believe this. Kennet was a man with a case to prove, and, as far as Somerset is concerned, there seems evidence to the contrary from the Survey, where the values of the livings are often enumerated. Further, we have the evidence of the Valor which shows that the vicar had enough for a single man to live on. Not a large income, but more than Kennet would have us believe, or else, in the stagnation period of rent which followed, and the small improvements in agriculture, the vicar could never have paid his first-fruits and tenths at all, more particularly as he was deprived by statute of part of a small augmentation often accruing. All the historians of the time considered the parson to have been fairly well off. In the 1 Reckless. - Say 38 Introduction. Survey we find a vicar keeping two curates. From the Valor, a vicar would appear to get some six pounds a year, but he often got more than that, and sometimes, as appears from the survey, he had his food or wood as well. Fish laments the wealth, rather than the poverty, of the clerics. In the diocese of Bath and Wells there were 125 rectories appropriated before the Dissolution. Most of these were in the hands of the convents, an example of which may be seen in the Taunton accounts, the Austin canons there having the rectory of Dulverton. But others besides convents were in possession of impropriated rectories before the Reformation. It was a very favourite method of paying a man a salary, to make him a non-resident rector of a country living. He put in a vicar, and drew the difference between the whole tithe, and whatever the vicar had to live on, generally the small tithe. The chancellor of the diocese, the prebendaries, the archdeacon, and others received money in this way, and sometimes lay men. Also, when the visitations were in progress, and during the troubled years between the various stages of the sup pression, the convents, in order to bribe or please certain of their friends, made grants of rectories to laymen, but the practice was not at all common, and was considered illegal. But when the monastic property changed hands a very different state of affairs presented itself The laity who held land in manors, formerly the property of a convent, very naturally objected to pay large sums of money (amounting in our values almost always to several hundred pounds) to other than religious persons; and it appears that they did not pay until admonished so to do by the Act 32 Hen. VIII on the subject. One computation assigns 3,335 as the number of rectories which passed into lay hands.i ' Archbold, Religious Houses in Somersetshire. The Reformation Period. 39 THE REFORMATION PERIOD. The statute referred to portended the great measure which was to come. If we refer to the Reformation here, it is because in its relation- to Lyncombe, and its bearing upon the destinies of the Abbey, it furnishes us with a chapter in our ecclesiastical annals of which we have no reason to be proud. If the monks had erred, and if Henry VIII could not, with the consent of the Pope, follow their evil example with that celerity which he desired, it was a bad reason for depriving Bath of all her endowments ; the " carcase" of the Abbey being left to be carted away like an old barn. If it was saved, it was saved partly by Colles,^ by whom it was purchased, together with the larger portion of Church property in Lyncombe, Widcombe, and other parts of the city. The enumeration of the various items of the property, if not edifying, is curious. It will be observed that within this " ambit" there was much scope for evasion and nepotism, not to say great roguery. The opportunity was not neglected ; but what added to the turpitude of the transaction was the fact that it was done ostensibly to preserve some endowment for the Abbey — in a word, to make a provision to maintain and perpetuate the Church and public worship in the oldest and most important city in the county. The original document, after the preamble, goes on as follows : — " And also all that site Sept circuit ambit and precinct of the late Monastry or Priory of Bathe in our said county of Somerset, and all and singular houses, edifices, Gardens, Orchards, Kitchen Gardens, Barns, Dovecotes, Pools, Vivacies, Waters, Fisheries' and Fishings, Land and 1 See Bath, Old and New, by R. E. M. Peach. 40 Introduction. Soil within the same site being sept circuit ambit or Precinct of the said late Monastry or Priory. And also one Close or Meadow caUed the Ham and two Closes or Meadows called Amebrye Meades, with all and singular their appurt's lying and being near the Site aforesaid and in the Parish of St. James in our said County of Somerset, to the said late Priory or Monastry of Bathe lately belonging and appertaining. And also all and singular Messuages, Lands, Tenements, Meadows, Feedings, Pastures and other our hereditaments whatsoever known by the name or names of Beechingclyft, Brodecrofts, Brodemede, Wrogsmede, Horselease, Belle- mede, and Priours Park, with all and singular their appurt's lying and being within the Manors or Parishes of Lyncomb, Widcombe, Holloway, and Walcot, or any of them, in our said County of Somerset, and to the said late Monastry or Priory of Bath lately belonging and appertaining, and also all that our Messuage or capital Mansion of Combe, situate, lying and being within the Parish of Combe in our said County of Somerset, and all and singular houses and edifices, structures, Gardens, Orchards, Kitchen Gardens, Dovecotes, Pools, Vivacies, Lands and Soil within the site and Precinct of the same Capital Mansion being to the said late Monastry or Priory of Bathe late belonging and appertaining." Previous to and at the time of the Dissolution, the Wid combe manor and estate included " Lyncombe, Widcombe, and Holway", and are so described in the schedule, a copy of which was published by the Society of Antiquaries, Valor Ecclesiasticus, Henry VIII, page 175. After the Dissolution, the Commissioners, for reasons to be stated hereafter, sepa rated the Prior's Park from the other portion of the eccle siastical manor. It was (with other large estates) sold to Humphrey Colles, from whom it passed to Matthew Colthurst ; and after a lapse of time it was acquired by purchase by Fulke Moriey, from whom, in the early part of the last century it descended to the Duke of Kingston, whose representatives, as is well known, sold it to Ralph Allen. Then we come to what is commonly called Widcombe Manor, which, it is enough to say, included the manor house and surrounding estate ; in other words, that portion of the ecclesiastical domain separated from the Prior's Park. Now, The Reformation Period. 41 then, comes the reason for that separation. The Commissioners, two of whom were local gentlemen, were not authorised to assign funds for the completion of the half-finished Abbey, nor to make any sort of provision for the continuity of any kind of public worship in the church. It is needless to enter upon the history of the danger which followed to the very existence of the Abbey, as every intelligent person knows it only too well. But, perhaps, the incident that followed is very interesting, as illustrating some of those evils to which refer ence has been made, and against which no provision whatever, at any rate in portions of Somerset, Bath more especially, had been made. The Commissioners, prompted by laudable zeal, were anxious to preserve a portion of the ecclesiastical revenues for the future sustentation of the church and public worship. To this end they proposed to grant a portion of the Widcombe estate in trust to the Mayor, Richard Chapman, and the Corporation, for the use of the churches in Bath. The Mayor, with a refined distinction in honesty, suggested that the trans action might be too open to be safe, and that a covert grant of the property (he taking the lion's share) should be made to him and the Corporation, the better to achieve the objects of the Commissioners in securing an endowment for the churches in perpetuity. This Richard Chapman was in reality from that moment the owner of the Widcombe estate. But here follows another quiet piece of rascality, equal to, though per haps dififering in its nature from, modern accomplishments of that character. The chief actor in the later refined combination of sacrilege and vulgar iniquity was also a Chapman, as well as Mayor — John Chapman. Shortly after R. Chapman's deed of plunder — that is, about 1557 — the Vicar of St. Mary de Stalls^ 1 There is an exceUent account of the Norman church by Mr. Austin King, in vol. vi. Field Club Proceedings, p. 283. It should be known that some forty years ago a part of the crypt of the church was discovered. 42 Introduction. died, and from that time until 1 584 no successor was appointed and there were no systematic public ministrations in the city. In that year the said Mayor, John Chapman (who succeeded to his father's property and virtues), and the Corporation, by whom the patronage had been secured, appointed the Rev. Sir R. Meredith to the Rectory of the Abbey and Vicarage of Stalls (which retained certain properties in the precincts of the Abbey and churchyard). With this unprincipled cleric the Mayor and members of the Corporation entered into an unholy compact. Sir Richard was to grant leases of sites for building around the Abbey and on the said precincts, which by that time had acquired a value. It was at this time that every foot of available ground was built upon up to the very walls of the Abbey, on the site of the old Stalls Church, the church yard thereof, and any nook and cranny these vampires could appropriate, nearly all those buildings remaining until they were pulled down between 18 19 and 1832.^ Between the period of the Dissolution and the advent of Ralph Allen to Prior Park, Lyncombe and Widcombe expe rienced unfavourable vicissitudes. The land was let to the butchers, dairymen, and jobbers, all of whom naturally got as much out of it as they could. The slopes, and the valleys, and the combes were denuded of as much of their beauty and loveUness as seemed needful to those whose business was profit. Enclosures were destroyed, the coppices cut down, the approaches badly kept, except near and about the Manor House. When Allen, therefore, about 1730, purchased Prior Park and its contiguous surroundings, he began with a clear course and no favour, and he was soon to prove to the city that he understood his position and appreciated his opportunities. 1 Of the Chapmans we shall have more to say in connection with the Bennets and Widcombe House. LIFE AND TIMES OF RALPH ALLEN. LIFE AND TIMES OF RALPH ALLEN. ESIDES the difficulties inherent in the postal system itself at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the roads and means of locomotion presented tremendous complica- tions,in dealing with which Allen had neither Government help nor much experience to guide him. He was left to his own unaided resources in devising practical means to ensure regularity of transmitting the mails by the shortest, the most practicable, the safest, and cheapest routes. Up to Allen's day the Post- Office was one of the worst managed and most abused departments under the Government control. Two Post masters-General appear to have been prompt and efficient in nothing except receiving each a large salary, paid quarterly. With some exceptions, few attempts (as we learn from Mr. Herbert Joyce's able and valuable work, and others, on the Post-Office) were ever made to work out with the genius, energy, and determination afterwards displayed by Allen, a postal system adequate to the growing needs and the resources of the nation.^ Nor was this the only consideration. 1 Even now it needs the penetration and wisdom of a Postmaster- General to say why printed matter may go at the cheap rate, whilst type written matter cannot. The matter may be identical, but only the in telligence of a P. M. G. can see why the poor type-writer is to pay a penny for an open letter and the printer a halfpenny. 46 Life and Tiines of Ralph Allen. The acceleration of postal arrangements, and the adaptation of means to that end, especially involved the question of roads. It will be well to give a slight description of the Roman roads, all of which were, as far as possible, roughly adapted to the growing needs of commerce and the public service. These roads had become little better than rough tracks, wholly unfit for any kind of vehicle to traverse in winter, and very difficult for horses on which were laid very heavy loads. The Fosse and Icening Street traversed the kingdom from south-west to north-east, parallel to one another ; Waiting Street crossed them quite the contrary way, with an equal obliquity; and the Hermen Street passed directly north and south. We need not describe these roads more minutely,' but it may be well to state that the roadways, with the exception of being here and there cobbled, were not " made" ^ — tnade being a technical word, signifying the distinction between a road which has undergone the scientific process of being metalled by broken stone, etc., and a mere path or track from one point to another, which really the ancient roads had become.* The Fosse begins at Seaton, thence passes to Ilchester, Bath, Cirencester, through Warwickshire to Cleybrook in Leicester shire, thence to Lincoln, and ends at Saltfleet on the sea coast. The Via Badonica was from London to Batheaston, where it formed a junction with the Bath line, and is almost on the identical lines of the London road by Devizes, while, 1 The two books by which these roads are most clearly depicted are Ogilby's Kingdom of England and John Owen's Britannia Depicta. 2 The Roman roads were originally paved with flints, Roman bricks, and large flagstones ; but few examples were left when these roads were incorporated with the "made" roads in the last century. ' The laugh excited by the clumsy epigram on Marshal Wade's Scotch roads was without point or wit : — " Had you seen these roads before they were made. You'd have lift' up your hands and bless'd Marshal Wade." Early Days. 47 as above mentioned, the Fosse and Icening Street traversed the kingdom from south-west to north-east, parallel to one another, the Watling Street crossed them quite the contrary way with an equal obliquity, and Hermen Street passed directly north and south. The early part of the eighteenth century may be re garded, especially in relation to Bath, as the beginning of that great transition which was soon to effect a new epoch in the national habits. New energies were brought into action, and the vast inherent resources of the nation were about to be developed. In Bath this fact was to be illus trated in very many ways. Not a few of the old walled cities had been for some time emancipated from their fetters — their walls — which had not merely become anachronisms in themselves, but were impediments to progress in every sense of the word. Many towns and cities there were that still loved and clung to the old order of things, apparently for no other reason than because they were venerable. Bath, however, clung to its old city and its old walls for reasons dififerent from these. In the previous century the uselessness of the city walls as a defence had been proved more than once, and no pretence whatever could be or was urged by the authorities for maintaining a cordon of walls around it to protect any interest, curious enough, except their own. The marvel to us in these days is how a city, badly ventilated, ill- drained, lying, too, at that period on the lowest levels, with no means of expeUing foul air by the admission of fresh, could, as it certainly did, maintain its reputation as the healthiest city in the kingdom. Bath was, at this period, under a very paternal corporation ; and these city fathers had, by this time, become masters of the city. The city fathers, as we know, drew the parental ties a little too close ; their power was, locally, very great, indeed, almost absolute within the walls ; they elected one 48 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. another, and the ties of brotherhood or fatherhood were deeply laid in the foundations of self-interest. The time had come, however, when, if the breath of heaven were not per mitted to blow into and purify their city, public policy, public opinion, and public necessity, had become too strong for them, and their walls were soon to fall down like the walls of Jericho before the trumpets of the priests and the shouts of the people. The removal of the walls' opened up the streets and let in the fresh air ; public dust-heaps were no longer allowed to accumulate around the walls ; the various other abominations were rigidly removed from certain localities, which were then converted into beautiful sites, on which now stand some of the most dignified and beautiful groups of buildings in the world. The resistance to change and progress is to be looked for in one of those exceptional features which were at that time peculiar to Bath. The corporate body, from the time of Queen Elizabeth down to the beginning, and some time after, of the last century, had consisted chiefly of the professional men of the city — lawyers, doctors, apothecaries, and a few moneyed nondescripts, to whom the gains of corruption and pecu lation were always sweet. These men began, as we have often shown, by robbing the Church, the charities, and the public institutions, and they ended by robbing the citizens generally. The peculiarity of Bath consisted in this. From the middle of the sixteenth to the close of the seventeenth century, and a little later, not only was the whole municipal power in the hands ^ It by no means follows that we can approve the barbarous methods employed. The gates and walls were simply knocked down and carted away, no systematic effort having been made to protect and preserve the interesting historical and traditional figures which ornamented' the north and south gates etc. Transition Days in Bath. 49 of this class of men, but individually they possessed all the best houses,' some of which (notwithstanding Lord Macaulay and Wood^} were fine, stately old mansions, affording ample accommodation for their own private wants, and capacious state rooms for wealthy cripples and delicate valetudinarians. These privileges manifestly constituted profitable monopo lies, which they knew must vanish in the face of open competition and healthier abodes. It is an axiom that no reform is so effectual as that which proceeds from within, and in this case it proved so. The man who had the courage to risk the displeasure of his colleagues was George Trim, who, after gaining his point, was the man by whom the first street was built outside the walls, which bore, and still bears, his name.* At a little later period [1720*] began the great work of the first Wood, by whose genius, enterprise, and energy arose, within a period of thirty years, a city (even before the noble continuation of the work by his son) without an equal, or at that time a rival, in the kingdom. The corporate body of Bath, as has been shown, from the time of Queen Elizabeth to the close of the seventeenth century, if not a scrupulous body, possessed perhaps what 1 See Gilmore's map. ' The I2J. -a-week lodgings, of which Wood speaks, and to which Lord Macaulay refers, as the average character of Bath lodgings, were such as the needy fortune-hunter or the low gambler was glad to get in the minor houses in the minor streets. 5 It contains some fine houses, but has long been superseded by the later and nobler streets of Wood, Chambers, Baldwin, Harcourt Masters, and others. The house in which General Wolfe was Hving, with his father, when he was summoned to take charge of the Quebec expedi tion, was a beautiful mansion ; but as one passes it now, with its war emblems over the door, there placed in honour of the gallant soldier after his death, it is difficult to suppress a sigh. He became a resident in 1727. E 5o Life and Times of Ralph Allen. they deemed to be the utilitarian virtue of economy, especially when the exercise of that virtue failed to touch their own pockets. There were two Norman churches within the city, built immediately after the Conquest — St. Michael's and St. Mary's. The former occupied a site close to Westgate Street, at the termination of St. Michael's Place ; the latter was placed just within the North Gate. St. Michael's was used as a church until 1590, and St. Mary's until 1553, the last rector having been presented in 1541. Both churches fell into dis repair, but such portions as could be utilised were pressed into the public service. St. Mary's Tower was used as the city prison, whilst the nave was appropriated to the use of King Edward's Grammar School, so that very opposite ideas were " shooting" under the enlightened auspices of the Bath corporation. St. Michael's fell into decay, the tower having been removed late in the seventeenth century, and only the nave and an aisle remained ; and it would be difficult to say to what uses this comparative ruin had not been put. Early in the eighteenth century, however, on the appointment of Quash as Postmaster, what was left of the place was used as the local post-office.' The condition of the English Post- 1 Since 1730 the building has been used, first, for many years, as a tavern, then as a printing-office, then as a warehouse, 'then as the office of The Bath Herald, and since that period again as a warehouse under various forms. On one of the old windows (all of which have now been removed) various lines were written, and on one, curiously enough, the autograph of Cowper : — " Bath for distinction may cope with old Rome, But sulphur and fire are reserved for both's doom." " If thy good-spoken tongue thy bosom shows, Then let the secrets of my heart repose." " Oh, ye gods, what have I done ? Spent all my money and had no fun." Farewell to Bath, April 22, 1730. Old Post Office, Roads, etc. 51 Office at this period seems to have been most unsatisfactory in every respect ; in fact, it seems not to have grown with the growth and public wants of the country, and the Postmasters- General never seem to have risen to a due sense of the importance of their department. Public roads' there were none, and the local offices were allowed to drift into sad disorder. No post-office out of London could have been " Heavy and strong is the delightful chain By which Clarisda does my heart retain." " No tongue my pleasure or my pain can teU, 'Tis heaven to have you, but without you, hell." " If to her shame some trivial errors fall. Look on her face and you '11 forget them all." " I will love for ever, But ne'er shall have her." 1 In spite of some precautions, roads were often neglected, so that those who were not obliged to go on foot travelled almost entirely on horseback, women almost always riding astride like men. It was only at the end of the fourteenth century that a few ladies rode sideways. Kings and queens and exceedingly great people occasionally used lumber ing but gorgeously ornamented carriages ; but this was to enable them to appear in splendour, as this way of travelling must, at least in fine weather, have been far less agreeable than the ordinary ride. The only other wheeled vehicles in existence were the peasants' carts on two wheels, roughly made in the form of a square box, either of boards or of a Hghter framework. It was one of the grievances of the peasants that, when the king moved from one manor to another, his purveyors seized their carts to carry his property, and that, though the purveyors were bound by frequently-repeated statutes to pay for their hire, these statutes were often broken, and the carts sent back without payment for their use. — Rawson Gardiner. Every great personage who has visited Bath before 1720 rode on horse back, except Queen Anne, who travelled in a chariot, and nearly came to grief. Queen Elizabeth had an enormous retinue of horsemen and horsewomen in making her journey westward. Nearly all the eminent personages who visited our city as late as 1710, and even later, rode on horseback. See Hon. Miss Fiennes's account of her westward journey. E 2 52 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. much worse managed than that of Bath. Quash either could not deal, or did not care to make the attempt of dealing, with the disorders, which were of every sort and kind. But, as Mr. Herbert Joyce says, "there was one who realised not less fully than the Postmasters-General themselves the difficulties by which they were beset. He knew well, even better than they, how letters were being kept out of the post and transmitted clandestinely, and how, even on letters which fell into the post, the postage was being intercepted. But while the Postmasters-General regarded the evil as in curable, he thought that it might, at all events, be mitigated. This was Ralph Allen" ; and he was soon to show, not only that he possessed the capacity to conduct the local Bath post-office, but the foresight and the ability to devise and carry out a system which was of incalculable importance nationally, both in its immediate and future results. The Rev. R. Graves of Claverton, author of the Spiritual Quixote} writing about the year 1800, says : "An ingenious young gentleman, who has lately made a tour of the west, showed me a drawing of the house where Mr. Allen was born, which is still shown to strangers, not merely as an object of curiosity, but by many of those who had partaken of his bounty and are still living, with a kind of religious veneration. The house," he continues, "seems to have been the residence of a gentleman's family, and though now converted into a farmhouse, by no means warrants Mr. Pope's epithet of low-born Allen. "^ From an entry in the Registry of St. Blazey there is, under the year 1686, an imperfect entry, the legible parts of which are : "WUl. All ... . and Grace was mar .... 24th August." And then, in 1687, a John Allen and Mary Elliott were married. ' For many years Rector of Claverton, occupying the old manor house [now destroyed] above the beautiful terraces. '^ A subject on which more will be said as we proceed. Parentage. 5 3 Neither of these couples, however, were the parents of Ralph. This would be tolerably clear from the fact that, as Ralph was the first-born ofthe family, and his birth took place in 1693 or 1694, his parents must have been married after the dates given. But we find in a deed, dated 1724, that the name of Ralph Allen's father was Philip, and that he was the owner of the property he occupied at St. Blazey, upon which he was raising a mortgage from his son, Ralph, of £206. Many entries of births, marriages, and deaths of the Allen family occur in the Registry of St. Blazey even as late as the year 1810, but these may be passed over as foreign to the present design, even if these Aliens were of the same family, which is doubtful. Of Ralph Allen himself the baptismal register does not appear, and it seems probable that Ralph was born before his parents came to St. Blazey. The name of Allen is now no longer known in the parish. Mr. Allen's father seems, from the brief records that have come down to us, to have borne a high character for honesty and straightforwardness. Mr. Polwhele gives the following anecdote of him : — " In a severely-contested election for the county (Cornwall), in which the candidates were Edgcumbe, Boscawen, Granville (of Stowe), and Trevanion, Mr. Boscawen called upon Mr. Allen and asked him for a pint of his beer, requesting Mr. Allen to drink with him. Mr. Allen, being naturally obliging, had no hesitation in complying with the request of the stranger. Mr. Boscawen (who was incog!) took occasion to inquire the news of the neighbourhood and day, and the election being then most prominent, the subject was immedi ately introduced. After conversing in a mere cursory manner, Mr. Boscawen began to inquire into the general opinion of the private characters of the candidates, which Mr. Allen as freely gave him. Mr. Boscawen then inquired who this Boscawen was, and what Allen thought of him ? Allen observed, ' He 54 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. is much respected, I believe, in his neighbourhood ; but in his public capacity we all suspect him to be unsound.' The con versation having proceeded thus far, several of Mr. Boscawen's attendants came up and addressed him in his proper form. Mr. Allen felt abashed, and apologised for the freedom which he had ignorantly taken. ' Give me your hand, my honest friend,' cried the gentleman ; 'you have given me no offence ; here is your money for the beer. I hope soon to undeceive the county, and prove that Boscawen is not unsound.' " This anecdote is given for what it is worth. We confess we should have thought more of Allen if he had displayed a Uttle more independence by sticking to and defending his opinions. The " dropping-down-deadness", on learning the dignity and im portance of his visitors, detracts from the sturdy independence which the freedom of his criticism implied. The first mention of Ralph Allen is his having been placed under the care of his grandmother (whether paternal or maternal does not appear), who kept the post-office at St. Columb. " He there discovered", says Mr. Graves, " a turn for business, a cleverness in arithmetic, and a steadiness of application, which seemed to indicate his future eminence. The Inspector of the post-office having come into Cornwall, and among other towns having visited St. Columb, was highly pleased with the uncommon neatness and regularity of young Allen's figures and accounts, and expressed a wish to see the boy in a situation where ingenuity and industry might have a wider scope and more encouragement. Not long afterwards Allen's friends consented to his leaving Cornwall, and he appears to have come to Bath." Graves further said : " In what I am going to relate in these few anecdotes I do not pretend to great accuracy as to time and other circumstances ; but they are what were generally known and circulated fifty years ago (about 1750). when I first came to reside in the His early Duties and Zeal. 55 vicinity of Bath,' as facts of which few people in the neigh bourhood could be ignorant." Graves then goes on to say : "In the year 1715, Mr. Allen was one of the clerks in the post-office in this city. In this situation, having got intelli gence of a waggon-load of arms coming up from the West for the use of the disaffected in this part of England (who were supposed to have projected an insurrection in order to co-operate with that in Scotland and in the North of England), he communicated this to General Wade, who was then quartered at Bath with troops ; ¦ and who finding him a sensible, prudent young man, got him advanced after the death of Mr. Quash, who was then Postmaster, to that station, and afterwards married him to Miss Earl, his natural daughter." We give this story for what it is worth. The incident was said to have happened in the year when Graves was born, and was not related by him until eighty-four years after. At that time Graves, after a long, interesting, and exem plary career, was enfeebled by age and infirmities. Mr. Herbert Joyce, C.B., briefly refers to the supposed incident, which, if it rested upon any trustworthy evidence — evidence surely would have been found in the archives of the Post Office, and quoted. We doubt the truth of the story alto gether. In the first place, Marshal Wade never was quartered with troops in Bath ; in the second place, no rising in the West was at any time imminent; and in 1715 a waggon was a vehicle unknown, and if it had been, there was not a road at that period on which it could have travelled at the rate of a mile a day ; and lastly, from whence could arms have been procured in the West to have supplied the disaffected ? It is a romance ; and we need not go far for ' As Rector of Claverton, about a year before AUen acquired that estate, 56 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. other and more legitimate reasons for the rapid advancement of Ralph Allen in the postal service. Tradition says that Ralph Allen was born in 1693 or 1694, at St. Blazey. His father was Philip Allen,' the landlord ofa roadside inn in that parish known as " The Duke William", now converted into private dwelling-houses. This was one of the old-fashioned inns of those days which were models of comfort and respectability ; and Philip Allen was one of the typical landlords of the roadside posting-houses of that day. He was, from a few glimpses we get of his character, a clear-headed, well-educated man, who wrote a good hand, and who, if we may judge from his two sons, Ralph and Philip, and his several daughters, took infinite pains ' " It is no uncommon popular fallacy in estimating the dispositions and characters of self-made wealthy philanthropists, to regard them as a simple, easy-going class of men who repose in easy chairs, spread a napkin over their knees, into which Providence pours His bounteous gifts, without an effort on their part, or the exercise of brains, or fore thought of any kind whatsoever. Such creatures — the recipients of such bounty — there may have been, and such easy-come, easy-go beings may have dispensed freely that which cost them nothing, and of the value of which they never had a just conception ; but such people are not philan thropists, they are pauper-makers. Of such was not Ralph Allen. He was a true philanthropist. The wealth he acquired was through a keen and observant sagacity ; there were no means consistent with honour and strict integrity, no vigilance compatible with upright dealing he did not exercise in the pursuit of the fortune he accumulated. Hence he knew its real value. He gave not of that which cost him nothing ; but he gave with an open hand, a willing heart, and a noble spirit, when the object was worthy and the occasion opportune. His perception of what was good was quickened and enlarged by a never-ceasing desire to increase human happiness, and in his employment of labour he exhibited the keenest solicitude for his men in their workshops and their dwellings. He sought to improve their moral and material welfare, and so far recognized the obligations he felt towards those through whom he amassed no little of his fortune. If he obtained wealth he conferred happiness." — Author's Preface to another little work. Death of Quash — Allen succeeds hhn. 57 to train them practically, wisely, and well. In after life Allen received his sisters at Hampton and Prior Park, and corre sponded with them kindly and affectionately. Of his younger brother, PhiUp, frequent mention will be made in these pages. Ralph Allen as a lad was unusually grave, thoughtful, and intelligent, but without the least conceit or moroseness. When AUen came to Bath in 1715, it is clear that he had given, and was soon to give, further evidence of those pecuUar qualities — personal and official— -which were to inspire confi dence and respect. His personal appearance at this period was impressive rather than striking. About the middle height, with well-knit frame, head well set upon his shoulders, with very fine features— large mouth, and nose well-formed, clear large dark eyes, well-chiselled but rather too small a chin. But with this comely person he never, even in his salad days, seems to have had the least vanity. He was always plainly dressed in the style of the period, and his manner and address were set off by an inbred courtesy and a grave self-possession. " Hail, ye sweet courtesies of life, for sweet do ye make the road of it." At this time he laboured as few men laboured, but his duties and responsibilities increased, and none can tell how in those days he accomplished the official duties he had to perform whilst simultaneously carrying on the vast self-imposed duties in relation to the social and philanthropical work of the city. The earliest glimpse we got of him in his official career is from the pen of Mr. Herbert Joyce, C.B., in his most in teresting and able History of the Post Ofiice. He says, speaking of Allen at an early age : " Allen's experience in postal matters was probably unrivalled. He had, it might almost be said, been cradled and nursed in the post-office. He had, at eleven years of age, been placed under the care of his grandmother, who, on the post-road being diverted from South to Mid-Cornwall, was appointed Post-mistress of 58 Life and Ti^mes of Ralph Allen. St. Columb. Here the regularity and neatness with ¦which he kept the accounts gained for him the approval of the District Surveyor when on a tour of inspection ; and shortly afterwards, probably through the surveyor's influence, he obtained a situation in the post-office at Bath. When Quash, the old Postmaster, died, Allen was appointed in Quash's room." In 1719, Allen' offered to take in farm the bye and cross-post letters, giving as rent half as much again as these letters had ever produced. It was a bold offer, and, coming as it did from a young man only twenty-six years of age, and presumably without capital, not one to be accepted precipitately. Allen proceeded to London and had frequent interviews with the Postmaster-General. The earnestness of his convictions, and the modest assurance with which he expressed them, invited confidence, and on April 12th, 1720, a contract was signed, the conditions of which were to come into operation on the Midsummer Day following. " Much as we desire to avoid the employment of technical terms, it is necessary here to explain that letters, exclusive of those passing through the penny post, were technically divided into four classes — London letters, country letters, bye or way letters, and cross-post letters. For purposes of illustration we will take Bath, the city in which Allen resided. A letter between Bath and London would be a London letter, and a letter from one part of the country to another which in course of 1 After Quash's death, Allen continued to conduct the postal business in the old church nave until about 1727, and even a little later. This old church at that period was closely surrounded by houses and dwellings of the most objectionable character, and the neighbourhood infested by the " post-office hangers-on", who were the terror of the honest, and the " pals" of the dishonest officials within. The Cross Bath, near it, was at this time in a " tumble-down" condition. At a later period the Royal Baths were erected by Wood II, but at this time they were not much better than a wash-house. Cross-posts Organization. 59 transit passed through London would be a country letter. A bye or way letter would be a letter passing between any two towns on the Bath Road and stopping short of London — as, for instance, between Bath and Hungerford, between Hungerford and Newbury, between Newbury and Reading, and so on ; while a cross-post letter would be a letter crossing from the Bath Road to some other — as, for instance, a letter between Bath and Oxford. It was onl)' with the last two classes of letters that Allen had to do. The London and country letters were outside the sphere of his operations. '' On the bye and cross-post letters the postage for the year 17 19 had amounted to ^^4,000. Allen was to give £6,000 a year ; and in consideration of this rent he was for a period of seven years to receive the whole of the revenue which these letters should produce. Some letters, indeed, were excepted, namely, Scotch letters, Irish letters, packet letters, and 'all Parliament men's letters during the privilege of Parliament', and such letters as usually 'goe free', that is, letters for the High Officers of State, or, as we should now say, letters on His Majesty's service. No post under Allen's con trol, whether a new or an old one, was to go less than three times a week ; and the mails were to be carried at a speed of not less than five miles an hour. He was also to keep in readiness a ' sufficient number of good and able horses with convenient furniture' not only for the mails, but for expresses and for the use of travellers. One condition of the contract may seem a little hard. Allen's own officers were to be appointed and their salaries to be fixed by the Postmasters- General, and to these officers he was to give no instructions which had not been first submitted for the inspection of the Postmasters-General. Allen, by his sterUng qualities, had won the confidence of his fellow-townsmen at Bath, and there can be little doubt that they now gave him a practical proof of the estimation in which he was held." 6o Life and Times of Ralph Allen. This period was, no doubt, the turning point of Allen's career. From the last sentence quoted from Mr. Joyce, that gentleman evidently thinks Allen received pecuniary help from the citizens. " It is difficult", he says, " to understand how else he can have raised the funds necessary, for the pur poses of his undertaking. In the very first quarter, between the 24th June and the 29th September 1720, he expended in what may be called his plant as much as ;£'i,500, and made himself responsible for salaries to the amount of ;£'3,ooo a year." The citizens of Bath, at that time, were not at all likely to have helped Allen ; they, with a very few exceptions, "cared for none of these things".' It was about 171 8 that Allen's marriage with Marshal Wade's natural daughter, Miss Earl, took place ; that beautiful lady receiving from her father a large fortune. Marshal Wade was, even at that period, not only very rich, but he was also a very prudent, generous, and far- seeing man. No one in those early days was likely to under stand and appreciate the sterling qualities of Allen better than Wade, between whom a lifelong friendship subsisted ; nor to have been more impressed with the vigilance, sagacity, and foresight of Allen. The Marshal could not have failed to observe the disorder which prevailed in the old Bath Post Office, and the disgusting scenes that took place within and around it. After the arrival of every mail a large proportion of the letters arriving were handed over to the hangers-on for delivery, and on every letter an extra penny, and sometimes twopence, was charged by these men to the receiver. The serious minor difficulty, with which Allen in his early official days had to contend, doubtless was the disorganised 1 Seeing by the official evidence before him what manner of man AUen was, and what he had achieved in connection with the post-office, Mr. Joyce might well have formed such an opinion, but it was without foundation. Disorders of the Post-Office. 6i state of the staff which he found in the Bath Post Office. Quash had been for years entirely at the mercy of the clerks and the sorters, who were in league with the outside irregulars. When Allen entered upon his duties in Bath it is difficult to conceive a state of things more discouraging or more difficult to deal with ; and the locality of the office at the bottom of that narrow, dirty, and loathsome street (as it then was),' whilst it aggravated the special irksomeness of postal organi zation, increased the difficulties of applying an efficient remedy. Another source of perplexity to a Bath Postmaster was the perpetual fluctuation of the population. In 1715, and from that time almost until the death of Allen, the houses were not numbered ; and this, as may be imagined, facilitated the operations of the outside " hangers-on". There was some check afforded in that a large number of the distinguished visitors to Bath took up their abode at some of the "lodgings" distinguished by the names of the owners upon the houses^ ; these owners were the big men of the city, and realised very large incomes by this means. For instance, a careful corre spondent, writing from Bath, would write thus : " From Mr. More's Lodgings in the Churchyard", or, " From the Royal Lodgings by the Abbey Church", and so on. This method usually ensured a reply to such address. This, no doubt, was a special feature in the social life of Bath ; and therefore it would to a great extent be less liable to the confusion to which London and other large cities were subject from the absence of specific addresses. Of course, the first duty imposed upon Allen as Postmaster was to deal with the disorders of the local office. In this he ' The old one (Bath Street) was pulled down early in this century, when the present street was erected. ^ These houses, with the names of the owners, the leading men of the city, were illustrated in Gilmore's Map, recently republished by the Bath bookseUers, with a History, by Mr. R. E. M. Peach. 62 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. showed on a smaller scale what in course of years he was to display on a larger. He knew that if he dismissed a rogue he would get a bigger one in his stead. The process he adopted was to make the rogues see that in the long run honesty would pay them best. It is needless to say that this process demanded the exercise of all the patience, beneficence, and firmness even of Allen. This great moral duty was rendered the more difficult by reason of its having to be carried on in the locality of which mention has been made, with all the hindrances and impediments of which the " outsiders", over whom he had no control, were capable. If an irregularity, or a theft, or any sort of violation of post-office rules was com mitted, the culprit was " carpeted", and Allen, with a calm, kind smile would chide the wrongdoer in his own impressive manner, and at the same time would show him that no false pretence or evasion could deceive that calm and clear-headed employer. No man who was susceptible of moral impressions could resist appeals thus made to his sense of right, and faU to conform to the principle of duty. Allen knew if the appeal failed the case was hopeless. Be this as it may, the staff" of local clerks and other employes in Bath was transformed from a nest of rogues into a respectable body of men. There were great difficulties at that period in obtaining a suitable post-office ; and notwithstanding the unfitness of the Bath Street office and the serious objections to the locality, the business, with all its vast accession of Claverton Manor, General Characteristics. 87 missive to the point of weakness ; that his " humility" was an infirmity rather than a virtue to be admired ; that, indeed, he was lacking in manly dignity, and that independence of spirit which is the natural result of it. Emerson says : " It is the mark of nobleness to volunteer the lowest service, the greatest spirit only attaining to humUity." As Bishop Hurd said of him, " He comes up to the notion of my favourites in Queen Elizabeth's reign : good-sense in connection with the plainest manners — simplex et nuda Veritas!' This was precisely the humility which adorned Allen's life and character — not the humility which, like that of Uriah Heap, was always proclaim ing itself There was in AUen a quiet reserve, a calm subdued dignity and courtesy, and the self-possession which indicates the well-bred gentleman. Then there was another quality possessed by Allen which has been almost entirely overlooked, we mean his instinctive aptitude for business, and his keen sagacity in the pursuit of it. It is a mistake to suppose that Allen opened his mouth and the good things fell into it. He had many a hard fight with the Government of the day, and his correspondence at each successive development of his great national work reveals the conscious power and self- reliance of the man. We shall endeavour to show, moreover, that in Allen's local enterprises he was not simply the easy-going philanthropist of the come-easy, go-easy type. He was a man of large con ceptions, full of resources ; and being rewarded by com mensurate fruition, so he dispensed his hospitality and his bounty with an unsparing hand. The story' that Allen's ' The story, in short, is this : When Allen described the character ot the mansion he proposed to build in Prior Park, Wood, in astonishment, asked him if he had counted the cost thereof Allen, by way of answer, showed him a series of boxes filled with gold. To those who know anything either of Wood or Allen the story needs neither explanation nor denial- 88 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. notions as to the mansion he proposed to erect at Prior Park utterly confounded his friend and architect, John Wood, may be partly true. The error underlying this statement, how ever, is typical of many others relating to Allen : it im putes to him a kind of recklessness, whereas Allen was especially circumspect and vigilant in all his schemes and expenditure. In this particular instance, so far from Wood being " confounded", he first had to prepare the plans from Allen's instructions ; and having done so, and submitted them for his approval. Wood proceeded to carry them out. Wood was a man who knew his own mind, and he had elaborated his designs not merely to secure unity of archi tectural grandeur, but also certain features which should realise several unique characteristics, especially in the roof and portico' (see illustration). Here, again, Allen's conduct illustrated the quality to which we have referred. When it came to the point of carrying out certain features in the roof of the stables, Allen resolved upon a modification of them ; Wood remonstrated, but to no purpose. Allen had his own way ; the relations between the two men became strained, and, on the completion of the first portion of the work, Wood's direct connection with Allen ceased. The eastern wing, the Palladian bridge, planting, etc., were en trusted to other hands, a year or so before Wood's death. Warburton's Introduction to Allen. The following extract, written in 1856, from the Rev. Francis Kilvert's Essay on Allen, whilst describing the in cident which led to the introduction of Warburton to Prior Park, will also, to some extent, show the footing on which Pope stood in 1736: — " Mr. Allen lived in so noble and hospitable a manner, that no one distinguished by rank, learning, or eminence in any profession or public ' When built (and we believe still), the largest in England. Kilvert's Essay. 89 employment came to Bath, but was either invited to or introduced at Prior Park. Mr. Pope was almost a constant inmate in thefamUy during the Bath season, for many years. This intimacy commenced previous to the vear 1736,' and originated in the high opinion of Pope, formed by Mr. Allen on reading his first volume of letters, which led him to off'er to print a second volume at his own expense. To these circumstances attestation is borne by Pope's letter to Allen ( Works, vol. vi, p. 320, edit. 1770). During one of his visits, Mr. Pope, being one day at dinner, had a letter dehvered to him by the servant, on which, having inspected it, he shook his head ; and on Mr. Allen asking what was the matter, he answered that a Lincolnshire clergyman, to whom he had \ery great obligation, was coming to make him a visit at Twickenham. ' If that be all', said Mr. Allen, ' invite him to come hither. Let him come to Chippenham in the stage-coach, and we will send our carriage to meet him and bring him to Prior Park.' The Lincolnshire clergyman was Warburton, then the simple Incumbent of Brand Broughton, in that county. In a letter to Warburton, dated from Prior Park, Nov. 12th, 1 74 1, Pope says : — ' My third motive of now troubling you is my own proper interest and pleasure. I am here in more leisure than I can possibly enjoy, even in my own house, vacare literis. It is at this place that your exhortations may be most eff'ectual to make me resume the studies I had almost laid aside by perpetual avocations and dissipations. If it were practicable for you to pass a month or six weeks from home, it is here I could wish to be with you ; and if you would attend to the con tinuation of your own noble work, or unbend to the idle amusement of commenting upon a Poet who has no other merit than that of aiming, by his moral strokes, to merit some regard from such men as advance truth and virtue in a more eff'ectual way ; in either case this place and this house would be an inviolable asylum to you from all you would desire to avoid in so pubHc a scene as Bath. The worthy man who is the master of it invites you in the strongest terms, and is one who would treat you with love and veneration, rather than with what the world calls civility and regard. He is sincerer and plainer than almost any man now in this world, antiquis moribus. If the waters of the Bath may be serviceable to your complaints (as I believe, from what you have told me of them), no opportunity can ever be better. It is just the best season. We are told the Bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Sherlock) is expected here daUy, who, I know, is your friend ; at least, though a Bishop, is too much a man of learning to be your enemy. You see I omit nothing to add to the ' In Bath 1734, afterwards continued at Hampton Manor until 1740. go Life and Times of Ralph Allen. weight in the balance, in which, however, I will not think inyself light, since I have known your partiality. You will want no servant here. Your room will be next to mine, and one man will serve us. Here is a library, and a gallery 90 feet long to walk in, and a coach whenever you would take the air with me. Mr. Allen tells me you might, on horseback, be here in three days. It is less than 100 miles from Newark, the road through Leicester, Stowe- in-the- Wolds, Gloucester, and Cirencester, by Lord Bathurst's. I could engage to carry you to London from hence, and I would accommodate my time and journey to your conveniency.' Again, Nov. 22nd: — 'Yours is very full and very kind : it is a friendly and a very satisfactory answer, and all I can desire. Do but instantly fulfil it. Only I hope this will find you before you set out. For I think, on aU considerations, your best way will be to take London in your way. You will owe me a real obligation by being made acquainted with the master of this house, and by sharing with me what I think one of the chief satisfactions of my Hfe — his friendship.' Of this invitation Warburton did not fail to avail himself On the 3rd March 1742, we find him writing, as follows, to Dr. Doddridge : — ' In Nov. Mr. Pope sent me so pressing an invitation to come to him at Mr. Allen's, near Bath, seconded by so kind an in\'itation of that good man, that I could not decline a long, tedious winter journey by London. I stayed at Widcombe in the most agreeable retired society with two excellent persons, so very dear to me, till after the Christmas holidays.' This was the ' tide in the affairs' of that remarkable man, which he ' took at its flood', and which ' led him on to fortune'. So successfuUy did he cultivate this advantageous introduc tion that, in 1746, Mr. Allen gave him in marriage his favourite niece, Miss Gertrude Tucker. In 1757, through Mr. Allen's influence with Mr. Pitt, he was appointed to the Deanery of Bristol ; and in 1760, through the same interest, became Bishop of Gloucester." It might be added that Allen repaired the Deanery at considerable cost, and subsequently the Palace at Gloucester. "Low-born" and "Humble". It was in 1735 that the famous couplet was written — " Let low-born Allen with an awkward shame Do good by stealth and blush to find it fame," and in 1738 that the epithet low-born was changed tolmmble; and the incidents that followed illustrate the independence and dignity of Allen's character, "Low-born" and " Humble'. 91 Pope's alleged aim in changing " low-born" to "humble" was to divert attention from the lowly origin to the modest and unpretentious character of Allen ; but the change of epithet makes no difference, as Pope must have foreseen. The general reader, not knowing the literary history of Pope's famous couplet, interprets humble with reference to birth ; and connoisseurs who do know the history and recollect the original reading, low-born, are not likely to interpret the word humble in the non-natural sense which Pope (a master of subterfuge) alleged to be his meaning, but will rather exclaim : " Who dares think one thing, and another tell, My heart detests him as the gates of hell.'' fPope's Iliad, Book I, x.) Let us reverse the case, and suppose that Allen, ex hypothesi a master of language, had first of all stamped Pope in litera ture as a disreputable person, and then changed the epithet disreputable to low, declaring at the same time that he meant low to have reference to Pope's stature ; would Pope's dis pleasure at the original epithet have been appeased by the second one, it being clear, under the circumstances, that neither the general reader nor the connoisseurs would be diverted by Allen's non-natural definition ofthe word low? There is no record, however, that Allen felt hurt or remon strated' about the allusion to his humble parentage, which a man ofhis native nobility could well afford to treat with lofty disdain ; in fact, the only reputation injured by the allusion is Pope's. It is said that Warburton remonstrated with Pope before ' The story has been told so often, Hke the story about Queen Elizabeth's visit to Harington, and some of the Sherston fables, that it has got into the warp and woof of our local Histories and Guides Warner, Tunstall, and others give it as an indisputable fact, without any investi gation of their own. 92 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. he changed the epithet from low-born to humble. No such remonstrance can be traced, either in express terms or im plied. Nor is it likely, seeing that Warburton did not know Allen until three years after the later version was written. The history of this famous couplet is altogether independent of the quarrel between Pope and Allen, of which much was told us by Mr. Dilke in his Papers of a Critic ; and Mr. Elwin and Mr. Courthope made quite clear what remained to be told. We believe both Allen and Warburton quite under stood and appreciated Pope's motive in writing the couplet. They could not impute to him an offensive intention, because both versions appeared some years before the fatal quarrel took place. We will endeavour, as simply as possible, to relate this curious and interesting literary episode as affecting our local Maecenas. The couplet first appeared in the Epilogue to the Satires, which was pubUshed in " the folio" edition in 1735. In 1738, three years before Allen and Warburton had met, Pope writes to Allen :— " Pray tell me if you have any objection to my putting your name into a poem of mine (incidentally, not at all going out of the way for it), provided I say something of you" (which, by the way, he had already said three years before, using low-born instead oi humble) "which most people will take ill, for example, that you are no man of high birth or quality ? You must be perfectly free with me on this, as on any, nay, on every other occasion." In the November following he writes again to Allen : — " I am going to insert in the body of my Works my two last poems in quarto. I always profit myself of the opinion of the public to correct myself on such occasions ; and sometimes the merits of particular men, whose names I have made free with, for example, either good or bad, determine me to alterations. I have found a virtue in you more than I certainly knew before, till I had made experiments of it, I mean humihty. I must, therefore, injustice to my own conscience of it, bear testimony to it, and change the epithet I first ga\'e you of low-born to humble. I shall Pope s Duplicity. 93 take care to do you the justice to teU everybody this change was not made at yours, or at any friend's request for you, but my own knowledge you merited it." This letter appeared in Warburton's edition of Pope's Works (9 vols.), 1751, seven years after Pope's death, without animadversion or comment. It is more than probable that .•\Uen and Warburton perceived the bad taste by which such a letter was dictated. The tone of patronising condescension could not have escaped the observation of either of them, but they quite understood the little great man.' It is not likely that Allen, with his proud reserve, even if either of the epithets had given him pain, would have condescended to complain, or that he at a later date would have sanctioned any remon strance on the part of Warburton. Besides, the letter of Pope surely would have elicited an expression of disapprobation if such feeling had existed. We do not presume to deal with Pope, except so far as it may affect his relations with Alien ; and it affords some ground for amusement to find a man like Warner, if he did not invent it, accepting such a story as he relates, without any sort of reserve or qualification, as to the cause of the breach between Allen and Pope : — "Amidst this consteUation of geniuses, Pope shone the distinguished star ; he had become intimate with Allen from the personal advances of the latter, in consequence of an esteem he had conceived for him on reading the surreptitious edition of his letters in 1734. But the friend ship of a wit is not to be depended upon. Pope, who visited -much at Prior Park, and found the house so comfortable as to be desirous of being there more, requested Mr. Allen to grant him the mansion at Bathampton, in order that he might bring Martha Blount thither (with whom Pope's connection was somewhat equivocal) during the time of his own residence at Prior Park. This request AUen (whose delicacy was extreme) flatly refused, which so exasperated the little wasp, that he ^ Pope was himself the son ofa llnendraper in the Strand. 94 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. quitted his house in disgust, and never afterwards expressed himself in terms of common civility with respect to his old host and former friend." There is not one word of truth in this statement. All traditions affecting Pope and Allen associate the former with Prior Park. We have shown in an earUer chapter that Prior Park was not ready for occupation until Nov. 1741, and, there fore, Pope could have visited Allen there only twice. This alone would suffice to refute the foregoing silly statement ; the ground of quarrel not being between Allen and Pope at all,, nor is there any reason whatever for the imputation of immoral motives. The truth is that both Martha Blount and Mrs. Allen were women of high temper. Little is known of the merits of this dispute ; but it appears that Martha Blount being towards the end of 1743 on a visit with Pope, at Prior Park, a difference arose between her and Mrs. Allen, of which the poet was in some way the cause, and they at once left Prior Park and proceeded to Lord Bathurst's at Cirencester. Another explanation ofthe mystery was that Martha Blount, after her quarrel with Mrs. Allen, insisted that Pope should cancel his obligations to Allen, and refund the sums he had received from him. Pope yielded to her demand, and after bequeathing his books to Allen' and Warburton conjointly, he went on to say: " In case Ralph Allen, Esq., should survive me, I order my executors to pay him the sum of .^150, being to the best of mj' calculation the amount of what I have received from him, partly for my own, and partly for charitable uses. If he refuses to take this himself, I desire him to employ it in any way I am persuaded he will not dislike, to the benefit of the Bath Hospital." Allen aUowed the money to go to the hospital, remarking ' Lord Orrery, writing from Marston, July 14th, 1744, to Mallet, a friend and (in Bath) a neighbour of Allen's, on the North Parade, says : "It is reported that Mr. Allen is extremely enraged at his share of money, not of books, or rather at the manner in which it is given." Allen visits Pope al Twickenham. 95 that " Pope was always a bad accountant, and that if to ^^150 he had put a cypher more, he had come nearer to the truth." Warburton received all the printed books and copyrights of the poet's own works.' At Warburton's death he bequeathed his library to Bishop Hurd. Allen was hurt that his generous friendship should, coupled by a misrepresentation, be flung back to him with disdain ; and the indignation he expressed was natural. The public joined their censure, and Johnson says that Pope " brought some reproach upon his own memory by the petulant and contemptuous mention of Allen, and the affected repayment of his benefactions." Allen, in a sense, cared not for the money or for the books, any more than he cared for being called loiv-born and humble. He knew his own motives, and if he expressed any sense of disappointment it was because he had less to bestow upon the hospital he loved so well. The moiety of the books he surrendered to Warburton, not be cause he was indifferent to books and literature, but simply because he did not wish to divide so precious a collection. Overtures for a reconciliation were made by Allen,- and in reply to his letter, Pope (March 6th, 1744) writes : " I thank you very kindly for yours. I am sure we shall meet with the same hearts we ever met ... I must see you here (Twicken ham) or nowhere. Accordingly, Allen went to Twickenham, and there the reconciliation took place. It was between the time of the quarrel and Allen's visit to 1 Many ofthe calumnies touching Pope and Martha Blount, arising out of the quarrel at Prior Park, were promulgated immediately after Pope's death. Warburton ha'd a perfect knowledge of the facts, and, as a gentleman and a bishop, ought to have given the true version on the opportunity afforded him in the edition he issued of Pope's works in 1751. He not only did not do this, but he suppressed many documents which, in justice to Martha Blount, he ought to have pubhshed. 2 A fact in itself sufificient to refute the silly calumny of Warner and others. 96 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. Twickenham, on the 17th March, that Pope altered his will, inserting the offensive clause ; and, whether urged by Miss Blount, or by his own petulant and vindictive temper, to insert the offensive clause, he might, and probably would have altered it before he died, but his last illness came upon him too suddenly. It is at any rate reasonable to sup pose that, after his letter, he would have done so. Martha Blount very earnestly declared that when Pope told her his intentions with regard to the mention of Allen, she in vain tried to dissuade him from it ; and there is no reason to doubt her word. Hip Knob. (See page 85. ) PRIOR PARK. [Three events were to happen in 1742 : namely, the election of Allen to the Mayoralty ; the opening of the General Mineral Water Hospital ; and the completion ofa portion of Prior Park.] T may be well to introduce the sub- ^ ject by quoting Thicknesse's' bitter but amusing description : — "A noble seat, which sees all Bath, and which was built, probably, for all Bath to see. The Founder of this House and Family was Ralph Allen ; of low Birth, but no mean Intellects. It is said, the Postmaster of Exeter, being caught in a Storm upon a dreary Heath, in Cornwall, took shelter in a poor Man's Hut, the property of Allen's Father, and being kindly received by the humble Host, and seeing some Marks of Genius in this Boy, proposed taking him under his Care and Protection ; a Proposal very acceptable to all Parties. He was accordingly taught to read and write, and then employed in the Post-Office, to re ceive and deliver Letters ; during his Resi- the Postmaster, had formed a Scheme in , 1)....'., ., V Carriage Entrance, within second Lodge Gate. dence there, Mr. ' Prose Guide, 1788. Thicknesse was not a favourite of Allen's, and this explains the animus displayed by the former towards the latter on every occasion. The statement above quoted may, in the main, be regarded as an invention. ^ The Postmaster's name, as we have shown, was Quash, of which the writer seemed in ignorance. H 98 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. which young Allen's Pen and Head were employed, of establishing a Cross-Post all over England ; but Mr. was unable to carry it into Execution. Mr, Allen, however, possessed of some Materials for so great an Undertaking, and a much better Head, leaving his Master soon after, carried this great National Convenience into Execution ; and while he was supposed to be gaining a Princely Fortune by digging Stones from the Bowels of the Earth, he actually picked it off the Surface,' by traversing the whole Kingdom with Post-Horses. He was said to bear his great Prosperity with Humility, and to conduct all Business with the utmost Probity. That he affected a Simplicity of Manners and Dress, we can testify ; but we can by no Means allow that be was not a Man deeply charged with Pride, and without address enough to conceal it. His plain Quaker-co\ov,rt.d Suit of Cloaths, and Shirt Sleaves with only a Chitterlin up the SHt, might, and did deceive the vulgar Eye ; but he could not bear to let POPE (who was often his "Visitor) call him what was true (low-born Allen), but made him substitute in its Place, that which was false^ (humble Allen). He was not, however, mean, for we once ate a most magnificent Dinner at his Table, served to thirty Persons, off Dresden China, and he seemed to take infinite Pains to shew his Munificence in every Respect. He left behind him, however, a Nephew and Namesake, whom we lately followed to the Grave, amidst the unaffected Tears and Sorrows of all, but those who might profit by his untimely Death. For he was one ofthe noblest works of God !"' For centuries the quarries, of what is technically called Bath stone or oolite, had been more or less worked, and the stone wrought for facing noble buildings, as well as being largely used for small ornamentations in courtyards, gardens, 1 The insinuation meant to be conveyed by the writer is, that Allen needed a plausible pretext to cover his excessive gains by his postal con tracts. If the reader has perused the notice of the Hampton and Combe Downs machinery, their nature, and extent of the works, the personal labour and anxiety which they both involved to Allen ; if, again, it be considered that the postal contracts were carried on eleven years previous to Allen entering upon those estates, the ill-nature which prompted Thicknesse's malignant suggestion will be only too obvious. ^ A statement we show to be untrue. ^ This was Philip AUen's younger son, Ralph, who died unmarried August 30th, 1777, aged 40. The Stone Quarries. 99 etc. These smaller articles found their way to all parts of the kingdom, the stone being soft and easily worked into the most ingenious forms and patterns, while, after exposure, it proved as durable as the hardest stone known, and con sequently admitted of little competition ; whilst the larger blocks were principally used only in the district. One of the most enterprising of the ornamental stonecutters, early in the last century, was Thomas Greenway ; and for forty or fifty years the art continued to develop and flourish in the hands of many others, some of whom had been taught their business by Greenway. The house now known as the " Gar rick's Head" was built by Greenway,' ostensibly to display the elaborate Bath-stone ornamentation. This is the house in which Beau Nash lived before he removed into the "next door", the house in which he died, and in which Mrs. Delany and the then Miss Berry afterwards respectively resided.^ The stone business in Allen's hands increased so rapidly that, about six years after he became possessed of the quarries at Hampton Down, he acquired the entire estate of Prior Park and Combe Down, with a single exception, as will be seen, with all the quarries and royalties ; and the first thing he did was to construct two tramways, one connecting the works on Combe Down with the basin and the river in the Dolemeads, and the other, which we have described, in connection with Hampton Down. .A.t this time modern Bath was springing up ; Queen Square^ was already built, the Parades were in progress,* and all these were built of Bath stone ; but still Allen had to contend with the prejudices, the professional 1 Whom we have already noticed. " Greenway Lane" is so called after this ingenious person. 2 The house is stiU standing in Gascoyne Place, next to the theatre. The entrance doorway is exceedingly fine, but is obscured by the atrium of the theatre. ' Begun December 10, 1728. * Finished in 1735. H 2 IOQ Life and Times of Ralph Allen. opposition of architects, and every species of difficulty by which interested persons could and did impede the sale and use of Bath stone for important buildings remote from Bath.' He seemed to have exercised all his faculties in the develop ment of the stone trade ; he built cottages for the workmen to be near their work ; he erected sheds to protect them while dressing the stone ; and in thus saving time he saved the cost of production, and also very greatly increased the " out-put" ; he established the principle of piece-work, and he did also what seems to have been unusual in those days, he paid his men weekly, and treated them humanely. The exception, to which reference has been made at the beginning ofthe last paragraph, was the quarry of Milo Smith,^ one of the promoters of the navigation of the Avon. He, it appears, opposed Allen on his own ground. But there was another opposition from the master-masons, who were deter mined, if possible, to get the control of the business into their own hands; Allen dealt equitably with Milo Smith, whose quarry he purchased, and soon convinced the masons that he was too just to act oppressively towards them. Allen also proved to them that, in the matter of the domestic trade, he was their best friend. The London architects, as early as 1728, set their faces against the Bath stone. They were interested in other quarries, and refused to look at the product of those at Bath. They compared it to Cheshire cheese, not only in its colour and texture, but in its Uability to breed maggots, which would soon devour it. They said it would not bear any weight, and was wholly unfit for London work. At a meeting held in the presence of the Governors of Greenwich Hospital, Mr. Colin Campbell, their architect, being ' Block stone in the rough at this period was delivered at the Avon side for 7^. bd. per ton, and, as Wood asserts, " stone fit for the walls of a palace for the greatest prince in Europe." '^ Mayor of Bath in 1732. The Stone Quarries. loi present. Wood, with a Bath stonemason, attended to submit specimens of the Bath stone, and to compare it with other stone, all of which was laid upon the table. Campbell by mistake took up the wrong stone, and pointing to the defects, vvhich he alleged were peculiar to the Bath stone, opened the eyes of the Governors to the unprincipled opposition to its use, the direct consequence of which was that they effected a reduction of thirty per cent, on the Portland stone for the work then to be added to the hospital. One of Mr. Allen's purposes was thus attained. He had exposed the selfish objects of those who opposed the use of the Bath stone, and opened the eyes of many whose minds had been prejudiced against it. Many men would have been discouraged by the great difficulties by which his efforts to bring Bath stone into the London market were met ; but, having so far succeeded, he continued for some time to persevere, though he did not attain complete success. In this spirit, as we show, he resolved to exhibit the Bath stone in a mansion " near his works to much greater advantage, and in much greater variety of uses than it had ever appeared in any other structure". When Prior Park was built the fame of Bath stone spread everywhere, and contracts were sought for public and private buildings — in some cases en bloc, in others in detail ; and these contracts were entered into under the personal super vision of Wood. This arrangement with Wood lasted for five years ; and although it terminated amicably, and a clerk of the works,' together with a stafif of competent persons, was appointed to conduct Allen's business. Wood evidently thought himself inadequately paid for his services. At the time Ralph Allen purchased the Priory Estate it was of comparatively little value, as has been shown. The 1 Richard Jones, to whom Allen bequeathed one year's salary. In The '45 Rebellion, Allen at his own cost raised a company of volunteers, of which Jones took the command. I02 Life and Times of Ralph Allen._ situation was noble, and the configuration admirably adapted for a grand mansion. In the " olden time", before the Dis solution, it would seem that the Priory lands were laid out tastefully, and with some degree of grandeur ; but even as early as Leland's visit to Bath, during Prior Holeway's time, the " wauUes" were neglected and the " dere" sold, and there were other symptoms of neglect and decay. The presage of coming troubles seems to have cast a gloom over the capitular executive, who, though anxious to build a new cathedral or abbey, had allowed their estates to fall into decay, apparently because exhausting demands had been made upon their financial resources for the building of the present Bath Abbey.' It may fairly be questioned whether it was a righteous act ' The Cathedral of John de "Villula, especially the eastern portion of it, even as early as 1400, was in a hopeless state of dilapidation ; but at the close of the century little more than the bare walls were standing. The first effort made to build the Abbey was begun by Prior Cantlow in 1491, by the clearing of the site, the preparation of the stone, etc. ; and at that period this was a work of time, patience, and cost. In 1496 Bishop OHver King was translated from Exeter to Bath and Wells, and immediately began that great work in his diocese which has made his name so venerated. He had no power to command with regard to the building operations, but he had the power to exhort, to help, to infuse courage and zeal into those by whom the great work was to be accomplished ; and this he did from the time of his accession to the time of his death in 1503. Cantlow died in 1499, and .at that time much progress had been made. The Bishop, in proceeding to appoint a successor to Cant low, whilst holding Birde in high estimation for his general qualities and his personal piety, hesitated in his choice because he distrusted Birde as to his qualifications in directing and carrying on the great work of build ing the sacred edifice. It is a notable fact that, whether Birde was aware or not aware of the good Bishop's distrust, he devoted his whole life, zeal, and energies, to the work of his office and the raising of the sacred pile; and this care, seeing what was to follow from neglect and indiff'erence, saved the buUding from destruction. By this we mean that the work he left completed was so done as to survive even the neglect to which it was exposed during the Reformation as well as at a later period, The Priory Lands. 103 on Henry's part to reduce the Church to beggary ; to allow this Prior, by whom the Bath Monastery was surrendered, to starve on ";^30 a yere" in a "dwellyng at 20s. per annum", whilst nearly the whole ofthe Church lands were bestowed on his illegitimate daughter, who married the first Harington of Kelston.' Holeway's last days were spent in Sowter Street, within the South Gate,^ and the fair work of his and his predecessors' hands (the Abbey) was sold with remorseless disregard as to its sacred character, and without the smallest provision being made for the clergy of Bath and all within its jurisdiction. The Royal Reformer thought the Bathonians had no souls ; and it is pretty clear that the members of the Corporation had very small ones, if it be true, as there is little reason to doubt, that the Commissioners offered them the "carcass" ofthe Abbey, which they declined, on the ostensible ground of their distrust of the Royal Commissioners, but really because they shirked both expense and responsibility. After the Reformation, many of the benefices that had been confiscated at the time of the Dissolution were repurchased and restored by the lord and the squire. The Priory lands at the time of the Dissolution originally comprised the Wid- comb^ of Camalodunum,* the Lyncomb,^ the Smsillcomb, Bathwick, and certain properties within the precincts of the walls or liberties of the city. It was in the year 1728 that the incident connected with the Greenwich Hospital Governors occurred as to the rela tive qualities of Bath and Portland stone, which no doubt decided Allen to build a large mansion with Bath stone, though ^ The father of Sir John Harington, by his second marriage. ^ Removed bodily when the walls and gates were pulled down about 1755- ' The wide combe, or valley, extending from the road bounding Wid combe House to the head ofthe Dunum, or hill, as the word signifies. * This, so called by W^ood, must not be confounded with the Camalo- dunum of Colchester. '' Lyncombe signifying the watery valley. I04 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. it was not until some years afterwards that he carried his resolution into efifect. When the ground was broken and prepared for the foundation is not clear from any authority to which we have access ; but from the nature of the soil, and some natural difficulties that had to be overcome, it is probable that the site was not ready until 1737. Some idea may be formed of the nature of the preparatory work from the fact . that for the foundation, or stereobata, of the central mansion alone,' 800 tons of freestone, in large blocks, were required, so that for the whole work it may be assumed that the founda tion walls required in the aggregate not less than 30,000 tons of stone. The conception of the general plan by Wood was on a larger scale, and the building itself more ornate than that which was finally determined upon and carried out. Nor was this the only important modification of the design. In the first dream of this big house — in the exuberance of his fancy to " exhibit the Bath stone in a seat he had determined to build for himself near his works" — Allen had pictured a mansion in which the " Orders of Architecture were to shine forth in all their glory". But ultimately this ideal yielded to a style less elaborate in principle and detail. Writing some seven years after the completion of the house, Wood says (vol. i, p. 96, 2nd edit.) : " The Seat consists of a Mansion House in the center, two Pavilions, and two Wings of Offices ^ We do not know, but we suppose the site was chosen by Wood, inas much as he is silent on the subject. It appears to us, as it has appeared to others better qualified to judge, to be too low down, occupying, in fact, the watershed of the East Lyn, one consequence of which was seen in the difficulty of getting good foundations and a safe outlet for the water. For, besides the enormous cost, provision had to be made by the con struction of immensely strong permanent culverts under the foundations for its escape. If a higher site had been chosen all these evils would have been obviated, "and the position would have admitted of an open south front, which is now " cribbed, cabined, and confined " under the excavated bank. East. Prior Park and Tramway. (From a Print of the Period.) West. io6 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. All these are united by low buildings ; and while the chief Part of the whole Line fronts the Body of the City, the rest faces the summitt of Mar's Hill."'^ It is probable that the adoption of the less magnificent and costly design was due to Allen's own desire, because Wood says, in reference to the grander design, " the warmth of this resolution at last abating, an humble simplicity took its place". Stables and Pavilion. In pursuance of the modified design, the west wing was begun, but again some deviation from the design was made before its completion. This wing consisted of a principal and half-storey, extending 172 ft. 8 in. in front by 34 ft. 4 in. in depth on the plinth course of stone. In the centre there was the hay-house, 20 ft. high, with a pigeon-house over it of the same altitude, four six-horse stables, three coach-houses, with a harness-room behind them at one end, a barn at the other end, and proper granaries in so much of the half-storey as was to be over the stables, coach houses, and harness-rooms. The stables and hay-houses were arched or vaulted over with stone, which was so intended from the first by the architect, who borrowed the idea from the stables of Mr. Hanbury of Pontypool. The rest of the floorings and roof of the whole were intended to have been of timber, covered with Cornish slate. But in the execution of the building Allen resolved to make use of nothing but stone for a covering for this wing of offices. This substitution of stone for timber disarranged the architect's plan, and the changing of the material for the roof not only interfered with the altitude of some of the offices, but also greatly interfered 1 Applied to that part of Mons Badonica, or Mount Beacon, which we now distinguish as Lansdown. Wood says the name is so called from Lan, signifying. temple, and Dunum, a hill. A mere fanciful theory. Lansdown simply signifies Lan, Celtic for land, and Down, a hill. Building of the Mansion. 107 with the essential characteristics of the building itself Of the external walls, only that which fronts the south was faced with wrought freestone ; and this was to have exhibited the Doric order in its plainest dress, but so high as to include a principal and a half-storey above it, separated by a fascia or band. A tetra-style frontispiece in the middle of the whole line, before such an advanced part of the building, was to have contained two of the staircases, one on each end of the hay-house, and at the same time appear as a proper basement of the pigeon- house, which was to have crowned the edifice with magnifi cence and beauty ; for the basement extends 50 ft., and a square of that size in the middle of the building was to have been covered with a pyramidal roof, divided into two parts, and to have discovered the body of the crowning ornament. It will be seen, therefore, in what respect the change affected the edifice. The joists intended for the timber roof had such a projection given them in the design as would have afforded protection in wet weather to persons walking from one part of this wing of offices to the other. When, however, the ends of the joists came to be represented in stone, they were con tracted to small corbels, of little use and less beauty, when considered as part of the crowning ornament to columns of the Doric order. The stables were divided into six recessed stalls on every side, arched, and lined with dressed stone. Allen treated his horses like gentlemen. They were richly caparisoned, and he always had four to his coach,' in which his guests drove out with much state. Wood was not quite satisfied, however, with the stables ; he wanted a little more magnitude, and would have preferred a recess at each stall to contain a bin for each horse. This wing was finished about 1736 or 1737.^ ' Alien seldom used a carriage, unless he went beyond Bath. ^ It may be well to state that the domain, as well as the mansion, during the occupancy of Mr. Thomas, from 1817 to 1827, suffered very io8 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. After the completion of the west wing, the pavilion was to serve as an arch for coaches to drive under, and as a poultry and pigeon-house. This structure was built and finished with wrought freestone. The lower part of it was composed of four hollow legs, each 9 ft. square by 1 3-5- ft. in length, every front containing an aperture of \6 ft. in breadth, all arched over. The body of the building was crowned at the altitude of 22^ ft. with a cornice, surmounted by a plain attic, 6 ft. in height, supporting a pyramidal design, terminating in an octagonal pedestal turret, 10 ft. in diameter, covered with a dome, the whole being finished with an ornament, con sisting of a base, ball, baluster, and vane, making the extreme height 59 ft., or 39 ft. above the vaulted arch for coaches. The cells for pigeons were made of wrought freestone. The poultry were similarly provided for in the low building by which the west wing was united with the pavilion. It consisted of three rooms, facing southward, with three apertures to every room, arched over. Central Mansion. Some deviation from the general plan was rendered neces sary by the addition of a closet, which destroyed the con tinuity of the original basement lines of the central mansion, from the necessity it involved of placing the pavilion lower than was intended. Another consequence was that the line having thus been broken, the architect felt no scruple in laying the foundation of the main central structure higher than was originally intended ; and the bottom of the plinth was, much from parsimonious neglect. In 1829, Bishop Baines, of honoured memory, purchased the estate, and repaired, as far as possible, the mischief done ; and we believe it was he who built the stately flight of steps on the north side of the central mansion. Of this part of the history Monsignor Shepherd has written an interesting account. g a. •7- I IO Life and Times of Ralph Allen. therefore, 15 in. higher than that of the west wing.' The building thus elevated stood upon the plinth course of stone, 147 ft. in length by 80 ft. in breadth, inclusive of the projections in front and rear, and consisted of basement, principal and chamber stories, with garrets taken out of the altitude of some of the rooms of the latter. The mansion was constructed of solid blocks of very large dimensions, in equal courses both within and without, with a course of brick between ; so that the walls were equally strong on both sides, and were able to bear the superin cumbent masonry without being liable to " buckle" under the weight. The rooms in the basement storey were 12 ft. high, but a narrow passage, running through the middle of the house from end to end, was lower by i foot. The chimneys in the several rooms were dressed with architraves, some of which were crowned with their proper friezes and cornices, all in freestone ; and with the same material the door-cases next the passage were made, architraves being worked upon the external faces as the proper dress for the apertures. This passage being divided into five equal parts, regularly finished with freestone ornaments, became the beauty of the inside of the basement story, the rooms of which re ceived their light from square vs^indows in the north front, but those on the south from oblong windows. It should be added that not only were the walls of the entire house outside and inside built of Bath stone of the best quality, carefully wrought in the sheds, every stone for its place, but the floors of the basement rooms were laid with the hard, calcined, shelly ragstone, which is the first bed or stratum, or as Wood further says, " the roof of the subterraneous quarries", the next stratum being the " picking bed", which is not so hard and durable. On this basement storey were a servants' hall, a housekeeper's room, a butler's pantry, and a room for ' The general Ulustration distinctly shows this. Building of the Mansion. I II the footmen, a small-beer cellar, a strong-beer cellar, wine vault, laundry, bakehouse, kitchen, scullery, larder, and pantry There were also a dairy and milk-room, with scullery, and an apartment set aside for W.C.'s should " any such conveniences be wanted within the body of the house". The several rooms were arched, or vaulted over by stone, and the stairs also made of stone, so that the defects peculiar to plaster were effectually avoided in this almost uniquely - constructed house. On the first floor the hall extended from the front to the rear of the house, and to the eastward of the hall there were a parlour, study, store-rooms, chapel, and back staircase ; to the westward a dining-room, drawing-room, bedchamber, dressing-room, and principal staircase ; and to the northward a portico or grand pavilion. The altitude of this pavilion, as well as that of the chapel, was determined by the base of the roof; but all the other rooms were covered over at i6 ft. of height, the whole of the architectural ornamentations being of Bath stone, though these were afterwards removed from the parlour and dining-room, which, to the disgust of Wood, were then lined with oak, the irate architect denouncing it as a "depredation". Some compensation, however, was vouch safed to him by his being permitted to finish the whole ot the upper stories, passages, and gallery (20 ft. high), as well as the chapel, with dressed stone. The chapel was of the Ionic order, sustaining the Corinthian. The parlour was finished in the Ionic order, and the dining-room, hall, principal staircase, and gallery were completed in the Corinthian order. The portico, already mentioned, on the north front was a hexastyle ; and it seems that, although divested of some of its beauty for the convenience of the garret windows, it was designed by Wood to excel in grandeur that which had been just executed at Wanstead by his old rival, Colin Campbell. The portico consisted of Ionic columns supporting a Corinthian The Lawn and Palladian Bridge. 113 entablature. The columns were 3 ft. i^ in. in diameter, which exceeds the Wanstead column by i^ in. ; the inter- columnation being what is called a systylos or systyle — i.e., the space between the columns equalling two diameters of the shaft at the bottom, whilst the distance between each of the plinths on which the column or shaft rests is equivalent to its own diameter. The entablature was carried all round the house, with the exception of the west end, where it was sacri ficed to the exigencies of the windows. Each front was crowned by a handsome balustrade. The east wing was designed by Richard Jones, and the object was chiefly to provide bedroom accommodation. It contains a hall and a picture-gallery ; and this wing is connected with the centre by an open corridor. In the midst of the grove was a fine lawn, sloping down from the house ; near the summit of this lawn rose a plentiful spring, gushing out of a rock covered with firs, and forming a constant cascade of about thirty feet, not carried down a regular flight of steps, but tumbling in a natural fall over the broken and mossy stones till it came to the bottom of the rock, then running off in a pebbly channel, that, with many lesser falls, winded along till it fell into a lake at the foot of a hill, about a quarter of a mile or less below the house on the south side (facing north-west). The lake was (and still is) in the midst of a grove, and the cascade gushed out of a rock ; but we have shown that the site of the mansion was the watershed of the south-east branch of the Lyn ; and after issuing from the rock, the water passed through the culverts constructed under the foundations, then formed the cascade, passed into the small lake in the grove, then entered an open channel, and passed into the pretty lake at the bottom ofthe park. Richard Jones designed the exquisite Palladian bridge by which it is spanned, and of which Allen, in 1751, laid the foundation stone. There is a I 114 Zi/"^ and Times of Ralph Allen. full-length portrait of Garrick, painted by Gainsborough, one of that master's greatest works, done at Prior Park. We wish we could give a more circumstantial account of the local asso ciations which connect it with Prior Park. The figure of Garrick is very characteristic, and the attitude seems intended to represent Genius ; the right arm is carelessly thrown round the base of a bust of Shakespeare resting upon a plinth, whilst in the distance, to the left, the Palladian bridge is the conspicuous object. Besides the east wing, Jones erected near it a small, but very pretty cottage for the gardener. After Allen's death this cottage was called The Priory, and has recently been enlarged and transformed into a lovely residence. Within a few yards westward of the upper lodge gate is the entrance to what once was a very pretty and well-kept private walk, traditionally known as Pope's Walk. This walk runs parallel with the carriage road, and leads down to a picturesque old arch, which forms a roadway over a narrow chasm, and was manifestly intended in former times for, and used as, a path for the use of the shepherds to cross with their flocks. This walk was not laid out until ten years after Pope's death. On each side is a quickset hedge, and at intervals there are lovely peeps of the distant scenery to right and left. The Royal Mineral-Water Hospital. In Bath the institution of and for which the city has most reason to be proud and thankful is the " General Hospital ", as it was originally called. It had its origin in, perhaps, one of the greatest evils that ever affected the city, an evil arising out of a crude Act of Parliament passed in 1597, giving a right to the free use of the baths of Bath to the diseased and impotent poor of England. Each parish was authorised to grant a limited sum to a suffering parishioner, and all such i'vsu.¥--'"r 1 16 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. sufferers were forbidden to beg. Some of these people were impostors, feigning illness, whilst others soon became de moralized ; and even those who were honestly disposed, after getting here, had no means of returning to their homes ; and the result of all this was " the beggars of Bath".' The streets for a century were infested with these " beggars", who were insolent, vociferous, and dangerous ; the evil, in fact, was so great that in 17 14 the Act referred to was repealed. About two years after (1716), Lady Elizabeth Hastings^ and Mr. Henry Hoare proposed the founding of a " Water Hospital" for the benefit of proper objects of relief. Sir J. Jekyl and Mr. Nash and the famous Dr. Oliver^ being also amongst its earlier supporters. Later, many others joined in the laudable attempt to raise funds to promote the object. Many difficulties had to be overcome, and in the year 1724 the project was far from being regarded as a success. A sum of £9,172 had been received ; but it was obvious that little would be left out of this sum for an endowment fund after the expenses of erecting a hospital had been met, and so it proved. From this time until 1727 the scheme was in abey ance. In 1734 an Act of Parliament was obtained, when an accession of gentlemen, including Ralph and Philip Allen, joined the committee ; and then, besides the pecuniary diffi- 1 The expression, " Go to Bath", arose from the reception of these " beggars" at " The Bath" The importunate beggars in distant localities were sometimes met with the unwelcome advice, " Go to Bath". — Fuller's Worthies, co. Somerset; M.&c]s.a,y's Journey through England, Letter VIII, P- 413- 2 Lady Elizabeth was the younger daughter of the seventh Earl of Huntingdon, and resided in Bath. She was devoted to charity and acts of kindness ; and, what is more, she was a woman of great judgment. ' He was famous as a physician, as a philanthropist, as a beloved citizen ; and he was the inventor of " Oliver's Biscuits"- Water Hospital. 1 1 7 culty, that of obtaining a suitable site' proved a serious one. Two conditions were indispensable, namely, its com parative openness and its proximity to the springs. These obstacles frustrated the efforts of the committee until 1737. Wood, the eminent architect, then came to the rescue, and by his energy, business aptitude, and judgment every diffi culty was obviated. At the corner of what is now Union Street, near the famous old " Bear Inn", immortalised by Smollett,^ stood some old buildings, one of which had been used as a theatre, in which at this time plays could not legally be enacted. Wood purchased the whole of the ground 1 Wood says : " Years were spent in this pursuit, in obtaining a suit able site, and several new designs, attended with great incidental ex penses, were made by me to answer various situations and various pur poses of the Trustees. At length the suppression of play-houses by the Act of Pariiament, which took place the 24th of June 1737, and the death of Mr. Thayer the 9th of the following December, determined the matter in one week's time. For the Trustees, meeting on the 22nd of December to consider of a new Treasurer, after admitting Mr. Farquhar into their number, Dr. OHver made them an offer of some land belonging to him, to build a hospital on, and it was accepted. But great opposition arising instantly against the Agreement, the Trustees at a 2nd meeting, on the 29th of December, declared it void ; and resolved to accept of a new off'er that was made them of the theatre erected in the year 1705, as above, together with two dwelling-houses, some out-houses, and stable belonging to it, the estate of one Mrs. Carne, for £^io more than it stood engaged for to the above-mentioned Mr. CoUibee."'* ^ " The communication (from Queen Square) with the Baths is through the yard of an inn, where the poor trembling valetudinarian is carried in a chair, betwixt the heels of a double row of horses, wincing under the curry-combs of grooms and postillions, over and above the hazard of being obstructed or overturned by the carriages which are con tinually making their exit or their entrance." The landlord was Phillott, one of whose sons was Rector of Bath ; another son was a banker, while another son was an officer in the Army. * Mayor of Bath in 1785. 1 18 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. for ;^892 lOi-., with an annual ground-rent of ;^io 6s. 3^. ;' and this ground was prepared for the great work. The first stone of the building was laid on July 6th, 1738, by Sir William Pulteney (afterwards Earl of Bath), by whom the Bathwick estate had recently been acquired. It should be mentioned that, as the hospital was for the benefit of all patients throughout the country, except Bath^ suffering from certain disorders, a general appeal was made throughout the country for support, by Mr. Hoare, the treasurer and banker, and this appeal was fairly successful. Almost the nrst public example of Allen's bounty, after he had successfully organized all his public undertakings, was in connection with this " National Institution'\ Wood prepared the designs free of cost ; and as soon as the site was cleared, Allen contributed and delivered all the freestone, wrought stone, paving stone, wall stone, and lime (valued at ;£'i,ooo), to build and complete the walls ; and afterwards he presented all that was needed for doorways and structural fittings of every kind, duly prepared under the care of Wood, each part ready for its place ; and to the capital account he added ;^ 1,000. Perhaps it should be stated that the building of his own mansion, at Prior Park, was proceeding at the same time. From October 1724 to 1742, when the hospital was com pleted, £9,172 was received from all sources ; the cost of building (not including Allen's material) was a7,330, thus leaving ;£'2,042 for investment. In May 1742, the institution was completed and opened for 130 patients.3 In October, a sermon in further promotion of ^ Since redeemed by the governors. ^ An exception since abolished. ^ To avoid the old evils of making paupers and leaving them in our city, the Governors in all cases received a deposit, which defrayed the travelling expenses each way of a patient, or covered the funeral expenses in case of death. This condition is still in force, Water Hospital. 1 1 9 its interests was preached by Warburton' at the Abbey Church, from the text, " Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in Heaven." The sermon was an admirable and effective explanation of the design and objects of the institu tion, the preacher dwelling with force upon the comprehensive character of its constitution. It was open to the nation, it appealed to the nation. The list of contributors from 1724 to 1742 is an interesting one, and contains some well-known historic names ; Allen, in 1741, adding .^500 to his previous donation, and becoming an annual contributor of .;£^2i. In 1758 a sermon was again preached in the Abbey Church by the Rev. R. Olive, in promotion of the capital fund of the hospital, and resulted in the sum of ^^"1,366 being collected generally. This and other sums, in addition to various endowments from time to time, if they have not altogether obviated the annual appeals for support, have preserved the hospital from that painful urgency which occasionally charac terizes the appeals in support of similar institutions. From the first, there is little doubt that this valuable institution has been conducted with admirable firmness and prudence,^ and with every regard to kindness and humanity. Allen, doubtless, was deeply attached to and proud of this 1 Besides this and the Thanksgiving Sermon preached in the chapel at Prior Park on the Suppression of the Scotch Rebellion, in 1746, Warburton preached a series of sermons at the Abbey, published in two small volumes at the cost of Allen. These and two small volumes of sermons preached in the chapel at Prior Park are all that he published in connection with Bath. ^ Shortly after its establishment, a charge was made against a member of the medical staff An inquiry, under the presidency of Philip Allen, showed an amount of care, combined with a judicial regard for truth and justice, which' rendered the inquiry a model for all such painful investi gations. I20 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. hospital, in the successful promotion of which he had borne his honourable share. In a document now in our hands, written by Allen himself for his private use, he has noted down, apparently for personal reference, " An account of my money to be apply'd to good purposes, from Midr. 1744 to do. 1745: The General Hospital, Bath, ;^4So; St. Bar tholomew's, London, .^300." Then follow sums to parishes, to initials; one to the quarry surgeon, £^0 ; one to Mrs. (Sarah) Fielding, .^20, and so on ; the whole amounting to upwards of ;^i,5oo. The document is endorsed, " Mem. of the Applica tion of Charity Money for the year ending with Midr. 1745. If I should Live so Long."' From this time until his death there was the same quiet energy, the same business-like earnestness, and the same " doing good by stealth" for the gratification of his own heart and feelings, and the same steady open support for the sake of precept and example. "Bath, July 8, 1842. " Last Thursday being the Day appointed for laying the Foundation Stone of the intended General Hospital of this City, above twenty of the Trustees and Contributors met at the ' Rummer Tavern' and proceeded from thence to the Place appointed for erecting the Hospital, when the first stone was laid, on which was the following Inscription : " ' This Stone was the first which was laid in the Foundation ot the General Hospital at Bath, July 6, a.d. 1738. God prosper the Christian Undertaking.' " When the Ceremony was completed, the Gentlemen return'd to the ' He, lived for twenty-one years to witness the success of the hospital, and it may be confidently affirmed that from that period, 1764, until now, there has been no breach in that honourable record. If Allen could now look down upon the work of his own age he would see, on the site of what then was the Rectory House of Bath, the duplicate of the unique institution which he did so much to foster and establishj and which enables the hospital to receive 171 patients. It needs but one feature to render it complete, and that is the statue of Allen in the hall. Postal Organization. \ 2 1 'Rummer', when His Majesty's Health, and that ofthe Prince and Princess of Wales, General Wade, and other absent Benefactors, were drunk, and aU the Demonstrations of Joy possible shown on the Occasion, everyone appearing pleas'd with a Design so excellently well calculated for the good of Man in General and the Welfare and Happiness of the People, Wretched and Miserable, in particular. An handsome Present was made to the Workmen, and the Bells rang on this happy Occasion." — London Evening Post. POSTAL Organization. During the period when he was building his noble palace, developing his vast stone quarries, and promoting the Water Hospital and other benevolent undertakings in and at a dis tance from his own city, Alien was at the same time devoting his energies to the discovery of all the weak points in the post- office, devising new safeguards, and constructing new, quicker, and permanent methods. Every obstacle was thrown in his way by the indifference of the Postmasters-General; and when his well-considered plans became irresistible, these generous and almost useless officials sanctioned and adopted them as their own.' Allen's knowledge of localities, trade, and manufac tures was marvellous. He seems, however, almost to the close of his second contract, to have encountered more difficulty in dealing with and extirpating deliberate roguery and obstruction in certain districts, than in carrying out his practical schemes generally, and thus founding a system. Of the character of the postal business in itself, at that time, we have now little conception. The non-stamping of letters, the difficulty of getting vouchers, and the ingenious methods adopted by the local postmasters for writing and sending sham letters, and then obtaining from the post-office a rebate of the postage of such letters — these, and similar evils, were no small difficulties to deal with. The great object, next to the ' See Mr. Herbert Joyce's valuable History of the Post-Office, pp. 136, 137, 138. 122 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. practical advantages of postal reform and its enormous import ance to the country, was to purge the local post-offices of all their corrupt, dishonest, and obstructive abuses, and transform the officials into honest, rational men.' To this end Allen used ever}' means ; his patience, his forbearance, his simple but impressive remonstrances, were in the end successful ; but it should be especially observed that every rogue perceived that he was " spotted", that he had been weighed in the balance and found wanting, and that it rested with him by risking all to lose all. In a word, Ralph Allen achieved a twofold good ; he successfully devised a great national reform, and trans formed, ultimately, a whole department of rogues into honest men ; and truly he could say, " Alone I did it." The chapter on Allen in Mr. Joyce's book is by far the most interesting in his valuable work. It is the record of a 1 " At this time, 1735, and for many years subsequently, the mails were carried on horseback by post-boys, most of whom were sad rogues. In the year quoted a surveyor wrote : ' At this place {Salisbury) found the post-boys to have carried on vile practices in taking the bye letters, delivering them in this city, and taking back answer, especially the Andover riders. On the 15th found on Richard Kent, one ofthe Andover riders, 5 bye letters, all for this city. Upon examining the fellow, he confessed he had made it a practice, and persisted to continue ijt it, saying he had no wages from his master. He was taken before the magistrates, convicted, and elected Xo be whipped rather than imprisoned. Inspector ordered him to be dismissed ; without effect. Next day Post- Office authorities sent same fellow post, who was insolent, took up letters, resumed the postage charges, and then, with two other fellows, rode off" with three of the Government horses.' The inspector had his revenge, and Allen suffered no more from the delinquent, Richard Kent. This anecdote illustrates the general condition into which the Government had allowed the department to drift. Mr. Lewins says, in Her Majesty's Mails, p. no : ' Mr. Allen not only reaped golden harvests, but deserved to do so. His energy and careful organizing powers are worthy of all praise, and, inasmuch as he laid the foundation for the future improve ment of the Post-Office, and carried out schemes over which officialdom had failed, he deserved the gratitude of posterity.' " Postal Organization. 1 2 3 new era, the working out of a new system, and the opening up by energy, indomitable pluck, and a rational intelligence, of a system of national communication, on which the future commercial supremacy as well as the social happiness of the nation were chiefly to depend.' The Government methods, as late as 1741, even with Allen's example before them, were vicious beyond description. When Allen showed these states men how to set the egg on its end, they thought it was too simple for men so transcendently perverse as they were to adopt.^ In 1741 began the fourth septennial period of Allen's contract. Mr. Joyce tells us that " in consideration of his contract being renewed there was an important condition, which Allen undertook to carry out. This was to convert the tri-weekly posts into posts six days a week, and to take the whole expense upon himself" Accordingly, in 1741, the post began to run every day of the week, except Sunday, between London and Bristol, between London and Norwich, and between London and Yarmouth, all the intervening towns participating in the benefit. When the distance (about 120 miles) is considered, which had to be accomplished on bad ' At the time Allen entered into his first septennial contract he was only 26 years of age, and when the first three years of that contract had expired he was a loser by the transaction of .£270. That fact neither deterred him from persevering, nor in the least diminished his confidence in ultimate success. /-^ \ 2 Lord Lovel and yr.) Carteret (afterwards Lord Carteret and Earl GranviUe) were men of ^reat ability, but too indolent to grapple with a great practical question, involving endless detaUs, on the carrying out of which the success of the whole system depended. Mr. Joyce describes the cross-posts system as foUows : " A bye or way letter would be a letter passing between any two towns on the Bath road and stopping short of London — as, for instance, between Bath and Hungerford, between Hungerford and Newbury and Reading, and 124 L^f^ ^^^ Times of Ralph Allen. roads on horseback, great weight having to be borne, with many stoppages, this was a great feat. Gradually this privi lege was extended over the whole country. It must here be observed that Allen had to encounter not simply the inherent difficulties of his own responsible duties, but he had to deal with the unpopularity and distrust resulting from the sins of the Government. There was scarcely an abuse, or any kind of espionage and treachery, of which the Government at this time was not guilty through the private office, which was independent of the Postmaster-General, for opening and inspecting letters. The head of this office was "Willes, Dean of Lincoln, who, on this iniquitous office being abolished, was gazetted Bishop of St. David's, and in 1743 was translated to Bath and Wells. The office of a spy seems to have been a very strange training for the duties of a bishop. The House of Commons abolished this shameful office in 1742, but the Bishop continued to flourish from 1742 until his death in 1774. It may be said that Allen's official duties consisted in the extension and perfecting the system which, under every conceivable disadvantage, he had established ; and in this arduous work he had to encounter, not simply the ordinary difficulties and complications of postal business in itself, but the perverse, obstructive, and reactionary tactics ot the Government, out of which had sprung the evasion, the dishonesty, the delays, the trickery, and the rapacity of the officials employed, from the post-boys to the postmasters and the higher officials. These officials, it seems, had little to fear from detection, for they usually escaped with impunity, except in most glaring cases. Allen, on the contrary, never permitted a misdemeanant to escape — unless he chose to escape by becoming honest and amenable to authority and order. There was not an evil, not an abuse, of which succes sive Governments were not guilty. The Postmasters-General, Postal Distances and Progress. 125 from the earliest times down to the passing of the several Turnpike Acts, 1707, 1721, and 1739, seemed to be guided by no trustworthy computation of measurement. Bristol, which by road was 105 miles 3 furlongs, was reckoned by " vulgar computation" at 94 miles' ; Bath, 103 miles, by " vulgar computation" 82 miles^ ; and these were only two examples of the many which generally prevailed. Out of this strange error, which involved the whole system of mileage, Allen ot course had everywhere to bear the odium resulting from the alleged injustice to his employes ; but the real injustice was to himself, the Government, having the most complete know ledge of the facts, denying him freedom of judgment and action. In this, as in other questions affecting the welfare of the people — commerce, literature, and art — the Government in relation to them had one aim and one alone, that was, to get as large a revenue as they could, without regard to increasing population, advancing civilisation, or political necessity. Allen understood all this. He knew that unrestricted inter change of correspondence meant national progress in art, in literature, in commerce ; and of this policy he laid the founda tions. Where officialdom had failed he succeeded, and we owe to him ungrudging thanks and gratitude. So far as we can judge, he was the only man of his time who possessed all the personal faculties and remarkable qualifications to deal with a question of this nature. First, by his perfect knowledge of the subject and his unique powers of organization ; next, by his personal sympathies and never-failing self-command and equable temper ; and lastly, by his indomitable courage, ^ Ogilby's work, Britannia ; or, the Kingdom of England and ttie Dominion of Wales, actually Surveyed, etc., by John Ogilby, Esq., etc., 1728. 2 The lines of road differed from the present, but the relative distances were identical. Bristol, for instance, was approached by way of Marsh field and by the road we now caU Tog HiU. 126 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. combined with a never-failing courtesy which, amid all the difficult and complex nature of the system, secured to him the esteem and respectful co-operation of his vast staff scattered throughout the land. Allen it was who initiated the great postal reform ; he it was by whom the foundation was laid for future improvements, and to him and such as him we owe, in great measure, one of the greatest luxuries and blessings of modern times — a quick, a cheap, and an effective postal system. Social and Private Life of Ralph Allen at Prior Park. In dealing with the private and social life of Ralph Allen, we are bound to confess that we are wholly at a loss to tell our readers how he got through such a prodigious amount of difficult labour. There were two large stone quarries, in volving not simply a close inspection and careful supervision, but all the trading details which of necessity followed. There were all the complicated details of the postal business, with its ramifications, extending over England and Scotland, with stafifs of clerks and executives spread over the land.' There was a considerable home estate, much of which, having been neglected for a century, was denuded of its timber, its fencing destroyed, and its population demoralized. There were houses he was building in the city needing much care and. supervision, besides the constant additions to, and alterations in, his large mansion ; and from first to last, on his plantations, Jones tells us he expended ;^S 5,000. Yet, withal, nothing escaped his observation or his careful inspection. He was always calm and collected, always finding time for works of kindness, whether in relation to institutions or individuals; and at ' The staff in the Bath Office, under Allen's own direction, by whom the supreme orders were issued, consisted of only four or five clerks. Social Life at Prior Park. 1 2 7 the head of his own hospitable and princely board not a guest failed to receive his courteous notice and kindly smile. We do not mean to say that Allen could work impossibilities ; but, in all cases, he was able to accomplish so much by reason of his clear and rapid perception of what was best to be done, and by an equally clear and concise method of giving his direc tions, whether orally or in writing. Mr. Joyce quotes many illustrations of this peculiar and valuable gift. Allen knew his own mind ; and if he did at any time make mistakes, he did not waste time by grieving over them, thus adding to the loss. He never seemed to allow his mind to be oppressed, and in all his intercourse with citizens or strangers, he left the impression that the subject matter of conversation alone occupied his mind. When Ralph Allen, in 1742, entered into possession of Prior Park there was no " society" in Bath ; none, as Burke has it, amongst whom " the sentiments which beautify and soften private society were to be found." There was no sympathy • no bond of union, amongst the various classes that then came to Bath. Every person who visited Bath, from the highest to the lowest rank, i.e., from the wealthy aristocrat to the low born adventurer, cared nothing about society in the ordinary sense of the word. The assemblies were characterized by intrigue, libertinism, and vulgar gossip. As Smollett wrote: "We have music in the pump-room every morning, cotillions every forenoon in the rooms, balls twice a week, and concerts every other night;" and later, he adds, " this place, which Nature and Providence seems to have in tended as a resource from distemper and disquiet, is become the very centre of racket and dissipation .... Instead of that peace, tranquillity, and ease, so necessary to those who labour under bad health, weak nerves, and irregular spirits, we have nothing but noise, tumult, and hurry, with the fatigue and slavery of maintaining a ceremonial, more stiff, formal, and 128 Life and Times of Ralph Alkn. oppressive than the etiquette of a German Elector!' Here was the pith of the whole matter. This was the formality under the shadow of which the gambling was organised, the victims " spotted", and the modus operandi arranged. There was literally no such thing as social intercourse — the confidential intermingling of persons to cultivate the "exercise of those graces which adorn the sociable life", which was really the ideal at which Allen aimed at Prior Park for upwards of twenty years. SOCIAL LIFE AT PRIOR PARK. HE period from 1742 to 1763 in Bath abounds with an interest all its own. The social life at Prior Park was unique, giving to it a special and pecuUar histori cal significance. Allen effaced all the IM^^^^C stiff and preposterous barriers and con ventionalities by which society was kept asunder. The gambler of the highest social rank of either sex would meet the most disreputable knave at Lady Hawley's or Wilt shire's Rooms, to lose a fortune ; but they had not learned to tolerate the faintest distinction of social rank in ordinary life.' Allen brought together men and women of various ranks and grades — " And so, in grateful interchange Of teacher and of hearer, Their Hves their true distinctions keep While daily drawing nearer.'' In this, Allen displayed -all his tact, and showed no little knowledge of mankind. At Prior Park he never lost or desired to lose touch with his old middle-class friends. States men, lawyers, " lords and ladies of high degree", met members 1 It may also be remarked that, in the Assemblies, the same absurd exclusiveness prevailed. There were benches for the duchesses, benches for ladies of lower rank, and benches for the commonalty. K 130 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. of the corporation, and others, on all occasions ; and if, like Philip Thicknesse, they fed from off Dresden china, they did not afterwards, like that gentleman, vilify the master of the feast. All Bath guests invited to Prior Park for concerts or to dine, or for any other social purpose, were expected to sleep at the mansion ; but in the winter, if for special reasons any of them desired to return home, they were accompanied by private watchmen and link-boys. Allen was an early riser, always ready to welcome his guests. Fielding speaks of him, " as walking forth on his terrace in the morning, when the sun was rising in the full blaze ofhis majesty," than which he says, " one object in the lower creation could be more glorious, and that Mr. AUworthy presented ; a human being replete with benevolence, meditating in what manner he might prove himself most acceptable to his Creator by doing most good to his creatures." The domain offered temptations of pleasure and gratification to some ; the picture gallery to others. There was no stately, repelling, ostentation towards guests, who saw and felt the hearty welcome of their host. It was in 1728 that the Princess Amelia, when she was quite a young woman, visited the city. In 1752 she revisited Bath, staying with the Duke and Duchess of Bedford in Queen Square, and afterwards resumed her old quarters at the Westgate House. On this occasion she was accompanied by her brother, the Duke of York.' They, with the Duke of Bedford, and many other distinguished guests, were enter tained at Prior Park. The visit ended by Allen offering his mansion and establishment to the royal pair, which offer was accepted, he and Mrs. Allen, Warburton, and Mrs. Warburton, going for the time down to Weymouth, where Allen had a house. Gainsborough and Garrick often met at Prior Park; and 1 Princess Buildings (corrupted into Prince's Buildings), and York House and Buildings, were respectively called after these two personages. Gainsborough, Garrick, Quin, Yorke, Potter. 1 3 1 here it was that the famous artist painted one of the portraits of Garrick. It was at Allen's table that Quin (a frequent guest after the "old cock" came to Bath to "roost", first at Mrs. Simpson's,' in Pierrepont Street,^ and then in the Abbey Yard, where he died), also met Gainsborough -^ and it was at Allen's table that the incident occurred between Quin and a noble lord. Quin, having uttered one of his irresistible witticisms, the nobleman observed : " What a pity 'tis, Quin, my boy, that a clever fellow like you should be a player !" " Why, my lord, what would you have me be, a lord ?" Warburton was nearly always of the party, and he was wisely permitted to do as he pleased ; and what he pleased to do was usually acceptable to those present. He afifected humility by selecting the stupidest person at the table by whom to sit, and with whom to converse, which may have been a way of manifesting his arrogance towards the more distinguished guests. Charles Yorke, in his earlier manhood, was a frequent and most popular guest at Prior Park. He was the second son of the second Earl of Hardwicke, who occupied the house. No. I, Wood Street, where Charles sometimes resided with his father. Charles Yorke was a lawyer of distinguished ability, marred sadly by habits of intemperance, but, withal, a man of charming manners, and much beloved at Prior Park. At the moment when (six years after Allen's death) he had attained to the Lord Chancellorship in 1770, he died by his own hand. Thomas Potter (who was a close friend and adherent of Pitt, succeeding him as M.P. for Old Sarum, when the latter resigned the representation to accept that of Bath in 1757), second son ' He left Mrs. Simpson ;£ioo at his death (see below). ^ The house referred to in Pierrepont Street was, at a later period, the residence of Lord Chesterfield. ' JJe bequeathed Gainsborough ^^50. 132 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. of Archbishop Potter, was an ardent friend of AUen's, and a most popular visitor at Prior Park.' Potter was a tall, well-formed, courtier-like man ; and perhaps, in some measure, this fact gave rise to the rumour that Mrs. Warburton's admiration was not purely platonic. She was much younger than her husband, and was a woman of great beauty, witty, high-spirited, full of mirth, and very attractive. William Pitt had been an occasional resident in Bath for some years before he was elected M.P. for the city in 1757, and before the Circus was built, in which he pur chased No. 7, about 1760 (that side being first completed). He was sometimes the guest of a friend, and occasionally an independent visitor, and a constant attendant at the Baths. The incident which separated the political con nection of Pitt with the city was a source of deep and painful regret to Allen, of which the details are fully given in another chapter. Apart from Allen's admiration for Pitt's splendid abilities and character, a great friendship and mutual affection existed between the two men. We have no doubt that Allen paid Pitt's election expenses, both in 1757 and 1761. Writing from Prior Park to Mr. Pitt in 1756, Potter says : " The scenes at Prior Park change every hour, but the worthy owner has a heart that cannot change. The present joy at the birth of an heir [Ralph Allen Warburton, son of the bishop], does not respite the labours of the gardener. Half the summer will show the bridge ; the dairy opens to the lake [it is still standing, but sadly changed] ; vast woods have taken possession of the naked hills [already referred to], and the lawns slope uninterrupted to the valley." 1 Potter was a firm adherent of Pitt, and evidently on most intimate and cordial terms with him. Potter was appointed Secretary to Frederick, Prince of Wales, which post he held until his death in 1751. He also held the appointment of Vice-Treasurer of Ireland, and died in 1759. Sarah and Henry Fielding. 133 A constant guest at Allen's Bath residence, Prior Park, (before her brother knew Allen) was Sarah Fielding (the author of David Simple, etc.). This lady resided in a small house in Church Lane, Widcombe, called Yew Cottage, close to Widcombe House, and within sight of Prior Park. She was a handsome, well-bred lady, and the recipient of Allen's chivalrous attention, kindness, and bounty' Allen daily passed her door on his way to and from the city, and cheered her somewhat dull existence by a kindly word. She was seldom omitted as a guest at his table, and was conveyed to Prior Park in his own carriage. She continued to live at the Cottage until the death of Allen in 1764, when she removed, for economy's sake, to the old village called Wick [now Bath wick Street] where she died in 1768. Her brother Henry, except during his brief residence at Twerton, lived with his sister at Yew Cottage, and was an honoured guest at Prior- Park. Hurd, who met him only once there, described him physically as " a poor, emaciated, worn-out rake, whose gout and infirmities have got the better even of his buffoonery." Fielding, it appears, at this time was in an enfeebled state of health. He had lost none of his intellectual genius, but his strength and fire had departed, and perhaps he did not care about roasting a cold-blooded bishop. The impression still prevails that Fielding was a resident at Twerton. This belief arises from the fact that over the door of the cottage, in which he was only a lodger for, at most, ten days, there is a crest supposed to be that of the Fieldings. No man was less likely than Henry Fielding to have indulged in such a preposterous piece of vanity. The house, after Fielding's ' It would be impossible to tell, even approximately, the extent of AUen's pecuniary help and liberality either to Henry Fielding or to his excellent sister. No two writers agree, and not one quotes any trust worthy evidence. We have referred to Allen's private papers, and we give his Will verbatim [Appendix]. 134 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. period, was occupied by a Mr. Williams, the founder of a large firm of brewers ; and he it may have been who put up the heraldic bearing in honour of the great novelist. The Rev. Richard Graves, rector of Claverton, was, for fifty years or more, one of the best-known and most esteemed neighbours of our city. He was a wit, and a voluminous writer. His best-known work was the satire, entitled The Spiritual Quixote, in 3 vols. Graves was a peculiar- looking man, with a singular gait. He dressed in the clerical style of the period, i.e., black-and-all-black, even to the low-crowned, three-cornered black hat. Graves always carried a black, baggy umbrella, which he held before him, hanging on his open hand. His features, whilst pleasant and intellectual, wore an eager expression ; and he never walked, but trotted. He was a great favourite with Allen and all his guests. With his friend, the poet Shenstone, Graves visited Allen ; and he also tells us that he met Hoare, the painter, at Prior Park. Hoare painted Allen's portrait and that of Marshal Wade, Nash, and others. Hoare was an accomplished artist, a ripe scholar, and a very gracious man. Graves mentions also that "about the year 1752, I met Mr. Richardson,' in Mr. Leake's, the bookseller's, parlour ' Allen's Stone "Vard i^t&m). —Tour in Great Britain, 4 vols., i2mo, 1761. Written originally by Defoe, repubHshed by Richardson, the novelist, in 1762, in which the foUowing, written by him during this visit, first appeared : — " The stone-yard of this great, because good, man, who may be styled the Genius of Bath, is on the banks of the Avon. In it is wrought the freestone dug from the quarries in Combe Down, which is another part of Odin's Down, purchased by him. He has likewise a wharf to embark the same stone in unwrought blocks, which are brought down from the quarry by an admirable tramway that runs upon a frame of timber of about a mile and a half in length, placed partly upon walls and partly upon the ground, Hke the waggon-ways belonging to the collieries in the North of England. Two horses draw one of these machines, generally loaded with two or three tons of stone, over the most easy part of the Richardson, Leake, Chandler, Warburton. 135 (Richardson had married Leake's sister), the former telling me he was going to dine with Mr. Allen, at Prior Park. ' Twenty years ago,' Richardson said, ' I was the most obscure man in Great Britain, and now I am admitted to the company of the first characters in the Kingdom. I would have persuaded your cousin, Miss Chapone (who was then in Bath) to accompany me to Prior Park, but she said she should not like to go amongst strangers.' " Bishop Warburton.' The most continuous visitor to Prior Park was William Warburton, who was introduced to Allen by Pope — as we have already shown. (See page 8^.) Warburton's friendly alliance with Pope was, to say the descent, but afterwards its own velocity carries it down the re.st, and with so much precipitation that the man who guides it is sometimes obliged to lock every wheel to stop it, which he can do with great ease by raeans of bolts applied to the front wheels, and levers to the back wheels. The freestone can be carried by the Avon into Bristol, whence it may be trans mitted, to any part of England, and the new works of St. Bartholomew's Hospital in London, as well as the Exchange of Bristol, are built with stone from Mr. Allen's quarry." Miss Chandler, in the poetical Description of Bath written by her, thus mentions the machinery referred to : — " Here is seen the new-made road and wonderful machine. Self moving down from the mountain height A Rock its burden of a mountain's weight." Miss Chandler was a lady of good old Bath family, and having only a very small capital, she resolved to open a small milliner's shop at the entrance of Wade's Passage. Allen admired her independent spirit, and she was often a guest at his table. ' We desire to mention that in this article, on Warburton's relations with Prior Park, we have received very valuable assistance from a. friend. 136 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. least, a curious coincidence, and had been brought about in a peculiar manner. Pope's Essay on Man had been pubUshed in 1733-4, and had raised a swarm of hornets about the poet's ears. Warburton himself had denounced the rank atheism of the Essay, which he declared to be collected from the worst passages ofthe worst authors ; but the most formidable attack came from Croussaz, a Swiss Professor, who had no difficulty in showing that the Essay was steeped in rationalism and fatalism, and that various parts of the Essay were inconsistent and self-contradictory — which was not surprising, seeing that the philosophical materials had been furnished by Boling broke, and that Pope, without understanding them, had merely put them into verse, and supplied the poetical imagery. Pope must have felt the awkwardness of the situation and his inability to defend himself, in a case which he did not under stand ; but at this moment Warburton, whom Pope has characterised as the sneaking parson, suddenly appeared upon the scene like a deus ex machina, much to Pope's surprise and deUght, and rescued the poet from his helpless position by means of a skilful, but very sophistical, Commentary on the Essay, which he demonstrated to be free from the imputation of favouring fatalism and rejecting revelation. Pope's gratitude knew no bounds. Writing to Warburton in 1739, he says : — " You have made my system as clear as I ought to have done and could not. It is, indeed, the same system as mine, but illustrated with a ray of your own, as they say our natural body is the same still when it is glorified." What induced Warburton to step forth as the champion of Pope we can only conjecture. It may have been his love of paradox, which was almost a ruling passion with him ; or it may have been a cool calculation that he would glorify himself, as indeed he did considerably glorify himself, by an alliance with Pope. Warburton's literary vanity was gratified by an asso ciation with Pope ; and it was through the influence of Pope's Bishop Warburton. 137 friend Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield (to whom Pope addressed the fourth of his Satires and Epistles), that War burton was appointed to the preachership of Lincoln's Inn, and afterwards to a prebend at Durham. Whatever may have been the motive, the sneaking parson and the writer of rank atheism, collected from the worst passages of the worst authors forgot their differences and became fast friends. Warburton survived his friend by many years, and in 1751 honoured his memory by issuing an edition of the poet's works, in the frontispiece to which the artist^ — by Warburton's special instructions — made Warburton's bust larger and moie prominent than Pope's, and represented light ascending from Warburton to Pope ! Having now said all that is necessary, for our purpose, of Warburton in relation to Pope, we will devote a few pages to the consideration of W'arburton in relation to Allen. As we have said more than once, Warburton's visits to Prior Park commenced in 1741, at which time he was vicar at Brant- Broughton, near Newark ; and there is no doubt that Allen's friendship was exceedingly valuable to Warburton. In 1745' 1 In 1765 Warburton obtained the royal licence for his son, Ralph, to take the surname of Warburton-AUen. The youth died in 1771, in his twentieth year, and was buried at Gloucester. " Near this place lie the remains of Ralph Allen Warburton, the only son of William Warburton, Lord Bishop of Gloucester, and Gertrude his wife, who died July 28, 1775, aged 19 years. He was a youth eminently distinguished for goodness of heart, elegance of manners, and gracefulness of person. How transient are human endowments ! How vain are human hopes ! Reader, Prepare for eternity." 138 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. Warburton married Allen's favourite niece, Miss Gertrude Tucker, who remained childless until 1756, when she gave birth to her first and only child, Ralph Allen Warburton, with reference to whose paternity the finger of scandal pointed to a frequent visitor at Prior Park, the Archbishop of Canterbury's profligate second son, Thomas Potter, the boon companion of Wilkes,' and generally supposed to have had some share in Wilkes's filthy parody, entitled. Essay on Woman? In 1757 Allen's friend, Pitt, who was at that time member for Bath, pro cured the Deanery of Bristol for Warburton ; and three years later Warburton was, by the same influence, raised to the Bishopric of Gloucester. From the time ofhis first introduction to Allen in 1741, and even after he became successively Dean of Bristol and Bishop of Gloucester Warburton lived mostly at Prior Park until Allen's death in 1764;^ when Warburton and his wife came in for a legacy of i^S.ooo each and the rever- ^ At this time the sister of Wilkes resided in Bath, and there is no doubt that in one of his visits to his sister he made the acquaintance of Allen. ^ This parody on Pope's Essay on Man was a compound of lewdness and blasphemy. As the original was inscribed to Lord Bolingbroke, so the parody by Wilkes was inscribed to Lord Sandwich ; thus it began, "Awake, my Sandwich", instead of "Awake my St. John". Thus, also, in ridicule of Warburton's well-known commentary, some burlesque notes were ap pended in Warburton's name. Much scandal followed this vile pro duction ; and when the question of Wilkes's breach of privilege was brought before the House of Lords, Warburton made a pompous speech, at the conclusion of which he exclaimed, that the blackest fiends in hell would disdain to keep company with Wilkes, and then asked pardon of Satan for comparing them together. The composition was soon for gotten, and it was much regretted at the time that such ribaldry was made the subject of public animadversions, by which it received even temporary notoriety. 5 Almost from his first introduction to AUen, Warburton preached occasionally in the private chapel at Prior Park. At AUen's request and at his cost, Warburton issued a volume of Sermons, 1745-6, preached in the chapel. Bishop Warburton. 139 sion of the Prior Park and Claverton Estates was bequeathed to Mrs. Warburton on Mrs. Allen's death — which took place in 1766. Jt may excite surprise that a calm and unruffled man like Allen, and a restless and explosive man Uke W^ar- burton, should have maintained an unbroken friendship for nearly a quarter of a century, but Allen was one " Whose sympathetic mind Exults in all the good of all mankind," and the last man in the world to pick a quarrel ; while merely prudential considerations would be a sufficient guarantee for the good behaviour of a self-regarding man like Warburton in his conduct to Allen. That Warburton was supposed in some quarters to have " sponged " on Allen is suggested by the following anecdote. Quin the actor, in intercourse with whom Warburton appears to have assumed patronising airs and graces, was one evening asked by Warburton. — " the saucy priest" Quin calls him — to give a specimen of his dramatic skill before the company which was assembled in Allen's drawing-room. Quin excused himself, but offered to recite a passage from Otway's Venice Preserved ; and the applica tion of the following lines was made perfectly and apprecia tively clear to the audience by the significant glances which Quin cast at Allen and Warburton respectively as he dwelt on the words " honest men" and " knaves'^ : — " Honest men Are the soft, easy cushions on which knaves Repose and fatten.'' Warburton, however, was bound to Allen by something more than by the tie of self-interest ; he was attracted to him by a genuine admiration, amounting almost to reverence, for the grandeur and nobility of his character, under the influence of which " the saucy priest " seems to have been speU-bound. In one of his letters he says : — " He (Allen) is, I verily believe, 140 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. the greatest character in any age of the world. You see his munificence to the Bath Hospital. This is but a small part of his charities, and charity but a small part of his virtues. I have studied his character even maliciously, to find where the weakness lies, but have studied in vain." Not only was War burton unfaltering in his devotion to Allen, but he jealously resented even the remotest appearance of an attempt to be little the great man ; and, indeed, in this respect he was almost absurdly quick to discover offence, where an ordinary man would not suspect any. For instance, Dr. John Burton, an Oxford man and Fellow of Eton College, came to Bath -with an introduction to Allen, took stock of men and things, and published his impressions in a brochure, entitled fter Bath oniense. After playfully satirising the frivolities of Bath, and rather roughly — but in our opinion very justly — handling Beau Nash, whom he describes as " Master of follies, an effete, tooth less, brazen-faced, shameless old man" \_" Magister ineptiarum, effcetus et edentulus senex sine verecundia rubor immu- tabilis"\ Burton proceeds to exhaust on Allen the language of compliment and eulogy, contriving to perpetrate by the way a harmless, good-natured little pun, which most people would assuredly forgive. Here is the passage : — " Tandem inveni virum ; instar mille unum ; virum inter Bath onienses suos facile principem ; quem undequaque praesentem parietes ipsi . . . loquuntur ; quem illustrat gloriosa natalium obscuritas, fortunse eundem et virtulis filium, .... virum quem non ego sane doctissimum, at certe omnium quotquot fere uspiam reperiuntur literatissinium appellare ausim, et ex commercio suo literario fructus pro merito suo uberrimos sine invidia consecutum." [" I have at last found a man, one worth a thousand . . . . ; a man by far the chief among his fellow-citizens ; whose pre sence the very walls . . . everywhere proclaim ; a man whose notoriously humble birth renders the more illustrious, and shows Bishop Warburton. 141 him to be at once the child of virtue and the favourite of for tune ; a man whom I would not venture to call the most learned, yet certainly of all men in the world most conversant with letters, and one who, by his connexion with letters, has deservedly acquired an ample and unenvied fortune."] Of course, the words literatissimum (most conversant with letters) and ex commercio suo literario (from his connexion with letters) have reference to Allen's contract with the Post Office. Few people would detect any offence in the allusion, but War burton was furious with Burton, whom he characterises, in a letter to Bishop Hurd, as a ''puppy" for his " saucy stupid joke" on the " man who. received him so hospitably", and gibbeted him in a note to a passage in the fourth book (lines 441-2) of the Dunciad, where Dulness observes : — "The common Soul, of heaven's more frugal make, Serves but to keep fools pert and knaves awake," etc. "Gentle Dulness ever loves a joke", Pope had said in a previous book (ii, 34). Warburton, in his note, harks back to this text, returns to the passage under consideration in the fourth book, and improves the occasion at Burton's expense.' Yet, if the citizens of Bath at the present day, realising Allen's many-sided greatness as a postal reformer, as the creator of the modern Bath stone trade, as the founder of the Bath General Water Hospital, and as a magnet which attracted to Bath all that was representative of the best and most interest ing life of the country — in short, as a national benefactor, as a benefactor to his city, and as the maker of Modern Bath ; if, we say, the Bath citizens of to-day were to realise all this, and were inspired with a desire to do honour to themselves and tardy justice to Allen by erecting a statue to him in the most conspicuous part of the city which he ennobled, we cannot '^ On the intercession of Bishop Haytor this note was removed in subsequent editions. 142 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. conceive more appropriate words for at least a part of the inscription than the words employed by Burton : — " Virum inter Bathonienses suos facile principem, quem undequaque parietes ipsi loquuntur!' The opportunity of perpetuating Allen's memory in Bath by a monument in the Abbey and a statue in the city presented itself to Warburton on Allen's death ; but the Bishop went to work in his own wilful way. On the south side of Prior Park, in a large field, formerly the site of the ancient Grange and the Prior's farm and home stead, now popularly known as Monument Field, the proud prelate resolved to erect a monument to his friend — not in the city of Allen's labours and philanthropy, but away from the busy haunts of man in a spot unprotected from the mischief-loving wayfarer. Not only was the spot ill-chosen, but the monument itself — a circular tower enclosed in a triangle — is devoid of all merit and interest, and nothing could be colder and balder than the inscription (composed by Bishop Hurd) placed on a slab over the door : — " Memorise sacrum Optimi viri, Randiilphii Allen. Qui virtutem veram simplicemque coHs, Venerare hoc saxum." The slab and the inscription have long since disappeared, and within thirty years after Allen's death the very purport of the monument was almost forgotten ; while at the present day there are scarcely twenty people in Bath who have the slightest idea what the fantastic edifice means. Allen, how ever, is not forgotten by us ; whereas Warburton, though he Uved in Bath so many years, and was identified with her best known and most honoured citizens, is almost unknown, except to the curious few amongst us ; nor is there a single local tradition, or any event of local interest, popularly asso ciated with his name, MONUMIiNT ERECTED TO THE MEMORY OF RALPH ALLEN, BY Bishop Warburton. 144 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. We have now concluded our account of Warburton in his relations to Pope and Allen ; but a few words on Warburton, apart from those relations, may be of interest to the general reader, who is referred for fuller and more detailed information to the Reverend Selby Watson's interesting Life of War burton, to which work we take this opportunity of acknow ledging our obligations. William Warburton was born in "Newark towards the end of 1698, and received the greater part of his education at Oak ham Grammar School. In 1714 he was articled to a solicitor for five years ; but at the expiration of his articles he re nounced the law, and began to study for Holy Orders, which he entered in 1723, having received great assistance in the necessary preparation from his cousin, the Rev. William War burton, Head Master of Newark Grammar School, who generously sacrificed to his youthful relative all the time that he could spare from scholastic duties. The future Bishop at once plunged into that career of authorship and controversy, for which he afterwards became so conspicuous. In 1728 he was presented by Sir Robert Sutton to the living of Brant- Broughton, near Newark, which he held till 1746; and it was in these eighteen years, during a life of seclusion and study little interrupted by parochial duties, that he laid the founda tions of his vast knowledge and wide reading. How during this interval he became acquainted with Pope, who introduced him to Allen, and how Warburton was materially benefited by his associations with Pope and Allen, we have previously shown ; but Warburton had already established himself as an able writer and controversialist before contracting an alliance with these two powerful men. We do not propose to detail or criticise Warburton's numerous works and pamphlets, but we cannot forbear a passing allusion to his magnum opus, generally known as The Divine Legation of Moses, The title of the book is Bishop Warburton. 145 familiar to every reader of English literature ; but most people have forgotten, or never kne-w, the object of the treatise and the arguments by which it was supported. The facts are very simple. The absence of the doctrine of a future state from the Mosaic Dispensation had been fastened on by the Deists as a decisive argument against the divine origin of the Jewish religion. At this point Warburton stepped in, and undertook to meet the Deists on their own ground, and from the facts alleged to deduce an opposite conclusion. Hence the full title of his work was " The Divine Legation of Moses De monstrated, on the Principles of a Religious Theist, from the Omission of the Doctrine of a Futtire State in the Jewish Dis pensation!' If it can be shown — and Warburton scarcely con ceived the possibility of disputing the propositions — that (i) the doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishment has been accepted by all mankind as necessary to the well-being of society, and that (2) such a doctrine is not to be found in the Mosaic system, then, says Warburton, " one would think we might proceed to the conclusion ;. — Therefore the Law of Moses is of divine origin!' Of course Warburton did not reach his conclusion in this simple way, or without first of all laboriously establishing his premisses ; and in doing this he fetched a wide compass, being resolved — as he said — " to stretch the inquiry high and wide". Handling a great variety of topics, and covering a vast deal of ground, he presented a very extended front, of which the enemy was not slow to take advantage. Omitting all the numerous side-paths into which Warburton strayed, it is evident that his argument, as above stated, is exposed to all the attacks which can possibly be made against an argument, it being not difficult to plausibly dispute each premiss separately, and then — even assuming the validity of the premisses — to claim a non sequitur. To say nothing ofthe strained conclusion, which was vigorously attacked by Bayle, L 146 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. Warburton had to face the strenuous opposition of classical scholars in his attempts to bolster up his first premiss by squeezing into all the ancient polities an implied belief in a future state ; nor did he fare better at the hands of theologians in his resolute efforts to establish his second premiss by stamp ing out of the Mosaic system all the supposed germs of a belief in a future state. The Divine Legation, however, made a stir, and found favour in some influential quarters ; and though the argument may not convince, and is now generally forgot ten, it cannot fail to impress the curious reader with a sense of the author's powerful and versatile intellect. The strength and weakness of Warburton are traceable in this work, as in all his other numerous writings. Everywhere we see the vigorous understanding, the strong and retentive memory, and the wide reading of the author ; but it was considered that he read too much and too fast to assimilate all that he read ; hence Bentley's famous dictum : " This man has a monstrous appetite, but a very bad digestion " — a charge which Warburton seems indirectly to admit in one of his letters. The want also of a regular academic training often suggests itself, for Warburton left school before he was sixteen years of age, was then articled to the law for five years, and finally qualified for Orders with out proceeding to a University.' Of Hebrew he knew practi cally nothing. With Greek writers his acquaintance was mostly second-hand, obtained (like Pope's knowledge of Greek) through the medium of French translations. A typical instance of this is given in the Rev. Selby Watson's Life of Warburton, p. 629. In a note on Shakespeare, War burton quotes the following lines from the Phcenissce of Euripides, EiYU, r^ap ov&€V, /u,aTep, u.'iroKpv'^a^ epw. KcTpiav ave\0otfjL -ijXiov -rrpo^ av-ToXa<), Ka« 7^s e'vepOe, Svva7o- faithfull and aff"<= " Tho. Potter. " I propose returning from Oakhampton to drink the waters, and have taken the liberty to send to my wife to meet me at Prior Park, and to stay till you go to Weymouth." To Edward Bushell Collibee, Esquire. "Tuesday, June 28''', 1757. " Mr. Mayor, — Give me leave to present to you, and thro' you to the Gentlemen of the Corporation of the City of Bath, my most respectfull and warmest acknowledgments for the high mark of their favour and Confidence in vouchsafeing to think of me for their Representative in Parliament. I have long ambition'd the honour of a Seat there, derived from a Body so independent, and so truely respectable as the City of Bath, and which can never fail to reflect Lustre and impart weight to whoever they shall be pleased to think not unworthy of so high and honourable a Trust. As soon as the necessity of afifairs will permit me, on my return again to business, to be absent from my attendance on his Majesty's Commands, I propose to wait on the Corporation in Person, and to assure Them more particularly of the deep and warm Sentiments of Respect and Gratitude with which I am, and shall ever be, devoted to the City of Bath and to every member of the Corporation. " I am, with the greatest consideration, Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen of the Corporation, " Your most Obliged and most Obedient, "humble Servant, "W. Pitt." To Ralph Allen, Esquire. " Tuesday, June 28th, 1757. " Dear Sir, — The repeated instances of your kind friendship, and too favourable opinion of your faithfull Servant, are such and so many, that thanks and acknowledgements are quite inadequate. Give me leave to present them to you, with a heart so truely yours as, on that account, makes me hope your goodness will accept them for something. I send open to you, for your perusal, two letters for Mr. Mayor, one private, in M 2 164 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. answer to his receiv'd yesterday, the other for the Corporation. If you will be so good to seal them, and order them to be delivered to Mr. Mayor, I shall be much obliged to you. You will please to observe I have pre pared the Corporation for my not being able to attend them in person at my Election, the thing wUl be utteriy impossible, and I trust the necessity of afifairs and my indispensable attendance on His Majesty wiU excuse me. I shall be better able towards autumn to wait on the Corporation, and hope no impression of want of due respect wiU remain, when the peculiarity of my situation, at the present moment, is considered. I must in this, as in all the rest, rely on your goodness and friendship to help me out of my distress. " I am with my whole Heart, " Dear Sir, " Your ever obliged and Affectionate Servant, " W. Pitt. " My best respects to Mrs. AUen and Mrs. Warburton." To Ralph Allen, Esquire. " Tuesday, June 28th, " Dear Sir, — This is to go in an Express Mr. Pitt sends to Bath, in order to inform you, and likewise the Mayor, from whom in the name of Mr. Langton and his friends he has received a very polite Letter of Invitation, that matters are at last arranged in such a manner as will vacate Mr. Pitt's seat for Oakhampton, and enable him to be chosen at Bath. He tells the Mayor that he is determined, if he can obtain his Majestie's leave, and the publick business will permitt, to come down to Bath at the Election; but as we know the- publick business will not per mitt, it is agreed that I should attend and represent him. We are all to kiss hands to morrow, but no new Writs will issue till Tuesday, July 5th, when the Parlt meets for that purpose, and in order to be prorogued. " As I must first attend Mr. Pitt's Election at Bath, and then go to my own at Oakhampton, it is necessary for me to precipitate the first and procrastinate the last. The writ issuing the 5th of July may be at Bath the 7th, and if Mr. Clutterbuck wiU get the Undersheriff to attend that day, he may make out immediately his precept to the Mayor, who may proclaim the Election the evening ofthe 7th, for Monday, the nth. And I can manage as to defer that at Oakhampton to the i6th, whh will give me time to vist the Electors of Bath and return Mr. Pitt's thanks before I set out for Oakhampton. But tho' the Writ for the new Election may First Election of Mr. Pitt. 165 not be in Bath tiU the 7th, it is not necessary that I shd stay from Prior Park so long. When I shall see it, I cannot now fix with certainty, but I know that till I do see it I shall be impatient. S"- Robert Henley is L"* Keeper, and now it seems Ld Halifax did not actually resign, but only threatened to do it. " I am, with the kindest affection and regard, "D' Sir, "Yr most faithfull, "Tho. Potter." To the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt. "Prior Park, June 29, 1757. "Dear Sir, — This morning, at nine o'clock, I received the obHging Letter which you honour'd me with, by an Express, with that which you was pleased to enclose for our Mayor, which, in obeydience to your commands, I immediately read, Seal'd, and Sent to Him. " I have the Satisfaction to tell you that now every thing at Bath is just as you wish it, which makes me very happy ; for tis Impossible for any Expression, to shew you how much and how respectfully I am. Dear Sir, " Your most hon'd and most obed' Serv't, "R. A. "My Wife and M" Warburton begs your acceptance of their hearty thanks and best wishes, and that Lady Hester' will permit them to send Her Ladyship their respectful Complm's." To Ralph Allen, Esquire. " Whitehall, June 30th, 1757. " Dear Sir,— The writ for Bath will be moved tomorrow, Sir Robert Henley having receiv'd the great seal this day. " What I now beg leave to trouble you about is that you wou'd be so good to employ a person to be trusted to prepare the Under .Sheriff and get the Precept ready, so that the election may be proclaimed time enough to fix the Election for Saturday, y« 9th of July. The writ will be in Somerset shire by the 3rd inst., and Tuesday is the latest day for the Proclamation, in order to go to Election on Saturday, as the day of Proclamation must be ' Sister of Earl Temple {See note, p. 161). 1 66 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. exclusive of the four days, the day of Election inclusive. I am more apprehensive that my attendance in Person on the Corporation will be utterly impossible, and I am very uneasy about it, lest I should appear to be wanting in that real regard I, with so much reason, feel for them ; may I again recommend this Distress to your friendly and kind offices, and hope you will add this to the many obligations I feel to you, and shall ever most gratefully acknowledge. " I am, with all respects and affection, " Dear Sir, " Your most obHged and most faithfuU Friend and Servant, "W. Pitt." To the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt. " Prior Park, July 2, 1757. " Dear Sir, — I have received the letter which you was pleased to honour me with the' 30th of the last month, and in obedience to your Commands, a proper person, who can be confided in, is Imployed to prepare the Under Sheriff and get the Precept ready for your Election on Saturday, the 9th of this month. "Your Presence at the Town Hall on that occation would be very pleasing to aU your Electors if it had been consistent with His Majesty's Service, but Since it is not, I may safely venture to assure you that no bad consequences wUl attend your absence. "When you receive an account from the Mayor of your unanimous Election, you, in your letter of thanks to Him and the Corporation, wiU, I presume, be pleased to mention with concern the cause of your necessai-y attendance in London on the National afifairs, with your full intentions to make your Personal acknowledgmts for their distinguishing or rather peculiar regard to you, before the meeting ofthe Parliamt. " Upon this pleasing occation permit me to say that you shall certainly find me to be with the truest Sincerity and the most affectionate Respect, " Dear Sir, " Y'' most humble and most obed. Serv., "R. A." To Ralph Alle7i, Esquire. [Not dated, but obviously July 3rd, 1757.] " Dear S", — I will say little to you in this Letter, because I will have the Pleasure of saying more to you when we meet. That I hope will be Tuesday or Wednesday next. Mr. Pitt writes to you and the Mayor by Pitt a Citizen of Bath. 167 this Post. He certainly will not be able to attend the election, and, therefore, I am to represent him. In Order to enable me to attend at Oakhampton, w^h I must do ffor I have just now the Pleasure of hearing that tho' my Election there is safe I shall probably have a Competitor, and be obliged to let loose some Irish guineas), I have desired Mr. Pitt to recommend Saturday, the ninth of July, as the most convenient Day for the Election at Bath. Mr. Clutterbuck will, therefore, see that the SheriflPs Precept is delivered to the Mayor on Monday or Tuesday, so as to enable him to proclaim the Election before Sun set on Tuesday. " I am just setting out for Bedfordshire. " Yr most affec' and obliged friend, " Tho. Potter. " Pall Mall, Thursday." To the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt. "Prior Park, July 12th, 1757. "Dear Sir, — Permit me upon my receipt ofthe obligeing Letter which you honour'd me with by the Express which you Yesterday sent to the Mayor and Corporation of Bath, just to say that it is Impossible for you to be more satisfied with the pleaseing Event which had been transacted in that City than I am with the honest and faithfull discharge of my Duty to my Country upon that occasion. " And with the most Zealous and aff'ectionate Respect you will allways find me to be, " D'' Sir, " (Sign'd) Your most humble and most Obed' Servt, "R. Allen. " My fifamily begs your acceptance of their most respectfull Com pliments." William Pitt was a citizen,' and proud of the city which he now represented, and in which, from his early manhood, ' It is well known that the elder Wood designed the Circus, and that the execution of it was left to the younger. The house No. 7, with all its covenants and obligations, was conveyed to Pitt on the 3rd day of January 1755. The property was re-sold by Pitt in 1763, the year in which the breach between him and the Corporation occurred, 1 68 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. he had spent so much of his time, and from whose famous waters he had experienced such signal benefits during the terrible attacks of his constitutional malady. We are unable to trace where Pitt Uved during any of his occa sional visits to Bath, but there is no doubt that on two of his visits he was entertained by Ralph Allen at his town- house, and once, if not twice, at Prior Park. He is said to have suggested the erection of the Palladian Bridge, of which mention is made, page 112. We need not enter upon any historical or political disquisition, except so far as it may enable us to make clear the relations of Pitt with Bath, and to put into a more definite form some of the very interesting associations connected with him and with those other states men who either were the choice of Allen, or in the choice of whom Allen had, perhaps, the largest share. In 1754, when Pelham died, Pitt was ill in this city, and on that occasion the Corporation paid him the most marked attention. That body, with its most important member, Ralph Allen, showed the great Commoner almost regal honours. His past and present conduct as a statesman deserved their warmest approbation, and they felt great resentment at the manner in which their distinguished fellow-citizen was treated by Newcastle in the construction of the new Administration. They applauded his opposition to the subsidies to the German States. They adopted an address to the king on the disasters which followed the war.' It is clear that they did not look for consistency in their idol. If he opposed at one time what he afterwards sup ported, they probably thought that the capacity of the man 1 In November 1755, Legge and Pitt were dismissed from office — the former (as Chancellor of the Exchequer) for refusing to sign the Treasury Warrants for the payment of the subsidies granted, and the latter (as Pay master of the Forces) for his fierce denunciation of the principle of subsidies. Lord Ligonier and Mr. Pitt — Second Election. 169 made all the difference between the soundness and the unsoundness of the policy pursued. In April 1757, he and his colleague, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Legge, received each the freedom of the city in a gold box for " their services to the country during their late short adminis tration."' When a special vacancy occurred in the representation of the city, in 1757, by the elevation of Attorney-General Henley to be Lord Keeper, Pitt was unanimously chosen as his suc cessor. [At the General Election of 1761, he was re-elected in conjunction with his former colleague, Viscount Ligonier. In 1763, this nobleman having been created a Peer ofthe Realm, a vacancy occurred, to supply which Sir John S. Sebright was elected, who thus became the colleague of Pitt] The disasters under the feeble administration of Newcastle had occasioned great national indignation, and the public voice proclaimed Pitt to be the man to " save the country". Up to this period, the Bath Corporation had enthusiastically supported their illustrious representative. After he entered upon the Administration — which lasted from June 17th, 1757, to October 1761, and in which he was practically all-powerful — he received the cordial approval and the repeated thanks of the Corporation, by whom he was elected, and of the citizens, who worshipped him. His conduct of the war, the policy of the war — indeed, every act of his public life — inspired his friends in Bath with exultant pride and commanded their unfaltering allegiance. In October 1760, the Mayor and Corporation unanimously adopted the following address to Mr. Pitt and his colleague. Lord Ligonier^: — ' Under the Duke of Devonshire. It began in November 1756, and ended in April 1757. It was during this Administration that Admiral Byng was tried, and Pitt used the noblest efforts, in vain, to save him. 2 When the address was sent he was Sir John Ligonier. I/O Life and Times of Ralph Allen. To Lord Ligonier and Mr. Pitt. "Bath, Oct. 6, 1760. " Sirs,— We, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of this city, do transmit to you, our representatives in Parliament, our most grateful thanks, for exerting your great abilities with so much zeal and unwearied diligence in the service of his Majesty and our country, as hath reflected particular honour on our city. We are convinced we should not do justice to ourselves and brother citizens, if we did not pay that regard which is justly due to your distinguished merit, by taking the earliest opportunity of offering to you the same trust at the next general election ; and which we hereby beg the favour of your acceptance of, from, " Gentlemen, " Your much obliged and very humble Servants." Mr. Pitts Answer. "St. James's Square, Oct. 9, 1760. " Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen of the Corporation, — I am this day honoured with your letter, and cannot defer a moment to express the sentiments of the warmest and most respectful gratitude for such a fresh mark of your condescension and goodness to me, after the many great and unmerited favours which you have already conferred upon me. " Happy ! that my feeble endeavours for the king's service have, in your candid interpretation, stood in the place of more effectual deservings; and that, actuated by the generous motives of zeal and steady attachment to his Majesty's Government, you are pleased again to think of committ ing to me the important and honourable trust of representing you at the next general election. " Be assured, gentlemen, that I am justly proud of the title of servant of the city of Bath, and that I can never sufificiently manifest the deep sense I have of your distinguished and repeated favours ; nor express the respect, gratitude, and affection with which I remain, " Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen of the Corporation, " Your most faithful and most obHged humble Servant, " W. Pitt," Mr. Pitt's Letter to Allen. 1 7 1 Lord Ligonier's Answer. " To the Worshipful the Mayor and the rest ofthe Corporation ofthe City of Bath. " North Audley Street ; Oct. lo, 1760. " Gentlemen, — The very great honour done me by your letter of the 6th instant requires my earnest and most grateful thanks. Though your noble and generous way of acting is no new thing to me, who have had the honour to represent you in the two preceding Parliaments, and have experienced so often your goodness to me, nevertheless I must feel a very great satisfaction at the approbation you are pleased to express of my endeavours to serve my king and country as your representative. I accept with great gratitude this distinguished mark of your favour. The interest and honour of your city of Bath it will be ever my study to promote. " I am, with the greatest regard and esteem, " Gentlemen, " Your most obliged and most faithful Servant, " Ligonier." The following letter was written to AUen by Pitt after he had consented to renew his political connection with the city : — To Ralph Allen, Esquire. " St. James's Square, Dec. 16, 1760. "Dear Sir, — The very affecting token of esteem and aff'ection which you put into my hands last night at parting, has left impressions on my heart which I can neither express nor conceal. If the approbation ofthe good and wise be our wish, how must I feel the sanction of applause and friendship accompany'd with such an endearing act of Kindness from the best ofmen? True Gratitude is ever the justest of Sentiments, and Pride too, which I indulge on this occasion, may, I trust, not be disclaim'd by Virtue. May the gracious Heaven long continue to lend you to mankind and particularly to the happiness of him who is unceasingly, with the warmest gratitude, respect, and aff'ection, " My dear Sir, " Your most faithfull Friend and "most obliged humble Servant, "W. Pitt." 172 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. These cordial relations between the electors and the two representatives were creditable to both parties. There was neither servility on the one side nor arrogance on the other. Everything pointed to the continuance of those relations, which was indicated in the Address ; and at the General Election in March 1761, the two members were unanimously re-elected. Pitt had steadily maintained his war policy ; he was judged by it, and he was ready to stand or fall by it. The Corporation not only re-elected their members, but honoured them publicly at the Guildhall, and the citizens vied with each other in doing honour to the men, especially to Pitt, of whom they were justly proud. In October, Pitt was de feated in the cabinet on the question of war with Spain and left the Ministry. In December of the same year, the following gushing address was sent to Pitt by the Bath Corporation : — "Bath ; Dec. l8th, 1761. " Sir, — Had it not been for the particular relation in which we have the honour to stand towards you, we should, perhaps, have been still content, as others are, to enjoy in silence those fervours of gratitude which every true British heart must feel for the great, unparalleled services which you have done your king and country throughout the course of your late ministry. " It is true that after so ample and honourable a testimony, borne to them by your royal master himself, it would be extremely vain in us to think that anything could be wanting to the glory of a character thus illustriously established. But though we can add nothing to you, we have ventured to employ this occasion to do credit to ourselves in that light, and are most ambitious to be seen of faithful and loyal subjects, for in these expressions of our great regard to you, we have only presumed to follow the gracious example of the best of kings. " For the rest, there is no station where you can be found in which your country will not need and will not be sure to have your most effectual assistance. " We have nothing, sir, further to offer but our ardent prayers for your health, a blessing so precious and so important to the public. " We have the honour to be. Sir, " Your most humble and aff'ectionate Servants." The 'Family Compact." 173 Mr. Pitt's Answer. "Hayes ; Dec. 22, 1761. " Mr. Mayor,' — I have received the particular honour of a letter signed by you, sir, and by a great many other gentlemen of the Corpora tion, containing the most condescending and endearing remarks, marks ofpersonal regard and favour towards me, and at the same time bestow ing on such inconsiderable efforts as I have been able to exert in the service of my king and my country — testimonies of so distinguished and honourable a nature, that I only accept them with a confusion joined to unceasing gratitude. " AUow me, Mr. Mayor, to entreat that you will please to communicate to the other gentlemen of the Corporation these my most unfeigned and respectful acknowledgments, and to assure them of my ardent and con tinual wishes for the prosperity of the City of Bath, and for the particular welfare and happiness of the several members of that ancient and con siderable Corporation. " I am, with the warmest sentiments of regard and respectful considera tion, sir, your most obedient and most obliged humble Servant, "W. Pitt." This correspondence, it must be remembered, followed the energetic councils given by the Minister to the King, as to the expediency of a declaration of war against Spain on account ofthe "Family Compact",^ and her equivocal conduct ' At this time, Alderman John Chapman. 2 The " Family Compact " was a secret alliance between France, Spain, and Naples, and stipulated that if England should be still at war with France on ist May 1761, Spain would declare war against England ; and as return for this assistance, France was to restore Minorca to Spain. With reference to which, as Lord Stanhope says, " the commence ment of the War of Secession was never yet so fully vindicated as by the conclusion of the Family Compact." In June 1761 there were fresh English successes, and France would probably have submitted to Pitt's terms, if Charles III, who had recently become King of Spain, had not renewed the " Family Compact", knowing that the vast colonial empire of Spain was endangered by the predomi nance of England in North America. Pitt, having secret intelligence of 174 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. towards those with whom we were at war, and it leaves no doubt that the great minister felt that in resigning office he had the sympathy and confidence of those from whom that address came, whatever it was worth. The war against Spain — which Pitt urged in vain in October of 1761, and which his prescience had foreseen as inevitable — was declared by Lord Bute, in January 1762, three months after Pitt quitted office. It seems probable that this short delay and the retirement of the great minister had encouraged Spain in the insolent and offensive course she had taken against Great Britain. Be this as it may, the attitude of Spain, and her intrigues with France, if they justified war in January, equally justified it in the previous October, when Pitt " would have had the first blow, which is often half the battle." " When once convinced of their hostile designs, why allow them further time for preparation?" — which, indeed, was just what the fatal delay accomplished. The war was declared on the 4th January 1762, and the Seven Years War, of which the Spanish War was an episode, was concluded early in 1763 by the Peace of Paris. Bute resigned in April. The war had been carried on languidly by him, and much against his inclination. Pitt opposed the peace, because he deemed it inadequate; it did not secure the objects for which it was undertaken. When Parliament met, he de nounced the peace with vehement eloquence, but all to no pur pose ; eloquence could not prevail against the corruption em ployed to bu)' over a majority of members in favour of peace. There has been nothing to show that, as between Pitt and the Corporation, either collectively or individually, there had been any misunderstanding.' When the peace was concluded what had happened, urged the Cabinet to declare war on Spain at once. The Cabinet, however, refused to follow him, and on October 5 Pitt resigned. ' It would seem indeed that Pitt's resignation was regarded by the The "Adequate Peace" Address to the King. 175 which Pitt had so vehemently opposed, the Corporation, at a special meeting,' held in May 1763,2 over which Ralph Allen presided, adopted the following Address. It is printed in italics, because it will be observed that on the terms of the document hinged the whole future relations of Pitt with the Bath Corporation. It is the more necessary to make this clear, because in the late Rev. F. Kilvert's paper on Ralph Allen he leaves the Address out of the Correspondence ; so in Uke manner Sir Jerom Murch omits it. So that in each case the reader is left in a state of utter ignorance as to the charac ter and wording of that document which gave Pitt so much offence, and led to the termination of his political connection with a city in which he had received so many proofs of the confidence and admiration of all classes. TO THE KLNG'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. " We, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council of the ancient and loyal city of Bath, do beg leave to congratulate, and most humbly to thank .-vour Majesty for an adequate and advantageous peace, which you have graciously procured for your people, after a long atid very expettsive, citizens and the Corporation as a great public calamity. It inspired Mr. T. Atwood, Burke's friend (who was Mayor, 1756-60-69), to write — well, a stanza, which, if it does not exhibit poetic genius, perhaps faithfully expresses the feelings of his colleague : — " Whence does the Gaul exult ? Can Broglie* boast At length one battle not entirely lost ? Or has the Spaniard their alliance joined ? Alas ! much worse — our Patriot has resigned !" ' Of which there is no record in the Journals. 2 It should be mentioned here that in April of this year "Viscount Ligonier (in the Irish Peerage) was created an English Earl. His seat being thus vacated, two candidates were proposed — Mr. Long and Sir John Saunders Sebright, when the latter was elected. * Due de Broglie, who commanded a portion of the French Army. 176 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. though necessary andglorious war, which your Majesty, upon your acces sion to the throne, found your kingdoms engaged in. " And we take the liberty to assure your Majesty, that upon all occasions we shall be read-y to give the most evident proofs of the truest zeal and duty, which the most dutiful subjects can testify to the most gracious and best of prittces. " In testimony whereof we have hereunto affixed our " Common Seal, ihe 2?,ih day of May 1763." To Ralph Allen, Esq. " Hayes ; June 2, 1763. " Dear Sir, — Having declined accompanying Sir John Sebright in presenting the address from Bath, transmitted to us jointly by the Town- Clerk, I think it, on all accounts, indispensably necessary that I should inform you of the reason of my conduct. The epithet of adequate given to the peace contains a description of the conditions of it, so repugnant to my unalterable opinion concerning many of them, and fully declared by me in Parliament, that it was as impossible for me to obey the Cor poration's commands in presenting their address, as it was unexpected to receive such a commission. As to my opinion of the peace, I will only say, that I formed it with sincerity according to such lights as my little experience and small portion of understanding could afford me. This conviction must remain to myself the constant rule of my conduct ; and I leave to others, with much deference to their better information, to follow their own judgment. Give me leave, my dear, good sir, to desire to convey, through you, to Mr. Mayor and to the gentlemen of the Corporation, these my free sentiments ; and with the justest sense of their past goodness towards me, plainly to confess that I perceive I am but ill qualified to form pretensions to the future favour of gentlemen, who are come to think so diff'erently from me, on matters of the highest im portance to the national welfare. " I am ever, with respectful and aff'ectionate esteem, my dear sir, " Your faithful friend and obliged humble Servant, " (Signed) W. Pitt. Lady Chatham joins with me in all compliments to the family of Prior Park." Pitt Correspondence. 177 To the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt. " Prior Park ; June 4, 1763. " My Dearest Sir, — It is extremely painful to me to find by the letter which you was pleased to send to me the 2nd of this month, that the word adequate, in the Bath address, has been so very offensive to you, as to hinder the sincerest and most zealous of your friends in the Corporation from testifying for the future their great attachment to you. " Upon this occasion, in justice to them, it is incumbent on me to acquaint you, that the unexceptionable word does not rest with them, but myself ; who suddenly drew up that address, to prevent their sending of another, which the Mayor' brought to me, in terms that I could not concur in ; copies of the two forms I have taken the liberty to send to you in the enclosed paper, for your private perusal ; and Sir John Sebright having, in his letter to Mr. Clutterbuck,^ only acquainted him, that in your absence in the country he delivered the address, I shall decline executing of your commands to the Corporation on this delicate point, unless you renew them, upon your perusal of this letter, which for safety I have sent by a messenger, and I beg your answer to it by him, who has orders to wait for it. " Permit me to say that I have not the least objection to, but the highest regard and even veneration for, your whole conduct ; neither have I any apology to make for the expression in which I am so unfortunate to differ from you. And with the utmost respect, affection, and gratitude, you will always find me to be, my dearest sir, your most humble and obedient servant, " (Signed) R. Allen. " The best wishes of this family always attend Lady Chatham. " R. A." To Ralph Allen, Esquire. " Hayes, June 5, 1763. " My Dear Sir, — I am sorry that my letter of the 2nd inst. should give you uneasiness, and occasion to you the trouble of sending a messenger to Hayes. I desire you to be assured, that few things can give me more real concern, than to find that my notions of the public good diff'er so widely from those of the man whose goodness of heart and ' Alderman Samuel Bush. 2 Lewis Clutterbuck, the Town Clerk. 178 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. private virtues I shall ever respect and love. I am not insensible to your kind motives for wishing to interpose time for second thoughts ; but knowing how much you approve an open and ingenuous proceeding, I trust that you will see the unfitness of my concealing from my constituents the insurmountable reasons which prevented my obeying their commands in presenting an address, containing a disavowal of my opinion delivered in Parliament relating to the peace. As their servant, I owe to these gentlemen an explanation of my conduct on this occasion, and as a man not forgetful of the distinguished honour of having been invited to repre sent them, I owe it, in gratitude, to them, not to think of embarrassing and encumbering, for the future, friends to whom I have such obliga tions ; and who now view with approbation measures of an adminis tration, founded on the subversion of that system which once procured me the countenance and favour of the city of Bath. On these plain grounds, very coolly weighed, I will venture to beg again that my equitable good friend will be so good to convey to Mr. Mayor and the gentlemen of the Corporation my sentiments, as contained in my letter of the 2nd instant. " I am ever, with unchanging sentiments of respect and aff'ection, " My dear sir, most faithfully yours, "W. Pitt." Letter to Mrs. Allen, accompatiying the last addressed to Ralph Allen, June Sth, 1763. " I cannot conclude my letter without expressing my sensible concern at Mr. Allen's uneasiness. No incidents can make the least change in the honour and love I bear him, or in the justice my heart does to his humane and benevolent virtues." [The context of this letter to Mrs. Allen is missing.J 71? the Right Hon. Mr. Pitt. " Prior Park, June 9th. " My Dearest Sir,— With the greatest anxiety and concern, I have in obedience to your positive and repeated commands executed the most painful commission that I ever received. " Upon this disagreeable occasion, give me leave just to say that, how ever diff'erent our abilities may be, it is the duty of every honest man, after he has made the strictest enquiry, to act pursuant to the light which the Supreme Being has been pleased to dispense to him ; and this being Pitt Correspondence. 179 the rule that I am persuaded we both govern ourselves by, I shall take the liberty, not only to add, that it is impossible for any person to retain higher sentiments of your late glorious administration than I do, nor can be with truer fidelity, zeal, affection, and respect than I have been, stUl am, and always shall be, my dearest sir, " Your most humble and most obedient servant, "(Signed) R. Allen. " The best wishes of this family wait upon Lady Chatham." Lord Stanhope thinks the word adequate slipped into the Address 'without design or the intention of conveying a mean ing of especial significance. If it be so, it is singular that a word should have been used which, in itself, is so plenary in the sense it bears, and at the same time is the very converse of that which Pitt had used over and over again to charac terize the peace — inadequate. It is not surprising that Pitt should have regarded the Address with scornful indignation, not simply as approving the peace, but as by implication reversing all the judgments the Corporation had passed upon his previous policy and conduct. The word was " untoward", and Pitt thought that not only the word, but the whole Address, was the artful work of Bishop Warburton.' Pitt 1 Bishop Warburton had received his Bishopric from Pitt, and having promoted a similar Address from his own Chapter, the only Chapter in the Kingdom from which a similar Address was sent, it was natural that the Bishop should have been suspected of being "the power behind the throne" who had prompted AUen. The Bishop denied the accusation, but it is fair to presume that as he was constantly at Prior Park, he may have made known his intention of sending an Address and the sense of it, and thus unintentionaUy, or it may be too adroitly, influenced Allen's judgment. The Bishop wrote to Pitt, whose reply left a wound which troubled Warburton not a little :— " I will only venture to observe, my Lord, that the Cathedral of Gloucester, which certainly does not stand alone in true duty and wise zeal towards His Majesty, has, however, the fate not to be imitated by any other Episcopal See in the Kingdom, in this unaccustomed efifusion. of fervent congratulations on the Peace." N 2 i8o Life and Times of Ralph Allen. sold his house in the Circus at the close of the year, and, although he visited the city again in 1766 for the use of the waters, he does not seem to have renewed his intercourse with his former friends. He retained his seat until 1766, when he was created Earl of Chatham,' the dignity of Baroness Chatham having been already conferred upon his wife. Lady Hester Pitt (sister of the then Earl Temple). The One-headed Corporation Caricatures. In the first of these caricatures, dated 1763, the central figure is a large head — an admirable portrait — of Allen. Perched on it is a raven, who is croaking " Raafe, Raafe, poor Raafe." Allen is holding a scroll in his hands, on which the word " Ade quate" is conspicuously written. A bishop (Warburton) in full canonicals is whispering into Allen's right ear, " 'Tis I did this great work for you !" The devil, however, who is close upon the bishop's back, says : " No, no, friend, 'twas I, the father of political lies, that first thought oi Addressing !" To which Coward replies, " Don't drive me, St. John,^ I'll go graze on the Common or in Prior Park." In the right-hand upper corner is a portrait of Lord Ligonier, and in the left a portrait of Pitt. Around the figure of Allen are gathered the mem bers of the Corporation, each in the character which symbol ized his calling. The death's head and gallipots signified the ' In an amusing passage in Barry Lyndon, Thackeray puts some trenchant remarks into the mouth of his hero with regard to the Seven Years' War in which he had taken part, and concludes by a short reference to the " Marquis of Tiptoff"" and Lord Chatham : — " Though a Whig, or, perhaps, because he was a Whig, the Marquis was one of the haughtiest men breathing, and treated commoners as his idol ; the great Earl used to treat them— after he came to a coronet himself— as so many low vassals who might be proud to lick his shoe-buckles." 2 St. John was apparently a citizen who exercised some influence upon Coward ; there was no person of the name in the Council. i82 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. several medical men. The wagon— Walter Wiltshire, carrier ; the horse's head— John Glazier, coachman ; greyhound's head —Sir John S. Sebright, M.P.; the ass's head— Leonard Coward; the bishop — Bishop Warburton ; the double-faced head — Aid. Biggs, lawyer ; the clock-face — French Laurance, watch maker ; the E. O. Tables — J. Leake, publisher; the latticed window — Axford, glazier ; the lock — Hales, ironmonger ; the £^ -r, ¦ .. ¦' „ ( Registers. AV. F. Gostling. ; * 294 Simpson, 74 B.P. 242 Life and Times of Ralph Allen. PRIOR PARK AT THE PRESENT DAY. After the death of Lord Hawarden^ in 1807, Prior Park was sold to a rich Bristol merchant, Mr. Thomas, a member of the Society of Friends. This gentleman felled as much timber as paid the greater part, if not the whole, of the purchase-money. In 1829, the property again changed hands, passing into the possession of the late Bishop Baines, for the purposes of a Roman Catholic Seminary ; and with the exception of a few years' interval, during which it was occupied by a Mr. Thomas Thompson, it has been occupied and used for the same purpose. Bishop Baines was a man of pre-eminent ability, and held in great honour and esteem, not simply for his great learning, but for the dignity of his character and the gentle beneficence and kindness of his disposition. Anyone looking at the view of the vast sweep of the original mansion and offices as given (p. 109), and comparing it with the present, wUl perceive several changes. The Palladian steps in front of the mansion were constructed by Bishop Baines ; the original stables are raised a storey and used for purposes of the coUege ; whilst on the site of the pigeon-house and port-cochere a handsome chapel stands. But, considerable as are these changes, the great deterioration in this beautiful estate is in the grounds, especiaUy in the rear. It is deplorable to see the roads and fences and the sur roundings generally. But when it is remembered what pecuniary resources would be required to keep such an estate in handsome condition — in their beauteous original condition — we can only avert our face, and cry, " Alas ! alas I" Prior Park is now passing into the hands of that vigorous and enterprising educational body, the Christian Brothers, a Roman Catholic community, under whom the establishment is to be carried on with ample capital and a competent staff of masters and pro fessors. We look forward to the revival of those external beauties which, in former times, were the lories of the glocality and the city. ! See pp. 211, 228, marriage of Cornwallis Maude with Mary, daughter of Philip Allen, and niece of Ralph. INDEX. Abbey, Bath, first built by Offa, 13 ; crowning of King Eadgar in, ib. \ re built by de Villula, 26 ; general diocesan collection for repair of, 36 ; state of at time of Reformation, ib. ; Lay ton's report on monks of, ib. \ sale of ' ' car case" of, 39 ; deed of sale, ib. ; first appointment of Rector of, 42 ; erection of buildings in precincts of, 42 ; public thoroughfare through, 65 ; rebuilding in 15th century, 102 Abbot of Bath, his dwelling, 25 Allen, Philip, father of Ralph Allen, 56 Allen, Philip, brother of Ralph Alien, 56 ; his residence in Lilliput Alley, 70 Allen, Phihp, Jun., appointed Comp troller of Cross-road Office in London, 204 Allen, Ralph, recognizes the evils existing in the Post OfBce system, 52 ; birth place of, 52, 56 ; entries of Allen marriages in Register of St. Blazey, Cornwall, ib. ; his father, 53, 56 ; anecdote of, ib. ; placed with his grand mother, postmistress of St. Columb, 54 ; removal to Bath, ib. ; story as to introduction to General 'Wade, and appointment as Postmaster of Bath, 55 ; his personal appearance in early life, 57; offers to farm the cross-post letters, 58 ; particulars of his contract, 59 ; marriage of, with Miss Earl, 60 ; reforms the Bath Post Office, ib. ; his second marriage, 62, 71 ; elected a member of the Bath Corporation, 65 ; his mayoralty, ib. ; difficulties as a Postal reformer, 6g ; removes Bath Post Office, ib. ; his house on North Parade, 70 ; second contract with the Government, 75 ; takes up his residence at Hampton Manor House, 76 ; makes roads at Hampton Down and at Prior Park, 77 ; document relating to latter, 78 ; constructs tramroad from Combe Down, 81 ; improvements to Bathamp ton estate, 83 ; his general character, 86 ; his patronage of Dr. 'Warburton , 90; the epithets "low-born" and "humble" applied to, ib. ; Warner's account of his breach with Pope, 93 ; reconciliation, 95 ; the stone business, 99 ; raised a company of volunteers, IOI n. , 155 ; plan and building of Prior Park, 104 ; joins committee for erection of Mineral-Water Hospital, 116 ; his benefactions to hospital, 118 ; his " charity money" for 1745, 120 ; postal reform, 121 ; commences daily posts, 123 ; social life at Prior Park, 126, 129 ; Richardson's account of his stone- yard, 134 ; Dr. John Burton's eulogy on, 140 ; Bishop Warburton's me morial to, 142 ; his purchase of Claver ton Manor, 151 ; his visits there, 153 ; his political views, 154 ; his connection with the representation of Bath, 155 ; correspondence respecting the election of 'Wm. Pitt, 159 ; correspondence with Pitt regarding the " adequate peace" address to the King, 176 ; the "one-headed Corporation" caricatures, 180 ; illness from cancer, 184 ; retire ment from public life, 185 ; last journey to London interrupted at Maidenhead, 187 ; return to Prior Park, ib. ; death, ib. ; tomb and epitaph in Claverton Churchyard, ib. ; his will, 226 appendix Allen, Ralph, Jun., 211 Amelia, Princess, visits to Bath, 130 ; received at Prior Park, ih. Baines, Bishop, purchase of Prior Park by, 108, 242 Barrow ridge, mound on, 17 Barton fair, 35 Bath, the Roman City, 5 ; the Norman City, ib. , 19 : in the tenth century a Royal demesne, 22 ; Queen Edith, high justiciar of, ib. ; burgh of, sold by Rufus to Jolin de ^'illula, 23 ; bishopric of Wells- transferred to, 26 ; first map of, 30 ; in the eighteenth century, 47 ; walls of, ib. ; corporation of, ib, 63, 244 Index. 103, 169, 172, 175, 179, 180 ; removal of walls of, 48 Bathampton, manor of, 72 ; remains of monk's cell at, ib., n. ; Allen takes up his residence at Manor house of, 76 ; improves house, 83 ; church of, 85 Batheaston, manor of, farmed by -Rufus to the burgesses, 23 ; a possession of Hosate family, 29 ; devolution of, ib. Bathford, a possession of the Hosate family, 29 ; devolution of, ib. Bath post office, in the old church, 58 n. ; removed to Allen's house, 69 ; ar rangements in, after Allen's death, 203 ; removal of the cross-road office to London, 204 Bath "society" in 1742, 127 Bath-stone, used by the Romans, 10, 12 ; quarry in Holloway, 12 ; used for com pletion of Abbey, 12 ; its ornamental use, 99 ; use of in erection of modern Bath, ib. ; at Greenwich Hospital, 100 ; at Prior Park, loi Baths, the Roman, discovered in 1755, II ; site of, covered and built over, II n. Bathwick, included in sale of privileges to John de 'Villula, 23 ; held by Alured, a Saxon Thane, 24 ; village of, ib. ; Norman church of, ib. Bear Inn, Smollett's description of, 117 Beau Nash, Dr. John Burton on, 140 ; notice of his life, 214 ; his gambling habits, 217 ; Goldsmith's Life of, 218 ; poem inscribed on portrait of, 223 ; his residences in the Sawclose, 224 ; his connection with Juliana Popjoy, 224 Beechencliff, origin of name, 35 Belgce, landing of in Britain, 2 Bennet family, pedigree of, 206 Bennet, Phihp, of "Widcombe House, M.P. for Bath, 64, 206 ; grants Allen right of way through the Mill Ground, 78 ; certificate of marriage of, 211 Berewyke, tithes of, assigned to St. Mary de StaU, 24 Birde, Prior, his work in rebuilding Abbey, 102 Blathwayt, 'William, M.P. for Bath, 64 Blazey, St., early residence of Ralph Allen, 53 Blount, Martha, 93 Bristol, Lady, account of visit to Claver ton, 186 n. ; on Bath Society in 1721, 216 n. Bush, 'Wm., Mayor of Bath, 64 Cantlow, Prior, saves Church of St. Mary Magdalen, 28 ; prepared to rebuild Abbey, 102 Catherine's, St. , Court and "Valley, 86 Celts, the earliest inhabitants of Britain, 2 ; amalgamation of with the Belgse, 5 Chapman Family, 41, 213 Chapman, "Walter, rebuilds Widcombe manor-house, 213 Christian Brothers, the, take over Prior Park, 242 Claverton Manor, 151 ; skirmish near, in 1643, 153 ; Lady Bristol's account of visit to, 186, n. Codrington, John, M.P. for Bath, 64 Combe, manor of, sold to Giso, Bishop of 'Wells, zz Combe IJown, tramroad constructed, 8i ; quarries, ib. Cork and Burlington, Earl of, designs houses in Bath, 66; Goldsmith's singular introduction to, 219, n. Corporation of Bath, the ' ' carcase" of the Abbey offered to it for sale, 103 ; Allen elected a member of, 63 ; improvement in character of, 68 ; relations with William Pitt, 169, 172 ; address to the King on the "adequate peace", 175; consequent rupture with Pitt, 179 ; cari catures of, 180 Domesday survey, the, 21 Drokensford, Bishop John de, decreeof, re garding endowment of St. Mary's, 29 ; remonstrance to Prior of Bath by, 33 Dunstan, St. , crowned Eadgar in Bath Abbey, 14 ; claimed as a native of Weston, 14 Dyrham, near Bath, battle of, 7 Earthworks and barrows, 2 Edith, queen, high justiciar of Bath, 22 Edward of Salisbury appointed justiciar of Bath, 23 Feet of Fines, quotations from, 32 Fielding, Henry, a visitor at Prior Park ; his estimate of Allen, 133 Fielding, Sarah, her residence at Wid combe, 133 Fisher, Robert, possessor of the great tithes of Bathampton, 73 Fosse, the, i, 5, 46 ; constructed by the Romans, 6, 11 ; identical with Hollo way, II ; its use for conveyance of stone and coal to the city, 11 Gainsborough, a visitor at Prior Park, 130 Index. 245 Garrick, a visitor at Prior Park, 130 Gay, Robert, M.P. for Bath, 64 Goldsmith, his Life of Nash, 218 ; his visit to Bath, 219 "Go to Bath," origin of expression, 116 Grant Allen on monastic institutions, 10 Graves, Rev. R., of Claverton, on Allen's birthplace, 52 ; on Allen's early post- office training, 54 ; his works and personal appearance, 134 ; his estimate of Bishop Warburton, 150 Greenway, Thomas, Bath stonecutter, 99 Hampton Do^vn, stone works on de veloped, 76 ; method of conveyance of stone from, ib. Harington of Kelston, lands of Bath Monastery bestowed on, 103 Hawarden, Lord, 211, 242 Hawley, Lord and Lady, their rooms frequented by Wade, 67 Henley, Robert, Earl of Northington, elected M.P. for Bath, 156; his court ship and marriage, 157 Hermen Street, 11, 46 Hide, the Somerset, 22 Holder, Charles, Allen's brother-in-law, 71 ; death of, 72 Holder, Richard, father of Allen's second wife, 71 ; purchased Bathampton manor, 73 Holeway, last Prior of Bath, 103 Holloway fair, 35, n. Hosate, or Hussey, family, 28 Hurd, Bishop, his estimate of Allen, 87 Icening Street, Roman road, 11, 46 Ina, King, divided see of Sherborne, 19 Jocelyn, Bishop, censures monks for mis management of domain, Z7 Jones, Richard, Allen's clerk of theworks, 83, IOI ; designed last wing of Prior Park, and Palladian bridge, 113 ; Newton bridge erected by, 155 Joyce, Mr. Herbert, references to his work on the Post Office, 45, 52, 55, 57, 60, 69, 73, 75, 121 Kilvert, Rev. Francis, Essay on Allen, 88 King, Bishop Oliver, helps the rebuilding of the Abbey, 102 King's Mead, included in sale of privi leges to John de 'Villula, 23 Langton and Temple families, 161 n. Leake, Bath boolieller, friend of Allen, 73 Lepers' Hospital, church for, designed by 'Walter Hosate, 28 Ligonier, Sir John, elected M.P. for Bath, 158 ; address to, from Bath Cor poration, 170 Lyncombe, domain of, and probable site of Saxon village, 13 ; manor of, eccle siastical property, 16 ; derivation of name, etc. , 30 ; reference to in Domes day, ib. ; products of, 17 ; included in sale of privilege to John de "Villula, 23 ; development of, 27 ; sale of church property in, at Reformation, 39 Mary de Stalls, St. , church of ; closed, 41 ; tower of used as prison, 50 ; nave ap propriated to Grammar School, ib. Mary Magdalen, St. , Norman church ot, erected by 'Walter Hosate, 28 Maude, Cornwallis, married Mary Allen, 211 Michael's, St. , sites of churches dedicated to, 27 church of ; remains of used for Post- office, 50 Millar, Lady, vUla of, at Batheaston, 85 Mineral-Water Hospital, Royal, origin of, 114 ; laying of foundation stone, 118 ; completion of, ib. Nomenclature, local, explained by early documents, 32 Northstoke, a British stronghold, i n. Offa's cathedral church of Bath, building of, 14 ; standing at accession of de "Villula to bishopric, 25 ; puUed down by de "Villula, 26 Old bridge, Bath, Early-Enghsh church near, 30 OUver, Dr., 116 Osric, king of the Huiccii, obtains power in Wessex, 8 ; his tomb in Gloucester Cathedral, 8, 9 n. ; probable bmlder of first Widcombe church, 13 Picts and Scots, attacks by, encouraged by departure ofthe Romans, 5 Pitt, WiUiam, purchases No. 7, The Circus, 132 ; his advancement of War burton, 138 ; correspondence respecting his candidature for representation of Bath, 159 ; supported in his policy by the Bath Corporation, and his poUtical 246 Index. connection with the city, 168 ; address to, with Lord Ligonier, 170 ; a second address to, and jeply, 172 ; letter from, to AUen, on the " adequate peace" ad dress to the King, 176 ; created Earl of Chatham, 180 ; his connection with the Wilkes case, 191 et seq. Pope's intimacy with Allen, 89 ; his coup let on Allen, 90 Pope's Walk, 114 Popjoy, JuUana, her life with Beau Nash, 224 ; subsequent life and death, 225 Post Office, General, state of before AUen's time, 45, 51 ; Allen's arrange ments under his contract, 59 ; AUen's troubles with and reforms in, 121 ; establishraent of the Cross-ro'ad office in London, 204 Potter, Thomas, M. P. , a visitor at Prior Park, 131 ; letter from, to AUen, on retirement of Henley, 159 Prior Park, 18; sale of after Dissolution, 40 ; subsequent purchasers, ib. , purchase of by Ralph Alien, 42 ; roads made by by Allen, 77 ; document relating to, 78 ; erection of, 104 ; the stables and pavilion, 106 ; the central mansion, 108 ; visitors to, 130 ; at the present day, 242 Priors, rank of, 25 n. Priory, Bath, decay of lands of, 102 Pulteney, Sir William, 118 Quash, appointment of as Bath Post master, 50 ; death of, 58 Quin, a visitor at Prior Park, 131 Roads, state of in the eighteenth century, 51 ; horses used for travelling on, ib. Romans, The, discovery of the beds of oolite by, 10; remains ot their baths, 11 Saxons, invited to assist the Belgae, 5 ; attack the British and capture Bath, 6 ; their religious rites, 7 ; not road makers, 13; characteristics of the, 14 Sham Castle, erection of, 70 Shockerwick, seat of the Hosate family, 28 ; devolution of, 29 ; house and park restored by the WUtshires, ib. Smith, Milo, an opponent of AUen's in the stone trade, 100 SmoUett on Bath, 221 Sodbury, camp of Saxons at, 6 Strahan, a visitor at Prior Park, 153 ; correspondence with AUen, 189 " Sylvia, Madame", tragic death of, 222 Thicknesse's description of Prior Park, and Allen, 97 'Via Badonica, The, 1, 11, 46 Via JuUa, The, i ¦Villula, John de, purchased the iDUrgh of Bath, 23 ; succeeded to bishopric of WeUs, ib. , 25 ; transferred bishopric to Bath, 26 ; rebuilt Abbey church, ib. Wade, Marshal, story of Allen's introduc tion to him, 55 ; marriage of his daughter with Allen, 60; elected M.P. for Bath, 64 ; benefactions of, to Bath, 65 ; portrait of, 66 ; his house in the Abbey churchyard, ib. ; erection of obelisk to, by AUen, 154 ; his death, 158 Walcot, included in sale of privileges to John de ViUula, 23 Wansdike, the, i ; constructed as a boundary between the Celts and Belgae, 2 ; derivation of name, ib. ; course of, ib. -, most perfect near Englishcombe Wood, 4 ; length of, 5 Warburton, Bishop, his introduction to AUen, 88 ; his first visit to Prior Park, 90 ; sermons in aid of Mineral-Water Hospital, 119; birth ofhis son, 132; his relations with Pope, 135 ; his rela tions with Allen, 137; death of his son and epitaph on, ib. - his residence at Prior Park, 138 ; his memorial to Allen, 142 ; biographical notice of, 144 ; his epitaph, 149 ; Rev. R. Graves on, 150 ; Strahan's references to, 189 et seq. Warner, Rev. R. , on the religious rites of the Saxons, 7; on the Norman conquest, 19 ; his account of the breach between Allen and Pope, 93 Watling Street, Roman road, 11, 46 Wells, see of, created, 19; Athelm, first bishop of, ib. Wessex, sub-division of sees of, 19 "Widcombe, derivation of name, 16 ; reference to in Do7nesda-v, ib. ; included in sale of privileges to John de ViUula, 23 ; development of, 27 ; estate of, at time of Reformation, 37 ; sale of, 39, 41 Widcombe Church, Old, early church probably founded by Osric, 13 ; present church, 213 Widcombe manor-house, 213 ; designed by Inigo Jones, ib. Indi ex. 247 Wilkes, proceedings concerning, in Houses of Parliament, 189 et seq.; his trial, 202 WiUiam the Conqueror, Warner on, 19 ; Freeman on, 20 Wiltshire's Rooms frequented by Wade, 67 ; by Beau Nash, Z17 Wolfe, General, residence of, 49 Wood, the first, began the work of rebuUding Bath, 49 ; Prior Park erected by, 88 Wood, the second. Royal Baths erected by, 58 n. Woolley, part of manor of Bathwick, 24 Yorke, Charles, a visitor at Prior Park, 131 At Batheaston. LONDON ; PRINTED AT THE BEDFORD PRESS, 20 AND 21, BEDFORDBURY, W.C. i 1 . ¦¦ T . I m »--:-fi;it^t=S:,'